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border-right: thin solid;} + table.authors {font-variant: small-caps;} + /*------------------------------------------------------------------------- */ + /* Links */ + /*------------------------------------------------------------------------- */ + a:link {color: blue; background-color: inherit; text-decoration: none} + link {color: blue; background-color: inherit; text-decoration: none} + a:visited {color: blue; background-color: inherit; text-decoration: none} + a:hover {color: red; background-color: inherit} + /*------------------------------------------------------------------------- */ + /* @media */ + /*------------------------------------------------------------------------- */ + @media screen, print + { + body { + width: 80%; + margin: auto;} + } + @media print, handheld + { + body { + margin: 0; + padding: 0; + width: 95%;} + h2 { + page-break-before: always; + padding-top: 1em;} + } + + @media handheld + { + em { + font-weight: bold; + letter-spacing: 0; + margin-right: 0;} + .chapter-beginning { + page-break-before: always;} + h2.no-break { + page-break-before: avoid; + padding-top: 0;} + .poetry { + display: block; + margin-left: 1.5em;} + div.covernote { /* Make cover TN visible for epub */ + visibility: visible; + display: block; } + } + </style> +</head> +<body> +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44343 ***</div> + +<div class="trans-note"> +<p class="heading">Transcriber's Note:</p> + +<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully +as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other +inconsistencies. Most notably, in Issue No. 2, April, 1923, spelling +errors found in Paul Cuffe's own writings (e.g., travel journals, +letters, will, etc.) are left as published. Text that has been changed +is noted at the <a href="#END">end</a> of this ebook.</p> + +<div class="covernote"> +<p>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> +</div> +</div> + +<div id="title-page"> +<h1>THE JOURNAL<br /> +<small>OF</small><br /> +NEGRO HISTORY</h1> + +<p>CARTER G. WOODSON<br /> +<small>EDITOR</small></p> + +<p><span class="spacious">VOLUME VIII</span></p> + +<p><big>1923</big></p> + +<p class="publisher">THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE<br /> +AND HISTORY, <span class="sc">Inc.</span><br /><br /> + +<small>LANCASTER, PA., AND WASHINGTON, D. C.<br /> +1923</small></p> + +<p class="publisher"><small>LANCASTER PRESS, INC.<br /> +LANCASTER, PA.</small></p> +</div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII</h2> + +<hr class="tiny" /> + +<p class="center"><a href="#No_1">No. 1. January, 1923</a></p> + + +<div class="narrow"> +<table summary="toc"> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">L. P. Jackson:</span> <i>The Educational Efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau and Freedmen's Aid Societies in South Carolina, 1862-1872</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">G. R. Wilson:</span> <i>The Religion of the American Negro Slave: His Attitude toward Life and Death</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">G. Smith Wormley:</span> <i>Prudence Crandall</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_72">72</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Documents:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_81">81</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><i>Extracts from Newspapers and Magazines.</i><br /><i>Anna Murray-Douglass—My Mother as I Recall Her.</i><br /><i>Frederick Douglass in Ireland.</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Book Reviews:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_108">108</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><span class="sc">Bragg's</span> <i>The History of the Afro-American Group of the Episcopal Church</i>; <span class="sc">Haynes's</span> <i>The Trend of the Races</i>; <span class="sc">Hammond's</span> <i>In the Vanguard of a Race</i>; The Chicago Commission on Race Relations, <i>The Negro in Chicago</i>.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Notes:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_115">115</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_116">116</a></td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center space-above"><a href="#No_2">No. 2. April, 1923</a></p> + + +<div class="narrow"> +<table summary="toc"> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">J. W. Bell:</span> <i>The Teaching of Negro History</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Paul W. L. Jones:</span> <i>Negro Biography</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_128">128</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">George W. Brown:</span> <i>Haiti and the United States</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_134">134</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">H. N. Sherwood:</span> <i>Paul Cuffe</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_153">153</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Documents:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_230">230</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><i>The Will of Paul Cuffe.</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Book Reviews:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_233">233</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><span class="sc">Wiener's</span> <i>Africa and the Discovery of America</i>; <span class="sc">Detweiler's</span> <i>The Negro Press in the United States</i>; <span class="sc">McGregor's</span> <i>The Disruption of Virginia</i>; <span class="sc">Johnston's</span> <i>A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages</i>.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Notes:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_243">243</a></td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p class="center space-above"><a href="#No_3">No. 3. July, 1923</a></p> + + +<div class="narrow"> +<table summary="toc"> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">T. R. Davis:</span> <i>Negro Servitude in the United States</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_247">247</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[Pg iv]</a></span><span class="sc">Gordon B. Hancock:</span> <i>Three Elements of African Culture</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">J. C. Hartzell:</span> <i>Methodism and the Negro in the United States</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_301">301</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">William Renwick Riddell:</span> <i>Notes on the Slave in Nouvelle France</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_316">316</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Documents:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_331">331</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><i>Banishment of the Free People of Color from Cincinnati.</i><br /><i>First Protest against Slavery in the United States.</i><br /><i>A Negro Pioneer in the West.</i><br /><i>Concerning the Origin of Wilberforce.</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Communications:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_338">338</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><p class="hang tinyspace-above"><i>A Letter from Mr. J. W. Cromwell bearing on the Negro in West Virginia.</i></p><p class="hang"><i>A Letter from Dr. James S. Russell giving Information about Peter George Morgan of Petersburg, Virginia.</i></p><p class="hang"><i>A Letter from Captain A. B. Spingarn about early Education of the Negroes in New York.</i></p></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Book Reviews:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_346">346</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><span class="sc">Jones's</span> <i>Piney Woods and its Story</i>; <span class="sc">Johnson's</span> <i>American Negro Poetry</i>; <span class="sc">Rhodes's</span> <i>The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations</i>; <span class="sc">Gummere's</span> <i>Journal of John Woolman</i>.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Notes:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_351">351</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">The Spring Conference</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center space-above"><a href="#No_4">No. 4. October, 1923</a></p> + + +<div class="narrow"> +<table summary="toc"> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Albert Parry:</span> <i>Abram Hannibal, the Favorite of Peter the Great</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_359">359</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Alrutheus A. Taylor:</span> <i>The Movement of the Negroes from the East to the Gulf States from 1830 to 1850</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_367">367</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Elizabeth Ross Haynes:</span> <i>Negroes in Domestic Service in the United States</i></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_384">384</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Documents:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_443">443</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><i>Documents and Comments on Benefit of Clergy as applied to Slaves, by Wm. K. Boyd.</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Communications:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_448">448</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><p class="hang tinyspace-above"><i>A Letter from A. P. Vrede giving an Account of the Achievements of the Rev. Cornelius Winst Blyd of Dutch Guiana.</i></p><p class="hang"><i>A Letter from Captain T. G. Steward throwing Light on various Phases of Negro History.</i></p></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Book Reviews:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_455">455</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent"><span class="sc">Frobenius's</span> <i>Das Unbekannte Africa</i>; <span class="sc">Oberholtzer's</span> <i>History of the United States since the Civil War</i>; <span class="sc">Lucas's</span> <i>Partition of Africa</i>; <span class="sc">Jackson's</span> <i>Boy's Life of Booker T. Washington</i>.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Notes:</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_465">465</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left hang"><span class="sc">Annual Report of the Director for the Year 1922-23</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_466">466</a></td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<hr class="chap" /> +<p><a name="No_1" id="No_1"></a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> + + +<div class="second-title"> +<p>THE JOURNAL<br /> +<span class="smalltext">OF</span><br /> +NEGRO HISTORY</p> +</div> + +<hr class="tiny" /> + +<p class="center sc"> +Vol. VIII., No. 1 January, 1923.</p> + +<hr class="tiny" /> + + +<h2>THE EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS OF THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU AND FREEDMEN'S AID +SOCIETIES IN SOUTH CAROLINA, 1862-1872<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h2> + + +<h3>Introduction</h3> + +<p>Slavery in the United States was abolished by force of circumstances. +The appeal to arms in April, 1861, was made by the North for the +purpose of saving the Union, but only within a few months after +the breaking out of hostilities "what shall we do with the slaves +within our lines" was the cry heard from all sections of the invaded +territory. Deserted by their masters or endeavoring to obtain freedom, +the Negroes came into the Union camps in such large numbers that +humanitarian as well as military reasons demanded that something be +done to change their status and alleviate their physical suffering.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +In the absence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> of a uniform national policy on the matter, the +several commanding generals settled the question according to their +own notions. Butler, at Fortress Monroe, for example, refused +to return the group of fugitive slaves and cleverly styled them +"contraband of war."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p> + +<p>It was under these circumstances that voluntary benevolent +associations or freedmen's aid societies sprang up in quick succession +all over the North as agencies first to relieve physical suffering +and finally to administer to the religious and educational needs of +the blacks and white refugees. Missionary efforts were rapidly pushed +by them to all Confederate States just as fast as the Union armies +advanced into the invaded territory. These private philanthropic +efforts which began in 1861 finally led toward the close of the war +to the establishment by the United States Government of the Bureau of +Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands—an agency which carried on the +work already begun by the societies and at the same time cooperated +with them until changed conditions were reached about 1870.</p> + +<p>The military event in South Carolina which called forth immediate +relief was the capture of Hilton Head and the adjacent sea islands on +November 7, 1861, by Commodore Dupont and General T. W. Sherman.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> +The agencies formed to succor the blacks on these islands were +the New England Freedmen's Aid Society, the New York National +Freedmen's Relief Association, and the Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief +Association. These several bodies were non-sectarian in character. +Cooperating with them were some regular church organizations.</p> + +<p>At some time during the seven years existence of the Freedmen's +Bureau it embraced a six-fold program: (1) distributing rations and +medical supplies; (2) establishing schools and aiding benevolent +associations; (3) regulating labor contracts; (4) taking charge of +confiscated lands; (5) administering justice in cases where blacks +were concerned,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> and (6) the payment of bounties to soldiers. The +societies likewise exercised various physical functions, but it is +only the educational activities of all parties concerned that are of +primary interest here.</p> + +<p>The chosen period of ten years, 1862-1872, represents a rise and +fall. During the war the non-sectarian societies operated with all +the vigor that the military situation would permit. At its close in +1865 and lasting through 1866 their greatest efforts were expended. +Beginning about 1867, signs of retrenchment appear; and in 1868 their +operations practically cease. At the same time, both as a cause and as +a result of the dissolution of the non-sectarian societies, the church +organizations took up the work and carried it not only until the end +of this decade but down to the present time. The Freedmen's Bureau, +as guardian over all, had no funds the first year or two, but in 1867 +and especially in 1868 and 1869 when the societies weakened, it did +its greatest work. After 1870 the Freedmen's Bureau had but a nominal +existence. By Congressional action the institution expired in 1872. +With this ending and one or two important developments by the church +organizations in 1871 and 1872, this essay likewise closes.</p> + +<p>This educational campaign is thus one conducted by outside parties. +The several organizations adopted the policy of "no distinction on +account of race or color"; but, inasmuch as the schools were conducted +primarily for the blacks, these ten years represent an effort for +this race with automatically very little attention to the native +whites. The subject, then, lends itself to the following organization: +The Port Royal Experiment, the organization and relationship, the +establishment and work of schools, the difficulties and complications, +and self-help and labor among the freedmen.</p> + + +<h3>The Port Royal Experiment</h3> + +<p>The sea islands of South Carolina are located between Charleston and +Savannah on the Atlantic seaboard. In<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> the group connected with the +capture of Hilton Head are St. Helena, Port Royal, Morgan, Paris and +Phillips. Collectively, as a military designation, these were known as +Port Royal. On these islands in 1861 there were about nine thousand +slaves,—the lowest in America.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> As laborers on the cotton and rice +plantations these slaves for generations had been removed from all the +influences that tended to elevate the bondmen elsewhere. They were +densely illiterate, superstitious and in general but little removed +from African barbarism.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> To add to the general low stage of these +slaves their language was a jargon hardly understandable by those who +came to teach them.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> For example, some of them would say: "Us aint +know nothin' an' you is to larn we."</p> + +<p>Upon the capture of Hilton Head by the Federals, the white masters +fled to Charleston and the up-country and abandoned all of their +property.<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The control of abandoned property at this time rested +with the Treasury Department. Accordingly, Secretary Chase sent Edward +L. Pierce, of Milton, Massachusetts, to Port Royal to report on the +amount of cotton and also to make recommendations for its collection +and sale. The findings of Pierce together with that of Sherman in +command of the military forces introduce us to our main story. At +the suggestion of Chase, Pierce and Sherman sent appeals broadcast +to the North for the immediate relief of the abandoned slaves. In +February, 1862, Sherman issued this General Order No. 9: "The helpless +condition of the blacks inhabiting the vast area in the occupation of +the forces of this command, calls for immediate action on the part +of a highly favored and philanthropic people.... Hordes of totally +uneducated,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> ignorant and improvident blacks have been abandoned by +their constitutional guardians, not only to all the future chances of +anarchy and starvation, but in such a state of abject ignorance and +mental stolidity as to preclude all possibility of self-government +and self-maintenance in their present condition.... To relieve the +Government of a burden that may hereafter become insupportable ... a +suitable system of culture and instruction must be combined with one +providing for their physical wants. In the meanwhile ... the service +of competent instructors will be received whose duties will consist in +teaching them, both young and old, the rudiments of civilization and +Christianity."<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<p>In response to this appeal there was organized in Boston, on February +7, 1862, the Boston Education Commission, later known as the New +England Freedmen's Aid Society or the New England Society, and on the +twenty-second of the same month, at a mass meeting held at the Cooper +Institute in New York City, the New York National Freedmen's Relief +Association was organized. At this meeting the following rules were +adopted with reference to the abandoned slaves:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>1. "They must be treated as free men.</p> + +<p>2. "They must earn their livelihood like other freemen and not be +dependent upon charity.</p> + +<p>3. "Schools and churches shall be established among them, and the +sick shall be cared for."<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>Following in the wake of Boston and New York came Philadelphia in +March with the Port Royal Relief Committee, later known as the +Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association or the Pennsylvania +Society. Carrying out the resolutions mentioned above, there assembled +on the third of March, 1862, at the port of New York, a party of +fifty-three teachers and superintendents of labor, including twelve +women, who set sail on the same day for Port<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> Royal.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The salaries +of these persons were to be paid by their respective societies, while +transportation and military protection were afforded by the United +States Government. Following this original party in March and April, +came twenty more representatives from the New England Society and +likewise added increments from New York, Philadelphia and elsewhere +all through the year. In the Fall the American Missionary Association +of New York added a corps of thirty-one teachers. It must be remarked +at this point that these individuals represented the flower of New +England culture. The first party, "Gideonites" as they were called, +was made up in part of recent graduates of Harvard, Yale, Brown and +the divinity schools of Andover and Cambridge.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Furthermore, they +were sent forward on their mission by William Cullen Bryant, William +Lloyd Garrison, Francis G. Shaw and Edward Everett Hale, with the +sanction and close cooperation of the Secretary of the Treasury, S. P. +Chase.</p> + +<p>The voluntary steps taken by these parties attracted considerable +attention and concern from the best minds of Europe, as well as the +United States. Articles on the subject appeared in English and French +periodicals.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> The result of these efforts to aid and elevate the +sea island Negroes was to be considered as an index as to their +ability to learn and likewise would indicate the possibility of +general development of slaves in other States. The labors of the +United States Government and the societies here, therefore, came to be +known as the "Port Royal Experiment."</p> + +<p>The United States Government and the regulation of the abandoned +territory for three years, until the close of the war, underwent a +number of changes. Prior to the arrival of the Gideonites on March +9th, the territory was controlled by the special cotton agent, E. L. +Pierce, as directed by the Treasury Department. In June, in response +to Congressional action, control passed to the War<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> Department. Pierce +was displaced and Major Rufus Saxton was made the administrator with +headquarters at Beaufort on Port Royal. His duties were to supervise +the growth and sale of cotton, to regulate labor, to direct the +activities of new comers and settle them at suitable points over +the several islands. At the same time the military forces stationed +at Hilton Head passed successively under the command of Sherman and +General David Hunter.</p> + +<p>Pursuant to the Congressional Act of June 7, 1862, "for the collection +of direct taxes in insurrectionary states" the abandoned property was +bought in by the United States Government and private individuals. In +September, 1863, the Government relinquished its purchases whereby the +"freedmen," as they were now called, could buy property in twenty-acre +lots and at the same time establish school farms of six thousand +acres, the proceeds from which were to be used for educational +purposes. According to the plan laid out by Pierce, the islands were +divided into four districts which contained a total of one hundred and +eighty-nine plantations.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Over each district was placed a general +superintendent with a local superintendent for each plantation. W. C. +Gannet and John C. Zachas of the New England Society were placed in +charge of the schools.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> + +<p>School work had already begun prior to the arrival of the main party +through the initiative taken by Pierce and his coworkers. On the +eighth of January, 1862, Rev. Solomon Peck, of Roxbury, Massachusetts, +established a school for the contrabands at Beaufort. Another was +opened at Hilton Head by Barnard K. Lee of Boston the same month.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> +In February there was organized still another at Beaufort, which +was taught for a short while by an agent of the American Missionary +Association.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> In estimating what was accomplished by these +preliminary disorganized efforts we can assume that it was no more +than learning the alphabet.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span></p> + +<p>After their arrival in March those persons who had come in the +capacity of teachers began their work immediately. By the eighth +of May there were eight schools in operation.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> The improvised +school houses consisted of cotton barns, sheds or old kitchens and +"praise houses."<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> Some had classes in tents.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> The furniture +correspondingly was equally as crude. The desks were mere boards +thrown across old chairs. A fair idea of the general informal state of +affairs both as to the time and place of teaching is gained by this +recital of one teacher's experience: "I leave town about 6 o'clock A. +M. and arrive at the first plantation about 9, and commence teaching +those too young to labor. About 11 the task is done, and the field +hands come in for their share. About 1 P. M. I go to the other three +plantations one and a half miles. They assemble at the most central +one for instruction. This lasts about two hours, first teaching the +young then the older persons ... there being no buildings suitable +for a school on any plantation, I teach them under the shadow of a +tree, where it is more comfortable than any house could be in hot +weather."<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> In only one or two instances were there buildings +erected specifically for school purposes. One interesting case is that +of a building sent from the North in sections and likewise erected +piece by piece. An estimate of what was done as a whole during the +first year of the "experiment" may be made from the fact that 35,829 +books and pamphlets were sent to Port Royal by northern agencies, and +3,000 scholars were put under instruction. In addition to this purely +educational effort there were distributed 91,834 garments, 5,895 yards +of cloth, and $3,000 worth of farming implements and seeds.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> + +<p>Further light on the general nature and progress of the work is gained +through a return visit made by Pierce to Port Royal in March, 1863. At +this time he reported that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> there were more than 30 schools conducted +by about 40 or 45 teachers. The average attendance was 2,000 pupils +and the enrollment 1,000 more. The ages ranged from 8 to 12.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> As +to the studies "the advanced classes were reading simple stories and +mastered some passages in such common school books, as Hillard's +<i>Second Primary Reader</i>, Wilson's <i>Second Reader</i>, and others of +similar grade." Some few were having elementary lessons in arithmetic, +geography and writing.</p> + +<p>A very large part of the school exercises consisted of utilizing what +the teachers found the scholars endowed with by nature—an abundance +of feeling as expressed in their folk songs and crude religion. An +insight into their inwardly depressed condition is gained by the fact +that these songs were usually cast in the minor mode, although they +were sung in a joyful manner.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> "In their lowest state singing was +the one thing they could always do well. At first they sang melody +alone, but after having once been given an idea of harmony, they +instantly adopted it. Their time and tone were always true."<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> They +took particular delight in ringing out "Roll Jordan Roll." Along with +the singing the general atmosphere of the instruction was religious. +Indeed, the New Testament was used as a text-book. After the pupils +had learned to read a little they were set to work learning the Psalms +and the Ten Commandments.</p> + +<p>One teacher of the Port Royal group, herself of African descent, was +Charlotte S. Forten of Philadelphia. She was a graduate of the State +Normal School, Salem, Massachusetts, and had taught in the same city. +Refusing a residence in Europe, she joined one of the parties for Port +Royal to teach among her own people. This woman enjoyed the friendship +of Whittier and, as a beautiful singer herself, the poet sent her +directly his <i>Hymn</i> written for the scholars of St. Helena Island +which she taught them to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> sing for the Emancipation Proclamation +exercises of January 1, 1863.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> + +<p>The banner school on "St. Helen's Isle" and Port Royal was the one +in charge of Laura M. Towne, of Philadelphia, and supported by the +Philadelphia Society. After three years' work this school had reached +a fair degree of organization. The school was conducted in the +building sent in sections as referred to above and was known as the +"Penn School" in honor of the society which supported it. Classes +were grouped as primary, intermediate, and higher, each in charge +of one teacher in a separate room. The branches of study, however, +were the same in all—reading, spelling, writing, geography, and +arithmetic.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> The situation here described represents in the embryo +the present day Penn Normal and Agricultural Institute.</p> + +<p>Similarly well housed was the school taught by Elizabeth Hyde Botume, +of Boston, under the auspices of the New England Society. It commands +interest for the reason that it was the beginning in industrial +training on these islands. As plantation laborers the pupils knew +little or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> nothing of sewing. To supply this need Miss Botume +solicited the necessary apparatus from her northern friends and began +work on some old contraband goods stored in an arsenal. She reported +that sewing was a fascination to all and that "they learned readily +and soon developed much skill and ingenuity."<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> This school has come +down today as the Old Fort Plantation School. The work of these two +women thus took on a permanent character and to this extent largely +formed an exception to the general informality of the schooling at +Port Royal.</p> + +<p>Obviously, the heroic efforts of the several societies to assist +the blacks amounted to far more than school-room procedure. Indeed, +this was a very small part of the work of the teachers and it was +so regarded by them. They visited the little cabins, counselled and +advised their wards, attended church, and taught them in the Sabbath +Schools. Three years of this intermingling between the culture of +New England and the most degraded slaves in America resulted in +some promising signs for the latter. There was some improvement in +manners and dress and an increase in wants. At the stores set up on +the islands they were buying small articles for the improvement of +their surroundings.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> For the first time they were now being paid +wages. At the tax sales in March, 1863, when 16,479 acres were up +for auction they purchased about 3,500 acres at the price of 93½ +cents an acre. Shortly afterwards they had doubled this amount.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> +As free laborers, however, they were somewhat disappointing to their +new employers since old habits still persisted. All in all, with some +three thousand or one-third of the whole number having received "more +or less" instruction in books the societies were well satisfied with +the experiment and at the close of the war increased their efforts at +Port Royal and throughout the State.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span></p> + + +<h3>Organization and Relationship</h3> + +<p>The Freedmen's Bureau as established by Act of Congress March 3, 1865, +"with the supervision and management of all abandoned lands and the +control of all subjects relating to refugees and freedmen from rebel +states," was an outgrowth of the Port Royal experiment and other such +enterprises carried on elsewhere. Social conditions in the South at +the close of the war called for increased efforts on the part of +northern benevolence, but this was only possible through governmental +aid and supervision. The societies already at work during the war made +appeals to the government toward this end. One committee, for example, +on December 1, 1863, stated that the needs represented "a question +too large for anything short of government authority, government +resources, and government ubiquity to deal with."<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> + +<p>The organization of the Freedmen's Bureau as affecting South +Carolina consisted of a commissioner at Washington, an assistant +commissioner for the State at large with headquarters at Charleston, +and sub-assistant commissioners—one for each of the five districts +into which the State was divided. Furthermore, there was a subdivision +of each district with agents in charge. For the educational work +of the Freedmen's Bureau there was a corps consisting of a general +superintendent on the commissioner's staff, a State superintendent +correspondingly on the assistant commissioner's staff at Charleston, +and the various sub-assistant commissioners and agents who combined +the supervision of schools with their other duties. The personnel of +this hierarchy consisted of General O. O. Howard, Commissioner, J. W. +Alvord, general superintendent of education, General Rufus Saxton, +General R. K. Scott, Colonel J. R. Edie, successively, assistant +commissioners, and Reuben Tomlinson, Major Horace Neide, Major E. +L. Deane, successively, State superintendents of education. These +officers, beginning with the lowest, made to their respective<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> chiefs +monthly, quarterly or semi-annual reports which were finally submitted +to the commissioner at Washington, who was required to make "before +the commencement of each regular session of Congress, a full report of +his proceedings."</p> + +<p>The duties of the general superintendent were to "collect information, +encourage the organization of new schools, find homes for teachers and +supervise the whole work."<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> Similarly, the State superintendent was +to take cognizance of all that was "being done to educate refugees and +freedmen, secure proper protection to schools and teachers, promote +method and efficiency, and correspond with the benevolent agencies +... supplying his field."<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> On October 5, 1865, Tomlinson sent out +this notice to the people of the whole State: "I request all persons +in any part of this state ... to communicate with me furnishing me +with all the facilities for establishing schools in their respective +neighborhoods."<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> + +<p>Between the Freedmen's Bureau and the several aid societies there was +perfect understanding. Howard announced: "In all this work it is not +my purpose to supersede the benevolent agencies already engaged, but +to systematize and facilitate them."<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> So close was the cooperation +between the efforts of the Bureau and the societies that it is hard in +places to separate the work of the two.</p> + +<p>Prior to the supplementary Freedmen's Bureau Act of July 16, 1866, the +Commission had no funds appropriated to it for educational purposes. +It was able to help only by supervision, transportation of teachers +and occupation of buildings in possession of the Freedmen's Bureau. +This action of the first year met the full approval of Congress, for +in the Act of July 16, 1866, it was stated "that the commissioner +... shall at all time cooperate with private<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> benevolent agencies of +citizens in aid of freedmen ... and shall hire or provide by lease +buildings for purposes of education whenever such association shall +without cost to the government, provide suitable teachers and means of +instruction, and he shall furnish such protection as may be required +for the safe conduct of such schools." Further, "the commissioner of +this bureau shall have power to seize, hold, use, lease or sell all +buildings and tenements ... and to use the same or appropriate the +proceeds derived therefrom to the education of the freed people."<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> +In the following March, 1867, $500,000 was appropriated by Congress +for the Freedmen's Bureau "for buildings for schools and asylums; +including construction, rental and repairs."<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + +<p>The aid societies which under these provisions operated in South +Carolina may be classified in three groups:</p> + +<p>1. Non-sectarian: The New York National Freedmen's Relief Association, +the New England Freedmen's Aid Society and the Pennsylvania Freedmen's +Relief Association (as enumerated above).</p> + +<p>2. Denominational: (<i>a</i>) The American Baptist Home Mission Society; +(<i>b</i>) the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church; +(<i>c</i>) the Presbyterian Committee of Missions for Freedmen; (<i>d</i>) the +Friends Association of Philadelphia for the Aid and Elevation of the +Freedmen; (<i>e</i>) and the Protestant Episcopal Freedman's Commission.</p> + +<p>3. Semi-denominational: The American Missionary Association.</p> + +<p>To the non-sectarian societies might be added the London Freedmen's +Aid Society and the Michigan Freedmen's Relief Association, although +the latter supported only one school and for a short time only. +The American Missionary Association, during the war, served as +the agency for the Free Will Baptists, Wesleyan Methodists, and +Congregationalists, at which time its work was non-sectarian; but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> +as the first two drew out at the close of the war, this association +became very largely a congregational agency, establishing churches +along with its schools. None of these several agencies confined their +attention exclusively to South Carolina, although two of them, the New +York and New England societies, did their best work in this State.</p> + +<p>The spirit of good will that existed between the Freedmen's Bureau and +the societies, however, did not exist among the societies themselves, +particularly among the church organizations. For the purpose of +bringing about coordination and unity of action from 1863 to 1866, the +New York, New England and Pennsylvania societies joined hands with +various western societies operating in other States. Each year and +oftener these bodies underwent reorganization until in May, 1866, at +Cleveland, all non-sectarian societies in all parts of the country +united and formed the American Freedmen's Union Commission.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> To +this general body the local societies sustained a relationship of +local autonomy. They were now known as the New York, New England, and +Pennsylvania "Branches."</p> + +<p>In addition to the organization already mentioned, there were attached +to each of the branches or local bodies numerous auxiliaries which +usually made themselves responsible for some one teacher or group +of teachers. In 1867 the New England Society had a total of 187 +auxiliaries, 104 in Massachusetts, 75 in Vermont, 6 in New Hampshire, +1 in Connecticut and 1 in Georgia.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> The strongest New England +auxiliary was that at Dorchester, while that of New York was at +Yonkers. The London Freedmen's Aid Society with its many branches +raised one-half a million of dollars for the cause of the freedmen +in America. England reasoned that since America had given so freely +toward the Irish famine that it was now her duty and opportunity to +return the favor.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> South Carolina's share in this sum<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> was the +support of a school at Greenville and one at St. Helena.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p>During the war the several church bodies supported the non-sectarian +societies, but toward the close of the war they began by degrees to +withdraw support and take independent action.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> To their regular +missionary departments was now added this new "Freedmen's Aid Society" +and to support it a "Freedmen's Fund." Several of the churches +also had their Woman's Home Missionary Society which established +and conducted schools in conjunction with the parent organization. +The efforts of the Presbyterians, Friends, and Episcopalians were +similarly directed in that they established the parochial type of +school as an annex to the church. With some exceptions, this policy +militated against the progress of their schools.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> Among all the +different classes of societies the American Missionary Association +(New York City) was the best prepared for its work. This association +was organized in 1846 and prior to the war had already established +schools and missions.</p> + +<p>The several groups of societies had elements in common. They were one +on the question of the treatment of the Negro, there being scarcely +any difference in their purposes as stated in their constitutions. +They felt that the National Government was too silent on the +principles of freedom and equality and that the State Governments, +North as well as South, had laws inimical to the Negro that should be +abolished. The two groups differed in personnel, the non-sectarian +consisting largely of business men, particularly the New York Society, +and the denominational of clergymen. In the selection of teachers the +former made no requirements as to church affiliation, whereas the +latter usually upheld this principle.</p> + +<p>The ultimate aim of the church bodies was usually religious. They +endeavored to institute the true principles of Christianity among the +blacks, but in order to do this,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> in order to raise up ministers and +Christian leaders among them, schools were necessary.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> The Baptists +in particular emphasized the training of ministers and the reports of +their agents in the field always included the number baptized along +with the number of schools and students.</p> + + +<h3>Establishment and Work of Schools</h3> + +<p>The schools established during this period may be roughly classified +as primary and higher, under the auspices of the non-sectarian and +denominational bodies respectively. They include day schools, night +schools, and Sabbath schools.</p> + +<p>The term "higher" includes secondary and college instruction, although +within this decade only two or three schools were even doing secondary +work while another which reports "classical" students was really +of secondary rank. Some of the church schools were graced with the +name "college" and "university" which in reality merely represents +the expectation of the promoters. In later years at least two of the +institutions begun at this time reached college rank.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> + +<p>The Freedmen's Bureau assumed general charge and supervision of +education for the State in the fall of 1865, under the direction of +Superintendent Reuben Tomlinson. Schools were in operation, however, +before this time—those at Port Royal and the Beaufort district, as +mentioned above, continued in operation and in increased numbers. +At Charleston schools were opened under the control of the military +government on the fourth of March, 1865, only a few weeks after the +surrender of the city. James Redpath was appointed as superintendent +of these schools. Outside of these two places no regularly organized +schools were begun until the Fall, when they were extended over all +the State.</p> + +<p>The Charleston and Columbia schools are of chief interest. On March +31, 1865, after the schools had just<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> opened, Redpath reported the +following in operation with the attendance of each:</p> + + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Schools"> +<tr><td class="left">Morris Street School</td><td class="right">962</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Ashley Street School</td><td class="right">211</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Saint Phillip Street School</td><td class="right">850</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Normal School</td><td class="right">511</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">King Street School (boys)</td><td class="right">148</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Meeting Street School</td><td class="right">211</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Saint Michael's School</td><td class="right bb">221</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Total</td><td class="right">3,114</td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p>There were employed eighty-three teachers, seventy-five of whom, +white and colored, were natives of Charleston. The salaries of these +teachers were paid by the New York and New England societies and +cooperating with Redpath in organizing these schools were agents of +these societies, one of whom served as a principal of one school. +Within a month or two another school was added to this list, and +during the same time there sprang up five night schools for adults. +The students were made up of both white and Negro children and were +taught in separate rooms. The whites, however, represented a very +small proportion of the total number.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p> + +<p>In the fall of the year, with the reopening of the schools, the +general organization underwent considerable changes due to the +restoration of the regular civil government in charge of the +ex-Confederates. Most of the schools mentioned above were now +conducted for white children and taught by the native whites as of +old. The Morris Street School, however, was kept for Negro children +and taught by the native whites. The Normal School in time became the +Avery Institute. The New England Society, which in the Spring had +supported the Morris Street School, moved to the Military Hall and +subsequently built the Shaw Memorial School. This school was named in +the honor of Colonel Robert G. Shaw, who was killed during the war in +the assault on Fort Wagner (Morris Island) while leading his Negro +troops. The funds for the erection of the school<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> were contributed +by the family of Colonel Shaw and they retained a permanent interest +in it. In 1874, when the New England Society dissolved, the school +was bought by the public school authorities and used for Negro +children.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> During the course of four or five years other schools +were established here or in the vicinity of Charleston by the several +church organizations.</p> + +<p>Charleston thus made a commendable start in education partly for the +reason that the city had a school system before the war and for a +while during the conflict. The free Negroes of this city likewise had +been instructed under certain restrictions during slavery time.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> +The schools which were controlled or supported by the northern +agencies were by 1868 offering an elementary grade of instruction +corresponding to about the fourth or fifth grade with classes in +geography, English composition and arithmetic. Just here, however, it +must be said that the personnel of the student body was constantly +changing or at least during 1865 and 1866. Charleston was merely a +sort of way station for the blacks, who, returning from the up-country +where they had fled or had been led during the war, were on their way +to the sea islands to take up land as offered by Sherman's order.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> +During April, 1865, Redpath reported that at least five hundred pupils +"passed through" the schools, remaining only long enough to be taught +a few patriotic songs, to keep quiet and to be decently clad. Others +in turn came and in turn were "shipped off."<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p>Columbia, though behind Charleston in point of time, made an equally +good beginning in spite of annoying handicaps. There was a fertile +field here for teaching, since the blacks were crowding in from all +the surrounding territory. Sherman having destroyed about all the +suitable buildings, T. G. Wright, representative of the New York +Society, in company with three northern ladies, started a school +on November 6, 1865, in the basement of a Negro church with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> 243 +scholars. Soon thereafter, on November 7th, another was begun in the +small room of a confiscated building "very unsuitable for a school +room." On the same day two other schools were begun at similar places, +one of them at General Ely's headquarters and taught by his daughters. +On the ninth another school started on Arsenal Hill in an old building +rented for a church by the freedmen and on the thirteenth still +another was opened in one of the government buildings. These schools +were numerically designated as "No. 1," "No. 2," etc., being nine in +all. In addition to these there were two night schools begun about +the same time, one of them enrolling fifty adult males and the other +121.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The Columbia schools were taught wholly under the control +of the New York Society by northern ladies with the assistance of a +few Negro instructors who were competent to assist them. They had a +large attendance and consequently there were many changes made in the +location of schools in the course even of the first few months.</p> + +<p>Fortunately these temporary congested quarters gave way in the +fall of 1867 when the Howard School was completed. This school was +erected by the New York Society and the Freedmen's Bureau at a cost +of about $10,000. It contained ten large class rooms. At the close +of the school year (1868) it had an attendance of 600. The closing +exercises of the year seemed to have attracted considerable attention +inasmuch as the officers of the city, Tomlinson, and newspaper men all +attended. The examinations at the close embraced reading, spelling, +arithmetic, geography, history and astronomy. <i>The Columbia Phoenix</i> +(a local paper) said of the exercises: "We were pleased with the +neat appearance and becoming bearing of the scholars ... and the +proficiency exhibited in the elementary branches was respectable."<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + +<p>The New York Society did its best work in Columbia. At Beaufort this +same organization had schools which occupied<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> the large buildings +formerly used by the whites. The New England Society was best +represented at Charleston and Camden. The Philadelphia Society was +best represented at St. Helena. Some notion of the exact location of +the schools fostered by these societies (May, 1866) may be gained from +the following table:<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> + + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Number of Teachers"> +<tr><td class="left">Town</td><td class="center">Number of<br />teachers</td><td class="center">Support</td></tr> +<tr><td></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Ashdale</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Combahee</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Columbia</td><td class="right">10</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Edgerly</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Greenville</td><td class="right">6</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Gadsden</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Hopkins</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">James Island</td><td class="right">5</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Mitchellville</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Lexington</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Pineville</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Perryclear</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Pleasant Retreat</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Red House</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Rhett Place</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">River View</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="left">New York Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Woodlawn</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">Michigan Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Camden<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New England Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Darlington</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New England Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Edisto Island</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New England Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Hilton Head</td><td class="right">6</td><td class="left">New England Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Jehosse's Island</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New England Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Johns Island</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="left">New England Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Marion</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">New England Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Orangeburg</td><td class="right">3</td><td class="left">New England Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Summerville</td><td class="right">3</td><td class="left">New England Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Port Royal Island</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">Pennsylvania Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Rockville</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="left">Pennsylvania Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">St. Helena</td><td class="right">5</td><td class="left">Pennsylvania Branch</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top">Beaufort</td><td class="right top">9</td><td class="left top">New York Branch 7<br />New England Branch 2</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top">Charleston</td><td class="right top">36</td><td class="left top">New York Branch 13<br />New England Branch 23</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top">Georgetown</td><td class="right top">4</td><td class="left top">New York Branch 1<br />New England Branch 3</td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p> + +<p>With some exceptions the schools enumerated here and elsewhere +unfortunately had only a short existence for the reason that the +societies which supported them gradually became short of funds. The +New York Society, for example, in 1868, found itself hardly able to +bring its teachers home. The efficiency of other societies likewise +began to wane. By January 1, 1870, or within a few months afterwards, +the Freedmen's Bureau passed out of existence. Alvord and his whole +staff thereby were discharged from duty. The non-sectarian societies +ceased to exist because the aid societies of the several northern +churches claimed the allegiance of their members. A stronger reason, +as given by them, was that the freedmen were now (1868) in a position +to help themselves politically through the provision of Negro +Suffrage for the new State government, under the Congressional plan +of reconstruction. The Freedmen's Bureau was discontinued for similar +reasons.</p> + +<p>A few of the schools so well begun either passed into the hands of +the State under regular State or municipal control of schools, as, +for example, the Shaw Memorial at Charleston, or they became private +institutions with other means of northern support. Before expiration, +however, during 1869, the Freedmen's Bureau used its remaining funds +to establish new schools and repair buildings throughout the State. +A graphic picture of the Bureau's activity during the latter part of +1869 is thus shown:<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p> + +<p class="center sc">School Houses Erected</p> + + +<div class="center"> +<table class="schools" summary="School Houses Erected"> +<tr><td class="center bl bb">Location</td><td class="center bb">Cost</td><td class="center bb">Size</td><td class="center bb">Material</td><td class="center bb">Value of lot</td><td class="center bb">Ownership of lot</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bl">Bennettsville</td><td class="right">$1,000</td><td class="left">30 x 40</td><td class="center">Wood</td><td class="right">$100</td><td class="center">Freedmen</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bl">Gadsden</td><td class="right">800</td><td class="left">25 x 40</td><td class="center">"</td><td class="right">50</td><td class="center">"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bl">Laurens</td><td class="right">1,000</td><td class="left">30 x 40</td><td class="center">"</td><td class="right">100</td><td class="center">"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top bl">Newberry</td><td class="right top">2,500</td><td class="left top">2 stories}<br />26 x 50 }</td><td class="center top">"</td><td class="right top">300</td><td class="center top">"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bl">Walterboro</td><td class="right">1,000</td><td class="left">30 x 40</td><td class="center">"</td><td class="right">100</td><td class="center">"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bl">Manning</td><td class="right">500</td><td class="left">25 x 40</td><td class="center">"</td><td class="right">50</td><td class="center">"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bl">Lancaster</td><td class="right">500</td><td class="left">25 x 30</td><td class="center">"</td><td class="right">50</td><td class="center">"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bl">Graniteville</td><td class="right">700</td><td class="left">25 x 40</td><td class="center">"</td><td class="right">100</td><td class="center">"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bl">Blackville</td><td class="right bb">500</td><td class="left">25 x 30</td><td class="center">"</td><td class="right">50</td><td class="center">"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bl"></td><td class="right">$8,500</td><td class="left"></td><td class="left"></td><td class="left"></td><td class="left"></td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center sc">School Houses Repaired and Rented</p> + + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="School Houses Repaired and Rented"> +<tr><td class="left">Locality</td><td class="left">Ownership</td><td class="center">Amount expended</td></tr> +<tr><td></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Conkem</td><td class="left">Freedmen</td><td class="right">$500</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Beaufort</td><td class="left">Freedmen</td><td class="right">1,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Columbia</td><td class="left">Bureau</td><td class="right">100</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Charleston (Orphan Asylum)</td><td class="left">Protestant Episcopal</td><td class="right">2,400</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Charleston (Shaw School)</td><td class="left">Bureau</td><td class="right">100</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top">Charleston (Meeting St. Post Office)</td><td class="left top">Rented</td><td class="right top">40</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Charleston</td><td class="left">Protestant Episcopal</td><td class="right">8,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Chester</td><td class="left">Rented</td><td class="right">30</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Darlington</td><td class="left">Bureau</td><td class="right">100</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Eustis Place</td><td class="left">Bureau</td><td class="right">800</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Florence</td><td class="left">Freedmen</td><td class="right">35.75</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Marion</td><td class="left">Bureau</td><td class="right">150</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Mt. Pleasant</td><td class="left">Bureau</td><td class="right">40</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Sumter</td><td class="left">Freedmen</td><td class="right">500</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Shiloh</td><td class="left">Freedmen</td><td class="right">100</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Winnsboro</td><td class="left">Bureau</td><td class="right">50</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top">Orangeburg</td><td class="left top">Methodist Episcopal Church</td><td class="right top bb">2,500</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Total</td><td> </td><td class="right">$16,445.75</td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p>After all, the real significance of this educational movement was +the policy adopted by the denominational bodies that they should +establish permanent institutions—colleges and normal schools to +train teachers for the common schools and also in time that the +Negroes themselves should run these institutions.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> South Carolina +under the Negro-Carpet-Bag rule in 1868, then, for the first time +ventured to establish a school system supported by public taxation. +For this object there were practically no competent teachers to serve +the Negroes. The only sources of supply were the persons trained in +the schools herein described and a few of the northern teachers who +remained behind.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> Very small and crude it was in the beginning, +but the policy adopted here at least furnishes the idea upon which +ever since the public schools of the State have been mainly justified. +By 1870 the Perm School at St. Helena was sending out teachers in +response to calls from the State.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> In the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> same year the principal +of the Avery Institute reported that he was asked by the State to +furnish fifty teachers.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> This school was perhaps the best fitted to +perform this function.</p> + +<p>The American Missionary Association supported, at Port Royal and +other points in the State, schools which, along with many others, had +only a temporary existence. The lasting and best contribution of this +association to this movement was the Avery Institute, its second best +was the Brewer Normal. Avery was established at Charleston on October +1, 1865, in the State Normal School building, which was offered by +General Saxton. The school commenced with twenty teachers and one +thousand scholars with every available space taken, one hundred being +crowded in the dome. The next year, having been turned out of this +building, the school was held for two years in the Military Hall in +Wentworth Street. On May 1, 1869, the school entered its present new +large building on Bull Street when it dropped the name of the Saxton +School for Avery in honor of the philanthropist from a portion of +whose bequest $10,000 was spent by the American Missionary Association +for the grounds and a mission home. The building proper was erected by +the Freedmen's Bureau at a cost of $17,000.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> + +<p>Avery very soon dropped its primary department and concentrated its +efforts on the normal or secondary department where it had from the +beginning a comfortable number of students. These students came +largely from the free Negro class. Under the guidance of their +well-trained Negro principal the boys and girls here were reading +Milton's "L'Allegro," translating Caesar, and solving quadratic +equations.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> From the standpoint of grade of instruction, Avery was +the banner school of the State. With a less pretentious beginning +Brewer was established by the American Missionary Association at +Greenwood in 1872 on school property valued at $4,000.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span></p> + +<p>The Baptist Home Mission Society, following in the wake of the +American Missionary Association, made a beginning at Port Royal with +the labor of Rev. Solomon Peck, at Beaufort. This society in 1871 +established Benedict at Columbia. The school property consisted +of eighty acres of land with one main building—"a spacious frame +residence," two stories, 65 x 65. This property cost $16,000 with +the funds given by Mrs. Benedict, a Baptist lady of New England. +During the first year the school had sixty-one students, most of whom +were preparing for the ministry.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> In 1868, Mrs. Rachel C. Mather +established the Industrial School at Beaufort which now bears her +name. This school came under the auspices of the Women's American +Baptist Home Mission Society.</p> + +<p>The Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church conducted +primary schools at Charleston, Darlington, Sumter, John's Island, +Camden, St. Stephens, Gourdins' Station, Midway and Anderson; +but, like the Baptists, its substantial contribution was Claflin +University. This institution was established in 1869 in the building +formerly used by the Orangeburg Female Academy. The property was +purchased through the personal efforts of its first president, Dr. A. +Webster. The University was granted a charter by the State and named +in honor of Hon. Lee Claflin of Massachusetts, by whose liberality +it came into existence. The attendance the first year was 309 and by +1872 the institution had a college department, a normal department, a +theological department, and a preparatory department.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> The Women's +Home Missionary Society of this same church had the excellent policy +of establishing homes for girls where, in addition to purely classroom +work, they would be taught the principles of home making and Christian +womanhood. In pursuance of this object in 1864 Mrs. Mather of Boston +established a school at Camden which in later years became known as +the Browning Industrial Home.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span></p> + +<p>The Presbyterian Church, through its Committee of Missions for +Freedmen, in 1865 established the Wallingford Academy in Charleston +at a cost of $13,500, the Freedmen's Bureau paying about one-half of +this amount. In 1870 the number of pupils was 335. In later years this +school, like others planted by the churches, was doing creditable +secondary work and training teachers for the city and different parts +of the State.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> At Chester in 1868 this Committee established the +Brainerd Institute and in the same year the Goodwill Parochial School +at Mayesville.</p> + +<p>The Protestant Episcopal Freedmen's Commission in cooperation with its +South Carolina Board of Missions to Negroes established a school at +Charleston (1866) in the Marine Hospital through the effort of Rev. A. +Toomer Porter, a native white man of Charleston. Two years later this +institution had a corps of thirteen teachers and about six hundred +pupils.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> Smaller efforts were likewise made by this commission at +Winnsboro and other parts of the State.</p> + +<p>The Friends (Pennsylvania Quakers) made a most valuable contribution +to this general educational movement in 1868 through the efforts of +Martha Schofield in establishing at Aiken the Schofield Normal and +Industrial School. This institution in time became one of the most +influential, not only in South Carolina but in the entire South. The +Friends' Association of Philadelphia for the Aid and Elevation of +the Freedmen, established, in 1865, at Mt. Pleasant (Charleston) the +school which later became known as the Laing Normal and Industrial +School.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Miss Abbey D. Munro, in 1869, became its principal.</p> + + +<h3>Difficulties and Complications.</h3> + +<p>As a result of these efforts an observer said: "In South Carolina +where, thirty years ago, the first portentious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> rumblings of the +coming earthquake were heard and where more recently the volcanic +fires of rebellion burst forth ... our missionaries and teachers +have entered to spread their peaceful and healing influence.... The +Sea Islands have been taken possession of in the name of God and +humanity.... King Cotton has been dethroned and is now made humbly +to serve for the enriching and elevating of the late children of +oppression."<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> Another said: "New England can furnish teachers +enough to make a New England out of the whole South, and, God helping, +we will not pause in our work until the free school system ... has +been established from Maryland to Florida and all along the shores +of the Gulf."<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> They came to the South with the firm belief in the +capacity of the Negro for mental development and on a scale comparable +to the white man. The letters written by teachers to northern friends +abound in reports to this effect. Such was the spirit in which the +northern societies entered the South.</p> + +<p>The northern societies, however, failed "to make a New England out of +the South"; but due credit must be given them for their earnestness +and enthusiasm. They entered the State while the war was in progress +and thus imperiled their lives. The planters at Port Royal who had +abandoned their property certainly looked forward to the restoration +of the same and to this end they struggled by force of arms. The +freedmen themselves, as well as their northern benefactors under +these conditions, lived in fear lest the restored planters should +successfully reestablish the old regime. One teacher at Mitchelville +on Hilton Head reported one week's work as "eventful." A battle only +twelve miles away at Byrd's Point was raging while her school was in +session. The cannonading could be heard and the smoke of the burning +fields was visible.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p> + +<p>There were other difficulties. In view of the fact that the +missionaries associated with the freedmen in a way totally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> unknown +to southern tradition, they were met with social ostracism. It was +impossible to obtain boarding accommodations in a native white family +and in line with the same attitude the lady teachers were frequently +greeted with sneers and insults and a general disregard for the +courtesies of polite society. One teacher said: "Gentlemen sometimes +lift their hats to us, but the ladies always lift their noses."<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> + +<p>Social contact with the Negroes, however, was a necessity.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> The +letter of instruction to teachers from the Pennsylvania Branch +contained this rule: "All teachers, in addition to their regular work, +are encouraged to interest themselves in the moral, religious and +social improvement of the families of their pupils; to visit them in +their homes; to instruct the women and girls in sewing and domestic +economy; to encourage and take part in religious meetings and Sunday +schools."<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> Thus it was that a very large part of the activities +of the teachers were what we call "extracurricular." They were not +confined to the school room but went from house to house.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> + +<p>The spirit of informality which seemed to pervade the whole work, +along with that of the Freedmen's Bureau, moreover, serves to explain +in part their misfortune resulting from poor business methods. +The reports which Howard and Alvord have left us reveal unusually +important facts. Their funds were limited and what monies they did +raise were not always judiciously expended. The salaries of the +teachers usually ranged from $25 to $50 a month. One society paid $35 +a month without board and $20 with board. These salaries, the personal +danger, the social ostracism and unhealthy climate, all lead one to +feel, however, that the motive behind these pioneering efforts was +strictly missionary. Some of the teachers worked without a salary and +a few even contributed of their means to further the work.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span></p> + +<p>The campaign of education for the elevation of the freedmen was a +product of war time and as such was conducted in the spirit engendered +by war conditions. In addition to the purely school exercises of the +three R's was the political tenor of the instruction. As staunch +Republicans no little allusion was made to "Old Jeff Davis" and the +"Rebels." Besides the native songs with which the scholars were so +gifted there was frequent singing of <i>John Brown</i> and <i>Marching +through Georgia</i>. The Fourth of July and the first of January were +carefully observed as holidays. Several of the teachers in the +schools and officers of the Freedmen's Bureau—Tomlinson, Cardoza, +Jillson, Mansfield, French, and Scott—became office holders in the +Negro-carpetbagger government of 1868.</p> + +<p>There was another handicap. The Civil War left South Carolina +"Shermanized." The story of this invader's wreck of the State is +a familiar one. Barnwell, Buford's Bridge, Blackville, Graham's +Station (Sato), Midway, Bamberg, and Orangeburg were all more or less +destroyed. Three-fifths of the capital was committed to the flames and +Charleston, although this city escaped the invader, had been partially +burned already in 1861.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> With millions of dollars in slave property +lost, added to the above, the native whites were in no frame of +mind to approve this philanthropic effort of the northern teachers. +Furthermore, on the question of education the State had no substantial +background by which it could encourage any efforts at this time. +Free schools had been established prior to the war, but owing to the +eleemosynary stigma attached to them and the permissive character of +the legislative acts very little had been accomplished for the whites +even, in the sense that we understand public education today.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + +<p>There ran very high the feeling that the Yankees were fostering social +equality and that if they were allowed to educate the freedmen the +next thing would be to let them vote.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> Some reasoned that since +the North had liberated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> the slaves, it was now its business to care +for them. It is safe to say that without the protection of the United +States military forces during the first year at least the efforts to +enlighten the ex-slaves would have been impossible. The native white +attitude, however, appears to have undergone a change from year to +year and from locality to locality.</p> + +<p>At Orangeburg, the superintendent of education reported that a night +school was fired into on one or two occasions, and the attempt to +discover the perpetrators of this outrage was without success.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> A. +M. Bigelow, a teacher of a colored school at Aiken, was compelled by +curses and threats to leave the town in order to save his life.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> In +the town of Walhalla a school conducted by the Methodist church was +taught by a lady from Vermont. A number of white men tried to break +it up by hiring a drunken vagabond Negro to attend its sessions and +accompany the young lady through the village street. The attempted +outrage was frustrated only by the intercession of a northern +gentleman. At Newberry, about the same time, a man who was building +a school for the freedmen was driven by armed men from the hotel +where he was staying and his life threatened. These occurrences the +superintendent reported as "specimen" cases.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> + +<p>In other sections of the State where the planters sustained amicable +relations to all the functions of the Freedmen's Bureau, there was +little opposition to the elevation of the freedmen. In the districts +of Darlington, Marion, and Williamsburg there was a fair spirit of +cordiality. At Darlington the Yankee editor of <i>The New Era</i> in its +first edition probably thus expressed the feeling of the community: +"Let the excellent work be sustained wherever it shall be introduced +and the happiest results will be witnessed."<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> + +<p>Charleston and Columbia, despite the wreck of these cities, as already +shown, proved to be an open field for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> educational endeavor. In the +former city where it was no new thing to see the blacks striving for +education, the opposition expressed itself in the occupation of the +buildings formerly used for the whites.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> A correspondent of <i>The +New York Times</i> reported that in Columbia "the whites extend every +possible facility and encouragement in this matter of education."<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> +There is one instance of actual initiative in the education of the +freedmen in the case of Rev. A. Toomer Porter of the Episcopal +Church in Charleston as already mentioned. This gentleman went North +to solicit the necessary funds and while there visited Howard and +President Johnson. For his purpose the president himself contributed +one thousand dollars.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> For this deed <i>The Charleston Courier</i> +remarked that it was "a much more substantial and lasting token of +friendship to the colored race than all the violent harangues of mad +fanatics." Finally in enumerating here and there cases of a favorable +attitude, Governor Orr's remarks cannot be overlooked. To the colored +people at Charleston he said: "I am prepared to stand by the colored +man who is able to read the Declaration of Independence and the +Constitution of the United States. I am prepared to give the colored +man the privilege of going to the ballot-box and vote."<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> + +<p>The length of service for most of the teachers was one year. In the +original Port Royal party of March 3, 1862, several of the party +returned home before summer. The American Missionary Association +which sent thirty-five teachers to Port Royal reported "eight for a +short time only." From these facts it is to be inferred, despite the +glowing reports of success, that the teachers met with discouragement +and disappointment. Some of them were unfit for their duties and +some no doubt committed acts of indiscretion with reference to the +relationship of the races.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span></p> + +<p>The difficulties and complications of this movement were a part of +the war itself. Calmer moments of reflection which it is ours now to +enjoy, however, reveal the great value of the educational efforts of +the northern missionaries. Unfortunately, the efforts to uplift were +directed to only one race, but in a larger sense the work done has +been for the welfare of all. South Carolinians to-day will all pay +tribute to the work of Abbey D. Munro, Martha Schofield and Laura M. +Towne. These women, with others, gave their lives for the elevation of +the Negro race and what they did is merely a representation of that +common battle against ignorance and race prejudice. "She (Miss Towne) +came to a land of doubt and trouble and led the children to fresh +horizons and a clearer sky. The school she built is but the symbol +of a great influence; there it stands, making the desert blossom +and bidding coming generations look up and welcome ever-widening +opportunities. Through it she brought hope to a people and gave them +the one gift that is beyond all price to men."<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p> + + +<h3>Self-Help and Labor Among the Freedmen</h3> + +<p>Were the Negroes there in such numbers and condition as to help +themselves? South Carolina in 1860 had a white population of 291,300, +a slave population of 402,406 and a free colored population of +9,914.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> Having this large number of slaves, the dominant race in +its efforts to maintain control passed its police laws by which the +evils of slavery existed there in their worst form. One of these laws +was that of 1834 which made it a punishable offense to teach any slave +to read and write.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> This law, however, was often violated and free +Negroes and even slaves attended school long enough to develop unusual +power.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span></p> + +<p>After generations of oppression the dawn of freedom brought with it +a social upheaval. The freedmen now proceeded to taste the forbidden +fruit and the people who brought learning to them they received with +open arms.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> The Yankee school master was not only to the freedmen a +teacher but his deliverer from bondage. Happily in the enthusiasm of +the "late children of oppression" for learning they proved themselves +to be not objects of charity but actual supporters and promoters of +the educational movement.</p> + +<p>It was a principle of some of the societies to open no new school +unless a fair proportion of its expenses could be met by the parents +of the pupils.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> There were made various arrangements by which +the freedmen could help sustain the schools. In some instances they +boarded the teachers and met the incidental expenses of the school +while the societies paid the salaries and traveling expenses. In this +way nearly one-half of the cost was sustained by them and in some +instances nearly two-thirds of it.<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> As the foregoing tables have +helped to show in part, in some cases the freedmen met the entire +expenses, bought the lot, erected the school house, and paid the +salary of the teacher.</p> + +<p>During 1866, Tomlinson reported five houses had been built by them and +others were under the course of erection. These were located at the +following places:</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="House Sizes"> +<tr><td class="left">Kingstree</td><td class="right">size 20 x 37 ft.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Darlington</td><td class="right">size 30 x 72 ft.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Florence</td><td class="right">size 35 x 45 ft.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Timmonsville</td><td class="right">size 14 x 24 ft.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Marion</td><td class="right">size 20 x 50 ft.</td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p>During 1867 twenty-three school houses were reported to have been +built by the freedmen aided by the Freedmen's Bureau and northern +societies. For the support of school teachers this year they +contributed $12,200. This with $5,000 for school houses made an +aggregate of $17,200.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> The school houses were placed in the +hands of trustees selected from among themselves and were to be held +permanently for school purposes.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> + +<p>The means by which the freedmen offered their support was not always +in cash but in kind. During the early years following the war there +was a scarcity of money in circulation. The employers of the blacks, +the planters, were themselves unable always to pay in cash, and as +a substitute a system of barter grew up.<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> Directing attention to +this situation and the general question of self-help, Governor Andrews +of Massachusetts, president of the New England Society, sent out the +following circular to the freedmen of the South: "The North must +furnish money and teachers—the noblest of her sons and daughters +to teach your sons and daughters. We ask you to provide for them, +wherever possible, school houses and subsistence. Every dollar you +thus save us will help to send you another teacher ... you can supply +the teachers' homes with corn, eggs, chickens, milk and many other +necessary articles.... Work an extra hour to sustain and promote +your schools."<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> The value of such labor averaged only about eight +dollars a month, but Governor Andrews' recommendation was carried out +in so many cases that much good was thereby accomplished.</p> + +<p>The campaign of education for the freedmen was temporary in character +and was so regarded by the Freedmen's Bureau and the societies. It +was merely an effort to place the ex-slaves on their own feet and +afterwards it was their task. In line with this policy the Freedmen's +Bureau and the military authorities seized every opportunity of +instituting self-government among them, especially where they were +congregated in large numbers. Such a case was Mitchelville.</p> + +<p>Sherman's field order 15 called for the laying aside of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> a vast +stretch of territory exclusively for the freedmen. In the same +manner in 1864 the military officers at Hilton Head laid out a +village for them near the officers' camps and introduced measures +of self-government. The village was called Mitchelville in honor of +General Ormsby Mitchell who had been like a father to the multitude of +fifteen hundred or more occupying the village. The place was regularly +organized with a Mayor and Common Council, Marshal, Recorder and +Treasurer, all black, and all elected by Negroes, except the Mayor and +Treasurer. Among the powers of the Common Council, which concern us +here, was the compulsory provision that "every child between the ages +of six and fifteen years ... shall attend school daily, while they are +in session, excepting only in cases of sickness ... and the parents +and guardians will be held responsible that said children so attend +school, under the penalty of being punished at the discretion of the +Council of Administration."<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> We may or may not call this South +Carolina's first compulsory school law.</p> + +<p>With a view to training teachers from among themselves the northern +teachers seized every opportunity to pick out a bright student who +would ultimately assume full responsibility. Accordingly, the schools +were taught by persons of both races. In addition those Negroes who +already had some learning were pressed into service. This arrangement +had its obvious disadvantages as well as advantages. The Negro teacher +understood the environment and the character and nature of the pupils +to a far greater extent than the northern coworker; but, as could be +expected, the native teacher was lacking in preparation. As one of +the northern journals expressed the situation, the "men and women +from the North carry much more than their education. They carry their +race, moral training, their faculty, their character, influence of +civilization, their ideas, sentiments and principles that characterize +northern society."<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> Occasionally native white teachers were +employed, but not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> always to the satisfaction of either the Yankee +teachers or their pupils.</p> + +<p>Besides the regular organized schools that came under the control +of the Freedmen's Bureau and the societies, the freedmen in their +eagerness to learn opened what Alvord styles "native schools" where +some man or woman who had just learned to read and write a very little +set about for the smallest pittance to teach his neighbors' children. +Such teaching, though possibly arising from a commendable spirit, +was a travesty on education. The white teachers characterized these +native schools "so far as any intelligent result goes" as "worse than +useless." They would rather receive "their pupils totally ignorant +than with the bad habits of reading, pronunciation and spelling of +these schools."<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> However, there were among the Negro teachers a few +who deserve special mention as showing signs of an endeavor to help +the movement and at the same time may serve as a test of the value of +the missionary movement by their northern friends.</p> + +<p>Some of the Negro teachers were from the North, as in the case of +Charlotte S. Forten already mentioned. There was also Mrs. C. M. +Hicks who was sent South by the New York Society and supported by an +auxiliary association in Albany. Her school was located at Anderson +and contained nearly two hundred pupils. After mentioning the good +order and decorum of the school, <i>The Anderson Intelligencer</i>, a local +white paper, says: "We were gratified with the proficiency and success +attained and trust that they will persevere in their efforts to make +better citizens and become more worthy of the high privileges now +granted to the race. This school is presided over by a colored female +(Mrs. Hicks) ... she is intelligent and capable and devotes all her +energies to the school."<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p> + +<p>At Greenville there was Charles Hopkins who taught a school for the +support of which his white neighbors contributed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> $230. He bought +at his own risk the building from the State arsenal and moved it +two miles on a piece of ground which he had leased for one year. +The school opened with about two hundred scholars among whom were +"boys and girls with rosy cheeks, blue eyes and flaxen hair, though +lately slaves, mingled with the black and brown faces."<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> A visitor +characterized the school as having "good order, rapid progress in +learning and a great deal more." After supporting the school as long +as possible Hopkins was relieved by the Freedmen's Bureau which +assumed the responsibility he had incurred, and he was further +aided by the accession of three additional teachers. His salary was +contributed by the New York Branch. Frank Carter at Camden was making +similar efforts during this period.</p> + +<p>Down on Hilton Head at Mitchelville in connection with the Port Royal +experiment there was Lymus Anders, a full-blooded African, who, prior +to the coming of the northern teachers, was unable to read and write. +Although fifty years old and having a family, he managed to learn to +read by having one of the teachers give him lessons at night and at +odd intervals. He was enterprising and after only a year or two had +managed to save four or five hundred dollars. He bought land at the +tax sales; and, in the efforts of his people at Mitchelville to have +churches and schools, he succeeded in erecting a church and a school +house with help from the whites and Negroes. The building cost nearly +$350 and in time there was added a teachers' home. The school was +taught by ladies from Northampton, Massachusetts, who always had the +cooperation and assistance of Anders. They characterized him as a +"black Yankee," not very moral or scrupulous, but a man who led all +the others of his race in enterprise and ambition.<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p> + +<p>Ned Lloyd White, who had picked up clandestinely a knowledge of +reading while still a slave, was an assistant to two ladies at St. +Helena, who had a school of ninety-two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> pupils made up largely of +refugees from a neighboring island. Likewise engaged was "Uncle +Cyrus," a man of seventy, who, in company with one Ned, assembled one +hundred and fifty children in two schools and taught them the best +they could until teachers were provided by the relief societies.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p> + +<p>The brightest light among the Negro teachers was F. L. Cardoza. +He was a native of Charleston and received his primary and common +school education there under the instruction of the free Negroes of +that city. Being unable at his own expense to pursue his studies at +home as far as he desired, he attended the University of Glasgow. He +returned to Charleston and became a leader in the educational affairs +of the city immediately at the close of the war. He was employed +by the American Missionary Association and became principal of the +Saxton School, later known as Avery Institute. In conformity with his +classical training, he offered his advanced pupils languages and in +time they were ready for Howard University in Washington. There were +some four thousand children in the city of school age. Seeing the need +of a permanent graded school system supported by public taxation, he +used his influence to bring about this result. With regard to this +project Governor Orr said: "I heartily approve of the scheme of Mr. +Cardoza to educate thoroughly the colored children of Charleston.... +I am satisfied he will devote himself to the work earnestly and +faithfully, and merits, and should receive the confidence of the +public in his laudable undertaking." Other public officials spoke in +the same vein. One of the northern teachers said of him: "He is the +right man in the right place and I am very thankful that it has fallen +my lot to be placed under him."<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p> + + +<h3>Conclusion</h3> + +<p>Most of the work of the Bureau and the societies as already shown was +temporary in character and perhaps<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> rightly so. In Howard's own words, +"it was but a beginning—a nucleus—an object lesson." Not more than +one-sixth of the total black population of school age was reached. The +movement only inaugurated a system of educational pioneering in the +benighted South. Scientific data as to exactly what was accomplished +unfortunately cannot be obtained owing to the inaccuracy of the +Freedmen's Bureau reports. For example, in the report of July 1, 1868, +the superintendent gives a total of sixty-two schools in operation +with an additional "estimated" number of 451. Again, the amount of +work done by the separate individual societies does not always tally +with the reports of the Freedmen's Bureau.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the fact that the efforts put forth failed to reach +our modern ideal of the education of all the people, yet the movement +did accomplish at least these three things: (1) By penetrating almost +every county or district in the State, the schools served to awaken +the Negroes to the need of education and to demonstrate to all +persons that it was practicable to educate them; (2) it led up to the +establishment of the public schools and left for this system material +equipment in the form of school buildings and furniture; and (3), +greatest of all, the combined efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau and +the societies left the State with institutions of higher grade—the +principal source of teachers for the common schools.</p> + +<p class="author"> +Luther P. Jackson</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This dissertation was submitted in partial fulfilment of +the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of +Education of Columbia University in 1922.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I. The sources for this dissertation are: +</p> +<p> +1. <span class="smcap">Public Documents.</span> <i>Senate</i>: <i>38 Cong., 1 Sess., Vol. 1, +No. 1—Letter from freedmen's aid societies, Dec. 17, 1863.</i> <i>39 +Cong., 1 Sess., Vol. 2, No. 27—Reports of assistant commissioners, +Dec. 1, 1865, to March 6, 1866.</i> <i>39 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. 1, No. +6—Reports of assistant commissioners, Jan. 3, 1867.</i> <span class="smcap">House +Executive Documents.</span> <i>39 Cong., 1 Sess., Vol. 7, No. 11</i>; <i>39 +Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. 3, No. 1</i>; <i>40 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. 2, No. 1</i>; +<i>40 Cong., 3 Sess., Vol. 3, No. 1</i>; <i>41 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. 6, No. +142</i>; <i>41 Cong., 3 Sess., Vol. 1, No. 1</i>; <i>42 Cong., 2 Sess., Vol. +1, No. 1—Reports of</i> <i>Howard as Commissioner, Dec. 1865-Dec. 1871</i>. +<i>United States Statutes at Large, Vols. 13-17. (Boston).</i> +</p> +<p> +2. Reports of General Superintendent and the Societies. J. W. Alvord, +<i>Schools and Finances of Freedmen</i> (Washington, 1866); J. W. Alvord, +<i>Semi-annual reports, 1867-'70</i>; J. W. Alvord, <i>Letters from the +South, relating to the condition of freedmen, Addressed to General +O. O. Howard</i> (Washington, 1870); American Missionary Association, +<i>Annual report, 1862-1872</i>; Educational Commission for freedmen, +<i>Annual report, No. 1, 1862-'63</i> (Boston, 1863); and New England +Freedmen's Aid Society, <i>Annual report, No. 2, 1863-'64</i>; New York +National Freedmen's Relief Association, <i>Annual report, 1865-'66</i> (N. +Y., 1866). <i>Ibid.</i>, <i>Brief History with 4th annual report, 1865</i>; +Friends Association of Philadelphia for the Aid and Elevation of +Freedmen, <i>Annual report, 1866-71</i>; Freedmen's Aid Society of the +Methodist Episcopal Church, <i>Annual report, 1869-'72</i>; American +Baptist Home Mission Society, <i>Annual report, 1863-'72</i>; and Board +of Missions for Freedmen of the Presbyterian Church, <i>Annual report, +1869-'70</i>. +</p> +<p> +3. <span class="smcap">Newspapers and Periodicals.</span> <i>The New York Times</i>; <i>The New +York Tribune</i>; <i>The Charleston Daily Courier</i>; <i>The Darlington New +Era</i>; <i>The Columbia Phoenix</i>; <i>The Nation</i>. <i>The Atlantic Monthly</i>, +vol. XII (Sept., 1863). Edward L. Pierce—"The Freedmen at Port +Royal"; <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, vol. XII (May-June, 1864). Charlotte S. +Forten, <i>Life on the Sea Islands</i>, <i>The North American Review</i>, vol. +CI (July, 1865); William C. Gannet, <i>The Freedmen at Port Royal</i>; <i>The +Southern Workman</i>, vol. XXX (July, 1901). Laura M. Towne, <i>Pioneer +Work on the Sea Islands</i>; <i>The American Missionary</i>, 1862-'72, organ +of the American Missionary Association; <i>The American Freedman</i>, +1866-'68 (incomplete), organ of American Freedmen's Union Commission; +<i>The National Freedman</i>, 1865-66 (incomplete), organ of New York +National Freedman's Relief Association; <i>Pennsylvania Freedmen's +Bulletin</i>, 1866-'67 (incomplete), organ of Pennsylvania Freedmen's +Relief Association; <i>Freedmen's Record and Freedmen's Journal</i>, +1865-'68 (incomplete), organ of New England Freedmen's Aid Society; +<i>The Freedman</i>, London, 1866 (incomplete), organ of London Freedmen's +Aid Society; and <i>The Baptist Home Mission Monthly</i>, 1878-'80, organ +of American Baptist Home Mission Society. +</p> +<p> +4. <span class="smcap">Diary, Reminiscences, and Autobiography.</span> Eliza Ware +Pearson (editor), <i>Letters from Port Royal, written at the time of +the Civil War</i> (Boston, 1906); Rupert S. Holland (editor), <i>Letters +and Diary of Laura M. Towne, written from the sea islands of South +Carolina</i>, 1862-1884 (Cambridge, 1912); Henry N. Sherwood (editor), +<i>Journal of Mrs. Susan Walker, March 3d to June 6th, 1862</i>. <i>Quarterly +publication of the Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio</i>, vol. +1, No. 1, 1912; Eliz Hyde Botume, <i>First days among the Contrabands</i> +(Boston, 1893); Oliver O. Howard, <i>Autobiography</i>, 2 vols., vol. 2 +(New York, 1907); and A. Toomer Porter, <i>The History of a Work of +Faith and Love in Charleston, S. C.</i> (New York, 1882). +</p> +<p> +5. <span class="smcap">Description and Travel.</span> Charles Nordhoff, <i>The Freedmen +of South Carolina; some account of their appearance, condition and +peculiar customs</i> (New York, 1863); Whitelaw Reid, <i>After the War, +A Southern Tour</i>, May 1, 1865, to May 1, 1866 (New York, 1866); and +Sidney Andrews, <i>The South Since the War as Shown by 14 Weeks Travel +in Georgia and the Carolinas</i>, 1866. +</p> +<p> +II. <span class="smcap">Secondary Sources.</span> Myrta L. Avary, <i>Dixie After the War</i> +(New York, 1906); Laura J. Webster, <i>Operation of the Freedmen's +Bureau in South Carolina, Smith College Studies in History</i>, vol. 1, +1915-'16; Paul S. Pierce, <i>The Freedmen's Bureau, University of Iowa +Studies</i> (Iowa City, 1904); Thomas Jesse Jones, <i>Negro Education, +U. S. Bureau of Education, Bulletins</i>, 1916, Nos. 38 and 39; Colyer +Meriwether, <i>History of Higher Education in South Carolina, U. S. +Bureau of Education, Circular of Information</i>, No. 3, 1888; William W. +Sweet, <i>The Methodist Episcopal Church and the Civil War</i> (Cincinnati, +1912); Amory D. Mayo, <i>Work of Northern Churches in the Education of +the Freedmen. Advanced sheets. U. S. Bureau of Education.</i> Chapter +V, 1903; Bowyer Stewart, <i>The Work of the Church in the South during +the Period of Reconstruction</i> (Episcopalian). <i>Hale Memorial Sermon, +1913</i> (Chicago, 1913); J. P. Hollis, <i>Early Period of Reconstruction +in South Carolina. Johns Hopkins University. History and Political +Studies, 1905; Negro Year Book, 1918-'19</i> (Tuskegee, Alabama); +<i>Charleston Year Book</i>, 1880; and W. E. B. DuBois, <i>Souls of Black +Folk</i> (Chicago, 1903).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Not to be confused with the more familiar Gen. W. T. +Sherman mentioned later.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Gannet, <i>North American Review</i>, vol. 101 (1865), p. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Laura M. Towne, <i>Southern Workman</i>, July, 1901, "Life on +the Sea Islands"; <i>Journal of Mrs. Susan Walker</i>; Charles Nordhoff, +<i>The Freedmen of South Carolina</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>The Nation</i>, vol. I (1865), p. 744. Sidney Andrews, <i>The +South Since the War</i>, p. 228.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Charlotte S. Forten, in <i>The Atlantic Monthly</i>, vol. XIII +(May, 1864), p. 593; Botume, <i>First Days among the Contrabands</i>, p. +11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> New York National Freedmen's Relief Association, <i>Annual +Report</i>, 1866, pp. 5-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 8-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Journal of Susan Walker</i>, p. 11; Boston Ed. Commission, +<i>Annual Report</i>, 1863, p. 7; <i>Letters from Port Royal</i>, pp. 2-3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Pierce, in <i>The Atlantic Monthly</i>, vol. XII, 1863, p. +299.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 292.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Nordhoff, <i>The Freedmen of South Carolina</i>, p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> <i>Journal of Susan Walker</i>, p. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Congressional Globe</i>, 41 Cong., 3 Sess., vol. I, No. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> J. W. Alvord, <i>Fifth Semi-annual Report</i> (Jan. 1, '68), +p. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>New York Tribune</i>, June 17, 1862.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> "Cabins of slaves for religious meetings."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Botume, <i>First Days among the Contrabands</i>, p. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>The American Missionary</i>, vol. VI (Aug., 1862), p. 186.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>House Executive Documents</i>, 41 Cong., 2 Sess., vol. VI, +No. 142, p. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Pierce, in <i>The Atlantic Monthly</i>, vol. XII (1863), p. +303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>The Nation</i>, vol. I (1865), p. 745.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Laura M. Towne, <i>Southern Workman</i>, July, 1901, p. 337. +Nordhoff, p. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i4">"Oh, none in all the world before</div> +<div class="verse i8">Were ever glad as we!</div> +<div class="verse i4">We're free on Carolina's shore,</div> +<div class="verse i8">We're all at home and free.</div> +</div> + +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i4">"We hear no more the driver's horn</div> +<div class="verse i8">No more the whip we fear,</div> +<div class="verse i4">This holy day that saw Thee born</div> +<div class="verse i8">Was never half so dear.</div> +</div> + +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i4">"The very oaks are greener clad,</div> +<div class="verse i8">The waters brighter smile;</div> +<div class="verse i4">Oh, never shone a day so glad</div> +<div class="verse i8">On sweet St. Helen's Isle.</div> +</div> + +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i4">"Come once again, O blessed Lord!</div> +<div class="verse i8">Come walking on the sea!</div> +<div class="verse i4">And let the mainlands hear the word</div> +<div class="verse i8">That sets the islands free!"</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>See Pierce, in <i>The Atlantic Monthly</i>, vol. XII, p. 305; <i>Letters from +Port Royal</i>, p. 133.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>The Nation</i>, vol. I (1865), p. 747.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Botume, <i>First Days among the Contrabands</i>, p. 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>The Nation</i>, vol. I (1865), p. 746.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> N. E. Freedman's Aid Society, <i>Annual Report</i>, 1864, p. +15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> <i>Senate Executive Documents</i>, 38 Cong., 1 Sess., vol. I, +No. 1, pp. 2-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <i>House Executive Documents</i>, 41 Cong., 2 Sess., vol. VI, +No. 142, p. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 39 Cong., 1 Sess., vol. VII, No. 11, p. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> <i>National Freedman</i>, Oct., 1865, p. 300.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Howard, <i>Autobiography</i>, vol. II, p. 221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>Statutes at Large</i>, XIV, p. 176.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 486.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>U. S. Bureau of Ed. Bulletin</i>, 1916, No. 38, pp. +269-271; <i>Annual Reports of Societies</i>, 1863-1868.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> <i>The Freedmen's Record</i> (1865-1874), quoted in +<i>Bulletin</i>, 1916, No. 38, p. 297.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> <i>The Freedman</i>, August, 1865, p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> J. W. Alvord, <i>Semi-annual Report</i>, July 1, 1869, p. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> W. W. Sweet, <i>Methodist Episcopal Church and the Civil +War</i>, p. 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> A. D. Mayo, <i>Northern Churches and the Freedmen</i>, p. +300.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> A. D. Mayo, <i>Northern Churches and the Freedmen</i>, p. +291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> <i>U. S. Bureau of Education Bulletin</i> (1916), No. 39, p. +16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> <i>National Freedman</i>, May 1, 1865, p. 122; <i>Ibid.</i>, April +30, 1865, p. 150. <i>American Freedman</i>, May, 1866, p. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Charleston Year Book</i> (1880), p. 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> See Carter G. Woodson, <i>Education of the Negro Prior to +1861</i>, p. 129.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Sidney Andrews, <i>The South Since the War</i>, p. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>National Freedman</i>, June 1, 1865, p. 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>National Freedman</i>, Nov. 15, 1865, p. 314; <i>Ibid.</i>, +May, 1866, pp. 139-140.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> J. W. Alvord, <i>Report</i>, Jan. 1, 1868, p. 27. <i>American +Freedman</i>, July-August, 1868, p. 442.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>The American Freedman</i>, May, 1866, p. 261. This does +not, however, indicate in all cases the number of schools at each +town.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> The school at Camden increased in size the next year.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> J. W. Alvord, <i>Report</i>, Jan. 1, 1870, p. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Freedmen's Aid Society of the M. E. Church, <i>Annual +Report</i>, 1871, pp. 19-20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Mayo, <i>Northern Churches and the Freedmen</i>, p. 300.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne</i>, p. 221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>American Missionary Ass'n Annual Report</i>, 1870, p. 221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>History of the A. M. A.</i>, p. 36; <i>Annual Report</i>, 1868, +p. 47; Mayo, p. 287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>The Nation</i>, vol. 1 (1865), p. 778.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> American Baptist Home Mission Society, <i>Annual Report</i>, +1872, p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Merriwether, <i>History of Higher Education in South +Carolina</i>, p. 125; <i>Annual Report</i> (1872) <i>F. A. S.</i>, p. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> <i>Charleston Year Book</i> (1880), pp. 126-127; <i>Annual +Report</i> (1870) <i>Presbyterian Committee</i>, p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Porter, <i>Work of Faith and Love</i>, p. 6; Stewart, <i>Work +of the Church during Reconstruction</i>, p. 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> <i>Annual Report</i> (1866) <i>Friends Ass'n</i>, p. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> <i>A. M. A. Annual Report</i> (1864), p. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> <i>Freedmen's Journal</i>, Jan. 1, 1865, p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <i>National Freedman</i>, Feb., 1866, p. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> <i>Letters from Port Royal</i>; <i>Letters and Diary of Laura +M. Towne</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> <i>Pennsylvania Freedmen's Bulletin</i>, Oct., 1866, p. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Baptist Home Mission Monthly</i> (1879), p. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Columbia Phoenix</i>, March 21, 1865.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Merriwether, <i>History of Higher Education in South +Carolina</i>, p. 115.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> <i>House Executive Documents</i>, 39 Cong., 1 Sess., vol. +VII, No. 11, p. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> J. W. Alvord, <i>Semi-annual Report</i> (July 1, 1867), p. +25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> <i>The Nation</i>, vol. III, Oct. 25, 1866.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Alvord, <i>Semi-annual Report</i> (Jan. 1, 1870), p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> <i>The New Era</i>, July 28, 1865.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Alvord, <i>Report</i>, Aug. 6, 1866, p. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> <i>New York Times</i>, Aug. 14, 1866.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Porter, <i>Work of Faith and Love</i>, p. 6; <i>The Nation</i>, +vol. II (1866); p. 770.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> <i>Charleston Courier</i>, Feb. 15, 1867; <i>American +Freedman</i>, April, 1867, p. 204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> The school referred to here is the one already +mentioned, the Penn Normal and Agricultural School. It is an excellent +community school and one especially fitted for St. Helena, the +population of which is still largely colored. See <i>United States +Bureau of Education Bulletin</i> (1916), No. 39, p. 483. Miss Towne +remained in service 39 years, Miss Schofield 48 years, and Miss Munro +at Mt. Pleasant 45 years.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> <i>United States Census</i>, 1860.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Hurd, <i>Law of Freedom and Bondage</i>, II, p. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> <i>Baptist Home Mission Monthly</i>, June, 1879, p. 182.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> <i>Freedmen's Record</i>, April, 1868, p. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Freedmen's Aid Society, <i>Annual Report</i> (1871), p. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>H. Ex. Docs.</i>, 40 Cong., 2 Sess., vol. II, No. 1, p. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> J. W. Alvord, <i>Report on Schools and Finances of +Freedmen</i>, July, 1866, p. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> <i>American Freedman</i>, July, 1868, p. 446.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> <i>National Freedman</i>, Oct., 1865, p. 299.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Whitelaw Reid, <i>After the War</i>, pp. 89-91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>National Freedman</i>, June, 1866, p. 169.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Freedmen's Record</i>, April, 1868, p. 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Anderson Intelligencer</i>, July, 1867, quoted in <i>The +American Freedman</i>, Aug., 1867, p. 264.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>American Freedman</i>, Feb., 1867, p. 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Letters from Port Royal</i>, p. 37; <i>The Freedmen's +Journal</i>, Jan. 1, 1865, pp. 13-15; W. C. Gannet, <i>North American +Review</i>, vol. CI (1865), p. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Pierce, in <i>Atlantic Monthly</i>, vol. 12 (1863), p. 305.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> <i>A. M. A. Annual Report</i>, 1866, p. 27; 1867, pp. 32-33; +<i>National Freedman</i>, May, 1866, p. 142.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span></p></div></div> + + + + +<h2>THE RELIGION OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO SLAVE: HIS ATTITUDE TOWARD LIFE AND DEATH</h2> + + +<p>I propose to discuss the religious behavior of the American Negro +slave, between 1619 and the close of the Civil War, first, by a brief +discussion of the religion of the tribes in Africa, and the tendency +of the old habits and traditions to maintain themselves among the +American slave; second, by a consideration of what the slave found +in America, and his contact with another religious culture called +Christianity; and third, by a description of the slave's reaction to a +Christian environment, or what the slave's religious behavior really +was.<a name="FNanchor_1_102" id="FNanchor_1_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_102" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> My thesis is that the religion of Africa disappeared from +the consciousness of the American slave; that the slave himself, by +contact with a new environment, became a decidedly different person, +having a new religion, a primitive Christianity, with the central +emphasis, not upon this world, but upon heaven.<a name="FNanchor_2_103" id="FNanchor_2_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_103" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span></p> + +<p>My task is to show that the religion of the Negro slave between 1619 +and the Civil War did not originate in Africa, but was something +totally different from the prevailing religion of the black continent +in that it placed emphasis upon heaven; and that this distinctive +element in the religion of the slave grew out of his contact with +Christianity in America. In taking this position I have tried to give +due weight to those considerations which tend to support a contrary +position, such as the inertia of African habits and traditions in +the life of the American slave, and the hostile tendency of his +social surroundings to religious development.<a name="FNanchor_3_104" id="FNanchor_3_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_104" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> On the other +hand, I have considered the disintegrating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> effects of the American +slave system upon black groups that originated in Africa, together +with the American slave's new social contacts, which produced in +him the religious attitude found, and out of which arose the early +slave-preacher and church. Finally, I have attempted to show that the +naive imagery and emphasis in the "spirituals" are selected elements +that helped the slave adjust himself to his particular world.</p> + +<p>Our beginning is with the prevailing religion of Africa, Fetishism. +Authorities use the term "Fetishism" as the "(<i>a</i>) worship of inanimate +objects, often regarded as purely African; (<i>b</i>) Negro religion in +general; (<i>c</i>) the worship of inanimate objects conceived as the +residence of spirits not inseparably bound up with, nor originally +connected with, such objects; (<i>d</i>) the doctrine of spirits embodied +in, or attached to, or conceiving influence through certain material +objects;<a name="FNanchor_4_105" id="FNanchor_4_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_105" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> (<i>e</i>) the use of charms, which are not worshipped,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> but +derive their magical power from a god or spirit; (<i>f</i>) the use as +charms of objects regarded as magically potent in themselves."</p> + +<p>All of the elements embodied in this definition are found, generally, +in the primitive religions of the African peoples. Believing that +persons and objects of this world were inhabited by spirits, the +African necessarily accounted for the phenomena of the universe by the +arbitrary will of spiritual beings, whom he feared, and, therefore, +worshipped, or sought to control by magic. Unable thus to find +companionship with these unseen, mysterious personalities, the men +of Africa knew no land of sunshine beyond the dreadful shadow of the +grave; but the American slave, who experienced death as a short period +of darkness before a day of eternal glory, did not inherit the fears +of Africa.</p> + +<p>Now what did the slave bring from Africa? In answering this question +let us consider what is commonly referred to as the inertia of African +heritage. American missionaries reported that it was harder to teach +the slaves who were born in Africa than those born in this country. +This quotation from the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial America +and West Indies, 1699, Section 473, supports this view: "Negroes born +in this country were generally baptized, but for Negroes imported, +the gross barbarity and rudeness of their manners, the variety and +strangeness of their language, and the weakness and shallowness of +their minds rendered it in a manner impossible to attain to any +progress in their conversion."<a name="FNanchor_5_106" id="FNanchor_5_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_106" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>Two definite cases bear a similar testimony, the one being that of +Phyllis Wheatley, a girl brought here from Africa, who spoke of how +her mother there worshipped the rising sun, the other, this story +related by a man concerning his grandfather: "He was an old man, +nearly 80 years old," he said, "and he manifested all the fondness +for me that I could expect from one so old.... He always expressed +contempt for his fellow slaves, for when young he was an African of +rank.... He had singular religious notions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> never going to meeting, +or caring for the preachers he could, if he would, occasionally +hear. He retained his native traditions respecting the deity and +hereafter."<a name="FNanchor_6_107" id="FNanchor_6_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_107" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>Other cases, though few, clearly demonstrate that among the American +slaves also there existed a belief in ghosts and a lurking fear of +the denizens of a mysterious world. But what was religion in Africa +was generally regarded by the American slaves themselves as mere +superstition.</p> + +<p>The hostility of masters to new slave-contacts had some bearing on +the situation. Whatever superstition, whether from Africa or another +source, we find among the slaves, had a tendency to maintain itself +the more because of the attitude of some masters toward the religious +education of their bondmen. Slaves of those owners, who, through love +of money, were indifferent toward education, encouraged in vice and +superstition, had no time for religious training. Although, ever since +1619, and especially after the rebellion of Nat Turner, there were +some slaves whose eagerness to learn occasioned State-laws against the +education or assembling of slaves, nevertheless, during the entire +period there was a countless number of slaves who were absolutely +disinterested in their own education. They were also handicapped in +religious advancement, because many owners believed that baptism +made the slave free, which belief was prevalently held until 1729, +when the Christian nations finally reached the decision that baptism +did not mean manumission, and that even a Christian could be a +slave.<a name="FNanchor_7_108" id="FNanchor_7_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_108" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Such a sentiment against the contact of slaves with the +Christian religion, beyond doubt, tended to keep them in ignorance and +superstition, and to develop among them religious habits and attitudes +peculiar to an isolated group, but the point can be over-emphasized, +in view of all that actually happened.</p> + +<p>Dr. Park says: "Coming from all parts of Africa and having no common +language, and common tradition, the memories of Africa which they +brought with them were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> soon lost.... The fact that the Negro brought +with him from Africa so little tradition which he was able to transmit +and perpetuate on American soil makes that race unique among all +peoples of our cosmopolitan population."<a name="FNanchor_8_109" id="FNanchor_8_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_109" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> In connection herewith, +moreover, we must also take into account that slave-groups, upon +reaching America, were broken up and the members thereof sold into +different parts of the country, where new habits had to be formed, +because of a different environment. Contrasting the life in Africa +with that of slaves in America, Washington better expresses the idea +in these words: "The porters, carrying their loads along the narrow +forest paths, sing of the loved ones in their far-away homes. In the +evening the people of the villages gather around the fire and sing for +hours. These songs refer to war, to hunting, and to the spirits that +dwell in the deep woods. In them all the wild and primitive life of +the people is reflected....</p> + +<p>"There is a difference, however, between the music of Africa and that +of her transplanted children. There is a new note in the music which +had its origin in the Southern plantations, and in this new note the +sorrow and the sufferings which came from serving in a strange land +find expression."<a name="FNanchor_9_110" id="FNanchor_9_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_110" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>Let us direct attention to what the Negro slave found in America, a +Christian atmosphere. With their various groups broken into fragments +and scattered by the American slave-trade, as the slaves here learned +the English language, they were more able to assimilate the elements +of Christianity found in American life. Sold into Christian homes, +but gathered with their masters around the family altar, they became +actual participants in the singing and praying that broke the morning +and evening silence of those eventful days. The old records show that +from the very beginning of American slavery<a name="FNanchor_10_111" id="FNanchor_10_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_111" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> slaves experienced +Christianity through the conscious help of some masters, and later,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> +as the whites saw that the Christian religion made the Negroes better +slaves and did not set them free, the blacks secured more favorable +opportunities for religious instruction. In some States masters were +required even by legislation to look after the religious education of +their slaves.<a name="FNanchor_11_112" id="FNanchor_11_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_112" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> In Louisiana, for example, planters were obliged by +the Code Noir to have their Negroes instructed and baptized, to give +them Sundays and holidays for rest and worship. But, even when not +required by law, a few owners established schools for their slaves, +and either taught or hired others to teach them "the way of eternal +life."</p> + +<p>So it is reported that by the 19th century: "Few Negroes escaped +some religious instruction from those good people. Usually on Sunday +afternoons, but sometimes in the morning, the slaves would be gathered +in the great house and lessons in the catechism had to be learned. The +Apostles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments were also +taught. Hymns were sung and prayers rose to Heaven. Many good masters +read sermons to their slaves. Other masters hired ministers.... Others +preached themselves."<a name="FNanchor_12_113" id="FNanchor_12_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_113" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> + +<p>Another source of contact with Christianity was that resulting from +the attitude of persons who worked, not for the religious development +of their own slaves alone, but who, with a larger human interest, +unmindful of the benefits that might come to their individual +households, gave their lives to bless all slaves. One of the very +purposes of American slavery being to benefit the slaves, one can +readily see how missionary work among them grew with the system of +slavery itself.</p> + +<p>"After 1716," Woodson tells us, "when Jesuits were taking over slaves +in large numbers, and especially after 1726, when Law's Company was +importing many to meet the demand for laborers in Louisiana, we read +of more instances of the instruction of Negroes by the Catholics.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> ... +Le Petit spoke of being 'settled to the instruction of the boarders, +the girls who live without, and the Negro women.' In 1738 he said, +'I instruct in Christian morals the slaves of our residence, who are +Negroes, and as many others as I can get from their masters.'"</p> + +<p>Awakened by what the zealous French in Louisiana were doing, English +missionaries made progressive plans for preaching the gospel to the +blacks. During the 18th century numerous missionaries, catechists, +and school-masters, sent from England to America, founded schools for +the slaves, and distributed many sermons, lectures, and Bibles among +them. In 1705 Thomas counted among his communicants in South Carolina +twenty Negroes who could read and write. Later, making a report of the +work he and his associates were doing, he said: "I have here presumed +to give an account of 1,000 slaves so far as they know of it and are +desirous of Christian knowledge and seem willing to prepare themselves +for it, in learning to read, for which they redeem the time from their +labor. Many of them can read the Bible distinctly, and great numbers +of them were learning when I left the province."<a name="FNanchor_14_115" id="FNanchor_14_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_115" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> + +<p>"After some opposition," Woodson further says, "this work began to +progress somewhat in Virginia. The first school established in that +colony was for Indians and Negroes.... On the binding out a 'bastard +or pauper-child black or white,' churchwardens specifically required +that he should be taught 'to read and write and calculate as well as +to follow some profitable form of labor.' ... Reports of an increase +in the number of colored communicants came from Accomac County where +four or five hundred families were instructing their slaves at home +and had their children catechised on Sunday."<a name="FNanchor_15_116" id="FNanchor_15_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_116" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<p>Side by side with the work done by missionaries, men of different +denominations vied with one another in bringing slaves into the +light of a Christian atmosphere. Some founded Sunday schools, some +preached of the "inner light<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> in every man," others more successfully +preached salvation by faith in the power of a risen Christ, who died +for the sins of men. Soon after the first Negroes were placed upon +the shores of Jamestown, slaves began to be baptized, and received +into the Episcopal Church. Earnest says that "at least one Negro was +baptized soon after the contact with the colonists in Virginia."<a name="FNanchor_16_117" id="FNanchor_16_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_117" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> +Washington says that only five years after slavery was introduced into +Virginia a Negro child named William was baptized, and that from that +time on the names of Negroes can be found upon the register of most +of the churches. In the old record-book of Bruton Parish, 1,122<a name="FNanchor_17_118" id="FNanchor_17_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_118" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> +Negro-baptisms were recorded between 1746 and 1797.<a name="FNanchor_18_119" id="FNanchor_18_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_119" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> In 1809 there +were about 9,000 Negro Baptists in Virginia.<a name="FNanchor_19_120" id="FNanchor_19_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_120" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> The African Baptist +Church of Richmond alone subsequently increased from 1,000 to 3,832 +in 24 years. The Methodist Magazine of October, 1827, reports that +as early as 1817 there were 43,411 Negro members in the Methodist +societies.<a name="FNanchor_20_121" id="FNanchor_20_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_121" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p>"The Negro seems, from the beginning," says Washington, "to have +been very closely associated with the Methodists in the United +States. When the Reverend Thomas Coke was ordained by John Wesley, +as Superintendent or Bishop of the American Society in 1784, he was +accompanied on most of his travels throughout the United States by +Harry Hosier, a colored minister who was at the same time the Bishop's +servant and an evangelist of the Church. Harry Hosier, who was the +first American Negro preacher of the Methodist Church in the United +States, was one of the notable characters of his day."<a name="FNanchor_21_122" id="FNanchor_21_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_122" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> + +<p>Let us now consider the effects of these early religious contacts upon +the life of slave-preachers, some of whom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> were comparatively well +educated. Concerning Jack of Virginia it is said that "his opinions +were respected, his advice followed, and yet he never betrayed the +least symptoms of arrogance or self-conceit. His dwelling was a rude +log-cabin, his apparel was of the plainest, coarsest materials.... +He refused gifts of better clothing, saying, 'These clothes are a +great deal better than are generally worn by people of my color, and, +besides, if I wear them I find I shall be obliged to think about them +even at meetings.'"<a name="FNanchor_22_123" id="FNanchor_22_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_123" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> + +<p>With an influence among the slaves equal to Jack's, two other Negro +messengers of the gospel, Andrew Bryan and Samson, his brother, who +earlier had appeared in Georgia, were publicly whipped and imprisoned +with 50 companions, but they joyously declared that they would suffer +death for their faith found in Christ, whom they expected to preach +until death.<a name="FNanchor_23_124" id="FNanchor_23_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_124" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> By their uncompromising attitude,<a name="FNanchor_24_125" id="FNanchor_24_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_125" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> which +silenced opponents and raised up friends, they won for themselves +among the slaves that sacred esteem belonging to saintly martyrs like +Polycarp, Huss, and Fox.</p> + +<p>There were other itinerant ministers in these days, who were either +given their freedom or purchased it by working as common laborers +while preaching. Being better educated, and more closely in contact +with the religious life of the whites than the masses of slaves, +they were carriers of Christian sentiment from the whites to the +blacks, inspiring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> them with the hope of life in an unseen world. +One day there arrived in Fayetteville, North Carolina, Henry Evans, +a Methodist preacher, a free Negro from Virginia, who worked as a +carpenter during the week and preached on Sunday. Forbidden by the +Town Council of Fayetteville to preach, he made his meetings secret, +changing them from time to time until he was tolerated. Just before +his death, while leaning on the altar-rail, he said to his followers:</p> + +<p>"I have come to say my last word to you. It is this: None but Christ. +Three times I have had my life in jeopardy for preaching the gospel to +you. Three times I have broken the ice on the edge of the water and +swam across the Cape Fear to preach the gospel to you, and if in my +last hour I could trust to that or anything but Christ crucified, for +my salvation, all should be lost, and my soul perish forever."<a name="FNanchor_25_126" id="FNanchor_25_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_126" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> + +<p>Some of these ministers led an independent movement. Six years after +Richard Allen, with a few followers, withdrew in 1790 from the Free +African Society in Philadelphia,<a name="FNanchor_26_127" id="FNanchor_26_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_127" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> and started an independent +Methodist Church in a blacksmith shop, Negro members of the Methodist +Episcopal Church in New York began separate meetings. After pastoring +a white church,<a name="FNanchor_27_128" id="FNanchor_27_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_128" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> Josiah Bishop started the First Colored Baptist +Church of Portsmouth in 1791. Finding accommodations in the white +church of Richmond inadequate, the Negroes petitioned for separate +meetings in 1823.<a name="FNanchor_28_129" id="FNanchor_28_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_129" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Harding, speaking of the opportunity of +religious instruction and of divine worship allowed the slaves in +Kentucky, says that "in every church-edifice, seats were set apart for +the occupancy of colored worshippers.... Almost every neighborhood had +its Negro preacher whose credentials, if his own assertion was to be +taken, came directly from the Lord."<a name="FNanchor_29_130" id="FNanchor_29_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_130" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span></p> + +<p>What were the results of these contacts? The most important was that +with its charming stories of the creation of the universe, of the +Egyptian bondage, and of the journey across the Red Sea, with its New +Testament emphasis upon the power, death, and resurrection of Christ, +with its apocalyptic imagery, the Bible became to the slave the most +sacred book of books. Upon its pages he saw the tears of men and +women constantly fall, and from its truths he saw the pious preacher +choose words suitable for exhortation. The peculiar interest of the +Negro-slave in reading this book was soon apparent.</p> + +<p>One old man, being secretly taught by a slave-girl to read the +Bible, said, with trembling voice, while tears were falling from his +penetrating eyes: "Honey, it 'pears when I can read dis good book I +shall be nearer to God."<a name="FNanchor_31_132" id="FNanchor_31_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_132" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> Another slave prayed thus: "I pray de +good massa Lord will put it into de niggers' hearts to larn to read +de good book. Ah, Lord, make de letters in our spelling books big and +plain, and make our eyes bright and shining, and make our hearts big +and strong for to larn.... Oh, Hebbenly Fader, we tank De for makin' +our massas willin' to let us come to dis school."<a name="FNanchor_32_133" id="FNanchor_32_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_133" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>Upon a battlefield of the Civil War, another, a soldier, said: "Let me +lib wid dis musket in one hand an' de Bible in de oder,—dat if I die +at de muzzle ob de musket, die in de water, die on de land, I may know +I hab de bressed Jesus in my hand an' hab no fear."<a name="FNanchor_33_134" id="FNanchor_33_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_134" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> + +<p>How the text from Hebrews 2:9, "That He, by the grace of God, should +taste of death for every man," became a part of his life, was told by +Josiah Henson after becoming free: "This was the first text of the +Bible to which I had ever listened, knowing it to be such. I have +never forgotten it, and scarce a day has passed since, in which I have +not recalled it, and the sermon that was preached from it. The divine +character of Jesus Christ, his life and teachings,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> his sacrifice of +himself for others, his death and resurrection were all alluded to, +and some of the points were dwelt upon with great power.... I was +wonderfully impressed, too, with the use which the preacher made of +the last words of the text, 'for every man' ... the bond as well as +the free; and he dwelt on the glad tidings of the Gospel to the poor, +the persecuted ... till my heart burned within me, and I was in a +state of greatest excitement ... that such a being ... should have +died for me ... a poor slave...."<a name="FNanchor_34_135" id="FNanchor_34_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_135" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p>Contemporaries assert that often while following the plow, gathering +up the frosty corn, or driving the ox-cart to the barn, slaves, +burning with enthusiasm, talked of how much sermons satisfied their +hungry souls. Household and plantation slaves, gray-haired fathers +and mothers with their children, crowded eagerly to hear the gospel +preached. Thus Earnest says of one man: "His slaves came 17 miles +to reach Mr. Wright's nearest preaching place."<a name="FNanchor_35_136" id="FNanchor_35_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_136" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> Concerning the +spread of the Christian religion among the slaves on the seaboard +of South Carolina, it is affirmed that "the scenes on the Sabbath +were affecting. The Negroes came in crowds from two parishes. Often +have I seen (a scene, I reckon, not often witnessed) groups of them +'double-quicking' in the roads, in order to reach the church in +time.... The white service being over, the slaves would throng the +seats vacated by their masters...."<a name="FNanchor_36_137" id="FNanchor_36_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_137" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> John Thompson, in the story +of his life, says that, "As soon as it got among the slaves, it spread +from plantation to plantation, until it reached ours where there were +but few who did not experience religion."<a name="FNanchor_37_138" id="FNanchor_37_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_138" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> + +<p>From the blighting, superstitious fears of a heartless universe, +the heralds of Christianity brought to the slave words of hope and +salvation, a message of companionship with a heavenly father. "You are +poor slaves and have a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> hard time of it here," said they, "but I can +tell you the blessed Savior shed his blood for you as much as for your +masters.... Break off from all your wicked ways, your lying, stealing, +swearing, drunkenness, and vile lewdness; give yourselves to prayer +and repentance and fly to Jesus, and give up your heart to him in true +earnest; and flee from the wrath to come."<a name="FNanchor_38_139" id="FNanchor_38_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_139" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> + +<p>Fred Douglass relates that "the preaching of a white Methodist +minister, named Hanson, was the means of causing me to feel that in +God I had such a friend. He thought that all men, great and small, +bond and free, were sinners in the sight of God: that they were by +nature rebels against his government; and that they must repent +of their sins, and be reconciled to God through Christ.... I was +wretched."<a name="FNanchor_39_140" id="FNanchor_39_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_140" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> + +<p>Besides definite principles of morality which included humble +submission to the divine right of masters, Negro slaves were also +taught that "parents who meet their children in heaven will be more +than consoled for their early death." "You can not imagine," said +they, "what happiness is in reserve for you from this source.... When +you have entered heaven you will probably be met by a youthful spirit +who will call you father! mother! Perhaps you have a little family +there, expecting your arrival ... save your own soul."<a name="FNanchor_40_141" id="FNanchor_40_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_141" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p>Exactly what was this religion of the slave? Thus coming into contact +with this Christian environment, the slave consciously lived a new +life, which definitely began with conversion, the phenomenon marked by +a feeling of remorse, inner conflict, prayer, and release of tension, +or what was felt to be "freedom from hell." Prior to conversion he +had been a member of the "disobedient servant-group," perhaps lying, +stealing, drinking, and using profanity; but after conversion, being +initiated into a new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> group, he had to live a circumspect life. +Conversion, then, meant to the slave that experience by which he +turned his back toward hell and began the journey toward heaven. Very +often it signified retiring to some lonely spot, where the slave +struggled with an unseen power, until freed by Christ, with whom, no +longer a child of fear, he afterwards lived in filial companionship, +hopefully asking and joyfully securing aid in an unfriendly world.</p> + +<p>"I always had a natural fear of God from my youth," declared one +slave, describing his feelings leading up to conversion, "and was +often checked in conscience with thoughts of death, which barred me +from my sins and bad company. I knew no other way at that time to hope +for salvation but only in the performance of my good works.... If it +was the will of God to cut me off at that time, I was sure I should be +found in hell, as sure as God was in heaven. I saw my condemnation in +my own heart, and I found no way which I could escape the damnation +of hell, only through the merits of my dying Lord and Savior Jesus +Christ; which caused me to make intercession with Christ, for the +salvation of my poor immortal soul.... After this I declared before +the congregation of believers the work which God had done for my +soul."<a name="FNanchor_41_142" id="FNanchor_41_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_142" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<p>The slaves used to express it thus in song:<a name="FNanchor_42_143" id="FNanchor_42_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_143" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"One day when I was walkin' along,</div> +<div class="verse i0">De element opened, an' de love came down,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I never shall forget dat day,</div> +<div class="verse i0">When Jesus washed my sins away."</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>They also sang such words as these:<a name="FNanchor_43_144" id="FNanchor_43_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_144" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Jesus snatched me from de doors of hell,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' took me in with him to dwell."</div> +<div class="verse i0">"Jesus told you ... go in peace an' sin no mo'."</div> +<div class="verse i0">"Soul done anchored in Jesus Christ."</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>With reference to the wilderness, where, without food, they overcame +the spirit of evil by the aid of Jesus, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> with reference to the +life led after having this experience, the slaves sang with much +feeling:<a name="FNanchor_44_145" id="FNanchor_44_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_145" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"All true children gwine in de wilderness,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine in de wilderness, gwine in de wilderness,</div> +<div class="verse i0">True believers gwine in de wilderness,</div> +<div class="verse i0">To take away de sins ob de world."</div> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i2">"Stay in the field, stay in the field, stay in</div> +<div class="verse i4">the field, till de war is ended."<a name="FNanchor_45_146" id="FNanchor_45_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_146" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></div> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"You say your Jesus set-a you free;</div> +<div class="verse i0">View de land, view de land,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Why don't you let-a your neighbor be,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Go view de heavenly land.</div> +<div class="verse i0">You say you're aiming for de skies,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Why don't you stop-a your telling lies?"<a name="FNanchor_46_147" id="FNanchor_46_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_147" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>Another ceremonial feature of slave-conversion was the shout, in which +the prospective convert, upon the "mourners' bench," surrounded by +a group of singing dancers, prayed continually, until convinced of +perfect relief from damnation, when he leaped and ran to proclaim +the joyous news. When shouting, whether for making converts or for +mere group-response, these noisy, black singers of antiphonal songs +preferred to be alone in some cabin or in the praise-house, where they +could express themselves with absolute freedom.</p> + +<p>Just how they disturbed the peace is expressed in the following +words: "Almost every night there is a meeting of these noisy, +frantic worshippers.... Midnight! Is that the season for religious +convocation?... is that the accepted time?"<a name="FNanchor_47_148" id="FNanchor_47_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_148" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Concerning worship +by a light-wood fire another said: "But the benches are pushed back +to the wall when the formal meeting is over, and old and young, men +and women ... begin, first walking and by and by shuffling around, +one after the other, in a ring. The foot is hardly taken from the +floor and the progression is mainly due to a jerking, hitching motion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> +which agitates the entire shouter and soon brings out streams of +perspiration. Sometimes they dance silently; sometimes as they shuffle +they sing the course of the spiritual, and sometimes the song itself +is also sung by the dancers. But more frequently a band, composed of +some of the best singers and of tired shouters, stand at the side +of the room to 'face' the others singing the body of the song and +dropping their hands together or on their knees. Song and dance are +alike extremely energetic and often, when the shout lasts into the +middle of the night, the monotonous thud, thud of the feet prevents +sleep within half a mile of the praise-house."<a name="FNanchor_48_149" id="FNanchor_48_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_149" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> + +<p>"And all night, as I waked at intervals, I could hear them praying and +'shouting' and chattering with hands and heels," relates Colonel T. W. +Higginson. "It seemed to make them very happy, and appeared to be at +least an innocent Christian dissipation ... the dusky figures moved in +the rhythmical barbaric dance the Negroes called a 'shout,' chanting, +often harshly, but always in the most perfect time, some monotonous +refrain."<a name="FNanchor_49_150" id="FNanchor_49_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_150" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<p>"By this time every man within hearing, from oldest to youngest, would +be wriggling and shuffling, as if through some piper's bewitchment; +for even those who at first affected contemptuous indifference would +be drawn into the vortex ere long."<a name="FNanchor_50_151" id="FNanchor_50_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_151" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> + +<p>Whatever may be said about the "shout," the fact remains, that whether +this ceremony was mere play, or relaxation after a day of repressing +toil, or whether it served to drive away a hostile spirit by creating +within the members of the group the feeling of being possessed with +the power of God, it became an indispensable part of the slave +religious worship. In this Christian dance, the slave sang:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> "O shout, +shout, de debbil is about, O shut yo' do' an' keep him out." Through +it he expected to destroy the kingdom of Satan, and thereby make the +assurance of reaching heaven more complete. The feeling gained thereby +became spiritual balm for the aches of by-gone and coming days.<a name="FNanchor_51_152" id="FNanchor_51_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_152" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + +<p>The songs, also, used by the slave in these meetings and sung +generally by the individuals thereof, tell in a very definite way +what the religious attitude of the American Negro slave was. They +relate the sorrows of this world, and the joys felt by the slave, +who anticipated a home in heaven. They describe in naive imagery +the rugged journey of the weary traveler and the land of his happy +destination. "Nothing," says Washington, "tells more truly what the +Negro's life in slavery was, than the songs in which he succeeded, +sometimes, in expressing his deepest thoughts and feelings. What, +for example, could express more eloquently the feelings of despair +which sometimes overtook the slave than these simple and expressive +words:<a name="FNanchor_52_153" id="FNanchor_52_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_153" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> 'O Lord, O my Lord! O my good Lord! keep me from sinking +down.'"</p> + +<p>Unable to sing or pray during the lifetime of their master, after his +death, by permission of their mistress, a crowd of Negro slaves sang +the following hymn:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Oh walk togedder, children,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Don't yer get weary,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Walk togedder, children,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Don't yer get weary,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Walk togedder, children,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Don't yer get weary,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dere's a great camp meetin' in de Promised Land.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine to mourn an' nebber tire ...</div> +<div class="verse i0">Mourn an' nebber tire,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Mourn an' nebber tire,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dere's a great camp meetin' in de Promised Land."<a name="FNanchor_53_154" id="FNanchor_53_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_154" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>With longing for that mother who used to carry him upon her back to +the dewy fields, where she, setting her babe upon the springing grass +at the end of the row, began<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> her daily task with the hoe, returning +now and then to give him of her breast; for her whose beaming eyes +turned back until the coming of the night, when she again held him in +her arms, the slave sang in bitter tears. Her tender help was gone. +Father's smile was no more.<a name="FNanchor_54_155" id="FNanchor_54_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_155" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"My mother's sick an' my father's dead,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Got nowhere to lay my weary head."</div> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"My mother an' my father both are dead ...</div> +<div class="verse i0">Good Lord, I cannot stay here by myself.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm er pore little orphan chile in de worl',</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm er pore little orphan chile in de worl' ..."<a name="FNanchor_55_156" id="FNanchor_55_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_156" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></div> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"My mother'n yo' mother both daid an' gone,</div> +<div class="verse i0">My mother'n yo' mother both daid an' gone,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Po' sinner man he so hard to believe.</div> +<div class="verse i0">My folks an' yo' folks both daid an' gone,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Po' sinner man he so hard to believe.</div> +<div class="verse i0">My brother an' yo' brother both daid an' gone,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Po' sinner man he so hard to believe."<a name="FNanchor_56_157" id="FNanchor_56_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_157" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>With great hope the slave sang:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Gwine to see my mother some o' dese mornin's,</div> +<div class="verse i0">See my mother some o' dese mornin's,</div> +<div class="verse i0">See my mother some o' dese mornin's,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Look away in de heaven,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Look away in de heaven, Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Hope I'll jine de band.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Look away in de heaven, Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Hope I'll jine de band."<a name="FNanchor_57_158" id="FNanchor_57_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_158" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>To express his sorrow and his longing for relief from the burdens of +his condition the slave sang:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"One more valient soldier here,</div> +<div class="verse i0">One more valient soldier here,</div> +<div class="verse i0">One more valient soldier here,</div> +<div class="verse i0">To help me bear de cross."<a name="FNanchor_58_159" id="FNanchor_58_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_159" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></div> +</div></div></div> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span></p> +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"My trouble is hard,</div> +<div class="verse i0">O yes,</div> +<div class="verse i0">My trouble is hard,</div> +<div class="verse i0">O yes,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Yes indeed my trouble is hard."<a name="FNanchor_59_160" id="FNanchor_59_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_160" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Nobody knows the trouble I've seen,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Nobody knows but Jesus.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Nobody knows the trouble I've seen,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Glory halleluyah!</div> +<div class="verse i0">Sometimes I'm up, sometimes I'm down!</div> +<div class="verse i0">O yes, Lord!</div> +<div class="verse i0">Sometimes I'm almost to de groun'!</div> +<div class="verse i0">O yes, Lord!</div> +<div class="verse i0">What makes old Satan hate me so?</div> +<div class="verse i0">O yes, Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Because he got me once, but he let me go;</div> +<div class="verse i0">O yes, Lord!"<a name="FNanchor_60_161" id="FNanchor_60_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_161" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Ever since my Lord done set me free,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dis ole worl' been a hell to me,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I am de light un de worl'."<a name="FNanchor_61_162" id="FNanchor_61_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_162" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Oh, what a hard time,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Oh, what a hard time,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Oh, what a hard time,</div> +<div class="verse i0">All God's children have a hard time.</div> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Oh, what a hard time,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Oh, what a hard time,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Oh, what a hard time,</div> +<div class="verse i0">My Lord had a hard time too."<a name="FNanchor_62_163" id="FNanchor_62_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_163" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I'm a-trouble in de mind,</div> +<div class="verse i0">O I'm a-trouble in de mind.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm a-trouble in de mind,</div> +<div class="verse i0">What you doubt for?</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm a-trouble in de mind."<a name="FNanchor_63_164" id="FNanchor_63_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_164" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I'm in trouble, Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm in trouble.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm in trouble, Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Trouble about my grave,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Trouble about my grave,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Trouble about my grave.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span></div> +<div class="verse i0">Sometimes I weep, sometimes I mourn,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm in trouble about my grave;</div> +<div class="verse i0">Sometimes I can't do neither one,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm in trouble about my grave."<a name="FNanchor_64_165" id="FNanchor_64_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_165" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"My father, how long,</div> +<div class="verse i0">My father, how long,</div> +<div class="verse i0">My father, how long,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Poor sinner suffer here?</div> +<div class="verse i0">And it won't be long,</div> +<div class="verse i0">And it won't be long,</div> +<div class="verse i0">And it won't be long,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Poor sinner suffer here.</div> +<div class="verse i0">We'll soon be free,</div> +<div class="verse i0">De Lord will call us home.</div> +<div class="verse i0">We'll walk de miry road</div> +<div class="verse i0">Where pleasure never dies.</div> +<div class="verse i0">We'll walk de golden streets</div> +<div class="verse i0">Of de new Jerusalem ...</div> +<div class="verse i0">We'll fight for liberty</div> +<div class="verse i0">When de Lord will call us home."<a name="FNanchor_65_166" id="FNanchor_65_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_166" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Gwine rock trubbel over,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I b'lieve,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Rock trubbel over,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I b'lieve,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dat Sabbath has no end."<a name="FNanchor_66_167" id="FNanchor_66_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_167" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"My fader's done wid de trouble o' de world,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Wid de trouble o' de world,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Wid de trouble o' de world,</div> +<div class="verse i0">My fader's done wid de trouble o' de world,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Outshine de sun."<a name="FNanchor_67_168" id="FNanchor_67_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_168" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>Although the songs above tell the slave's dissatisfaction with +the present world, there are other songs that relate his definite +experiences of joy arising from a feeling of triumph over this world +of sorrow by assurances of a future world of bliss. Some of these +songs of joy are the following:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I started home, but I did pray,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' I met ole Satan on de way;</div> +<div class="verse i0">Ole Satan made a one grab at me,</div> +<div class="verse i0">But he missed my soul, an' I went free.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span></div> +<div class="verse i0">My sins went a-lumberin' down to hell,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' my soul went a-leapin' up Zion's hill."<a name="FNanchor_68_169" id="FNanchor_68_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_169" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Ole Satan's church is here below.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Up to God's free church I hope to go.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Cry Amen, cry Amen, cry Amen to God!"<a name="FNanchor_69_170" id="FNanchor_69_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_170" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I'm so glad, so glad;</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm so glad, so glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Glad I got religion, so glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Glad I got religion, so glad.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm so glad, so glad;</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm so glad, so glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Glad I bin' changed, so glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Glad I bin' changed, so glad."<a name="FNanchor_70_171" id="FNanchor_70_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_171" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"My brudder have a seat and I so glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Good news member, good news;</div> +<div class="verse i0">My brudder have a seat and I so glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">And I heard from heav'n today."<a name="FNanchor_71_172" id="FNanchor_71_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_172" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Brudder, guide me home, an' I am glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Bright angels biddy me to come;</div> +<div class="verse i0">Brudder, guide me home, an' I am glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Bright angels biddy me to come.</div> +<div class="verse i0">What a happy time, chil'n,</div> +<div class="verse i0">What a happy time, chil'n,</div> +<div class="verse i0">What a happy time, chil'n,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Bright angels biddy me to come.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Let's go to God, chil'n,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Bright angels biddy me to come."<a name="FNanchor_72_173" id="FNanchor_72_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_173" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I jus' got home f'um Jordan,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I jus' got home f'um Jordan,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I jus' got home f'um Jordan,</div> +<div class="verse i0">'Ligion's so-o-o sweet.</div> +<div class="verse i0">My work is done an' I mus' go,</div> +<div class="verse i0">My work is done an' I mus' go,</div> +<div class="verse i0">My work is done an' I mus' go,</div> +<div class="verse i0">'Ligion's so-o-o sweet."<a name="FNanchor_73_174" id="FNanchor_73_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_174" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Shout an' pray both night an' day;</div> +<div class="verse i0">How can you die, you in de Lord?</div> +<div class="verse i0">Come on, chil'n, let's go home;</div> +<div class="verse i0">O I'm so glad you're in de Lord."<a name="FNanchor_74_175" id="FNanchor_74_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_175" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></div> +</div></div></div> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span></p> +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Little children, then won't you be glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Little children, then won't you be glad,</div> +<div class="verse i0">That you have been to heav'n, an' you gwine to go again,</div> +<div class="verse i0">For to try on the long white robe, children,</div> +<div class="verse i0">For to try on the long white robe."<a name="FNanchor_75_176" id="FNanchor_75_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_176" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>Even a slave, when dying, cried: "I am going home! Oh, how glad I +am!"<a name="FNanchor_76_177" id="FNanchor_76_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_177" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> The following hymns also vividly set forth what happy +anxiety the slave felt about his journey "home."</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Gwine to weep, gwine to mourn,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine to get up early in de morn,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Fo' my soul's goin' to heaven jes' sho's you born,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Brother Gabriel goin' ter blow his horn.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Goin' to sing, goin' to pray,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Goin' to pack all my things away,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Fo' my soul's goin' to heaven jes' sho's you born,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Brother Gabriel gwine ter blow his horn."<a name="FNanchor_77_178" id="FNanchor_77_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_178" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I want to go to Canaan,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I want to go to Canaan,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I want to go to Canaan,</div> +<div class="verse i0">To meet 'em at de comin' day."<a name="FNanchor_78_179" id="FNanchor_78_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_179" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I'm goin' home fer to see my Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Bear yo' burden, sinner,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' don't you wish you could go 'long</div> +<div class="verse i0">Bear yo' burden, let in the heat."<a name="FNanchor_79_180" id="FNanchor_79_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_180" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Oh, my mudder's in de road,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Most done trabelling;</div> +<div class="verse i0">My mudder's in de road,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Most done trabelling,</div> +<div class="verse i0">My mudder's in de road,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Most done trabelling,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm bound to carry my soul to de Lord."<a name="FNanchor_80_181" id="FNanchor_80_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_181" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Run, Mary, run,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Run, Mary, run,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Oh, run, Mary, run,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Fire in de east an' fire in de west,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Bound to burn de wilderness,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span></div> +<div class="verse i0">I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Jordan's ribber is a ribber to cross,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Stretch your rod an' come across,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I know de oder worl' 'm not like dis."<a name="FNanchor_81_182" id="FNanchor_81_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_182" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"We will march through the valley in peace,</div> +<div class="verse i0">We will march through the valley in peace;</div> +<div class="verse i0">If Jesus himself be our leader,</div> +<div class="verse i0">We will march through the valley in peace."<a name="FNanchor_82_183" id="FNanchor_82_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_183" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"My sister's goin' to heaven fer to see my Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">To see my Lord, to see my Lord;</div> +<div class="verse i0">Well, my sister's goin' to heaven, to see my Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">What's de onbelievin' soul?"<a name="FNanchor_83_184" id="FNanchor_83_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_184" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Bend-in' knees a-ach-in'</div> +<div class="verse i0">Body racked wid pain,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I wish I was a child of God,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'd git home bim-by.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Keep prayin; I do believe</div> +<div class="verse i0">We're a long time waggin o' de crossin,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Keep prayin; I do believe</div> +<div class="verse i0">We'll git home to heaven bim-by.</div> +<div class="verse i0">O yonder's my old mudder,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Been a-waggin' at the hill so long;</div> +<div class="verse i0">It's about time she cross over,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Git home bim-by.</div> +<div class="verse i0">O hear dat lumerin' thunder</div> +<div class="verse i0">A-roll from do' to do',</div> +<div class="verse i0">A-callin' de people home to God;</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dey'll git home bim-by."<a name="FNanchor_84_185" id="FNanchor_84_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_185" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"When the roll is called up yonder,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'll be there.</div> +<div class="verse i0">By the grace of God up yonder,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'll be there.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Yes my home is way up yonder,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' I'll be there.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I got a mother way up yonder,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'll be there.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I got a sister way up yonder,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'll be there."<a name="FNanchor_85_186" id="FNanchor_85_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_186" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>Although this world was a hell to the slave, still he could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> wait here +with patience until the time of death, after which he would see the +real home of his inner longing. To the slave heaven was a beautiful, +comfortable place beyond the sky. It had golden streets and a sea +of glass, upon which angels danced and sang in praise to Him upon +the golden throne. There was no sun to burn one in that bright land +of never-ending Sabbath. There kindred and friends reunited in the +happiest relationships. The slave was poor, hampered, and sorrowful +in this world; but in that world above, whose glory falling stars and +melting elements would signify in the day of judgment, he would be +rich and free to sing, shout, walk, and fly about carrying the news. +There he would know no tears or the sorrow of parting, but only rest +from toil and care, in the delightful companionship of the heavenly +groups.</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Dere's no rain to wet you,</div> +<div class="verse i0">O, yes, I want to go home.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dere's no sun to burn you,</div> +<div class="verse i0">O, yes, I want to go home.</div> +<div class="verse i0">O, push along believers,</div> +<div class="verse i0">O, yes, I want to go home.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dere's no hard trials,</div> +<div class="verse i0">O, yes, I want to go home.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dere's no whips a crackin'</div> +<div class="verse i0">O, yes, I want to go home."<a name="FNanchor_86_187" id="FNanchor_86_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_187" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Oh de hebben is shinin', shinin',</div> +<div class="verse i0">O Lord, de hebben is shinin' full ob love.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Oh, Fare-you-well, friends,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm gwine to tell you all,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine to leave you all a-mine eyes to close;</div> +<div class="verse i0">De hebben is shinin' full ob love."<a name="FNanchor_87_188" id="FNanchor_87_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_188" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"How sweet a Sabbath thus to spend,</div> +<div class="verse i0">In hope of one that ne'er shall end."<a name="FNanchor_88_189" id="FNanchor_88_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_189" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Yes my mother's goin' to heaven to outshin the sun,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An it's way beyon' the moon."<a name="FNanchor_89_190" id="FNanchor_89_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_190" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></div> +</div></div></div> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span></p> +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Po' man goin' to heaven,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Rich man goin' to hell,</div> +<div class="verse i0">For Po' man got his starry crown,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Rich man got his wealth."<a name="FNanchor_90_191" id="FNanchor_90_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_191" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Well there are sinners here and sinners there,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' there are sinners everywhere,</div> +<div class="verse i0">But I thank God that God declare,</div> +<div class="verse i0">That there ain't no sinners in heaven."<a name="FNanchor_91_192" id="FNanchor_91_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_192" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"O join on, join my Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Join de heaven wid the angels;</div> +<div class="verse i0">O join on, join my Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Join de heaven wid de angels."<a name="FNanchor_92_193" id="FNanchor_92_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_193" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I'm gwin to keep a climbin' high</div> +<div class="verse i0">Till I meet dem angels in de sky.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dem pooty angels I shall see—</div> +<div class="verse i0">Why doan de debbil let a me be?</div> +<div class="verse i0">O when I git to heaven goin sit an' tell,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Three archangels gwin er ring dem bells</div> +<div class="verse i0">Two white angels come a walkin' down,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Long white robes an' starry crown.</div> +<div class="verse i0">What's dat yonder, dat I see?</div> +<div class="verse i0">Big tall angels comin' after me."<a name="FNanchor_93_194" id="FNanchor_93_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_194" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>The following spirituals emphasize what the slave felt that he would +do in heaven.</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Heaven, heaven,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Everybody talkin' bout heaven an' goin' there</div> +<div class="verse i0">Heaven, heaven,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Goin' to shine all 'round God's heaven."<a name="FNanchor_94_195" id="FNanchor_94_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_195" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Oh, I wish I was there,</div> +<div class="verse i0">To hear my Jesus' orders,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Oh, how I wish I was there, Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">To wear my starry crown."<a name="FNanchor_95_196" id="FNanchor_95_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_196" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"A golden band all 'round my waist,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' de palms of victory in-a my hand,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' de golden slippers on to my feet,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine to walk up and down o' dem golden street.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span></div> +<div class="verse i0">Oh, wait till I put on my robe.</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' a golden crown-a placed on-a my head,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' my long white robe a-com a dazzlin' down,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Now wait till I get on my gospel shoes,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine to walk about de heaven an' a-carry de news,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Oh, wait till I put on my robe."<a name="FNanchor_96_197" id="FNanchor_96_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_197" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"You can hinder me here but you can't hinder me dere</div> +<div class="verse i0">For de Lord in Heaven gwin' hear my prayer.</div> +<div class="verse i0">De evening's great but my Cap'n is strong,</div> +<div class="verse i0">U'm fightin' fer de city an' de time ain't long."<a name="FNanchor_97_198" id="FNanchor_97_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_198" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Well, my mother's goin' to heaven,</div> +<div class="verse i0">She's goin' to outshine the sun, O Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Well, my mother's goin' to heaven,</div> +<div class="verse i0">She's going to outshine the sun, O Lord,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Yes, my mother's goin' to heaven to outshine the sun,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' its way beyon' the moon.</div> +<div class="verse i0">The crown that my Jesus give me,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Goin' outshine the sun,</div> +<div class="verse i0">You got a home in the promise lan',</div> +<div class="verse i0">Goin' outshine the sun,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Goin' to put on my crown in glory,</div> +<div class="verse i0">An' outshine the sun, O Lord.</div> +<div class="verse i0">'Way beyon' de moon."<a name="FNanchor_98_199" id="FNanchor_98_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_199" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Gwine hab happy meetin',</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine shout in hebben,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine shout an' nebber tire,</div> +<div class="verse i0">O slap yo' han's chilluns,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I feels de spirit movin',</div> +<div class="verse i0">O now I'm gittin' happy."<a name="FNanchor_99_200" id="FNanchor_99_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_200" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"Gwine to march a-way in de gold band,</div> +<div class="verse i0">In de army bye-and-bye;</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine to march a-way in de gold band,</div> +<div class="verse i0">In de army by-and-bye.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Sinner, what you gwine to do dat day?</div> +<div class="verse i0">Sinner, what you gwine to do dat day?</div> +<div class="verse i0">When de fire's a-rolling behind you,</div> +<div class="verse i0">In de army bye-and-bye.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Sister Mary gwine to hand down the robe,</div> +<div class="verse i0">In the army bye-and-bye;</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine to hand down the robe and the gold band,</div> +<div class="verse i0">In the army, bye-and-bye."<a name="FNanchor_100_201" id="FNanchor_100_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_201" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></div> +</div></div></div> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span></p> +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"You got a robe, I got a robe,</div> +<div class="verse i0">All God's children got a robe,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Goin' try on my robe an' if it fits me,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Goin' to wear it all round God's heaven."<a name="FNanchor_101_202" id="FNanchor_101_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_202" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"We'll walk up an' down dem golden streets,</div> +<div class="verse i0">We'll walk about Zion.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwine sit in de kingdom,</div> +<div class="verse i0">I really do believe, where sabbath have no end.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Look way in de heaven—hope I'll jine de band,—</div> +<div class="verse i0">Sittin' in de kingdom.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I done been to heaven an' I done been tried.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dere's a long white robe in de heaven for me,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Dere's a golden crown, golden harp, starry crown, silver slippers,</div> +<div class="verse i0">In de heaven for me I know."<a name="FNanchor_102_203" id="FNanchor_102_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_203" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I want to go to heaven when I die,</div> +<div class="verse i0">To shout salvation as I fly.</div> +<div class="verse i0">You say yer aiming fer de skies,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Why don't yer quit yer tellin' lies.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I hope I git dere bye-an' bye,</div> +<div class="verse i0">To jine de number in de sky.</div> +<div class="verse i0">When I git to heaven gwine to ease, ease,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Me an' my God goin' do as we please,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Sittin' down side o' de holy Lamb.</div> +<div class="verse i0">When I git to heaven goin' set right down,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwiner ask my Lord fer starry crown.</div> +<div class="verse i0">Now wait till I gits my gospel shoes,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Gwin-er walk 'bout heaven an' carry de news."<a name="FNanchor_103_204" id="FNanchor_103_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_204" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>A boy of ten, being sold from his mother, said,</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I'm gwine to sit down at the welcome table,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Den my little soul's gwine to shine.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm gwine to feast off milk and honey,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Den my little soul's gwine to shine.</div> +<div class="verse i0">I'm gwine to tell God how-a you sarved me,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Den my little soul's gwine to shine."<a name="FNanchor_104_205" id="FNanchor_104_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_205" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>The place that heaven must have had in the attitude of the slave we +shall now consider, by an examination of the slave's mental world. +To do so we must feel the hand of slavery holding him in subjection +to the will of the master.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> The inner voices that called the black +slave at his task, clothed in simple garb, and living on homely fare, +we also must hear speaking to us, and invoking the same response. +Then we shall be able to appreciate the religious significance of the +situations.</p> + +<p>The bell upon the white pole in the great-house yard summons the +slaves to their daily tasks in the fields. Quickly, the slave-mother, +rising from the cabin-floor, and taking her babe upon her back, sets +out to join the crowd. With brawny arms around his mother's neck, the +young child glares at the red rising of the sun, until he is left at +the end of the row. Then as mother's hoe cuts grass from the tender +corn, he hears her foot-steps blend with those of the plowman, her +voice of love mingle with the mumble of slaves, and the songs of +birds, that play in the warm sunlight of the morning. With longing +eyes the child watches her who, last night, when her work was done, +fed him from her breast, as she sat upon the cabin-floor, murmuring +of a better world, where child and mother would know no weary sun. +Sitting upon the green grass that fringes the end of the long rows, he +watches her toiling, disappearing into the distance.</p> + +<p>Taken from his mother at the age of seven, the child is transferred +to the great-house yard, where the harsh voices of slave-children, +conscious of their lot, fill the air. Yesterday he sat in the +cabin-door, upon grandmother's knee, listening to the grinding of the +big mill down by the pond, and watching the squirrels drop acorns from +the old oak tree. Last night he opened the door for father, who, worn +from being away so long, brought few potatoes and corn. Then there was +a great time. Father, in overalls, grandmother with a "slat-bonnet" +upon her gray head, mother with a "grass-sack" around her waist, +all knelt upon their knees in prayer to God above, father leading +mournfully. "Get up in heaven by-and-by," he said, until all were +filled with joy. How different things are today. The old mill by the +pond is now seen lifting its white, bird-like wings into heaven, where +mother, father and grandmother may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> be. They may be up there in the +sunlight, singing and shouting with the angels.</p> + +<p>The dawn of another day comes in the life of the slave. Now all must +help kill the "fatted hogs." The knives have been sharpened, the +scaffolds built, the ashes brought up from the ash-heap. The slaves +are gathered around the fire, warming themselves and waiting for +the water in the big black pots to boil. They hear the shrill voice +of the cock and the noise of the mules heralding the coming of day, +when the presence of old master will stop their friendly discussions. +While fading stars twinkle in the pines that cast ghost-like shadows +upon the white-washed cabins, the slaves talk of their religious +experiences, how they "overcame the devil in the wilderness" through +the help of Christ. The stars were shining thus a year ago, when Aunt +Lucinda died. She had been a good woman, never receiving a flogging. +She used to make cakes for the neighbors and tell them when to plant +their crops. When she died a bright star, like an angel, lit upon the +cabin-roof, to take her soul away. This morning she is in heaven, +wearing golden slippers, long, white robe, and starry crown, about +which she used to sing in the camp-meetings.</p> + +<p>The big hogs killed and put into the "smoke-house" and the coming +of night ending the slave's work, he is now allowed to attend the +camp-meeting, in the log-house, down by the side of the river, that +lies behind the big woods. In the leaves of the old red oak, that +stands upon the shore and that is said to be the place of ghosts, +he hears the noise of the wood owl, calling to him, as he takes his +boat and glides silently away amid the solemn shadows that lie upon +the deep, moon-lit waters. Unconsciously he sings the words of his +comrades as they marched last night to the grave-yard:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">"I know moon-rise;</div> +<div class="verse i0">I know star-rise;</div> +<div class="verse i0">Lay dis body down</div> +<div class="verse i0">I march to the grave-yard,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span></div> +<div class="verse i0">I march through the grave-yard</div> +<div class="verse i0">Lay dis body down</div> +<div class="verse i0">I lay in de grave-yard and stretch out my arms,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Lay, dis body down."</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>At the meeting-house, not only does he sing and shout, but each slave +for some sinner-friend or relative who has been sold away, sincerely +asks the prayers of the other. There parent prays for child and child +for parent. "Sister Martha," dressed in gingham, is there, that +gray-haired woman, who goes each day to the river, hoping that some +message may come floating from her "Tom." She is there to weep and to +rejoice and to talk with "Brother Robert" about the cross of Christ. +The slaves, singing and shouting, tearfully kiss each other's cheek, +shake hands, and part. They were there to worship and not to play.</p> + +<p>Inevitable then is the conclusion that the religion of the American +slaves was decidedly different from the prevailing religion found +among the peoples of Africa. We saw that fetishism was the prevailing +religion found in Africa; that the few American slaves who maintained +any of their African religious heritage were considered grossly +superstitious by the American slaves generally; that the slave-groups +brought to America from Africa were so broken up and scattered that +the old group-habits did not continue to exist. We found on the +other hand that the slaves of America, who were in contact with +Christianity, became very enthusiastic over the Christian religion; +that they developed a sorrow for this world and a joyous longing for +heaven, as they showed by their shouts and songs. This emphasis upon a +place of rest in heaven, we conclude, helped the American slave adjust +himself to his particular environment. As it helped him to live, so it +helped him also to die.</p> + +<p class="author">G. R. Wilson.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_1_102" id="Footnote_1_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_102"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This dissertation was submitted to the Faculty of the +Graduate School of Arts and Literature of the University of Chicago in +candidacy for the degree of Bachelor of Divinity, March, 1921, by Gold +Refined Wilson.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_2_103" id="Footnote_2_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_103"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Working toward this end, I have examined a vast amount +of material on slavery, much of which is controversial, having been +written by men who favored slaves, or by abolitionists and slaves +who were able to see only one side of the question discussed. Such +literature, being biased, so distorts the truth that it is extremely +difficult to discover what is social fact. As sources, however, I have +used books and magazine-articles, written from a more scientific point +of view. There are a few representative ones. Kingsley's <i>West African +Studies</i>, which, although expressing the attitude of the author, gives +us a comprehensive picture of what the life in Africa is. Washington, +in the <i>Story of the Negro</i>, in a simple, sincere manner, sets forth +the struggles of the Negro in his contact with a higher civilization. +Woodson's <i>Education of the Negro prior to 1861</i> shows to what extent +effort was made by the whites to bring the slaves into contact with +the white civilization. <i>The Religious Development of the Negro in +Virginia</i>, by Earnest, shows how the church of the Negro slave, +beginning in the church of the whites, grew to be an independent +organization. Fragmentary evidence in the histories of the religious +denominations shows the same progressive development. A few of the +stories of fugitive slaves, though written for other purposes, still +speak very clearly of how dependent the slave was upon his cultural +surroundings for his religious ideas. The stories of the lives of +Nat Turner, the Virginia slave insurrectionist, and of <i>Harriet, the +Moses of Her People</i>, are filled with apocalyptic imagery. Concerning +the phenomena of cultural contacts, the most scholarly piece of work +yet produced is that by Prof. Park, which shows the tendency of +one civilization to accommodate itself to another, by assimilation +of concepts, expressed in language and custom. For a study of the +religion of the slave, however, the best of all the sources is that +spontaneous, naive body of literature consisting of the slave-songs, +sometimes called "spirituals," which were sung by individuals upon +various occasions, and by shouting groups of religious enthusiasts. +Krehbiel, who set many of these primitive verses to printed scales, +made of them a psychological interpretation that has given the +slave-mood. Colonel T. W. Higginson, the commander of a "black +regiment" in South Carolina, during the Civil War, an eyewitness of +many of the slave religious meetings, gives the circumstances under +which a number of the "spirituals" arose. But Odum, in Volume III of +the <i>Journal of Religious Psychology and Education</i>, makes of all +the classes of slave-songs a psychological interpretation that is +unsurpassed. The value of these collections is the common longing +found therein, a burning enthusiasm to live in heaven.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_3_104" id="Footnote_3_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_104"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> In the preparation of this dissertation the following +works were used: R. H. Nassau, <i>Fetichism in West Africa</i>, 1904; Mary +H. Kingsley, <i>West African Studies</i> (London, 1901); J. B. Earnest, +<i>The Religious Development of the Negro in Virginia</i> (Charlottesville, +Va., 1914); H. M. Henry, <i>Slavery in South Carolina</i> (Emory, Va., +1914); Ivan E. McDougle, <i>Slavery in Kentucky, 1792-1865</i> (Reprinted +from <span class="smcap">The Journal of Negro History</span>, vol. III, No. 3, July, +1918); H. A. Trexler, <i>Slavery in Missouri, 1804-1865, Being a +Dissertation in Johns Hopkins University Studies</i> (Baltimore, 1914); +J. C. Ballagh, <i>Slavery in Virginia, Johns Hopkins University +Studies, vol. XXIX, 1902</i> (Baltimore); J. H. Russell, <i>Free Negro +in Virginia, 1619-1865, Johns Hopkins University Studies, Series +31, No. 3</i> (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1913); J. R. +Brackett, <i>Negro in Maryland</i> (Baltimore, 1889); G. H. Moore, <i>Slavery +in Massachusetts</i> (New York, 1866); R. Q. Mallard, <i>Plantation Life +before Emancipation</i> (Richmond, Virginia, 1892); Frances Anne Kemble, +<i>Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation in 1838-9</i> (New York, +1863); C. G. Woodson, <i>The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861</i> (New +York, 1915); <i>The Journal of Negro History</i>, edited by C. G. Woodson, +vols. I-IV, 1916-1919 (The Association for the Study of Negro Life +and History, Inc., Washington, D. C.); Alcee Fortier, <i>History of +Louisiana</i>, 4 vols. (New York, 1904); Code Noir, I (Published 1724); +M. W. Jernegan, <i>Slavery and Conversion in the American Colonies</i> +(Reprinted from <i>The American Historical Review</i>, vol. XXI, No. 3, +April, 1916); G. M. West, <i>Status of the Negro in Virginia during +the Colonial Period</i> (New York); L. A. Chamerorzow, <i>Slave Life in +Georgia; Narrative of John Brown</i> (London, 1865); B. T. Washington, +<i>Story of the Negro</i>, 2 vols. (New York, 1909); <i>Baptist Annual +Register</i>; A. N. Waterman, <i>A Century of Caste</i> (Chicago, 1901); Geo. +Thompson, <i>Prison Life and Reflections</i>, 3d Edition (Hartford, 1849); +Jacobs, <i>Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl</i> (Boston, 1861); Sarah +H. Bradford, <i>Harriet, The Moses of Her People</i> (New York, 1861); +Thos. W. Higginson, <i>Life of a Black Regiment</i> (Boston, 1870); Jas. B. +Avirett, <i>The Old Plantation, Great House and Cabin before the War, +1817-65</i> (New York, Chicago, London, 1901); Jno. S. Abbott, <i>South +and North</i> (New York, 1860). Lucius P. Little, <i>Ben Harding, His +Times and Contemporaries</i> (Louisville, 1867); <i>De Bow's Commercial +Review</i> (New Orleans, 1847); <i>Life of Josiah Henson</i> (Boston, 1849); +<i>Baptist Home Missions in America</i> (New York, 1883); <i>Presbyterian +Magazine</i>, I (Philadelphia, 1851); <i>Methodist Magazine</i>, X (New +York, 1827); W. L. Grissom, <i>History of Methodism in North Carolina, +1772-1805</i>, vol. I; <i>Sermons by John Wesley</i>, 3d Edition, vols. I-II +(New York); B. F. Riley, <i>History of Baptists in Southern States East +of Mississippi</i> (Philadelphia, 1888); <i>John Rankin, 1793-1886, Letters +on Slavery</i> (Boston, 1833); W. G. Hawkins, <i>Lunsford Lane</i> (Boston, +1863); Frederick Douglass, <i>My Bondage and Freedom</i> (New York, 1857); +K. E. R. Pickard, <i>The Kidnapped and the Ransomed, Recollections of +Peter Still and His Wife Vina</i>, 3d Ed. (Syracuse, 1865); <i>Fifty Years +in Chains, Life of an American Slave</i> (New York); H. E. Krehbiel, +<i>Afro-American Folk-Songs</i>, R. E. Park, <i>Education, Conflicts, and +Fusions, American Sociological Society</i>, vol. XIII (Sept. 3, 1918); +<i>Journal of American Folk-Lore</i>, vol. XIV (1901), pp. 1-11, vol. XXVII +(1914), pp. 241-5, vol. XXIII, p. 435, vol. XXIV, p. 255; <i>Songs by +Thos. P. Fennes</i>; W. F. Allen, <i>Slave Songs of the United States</i> (New +York, 1867); <i>Twenty-two Years Work of Hampton Normal and Agricultural +Institute</i> (Hampton, 1893); T. P. Fenner, <i>Hampton and its Students by +Two of its Teachers, with 50 Cabin and Plantation Songs</i> (New York, +1875); <i>American Journal of Religious Psychology and Education</i>, vol. +III, pp. 265-365; <i>Negro Year-Book</i>; E. W. Pearson, <i>Letters from Port +Royal</i> (1916); C. H. Jones, <i>Instruction of Negro Slave</i> (1842).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_4_105" id="Footnote_4_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_105"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Tylor's <i>Anthropology</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_5_106" id="Footnote_5_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_106"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Earnest, p. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_6_107" id="Footnote_6_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_107"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Fifty Years in Chains</i>, p. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_7_108" id="Footnote_7_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_108"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Jernegan, pp. 506-7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_8_109" id="Footnote_8_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_109"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Education, Conflicts, and Fusion</i>, p. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_9_110" id="Footnote_9_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_110"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Washington, <i>Story of the Negro</i>, pp. 260-261.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_10_111" id="Footnote_10_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_111"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Earnest, p. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_11_112" id="Footnote_11_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_112"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Woodson, <i>Education of Negro Prior to 1861</i>, p. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_12_113" id="Footnote_12_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_113"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Earnest, p. 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><span class="label">[13]</span> Woodson, <i>Education of Negro Prior to 1861</i>, p. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_14_115" id="Footnote_14_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_115"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Woodson, <i>Education of Negro Prior to 1861</i>, p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_15_116" id="Footnote_15_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_116"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_16_117" id="Footnote_16_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_117"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Earnest, <i>Religious Development</i>, p. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_17_118" id="Footnote_17_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_118"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_18_119" id="Footnote_18_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_119"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_19_120" id="Footnote_19_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_120"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Ballagh, p. 114.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_20_121" id="Footnote_20_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_121"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> In 1841, there were 500,000 slaves who were church +members, or 1/5 of total number of slaves. 2,000,000 were regular +attendants. J. C. Ballagh, p. 114.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_21_122" id="Footnote_21_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_122"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Story of the Negro</i>, p. 257.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_22_123" id="Footnote_22_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_123"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Story of the Negro</i>, p. 268; Quoted from Ballagh.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_23_124" id="Footnote_23_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_124"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Washington, <i>Story of Negro</i>, p. 266.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_24_125" id="Footnote_24_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_125"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Quite different from the early experiences of Bryan +and Samson, who made adversity serve them, the beginning of Jasper's +Christian career was greatly aided by his master, a man with a similar +conversion and a similar faith in Christ. Using the Bible as the norma +of all truth, in his attack upon current scientific knowledge, Jasper +impressed all men by his sincere conviction and devout Christian +life. A contemporary said of him: "Jasper made an impression upon his +generation, because he was sincerely and deeply in earnest in all +that he said. No man could talk with him in private, or listen to him +from the pulpit, without being thoroughly convinced of that fact.... +He took the Bible in its literal significance; he accepted it as the +inspired Word of God; he trusted it with all his heart and soul and +mind; he believed nothing that was in conflict with the teachings of +the Bible."—See Washington's <i>Story of the Negro</i>, p. 264.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_25_126" id="Footnote_25_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_126"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Washington, <i>Story of the Negro</i>, pp. 260-1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_26_127" id="Footnote_26_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_127"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 254-5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_27_128" id="Footnote_27_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_128"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 255-6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_28_129" id="Footnote_28_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_129"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Earnest, p. 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_29_130" id="Footnote_29_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_130"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Ben Harding, His Times and Contemporaries</i>, p. 544.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><span class="label">[30]</span> Earnest, p. 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_31_132" id="Footnote_31_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_132"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Jacobs, <i>Life of a Slave-Girl</i>, p. 112.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_32_133" id="Footnote_32_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_133"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Coffin, p. 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_33_134" id="Footnote_33_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_134"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Higginson, p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_34_135" id="Footnote_34_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_135"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Henson, <i>Life of Josiah Henson</i>, p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_35_136" id="Footnote_35_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_136"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Earnest, p. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_36_137" id="Footnote_36_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_137"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> <i>Plantation Life before Emancipation</i>, p. 164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_37_138" id="Footnote_37_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_138"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>Life of John Thompson</i>, p. 19. See <i>Methodists in N. +C.</i>, p. 238.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_38_139" id="Footnote_38_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_139"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Earnest, <i>Religious Development</i>, p. 54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_39_140" id="Footnote_39_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_140"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> <i>Life of Douglass</i>, p. 82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_40_141" id="Footnote_40_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_141"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Presbyterian Magazine</i>: 1831, p. 27; See vol. 6, pp. +8-9; Woodson, <i>Education of Negro Prior to 1861</i>, p. 49; <i>Sermons of +Wesley and Whitefield</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_41_142" id="Footnote_41_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_142"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Journal of Negro History</i>, vol. I, p. 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_42_143" id="Footnote_42_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_143"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Twenty-two Years Work at Hampton.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_43_144" id="Footnote_43_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_144"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Journal of Religious Psychology and Education</i>, vol. +3, pp. 290-1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_44_145" id="Footnote_44_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_145"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Higginson, <i>Life of a Black Regiment</i>, p. 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_45_146" id="Footnote_45_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_146"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> <i>Twenty-two Years at Hampton.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_46_147" id="Footnote_46_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_147"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Hampton and its Students</i>, p. 182.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_47_148" id="Footnote_47_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_148"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Henry, p. 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_48_149" id="Footnote_48_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_149"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Life of Black Regiment</i>, by Higginson, pp. 51-2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_49_150" id="Footnote_49_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_150"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 35, 198.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_50_151" id="Footnote_50_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_151"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> My position is that the shout was a natural and +spontaneous creation of group-phenomena. It differed from the whites' +behavior in ceremonial emphasis. Neither the shout nor the antiphonal +song was brought from Africa. The real religious significance of both, +however, is not in external behavior, but in content.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_51_152" id="Footnote_51_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_152"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_52_153" id="Footnote_52_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_153"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>Story of the Negro</i>, p. 260.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_53_154" id="Footnote_53_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_154"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Fenner, <i>Hampton and its Students</i>, p. 223.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_54_155" id="Footnote_54_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_155"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_55_156" id="Footnote_55_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_156"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 340.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_56_157" id="Footnote_56_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_157"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 3: 321.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_57_158" id="Footnote_57_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_158"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Fenner, <i>Hampton and its Students</i>, p. 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_58_159" id="Footnote_58_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_159"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Higginson, <i>Black Regiment of South Carolina</i>, 200-1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_59_160" id="Footnote_59_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_160"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 351.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_60_161" id="Footnote_60_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_161"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Krehbiel, p. 75.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_61_162" id="Footnote_61_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_162"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 304.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_62_163" id="Footnote_62_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_163"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 320.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_63_164" id="Footnote_63_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_164"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Allen, 30-1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_64_165" id="Footnote_64_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_165"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Allen, <i>Slave Songs</i>, 113, p. 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_65_166" id="Footnote_65_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_166"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 112, p. 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_66_167" id="Footnote_66_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_167"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 304.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_67_168" id="Footnote_67_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_168"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Allen, <i>Slave Songs</i>, 124, p. 101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_68_169" id="Footnote_68_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_169"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 288.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_69_170" id="Footnote_69_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_170"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Jacobs, p. 109.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_70_171" id="Footnote_70_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_171"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 309.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_71_172" id="Footnote_71_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_172"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Allen, <i>Slave Songs</i>, 120, p. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_72_173" id="Footnote_72_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_173"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 107, p. 86.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_73_174" id="Footnote_73_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_174"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 365.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_74_175" id="Footnote_74_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_175"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Allen, <i>Slave Songs</i>, 80, p. 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_75_176" id="Footnote_75_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_176"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Allen, <i>Slave Songs</i>, 108, p. 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_76_177" id="Footnote_76_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_177"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> <i>Plantation Life Before Emancipation</i>, p. 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_77_178" id="Footnote_77_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_178"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_78_179" id="Footnote_78_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_179"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Atlantic Monthly, 19: 687.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_79_180" id="Footnote_79_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_180"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 317.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_80_181" id="Footnote_80_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_181"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Fenner, <i>Hampton and its Students</i>, p. 215.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_81_182" id="Footnote_81_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_182"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Fenner, <i>Hampton and Its Students</i>, p. 188.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_82_183" id="Footnote_82_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_183"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Allen, <i>Slave Songs</i>, p. 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_83_184" id="Footnote_83_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_184"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 334.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_84_185" id="Footnote_84_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_185"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Krehbiel, p. 99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_85_186" id="Footnote_85_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_186"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 362.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_86_187" id="Footnote_86_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_187"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Atlantic Monthly, XIX, 687.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_87_188" id="Footnote_87_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_188"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Fenner, <i>Hampton and Its Students</i>, p. 219.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_88_189" id="Footnote_88_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_189"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 279.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_89_190" id="Footnote_89_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_190"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 337.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_90_191" id="Footnote_90_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_191"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Rel. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 336.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_91_192" id="Footnote_91_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_192"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_92_193" id="Footnote_92_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_193"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 332.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_93_194" id="Footnote_93_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_194"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 298.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_94_195" id="Footnote_94_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_195"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_95_196" id="Footnote_95_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_196"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>Life before Emancipation</i>, p. 163.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_96_197" id="Footnote_96_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_197"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Hampton and its Students</i>, p. 187.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_97_198" id="Footnote_97_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_198"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 323.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_98_199" id="Footnote_98_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_199"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 337.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_99_200" id="Footnote_99_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_200"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 299.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_100_201" id="Footnote_100_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_201"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Allen, <i>Slave Songs</i>, Song 103, p. 83.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_101_202" id="Footnote_101_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_202"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> <i>Am. J. Relig. Psy. and Ed.</i>, 3: 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_102_203" id="Footnote_102_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_203"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_103_204" id="Footnote_103_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_204"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 293.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_104_205" id="Footnote_104_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_205"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> <i>Hampton and its Students</i>, p. 173.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p></div></div> + + + + +<h2><a name="PRUDENCE_CRANDALL" id="PRUDENCE_CRANDALL">PRUDENCE CRANDALL</a></h2> + + +<p>Prior to the Civil War, education for the American of color, was +for the most part surreptitiously obtained. There were, however, +a few fearless men and women of the white race, who, endowed with +a magnanimous spirit and indomitable will, rose above the sordid +plane of self-advancement and comfort, brooked the tide of social +ostracism and censure to a realm of true altruism in behalf of the +circumstantially weak and defenseless race.</p> + +<p>Many of these noted benefactors belonged to that sect known in +American history as Friends. True to their noble heritage, they faced +the facts of social crises with intrepidity and strong convictions. +They acted with unerring judgment and penetrating vision upon those +principles sacred to the life and happiness of all mankind. In the +vanguard of this honorable group, of martyrs to the cause of justice, +stands an American school teacher, born of Quaker parentage, at +Hopkinton, Rhode Island, September 3, 1803—Prudence Crandall. The +noble purpose and sympathetic nature of this great teacher are clearly +demonstrated in this extract from a letter addressed to William Lloyd +Garrison, January 18th, 1833:<a name="FNanchor_1_206" id="FNanchor_1_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_206" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"Now I will tell you why I write you, and the object is this: +I wish to know your opinion respecting changing white scholars +for colored ones. I have been for some months past determined +if possible during the remaining part of my life to benefit the +people of color. I do not dare tell any one of my neighbors +anything about the contemplated change in my school and I beg of +you, sir, that you will not expose it to any one; for if it was +known, I have no reason to expect but it would ruin my present +school. Will you be so kind as to write by the next mail and give +me your opinion on the subject.</p> + +<p class="ltr-closing"> +"Yours, with greatest respect,</p> +<p class="author">"Prudence Crandall."<a name="FNanchor_2_207" id="FNanchor_2_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_207" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span></p> + +<p>This letter shows clearly that Prudence Crandall foresaw that any +undertaking of an educational nature in behalf of Negroes would meet +with opposition, require personal sacrifices, and demand unfaltering +courage and patience.</p> + +<p>That she was willing to undergo these tests was proved when a young +Negro girl applied for admission to the school which she was then +conducting for white girls only. This ambitious pupil of color was +Sarah Harris, seventeen years old, the daughter of a respectable man +who owned a small farm near the village of Canterbury. Sarah had +attended the same district school in which the majority of Prudence +Crandall's students had received their elementary training and had +proved herself a bright scholar and a pious young lady. So deeply +impressed was the teacher with this girl's plea and her earnest +desire to get a broader education to teach other girls of color, that +Prudence Crandall admitted Sarah to her school.</p> + +<p>The students themselves offered no opposition nor manifested any +objection to her presence. Parents, however, began to complain and +informed Prudence Crandall that her school would not be supported if +she kept the Negro girl as a student. To this threat Prudence Crandall +replied: "It might sink then for I should not turn her out." Soon the +white girls began to leave the school, but the philanthropic teacher +was determined to adhere to the principles of democratic education. +She finally gave up the teaching of white girls entirely and brought +a number of Negro children into her school, then situated in the +most aristocratic part of the town of Canterbury. "If the Canterbury +people," said Ellen D. Larned, "had quietly accepted the situation and +left them in peace the difficulty would soon have ended. Even if the +children had remained they would have given them little annoyance. +Twenty Indian lads were received into Plainfield Academy a few years +later, and few outside of the village even heard of them."<a name="FNanchor_3_208" id="FNanchor_3_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_208" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span></p> + +<p>This step, however, aroused the most intense feeling of the town +people and met with strong and immediate opposition. A committee +of four of the chief men of the village, Adams, Frost, Fenner and +Harris, visited Prudence Crandall and attempted to show her that such +an undertaking was decidedly objectionable and seriously detrimental +to the welfare of the whites of the community. One Esquire Frost +intimated that Prudence Crandall's project fostered social equality +and intermarriage of whites and blacks. To this insidious insinuation, +she bluntly replied: "Moses had a black wife." To emphasize their +decided opposition to this project, the people called a public meeting +and drew up and adopted resolutions of a hostile nature. One of the +leading politicians of that day, Andrew T. Judson, was so incensed at +Miss Crandall's action that he denounced her in the most severe and +scathing terms.</p> + +<p>The Rev. Mr. May and Mr. Buffum, who were present on behalf of Miss +Crandall, made several attempts to speak in her defense but were +rudely and abruptly prohibited. Denied the privilege of espousing +her cause in this meeting, Mr. May, upon adjournment, rose from his +seat and addressed the people as they were leaving the hall: "Men of +Canterbury, I have a word for you! Hear me!" A few turned to listen, +and he pleaded with force and feeling the cause of the noble little +teacher of Canterbury. He told them that Prudence Crandall was willing +to move her school from its present situation, which was next door to +the residence of Mr. Judson, her bitterest enemy, to some more retired +part of the city.</p> + +<p>May's arguments, however, were of no avail and only drew forth tirades +of invective and abuse; for Mr. Judson responded: "Mr. May, we are not +merely opposed to the establishment of that school in Canterbury; we +mean there shall not be such a school set up anywhere in our state. +The colored people can never rise from their menial condition in our +country; they ought not to be permitted to rise here. They are an +inferior race of beings, and never can or ought to be recognized as +the equals of the whites.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> Africa is the place for them. I am in favor +of the colonization scheme. Let the niggers and their descendants be +sent back to their fatherland and there improve themselves as much +as they can. I am a colonizationist. You and your friend Garrison +have undertaken what you cannot accomplish. The condition of the +colored population of our country can never be essentially improved +on this continent. You are fanatical about them. You are violating +the constitution of our Republic, which settled forever the status of +the black men in this land. They belong to Africa. Let them be sent +back there or kept as they are here. The sooner you abolitionists +abandon your project the better for our country, for the niggers and +yourselves."<a name="FNanchor_4_209" id="FNanchor_4_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_209" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>In answer to this outburst of feeling, typical of ignorance and +prejudice, though it came from the lips of a prospective judge of +the Supreme Court, Mr. May replied: "Mr. Judson, there never will be +fewer colored people in this country than there are now. Of the vast +majority of them, this is their native land as much as it is ours. +It will be unjust, inhuman in us to drive them out, or to make them +willing to go by our cruel treatment of them ... and the only question +is whether we will recognize the rights which God gave them as men +and encourage and assist them to become all he has made them capable +of being, or whether we will continue wickedly to deny them the +privileges we enjoy, condemn them to degradation, enslave and imbrute +them; and so bring upon ourselves the condemnation of the Almighty, +Impartial Father of all men and the terrible visitation of the God of +the oppressed. I trust, sir, you well e're long come to see that we +must accord to these men, their rights or incur justly the loss of +our own. Education is one of the primal fundamental rights of all the +children of men. Connecticut is the last place where this right should +be denied."</p> + +<p>These eloquent remarks truly portrayed the difference in the character +of the two men. Encouraged by such noble characters as May and +Garrison, Prudence Crandall was determined not to be deterred in her +purpose by men like<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> Judson. Her lofty ideals of service to humanity +and to the humbler lot especially were evidenced in this extract from +Garrison's letter to Isaac Knapp, April 11, 1833:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"She is a wonderful woman, as undaunted as if she had the whole +world on her side. She has opened her school and is resolved to +persevere. I wish brother Johnson to state this fact particularly +in the next <i>Liberator</i> and urge all those who intend to send +their children thither, to do so without delay."<a name="FNanchor_5_210" id="FNanchor_5_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_210" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>Despite all vicissitudes, Miss Crandall opened her school for girls +of color early in April, with an enrollment of fifteen or twenty +students. These for the most part came from Philadelphia, New York, +Providence, and Boston.</p> + +<p>The townspeople, greatly incensed, resorted to every foul means +possible to destroy the school. At first, they searched for some +obsolete vagrancy law for the purpose of intimidating those who +came from other cities to attend school. One Negro girl, Anna Eliza +Hammond, seventeen years of age, from Providence, was arrested, but +Samuel May and other residents of Brooklyn gave bonds for $10,000 +and thus defeated this plan. Frustrated in their first efforts, the +townspeople held an indignation meeting at which they expressed their +sentiment in the following resolutions:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"Whereas, it hath been publicly announced that a school is to be +opened in this town, on the first Monday of April next, using +the language of the advertisement, 'for young ladies and little +misses of color,' or in other words for the people of color, the +obvious tendency of which would be to collect within the town +of Canterbury large numbers of persons from other States whose +characters and habits might be various and unknown to us, thereby +rendering insecure the persons, property, and reputations of our +citizens. Under such circumstances our silence might be construed +into an approbation of the project: Thereupon, Resolved That the +locality of a school for the people of color at any place within +the limits of this town, for the admission of persons of foreign +jurisdiction, meets with our unqualified disapprobation, and it +is to be understood, that the inhabitants of Canterbury protest +against it in the most earnest manner.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span></p> + +<p>"Resolved, That a committee be now appointed to be composed of the +Civil Authority and Selectmen, who shall make known to the persons +contemplating the establishment of said school, the sentiments +and objections entertained by this meeting in reference to said +school—pointing out to her the injurious effects and incalculable +evils resulting from such an establishment within this town, and +persuade her to abandon the project."<a name="FNanchor_6_211" id="FNanchor_6_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_211" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>The people then influenced the Legislature to enact a disgraceful but +well-named "Black Law,"<a name="FNanchor_7_212" id="FNanchor_7_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_212" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> amid the ringing of church bells and +great rejoicing. This act outlawed Miss Crandall's school. The people +closed all shops and meeting houses to the teacher and her pupils. +Stage drivers refused them transportation in the common carriers of +the town. Physicians would not attend them. Miss Crandall's own family +and friends were forbidden under penalty of heavy fines to visit her. +The well near her house was filled with manure and water was denied +her from other sources. The house itself was smeared with filth, +assailed with rotten eggs, stormed with stones, and finally set afire.</p> + +<p>Not only was Prudence Crandall herself assailed with threats of coming +vengeance and ejection, but her father in the south part of the town +was insulted and threatened. "When lawyers, courts and jurors are +leagued against you," said one to him, "it will be easy to raise a +mob and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> tear down your house." "Mr. Crandall, if you go to your +daughter," they said, "you are to be fined $100 for the first offense, +$200 for the second and double it every time; Mrs. Crandall, if you go +there, you will be fined and your daughter Almira will be fined, and +Mr. May and those gentlemen from Providence (Messrs. George and Henry +Benson), if they come there, will be fined at the same rate. And your +daughter, the one that established the school for colored females, +will be taken up the same way as for stealing a horse or for burglary. +Her property will not be taken but she will be put in jail, not having +the liberty of the yard. There is no mercy to be shown about it!"<a name="FNanchor_8_213" id="FNanchor_8_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_213" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<p>Miss Crandall was arrested and cast into prison, where she spent the +night in a cell previously occupied by a murderer. She was twice +tried. The first trial was held before the county court on August 22, +1833. The attorneys for the prosecution were Jonathan A. Welch, Andrew +T. Judson and Ichabod Bulkley, while those for the defense were Calvin +Goddard, W. W. Ellsworth and Henry Strong. The latter were secured by +Samuel May and paid by Arthur Tappan.</p> + +<p>The counsel for the defense argued that the "Black Law" conflicted +with that article of the Federal Constitution which granted to +citizens of each State all the privileges and immunities of citizens +of the several States. The counsel for the prosecution argued that +people of color were not and could not ever be citizens of any +State. The judge, Mr. Eaton, gave the decision that the law was +constitutional and binding upon the people of that State. The jurors, +however, could not agree and so the case went over to the October +term. It was then tried before the Superior Court of Windham County +and its constitutionality again pronounced by Judge Daggett, who +expressed himself as follows: "It would be a perversion of terms and +the well-known rule of construction to say that slaves, free blacks, +or Indians were citizens within the meaning of that term as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> used +in the constitution." The jurors thus influenced gave their verdict +against the defendant. Prudence Crandall's counsel then appealed to +the Court of Errors, where the decision was reversed, July 22, 1834, +upon the ground of "insufficiency of the information," which omitted +to allege that the school was opened without necessary license.<a name="FNanchor_9_214" id="FNanchor_9_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_214" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span></p> + +<p>While the decision of the Court of Errors was pending, Prudence +Crandall and her pupils were the victims of other fiendish acts of the +townspeople. Having failed in their attempt to burn down her school, +a number of them, with heavy clubs and iron bars, crept stealthily +upon her house at midnight on the 9th of September, and simultaneously +smashed in the windows with such force and suddenness that all the +occupants were terror stricken. Even Prudence Crandall, for the first +time, trembled with fear. Realizing that she and her pupils would +ever be the object of insult and injury, she decided, upon the advice +of Mr. May and other friends, to give up the school and send her +girls back to their homes. Samuel May said that when he stood before +Prudence Crandall and her pupils and advised them to leave, the words +blistered his lips and his bosom glowed with indignation. "I felt +ashamed of Connecticut," said he, "ashamed of my state, ashamed of my +country, ashamed of my color."</p> + +<p>The burden of these terrible ordeals was somewhat alleviated by the +fidelity of her friends, the love and faith of her pupils and the +devotion of her sister, father and husband. Having recently married +the Rev. Calvin Philleo, a Baptist clergyman of Ithaca, New York, +Prudence Crandall upon solicitation left Windham County never to +return again. Tis true she had but little opportunity to teach the +young women of color, nevertheless through sacrifice and service +she taught the people of Connecticut a lesson of philanthropy and +sacrifice.</p> + +<p class="author">G. Smith Wormley.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_1_206" id="Footnote_1_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_206"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Garrison's <i>Garrison</i>, I, Chap. X, p. 315; B. C. +Steiner's <i>History of Slavery in Connecticut</i> (<i>Johns Hopkins +University Studies</i>, XI, 415-422).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_2_207" id="Footnote_2_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_207"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> May's <i>Antislavery Conflict</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_3_208" id="Footnote_3_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_208"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>Johns Hopkins University, Studies in Historical and +Political Science</i>, XI, p. 417. Larned's <i>Windham County</i>, p. 493.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_4_209" id="Footnote_4_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_209"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> May's <i>Antislavery Conflict</i>, p. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_5_210" id="Footnote_5_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_210"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Garrison's <i>Garrison</i>, I, p. 341.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_6_211" id="Footnote_6_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_211"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Larned's <i>Windham County, Connecticut</i>, II, 490-502.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_7_212" id="Footnote_7_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_212"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> This law was: +</p> +<p> +Whereas, attempts have been made to establish literary institutions +in this State, for the instruction of colored persons belonging to +other States and counties, which would tend to the great increase of +the colored population of the state, and thereby to the injury of the +people: Therefore, +</p> +<p> +Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives, +in General Assembly convened, that no person shall set up or establish +in this State any school, academy or literary institution for the +instruction or education of colored persons who are not inhabitants +of this State; nor instruct or teach in any school, or other literary +institution whatsoever, in this State; nor harbor or board, for the +purpose of attending or being taught or instructed in any such school, +academy, or literary institution, any colored person who is not an +inhabitant of any town in this State, without the consent in writing +first obtained, of a majority of the civil authority, and also of the +Selectmen of the town, in which such school, academy, or literary +institution is situated, etc. See <i>Superior Court, October Term, +1833</i>, and <i>Report of Arguments of Counsel in the Case of Prudence +Crandall</i>; also <i>The Laws of Connecticut</i>, 1833.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_8_213" id="Footnote_8_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_213"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Garrison's <i>Garrison</i>, I. ch. X, and Larned's <i>Windham +County, Connecticut</i>, II, 490-502.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_9_214" id="Footnote_9_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_214"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> The report of this case was: +</p> +<p> +This information charges Prudence Crandall with harboring and boarding +certain colored persons, not inhabitants of any town in this State, +for the purpose of attending and being taught and instructed in a +school, set up and established in said town of Canterbury, for the +instruction and education of certain colored persons, not inhabitants +of this State. +</p> +<p> +She is not charged with setting up a school contrary to law, not with +teaching a school contrary to law; but with harboring and boarding +colored persons, not inhabitants of this State, without license, for +the purpose of being instructed in such school. +</p> +<p> +It is, however, not here alleged that the school was set up without +license, or that the scholars were instructed by those who had no +license. +</p> +<p> +If it is an offence within the statute to <i>harbor</i> or <i>board</i> +such persons without license, under all circumstances, then this +information is correct. But if the act, in the description of the +defense itself, shows, that under some circumstances, it is no +offence, then this information is defective. +</p> +<p> +The object in view of the legislature, as disclosed by the preamble, +is to prevent injurious consequences resulting from the increase of +the colored population, by means of literary institutions, attempted +to be established for the instruction of that class of inhabitants of +other States. Such institutions and instructors teaching such schools +are prohibited, unless licensed, as are also persons from harboring or +boarding scholars of that description, without license. +</p> +<p> +From the first reading of the Act, it might seem as if licenses +must be obtained by each of these classes; by those who set up the +school, those who instruct it and those who board the pupils; but, it +is believed, this cannot have been intended. The object professedly +aimed at is, to prevent the increase of this population, which, it +is supposed, will take place by allowing them free education, and +instruction; to prevent which it provides, 1st, That no person shall +set up or establish any school for that purpose, without license: +2d, That no one shall instruct in any school, etc. without license: +and 3rd, That no one shall board or harbor such persons, so to be +instructed in any such school etc. without license. The object, +evidently is to regulate the schools, not the boarding houses; the +latter only is auxiliary to the former. +</p> +<p> +This information charges, that this school was set up in Canterbury, +for the purpose of educating these persons of color, not inhabitants +of this State, that they might be instructed and educated; but omits +to state that it was not licensed. This omission is a fatal defect; as +in an information on a penal statute, the prosecutor must set forth +every fact that is necessary to bring the case within the statute; and +every exception within the enacting clause of the act, descriptive +of the offence, must be negated. See <i>Smith v. Mouse</i>, 6 Green 1, p. +274; and Judson's Remarks to the Jury, <i>Superior Court, October Term, +1833</i>.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p></div></div> + + +<h2>DOCUMENTS</h2> + + +<h3>EXTRACTS FROM NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINES</h3> + +<p>Magazines and newspapers sometimes unconsciously give valuable facts +not only as to sentiment but as to the actual achievements of persons +and agencies through which they have worked. This is true of the +extracts given below.</p> + +<p>Endeavoring to set forth the part which Philadelphia played in African +Colonization before the Civil War, <i>The Evening Bulletin</i> of that city +carried the following, May 9, 1921:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center">THE LIBERIAN REPUBLIC</p> + +<p class="center sc">Philadelphia's Part in Founding the Negro Commonwealth</p> + +<p>The visit to Philadelphia of the negro President of the Liberian +Republic, recalls the important part which a small group of local +philanthropists played a century ago in promoting the foundation +of the only free country in Africa under republican rule. The +Liberian enterprise owed its origin, not solely to pity for the +condition of the enslaved blacks of the South but also to the +desire of many northern friends of the negroes to ameliorate the +hardships of the freed blacks of the north. Both Pennsylvania +and New Jersey, in common with several other northern States, +witnessed at close range the evils of slavery. During the +Revolutionary War steps had been taken to liberate the blacks in +Pennsylvania and the famous Act of March 1st, 1780, decreed the +abolition of slavery throughout the colony. In this, as in other +and later efforts to liberate the negroes the Philadelphia Quakers +had an important part and the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, +founded under the presidency of Benjamin Franklin, antedated the +Revolutionary War by two years.</p> + +<p>The plan for establishing an African Negro Republic, populated +by emigrants from the United States, is credited to Dr. Robert +Finley, one of the trustees of Princeton, who was well acquainted +with the extent of slavery in New Jersey, where the census of +1810 revealed the presence of more than ten thousand slaves, and +who also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> had knowledge of the miserable condition of the freed +negroes in Pennsylvania. Late in 1816 he went to Washington, +where his brother-in-law, Elias Boudinot Caldwell was a member +of Congress, and endeavored to obtain national support for his +project. A sympathetic response was not wanting, although Congress +was not yet prepared for immediate action. Accordingly, Finley +turned in another direction, secured the backing of Justice +Bushrod Washington of the Supreme Court, aroused the interest +of Henry Clay and other notables and, toward the end of 1816, +succeeded in forming, at a public meeting in Washington presided +over by Henry Clay, the American Colonization Society which +immediately selected Justice Washington as its president.</p> + +<p>As yet Dr. Finley had not hit upon any definite location for +the proposed colony, although years before he began his efforts +in behalf of the negroes. Thomas Jefferson had suggested that +Virginia and other American Commonwealths might profitably +imitate the example set in England by the Sierra Leone Company +in populating that district of Africa. But the English plan of +transporting the indigent negroes from London, started toward the +close of the eighteenth century, was on an altogether different +basis. Blacks and whites were mixed in the English colony, the +emigrants were made up mainly of the idle and the dissolute, and +the humanitarian motive, so strongly marked in the work of the +American Colonization Society, was missing almost entirely.</p> + +<p>Oddly enough, the free negroes of the North protested against +the plans of the Colonization Society. In Philadelphia a number +of negroes, meeting in the Bethel Church, adopted an indignant +resolution of protest which Congressman Joseph Hopkinson presented +in the House. But these incidents served also to arouse greater +interest in the society's plan and led to the formation of +several local auxiliaries, one of which was established promptly +in Philadelphia, where the Friends and the Abolitionists were +ready to give active support to any plan for the betterment of +the negroes. Philadelphia money, representing the contributions +of many local philanthropists, aided largely in strengthening +the treasury of the national society, and, as an opportunity was +afforded for the purchase of a number of smuggled slaves, put on +sale by the State of Georgia, in 1817, and George Washington Parke +Custis offered part of his lands for a refuge for the Colonization +Society's purchases, an active effort was made again to arouse +Congressional support,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> resulting this time in the founding of the +African Republic by the Government of the United States.</p> + +<p>While the Society was in the initial stages of development, two +missionary agents, Samuel J. Mills and Ebenezer Burgess, had +visited England and, after receiving a rebuff from Bathurst, the +Secretary of State for the English Colonies, had gone down the +African coast as far as Sherbro Island and selected a site for the +American colony. Interest was aroused to such extent that Congress +assented to the proposal for purchasing the Georgia blacks and +shipping them to Africa and an appropriation of one hundred +thousand dollars was granted for the purpose. A brig was chartered +by the government to carry away the negroes, furnished by the +Colonization Society, and the United States ship Cyane ordered to +accompany the expedition as an armed guard. The vessels departed +from New York in February, 1820, and after a five weeks voyage +landed eighty-six men, women and children on Sherbro Island. The +inclemency of the climate, however, proved disastrous to the +little group, and, after a number had succumbed to malarial fever, +the remainder fled to Sierra Leone. But the Society and its local +auxiliaries kept at work and the next year sent out another party +of negroes from Norfolk, this time seeking Cape Montserado as a +place of settlement.</p> + +<p>Success now attended the enterprise. Lieutenant Richard F. +Stockton of the Navy arrived at Montserado in the autumn of 1821 +and, in company with Dr. Ayres, the agent of the Colonization +Society, succeeded in purchasing, for a few hundred dollars' worth +of trinkets, the land on which Liberia was founded. Although the +promoters had negotiated a favorable treaty with the natives the +early settlers were attacked by hostile tribes and more than once +they were on the point of abandoning the little town of Monrovia +that had been named in honor of the American President and which +is now the capital of the African Republic and a place of about +six thousand inhabitants. A few years after this Philadelphia took +up the work of colonization on a larger scale. At a meeting, held +in the Franklin Institute in 1829, the Pennsylvania Colonization +Society was formed, with Dr. Thomas C. James as its president and +numbering among its founders many prominent citizens, including +William White, Roberts Vaux, B. W. Richards, J. K. Mitchell, +George W. Blight, James Bayard and Elliott Cresson, the latter +becoming one of the most active assistants of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> enterprise, in +which he was joined by Mathew C. Carey, Solomon Allen and Robert +Ralston, the last four contributing liberally to the colonization +cause. For a time, too, a fortnightly journal, known as the +Colonization Herald, was published in this city and local interest +was aroused by reports of the parades of the State Fencibles, the +Liberian imitation of Philadelphia's military organization, which +assembled on fete days on Broad Street, the principal thoroughfare +of Monrovia.</p> + +<p>County and local societies to aid the project were formed +throughout Pennsylvania. Philadelphia had a Young Men's Society +fostered by the Methodists, the local Presbyterians endorsed +the enterprise, the Bible societies backed it and the Quakers +lent their friendly support. Ships were chartered and slaves +transported at local expense and under Philadelphia direction a +boat named the "Liberia" was built on the Delaware and employed in +the work, while the manumission of slaves was freely encouraged. +A colony on the St. John's River was assigned particularly to +the care of the Pennsylvanians and African place names, such as +Careysburg and Philadelphia, still commemorate the interest of +Philadelphians. At first the government of Liberia was purely +proprietary under the direction of the society's agents, the +blacks being allowed to select only minor officials and it was +not until 1847, when the colonization movement was losing ground +before the growth of the abolition sentiment in this country, that +the Free and Independent Republic of Liberia came into existence, +after drafting a declaration of independence and adopting a +constitutional form of government. But the dream of repatriating +the negro had failed and now Liberia, extended in area by +Anglo-Liberian and Franco-Liberian agreements of recent years +until it is almost as large as Pennsylvania, numbers less than +fifty thousand of the transplanted stock among a population of a +million and a half.</p></blockquote> + +<p>On September 18, 1921, <i>The New Orleans States</i> displayed on its title +page the following distorted sketch of the late Caesar Confucius +Antoine by W. O. Hart:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p><i>A telegram to The States from Shreveport three days ago +told of the death of C. C. Antoine, colored, who had been +lieutenant-governor of Louisiana and sometimes acted as governor +of the State.</i></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span></p> + +<p><i>The death of Antoine, widely known in New Orleans, cuts off +another link with Reconstruction days.</i></p> + +<p><i>At the request of The States, W. O. Hart, Louisiana historian, +contributes the story telling how Antoine went from a barber's +chair to power and affluence.</i></p> + +<p>Caesar Confucius Antoine, who was a native of New Orleans, was +in many respects one of the most remarkable of the colored +politicians who thrived in reconstruction days in Louisiana.</p> + +<p>He was a native of New Orleans, but appears to have been unknown +until he was elected from the Parish of Caddo, a member of the +Constitutional Convention of 1868.</p> + +<p>He was a very small man and light in weight. He was coal-black in +color and always dressed with the utmost neatness and simplicity.</p> + +<p>When the Constitution was adopted he was elected to the State +Senate from Caddo Parish and held that office for four years. +In 1872 he was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor on the ticket +headed by W. P. Kellogg, and though that ticket was defeated by +the Democratic ticket which carried the names of John McEnery, of +Ouachita, for Governor, and Davidson B. Penn, of New Orleans, for +Lieutenant-Governor, Kellogg and all those returned as elected by +the Returning Board, were recognized by President Grant and served +out their full terms of four years.</p> + +<p>Antoine like many of the other colored Legislators of those days +acquired an almost perfect knowledge of parliamentary law and +presided over the Senate with dignity and impartiality.</p> + +<p>He was a man who, in general, had the respect of all parties. He +was renominated on the ticket with S. B. Packard in 1876 and with +Packard remained in the State House, which was the old St. Louis +Hotel, until April, 1877, when President Hayes, having withdrawn +the Federal troops, the semblance of Government which Packard +established, disappeared and the Nicholls Government went into +full possession of all the State Offices.</p> + +<p>My recollection is that he held some Federal office after this but +I am not certain what it was.</p> + +<p>In a suit which he brought against D. D. Smith and the heirs of +George L. Smith, reported in the 40th Annual (1888), beginning at +page 560, considerable of the record of Antoine is given.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center sc">How He Made Money</p> + +<p>The suit was brought after the death of George L. Smith, to +recover two hundred shares of the capital stock of the Louisiana +State Lottery Company, which at the time of the suit, had a +very large value. The allegations of Antoine's petition and his +evidence in the case were to the effect that on March 31st, 1873, +he purchased from Charles T. Howard the lottery stock at sixty +cents on the dollar, that is twelve thousand dollars for all, and +that he was induced by George L. Smith, who also owned 225 shares +of the stock, to transfer it to D. D. Smith, a cousin of George L. +Smith, because as Smith said to Antoine: "We are both engaged in +politics, and it would not do to have the stock in our name—more +especially myself, as I was Lieutenant-Governor, and President of +the Senate; that questions in regard to the charter of the Lottery +Company might come up, and that, in case of a tie vote, I would +naturally have to vote on it; and, probably, my vote might be +challenged."</p> + +<p>Smith had been Tax Collector and also speculated in salary +warrants for account of himself and Antoine and Antoine's profits +therefrom were three or four thousand dollars.</p> + + +<p class="center sc">Partner Of Pinchback</p> + +<p>When Antoine first went into politics he was the proprietor +of a barber shop in the city of Shreveport; a few years +afterwards, he engaged in the cotton factorage business in New +Orleans, in partnership with P. B. S. Pinchback; also once +Lieutenant-Governor. He acquired an interest in a newspaper +establishment; had a grocery store and purchased and operated a +small plantation in Caddo Parish. He also purchased some city lots +in Shreveport and a $1300 residence in this city, this in addition +to the twelve thousand dollars he paid for the Lottery Stock.</p> + +<p>The Supreme Court, after stating the above facts, commented +thereon as follows:</p> + +<p>"We cannot refrain from expressing some surprise at the auspicious +good fortune that seemed to attend his efforts, whereby his +hitherto slender income and limited means had yielded such a +comfortable little fortune within so few years.</p> + +<p>"Money matters appeared to have been so easy with him that he +could loan a friend a thousand dollars, payable on call."</p> + +<p>The opinion of the court was rendered by Mr. Justice L. B.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> +Watkins, and the court concluded that the acquisition of the +stock by Antoine was so tainted with fraud that he was entitled +to receive no redress at the hands of the courts and the judgment +of the lower court which was rendered by Judge Albert Voohries, +presiding in Division "E" of the Civil District Court, was +affirmed.</p> + +<p>Antoine was represented in the suit by Rouse and Grant and Thomas +J. Semmes, America's greatest lawyer, while the defendants were +represented by the firm of Leonard, Marks and Brueno. Everyone +connected with the case is now dead except Pinchback who, over +eighty years of age, is now living in Washington.</p> + +<p>When under the Wheeler Compromise after the election of +1874, the Democrats secured a majority in the State House of +Representatives, an effort was made to impeach Kellogg, which, if +successful, would have made Antoine Governor, but what benefit +the Democrats could have derived therefrom, it is impossible to +say because even if Antoine had then resigned, as was thought +possible, the President of the Senate, who would become Governor +was or would be a Republican as the Democrats had but nine of the +thirty-six members of that body. However, the impeachment trial +properly speaking, was never held.</p> + +<p>As soon as the Senate which had adjourned, heard of the +impeachment resolution, it immediately reconvened and sent for +the Chief Justice, John T. Ludeling, and the Court of Impeachment +was opened without waiting for the presentation of the charges +from the House of Representatives, and Kellogg was "triumphantly" +acquitted.</p></blockquote> + +<p><i>The Item</i>, a New Orleans newspaper, featured the following sketch of +Isaiah T. Montgomery by Stanley Cisby Arthur in its Sunday magazine +section on September 25, 1921:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>One of the most interesting figures at the meeting of the +secretaries of the Federal Farm Loan Association, was an aged +negro, "Uncle" Isaiah T. Montgomery, of Mound Bayou City, Bolivar +County, Mississippi. "Uncle" Isaiah is not only one of the +wealthiest farmers in his district, but he founded the town of +Mound Bayou, which is composed exclusively of colored people, who +run the stores, the banks, the postoffice, the schools and the +peace offices, but "Uncle" Isaiah was a former slave and a body +servant of Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederacy.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span></p> + +<p>Black of face, with white hair and a white chin beard "Uncle" +Isaiah looks exactly the part of the regulation stage "Uncle" +of the old regime. He looks every bit of his 74 years but his +mind is exceedingly bright and he recounted the happenings of +over half a century with the utmost clarity of speech and showed +many evidences of his education, which he says he gave himself. +When he took recourse to a piece of paper and a pen to estimate +the ginnage of his community, he set down words and figures with +Spencerian exactness. His handwriting was truly a revelation to +the interviewer.</p> + +<p>"I was born on Hurricane plantation, in Warren county, +Mississippi, in 1847, and my father and I were owned by Joseph +E. Davis, brother of Jefferson Davis. The plantation owned by +the late president of the Confederacy adjoined the Hurricane, +and was called Brierfield plantation," said the aged colored +man and former slave who is now a prosperous banker in the town +he founded. "I was about nine years old when I first remember +Jefferson Davis real well. I was working in my master's office +when his brother came back from Congress and I was told to meet +the steamboat Natchez in a row boat and get Mr. Jeff.</p> + +<p>"When the Natchez blew her whistle as she came around a bend of +the river I rowed out and Mr. Jeff got in my boat with his grips +and things and I took him to shore and toted all his things into +the 'White Room' where Mr. Jeff staid for a considerable spell. +While there I was his personal attendant, I blacked his shoes, +kept his room in order, held his horse for him and other little +things that a servant like I was was supposed to do. On one of +his trips down the river on the Natchez (Mr. Jeff and Captain +Tom P. Leathers, the historic commander of that boat, were close +friends), he brought his wife and daughter, who was afterwards +Mrs. Hayes, and they all were very kind to me because I was Mr. +Jeff's personal servant all the time they were at the Hurricane.</p> + +<p>"When the war between the states came I staid on the Joseph Davis +plantation all during the fighting. In '62 or '63, anyway, after +the battle of Corinth, the Yankees commenced overrunning the South +and Mr. Joe, took all his stock and colored people to Jackson, +and later on to Alabama. He had me return to the plantation with +my mother and act as sort of caretakers and we were there when +Admiral Porter's Mississippi squadron made its way up the river. +It seems sometime before a gunboat, the Indianola, had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> sunk +in the river, just off the Hurricane plantation and folks in the +neighborhood had dismantled her.</p> + +<p>"When Admiral Porter came up the river he stopped at the +plantation so as to look at the wreck and see if her guns could +be found. But they had been thrown overboard and had gone down in +the quicksand. The Admiral asked me if I wanted to go with him as +cabin boy. I said yes, and ran to get my mammy's consent which +was given. This was in April of '63 and a few months later I was +with the Admiral in the siege of Vicksburg and later the battle +at Grand Gulf. Soon afterwards I got a sickness from drinking +Red River water and when I was sent back to Hurricane I found my +parents had gone to Cincinnati and when I got word of this to +Admiral Porter he secured transportation there for me.</p> + +<p>"When the war was over Mr. Joe Davis got in touch with my father +and had him come back to Hurricane plantation and after we got +there he made a proposition that we could buy the two plantations, +Hurricane, that Mr. Joe owned, and Brierfield, of 4,000 acres, +that Mr. Jeff Davis owned. While he could not sell to colored +people under the existing laws, through a court action by which +my father, Benjamin T. Montgomery, and my brother William T. and +myself, agreed to pay $300,000 for the combined properties, they +were turned over to us and we were to pay six per cent a year on +the whole until it was paid off.</p> + +<p>"Our first year working the plantation resulted in almost disaster +as we suffered from an overflow and when the first payment came +around we were only able to pay $6,000. When we sent this to Mr. +Joe Davis with our excuses he sent us back a canceled note for +the rest of the $18,000. The Davis brothers, were gentlemen, sir. +Well, we kept the plantation going for thirteen years and in that +time we ranked as third in the production of cotton in Warren +county. While we were growing cotton I became very well acquainted +with Captain John W. Cannon, the commander of the famous steamboat +the Robert E. Lee. He and Captain Tom Leathers, the commander of +the Natchez, were always having some sort of a fight or another +and I saw the famous race between the two when they actually +settled the matter for good and all.</p> + +<p>"The death of Mr. Joe Davis and taking over of his properties +by his heirs lost us our holdings and I became interested in +the Yazoo Delta. I heard that the Y. & M. V. was asking colored +people to come in and open up the country and after going over +the situation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> I decided to select Mound Bayou for the seat of +my future operations. This place was selected because between +Big and Little Mound bayous there was an old Indian mound. This +was in 1887 and it certainly was a wild territory, it had rich +land but it was thickly grown over with oak and ash and gum, +and acres and acres of cane. Well, I plundered around here and +induced other colored folks to settle there. I founded Mound Bayou +Settlement—the railroad folks wanted to name it Montgomery, a few +years ago but I made the original name stick.</p> + +<p>"Building up our community was slow work. All the colored folks +bought their places on 10-year contracts and it was hard work +for some of them in the face of a few crop failures, overflows, +boll weevil and other set-backs but we succeeded. Mound Bayou +Settlement is now a town of a little over 1,000 population and +there are about 2,500 in the country nearby. The town is of wholly +colored population and we have three big churches, one costing +$25,000, another costing $15,000 and another $10,000. There are +several other less pretentious places of worship, as well.</p> + +<p>"We have two big mercantile establishments. The largest being the +one I founded and known as the Mercantile Co-operative Company +which now has a $20,000 stock. We also have the Mound Bayou State +Bank, with $10,000 capital, a $3,000 surplus, with resources +between $150,000 and $200,000. I am a member of the board of +directors and we make a great many loans to our colored people to +see they get out their crops, and being in the staple cotton belt, +we make most of it on this crop.</p> + +<p>"We have just completed a consolidated school house, 95 feet +square, three stories high, with 16 large class rooms. It cost +us $100,000 which was raised by a local bond issue. We have a +seven to eight months' term and employ an agricultural expert, +co-operating under the Smith-Lever national fund and a very fine +domestic science class.</p> + +<p>"The town has a mayor and a board of aldermen, all office holders +being colored folks, and the present mayor, B. H. Green, was the +first man born in the settlement. I was mayor for over four years, +being the first to hold the office, resigning it to hold the +office of receiver of public monies at Jackson, Miss.</p> + +<p>"We have four gins that can handle over 5,000 bales and our people +now feel that the upward trend of the cotton price will make for +further prosperous times."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span></p> + +<p>Uncle Isaiah Montgomery remembers his services with the Jefferson +family, first as slave and afterwards as a trusted servant, with +the kindliest feelings. He told of the periods in 1880 and 1883 +when Jefferson Davis returned to the old Brierfield and Hurricane +plantations, spending several weeks at the old home once or twice +a year. He usually had Mrs. Davis with him and the aged negro said +that Mrs. Davis was a remarkable woman.</p> + +<p>"She displayed a wonderful interest in the future of the colored +race," he said. "It was the impression made on me by this lovely +woman that helped confirm my belief in the ultimate outcome of my +work and efforts toward race betterment, education and uplift of +the negro. Mrs. Jefferson Davis had a broader comprehension of the +race's needs than anyone with whom I have ever come in contact +with. With her death the negro lost one of his greatest friends.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Jefferson Davis was a wonderful man, too. My thoughts +frequently go back, now that I am approaching the end of my days, +to the time I was his personal servant as a barefoot boy. I truly +believe, when he got his last sickness, had I been near to nurse +and care for him, that he would have lived many more years. I +knew, and so did my wife, what he needed in the way of food and we +could have done for him as no one else could.</p> + +<p>"It was the influence of Jefferson Davis and his sweet life that +has guided all my efforts in bettering the life of my colored +brothers and if I have succeeded it was because of them."</p></blockquote> + +<p><i>The American Magazine</i> in July, 1914, gave the following account, an +achievement of "Comebacks" of recent date:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center sc">Beaten Once, Perry Tried Again—and Succeeded.</p> + +<p>For years Heman E. Perry, a negro, traveled over Texas for white +companies, selling old line life insurance to his people. But he +had a vision of someday founding a company under negro management, +to transact its business and make its investments among the +colored race.</p> + +<p>Finally, plans outlined and prospectus and other literature +completed, he undertook the arduous task of organizing his +company. He applied for a charter under the laws of Georgia, which +require that the full $100,000 capital shall be raised in two +years, or the charter be revoked.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span></p> + +<p>To raise $100,000 among white men, or even $100,000,000, is a +comparatively easy task, for they are accustomed to corporate +investments. But Mr. Perry was to raise $100,000 among a people +whose investments had taken the form of horses and houses, and +who did not understand the value of commercial paper, especially +when purchased for $150 with a par value of $100. In other words, +he had to sell 1,000 shares of stock, one, two or three shares at +a time, and he must do this among a people who had never before +raised $100,000 for a business venture.</p> + +<p>For two years, at his own expense, Perry traveled throughout the +South. Then, with a scant thirty days left, he found himself with +but two thirds of the money in hand. He hastened to New York +hoping to obtain a loan from some bankers. They put him off until +the last day slipped by. Then began Perry's heart-breaking task +of returning the money he had collected. He returned every dollar +with four per cent interest—money that he had spent all his own +cash in collecting.</p> + +<p>This was enough to crush any ordinary man. But after three months +Perry met a selected assembly of negro business men in Atlanta, +ready to begin all over again.</p> + +<p>He retraced his first long journey, constantly hearing, "You +failed once, you'll fail again." But he continued his fight, and +on June 14th, 1913, after $105,000 had been paid for Georgia state +bonds, the first and only old line legal reserve life insurance +company in the world managed and operated by negroes formally +began business. It now operates in nine states, and has over +$2,000,000 insurance on the lives of negroes, because Heman E. +Perry would not acknowledge defeat, and had the power to "come +back" and conquer.</p> + +<p class="author">George F. Porter</p> +</blockquote> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span></p> + + +<h3>ANNA MURRAY-DOUGLASS—MY MOTHER AS I RECALL HER<a name="FNanchor_1_215" id="FNanchor_1_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_215" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h3> + + +<p>Looking backward over a space of fifty years or more, I have in +remembrance two travelers whose lives were real in their activity; +two lives that have indelibly impressed themselves upon my memory; +two lives whose energy and best ability was exerted to make my life +what it should be, and who gave me a home where wisdom and industry +went hand in hand; where instruction was given that a cultivated +brain and an industrious hand were the twin conditions that lead to a +well balanced and useful life. These two lives were embodied in the +personalities of Frederick Douglass and Anna Murray his wife.</p> + +<p>They met at the base of a mountain of wrong and oppression, victims of +the slave power as it existed over sixty years ago, one smarting under +the manifold hardships as a slave, the other in many ways suffering +from the effects of such a system.</p> + +<p>The story of Frederick Douglass' hopes and aspirations and longing +desire for freedom has been told—you all know it. It was a story made +possible by the unswerving loyalty of Anna Murray, to whose memory +this paper is written.</p> + +<p>Anna Murray was born in Denton, Caroline County, Maryland, an +adjoining county to that in which my father was born. The exact date +of her birth is not known. Her parents, Bambarra Murray and Mary, his +wife, were slaves, their family consisting of twelve children, seven +of whom were born in slavery and five born in freedom. My mother, the +eighth child, escaped by the short period of one month, the fate of +her older brothers and sisters, and was the first free child.</p> + +<p>Remaining with her parents until she was seventeen, she felt it time +that she should be entirely self-supporting and with that idea she +left her country home and went to Baltimore, sought employment in +a French family by the name of Montell whom she served two years. +Doubtless it was while with them she gained her first idea as to +household management which served her so well<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> in after years and +which gained for her the reputation of a thorough and competent +housekeeper.</p> + +<p>On leaving the Montells', she served in a family by the name of Wells +living on S. Caroline Street. Wells was Post-master at the time of +my father's escape from slavery. It interested me very much in one +of my recent visits to Baltimore, to go to that house accompanied by +an old friend of my parents of those early days, who as a free woman +was enabled with others to make my father's life easier while he was +a slave in that city. This house is owned now by a colored man. In +going through the house I endeavored to remember its appointments, so +frequently spoken of by my mother, for she had lived with this family +seven years and an attachment sprang up between her and the members of +that household, the memory of which gave her pleasure to recall.</p> + +<p>The free people of Baltimore had their own circles from which the +slaves were excluded. The ruling of them out of their society resulted +more from the desire of the slaveholder than from any great wish of +the free people themselves. If a slave would dare to hazard all danger +and enter among the free people he would be received. To such a little +circle of free people—a circle a little more exclusive than others, +Frederick Baily was welcomed. Anna Murray, to whom he had given his +heart, sympathized with him and she devoted all her energies to assist +him. The three weeks prior to the escape were busy and anxious weeks +for Anna Murray. She had lived with the Wells family so long and +having been able to save the greater part of her earnings was willing +to share with the man she loved that he might gain the freedom he +yearned to possess. Her courage, her sympathy at the start was the +mainspring that supported the career of Frederick Douglass. As is the +condition of most wives her identity became so merged with that of +her husband, that few of their earlier friends in the North really +knew and appreciated the full value of the woman who presided over the +Douglass home for forty-four years. When the escaped slave and future +husband of Anna Murray had reached New York in safety, his first act +was to write her of his arrival and as they had previously arranged +she was to come on immediately. Reaching New York a week later, they +were married and immediately took their wedding trip to New Bedford. +In "My Bondage of Freedom," by Frederick Douglass, a graphic account +of that trip is given.</p> + +<p>The little that they possessed was the outcome of the industrial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> +and economical habits that were characteristic of my mother. She had +brought with her sufficient goods and chattel to fit up comfortably +two rooms in her New Bedford home—a feather bed with pillows, bed +linen, dishes, knives, forks, and spoons, besides a well filled trunk +of wearing apparel for herself. A new plum colored silk dress was +her wedding gown. To my child eyes that dress was very fine. She had +previously sold one of her feather beds to assist in defraying the +expenses of the flight from bondage.</p> + +<p>The early days in New Bedford were spent in daily toil, the wife at +the wash board, the husband with saw, buck and axe. I have frequently +listened to the rehearsal of those early days of endeavor, looking +around me at the well appointed home built up from the labor of the +father and mother under so much difficulty, and found it hard to +realize that it was a fact. After the day of toil they would seek +their little home of two rooms and the meal of the day that was most +enjoyable was the supper nicely prepared by mother. Father frequently +spoke of the neatly set table with its snowy white cloth—coarse tho' +it was.</p> + +<p>In 1890 I was taken by my father to these rooms on Elm Street, New +Bedford, Mass., overlooking Buzzards Bay. This was my birth place. +Every detail as to the early housekeeping was gone over, it was +splendidly impressed upon my mind, even to the hanging of a towel +on a particular nail. Many of the dishes used by my mother at that +time were in our Rochester home and kept as souvenirs of those first +days of housekeeping. The fire that destroyed that home in 1872, also +destroyed them.</p> + +<p>Three of the family had their birthplace in New Bedford. When after +having written his first narrative, father built himself a nice little +cottage in Lynn, Mass., and moved his family there, previously to +making his first trip to Europe. He was absent during the years '45 +and '46. It was then that mother with four children, the eldest in +her sixth year, struggled to maintain the family amid much that would +dampen the courage of many a young woman of to-day. I had previously +been taken to Albany by my father as a means of lightening the burden +for mother. Abigail and Lydia Mott, cousins of Lucretia Mott, desired +to have the care of me.</p> + +<p>During the absence of my father, mother sustained her little family +by binding shoes. Mother had many friends in the anti-slavery circle +of Lynn and Boston who recognized her sterling<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> qualities, and who +encouraged her during the long absence of her husband. Those were days +of anxious worry. The narrative of Frederick Douglass with its bold +utterances of truth, with the names of the parties with whom he had +been associated in slave life, so incensed the slaveholders that it +was doubtful if ever he would return to this country and also there +was danger for mother and those who had aided in his escape, being +pursued. It was with hesitancy father consented to leave the country, +and not until he was assured by the many friends that mother and the +children would be carefully guarded, would he go.</p> + +<p>There were among the Anti-Slavery people of Massachusetts a fraternal +spirit born of the noble purpose near their heart that served as an +uplift and encouraged the best energies in each individual, and mother +from the contact with the great and noble workers grew and improved +even more than ever before. She was a recognized co-worker in the A. +S. Societies of Lynn and Boston, and no circle was felt to be complete +without her presence. There was a weekly gathering of the women to +prepare articles for the Annual A. S. Fair held in Faneuil Hall, +Boston. At that time mother would spend the week in attendance having +charge, in company of a committee of ladies of which she was one, over +the refreshments. The New England women were all workers and there was +no shirking of responsibility—all worked. It became the custom of the +ladies of the Lynn society for each to take their turn in assisting +mother in her household duties on the morning of the day that the +sewing circle met so as to be sure of her meeting with them. It was +mother's custom to put aside the earnings from a certain number of +shoes she had bound as her donation to the A. S. cause. Being frugal +and economic she was able to put by a portion of her earnings for a +rainy day.</p> + +<p>I have often heard my father speak in admiration of mother's executive +ability. During his absence abroad, he sent, as he could, support for +his family, and on his coming home he supposed there would be some +bills to settle. One day while talking over their affairs, mother +arose and quietly going to the bureau drawer produced a Bank book with +the sums deposited just in the proportion father had sent, the book +also containing deposits of her own earnings—and not a debt had been +contracted during his absence.</p> + +<p>The greatest trial, perhaps, that mother was called upon to endure, +after parting from her Baltimore friends several years before,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> was +the leaving her Massachusetts home for the Rochester home where father +established the "North Star." She never forgot her old friends and +delighted to speak of them up to her last illness.</p> + +<p>Wendell Phillips, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Sydney Howard Gay and many +more with their wives were particularly kind to her. At one of the +Anti-Slavery conventions held in Syracuse, father and mother were +the guests of Rev. Samuel J. May, a Unitarian minister and an ardent +Anti-Slavery friend. The spacious parlors of the May mansion were +thrown open for a reception to their honor and where she could meet +her old Boston friends. The refreshments were served on trays, one +of which placed upon an improvised table made by the sitting close +together of Wendell Phillips, Wm. Lloyd Garrison and Sydney Howard +Gay, mother was invited to sit, the four making an interesting +tableaux.</p> + +<p>Mother occasionally traveled with father on his short trips, but not +as often as he would have liked as she was a housekeeper who felt that +her presence was necessary in the home, as she was wont to say "to +keep things straight." Her life in Rochester was not less active in +the cause of the slave, if anything she was more self-sacrificing, and +it was a long time after her residence there that she was understood. +The atmosphere in which she was placed lacked the genial cordiality +that greeted her in her Massachusetts home. There were only the few +that learned to know her, for, she drew around herself a certain +reserve, after meeting her new acquaintances that forbade any very +near approach to her. Prejudice in the early 40's in Rochester ran +rampant and mother became more distrustful. There were a few loyal +co-workers and she set herself assiduously to work. In the home, with +the aid of a laundress only, she managed her household. She watched +with a great deal of interest and no little pride the growth in public +life of my father, and in every possible way that she was capable +aided him by relieving him of all the management of the home as it +increased in size and in its appointments. It was her pleasure to know +that when he stood up before an audience that his linen was immaculate +and that she had made it so, for, no matter how well the laundry was +done for the family, she must with her own hands smooth the tucks in +father's linen and when he was on a long journey she would forward at +a given point a fresh supply.</p> + +<p>Being herself one of the first agents of the Underground Railroad she +was an untiring worker along that line. To be able to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> accommodate +in a comfortable manner the fugitives that passed our way, father +enlarged his home where a suite of rooms could be made ready for those +fleeing to Canada. It was no unusual occurrence for mother to be +called up at all hours of the night, cold or hot as the case may be, +to prepare supper for a hungry lot of fleeing humanity.</p> + +<p>She was greatly interested in the publication of the "North Star" or +Frederick Douglass' paper as it was called later on, and publication +day was always a day for extra rejoicing as each weekly paper was felt +to be another arrow sent on its way to do the work of puncturing the +veil that shrouded a whole race in gloom. Mother felt it her duty to +have her table well supplied with extra provisions that day, a custom +that we, childlike, fully appreciated. Our home was two miles from the +center of the city, where our office was situated, and many times did +we trudge through snow knee deep, as street cars were unknown.</p> + +<p>During one of the summer vacations the question arose in father's mind +as to how his sons should be employed, for them to run wild through +the streets was out of the question. There was much hostile feeling +against the colored boys and as he would be from home most of the +time, he felt anxious about them. Mother came to the rescue with the +suggestion that they be taken into the office and taught the case. +They were little fellows and the thought had not occurred to father. +He acted upon the suggestion and at the ages of eleven and nine they +were perched upon blocks and given their first lesson in printer's +ink, besides being employed to carry papers and mailing them.</p> + +<p>Father was mother's honored guest. He was from home so often that his +home comings were events that she thought worthy of extra notice, and +caused renewed activity. Every thing was done that could be to add +to his comfort. She also found time to care for four other boys at +different times. As they became members of our home circle, the care +of their clothing was as carefully seen to as her own children's and +they delighted in calling her Mother.</p> + +<p>In her early life she was a member of the Methodist Church, as was +father, but in our home there was no family altar. Our custom was +to read a chapter in the Bible around the table, each reading a +verse in turn until the chapter was completed. She was a person who +strived to live a Christian life instead of talking it.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> She was a +woman strong in her likes and dislikes, and had a large discernment +as to the character of those who came around her. Her gift in that +direction being very fortunate in the protection of father's interest +especially in the early days of his public life, when there was great +apprehension for his safety. She was a woman firm in her opposition +to alcoholic drinks, a strict disciplinarian—her <i>no</i> meant <i>no</i> and +<i>yes</i>, <i>yes</i>, but more frequently the <i>no's</i> had it, especially when I +was the petitioner. So far as I was concerned, I found my father more +yielding than my mother, altho' both were rigid as to the matter of +obedience.</p> + +<p>There was a certain amount of grim humor about mother and perhaps +such exhibitions as they occurred were a little startling to those +who were unacquainted with her. The reserve in which she held herself +made whatever she might attempt of a jocose nature somewhat acrid. She +could not be known all at once, she had to be studied. She abhorred +shames. In the early 70's she came to Washington and found a large +number of people from whom the shackles had recently fallen. She fully +realized their condition and considered the gaieties that were then +indulged in as frivolous in the extreme.</p> + +<p>On one occasion several young women called upon her and commenting on +her spacious parlors and the approaching holiday season, thought it a +favorable opportunity to suggest the keeping of an open house. Mother +replied: "I have been keeping open house for several weeks. I have it +closed now and I expect to keep it closed." The young women thinking +mother's understanding was at fault, endeavored to explain. They were +assured, however, that they were fully understood. Father, who was +present, laughingly pointed to the New Bay Window, which had been +completed only a few days previous to their call.</p> + +<p>Perhaps no other home received under its roof a more varied class +of people than did our home. From the highest dignitaries to the +lowliest person, bond or free, white or black, were welcomed, and +mother was equally gracious to all. There were a few who presumed on +the hospitality of the home and officiously insinuated themselves +and their advice in a manner that was particularly disagreeable to +her. This unwelcome attention on the part of the visitor would be +grievously repelled, in a manner more forceful than the said party +would deem her capable of, and from such a person an erroneous +impression of her temper and qualifications<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> would be given, and +criticisms sharp and unjust would be made; so that altho' she had her +triumphs, they were trials, and only those who knew her intimately +could fully understand and appreciate the enduring patience of the +wife and mother.</p> + +<p>During her wedded life of forty-four years, whether in adversity or +prosperity, she was the same faithful ally, guarding as best she +could every interest connected with my father, his lifework and the +home. Unfortunately an opportunity for a knowledge of books had been +denied her, the lack of which she greatly deplored. Her increasing +family and household duties prevented any great advancement, altho' +she was able to read a little. By contact with people of culture +and education, and they were her real friends, her improvement was +marked. She took a lively interest in every phase of the Anti-Slavery +movement, an interest that father took full pains to foster and to +keep her intelligently informed. I was instructed to read to her. She +was a good listener, making comments on passing events, which were +well worth consideration, altho' the manner of the presentation of +them might provoke a smile. Her value was fully appreciated by my +father, and in one of his letters to Thomas Auld, (his former master,) +he says, "Instead of finding my companion a burden she is truly a +helpmeet."</p> + +<p>In 1882, this remarkable woman, for in many ways she was remarkable, +was stricken with paralysis and for four weeks was a great sufferer. +Altho' perfectly helpless, she insisted from her sick bed to direct +her home affairs. The orders were given with precision and they were +obeyed with alacrity. Her fortitude and patience up to within ten +days of her death were very great. She helped us to bear her burden. +Many letters of condolence from those who had met her and upon whom +pleasant impressions had been made, were received. Hon. J. M. Dalzell +of Ohio, wrote thus:</p> + +<p>"You know I never met your good wife but once and then her welcome was +so warm and sincere and unaffected, her manner altogether so motherly, +and her goodby so full of genuine kindness and hospitality, as to +impress me tenderly and fill my eyes with tears as I now recall it."</p> + +<p>Prof. Peter H. Clark of Cincinnati, Ohio, wrote: "The kind treatment +given to us and our little one so many years ago won for her a place +in our hearts from which no lapse of time could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> move her. To us she +was ever kind and good and our mourning because of her death, is +heartfelt."</p> + +<p>There is much room for reflection in the review in the life of such a +woman as Anna Murray Douglass. Unlettered tho' she was, there was a +strength of character and of purpose that won for her the respect of +the noblest and best. She was a woman who strove to inculcate in the +minds of her children the highest principles of morality and virtue +both by precept and example. She was not well versed in the polite +etiquette of the drawing room, the rules for the same being found +in the many treatises devoted to that branch of literature. She was +possessed of a much broader culture, and with discernment born of +intelligent observation, and wise discrimination she welcomed all with +the hearty manner of a noble soul.</p> + +<p>I have thus striven to give you a glimpse of my mother. In so doing +I am conscious of having made frequent mention of my father. It is +difficult to say any thing of mother without the mention of father, +her life was so enveloped in his. Together they rest side by side, +and most befittingly, within sight of the dear old home of hallowed +memories and from which the panting fugitive, the weary traveler, the +lonely emigrant of every clime, received food and shelter.</p> + +<p class="author">Rosetta Douglass Sprague.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_1_215" id="Footnote_1_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_215"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This paper and the one which <i>follows</i> give valuable +information about Frederick Douglass and his wife.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span></p></div></div> + + +<h3>FREDERICK DOUGLASS IN IRELAND</h3> + + +<p>Few persons have any idea as to the connection between the abolition +of slavery in the United States and the struggle of the Irish for +freedom. According to <i>The Standard Union</i>, when in the decade 1830 +Negro slavery existed in the British West Indies, a little party of +liberal men in the British Parliament began to agitate in season +and out of season for emancipation, Daniel O'Connell, with a few +Irish members who supported him, threw his strength to this little +party on every division. There was a West Indian interest pledged to +maintain Negro slavery, and this interest counted twenty-seven votes +in Parliament. They came to O'Connell and offered their twenty-seven +votes to him on every Irish question if he would oppose Negro +emancipation.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"It was," said Wendell Phillips, "a terrible temptation. How +many a so-called statesman would have yielded!" O'Connell said: +"Gentlemen, God knows I speak for the saddest nation the sun ever +sees, but may my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue +cleave to the roof of my mouth, if to serve Ireland, even Ireland, +I forget the Negro one single hour."</p></blockquote> + +<p>The following account taken from <i>The Liberator</i>, including a +letter from Frederick Douglass, shows the genuineness of this Irish +friendship for the Negro in the United States:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>A letter of extraordinary interest at this time from Mr. Frederick +Douglass to Mr. William Lloyd Garrison has just come to light in +the columns of <i>The True American</i>, a little anti-slavery paper +published in Cortland Village, N. Y., in 1846. The letter, written +with the eloquence and depth of feeling which characterized all +Mr. Douglass's utterances on the subject of slavery and the +abuse of the Negro in this country. The letter, which <i>The True +American</i> copied from <i>The Boston Liberator</i>, Mr. Garrison's +Paper, is introduced by the following editorial comment from <i>The +Albany Journal</i> under date of February 11, 1846.</p> + +<p>"It is scarcely necessary to direct attention to the letter of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> +Frederick Douglass which we copy from <i>The Boston Liberator</i>. +It will be read with equal pleasure and amazement by those +who remember that eight years ago he was a slave, and that he +literally stole the elements of an education which now gives him +rank among the most gifted and eloquent men of the age.</p> + +<p>"We shall not blame those who refuse to believe that Frederick +wrote this letter. Without the personal knowledge we possess of +his extraordinary attainments, we too should doubt whether a +fugitive slave, who, as but yesterday, escaped from a bondage that +doomed him to ignorance and degradation, now stands up and rebukes +oppression with a dignity and force scarcely less glowing than +that which Paul addressed to Agrippa."</p> + +<p>The letter is as follows:</p> + +<p class="ltr-date"><span class="smcap">Victoria Hotel, Belfast</span>,<br /> +January 1st, 1846.</p> + +<p><i>My dear Friend Garrison</i>:</p> + +<p>I am now about to take leave of the Emerald Isle, for Glasgow, +Scotland. I have been here a little more than four months.—Up +to this time, I have been given no direct expression of the +views, feelings and opinions which I have formed, respecting +the character and condition of the people of this land. I have +refrained thus purposely. I wish to speak advisedly, and in order +to do this, I have waited till I trust experience has brought my +opinions to an intelligent maturity. I have been thus thankful, +not because I think what I may say will have much effect in +shaping the opinions of the world, but because whatever of +influence I may possess, whether little or much, I wish it to go +in the right direction, and according to truth.</p> + +<p>I hardly need say that in speaking of Ireland, I shall be +influenced by no prejudices in favor of America. I think my +circumstances all forbid that. I have no end to serve, no creed +to uphold, no government to defend; and as to nation, I belong to +none. I have no protection at home, or resting place abroad. The +land of my birth welcomes me to her shores only as a slave, and +spurns with contempt the idea of treating me differently.—So that +I am an outcast from the society of my childhood, and an outlaw in +the land of my birth. "I am a stranger with thee, and a sojourner +as all my fathers were." That men should be patriotic is to me +perfectly natural; and as a philosophical fact, I am able to give +it an intellectual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> recognition. But no further can I go. If ever +I had any patriotism, or any capacity for the feeling, it was +whipt out of me long since by the lash of the American souldrivers.</p> + +<p>In thinking of America, I sometimes find myself admiring her +bright blue sky—her grand old woods—her fertile fields—her +beautiful rivers—her mighty lakes, and star crowned mountains. +But my rapture is soon checked, my joy is soon turned to mourning. +When I remember that all is cursed with the infernal spirit of +slaveholding, robbery and wrong,—when I remember that with the +waters of her noblest rivers, the tears of my brethren are borne +to the ocean, disregarded and forgotten, and that her most fertile +fields drink daily of the warm blood of my outraged sisters, I +am filled with unutterable loathing, and led to reproach myself +that anything could fall from my lips in praise of such a land. +America will not allow her children to love her. She seems bent +on compelling those who would be her warmest friends, to be her +worst enemies. May God give her repentance before it is too late, +is the ardent prayer of my heart. I will continue to pray, labor +and wait, believing that she cannot always be insensible to the +dictates of justice, or deaf to the voice of humanity.</p> + +<p>My opportunities for learning the character and condition of the +people of this land have been very great. I have travelled almost +from the hill of "Howth" to the Giant's Causeway, and from the +Giant's Causeway to Cape Clear. During these travels, I have met +with much in the character and condition of the people to approve, +and much to condemn—much that has thrilled me with pleasure—and +very much that has filled me with pain. I will not in this letter +attempt to give any description of those scenes which have given +me pain. This I will do hereafter. I have enough, and more than +your subscribers will be disposed to read at one time, of the +bright side of the picture. I can truly say, I have spent some of +the happiest moments of my life since landing in this country. I +seem to have undergone a transformation. I live a new life.</p> + +<p>The warm and generous co-operation extended to me by the friends +of my despised race—the prompt and liberal manner with which the +press has rendered me its aid—the glorious enthusiasm with which +thousands have flocked to hear the cruel wrongs of my down-trodden +and long enslaved countrymen portrayed—the deep sympathy of the +slave, and the strong abhorrence of the slaveholder,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> everywhere +evinced—the cordiality with which members and ministers of +various religious bodies, and of various shades of religious +opinion, have embraced me and lent me their aid—the kind +hospitality constantly proffered to me by persons of the highest +rank in society—the spirit of freedom that seems to animate all +with whom I come in contact—and the entire absence of everything +that looked like prejudice against me, on account of the color +of my skin—contrasting so strongly with my long and bitter +experience in the United States, that I look with wonder and +amazement on the transition.</p> + +<p>In the Southern part of the United States I was a slave, thought +of and spoken of as property. In the language of the law, "held, +taken, reputed and adjudged to be chattel in the hands of my +owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, +or assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes +whatever."—Brev. Digest, 224. In the Northern States, a fugitive +slave, liable to be hunted at any moment like a felon, and to be +hurried into the terrible jaws of slavery—doomed by an inveterate +prejudice against color to insult and outrage in every hand. +(Massachusetts out of the question)—denied the privileges and +courtesies common to others in the use of the most humble of +conveyances—shut out from the cabins on steamboats—refused +admission to respectable hotels—caricatured, scorned, scoffed, +mocked and maltreated with impunity by any one (no matter how +black his heart), so he has a white skin.</p> + +<p>But now behold the change! Eleven days and a half gone, and I +have crossed three thousand miles of the perilous deep. Instead +of a democratic government, I am under a monarchical government. +Instead of the bright blue sky of America, I am covered with the +soft gray fog of the Emerald Isle. I breathe, and lo! the chattel +becomes a man. I gaze around in vain for one who will question +my equal humanity, claim me as his slave, or offer me an insult. +I employ a cab—I am seated beside white people—I reach the +hotel—I enter the same door—I am shown into the same parlor—I +dine at the same table—and no one is offended. No delicate +nose grows deformed in my presence. I have no difficulty here +in obtaining admission into any place of worship, instruction +or amusement, on equal terms with people as white as any I ever +saw in the United States. I meet nothing to remind me of my +complexion. I find myself regarded and treated at every turn with +the kindness and deference paid to white people. When I go to +church, I am met<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> by no upturned nose and scorned lip to tell me, +"We don't allow niggers in here!"</p> + +<p>I remember about two years ago, there was in Boston, near the +southwest corner of Boston Common, a menagerie. I had long desired +to see such a collection as I understood were being exhibited +there. Never having had an opportunity while a slave, I resolved +to seize this, my first, since my escape. I went, and as I +approached the entrance to gain admission, I was met and told by +the doorkeeper in a harsh and contemptuous tone, "We don't allow +niggers here!" I also remember attending a revival meeting in the +Rev. Henry Jackson's meeting house, at New Bedford, and going up +the broad aisle to find a seat. I was met by a good deacon, who +told me in a pious tone, "We don't allow niggers here!" Soon after +my arrival in New Bedford from the South, I had a strong desire to +attend the Lyceum, but was told, "We don't allow niggers here!"</p> + +<p>While passing from New York to Boston on the steamer +Massachusetts, on the night of the 9th Dec., 1843, when chilled +almost through with the cold, I went into the cabin to get a +little warm, I was soon touched upon the shoulder and told, +"We don't allow niggers here!" On arriving in Boston from an +anti-slavery tour, hungry and tired I went into an eating house +near my friend Mr. Campbell's, to get some refreshments. I was met +by a lad in a white apron, "We don't allow niggers here!" A week +or two before leaving the United States, I had a meeting appointed +at Weymouth, the home of that glorious band of true abolitionists, +the Weston family and others. On attempting to take a seat on the +omnibus to that place, I was told by the driver (and I never shall +forget the fiendish haste), "I don't allow niggers in here!"</p> + +<p>Thank heaven for the respite I now enjoy! I had been in Dublin +but a few days, when a gentleman of great respectability kindly +offered to conduct me through all the public buildings of that +beautiful city; and a little afterwards, I found myself dining +with the Lord Mayor of Dublin. What a pity there was not some +American Democratic Christian at the door of his splendid mansion, +to bark out at my approach, "They don't allow niggers in here!" +The truth is, the people here know nothing of the Republican Negro +hate prevalent in our glorious land. They measure and esteem +men according to their moral and intellectual worth, and not +according to the color of their skin. Whatever may be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> said of the +aristocracies here, there is none based on the color of a man's +skin. This species of aristocracy belongs pre-eminently to "the +land of the free, and the home of the brave." I have never found +it abroad, in any but Americans. It sticks to them where-ever they +go. They find it almost as hard to get rid of as to get rid of +their skins.</p> + +<p>The second day after my arrival at Liverpool, in company with my +friend Buffum, and several other friends I went to Eaton Hall, the +residence of the Marquis of Westminster, one of the most splendid +buildings in England. On approaching the door, I found several +of our American passengers who came out with us in the Cambria, +waiting at the door for admission, as but one party was allowed in +the house at a time. We all had to wait till the company within +came out. And of all the faces, expressive of chagrin, those of +the Americans were pre-eminent. They looked as sour as vinegar, +and as bitter as gall, when they found I was to be admitted on +equal terms with themselves. When the door was opened I walked in, +on an equal footing with my white fellow citizens, and from all +I could see I had as much attention paid me by the servants who +showed me through the house as any with a paler skin. As I walked +through the building, the statuary did not fall down, the pictures +did not leap from their places, the doors did not refuse to open, +and the servants did not say, "We don't allow niggers in here!"</p> + +<p>A happy new year to you and to all the friends of freedom.</p> + +<p>Excuse this imperfect scrawl and believe me to be ever and always +yours,</p> + +<p class="author">Frederick Douglass</p> +</blockquote> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>BOOK REVIEWS</h2> + + +<p class="hang"><i>The History of the Afro-American Group of the Episcopal Church.</i> +By <span class="smcap">George F. Bragg</span>, Rector St. James First African +Church, Baltimore. With an Introduction by the Rt. Rev. T. DuBose +Bratton, D.D., LL.D., Bishop of Mississippi. The Church Advocate +Press, Baltimore, 1922, pp. 319.</p> + +<p>This work is intended to supply the need of a volume tracing the +connection of the Negro with the Protestant Episcopal Church in +America. As this particular group of communicants has not the status +of independent organization, its peculiar history has remained only +in fragments. To embody these in the form of a handy volume to show +how this denomination has influenced the life of the Negro and how +members of the race have been affected thereby, will be a distinct +service for which the public would feel thankful. Whether or not the +author has accomplished this task the readers themselves will decide. +He has undertaken the work with so much enthusiasm and found so many +things to praise and such a few to condemn that the reader may find +the work somewhat <i>ex parte</i>. The struggle of the Negro communicants +in this denomination and its indifference toward the strivings of the +race before the Civil War are not emphasized. Approaching the volume +with reservation, however, the investigator will find the work of some +value.</p> + +<p>The volume begins with the early baptism of African children during +the early days. He directs attention to the work of missionaries in +South Carolina, Maryland, Georgia, and Virginia and brings his story +down to the days of the independent movement among Negro communicants +as it culminated in the organization of the Free African Society +of Philadelphia out of which emerged the St. Thomas African Church +under the leadership of Absalom Jones. He then discusses the rise of +such churches as St. Phillips in New York, St. James in Baltimore, +Christ Church in Providence, St. Luke in New Haven, The Church of the +Crucifixion in Philadelphia, St. Matthews in Detroit, St. Phillips in +New Jersey and St. Phillips in Buffalo. The renewed interest of the +Protestant Episcopal Church in the uplift of the Negro is interwoven +around his discussion of the Freedman's Commission organized<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> in 1868 +to Christianize and educate the Negroes recently emancipated in the +South. He then discusses the further interest shown by the General +Convention of 1871 and treats with some detail the efforts through +mission schools in the South.</p> + +<p>The remaining portion of the book consists of biographical sketches. +It contains a list of the Negro clergy prior to 1866, mentioning such +names as Absalom Jones, Peter Williams, William Levington, James C. +Ward, Jacob Oson, Gustavus V. Caesar, Edward Jones, William Douglass, +Isaiah G. DeGrasse, Alexander Crummell, Eli Worthington Stokes, +William C. Munroe, Samuel Vreeland Berry, Harrison Holmes Webb, James +Theodore Holly, William Johnson Alston, and John Peterson. Among these +are accounts of such veteran friends as Bishops Atkinson, Lyman, +Johns, Whittie, Smith, Quintard, Whittingham, Howe, Stevens, Young, +and Dudley, along with Mr. Joseph Bryan, General Samuel C. Armstrong, +and Mrs. Loomis L. White. He then gives sketches of some self-made +strong characters like James E. Thompson, Cassius M. C. Mason, James +Solomon Russell, James Nelson Denver, Henry Mason Joseph, Henry +Stephen McDuffy, Primus Priss Alston, Paulus Moort, Henry L. Phillips, +August E. Jensen, Joshua Bowden Massiah, William Victor Tunnell, and +John W. Perry. Honorable mention is given to Samuel David Ferguson, +John Payne, Edward T. Demby, Henry B. Delany, and T. Momolu Gardiner.</p> + +<hr class="short" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>The Trend of the Races.</i> By <span class="smcap">George E. Haynes</span>, Ph.D. With +an introduction by <span class="smcap">James H. Dillard</span>. Published jointly +by Council of Women for Home Missions and Missionary Education +Movement of the United States and Canada. New York, 1922, pp. 205.</p> + +<p>This volume is at once both historical and sociological. It is +interesting but might have been more readable if the materials had +been better organized so as to avoid unnecessary repetition from +chapter to chapter. It marks an epoch in the history of the Negro in +the United States, however, in that it was written at the request +of white persons constituting the Joint Committee on Home Mission +Literature representing the Missionary Education Movement and the +Council of Women for Home Missions and the Missionary Educational +Boards. The aim of the work is to present to the white workers in +the Church the achievements of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> Negro, believing that if the +Negro becomes known to the white man, he will not be any longer hated +by him; or, as the chairman of the committee herself says in the +foreword to the volume: "Our seeking to know him must be on the basis +of the broadest sympathy. In the friendliest and most helpful spirit +we should sincerely desire to understand him in the place where he +is and to apprehend something of the road by which he came and the +direction of his highest and best aspirations, that we may, so far +as we can, make it possible for him to attain his best in our common +civilization. We should at the same time quite as earnestly seek to +know ourselves in respect to our limitations, achievements, and goals +in the building of the social order."</p> + +<p>The book begins with a presentation of the case of the Negro, +reviewing two methods of racial adjustment. It then discusses the +conditions under which some choice of procedure must be made in view +of the white and Negro public opinion. The author then endeavors +to show what the Negro has accomplished during the sixty years +emphasizing his achievements both economic and industrial. In this +chapter he deals largely with the progress of Negro farmers, the +growth of business enterprises, improvements in health, moral uplift, +the development of homes, achievements in community life, education, +inventions, scientific discovery, and religious life. The author then +treats in some detail the mental capacity of the Negro, his feelings, +his conduct, his humor and his dramatic ability. He shows how the +Negro practices self-abnegation, toleration and optimism in spite +of oppression and yet brings out the fact that there is a rising +tide of race consciousness, increasing resentment and suspicion. The +development of racial self-respect, and the forward looking program +of self-assertion are also mentioned in showing how the Negroes are +learning to depend upon their own leaders and to undertake to do for +themselves what they have long requested others to accomplish for them.</p> + +<p>One of the important features of the book is its emphasis on the +part which the Negro has played in the various wars in the United +States beginning with the American Revolution and bringing the story +through all of our national and international struggles. Most space, +however, is devoted to the Negro's participation in the World War and +to the local economic situation in which the Negroes figured during +the dearth of labor and the scarcity of money when they responded to +the call to render non-combatant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> service and to lend the Government +their means by purchasing Liberty Bonds. Following this the author +finds it opportune to show the trend of the white world, bringing out +its attitude and ways of action due to conscience. Here he discusses +the influence of economic motives, survivals from the past, attitudes +due to ideals of race, the effects of the principles and ideals of +democracy and the interracial mind. The author believes that the way +to interracial peace is through racial contacts, church co-operation, +efficient reorganization in the division of labor, and through mutual +economic and life interests, group interdependence between mental and +social factors, educational institutions, popular government, and +voluntary organizations coordinating interracial activities.</p> + +<hr class="short" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>In the Vanguard of a Race.</i> By <span class="smcap">L. H. Hammond</span>. Published +jointly by Council of Women for Home Missions and Missionary +Education Movement of the United States and Canada. New York, +1922, pp. 176.</p> + +<p>This is a volume not so serious as that of Dr. Haynes's but written +for the purpose of presenting to the American public a number of +useful leaders now shaping the destiny of the Negro race. Inasmuch +as all famous workers of the race could not be mentioned, the author +endeavored to select one typical of each particular thought and to +portray them as the representatives of a large host of laborers +rebuilding the civilization of a large portion of mankind. The persons +sketched have worked as musicians, painters, sculptors, actors, +singers, poets, educators, physicians, farmers, and clergymen. When +one considers several of the selections made, however, he must be +astounded at the lack of judgment shown as to who are the leading +Negro workers doing something worth while. The author seems to +have obtained advice from such friends and helpers as Miss Ida A. +Tourtellot of the Phelps-Stokes Foundation, Miss Flora Mitchell +of the Woman's Home Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal +Church, Mrs. Booker T. Washington of Tuskegee, Mr. Jackson Davis of +the General Education Board, Mr. N. C. Newbold of the North Carolina +State Department of Education, Mr. W. T. B. Williams of the Jeanes and +Slater Boards, Professor G. L. Imes of Tuskegee, and Dr. A. M. Moore +of Durham, North Carolina, all of whom do not claim to be authorities +in matter of this kind.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span></p> + +<p>On the whole, however, the book has a value. In the first chapter, +"A Long Ascent," there is an interesting sketch of the rising race +showing unusual possibilities which must convince the world of the +inherent worth and bright future of the Negro. The sketch of Booker T. +Washington entitled "A Story of Service" is decidedly interesting and +is written in such a style as to popularize the achievements of the +great educator. Presented very much in the same way is the account of +the valuable service of Dr. C. V. Roman whose efforts have not been +restricted to medicine, inasmuch as he is an author and a lecturer of +recognized standing. Miss Nannie H. Burroughs is properly presented +to typify that part of the story known as "Saving an Idea." Herein is +sketched the rise and the culmination of the career of one of the most +useful women of our day. In the same style the work of Dr. William +N. DeBerry of Springfield, Massachusetts, appears. There follows the +sketch of the career of Mrs. Jane Barrett, a believer in happiness, +then that of John B. Pierce, a builder of prosperity, and next that +of Mrs. Maggie L. Walker, a woman banker. Much space is given also +to the career of the famous composer, Harry T. Burleigh. This sketch +is followed by two others directing attention to Miss Martha Drummer +and James Dunston. The book closes with a brief biography of Joseph +S. Cotter, Jr., the young poet who recently attained distinction in +expressing the strivings of an oppressed people.</p> + +<hr class="short" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>The Negro in Chicago. A study of race relations and a race riot.</i> +By the Chicago Commission on Race Relations. The University of +Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois, 1922, pp. 672.</p> + +<p>It is generally admitted that this report of the Commission on Race +Relations is the most important contribution to this interesting +subject. The very organization of the commission deepens this +impression. Before the end of this racial conflict in which 38 +lives were lost and 537 persons injured between July 27 and August +6, 1919, representatives of 48 social, civic, commercial and +professional organizations of Chicago met on the first of August +and requested Governor Frank O. Lowden, of Illinois, to appoint an +emergency State Committee "to study the psychological, social and +economic causes underlying the conditions resulting in the present +race riot and to make such recommendations as will tend to prevent a +recurrence of such conditions in the future."<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> In response to this +and other urgent requests, according to the report and pursuant to +his personal knowledge of the situation derived from investigations +made by him in Chicago during the riot, Governor Lowden appointed as +a commission, Edgar A. Bancroft, William Scott Bond, Edward Osgood +Brown, Harry Eugene Kelley, Victor F. Lawson, and Julius Rosenwald +as representatives of the white race and Robert S. Abbott, George +Cleveland Hall, George H. Jackson, Edward H. Morris, Adelbert +H. Roberts, and Lacey Kirk Williams representing the Negroes, +all to serve as a commission to undertake the work suggested by +the memorialists. Mr. Bancroft was designated by the Governor as +chairman but on account of his absence due to ill health, Dr. F. W. +Shepardson, Director of the State Department of Registration and +Education, was appointed to serve as acting chairman and on the +return of Mr. Bancroft, Dr. Shepardson was added to the commission +and made its Vice-Chairman. Inasmuch as the commission had no funds +a committee consisting of Messrs. James B. Forgan, chairman, Abel +Davis, Treasurer, Arthur Meeker, John J. Mitchell, and John G. Shedd, +together with Messrs. R. B. Beach and John F. Bowman of the staff of +the Chicago Association of Commerce, enabled the commission of inquiry +to meet this emergency. The actual work was done under the direction +of an Executive Secretary, Graham Romeyn Taylor and an Associate +Executive Secretary, Charles S. Johnson, the latter assuming charge of +the actual inquiries and investigation.</p> + +<p>The report does not present any solution by which all racial troubles +may be avoided. It well fulfills its mission, however, in finding +facts which, if properly studied, will serve to guide others in +promoting amicable relations between racial groups. It at once +convinces the general public that causes of racial friction may be +insignificant in themselves but are nevertheless capable of leading +to serious results, although a little effort can easily effect +their removal in time to avoid such fatal consequences. It shows, +moreover, that grievances too often portrayed as justifiable reasons +for self-help are generally exaggerated primarily for the purpose of +inflaming the public mind and should such findings be given adequate +publicity the effects of such unwise action may be counteracted in +time. It is claimed for this commission, moreover, that its work has +promoted an understanding between the two racial groups in the city of +Chicago and removed misunderstandings which have been such prolific +sources of trouble.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span></p> + +<p>The report covers in some detail an informing account of the race +riot itself and of other outbreaks in the State of Illinois. Going +to the very causes of things, the commission studied the migration +of the Negroes from the South, the Negro population in Chicago, +directing attention to the housing of Negroes, racial contacts, +vicious environments, and lines of industry. One of the most informing +parts of the work is a treatment of public opinion in race relations, +bringing out beliefs concerning Negroes and the background of such and +public opinion as expressed by Negroes themselves. Adequate space is +given to the instruments of opinion-making, such as Chicago newspapers +and the Negro press as well as to rumors, myths, and propaganda. The +recommendations of the Commission require careful attention. While the +public will not generally accept these recommendations as final, they +are at least suggestive and require careful consideration.</p> + +<p>One defect of the work, however, if it has a defect, is that it fails +to take into account one important cause, namely, the migration of +many poor whites to the North during the period of scarcity of labor +incident to the World War when these southerners brought north their +own opinions about how to keep the Negro down and helped to aggravate +the situation in Chicago.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>NOTES</h2> + + +<p>Mr. George W. Brown, a graduate of Howard University who, as a result +of a year of graduate work in History and Political Science at Western +Reserve University, has received the degree of Master of Arts, has +been appointed Instructor in History at the West Virginia Collegiate +Institute. Mr. Brown is the author of a dissertation entitled <i>Haiti +and the United States</i>.</p> + +<p>Mr. Miles Mark Fisher who contributed to the last issue of <span class="smcap">The +Journal of Negro History</span> the valuable dissertation and documents +bearing on the career of Lott Cary and who has written two other +valuable works, <i>The History of the Olivet Baptist Church</i> and <i>The +Master's Slave</i>, has been appointed an instructor at the Virginia +Union University, Richmond, Virginia.</p> + +<p>Mr. Luther P. Jackson, a graduate of Fisk University, who specialized +at Columbia in History and Education leading to the degree of Master +of Arts, and who contributes to the current number of <span class="smcap">The Journal +of Negro History</span> the dissertation entitled <i>The Educational +Efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau and Freedmen's Aid Societies in South +Carolina, 1862-1872</i>, has been appointed an instructor in the Virginia +Normal and Industrial Institute, Petersburg, Virginia.</p> + +<p>The Macmillan Company has published <i>A Boys' Life of Booker T. +Washington</i> by W. C. Jackson, Vice President of the North Carolina +College for Women, Greensboro, and Professor of History.</p> + +<p>The A. B. Caldwell Publishing Company, Atlanta, Georgia, has brought +out an autobiography, <i>Echoes from a Pioneer Life</i> by Jared Maurice +Arter, an instructor in Storer College, Harpers Ferry, West Va.</p> + +<p>From the University of Chicago Press there has come another +interesting volume on the Negro. This is entitled <i>The Negro Press in +the United States</i> by Frederick G. Detweiler.</p> + +<p>Sir Harry H. Johnston, G. C. M. G., K. C. B., Sc.D., has published +through Oxford at the Clarendon Press his second volume of <i>A +Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages</i>.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANNUAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY +OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY</h2> + + +<p>The Association met in annual session on the 22d, 23d and 24th of +November in Louisville, Kentucky. The day sessions were held at the +Chestnut Street Branch Library and the evening sessions at the Quinn +Chapel A. M. E. Church. The meeting was a success from both the local +and national points of view. Persons from afar came to take an active +part and the citizens of Louisville and nearby cities of Kentucky +attended in considerable numbers.</p> + +<p>The meeting was opened at eight o'clock Wednesday evening at the +Chestnut Street Branch Library with a stereopticon lecture on the +History of the Negro by Dr. A. Eugene Thomson, principal of Lincoln +Institute, Lincoln Ridge, Kentucky. This lecture covered the early +history of the Negro in Egypt and Ethiopia with illustrations of +the historic monuments exhibiting the progress of the natives in +architecture and the fine arts. There followed an informing discussion +of the importance of the study of this particular part of the past of +the dark races.</p> + +<p>On Thursday morning at ten o'clock a conference on "The Present State +of the Negro" was held. Mr. E. E. Reed, principal of the Bowling +Green High School, delivered an address on "The Social and Economic +Status of the Negro." This was the main feature of the conference. +The general discussion was opened by Mr. E. A. Carter, secretary of +the Louisville Urban League, who discussed "The Political Status +of the Negro." The views of the speakers were such as to present +both the optimistic and the pessimistic sides of the question. They +believed that while there have been some developments which indicate +improvement in the status of the Negro, there have been also other +changes which indicate a tendency of things to become static.</p> + +<p>Early in the afternoon at 1:30 P. M. a special session was held at +the William J. Simmons University. The aim here was to interest the +students in the importance of the preservation of the records of the +Negro. Several members of the Association discussed the history of the +organization, its achievements and plans, and welcomed the cooperation +of all as coworkers in this long<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> neglected field. Dr. W. H. Steward, +the editor of <i>The American Baptist</i>, then spoke from his experience +on "The Value of a Written Record," mentioning several cases in +Kentucky where important matters have been decided by such documentary +evidence. He emphasized the importance of the work accomplished by the +Association and encouraged the youth to connect themselves with it +that the cause may be promoted more successfully.</p> + +<p>At three o'clock Thursday afternoon with Professor W. B. Matthews, +principal of the Central High School, presiding, there followed a +session devoted to "The Teaching of Negro History." Many of the +teachers from the local school system were present. In a very +thoughtful and impressive manner Mr. J. W. Bell, principal of the +Hopkinsville High School, discussed the teaching of Negro history as +a matter of concern not only to the Negro himself but to the white +man. He expressed the opinion that through the dissemination of such +information the one race may become better acquainted with the other. +He was then followed by Mr. P. W. L. Jones, instructor in History at +the Kentucky Normal and Industrial Institute, Frankfort, Kentucky. +Mr. Jones directed his attention to "The Value of Negro Biography" as +a means of keeping before the race the records of a number of useful +citizens who might otherwise be forgotten and as a means of inspiring +the youth to useful endeavor and noble achievement. He took occasion +to present brief sketches of a number of Negroes once prominent in the +past but now almost forgotten because of the failure to pass their +story on to the coming generation. Mr. Thomas F. Blue, librarian of +the Chestnut Street Branch Library, then opened the general discussion +showing from his experience the need for directing more attention to +these neglected aspects of this peculiar problem of a race in the +making.</p> + +<p>The first evening session was held at the Quinn Chapel A. M. E. +Church with Dr. Noah W. Williams presiding. On this occasion the +Honorable C. C. Stoll, representing the Mayor of Louisville, welcomed +the Association in words adequate to arouse interest and enthusiasm. +Dr. L. G. Jordan, secretary emeritus of the National Baptist Foreign +Mission Board, responded to this address on behalf of the Association. +He took occasion, moreover, to make some interesting observations out +of his experiences in America and in Africa. Then followed an address +by Dr. C. G. Woodson who briefly connected the achievements of the +Negro with such movements in history as the commercial revolution, +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> intellectual revival, the struggle for the rights of man, the +industrial revolution, the reform movements of the nineteenth century, +and the present effort to attain social justice.</p> + +<p>On Friday morning at ten o'clock with Dr. James Bond presiding there +followed a conference on the Negro slave. Mr. W. H. Fouse, principal +of the Russell High School of Lexington, read an informing paper +on "The Contribution of the Slave to Civilization." He emphasized +especially the value of Negro labor as the basis upon which Southern +society was established, showing that whatever valuable culture was +developed was made possible by the work of the Negro slave. He did +not, however, subscribe to the theory that it is necessary to enslave +one part of the population that the other may apply itself to the +study of science, philosophy and politics. Dr. R. S. Cotterill, +instructor in History at the University of Louisville, then read a +valuable dissertation entitled "The Use of Slaves in Building Southern +Railroads." The speaker showed that he had made an extensive research +into documentary material, and he presented an array of facts which +unusually enlightened his audience in this neglected field. During +the general discussion which followed some other important facts were +brought forward, and much interest in the researches of these two +speakers was generally expressed.</p> + +<p>From Friday afternoon at two o'clock to 5:30 P. M. there were +exhibited at the Chestnut Street Branch Library samples of the +publications of the Association and a number of valuable engravings +of the Antique Works of Art in Benin, West Africa. This offered the +public an opportunity to judge the progress made by the Association +since its organization in 1915 and to form an opinion as to the sort +of work prosecuted and the manner in which it has been done. The +engravings setting forth the achievements of an important group of +African peoples of the 16th century convinced a large number that the +Negro race has behind it a valuable record which can never be known +except through such research and expeditions as will unearth these +important contributions.</p> + +<p>At three o'clock there was held the business session of the +Association. The reports of the Director and the Secretary-Treasurer +were read and, after favorable comment, were accepted and approved by +vote of the Association. These reports follow:</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span></p> + + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center">THE REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.</p> + +<p>With respect to the most difficult task of the Director, that of +raising money, the work of the Association has been eminently +successful. Encouraged by the appropriation of $25,000 obtained +from the Carnegie Corporation last year, the Director appealed +to several boards for the same consideration. Last February one +of these, the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial, appropriated +$25,000 to this work, payable in annual installments of $5,000, +as in the case of that obtained from the Carnegie Corporation. +It is to be regretted, however, that smaller contributions, +heretofore yielding most of the income of the Association prior to +obtaining the two appropriations, have diminished in number and +amount. Appealed to repeatedly, many of these persons give the +heavy income tax as an excuse, while not a few make the mistake +of thinking that the other funds received by the Association are +sufficient to take care of the general expenses. During the fiscal +year 1921-1922, thirty-seven persons, most of whom were Negroes, +contributed $25.00 each, whereas during the previous fiscal year +the number was larger.</p> + +<p>The following report of the Secretary-Treasurer shows how these +funds have been used:</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Financial Statement of the Secretary-Treasurer</span></p> + +<p class="ltr-date"> +<span class="smcap">Washington, D. C.</span>, July 1, 1922</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Association for the Study of<br /> +Negro Life and History, Inc.,<br /> +Washington, D. C.</span></p> + +<p><i>Gentlemen</i>:</p> + +<p>I hereby submit to you a statement of the amount of money received +and expended by the Association for the Study of Negro Life and +History, Incorporated, from July 1, 1921, to June 30, 1922, +inclusive:</p> + + + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Financial Statement"> +<tr><td colspan="2" class="center"><i>Receipts</i></td><td colspan="2" class="center"><i>Expenditures</i></td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Subscriptions</td><td class="right">$ 1,772.63</td><td class="left">Printing and Stationery</td><td class="right">$ 4,929.97</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Memberships</td><td class="right">241.00</td><td class="left">Petty Cash</td><td class="right">670.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Contributions</td><td class="right">9,113.75</td><td class="left">Stenographic service</td><td class="right">990.23</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Advertising</td><td class="right">195.45</td><td class="left">Rent and Light</td><td class="right">714.67</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Rent and Light</td><td class="right">180.14</td><td class="left">Salaries</td><td class="right">3,450.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Books</td><td class="right">1.70</td><td class="left">Traveling Expenses</td><td class="right">468.09</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Refunds</td><td class="right bb">50.42</td><td class="left">Miscellaneous</td><td class="right bb">286.46</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Total receipts</td><td class="right">$11,555.09</td><td class="left">Total expenditures</td><td class="right">$11,509.42</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Bal. on hand July 1, 1921</td><td class="right bb">43.09</td><td class="left">Bal. on hand June 30, 1922</td><td class="right bb">88.76</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">$11,598.18</td><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">$11,598.18</td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p>This report does not cover the $5,000 annually received +for research into the Free Negro Prior to 1861 and Negro +Reconstruction History. This fund was made available on the +first of July, the beginning of the fiscal year, and has been +apportioned so as to pay three investigators and a copyist +employed to do this work.</p> + +<p class="ltr-closing">Respectfully submitted,</p> +<p class="right">(Signed) <span class="smcap">S. W. Rutherford</span>,<br /> +Secretary-Treasurer.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span></p> + +<p>The appropriation of $25,000 obtained from the Laura Spelman +Rockefeller Memorial requires the employment of investigators +to develop the studies of the Free Negro Prior to 1861 and of +Negro Reconstruction History. The annual allowance of $5,000 is +devoted altogether to this work, inasmuch as special instructions +received from the Trustees of the Laura Spelman Rockefeller +Memorial prohibit the use of this money for any other purpose. The +Association has, therefore, employed Dr. George Francis Dow to +read the eighteenth century colonial newspapers of New England, C. +G. Woodson to make a study of the Free Negro Prior to 1861, A. A. +Taylor to study the Social and Economic Conditions of the Negro +during the Reconstruction, and a clerk serving the investigators +in the capacity of a copyist.</p> + +<p>At present Mr. A. A. Taylor is spending only one-half of his +time at this work, but after the first of next June he will have +the opportunity to direct his attention altogether to this task. +During this year it is expected that he will complete his studies +of the Social and Economic Conditions in Virginia and South +Carolina.</p> + +<p>In the study of the Free Negro the Director has spent the year +compiling a statistical report giving the names of free Negroes +who were heads of families in the South in 1830 showing the number +in each family and the number of slaves owned. Within a few months +that part of the report dealing with Louisiana, South Carolina and +North Carolina will be completed.</p> + +<p>The Association is also directing attention to the work of +training men for research in this field. The program agreed +upon is to educate in the best graduate schools with libraries +containing works bearing on Negro life and history at least three +young men a year, supported by fellowships of $500 from the +Association and such additional stipend as the schools themselves +may grant for the support of the undertaking. One of these +students will take up the study of Negro History, one will direct +his attention to Anthropometric and Psychological measurements +of Negroes, and one to African Anthropology and Archaeology. In +this undertaking the Director has not only the cooperation of +Prof. Carl Russell Fish, of the University of Wisconsin, and +Prof. William E. Dodd, of the University of Chicago, who with him +constitute the Committee on Fellowships, but also the assistance +of Professors Franz Boas and E. L. Thorndike of Columbia +University and of Professor E. A. Hooton of Harvard University.</p> + +<p>Closely connected with these plans, moreover, are certain other +projects to preserve Negro folklore and the fragments of Negro +music. In this effort the Association has the cooperation of Mrs. +Elsie Clews Parsons, the moving spirit of the American Folklore +Society. She is now desirous of making a more systematic effort +to embody this part of the Negro civilization and she believes +that the work can be more successfully done by cooperation with +the Association. As soon as the Director can obtain a special fund +for this particular work, an investigator will be employed to +undertake it.</p> + +<p>The interest manifested in the study of Negro History in clubs +and schools has been very encouraging. Most of the advanced +institutions of learning of both North and South make use of +<i>The Journal of Negro History</i> in teaching social sciences. The +Director's two recent works, <i>The History of the Negro Church</i> and +<i>The Negro in Our History</i> are being extensively used as textbooks +in classes studying Sociology and History. The enthusiasm of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> some +of these groups has developed to the extent that they now request +authority to organize under the direction of the Association local +bodies to be known as State Associations for the Study of Negro +Life and History.</p> + +<p class="ltr-closing">Respectfully submitted,</p> +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">C. G. Woodson</span>,<br /> +<i>Director</i>.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Upon taking up the election of officers there prevailed a motion +to cast the unanimous ballot of the Association for the following +officers:</p> + +<p class="indent"> +John R. Hawkins, <i>President</i><br /> +S. W. Rutherford, <i>Secretary-Treasurer</i><br /> +C. G. Woodson, <i>Director</i><br /> +</p> + +<p>The following were elected members of the Executive Council:</p> + + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Elected Members"> +<tr><td align="left">John R. Hawkins</td><td class="left">Henry C. King</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">S. W. Rutherford</td><td class="left">William E. Dodd</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Carter G. Woodson</td><td class="left">E. A. Hooton</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Julius Rosenwald</td><td class="left">Bishop John Hurst</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">James H. Dillard</td><td class="left">Alexander L. Jackson</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Bishop R. A. Carter</td><td class="left">Bishop R. E. Jones</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Robert R. Church</td><td class="left">Clement Richardson</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Franz Boas</td><td class="left">Robert C. Woods</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Carl Russell Fish</td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p>John R. Hawkins, S. W. Rutherford and C. G. Woodson were chosen as +trustees of the Association. John R. Hawkins, S. W. Rutherford and A. +L. Jackson were elected members of the Business Committee.</p> + +<p>There then followed a brief discussion of plans and ways and means +for the expansion of the work. Most of this discussion developed from +the various items of the report of the Director. Mr. W. H. Fouse, of +Lexington, Kentucky, proposed that the Association should authorize +the organization of State Associations for the Study of Negro Life +and History to cooperate with the national body in preserving local +biographical records of Negroes in counties and cities inaccessible to +national workers. This proposal was favorably received.</p> + +<p>On Friday evening at 8:30 P. M. there took place the second evening +session at the Quinn Chapel A. M. E. Church with Prof. H. C. Russell +presiding. The chief feature of the occasion was the address of Dr. +C. V. Roman entitled "The American Civilization<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> and the Negro." +Following the line of his researches and his opinions already +expressed in various works, Dr. Roman discussed the meaning of culture +and connected the achievements of the Negro therewith. He took +occasion also to show how the history of the race has been neglected +and how many records worth while have been accredited to the defamers +of the Negro race. Mr. J. W. Bell, of Hopkinsville, Kentucky, then +entertained the audience with a very eloquent address, speaking in +general of the achievements of the Association and emphasizing the +importance of close cooperation therewith. The meeting was then +closed with a few remarks by the Director who thanked the people of +Louisville and of Kentucky for their cooperation in making the meeting +a success.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><a name="No_2" id="No_2"></a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span></p> + + + +<div class="second-title"> +<p>THE JOURNAL<br /> + +<span class="smalltext">OF</span><br /> + +NEGRO HISTORY</p> +</div> + + +<hr class="tiny" /> + +<p class="center sc"> +Vol. VIII., No. 2 April, 1923.</p> + + +<hr class="tiny" /> + + +<h2>THE TEACHING OF NEGRO HISTORY<a name="FNanchor2_1_1" id="FNanchor2_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote2_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h2> + + +<p>The teaching of Negro history will serve the two-fold purpose of +informing the white man and inspiring the Negro. The untoward +circumstances under which the Negro lives make the teaching of his +history imperatively necessary. When the founders of this government +brought forth a new nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to the +proposition that all men are created equal, many thought that the +Negro was not regarded as a man. Thomas Jefferson himself, the writer +of that document, held the Negro as a slave. The Negro was regarded +as mere property, as a mere beast of burden. It required four years +of bloody war to transform him from the position of a thing and place +him in the ranks of men with a mere chance to struggle for actual +democracy. These circumstances have caused one of the most intricate +problems, the race problem. They have placed the American Negro in a +category by himself. They have brought about the peculiar situation of +a nation within a nation.</p> + +<p>The teaching of Negro history would contribute much to the solution +of this complicated race problem. The solution of any problem depends +upon an adequate understanding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> of it. The most illuminating approach +to the race problem is the historical approach. The white man of +this country must be supplied with the real facts pertaining to the +Negro. If not, all of his generalizations will be mere verbiage based +upon tradition inspired by prejudice. To prevent a distorted social +perspective and to develop a wider community consciousness, the white +man should read history from the Negro's point of view.</p> + +<p>For more than four centuries the Negro has been brought into contact +with the European white man. For the most part the Teutonic stocks +have regarded the Negro as a negative factor in history. The Latin +and Slavic races have been more kindly disposed toward him. They have +been disposed to give honor to whom honor is due regardless of race +or color. To them color has been an incident of birth, not a badge of +inferiority. In the annals of Russia Alexander Pushkin is recognized +as her national poet. France considered Toussaint L'Ouverture, one +of the most commanding figures of any age, a conspicuous example of +the possibilities of the pure-blooded Negro. She recognized Alexander +Dumas as her most distinguished romancer. Today she places this mantle +upon the shoulders of René Maran.</p> + +<p>The white people of the United States consider their race to be men of +a superior breed and have ignored the Negro in recording European and +American history. In their desire to substantiate the theory of the +superiority of the white man and the inferiority of the Negro, they +have failed to publish or suppressed the truth about the achievements +of the Negro. They have looked for nothing praiseworthy in him; they +have widely proclaimed his faults and failures. Well did Macaulay say:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>By exclusive attention to one class of phenomena, by exclusive +taste for one species of excellence the human intellect was +stunted. The best historians of later days have been seduced from +truth, not by their imagination, but by their reason. They far +excel their predecessors in the art of deducing general principles +from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> facts, but unhappily they have fallen into the error of +distorting the facts to suit the general principles. They arrive +at a theory from looking at a part of the phenomena; the remaining +phenomena they strain or curtail to suit the theory. In every +human character and transaction there is a mixture of good and +evil: a little exaggeration, a little suppression, a judicious +use of epithets, a watching and searching skepticism with respect +to the evidence on one side, a convenient credulity with respect +to every report or tradition on the other side may easily make a +saint of Laud or a tyrant of Henry IV.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Negro's most important contribution to American history is his +unparalleled progress—his rise from poverty to wealth, from ignorance +to knowledge, from backwardness to civilization. No other race has +achieved more under the same conditions. No authentic history of the +United States, then, can ignore or exclude the Negro. The part which +he has played in American history has served largely to make the +nation what it is today.</p> + +<p>The fidelity of the Negro slave to his master, his devotion and +loyalty to his country should constitute interesting historical +themes. Under the regime of slavery the Negro was literally bought and +sold like the very soil. His life was but one unceasing round of toil +and misery; his faith, his hope, and his ambition, were fettered down +with chains which he had no power to rend. Under these circumstances +he contributed two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil. With +the muscles of his brawny arms he cleared away the forests, tilled +the soil, and made the wilderness to blossom like the rose. With his +callous hands he has built railroads and cities in this country and +has thus made this a goodly land in which to live.</p> + +<p>Every time a foreign foe has threatened this nation, the Negro with +unswerving patriotism and undaunted courage has contributed his full +quota of protection. With profound sincerity he has offered his +services to his country; with voluntary devotion he has laid himself +upon her altar. It was Crispus Attucks who rushed upon the plains of +Boston, struck the first blow and thus became the first martyr<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> to +the cause of American independence. It was the Negro soldiers who +plunged dauntlessly into the face of death, scaled the heights of El +Caney and San Juan and brought victory to the American flag. It was +the black boys of the Ninth and the Tenth Cavalry that led the van and +spilt their blood upon the troublous soil of Mexico in order that the +dignity of the United States might be maintained. Negro soldiers were +among the first to carry the stars and stripes into the trenches upon +the gory field somewhere in France. These Negro soldiers have written +their names high upon the scroll of fame.</p> + +<p>You cannot erase their record without destroying some of the most +important pages of American history. In the true annals of this nation +their illustrious deeds of valor and patriotism cannot be hidden. +Unobscured by prejudice these records shall shine forth and point out +to posterity some of the most daring exploits and some of the most +vicarious sacrifices. When the ponderous volumes of history rich with +the spoils of time shall unroll their ample pages before the eyes of +generations yet unborn, there in letters which he who runs may read +should be inscribed the names of Johnson, Roberts, Butler, and many +other black boys who staked their lives in the World War upon the +contention that the world should be made safe for democracy.</p> + +<p>Teaching of Negro history to the white people will give them a broader +view. It will prove to them that the Negro has contributed a very +considerable portion to the wealth, population and resources of the +nation. It will engender a greater sympathy and a wider community +consciousness. It will prove that the Negro is imbued with the white +man's spirit and strives after his ideals. To the white man who truly +studies Negro history will come views of tolerance and a spirit of +justice, kindness, and helpfulness.</p> + +<p>What benefit will accrue to the Negro from the teaching of Negro +history? If the purpose of history teaching in our schools is to train +for citizenship, what kind of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> citizen will the Negro be, if the +history he studies does not comprehend his race? The education of any +race is incomplete unless it embodies the ideals of that race. The +histories taught in Negro schools were not written in contemplation of +the race. They were written for the white man and are the embodiment +of his ideals and prejudices. The teaching of Negro history to the +Negro youth is necessary to inspire race pride and arouse race +consciousness. The study of what his race has done under adverse +circumstances will animate the Negro youth to greater achievements. +By contemplating the deeds of the worthy members of his own race the +Negro youth will have his aspirations raised to attain the highest +objective of life.</p> + +<p>Because of existing conditions the inevitable conclusion is, that +Negro history should be taught in all the schools of all races in +the United States. The history outline should provide that Negro +history supplement the regular text in United States history. The +teaching of Negro history will bring a knowledge of those essential +elements without which there can be no solution of the race problem. +Standing upon the vantage ground of history retrospecting the past +and prospecting the future, every real seeker of the truth can catch +a glimmer of the glory in the realization of the prophetic utterance: +"Princes shall come out of Egypt and Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth +her hand to God."</p> + +<p class="author"> +J. W. Bell.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_1_1" id="Footnote2_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> An address delivered before the Association for the Study +of Negro Life and History at Louisville, November 23, 1922.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>NEGRO BIOGRAPHY<a name="FNanchor2_1_2" id="FNanchor2_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote2_1_2" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h2> + + +<p>Twenty years ago I became interested in the study of Negro biography. +I was anxious to know more about the personal histories of a score +or more of Negro men and women whose part in helping to make the +history of the Negro in the United States stood out pre-eminently. I +did not desire detailed accounts of their lives at that time, but I +did wish to know when and where they were born, how they made their +way to front rank, how they suffered, fought, and sacrificed, where +they spent their declining years, and when they passed away. I found +the field of Negro biography a neglected one. I set to work, in my +weak way, then, to bring to light the main facts in these personal +histories.</p> + +<p>The early Negro historians seem to have placed little emphasis on +telling the interesting facts in the lives of the leaders of the race, +and these persons themselves, with a few exceptions, were too modest, +too busy, or too poor to publish their lives in book form. Josiah +Henson, Samuel Ringgold Ward, Frederick Douglass, William Wells Brown, +and a few others published their autobiographies. Unsatisfactory brief +sketches of Phyllis Wheatley, Benjamin Banneker, Crispus Attucks, +Lott Cary, and a score of others could be found here and there. Many +writers have attempted to make known the part the Negro group has +played in helping to make American history and civilization, but few +have brought to light the stories of the Negro men and women of might +and mark whose impress upon their generation gives evidence of our +onward march of progress.</p> + +<p>Looking over the field of American Negro historiography one sees +a change in aspect and in tone. The early<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> historian told the +chronicled story of the race as a separate and distinct narrative, +an independent, isolated tale of a people apart from the world. He +endeavored to show the part the Negro had played in making possible +his own progress. Today the Negro historian points to the fact that +the Negro's advancement is a part of the forward movement of the +world, and his progress in all the fields wherein he has labored is +a part of the general progress of mankind. The historian of today is +scientifically bringing to light the evidences as to the worth of +the Negro and his contributions to the uplift of the World. More and +more the historian is directing attention to the private lives of our +leaders. More and more the leaders themselves are recording their own +deeds, writing their autobiographies, and uncovering many inside facts +connected with movements with which they were identified and in which +they played conspicuous parts. But the personal histories of the old +leaders, "the Old Guard" of the race, remain unknown. The stories of +their lives, in addition to making rare literature, would shed light +on the past, teach race loyalty and pride, and give inspiration to +thousands of Negro youths who would find encouragement in their trials +and battles.</p> + +<p>"Biography," says Lossing, "is history teaching by example." Every +race that has counted for much in history has had its heroes. Every +nation that has helped to build civilization got its inspiration +from within. Every nation that has left a record of value had its +ideal men and women, its patriots, its martyrs—its examples of +usefulness within itself. The white race seeks its ideals within its +own ranks. The Red man's ideal is his group. The Greek youth imbibed +the dare-and-do spirit from the tales of the Greek heroes. The Roman +fashioned his life after those citizens who fought and achieved for +Rome. Englishmen find their heroes among their own, and though they +admire and praise genius and usefulness in men of other nationalities, +their greatest men are those who played well their parts in helping to +expand the influence of England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> and to establish the British Empire. +The German gets his inspiration from German history. The Japanese +worships at the shrine of those of his country who have been factors +in giving Japan "a place in the sun." The Frenchman sees his examples +of true greatness in the men and women who sacrificed all for the +glory of France.</p> + +<p>No race, no nation, no people whose ideals of manhood and patriotism +are without, can hope to be accorded full recognition by the world. +The Negro's ideal must be a Negro if he is to appreciate keenly his +own particular stock. The Negro's examples of achievement and devotion +must be found within his group, if he is to learn to serve the race +faithfully and intelligently. Its sages, its patriots, its heroes must +all be persons of color, men whose faces show the mark of Africa, if +the Negro youth is to develop that essential feeling commonly known +as race pride. Negro achievements must be taught to the young men and +women, if they are to learn to labor and to achieve, to do and to dare.</p> + +<p>Negro biography stands out as the medium through which the youths of +the race can be taught to love the race more and to serve it better. +Negro biography is the main source from which the young Negro is to +get inspiration and encouragement. Negro biography is the door through +which he enters Negro history. Negro biography unlocks the past and +explains the present effectively and impressively. If we want our +children trained to love the race we must not only teach them what the +world is, what nations have accomplished, and what individuals within +the ranks of these nations have done toward helping to brighten the +path of life, but we must tell them of the sturdy characters of Negro +ancestry who have labored and struggled and triumphed and by their +contributions enriched the history of civilization. The appreciation +for the record of our own group will stimulate the youth to greater +endeavor.</p> + +<p>The histories of nations are but narratives of what their citizens +have said and done. If, then, we would teach<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> effectively the +chronicles of the nations, we must be answering questions, incessantly +responding to inquiries about the men and the women who blazed the way +and led their kinsmen to toil and suffer to bring to pass a happier +and a brighter day for themselves and their posterity. Such examples +of devotion to the cause of humanity, examples of consecration to +truth and righteousness, examples of goodness and greatness worthy +of the praise of all races and creeds, are found everywhere in the +ranks of the Negro race. If unearthed and popularized, these examples +would shed light upon the history of the race in the United States, +illuminate the general history of man, and inculcate a profound +respect for the Negro.</p> + +<p>In connection with the Negro's early efforts at freedom and culture +mention is made of John Chavis, George Moses Horton, John Sella +Martin, George Liele, John S. Rock, James Varick, Andrew Bryan, Daniel +Coker, Peter Spencer, David Walker, John T. Hilton, David Ruggles, +William Whipper, James Monroe Whitefield, James McCune Smith, James +Madison Bell, Thomas Paul, Mary Shadd Carey, Jupiter Hammon, and +Samuel Ringgold Ward, about whose personal histories, Ward excepted, +little is known. And even in the case of Ward, his life after he left +the United States is almost a blank. Few people know what work he did +after making his home in Jamaica, and the circumstances under which he +passed away there. Let it be remembered that Frederick Douglass called +Ward the most brilliant Negro orator of the abolition cause. Would +not the story of his remarkable career be a valuable addition to our +history? He was one of the chief pillars of the anti-slavery movement.</p> + +<p>Would not the true facts concerning the birth, education and early +life of Lieutenant Colonel William N. Reed, First North Carolina +Volunteers, or the Thirty-fifth United States Colored Troops, who +fell mortally wounded in the battle of the Olustee in 1864, make +interesting reading to arouse the imagination of the youth? A full +narrative of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> the life of Dr. John V. DeGrasse, the first commissioned +surgeon in the United States Army, would give a new idea of the +versatility of the Negro patriot. The life of David Ruggles, told +in detail, would be both informing and inspiring. His hatred of the +slaveholder and his love of freedom brought him to deal sledge hammer +blows at the institution of slavery and to oppose the colonization of +free Negroes in Africa. His manly appeal to reason and his eloquent +and convincing arguments against deportation did much to make friends +for Negro freedom. James W. C. Pennington, an honor alumnus of the +University of Heidelberg (Germany), deserves more consideration in our +history than will ever be given him because we know so little about +his life and labors. An eloquent preacher and a lover of justice and +truth, he won the praise of the good and the great in both America and +Europe.</p> + +<p>How many American Negroes know the name of Joseph Colvis, a native of +the United States who won distinction during the Franco-Prussian War, +who was decorated by the French Government, and who retained till his +death his American citizenship? What Negro of the United States knows +the story of the last years of Edmonia Lewis, the sculptress, one of +the truly great products of the race? Her name should be made to live +by telling every youth of her wonderful career as an artist.</p> + +<p>How many Negro youths know the names of C. H. J. Taylor, James Monroe +Trotter, John H. Jackson and J. McHenry Jones, four men of our own +time who successfully labored for the uplift of the race? Taylor and +Trotter were among the first to preach Negro independence in politics, +and Jackson and Jones infused new life into two State schools and +made these institutions mighty instruments of service in the uplift +of the race. What do we know of Whipper, Rock, Martin, Chavis, Jones, +Whitefield, pioneers all? of Bell, Varick, Coker, Cary, Bryan, Liele, +all but martyrs? What these men achieved, in spite of handicap, in +an environment unfavorable to progress by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> peoples of dark skin, has +won the admiration of the enemies of the race. Is there a student of +history who does not wish to know more about them? Unbiased historians +on both sides of the seas will some day find delight in doing them +honor.</p> + +<p>Shall these heroes go unsung? Shall these makers of the history of +the race go unhonored? Should not their names become familiar to our +children and their struggles for truth and right the epics of the +fireside? Lest we forget, and lest our children never know them, +let us do our best to chronicle their deeds and to perpetuate their +memories. Let us do our part towards placing these heroes before the +world, erecting in their honor monuments in song and in story to +the end that coming generations may be inspired to serve their day +faithfully and aspiring youths everywhere be shown the path to true +worth and glory.</p> + +<p class="author"> +Paul W. L. Jones.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_1_2" id="Footnote2_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> An address delivered before the Association for the Study +of Negro Life and History at Louisville, November 23, 1922.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>HAITI AND THE UNITED STATES<a name="FNanchor2_A_3" id="FNanchor2_A_3"></a><a href="#Footnote2_A_3" class="fnanchor">[A]</a></h2> + + +<h3>Introductory</h3> + +<p>We do not generally speak of <i>American imperialism</i>. Such words are +incompatible. Imperialism in the United States, the land of the free +and the home of the brave, seems ironical. The degenerate, dying one, +however, gave birth to the vital, growing other. Imperialism is the +torch that fired the souls that flared and flamed forth in conquering +righteous anger and tore in twain the bond which held the British +Lion's restless brood intact and set one loose to roam apart a land +in which to breed and suckle a stock after its kind. It was thus the +United States had its beginning. Can it be the echo of that severed +bond still faintly heard shall prematurely die? drown in the clamor of +our near Imperialistic programme in the republics of Haiti and Santo +Domingo? Be that as it may, the sovereignty of Haiti and Santo Domingo +has been impaired, and their independence overthrown by the United +States of America. This is a fact against which no one holds a brief.</p> + +<p>Whether we accept the interpretation of our country's actions in the +island republics by Earnest H. Gruening, Managing Editor of <i>The +Nation</i>, or that of Carl Kelsey,<a name="FNanchor2_1_4" id="FNanchor2_1_4"></a><a href="#Footnote2_1_4" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Professor of Sociology at the +University of Pennsylvania,<a name="FNanchor2_2_5" id="FNanchor2_2_5"></a><a href="#Footnote2_2_5" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> whether we conclude with, what may +be termed conveniently "public opinion," or with the Investigation +Committee of the Senate,<a name="FNanchor2_3_6" id="FNanchor2_3_6"></a><a href="#Footnote2_3_6" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> is finally a matter of individual +judicature. To accept or reject, establish or refute, either<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> +interpretation or conclusion would require a thorough study of the +character and motives of the men, and the nature, extent, and the +conditions under which the facts were collected. Such a survey would +lead us far afield in this dissertation.</p> + +<p>Knowing as we do the importance of the Monroe Doctrine, we believe +the basis of the present Haitian-Dominican relation with the United +States to be found in our practical interpretation of that unwritten +law. There is another factor which, if possible, is paramount to the +Monroe Doctrine, our economic interests. The strength of a nation is +its wealth. In our economic interests upon which rests our political +government, and in the Monroe Doctrine—time honored, versatile +chaperon and guardian of them both at international fetes—are to +be found the official justification and true motives of the foreign +policy of the United States in Haiti and Santo Domingo.</p> + + +<h3>Survey of Haiti</h3> + +<p>Before proceeding farther, let us briefly review Haiti up to the +American Occupation. The story of the Santo-Dominican affair is +singularly similar to that of Haiti, and it needs to be referred to +only in the rare instances of dissimilarity.</p> + +<p>Hispaniola or Haiti is the second largest island in the Antilles. +It lies between Cuba and Porto Rico. It was discovered by Columbus, +and the earliest Caucasian civilization in this hemisphere took root +there. The tomb supposed to hold the ashes of Columbus is in the +Cathedral of Santo Domingo. The eastern two-thirds of the island +is occupied by the Dominican Republic, the western one-third by +that of Haiti. The island was a French colony until 1804, although +the French claims were frequently disputed by the Spaniards, who +at various times established themselves in the eastern part, where +language and culture remained Castilian. Following nearly fifteen +years of struggle, which began when the Bastile fell, the natives<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> +achieved their independence.<a name="FNanchor2_4_7" id="FNanchor2_4_7"></a><a href="#Footnote2_4_7" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> This revolution was unique in that +the revolutionaries, who had formerly been slaves, secured both the +political independence of their country and their personal freedom. +The republic of Haiti was established on January 1, 1804, the second +republic in the Western Hemisphere. In 1844 the eastern two-thirds of +the island seceded and set up the Dominican Republic.</p> + +<p>The republic of Haiti continued free and independent until 1915. +During that one hundred and eleven years it had a troublous history. +The constitutional office for a president in Haiti is seven years, but +President Salomon, who held office from 1879 to 1886, is apparently +the only such functionary to fill out his term of office. He was +overthrown within two years after his reelection for a second term in +1886.</p> + +<p>This drama may be reduced to read thus: In 1804 Dessalines was crowned +as emperor. Two years later he was assassinated; and war broke out +between Christophe and Petion. In 1807 Christophe became king under +the title of Henry I, but had upon his hands annoying strife. In +1811 Petion was made president of the southern part of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> the island +and civil war ensued. Boyer was declared regent for life in 1820 and +after tremendous insurrection and flow of blood Christophe committed +suicide. In 1843 Boyer was deposed and exiled after a revolution. +In 1844 Santo Domingo, the Spanish port of the island, became an +independent republic in spite of the efforts of the French portion +to subdue it. Herard, the next ruler, was exiled after a rule of one +year. Then came Guerrier and Pierrot, each of whom could hold out one +year only. In 1846 Riché was proclaimed president but he passed away +within twelve months. In 1849 Soulouque was declared emperor after +many wars and much bloodshed. He managed to rule in some way until +he was exiled in 1859. Geffrad then became president and ruled until +1867 when he was exiled. From 1856 to 1867 there followed a dreadful +revolution when Salnave revolted, taking refugees from the British +consulates and killing them. An English ship drove them out and +helped Geffrad who, however, was finally banished. Salnave was then +made president with a new constitution; and the revolt was suppressed +amidst torrents of blood. From 1868 to 1870 there was continual +revolution, but Salnave massacred his enemies, proclaimed himself +emperor, and thus reigned until he was finally defeated and shot. +In 1874 after Nissage Saget had completed his term of four years, +Domingue seized the government, but after bloody revolution he was +exiled in 1876. Then came another bloody revolution when Canal seized +power but after a stormy reign he was exiled in 1879, when Salomon was +elected. Salomon was reelected in 1886 but was deposed and exiled in +1888. Then came civil war between Hippolyte and Légitime resulting in +the temporary success of Légitime, who held sway for one year only. +In 1889 Hippolyte was chosen chief executive and he died in office +in 1896. Sam who became president that year had trouble with Germany +and numerous disorders in the country. In 1902 Sam took all the funds +and left the country. In 1902 General Alexis Nord was proclaimed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> +president, and he was retired by revolution in 1908 when the powers +sent warships to stop massacre. Cincinnatus Lecompte was elevated to +the presidency in 1911 and was killed in 1912. Tancrede Auguste, who +succeeded him, met the same fate the following year. Michall Oreste, +the next unfortunate, served into the year 1914 when he was dethroned +by the usual upheaval; and so suffered Zamor in 1914, and Guillaume +who was killed in 1915. On July 28, 1915, United States forces landed +at Port-au-Prince and began the present Occupation.<a name="FNanchor2_5_8" id="FNanchor2_5_8"></a><a href="#Footnote2_5_8" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + + +<h3>Survey of Santo Domingo</h3> + +<p>National and domestic conditions of Haiti are popular knowledge. It is +unnecessary to go into that upon which all students of Latin American +countries are agreed. Accordingly we make no mention of the form of +government and detailed exposition of its operation in this country.</p> + +<p>It is not agreed that Santo Domingo is as well known. The total +area of the Dominican Republic is over 19,000 square miles, or +somewhat more than the combined areas of the States of Vermont and +New Hampshire. The country is divided by a great central range whose +highest peaks rise to 9,000 or 10,000 feet, forming valleys like +Constanza, whose elevation is over 3,000 feet. The first census of +the Dominican Republic ever taken was completed in the summer of +1921. This showed a total population of 894,587, a little over 45 a +square mile, or about one-fourth the density of Haiti. The crop areas, +rainfall being heavy in the vicinity of the central range, indicate +fairly accurately the location of the mass of the population. The +people are a mixture of Negro, Indian, and Spaniard with the Negro +strain predominant. Among them, as in Haiti, the question of land +ownership is important. There is no system of deeds by which titles +are registered. As the country has never been surveyed, titles are in +confusion.</p> + +<p>The agricultural methods of the Dominicans do not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> differ materially +from those of the Haitians, but modern machinery is rapidly appearing. +Conservatively it might be said that the Dominican farmers are more +prosperous than the Haitian. One finds here the culture of cane, +cacao, tobacco, and bananas to a greater extent than in Haiti, but +these crops are not efficiently handled.</p> + +<p>The most valuable crop of the country is sugar. Owing to the enormous +cost of the mills, sugar is produced chiefly on large plantations. Of +these there are about a dozen, most of which are today under American +control. Two of the largest are La Romana in the east and Barahona +in the west. In the former the investment is estimated at $7,000,000 +with 16,000 acres in cane and a labor force of 7,000. Barahona is a +new plantation which was grinding the winter of 1921 for the first +time. The investment here is said to be over $10,000,000. A splendid +plant with adequate provision for houses for the employees has been +built. Besides sugar there are a few other industries including a +little manufacturing. Factories are not numerous in the country, but +at Puerto Plata, there are a match factory, a few distilleries, and +two cigar factories turning out excellent products, and they are owned +and operated by Dominicans. It is an open question whether forces +and influences of this kind will do more to advance and stabilize +these countries than all the resorts to force of military control and +occupation.</p> + +<p>Some transportation facilities and a few other economic factors of +interest are observed. There are two lines of railroads doing a +general business, with a combined mileage of about 150 miles. The +Dominican Central Railway runs from Puerto Plata through Santiago to +Moca, 60 miles. This was built by foreign interests but was taken over +by the government in 1908. The second road, the Samaná and Santiago +Railway, runs from Moca to Samaná with branches to San Fernando +de Macoris and La Vega. No railroad runs from the northern to the +southern part of the country. On the sugar estates in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> south there +are 225 miles of private roads. There is also a short line of some +five miles connecting Azura with its ports. An excellent beginning had +been made in road building. The engineers of the American forces since +the occupation have carried it farther. There are docks at Puerto +Plata, La Romana,<a name="FNanchor2_6_9" id="FNanchor2_6_9"></a><a href="#Footnote2_6_9" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> San Pedro de Macoris, Santo Domingo and Barahona. +Elsewhere lighters are used. The Clyde Steamship Line has had a +monopoly much of the time in the trade with the United States. Now +at least two other lines send freight steamers regularly. The French +line gives direct connection with Europe, and there is also frequent +communication with Porto Rico.</p> + +<p>A study of the statistical table of commerce indicates a very +gratifying increase in the total foreign trade but a considerable +part of the increase after 1914 was due to war time prices, just as +the terrible slump which came in 1921, and had little relation to +production. The output of sugar has been increased from 85,000 tons in +1910 to about 185,000 in 1920. A large part of this commerce is with +the United States. For instance, in 1919-20 the United States trade +represented 77 per cent of the imports and 87 per cent of the exports. +13 per cent more of the imports were from Porto Rico, and to that +island went 26 per cent of the exports. The rapid increase in commerce +brought great prosperity to the country. Then came the reaction, +disastrous to creditors, many of whose accounts were settled for 35 +cents on the dollar. The country, however, is relatively undeveloped, +which means its day is yet ahead. Schvenrich is correct in speaking of +Santo Domingo as the country with a future.</p> + +<p>Religion, education, and politics come next in this hurried survey. +The Roman Catholic Church is dominant in this country. With the +exception of a few Franciscans all the priests are natives. The +Protestant churches in the country are few and small.</p> + +<p>Education is still in a backward state. In 1915 the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> Dominican +Republic did not own a single school building. Rural schools did not +exceed eighty-four in number. The total school enrollment was about +18,000. While there were some public schools in rented buildings +dependence seems to have been placed on the private subsidized +schools, and the amount granted was determined wholly by political +influence. The teachers were irregularly and poorly paid. A commission +appointed by the government investigated thoroughly the educational +situation and because of its findings prepared and recommended the +following laws: (<i>a</i>) Compulsory school attendance; (<i>b</i>) school +administration; (<i>c</i>) general studies, literary, law, and theological +courses; and an (<i>d</i>) organic law of public education, and school +revenues. The educational institutions now total: (<i>a</i>) 647 rural +schools—enrollment 50,000, the chief work being in agriculture; (<i>b</i>) +194 primary schools; (<i>c</i>) 7 secondary and normal schools; (<i>d</i>) 6 +industrial schools for girls; (<i>e</i>) 2 schools of fine arts; and (<i>f</i>) +2 correctional schools and the Central University at the capital. The +total school attendance is 100,000, and the total number of teachers +is 1,468.</p> + +<p>The constitution establishes a representative form of government—a +republic. The government is of executive, legislative, and judicial +branches. The national congress meets annually at the capital, Santo +Domingo, on February 27 for a period of 90 days, which may be extended +60 days if necessary. It is composed of a senate of 12 members, one +from each province, and of a chamber of deputies of 24 members, two +from each province. Senators are elected by indirect vote for a term +of six years, and the senate is renewed by thirds every two years. +Deputies are elected by indirect vote for a period of four years, and +the chamber is renewed by half every two years. Suffrage is free to +all male citizens over 18 years old. The President is the executive +authority of the republic. He is elected for six years by indirect +vote. There is no Vice-President. The cabinet is composed of seven +functionaries:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> the Secretary of Interior and Police, Secretary of +Foreign Affairs, Secretary of Treasury and Commerce, Secretary of War +and Marine, Secretary of Justice and Public Instruction, Secretary +of Agriculture and Immigration, and Secretary of Promotion and +Communications.</p> + +<p>The chief judicial power resides in the Supreme Court of Justice, +which consists of a president and six justices chosen by Congress, and +one Procurador Fiscal General appointed by the executive to serve for +a term of four years, and sitting at Santo Domingo. The territory of +the republic is divided into twelve judicial districts, each having +its own civil and criminal tribunal and court of first instance. These +districts are subdivided into communes, each with a local justice. +There are two courts of appeal, one at Santiago de los Caballeros, and +the other at Santo Domingo City. For administrative purposes these +twelve provinces are subdivided into communes. The provinces are +administered by governors appointed by the President as are the chief +executive officers of other political divisions.</p> + + +<h3>Early International Relations</h3> + +<p>Let us now direct attention to the early international relations +of Haiti and Santo Domingo with the United States. For many years +recognition of the little state by certain world powers fearing the +disastrous effect on their slaves, was withheld. The French, moreover, +under the constant threat of reinvasion, succeeded in exacting a +90,000,000 franc indemnity for the property of Frenchmen expelled in +the Haitian war of independence. Charles X of France then recognized +the republic. Recognition by the United States did not come until the +presidency of Abraham Lincoln. Until recently, however, Haiti has had +only one significant attraction for the United States. The important +relations of Haiti with this country from then until 1915 amounted +chiefly to negotiations and efforts to secure the cession of Mole St. +Nicholas, a harbor, at the northwestern extremity of the island. It +controls the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> Windward Passage, and the United States desired it for a +naval base.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the insistence of the United States that Haiti grant +her Mole St. Nicholas for naval use, the harbor did not change hands. +The Haitians adhered firmly to the constitutional provision, which +forbade the cession of territory. During 1914 and 1915 the United +States began overtures of a different character. A treaty giving +American control of the customs and finances was proposed. The cession +of Mole St. Nicholas appears also in the early exchanges. In October, +1914, William J. Bryan, Secretary of State, wrote to President Wilson, +urging the immediate increase of our naval forces in Haitian waters, +"not only for the purpose of protecting foreign interests, but also +as an evidence of the earnest intention of this Government to settle +the unsatisfactory state of affairs which exists." More naval vessels +were sent, and at the same time the United States offered to assist +the President of Haiti to put down some threatened revolutionary +disturbances. As certain conditions were attached to this assistance, +it was refused. In November and December modifications of previous +treaty drafts were again submitted. They proposed the control and +administration of the Haitian customs by the United States, and were +again refused for reasons similar to those given above. On December +13, 1914, American marines from the United States Ship Machias landed +in the Haitian capital and removed property of the country without the +consent of the people.</p> + +<p>The recent Dominican situation may be said to have begun on November +19, 1915. A draft giving the United States military and financial +control was presented to President Jimenez of the Dominican Republic +one week after the final ratification by Haiti of its similar treaty. +It was rejected. In the following April, impeachment proceedings were +entered upon against the President in the Dominican Congress. On May +4, 1916, during some revolutionary disturbances, and without warning +to the Dominican<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> Government, American marines were landed near Santo +Domingo. The American minister at that time gave assurance that these +forces were solely for the purpose of protecting the American Legation.</p> + +<p>On the eleventh of May Frederico Henrique Y Carvajol was nominated for +president of the republic in the Chamber of Deputies and confirmed by +the Senate on the twenty-third of May. On the thirteenth of May, the +American minister formally notified the Dominican Government of the +intention of the United States Government to land a large armed force +and to occupy the capital, threatening bombardment of the city and +unrestricted firing upon the natives, if in any way they interfered +with the landing of the American forces. On the eighteenth of May +the American minister notified the Dominican Congress that Carvajol +was not acceptable to the United States as President. On the fifth +of June the American minister gave a formal notice to the Dominican +Government that the Receiver General of Customs would take charge of +all the finances and funds of the Government. Under the treaty of +1907 with the United States one of its citizens appointed by this +country was in charge of the collection of customs of the Dominican +Republic. It was his duty under this treaty to turn in all but the +sum of $100,000 monthly to the Dominican Government. All above this +$100,000 was to go, one half to the Dominican Government for its own +uses, the other half to the sinking fund of the loan contracted under +the treaty. On the sixteenth of June, following orders from Washington +the Receiver General of Customs took charge of all revenues,—internal +as well as customs revenues which alone were stipulated in the treaty +of 1907—and set himself up as disbursing agent of the republic. Then +followed a series of protests, exchange of notes and the like. On +November 26, 1916, there was issued a "proclamation of occupation" by +the United States, followed by martial law, but the Dominicans refused +to ratify the acts of the Military Government. The occupation here +continued more than five years.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span></p> + +<p>These and similar acts in both Haiti and Santo Domingo aside from +questions of expediency, justification, or best interest have given +rise to the present situation. Up to this time the United States +Government has published no complete and comprehensive explanation of +these acts. The answer to the question of motives is not to be found +in surface considerations; not even the unlimited popular accounts +convince us that this country is not adhering to a principle, to an +accepted and subscribed policy, no matter how secret it may be.</p> + + +<h3>The United States in the Larger Canal Zone</h3> + +<p>When the United States secured Panama from Columbia she entered upon +a new era. With the centralization of a large portion of our wealth +in this section of Latin America came the recognition by statesmen +that our political interests would have to expand accordingly. Then +our attitude took on an air of aggression which, conflicting with +our ideals, gives rise to varied conjectures upon our Latin American +policy, and especially our policy in the Caribbean Sea.</p> + +<p>There were steps made towards securing a coaling station or naval +base even prior to our ownership of the Panama Canal Lands. In 1867 +Admiral Porter and Mr. F. W. Seward, the assistant-secretary of state, +were sent to Santo Domingo for the purpose of securing the lease of +Samaná Bay as a naval station. Later President Grant sent Colonel +Babcock to the island to report on the condition of affairs. Babcock, +without diplomatic authority of any kind, negotiated a treaty for the +annexation of the Dominican Republic and another for the lease of +Samaná Bay.</p> + +<p>The Spanish American War was the occasion for the advance of the +United States into the Caribbean. From this conflict we acquired Porto +Rico and a protectorate over Cuba. Furthermore, too much importance +can not be attached to the Hay-Pauncefote treaty of 1901 in studying<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> +this expansion of the United States in that sphere. By this convention +Great Britain abjured her claim to an equal voice with the United +States in the control of an Isthmian Canal and withdrew her squadrons +from the Caribbean Sea, leaving us the naval supremacy in this +important strategic area.</p> + +<p>Immediately following these occurrences came the episode of the Panama +Canal. To review briefly a long told and well known story, the United +States Government had not been successful in its attempt to secure +from Columbia the treaty it sought for the building of the Isthmian +Canal. In 1903 a revolution broke out in Panama, and Columbia failed +to coerce effectively the insurgents, hindered, it is asserted, by +the far reaching influence of the Roosevelt Administration. As soon +as this revolution got in full swing the United States recognized +Panama, and negotiated the long sought treaty. By the year 1903 we had +acquired the canal zone. The determination to build a canal not only +rendered inevitable the adoption of a policy of naval supremacy in +the Caribbean Sea, but led also to the formulation of new political +policies to be applied in the larger Canal Zone, that is, the West +Indies, Mexico, Central America, Columbia, and Venezuela. These +new policies are: (<i>a</i>) The establishment of protectorates, (<i>b</i>) +the supervision of finances, (<i>c</i>) the control of naval routes, +(<i>d</i>) the acquisition of naval stations, (<i>e</i>) and the policing and +administration of disorderly countries. This program of policies has +afforded this country many opportunities for expansion in these areas.</p> + + +<h3>American Seas a Commercial Center</h3> + +<p>Prior to the completion of the Panama Canal the American Seas, the +Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea, for many years had been silent +waters. The Panama Canal has reversed these conditions. The important +trade routes of the world will pass about these islands and over these +seas, and they will be noisy with the whirl of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> propeller and +bright with the sail of ships. A great part of American commerce and a +larger part of the traffic of the world will be through the American +seas between the walls of this canal and by the shores of Haiti. These +seas will become more popular with commerce than any other section of +the world. They will be a gathering place and crossing point for the +east and the west, and their possession, either forcibly or otherwise, +will carry with it more potentiality than the possession of any +other body of water on the face of the earth. It will be absolutely +necessary, says this country, so to speak, that the outposts of the +canal shall be in the hands of strong and stable governments, and it +cannot be thought that the harbors necessary for that commerce and +the islands by which it will pass, and in whose broad bays it will +be compelled to anchor, shall be ripe with revolution and dangerous +to that commerce. This country which is practically guardian of this +commerce must allow to obtain no condition which will be a daily +menace to this unusual trade.</p> + +<p>In all of these communities the commercial diplomacy of our time will +have a growing interest, an interest greatly enhanced by the fact that +through the Caribbean, the traffic center of the American tropics, +will pass the trade routes developed by the Panama Canal. Both the +competition for the control of the trade which lies within their +borders, and the fact that before their ports passes the commerce of +distant countries, will give to Caribbean communities an importance +in international affairs they have not had since the days when the +Spanish Empire in America was at its height and the people of one of +the great world powers depended for its prosperity on the arrival +of the gold ships from its American colonies. The fortunes of the +Caribbean are no matter of merely local interest. They involve, to +a degree still unappreciated, the world at large and especially the +American continents, both North and South. Upon the solution of the +problems which arise there may depend the character of international<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> +and economic development in America. The importance of the new +position in which the Caribbean region stands is brought home by +almost every development in American international affairs.</p> + +<p>Caribbean problems take on another important aspect when we remember +the wonderful possibilities of economic development. Partly acting as +a cause of this trade development, partly one of its results, there +is going on a steady and rapid influx of foreign capital. The English +financing of the Argentine is familiar to students of Latin-American +history. In recent years, with the establishment of order in Mexico, +that country has attracted large amounts of foreign investments. +The departure of Spain from Cuba and Porto Rico was the signal for +a rush of investors to these islands to develop resources which +mistaken fiscal policies and local unrest had formerly kept unused. +Foreign capital exploits the sugar, tobacco, coffee, cocoa, fruit, +oil, and asphalt. These investments are scattered among all the great +commercial nations. They give an international character even to +purely internal improvements. Economic interests now tend to overflow +national boundaries and to make the orderly development of every +state truly a matter of general concern. Under the Monroe Doctrine we +practically say to European nations they shall not for any cause lay +their hands heavily upon a country in this hemisphere, which, with the +added responsibility as trustee for the world in the possession of the +Isthmian Canal, makes it dependent upon the United States, it is said, +to keep order.</p> + + +<h3>Haiti's Commercial Position</h3> + +<p>This policy of aggression has only one explanation. Next to Cuba, +Haiti is the island of the greatest strategical influence in the +Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico. The two important routes to +the mouth of the canal from North America are, first the route by +the Windward<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> Passage between the island of Cuba and the island of +Haiti; second, the route by the Mona Passage between the island of +Haiti and the island of Porto Rico. This latter passage will be that +chiefly used by the sailing vessels to and from the canal to the +eastern portion of North America. The other important passage to the +mouth of the canal is the Annegada Passage by the islands of St. +Thomas and Porto Rico, and will be the route used from the isthmus +to the Mediterranean and Central Europe. The travel to the British +Islands and northern Europe will also use the Mona Passage between +Haiti and Porto Rico. In other words, every ship sailing from Canada, +New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Newport News, Charleston or the +eastern coast of North America on its journey to the Latin American +world of commerce will be compelled to pass by the island of Haiti, +either through the Windward or the Mona Passage, and the travel to the +greater part of Europe will use the Mona Passage by the east coast of +Haiti. This world-wide commerce in case of stress and storm, according +to the business world, must utilize this island in the necessities of +sea life. It is the first convenient harboring place on its way to +the Canal, and on its return it is the last stopping place. It will +be as necessary to the commerce of this country as Malta or Aden or +Gibraltar are to the Suez route. It lies athwart the greatest commerce +that will cleave the seas. With the friendly influence of Cuba and +Haiti the commerce of the United States will have a tremendous +advantage in case of war or unfriendliness on the part of any nation, +even if Jamaica is held by an unfriendly power. Modern nations with +the shortening of trade routes, the touching of countries, and their +demand for sure commercial conditions, are unfortunately arriving at +the thought that there is no inalienable right on the part of any +people to control any region to the detriment and injury of the world +at large.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span></p> + + +<h3>Summary</h3> + +<p>While many believe that the United States has thrown aside her lofty +ideals to take on a program of imperialism, there is a growing +colonial interest and expansion which does not, probably due to the +very nature of conditions, extend these ideals. Whether the condition +is one acceptable to us or not, says the business world, we are +no longer merely a continental power. We already hold an Asiatic +colony. A weak African state founded from this country has asked us +for a protectorate and is already under our benevolent supervision. +Toward the south we hold a colony, Porto Rico, and are the protectors +of Cuba, Panama, the Dominican Republic, and Haiti. We have +responsibilities in Nicaragua.</p> + +<p>That the end of this development has come is highly unlikely. +Political parties may differ as to national policies, internal and +external, but they will bend before the natural cause of economic +and political development. Our latest three administrations, those +of Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson, have represented widely divergent +political views, but the general policy of all toward the Caribbean +countries has been fundamentally the same, and the Harding +administration has not yet departed therefrom. All have been willing +to "assume increasing responsibilities toward our weaker neighbors" +to secure economic advantage. It has been a development which is the +response of the nation to its larger economic and political interests +in the Larger Canal Zone.</p> + +<p>Whilst this government disclaims any desire for conquest, yet the +great advantage in the world movement and in the vital commercial +affairs of the globe, the commercial world says, demand that the peace +and safety of this hemisphere shall not be needlessly and wickedly +broken, and that the peace, happiness and safety of this nation and +the commerce of the world within the bounds of our governmental life +shall not be imperiled in the future as they have been in the past. +The tremendous impetus, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> under the world movement of today has +been so potent and plain, demands order in all the affairs and details +of life. The conditions of the time and the dependence of one part +of the globe upon the other, brought about by the easy interchange +between the nations, mean that no disorder in that great world +commerce can be tolerated. Unstable governments are unwelcome to a +diplomacy which has as one of its controlling motives the creation of +an extensive international exchange, especially when these governments +are of races despised by the Teuton. Weakness of government may +lead in the future, as it has in the past, to the rise of acute +international questions. In recent years there have been many examples +of the complications which may rise out of such conditions.</p> + +<p>The areas referred to as the Larger Canal Zone have received great +attention from this country. In fact our latest Latin-American +diplomacy, which has as one of its controlling motives the creation +of an extensive international exchange, is for these areas. Our +economic interests have made demands upon our political life, the +Monroe Doctrine has lighted the way and we have come forward with new +policies. Haiti, it has been said, is not to be set apart and dealt +with particularly in this new diplomatic program; it is but a factor +in our "American Seas" interest, a vital economic and political part +of our present-day American life. The subsequent questions of impaired +sovereignty and overthrown independence, say the aggressors, should +not obscure the real policies. Nor is it fair to accuse the United +States of a lack of appreciation and respect for the governments of +peoples of this section of the world.</p> + +<p>Finally we are told: America stands at the dividing of the ways. Are +we to pursue the ideals of "All men are created free and equal" with +the equally idealistic form of government, or are we to keep pace with +our commercial and economic expansion and accept the complementary +program of economic imperialism? We are informed that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> the trend of +our political policies is one of colonization; that colonization +with respect to Western European Civilization is contradictory to +democracy; and that a program of colonization at a time when racial +and national antipathy exceed even individual expression, are all +demonstrated by the refusal of our government to acknowledge and +commit itself to any definite political program in these island +republics. Our government, the defenders say, has occupied these +republics apparently fearful of European intervention. Entering upon +this policy committed to no program, with a lack of centralization +of authority into one of the many departments of the government, it +has caused much confusion. Obviously the position in which we find +ourselves in Haiti is one of embarrassment and one which has affected +the prestige of our country detrimentally. American statesmen are +put to task. Shall our government admit and support its economic +imperialistic policy inseparably from the added political burden +accompanying our Panama Canal enterprise, profiting, thereby, upon +the commercial importance of the canal; or shall it long continue the +dexterous fête of keeping eyes and hands on democratic ideals with +both feet in the path of imperialism? Our new policy is an economic +imperialistic policy. The world wishes to know if we will admit it and +announce our intentions in these regions, or whether we shall continue +our imperialistic policy under the veil of the Monroe Doctrine held in +position by the idealistic principles of democracy.</p> + +<p class="author"> +George W. Brown.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_A_3" id="Footnote2_A_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_A_3"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate School +of Western Reserve University in 1922 in partial fulfilment of the +requirements for the degree of Master of Arts.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_1_4" id="Footnote2_1_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_1_4"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> <i>Current History</i>, Vol. XV, No. 6, March, 1922.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_2_5" id="Footnote2_2_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_2_5"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social +Science</i>, Vol. C, No. 189, March, 1922.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_3_6" id="Footnote2_3_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_3_6"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>Treaties and Conventions between the United States and +other Powers.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_4_7" id="Footnote2_4_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_4_7"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In the preparation of this article the following works +were used: +</p> +<p> +<i>Tyranny by the United States in Haiti and Santo Domingo</i>, by +Earnest H. Gruening, Managing Editor of <i>The Nation</i>, in <span class="smcap">Current +History</span>, Volume XV, No. 6, March, 1922; <i>Latin America, Clark +University Addresses</i>, November, 1913, edited by George H. Blakeslee, +Professor of History, Clark University; <i>Caribbean Interests of +the United States</i>, by Chester Lloyd Jones, Professor of Political +Science, University of Wisconsin; <i>The United States and Latin +America</i>, by John Holladay Latané, Professor of History, Johns Hopkins +University; <i>The American Intervention in Haiti and the Dominican +Republic</i>, in <span class="smcap">The Annals of The American Academy of Political and +Social Science</span>, Volume C, No. 189, March, 1922, by Carl Kelsey, +Ph.D., Professor of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania; <i>The Monroe +Doctrine and Its Application to Haiti</i>, by William A. MacCorkle, +Former Governor of West Virginia, in <span class="smcap">The Annals of The American +Academy of Political and Social Science</span>, Volume LIV, July, 1914; +<i>The Haitian Revolution</i>, by T. G. Steward; <span class="smcap">The Journal of Negro +History</span>, Vol. II, No. 4, October, 1917; <i>Independence of South +American Republics</i>, by F. L. Paxson; and <i>Treaties and Conventions +between the United States and Other Powers</i>, Government Printing +Office, Washington, D. C.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_5_8" id="Footnote2_5_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_5_8"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> These facts are well set forth in Steward's <i>Haitian +Revolution</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_6_9" id="Footnote2_6_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_6_9"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> This dock belongs to a sugar company, but it is open to +others.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>PAUL CUFFE<a name="FNanchor2_A_10" id="FNanchor2_A_10"></a><a href="#Footnote2_A_10" class="fnanchor">[A]</a></h2> + + +<h3>CHAPTER I</h3> + +<h4>Early Life</h4> + +<p>The records tell us that on the sixteenth day of February, 1742, in +consideration of the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds, Ebenezer +Slocum of Dartmouth, Bristol County, Massachusetts, sold to John +Slocum of the same city a Negro man.<a name="FNanchor2_1_11" id="FNanchor2_1_11"></a><a href="#Footnote2_1_11" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> He was about twenty-five +years of age and a native African whom, doubtless, a slave trader had +brought over some fifteen years before. This Negro was Cuffe by name +(also spelled Cuff, Cuffee, and Cuffey) and, in conformity with the +custom at that time was called Cuffe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> Slocum to indicate his master. +While the name of the slave does not appear in the bill of sale yet, +since the bill is a part of the family papers of his son, it must have +been Cuffe.</p> + +<p>There exists among the Negro's descendants a tradition that this slave +with the aid of his master worked out his purchase price and obtained +his liberty. It may have been that John Slocum purchased the Negro +with this end in view. At any rate a grand-daughter relates how on a +rainy morning when all, including Cuffe, were seated at the breakfast +table, a justice of the peace appeared with papers of emancipation.<a name="FNanchor2_2_12" id="FNanchor2_2_12"></a><a href="#Footnote2_2_12" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +Having received his liberty at an unexpected moment, Cuffe knew not +what to do. Seeing his bewilderment, the gracious squire and the +quondam master gave him temporary employment and, when he was ready +to leave, advised him to lead a steady life, take good care of his +money, and get him a home. With this advice, two suits of clothes, and +freedom, the manumitted slave went happily away.</p> + +<p>Now it happened that about this time there came to Dartmouth an +Indian girl called Ruth Moses. In due time the town clerk recorded: +"Intention of marriage between Cuffe Slocum and Ruth Moses both of +Dartmouth, was entered 3 January 1745."<a name="FNanchor2_3_13" id="FNanchor2_3_13"></a><a href="#Footnote2_3_13" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The rest of the story is +told by the minister of Dartmouth in these words: "July ye 7, 1746, +Cuffe Slocum a Negro man and Ruth Moses an Indian woman both of +Dartmouth were married by me Philip Taber."<a name="FNanchor2_4_14" id="FNanchor2_4_14"></a><a href="#Footnote2_4_14" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> These two records tell +us all we know of the courtship and marriage of Cuffe Slocum.</p> + +<p>Probably the newly-weds made their home in Chilsmark, Dukes County. +The deed to some land which they bought in 1766 from David Brownell +of Dartmouth refers to Cuffe Slocum of Chilsmark. The land was a farm +of one hundred and twenty acres and sold for six hundred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> and fifty +Spanish milled dollars. As indicated in the deed, the boundary was: +"Northerly on the Country Road, Westerly on Land belonging to Jonathan +Sowle, Southerly on Land Enos Gifford gave to his Daughter Rachel +Wilbur, Easterly partly on said Gifford and partly on Philip Allen, or +according to the Deed I had of Solomon Southwick."<a name="FNanchor2_5_15" id="FNanchor2_5_15"></a><a href="#Footnote2_5_15" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>All of the children, except the youngest, were born previous to this +purchase. There were six girls and four boys. The youngest boy and the +seventh child born January 17, 1759, was Paul. Tradition holds that he +was born on Cuttyhunk, one of the Elizabeth Islands, about nine miles +from the main, and Cuffe himself says that he was born in the only +house on the island.</p> + +<p>About 1778, on the initiative of Paul, it is said, all of the +children, except the youngest, dropped the slave name of Slocum. For +their surname they used the given name of their father. In this way +the Cuffe family came to be, and in this way we are introduced to its +best known representative, Paul.</p> + +<p>John, an older brother of Paul, made this memorandum which is +preserved with the family papers: "My honored good old father Cuffe +Slocum deceased in the month called March 1772—and our honored good +old mother Ruth Slocum deceased the sixth day of January 1787 at 8 +o'clock in the morning." The father left the farm jointly to Paul +and his brother John. Later the brothers agreed to divide it between +themselves. It was unproductive land and, no doubt, this fact caused +the brothers to venture into commercial pursuits. The care of the +family fell for the most part on them, for the older children had +homes of their own.</p> + +<p>At thirteen Paul was barely able to read and write. He kept at his +studies, being assisted occasionally by a private tutor, and gave +considerable time to the subject of navigation. On taking his first +lesson in this subject he said it "was all black as midnight"; at the +end of the second<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> lesson he saw "a little gleam of light"; after the +third lesson he had more light. Finally, it was all plain to him. He +told a certain Professor Griscom: "There were always three things that +I paid attention to—latitude, lead, and lookout."</p> + + +<h4>A Sea Captain</h4> + +<p>When about sixteen Paul secured employment as a common seaman on a +vessel bound for the Gulf of Mexico on a whaling voyage. His next trip +took him to the West Indies. On a third voyage, the Revolutionary War +having broken out, he was captured by the British and held in New York +for three months. On his release he repaired to Westport to engage in +agricultural pursuits until the times were more propitious for life +on the sea. In the meantime he carried on the study of arithmetic and +navigation.</p> + +<p>Having equipped himself for a life at sea both by study and service as +a common seaman, Paul, aided by his brother David, built, at the age +of twenty, an open boat to trade with the Connecticut people. But the +hazard of the sea and the refugee pirates were too much for David. He +left his younger brother and went to the farm, whereupon Paul had for +the time being to give up the venture. Soon, however, he was at sea +again but lost everything. The undaunted youth, nevertheless, would +not give up. He made a boat himself from keel to gunwale, and in it he +started to consult his brother concerning future undertaking. On the +way he was discovered by the pirates who seized him and his vessel. He +was lucky to reach home.</p> + +<p>He was now no better off than when he first began. David, however, +agreed to build a boat for him if he would furnish the material. When +the boat was completed Paul, with borrowed money, bought a cargo and +started for Nantucket. On the way he was chased by the pirates and +compelled to return to Westport to refit his boat which was damaged by +striking a rock. He still persevered, reached Nantucket, and sold his +cargo. Financially it was not a profitable voyage.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span></p> + +<p>On a second voyage the pirates robbed him of his cargo and inflicted +personal injuries, but a third voyage netted good returns. Soon +he procured a covered boat and employed a helper. From now on the +business adventures of Cuffe brought him large profits. The war was +over and the new Constitution was in operation—two reasons why the +sea was safer and business more promising. With his new eighteen ton +boat he sailed from his rented home on the Westport River for Saint +George for a cargo of codfish. The voyage was the foundation for a +profitable fishing industry near his home for many years.</p> + +<p>At this time Michael Wainer, his brother-in-law, an Indian, entered +his service. His brother-in-law was a good seaman and with a new +twenty ton vessel, the <i>Sunfish</i>, the men made two trips to the Strait +of Belle Isle and Newfoundland. With the profits from the ventures he +built in connection with another person, the <i>Mary</i>, a forty-two ton +schooner.</p> + +<p>In the <i>Mary</i>, accompanied by two small boats, and with a crew of +ten, they went on a whaling expedition to the Strait of Belle Isle. +On reaching the Strait, Cuffe found four other vessels fully equipped +with boats and harpoons. These vessels would not, as was customary, +cooperate with Captain Cuffe, so he and his crew went at it alone. +Now fearing they might get no whales the strangers fell in with the +<i>Mary</i>. Seven whales were captured, six by the crew of the <i>Mary</i>. Two +whales were the victims of Cuffe's own hand. Reaching Westport in the +autumn of 1793 he proceeded to Philadelphia with his cargo of oil and +bone and exchanged it for bolts and iron with which to build a new +vessel.<a name="FNanchor2_6_16" id="FNanchor2_6_16"></a><a href="#Footnote2_6_16" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>Accordingly the keel for a sixty-nine ton vessel was laid at Westport +and in 1795 it was launched. He called it the <i>Ranger</i>. With a cargo +valued at $2000, he sailed for Norfolk on the Chesapeake. From here +he went to Vienna on Nanticoke River to buy corn. On reaching port +it is said<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> the townspeople "were filled with astonishment and +alarm. A vessel owned and commanded by a black man, and manned with +a crew of the same complexion, was unprecedented and surprising. +Suspicions were raised, and several persons associated themselves +for the purpose of preventing him from registering his vessel, or +remaining among them. On examination, however, his papers proved +to be correct and, therefore, the custom house officers could not +legally oppose proceeding in a regular course. Paul combined prudence +with resolution, and on this occasion conducted himself with candor, +modesty, and firmness; his crew also behaved not inoffensively but +with conciliating propriety. In a few days the inimical association +vanished, and the inhabitants treated him and his crew with respect +and even kindness."<a name="FNanchor2_7_17" id="FNanchor2_7_17"></a><a href="#Footnote2_7_17" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Another writer affirms "Many of the principal +people visited his vessel, and at the instance of one of them, Paul +dined with his family in the town."<a name="FNanchor2_8_18" id="FNanchor2_8_18"></a><a href="#Footnote2_8_18" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> The investment in corn proved +so profitable that a second voyage was made to Vienna. On the two +trips Captain Cuffe cleared about $2000. The <i>Ranger</i> also made a trip +to Passamaquoddy to get a cargo for James Brian of Wilmington.</p> + +<p>In 1800 there was launched the <i>Hero</i>, a hundred and sixty-two ton +bark, in which Captain Cuffe had one-half interest. This vessel, on +one of its trips, rounded the Cape of Good Hope. In 1806 the <i>Alpha</i> +was fitted out. This was a ship of two hundred and sixty-eight tons +in which the Captain had three-fourths interest. Captain Cuffe with +a crew of seven Negroes commanded the <i>Alpha</i> in a voyage from +Wilmington to Savannah, thence to Gottenburg, Sweden, and from there +to Philadelphia. Cuffe also owned one-half of the one hundred and nine +ton brig, the <i>Traveller</i>, built in 1806. Of this ship more will be +said elsewhere.</p> + +<p>Captain Cuffe was now slightly beyond middle age. Instead of a small +open boat, trading with the neighboring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> townsmen, he had obtained +a good sized schooner. "In this vessel," to quote from the funeral +oration, "he enlarged the scope of his action, trading to more distant +places, and in articles requiring larger capital, and thus, in the +process of time, he became owner of one brig, afterwards of two, +then he added a ship, and so on until 1806, at which time he was +possessed of one ship, two brigs, and several smaller vessels, besides +considerable property in houses and lands."<a name="FNanchor2_9_19" id="FNanchor2_9_19"></a><a href="#Footnote2_9_19" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + + +<h4>Family Affairs</h4> + +<p>In the Cuffe manuscripts there is a laconic note chronicling this +important event in Paul's life.</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Bristol, Dartmouth. February 25, 1783. There personally appeared +Paul Cuffe and Alice Pequit both of Dartmouth and was joined +together in marriage by me.</p> + +<p class="right"> +<span class="smcap">Benj. Russel</span>, <i>Justice of Peace</i>.<br /> +</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Other than that she was an Indian girl, little is known of this bride. +She, like the groom's mother, probably belonged to the Wampanoag +tribe. Paul's sister Mary married an Indian and there is reason for +believing that his brother Jonathan also wedded an Indian. Certain it +is that it was not uncommon for Negroes and Indians of this vicinity +to intermarry.</p> + +<p>For several years Captain Cuffe lived in a rented house. But in 1797, +when he had such a successful venture in importing corn from Vienna, +he purchased a $3500 farm on the shore of the Westport River, a few +miles below Hip's Bridge. He soon built a wharf and a store house. +At Westport Captain and Mrs. Cuffe made their home and reared their +family of two sons and six daughters.</p> + +<p>At the time of the purchase of the new farm the neighborhood was +without educational facilities. There was neither school house nor +tutor. This situation was displeasing to Cuffe. He called a meeting +of the neighbors and proposed that steps be taken for adequate +educational<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> equipment. So much difference of opinion resulted that no +agreement could be reached at this initial meeting. Subsequent efforts +were alike unsuccessful. At last Cuffe built a school house with his +own funds on his own farm and offered its use to the public.<a name="FNanchor2_12_20" id="FNanchor2_12_20"></a><a href="#Footnote2_12_20" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> + +<p>One wonders what books were read in his own home. Among his papers a +few items relate to the purchase of books. A representative one reads:</p> + + + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Book Purchases"> +<tr><td class="left">Taylor's Concordance</td><td class="right">$1.25</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Perry's Dictionary</td><td class="right">1.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Clerk's Magazine</td><td class="right">1.25</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Bowditch Navigators</td><td class="right">4.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Paper</td><td class="right">.53</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">$8.03</td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p>The religious affiliation of the family was with the Friends. The +parents of Captain Cuffe had attended the meetings of the Quakers and +it was the natural course for the son to follow them. According to the +records of the Westport monthly meeting of Friends, Cuffe requested +membership with that body in 1808. He was faithful to his profession +of Christ. He was considerate of the little folks, for he presented +them with Bibles and good counsel and endeavored to set before them +an example of righteous conduct. He must have believed that children +should have something to do, for in a letter to his brother, he points +out that his nephew Zacharis is lying around too much. Moreover, he +writes:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I observe that my son Paul has brought home a gun that he borrowed +of his Uncle John which I dare say his good uncle lent unto him +out of pure love and good will for the want of due consideration, +for in the first place I have two guns in order and make but +littel use of them which is enough as Christ said unto Peter +by the sword. My wife well knows that it is but littel time +since Paul got my powder and loaded a logg and Charles fired it +and it was wonderful that he had not been killied again he has +lately sold his trunk to be abel to gratify himself in these +unnecessary evils which we hath disapproved of. Now to support him +in that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> we both disapprove I think that it is for the want of +watchfulness.<a name="FNanchor2_14_21" id="FNanchor2_14_21"></a><a href="#Footnote2_14_21" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>Two nieces were entrusted to his care. Although they had good "school +learning for girls" Cuffe wished them to continue their studies. +Later, when he became the guardian of two grandchildren, he began +making arrangements to put them in the New York Yearly Meeting School.</p> + +<p>The Westport Friends sold their meeting house in 1813 for $128.72 and +erected a new one costing $1198.08. Material costing almost $600, +including "nine gallons of cider when raising house—$1.00" was +furnished by Captain Cuffe. It is impossible to state just how much if +any of this material was furnished gratis but it is safe to say that +he carried a heavy responsibility in overseeing the business end of +the matter.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span></p> + +<h3>CHAPTER II</h3> + +<h4>Problems of Citizenship</h4> + +<p>"Having no vote or Influence in the Election of those that Tax us yet +many of our Colour (as is well known) have Cherfully Entered the field +of Battle in the defense of the Common Cause and that (as we conceive) +against a similar Exertion of Power (in Regard to taxation) too well +known to need a Recital in this place," voicing this sentiment, John +and Paul Cuffe and others sent a petition for relief to the General +Court, Massachusetts Bay, February 10, 1780. Such requests, however, +were not new. At the beginning of the American Revolution there were +probably about 7,000 Negroes, slave and free, in Massachusetts. +About 1,500 lived in Boston. A petition, signed by Prince Hall and +others, praying for the abolition of slavery, was presented to the +General Court of Massachusetts Bay in 1777. Another petition dated +February 18, 1780, embodies a pathetic and earnest appeal for relief +from taxation. It is preserved in the manuscript collection of the +Commonwealth of Massachusetts and is signed by John and Paul Cuffe and +five others.<a name="FNanchor2_10_22" id="FNanchor2_10_22"></a><a href="#Footnote2_10_22" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> A copy is with the Cuffe papers. There are two other +copies among these papers, both shorter in form, and dated January 22, +1781.</p> + +<p>On one of the duplicate petitions in the Cuffe papers there is a +notation signed by John Cuffe. "This is the copy," it records, "of the +petition which we did deliver unto the honorable Council and House +for relief from Taxation in the days of our distress. But we received +none."</p> + +<p>The petition recites that they were in poor circumstances. When slaves +they were deprived of the profits of their labor and of the benefits +of inheritance. So distressed were they at this time that only five +or six owned a cow. They could not meet the taxes assessed against +them. They were aggrieved because they had no vote<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> either in local +or colonial affairs and nobody had ever heard of one of their number +sitting in the Court of the General Assembly. The petitioners most +humbly requested the Massachusetts General Court to grant them relief +from taxation.</p> + +<p>Interest in the Cuffe brothers is now transferred from the State +capitol to Bristol County,<a name="FNanchor2_11_23" id="FNanchor2_11_23"></a><a href="#Footnote2_11_23" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> where these men were indefatigable in +their efforts to obtain relief. Late in 1780 a petition was made "To +the Hon<sup>ble</sup> the Justices of the Court of General Sessions of the +peace begun and held at Taunton within and for the County of Bristol." +The petitioners ask relief from taxation on the grounds that they are +"Indian men and by law not the subjects of Taxation for any Estate +Real or personal and Humbly Pray your Honors that as they are assessed +jointly a Double Poll Tax and the said Paul is a minor for whom the +Said John is not by law answerable or chargeable that the said Poll +Taxes aforesaid and also all and regular Taxes aforesaid on their and +Each of their Real and personal Estate aforesaid, may be abated to +them and they allowed their Reasonable Costs."</p> + +<p>The taxes for which complaint was made were for the years 1777 to +1780 inclusive, and amounted to about two hundred pounds. They were +heaviest for the years 1779 and 1780. The assessors, then, on December +15, gave Richard Collins, constable of Dartmouth, a warrant for +the arrest of the Cuffe brothers. It recites that their taxes were +delinquent for</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Delinquent Taxes"> +<tr><td class="right">1778:</td><td class="left">5 lbs. 17s. 6d.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right">1779:</td><td class="left">9 lbs. 2s. 8d.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">29 lbs. 16s. 10½d.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">29 lbs. 18s. 9d.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right">1780:</td><td class="left">61 lbs. 18s. 4d.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">17 lbs. 7s. 5/25d.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right">Grand total:</td><td class="left">154 lbs. 1s. 1-7/10d.</td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span></p> + +<p>The assessors found no estate on which to levy for the taxes. In +the name of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Bay, therefore, they +required the "said Richard Collens to take into safe custody the body +of the said John and Paul Cuffe and then commit to the common gaol of +the said County of Bristol there to remain until they, the said John +and Paul Cuffe shall pay and satisfy the above sum with all necessary +charges" or be discharged by due process of law. The constable +followed the instructions and reported on December 19 that he had +placed the Cuffe brothers in the common gaol in Taunton. For this +service, including travel for twenty-five "milds," he turned in a bill +of twelve shillings, nine pence.</p> + +<p>The next step in the legal battle was on the part of the Cuffe +brothers. The keeper of the gaol or his underkeeper was directed +on the nineteenth of December in the "Name of the Commonwealth of +Massachusetts to have the bodies of John and Paul Cuffe said to be +Indian men whom you have now in keeping before the Justices of our +Inferior Court of Common Pleas now holden at Taunton for said County +together with the cause of their and each of their Commitiment +and Detention. Hereof fail not and make Return of this writ with +your doings therein. Witness Walter Spooner Esq<sup>r</sup>." Elijah Dean, +underkeeper, produced the two men on the same day that he received the +writ of habeas corpus.</p> + +<p>When the Court of General Sessions of the Peace met on the nineteenth +of December it ordered on the petition of John and Paul Cuffe that +the assessors of Dartmouth appear at the next term to show cause, +wherefore the Prayer of said Petition should not be granted. The order +was given to the sheriff of Bristol County on the twenty-ninth of +December. The assessors, Benjamin Russell, Richard Kriby, Christopher +Gifford, and John Smith were accordingly summoned by Elijah Dean. He +served the warrant on the twenty-sixth of February and recorded his +fee as twenty-four pence.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span></p> + +<p>Meanwhile, on the twentieth of February the selectmen of Dartmouth +were called on to choose an agent to defend the action against the +Cuffe brothers. At their annual meeting on the eighth of March the +Honorable Walter Spooner, a member of the Massachusetts Constitutional +Convention 1780, was chosen in behalf of the town to make answer +to the petitioners in question. At the March meeting the case was +continued and came up for action at the next meeting of the court.</p> + +<p>In the meantime, John and Paul Cuffe made a request to the selectmen +of Dartmouth. In the Cuffe papers three such requests are preserved. +The one dated the twenty-fourth of April is followed by a notation +attesting it a true copy of the request delivered to the selectmen. +It asks them to "put a stroak on your next Warrant for calling a town +meeting so that it may legally be Laid Before said town By way of voat +to know the mine of said town whether all free Negroes and molattoes +shall have the same Privileges in this said town of Dartmouth as the +white People have Respecting Places of profit choosing of officers and +the Like together with all other Privileges in all cases that shall +or may happen or be Brought in this said town of Dartmouth or that we +have Reliefe granted us Joyntly from Taxation which under our present +depressed circumstances and your poor Petitioners as in duty Bound +shall ever pay."</p> + +<p>The disposition of the case as found in the records is contained in +a few sentences. One is dated the eleventh of June and is signed by +Richard Collens, constable. It reads as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Then received of John Cuffe eight pounds twelve shillings silver +money in full for all John Cuffe and Paul Cuffe Rates until this +date and for all my court charges received by me.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Elijah Dean presented his bill for summoning the assessors. It was +paid, and the bill with an acknowledgment from Edward Pope is entered +in Cuffe's letter book with the tax receipt of the eleventh of June. +The other laconic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> note is from the Records of the Court of General +Sessions held at Taunton on June 12. It curtly "ordered that the +Petition of Paul Cuffe and John Cuffe and the proceedings thereon be +dismissed."</p> + +<p>Several writers have commented on the significance of the petitions +of the Cuffe brothers and their resistance to the payment of taxes. +Practically all of them overestimate the matter. For example, a +representative writer says, "This was a day equally honorable to +the petitioners and to the legislature; a day in which justice and +humanity triumphed over prejudice and oppression; a day which ought +to be gratefully remembered by every person of color within the +boundaries of Massachusetts, and the names of John and Paul Cuffe, +should always be united with its recollection."<a name="FNanchor2_13_24" id="FNanchor2_13_24"></a><a href="#Footnote2_13_24" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> + +<p>There is no documentary proof for statements of this kind. A property +qualification for voting fixed by the William and Mary Charter with +slight modifications carried down to 1785. Negroes acquired rights +and privileges in Massachusetts not by special acts of the General +Assembly, but by a judicial act of 1783 based on article one of the +Declaration of Rights of the Constitution of 1780.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span></p> + +<h3>CHAPTER III</h3> + +<h4>The Redemption of Africa</h4> + +<p>Early in his life Paul Cuffe became interested in the redemption +of Africa. "The travail of my soul," said he, "is that Africa's +inhabitants may be favored with reformation." The following letter to +James Pemberton not only illustrates Cuffe's style and manifests his +spirit but shows the redemption of Africa as the main interest of his +life:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="ltr-date"><span class="sc">Westport</span> 9th mo 14th 1808</p> + +<p><i>Worthy friend</i></p> + +<p>In Reply to thine of the 8-6 mo.</p> + +<p>I desire ever to humble myself before my Maker who hath I trust +favored me to the notice of my friends. I desire that God will +Bless all Our friends who hath been made willing to Rise to our +assistance. Without hope of a providential hand we must ever been +miserabal.</p> + +<p>As to poor me I feel very feebel and all most worn out in hard +service and uncapable of doing much for my brethren the African +Race but blessed be God I am what I am and all that I can conceive +that God pleases to lay upon me to make me an instrument for that +service I desire ever to be submissive that his will may be done +and I shall not loose sight of the above but endeavor to wright +thou again on the subject if thee will wright me if any further +information can be given it would be kindly excepted by one who +wishes well to all mankind &c.</p> + +<p class="author"> +Paul Cuffe.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>In this cause, however, Paul Cuffe was not struggling alone. The +question of ameliorating the condition of the Negro in Africa was, at +the opening of the nineteenth century, a matter of general concern. +Men with a philanthropic spirit both in Denmark and Sweden had by this +time investigated the problem. In France, in addition to individual +activity, the society, Les Amis des Noirs, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> organized. In England, +interest was more pronounced than in any other European country. The +African Institution, the Saint George's Bay Company, better known +as the Sierra Leone Company, and the British African Colonization +Society, directed efforts toward the western coast. The foundation of +the Sierra Leone was laid by these societies. This same interest in +advancing the civilization of Africa was found among distinguished +Americans like Samuel D. Hopkins, pastor of the First Congregational +Church in Newport, Rhode Island, Ezra Stiles, sometime president +of Yale, and William Thornton, head of the United States Patent +Office.<a name="FNanchor2_17_25" id="FNanchor2_17_25"></a><a href="#Footnote2_17_25" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> + +<p>In 1808, when expressions from Cuffe showing his interest in Africa +appeared, considerable progress had been made by the English +philanthropists. In the first place, they had carried on successful +propaganda. They were in touch with the Americans and had the support +of the Quakers. In a pamphlet specifically printed to call the +attention of Parliament to the "case of their fellow creatures" the +Quakers asserted that "Africa, so populous, and so rich in vegetable +and mineral productions, instead of affording all the advantages +of a well regulated commerce, is scarcely known but as a mart for +slaves, and as the source of violent barbarities, perpetuated in +order to secure them, by men professing the Christian religion."<a name="FNanchor2_18_26" id="FNanchor2_18_26"></a><a href="#Footnote2_18_26" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> +The leading men in the African Institution, Thomas Clarkson, William +Wilberforce, and Granville Sharp, exerted much influence both through +personal activity and the agency of the African Institution.</p> + +<p>In the second place, the Englishmen, as stated above, had actually +established a settlement on the Guinea coast known as Sierra Leone. +Many Negroes from London and vicinity, the black American Loyalists, +and the Jamaica<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> Maroons, settled in Nova Scotia, and the "Willyfoss" +Negroes were transported to the Africa coast. The commendable +intentions of the promoters of this settlement on the west coast +of Africa were conveyed to Cuffe by his Philadelphia friend, James +Pemberton, who was in touch with the activities of the African +Institution. In September, 1808, he wrote:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I perceive they are earnestly attentive to pursue the laudable +object of promoting the civilization of the Blacks in their own +country with a view to draw them off from the wild habits of life +to which they have been accustomed, by instructing them in the +arts of agriculture, mechanic labor, and domestic industry, by +which means they hope to be instrumental in preparing the minds of +those uninstructed people gradually to become qualified to receive +religious instruction.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Pemberton also called attention to the fact that the leaders of the +African Institution were distinguished men and he especially noted +that the president was the Duke of Gloucester, a nephew of the King. +Moreover, he likened the plan for benefiting the African to the one +which the Friends were using to civilize the American Indian. In the +concluding paragraph of the letter, Pemberton sounds a personal call +to Cuffe:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Thou wilt be sensible that the undertaking is very important and +those concerned to promote it are anxious to receive all the +assistance and encouragement they can from the friends of humanity +at home and in America. Now if thy concern for the good of the +poor untutored people continues and finds thy mind impressed +with a sense that any portion of the work is allotted for thee +to perform, I hope and trust thou wilt give it thy most serious +consideration, and should it ripen to such a degree as to bring +thee under an apprehension of religious duty to perform it in such +a way as that wisdom which is superior to human may point out, a +consultation with thy friends on the occasion may be reasonably +useful, tending to thy strength and encouragement.<a name="FNanchor2_19_27" id="FNanchor2_19_27"></a><a href="#Footnote2_19_27" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>Already assurance had come from Zachariah Macaulay, Governor of Sierra +Leone, that if Cuffe should make a voyage<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> to Africa he would receive +every encouragement from him. As a director of the African Institution +he felt that its views would be advanced if any free blacks from +America of good conduct and religious principles should be induced to +offer their personal assistance. In June, 1810, therefore, Cuffe, as +an "ever well wishing Friend," wrote to Friends in Philadelphia that +he planned to make a visit to Africa in the fall. He hoped that some +solid Friend would feel called on to accompany him as an adviser. In +September he laid his plans for the voyage before a large committee of +Westport Friends. He was authorized by this committee to pursue his +prospects and was given a letter of recommendation.</p> + +<p>In this letter his neighbors stated that Cuffe "had lately been +received a member of their religious society, that he was highly +respected by Friends in Philadelphia, and that he felt a religious +concern to assist, as far as in his power, the views of the African +Institution. His intention was, provided he met with sufficient +encouragement here, to sail from America to Sierra Leone, with a +cargo likely to be suitable for the place, and, when there, make such +observations as would enable him to judge whether he should do right +to encourage some sober families of black people in America to settle +among the Africans, and if so, he intended to convey them in his own +vessel." They also reported Cuffe as the owner of a vessel and worth +five thousand pounds.<a name="FNanchor2_20_28" id="FNanchor2_20_28"></a><a href="#Footnote2_20_28" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p>The lively interest that Cuffe had had in the people of color at +Sierra Leone, his wish that they might become established in the +truth, and his desire that they might then do missionary work among +the African brethren, influenced him to visit his friends on the +Guinea coast. He rented his farm and commended his family to his +brother John. The latter wrote his sister Freelove in New York that +Paul would be gone for a year, possibly two, and that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> he went for +a "religious visit amongst the inhabitants of that land, our own +nation."<a name="FNanchor2_21_29" id="FNanchor2_21_29"></a><a href="#Footnote2_21_29" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> + +<p>When everything was ready the <i>Traveller</i> sailed out of Westport for +Sierra Leone via Philadelphia. Nine Negroes composed the crew. The +story of the voyage from Philadelphia is interestingly told by Cuffe +himself in his journal:<a name="FNanchor2_22_30" id="FNanchor2_22_30"></a><a href="#Footnote2_22_30" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>1810. 12mo. 4. I called on Friends in Philadelphia. They appointed +a time at Arch Street meeting-house, and after a feeling +conference, they expressed satisfaction and left me at liberty. +Hence it fell under the head of my former advisers, John James and +Alexander Wilson, I called on them: John professed that he could +not see any other way, better, than to take a load of corn that +he had long held, and take it to Portugal or Cadiz. I then had to +tell him the said John James, that was not my business; it rather +appeared to me that it was not for the profit or gain that I had +undertaken this voyage; but I had about four thousand dollars +property, and would wish to proceed as far as that would carry me; +and it appeared that if this opportunity was neglected, I might +never expect to have the opportunity again. John then gave up the +prospect of shipping his corn, and he and I left Alexander, and he +told me he believed my concern was real, and that he would assist +me in fitting out for the voyage and make no charges. I told him +It then felt pleasant to me.</p> + +<p>1mo. 20th. 19 days out from Philadelphia to Sierra Leone.</p> + +<p>Our minds were collected together to wait on the Lord +notwithstanding we were on the great deep.</p> + +<p>2mo. 2. At three A. M. wind and sea struck us down on our beam +ends, washed John Masters overboard, but by the help of some loose +rigging he regained the ship again.</p> + +<p>2mo. 21st. The dust of Africa lodged on our rigging. We judged +that land to be about twenty-five leagues off.</p> + +<p>2mo. 24th. At 10 A. M. sounded and got bottom for the first ground +that we got on the coast of Africa. Sixty-five fathoms.</p> + +<p>3mo. 1st. We came to Sierra Leone road.</p> + +<p>[As the directors of the African Institution said, "It must<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> +have been a strange and animating spectacle to see this free and +enlightened African entering as an independent trader, with his +black crew into that port which was so lately the Nidus of the +slave trade."]</p> + +<p>3mo. 4th. An invitation was given me this day to dine with the +Governor, at whose table an extensive observation took place of +the slave trade and the unsuccessfulness of the colony of Sierra +Leone.</p> + +<p>3mo. 5th. Visited the school of 30 girls, which is a pleasing +prospect in Sierra Leone.</p> + +<p>3mo. 10th. First day. Attended a Methodist meeting in the forenoon.</p> + +<p>3mo. 13th. King Thomas came on board to see me. He was an old +man, gray headed, appeared to be sober and grave. I treated him +with civility, and made him a present of a bible, a history of +Elizabeth Webb, a Quaker, and a book of essays on War: together +with several other small pamphlets accompanied with a letter of +advise from myself, such as appeared to be good to hand to the +King for the use and encouragement of the nations of Africa. He +and retinue were thirteen in number. I served him with victuals, +but it appeared that there was <i>rum</i> wanting, <i>but none was given</i>.</p> + +<p>3mo. 14. King George from Bullion Shore sent his messenger on +board, with a present of three chickens and invited me over to see +him.</p> + +<p>3mo. 17. This day being the first day of the week we went on shore +to the church, and in the afternoon to the new Methodist.</p> + +<p>3mo. 18. This day I went to Bullion Shore in order to visit the +King George, King of Bullion, who received and treated us very +cordially. I presented the King with a bible, a testament, a +treatise of Benjamin Holmes, a history of Elizabeth Webb, and an +epistle from the yearly meeting, and a history, or called a short +history of a long travel from Babel to Bethel.</p> + +<p>3mo. 19. Visiting families on Sierra Leone, found many of them +without bibles, and others who had bibles with out the living +substance of the spirit.</p> + +<p>3mo. 28. I breakfasted with the Governor Columbine and after +breakfast had conference with him on the subject of the country, +and settling in it—to good satisfaction.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span></p> + +<p>3mo. 31. Attended the church. The Mendingo men have the Scriptures +in their tongue, viz the old testament, but deny the new +testament. They own Mahomet a prophet.</p> + +<p>1811. 4mo. 3. Thomas Wainer is much put out, and is exceeding +wroth for giving him what I call good advice: but time will make +manifest. God alone knows the hearts of men. I desire to have him +be my preserver.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span></p> + + +<h3>CHAPTER IV</h3> + +<h4>In England</h4> + +<p>When Captain Cuffe sailed from Philadelphia on New Year's Day, +1811, he apparently intended to visit only Sierra Leone. After an +examination of the plans then in operation for the civilization of +the Africans, doubtless he meant to return to America. However, when +there reached him a letter from William Allen with an order in council +which Allen and Wilberforce had procured for him, he changed his mind +and determined to visit England.<a name="FNanchor2_23_31" id="FNanchor2_23_31"></a><a href="#Footnote2_23_31" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> He recorded thus this part of the +voyage:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>1811. 7mo. 12. Arrived safe all well (at Liverpool) after a +passage of sixty-two days.<a name="FNanchor2_24_32" id="FNanchor2_24_32"></a><a href="#Footnote2_24_32" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>Soon after we got in the dock, two of my men going out of the dock +gate, were met by the press-gang and carried to the rendevous. +The press gang then came on board my vessel, and let me know that +they had two of my men, and overhauled the remainder of the crew, +among which they found Aaron Richard, an African that I had taken +as an apprentice in Africa to instruct in navigation. They claimed +him as a British subject and took him off. At eleven I went to the +rendezvous and got the two men first mentioned, but they would not +let Aaron off.</p> + +<p>7mo. 13. This morning the Ship <i>Alpha</i> arrived fifty-two days from +New Orleans. All well. My friends Richard Rathbone and Thomas +Thompson were very anxious in assisting me to regain Richard.... +They wrote immediately to London for the liberation of Aaron, with +a petition to the Board of Admiralty.</p> + +<p>7mo. 14. I this day put up with Thomas Thompson, and took a first +day meeting with them, and feeling very anxious for Aaron's +liberty, I took place in the stage for London. Arrived in London +three day morning, six-o-clock, it making thirty-two hours, +distance two hundred and eight miles.</p> + +<p>7mo. 15. This day passed with the pleasant prospect of passing +through a well cultivated and very fertile country. How<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> often did +I feel my mind enlivened with the peaceful desire that this land +and people might enjoy a universal and tranquil peace.</p> + +<p>7mo. 16. At six this morning arrived in the great city of London. +I put up at an inn and took breakfast. At ten-o-clock took a pilot +for Plough Court, where I was courteously received by my friend +William Allen, who was engaged about the liberation of Aaron.</p> + +<p>7mo. 17. This day went to meeting, and in the afternoon Cornelius +attended me to see the great church of St. Paul and many other +curiosities of London, such as London Bridge, Blackfriars Bridge.</p> + +<p>7mo. 18. This day my friend Wm. Allen had a note from Wm. +Wilberforce desiring that I should see him at — o-clock.</p> + +<p>Wilberforce called for pen, ink and paper and wrote to the Board +of Admiralty and sent his man immediately....</p> + +<p>Wm. Allen and Paul Cuffe then went into the Parliament.</p> + +<p>7mo. 19. We went over London Bridge to Lancaster's school, where +were taught one thousand scholars by one master. But about eight +hundred were then in school. This prospect of the school was the +greatest gratification that I met with.</p> + +<p>7mo. 20. This afternoon took stage for William Dillwyn's, at +whose house I was friendly and cordially received, and took great +satisfaction.</p> + +<p>7mo. 21. I went and dined with George and Mary Stacey, who were +very kind and loving, appeared to live in the truth.</p> + +<p>7mo. 22. Spent the fore part of this day in conversing with Wm. +Dillwyn on subjects of importance. After dinner Wm. gave me two +volumes of Clarkson's work on the slave trade. His wife and two +daughters accompanied me to town in their carriages about five +miles. At seven this evening Thomas Clarkson arrived.</p> + +<p>7mo. 23. Thomas Clarkson sets to for Aaron's liberation. Makes +so far, as for certain persons to go with him to the Board of +Admiralty, where they found the order had been some days gone, for +Aaron's discharge. You may think that it was great consolation +to me to think, if God permitted, that I should have the happy +opportunity of returning Aaron to his parents and fellow citizens +at Sierra Leone.</p> + +<p>7mo. 25. Zachariah Macaulay called at Wm. Allen's and had a good +conversation. He then invited me to dine with him on the morrow, +which was accepted, hoping there my some good come out of it.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span></p> + +<p>7mo. 26. I this day went to Z. Macaulay's where I meet with +exceeding kind treatment. He said Macaulay promised to me the +continuation of his friendship.</p> + +<p>7mo. 27. This morning came to Wm. Allen's from Macaulay's +accompanied by Macauley. Thomas Clarkson this day sets off for +home, who has been of service and consolation. Thomas is a man of +good deportment. My friends this day forwarded a petition to the +Privy Council for a license for the <i>Traveller</i> to go to Africa, +commanded by Paul Cuffe, or some other person.</p> + +<p>7mo. 28. In the evening my friend Allen called his family together +and we were comforted, and I believe I may say the presence +of the precious comforter was felt to be near. In the evening +conversation took place between Wm. Allen and P. Cuffe on the +most advantageous way of encouragement of the improvement of the +Colony of Sierra Leone. I then told Wm. that it appeared that +the Colony people wanted help, or encouragement; that I had my +mind still impressed that a channel of intercourse should be kept +open between America and Sierra Leone, and that my mind was to +build a house in Sierra Leone, encouragement might be given of +accomodation.</p> + +<p>7mo. 30. This morning Cornelius, William and Paul went to see the +mint and the works thereof were great and wonderful. I this day +took place in the stage for Liverpool at three guineas.</p> + +<p>[William Allen records in his diary that he took leave of Cuffe, +"in much nearness of spirit; he is certainly a very interesting +man."<a name="FNanchor2_25_33" id="FNanchor2_25_33"></a><a href="#Footnote2_25_33" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>]</p> + +<p>7mo. 31. At six we set forward for Liverpool. The prospect of the +fertility of the country was highly gratifying.</p> + +<p>8mo. 1. I arrived at Liverpool at nine-o-clock after a passage of +thirty-nine hours; took my package to my friend, Thomas Thompson's +where I was kindly received.</p> + +<p>8mo. 2. I arose much refreshed, and found all well on board, +and Aaron Richards had arrived the same afternoon as I did. +Saw and had much conversation with many folks, among whom was +Stephen Crillett a minister from America. I took breakfast with +him at Isaac Hadwins, in whose company, and conversation, I was +much comforted, he was to leave Liverpool the next day for the +country. My mate and second mate went to dinner with Isaac and +he was anxious for more to come along with them. The crew were +spoken of in the highest terms for their steadiness, not given<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> to +swearing, but I found to my sorrow that Zachariah had behaved very +unbecoming in keeping unbecoming company, and drinking to excess +and speaking light of Jesus Christ.</p> + +<p>8mo. 3. It felt pleasant to me to hold out that honour without +virtue, was not true honor: and also from whence came wars and +fightings. I also had to hold out to William and Richard Rathbone +that the flesh was imperfect and forewarned, forearmed; and that +was not to put too great confidence in me as I was but flesh and +blood. For those young men had taken a very early and active +part in assisting me in every way and manner not only making +their house my home, but stepping forward to give me every aid +even petitioning the Board of Admiralty for the relief of Aaron +Richards as did also my friend Thomas Thompson afford me every +aid, with kind invitation to make his house my home all which I +felt easy to accept of. Have this day seen William Bootell the +great slave dealer as I have been told, who invited me to his +lodgings.</p> + +<p>8mo. 4. Attended fore and afternoon meetings—in the former I was +favored with the Spirit of Supplication. Capt. Coffin of the Ship +<i>Alpha</i> and my crew were at the meeting, which was very gratifying +to me. Letter from Wm. Allen stating that the license would not be +obtained under four or five days.</p> + +<p>8mo. 5. A man of color talks of going to Sierra Leone in order to +help the colonists. In the afternoon another man proposed going to +help in any way that may be helpful, either in printing, school +keeping, or by other means. I think here is rather encouragement.</p> + +<p>8mo. 6. I this day had further communication with Wm. Thomas, a +European, a printer about going to Sierra Leone, who seems to be +very anxious and it is concluded to write to London in order to +see if it may be encouraged.</p> + +<p>8mo. 7. This day took dinner with Wm. and Richard Rathbone in +company with Thomas Thompson and William Roscoe, a well engaged +man, for the establishing the slave trade, that the ships of war +should be commissioned to take all vessels that were found in that +trade belonging to whom they would. Also Lord John Russell dined +with us.</p> + +<p>8mo. 9. I this day took dinner with Captain Bootell and Captain +Pane formerly slave dealers, but treated me politely.</p> + +<p>8mo. 11. This day all attended meeting, and after meeting the men +went home with the Rathbones and took dinner.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span></p> + +<p>8mo. 14. This day I dined with Capt. Brown, Captain of his +Majesty's navy ship who was a very civil, goodly man; and his wife +and family thoughtful people, on the whole I had a comfortable +meal.</p> + +<p>8mo. 18. At half past nine in the evening set forward for London +accompanied with three very agreeable people.</p> + +<p>8mo. 20. At half past five arrived in London, found Wm. Allen and +family all well.</p> + +<p>8mo. 21. At four-o-clock P. M. I departed from Wm. Allen's after +having a comfortable sitting in company of a woman Friend, who +appeared to be a chosen vessel unto the Lord, and was a comfort +unto us and also a man by the name of Morris Burbeck. Cornelius +Hanbury accompanied me to Waltham Stone at Wm. Dillwyn's where +we were cordially received. Wm. was very unwell and it appears +that his glass is almost run, and his duty faithfully discharged. +Much of our time whilst together was taken up for the good, and +beneficial improvement of the inhabitants of Africa: for that +which might attend for their good, and for the honor and glory of +God.</p> + +<p>8mo. 22. Half past one this morning I went to meeting with Wm. +Dillwyn's family in the coach, where I had a comfortable open +meeting, after meeting went home with Wm. Fanster, to dinner. +After dinner came Mary Stacey who had good advice delivered it in +much love and tenderness.</p> + +<p>8mo. 23. This day dined in company with Capt. Eber Clark of and +from New Bedford who said he left Peter and Alexander Howard well, +and heard nothing but that my family was well. Wm. Rotch mentioned +my name in his letter to Wm. Allen and mentioned nothing but my +family was well. His letter arrived in good time to do good, and +was consolation to me in such a distant land.</p> + +<p>8mo. 25. Came from Newington in a carriage with Joseph Bevan. I +went to the great meeting where I had pretty clear openings in +the forenoon. Took dinner with Wm. Allen's mother and son Joseph, +where we were very aggreeably entertained. Came home to Plough +Court where we had a good refreshing season in the evening.</p> + +<p>8mo. 26. This morning very pleasant; Cornelius Hanbury and I +went to the London and West India Docks, which was exceeding +gratifying, both to see the shipping, and accomodations in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> +Docks, and also the shipping in the river that lay in the tiers as +we passed for three miles. They continued to extend as far as I +could see; the river is about one-half mile wide. At five-o-clock +in the afternoon I dined with Z. Macauley, where I was very +agreeably entertained.</p> + +<p>8mo. 27. This day met the committee of the African Institution +who sat at one P. M. and expressed great satisfaction on the +information I gave them, and felt also that I was endeavoring to +assist them in maintaining the good cause; with blessing that we +may reasonably hope that we may be supported with—to endeavor +that the subject may not fall beneath the level where we found +it. I made the Duke of Gloucester a present of an African robe, a +letter box and a dagger to show that the Africans were capable of +mental endowments and so forth.</p> + +<p>8mo. 28. This day attended the Grace Street Church meeting. It +was comfortable for me to sit with Friends in true humiliation +and supplication. And may this be the continuation of our lives +through time, that peace may be our lot. [William Allen, writing +of the meeting with the Committee of the African Instruction in +his diary, says Cuffe "returned very sensible and satisfactory +answers" to questions by the Duke of Gloucester and others and +that "his simplicity and strong natural good sense made a great +impression upon all parties. On the whole it was a most gratifying +meeting, and fully answered, and even exceeded all we could have +asked." Captain Clarke from New Bedford, Massachusetts, says +that he has "known Cuffe from a boy and that a person of greater +integrity and honor in business he never met with. I did not give +the smallest hint which might call forth this declaration."</p> + +<p>In the Seventh report of the directors of the African Institution +this meeting is recorded as follows:</p> + +<p>African Institution had "the very judicious plan of profiting +by the opportunity of inducing Captain Paul Cuffe to settle +in Sierra Leone, and carry over with him free blacks of good +character and of some property, who might settle in the colony +and practice among the natives the mechanical arts, and the +cultivation of tropical produce. He and his crew in Great Britain +attracted universal respect by the propriety of their deportment, +as well as admiration by their singular proficiency in both +the science and the practice of navigation. The African board +held a meeting, although in vacation time, for the purpose of +seeing and conferring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> with the captain. His royal highness the +Duke of Gloucester attended, as he always does, at the Board, +and, together with the other Directors, entered fully in to the +subjects alike interesting to those distinguished philanthropists, +and to their dark-colored but civilized ally."<a name="FNanchor2_26_34" id="FNanchor2_26_34"></a><a href="#Footnote2_26_34" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> Referring to +Cuffe in his diary on this day, William Allen writes: "We had +an affecting parting, as it is not very probable that we shall +see him any more. He has left a wife and eight children, and a +profitable business in which he was engaged, to forward the views +of the African Institution, and this, at the risk of his person +and property."<a name="FNanchor2_27_35" id="FNanchor2_27_35"></a><a href="#Footnote2_27_35" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>]</p> + +<p>8mo. 30. Arrived at Manchester at eight-o-clock.</p> + +<p>8mo. 31. David Docknay and Paul Cuffe spent this day in seeing +the factories. They have got them to great perfection. They light +the darkest room with gas extracted from sea coal. This light far +exceeds the candle light; it is more like day light. This air +issues out of a small tube and by the blaze of a candle being put +to it, it blazes and burns until the gas is stopped. This is done +by the turning of the stop that reaches through the pipe. One +woman spins one hundred-fifty threads at a time. This afternoon +Robert Benson came. John Thorp dined with us this day.</p> + +<p>9mo. 1. This day attended meeting, both fore and afternoon. Took +dinner at Isaac Crenden's, and then went to see Richard and Martha +Routh.</p> + +<p>9mo. 2. Took stage for Liverpool arrived at ten. I this day wrote +to Wm. Allen and stated the necessity of establishing commerce in +Africa and building a vessel in Africa, and if there should be any +owner found in London.</p> + +<p>9mo. 4. This morning being a pleasant morning Hannah Rathbone's +family and myself went to Wm. Roscoes, which was about two miles +further. He being a very warm friend for the abolishing the +slave trade, many subjects took place between us. He stated the +necessity, and propriety of condemning all nations, that might +be found in the trade. I likewise was favored to state to him +the necessity there was of keeping open a communication between +America, Africa and England in order to assist Africa in its +civilization and that the two powers to contenance it, even if +they were at variance, and to consider it as a neutral path.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> +And I could not see wherein the French Goverment may not gain in +adopting this neutral path.</p> + +<p>9mo. 6. After breakfast went into the blind school and it was +wonderful to see the operation of all kinds of work they would go +through of spinning, weaving, matting, carpeting, of many colors.</p> + +<p>[On this day Cuffe signed a contract with Will Midgley by which +the latter was to furnish flannels for shipment on the <i>Traveller</i> +for Sierra Leone.<a name="FNanchor2_28_36" id="FNanchor2_28_36"></a><a href="#Footnote2_28_36" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>]</p> + +<p>9mo. 17. Took breakfast with my passengers and also with Wm. +Rathbone accompanied with a friend belonging to London, where +the African conversation took place which was the most expediant +method of civilization of Africa.</p> + +<p>9mo. 20. At ten-o-clock weighed anchor.... A great many attended +our departure....</p> + +<p>11mo. 12. At four P. M. we anchored in Sierra Leone.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span></p> + +<h3>CHAPTER V</h3> + +<h4>The Return to America</h4> + +<p>Cuffe remained in Sierra Leone for three months. On Sundays he +attended the various churches. He made the most of these opportunities +to caution the lukewarm and to reprimand closely the unconcerned. On +the other days of the week, he explored the country because he wanted +to know every advantage this location had for the many settlers he +hoped would come from America.</p> + +<p>He noted the growing pineapples and was pleased with the Guinea grass +so tall that he could just reach the top of it with his umbrella. +He found Indian corn and buckwheat growing well. Although he sought +diligently he could find no good place to make salt. In his survey +of the streams he found two that had fall sufficient for twenty and +thirty foot undershot wheels respectively. This pleased him greatly, +as the water power made mills possible. On his rounds he distributed +many kinds of seeds and silk worm eggs, but few knew what to do with +them.</p> + +<p>On the eleventh of December he was called to the home of James Reed +by the Social Society of Sierra Leone to help draw up a constitution +for this organization. Subsequent meetings were necessary to complete +the work. When it had been done, the Friendly Society of Sierra Leone +was born, beginning to function immediately. A communication from +William Allen addressed to John Kizel was presented to the Society. +It was duly answered and preparations made for carrying on commercial +relations with the London African Institution. The government +prohibition on landing rum and tobacco displeased many of the members +because it took from them one possibility for lucrative revenues.</p> + +<p>In addition to these interests, Cuffe visited the schools and greeted +the new missionaries. He was a first class<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> teacher himself and many +ambitious Negroes learned the art of navigation from his teachings. +Occasionally he took apprentices, and at this time four Africans were +indentured to him.</p> + +<p>Finally he made arrangements with the Governor for the reception of +colonists who might come over from America. They discussed means for +civilizing the natives, land grants to the new settlers, and problems +of trade for all. When every measure had been taken looking to future +relations between England, Sierra Leone, and America, he set sail for +his home land.</p> + +<p>He was just four days out when Captain James Tildwell of the +British sloop of war, <i>Abrina</i>, took the <i>Traveller</i> back to Sierra +Leone. Captain Tildwell did not understand the arrangement by which +Captain Cuffe had four indentured servants on board. The matter was +immediately brought to the attention of the Governor and Cuffe was +permitted to renew his homeward voyage. Cuffe sailed according to the +old rhyme—</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> +<div class="verse i0">If the wind comes before the rain,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Clear the top sails and hoist them again.</div> +<div class="verse i0">If the rain comes before the wind,</div> +<div class="verse i0">Lower the top sails, and take them in.</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>All went well on sea. But when on April 19, 1812, he reached American +waters a grave difficulty beset him. The <i>Traveller</i> was bringing to +the United States a British cargo. This was contrary to the existing +trade laws. What could be done? A pilot boat, the <i>Daggett</i>, offered +to take him to New Bedford where he could interview the authorities. +Moreover, it was an opportunity speedily to reach Westport and see +his family. So he left the <i>Traveller</i> at sea and took passage on the +<i>Daggett</i>.</p> + +<p>When he returned, Captain John Cahoone in a revenue cutter had +condemned the <i>Traveller</i> for bringing in a British cargo. There +was nothing left for Captain Cuffe to do except to carry his cause +to Washington and this he decided to do. Accordingly letters of +recommendation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> were prepared to present the case to the Federal +authorities. He engaged the services of John Vase, Amasa Robbins, and +others to prepare a petition to the Secretary of War. The Collector of +Customs approved the petition. Governor Simeon Martin, Judge Constant +Taber, former Congressman, G. C. Champlin, as well as John Coggeshall, +I. Vernon, Thomas G. Pitman, and Walter Channing, endorsed his papers.</p> + +<p>Armed with these letters of recommendation, he started for Washington. +On his way he stopped at Providence where his good friend, William +Rotch, Jr., gave him counsel and aid. He put Cuffe in touch with Moses +Brown, who brought in the services of Thomas Arnold. They called on +the Judge and Attorney-General. All favored Captain Cuffe, and Brown +and Arnold signed his general letters of recommendation. While in +Providence he made his home with Obadiah Brown and attended fore and +afternoon meetings. He stopped off at Philadelphia on the 29th of +April, to tell John James his troubles. "In travelling through the +country," he wrote, "I perceived that the people seemed to have great +knowledge of me."</p> + +<p>Arriving in Washington on the first of May, he sought Samuel +Hutchinson, who accompanied him to call on President Madison, the +Secretary of War, and others to whom he had letters of recommendation. +"The Secretary observed to me," wrote the Captain, "that French brandy +could not be imported from a British port but observed whether it +would be inconvenient to me to have it entered for exportation. I +then told him my funds were small, and it would lock up my funds. All +people appeared very kindly indeed." The authorities at Washington +thought his voyage was innocent and laudable. The <i>Traveller</i> and +all his property was restored to him without reservation and the +government offered its services to him in carrying out his African +plans.</p> + +<p>On the day following this decision, the Captain started home. "When I +took my seat," he wrote, "being the first<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> in, I took the after seat. +When the passengers came, in came a blustering powder headed man with +stern countenance. 'Come away from that seat.' I was no starter and +sat still. He then bustled along and said, 'I want to put my umbrella +in the box.' I arose, he then put his umbrella in. He then said, 'You +must go out of this for there is a lady coming in.' I entered into no +discourse with him, but took my seat; he took his seat beside me but +showed much evil contempt. At length the woman and a girl made their +appearance. I then arose and invited the woman into the after seat +saying we always give way to accomodate the women. We set forward on +our journey. On our way at the tavern I was overtaken by Wm. Hunter, +member of Congress. He was very free and conversant, which this man +above mentioned observed. Before we got to Baltimore he became loving +and openly accosted me, 'Captain, take the after seat,' but from the +common custom I thanked him, and wished him to keep his seat.</p> + +<p>"When I arrived in Baltimore, they utterly refused to take me in at +the tavern or to get me a dinner unless I would go back among the +servants. This I refused, not as I thought myself better than the +servants, but from the nature of the case, thought it not advisable. I +found my way to a tavern where I got my dinner. Friend Barnard Gilbert +went with me and was friendly. Jesse Talbot, a very worthy friend, had +paid every attention to me; by this time I seemingly had friends on +every side. I staid at the home of Elisha Tyson, who offered to be a +real friend of the people of color."</p> + +<p>While in Baltimore the Captain attended Preparation Meeting. He +called on a number of his friends, among whom were Daniel Coker and +George Collins, teachers of the African school of one hundred and +seven children. At a tea where many colored people were present, +Cuffe told about his African visit. Plans were made to form a Society +to correspond with the London African Institution and the Friendly +Society of Sierra Leone.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span></p> + +<p>Cuffe stopped in Philadelphia and New York and renewed old +acquaintances, and also made plans for the organization of Societies +to communicate with the African Institution in London and the Friendly +Society of Sierra Leone. These societies with the one started in +Baltimore were centers for the discussion of questions relating to +Africa and for commercial undertakings with their African neighbors.</p> + +<p>When Cuffe was in New York, his guide introduced him to two Methodist +preachers. One said to him, "Do you understand English?" Cuffe +replied that there was a part he did not understand, namely, "that +many persons who profess being enlightened with the true light, yet +had not seen the evil of one brother professor making merchandise of +and holding his brother in bondage." The ministers did not clear up +the question, and in Cuffe's own words, "We bid each other farewell +without any further conversation." He put this same query to the +United Society assembled for the Methodist Conference in New York, but +it was received with coldness. While it shows Cuffe's zeal in working +for the emancipation of slavery, it also gives an index to the state +of the popular mind on this subject fifty years before the Civil War.</p> + +<p>Elated over the recovery of the <i>Traveller</i> and permission to land his +cargo, he reached Westport on May 23. He expressed his gratitude to +President Madison in the following letter:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>I stopped short of my duty in not calling to acknowledge the favor +that I received from the seat of Government; for which I desire to +be excused. But upon serious reflection, feeling that there is an +acknowledgment due unto the ruler of the people—certainly there +is greater acknowledgment due unto the Father of all our mercies.</p> + +<p>May the blessing of heaven attend thee; may the United States be +preserved from the calamities of a war, and be favored to retain +her neutrality in peace and happiness.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Another letter equally important went out. It recounted his +experiences to William Allen and promised<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> continued interest in +all things relating to the uplift of the Negro race. "Paul Cuffe," +he wrote in closing, "doth not at present go to Africa, but shall +send such characters as confidence may be placed in. At present it +is thought that I may be as serviceable towards the promotion of the +colony, as though I was to remove. However, as my wife is not willing +to go, I do not feel at liberty to urge, but feel in duty bound to +escort myself to the uttermost of my ability for the good cause of +Africa."<a name="FNanchor2_29_37" id="FNanchor2_29_37"></a><a href="#Footnote2_29_37" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span></p> + +<h3>CHAPTER VI</h3> + +<h4>A Quaker Mission</h4> + +<p>The visit of Captain Cuffe to Africa was a spontaneous movement +on his part. He was anxious to contribute to the improvement of +his countrymen. His visit to England was a great incentive to the +Directors of the African Institution. Both the Duke of Gloucester and +William Allen were convinced that the colonists of Sierra Leone needed +only a stimulus to their industry and that the Institution could give +it without the slightest inconvenience. They regarded Paul Cuffe as a +medium for this service—a medium providentially afforded.</p> + +<p>One is impressed with the methodical and thorough-going way Cuffe +conducted his affairs during the first part of his visit in Sierra +Leone. He was soon acquainted both with the land and the people. Just +as soon as he obtained information he began its dissemination. A +letter was dispatched to America in care of his brother, John Cuffe. +The Captain wrote "Hope it may find its way to its destination and +obtain its desired effect which will be a consolation to one who +wishes well to all mankind both here and hereafter world without +end." The following letter dated April 20, 1811, was "The Epistle of +the Society of Sierra Leone in Africa,"<a name="FNanchor2_30_38" id="FNanchor2_30_38"></a><a href="#Footnote2_30_38" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> formed for the further +promotion of the Christian religion:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="ltr-date"> +<span class="smcap">Sierra Leone</span>, April 20, 1811.</p> + +<p>To the Saints and Faithful Brethren in Christ; grace be unto you +and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.</p> + +<p>We desire to humble ourselves with that thankful acknowledgment to +the Father and Fountain of all our mercies, for the liberty and +freedom we enjoy. And our prayer to God is, that our Brethren, +who live in distant lands, and are held in bondage, and groan +under the galling chain of Slavery, that they may be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> liberated +and enjoy the liberty that God has granted unto all his faithful +Saints. Dearly beloved Brethren in the Lord, may the power and +peace of God rule in all your hearts, for we feel, from an awful +experience, the distresses that many of our African Brethren groan +under; therefore we feel our minds engaged to desire all the +Saints and Professors in Christ, to diligently consider our cause, +and to put cause to the Christian Query: whether it is agreeable +to the testimony of Jesus Christ, for one Professor to make +merchandise of another? We are desirous, that this may be made +manifest to all Professors of all Christian denominations, who +have not abolished the holding of slaves.</p> + +<p>We salute thee, Beloved Brethren, in the Lord, with sincere desire +that the works of Regeneration may be more and more experienced. +It would be a consolation to us, to hear from the Saints, in +distant lands, and we could receive all who are disposed to come +unto us with open arms.</p> + +<p>Our dearly beloved African Brethren, we also salute you in the +love of God, to be obedient unto your masters, with your prayers +lifted to God, whom we would recommend you to confide in, who +is just as able in these days, to deliver out of the Egyptian +bondage: finally brethern, may the power and peace of God rule in +all your hearts.</p> + +<p>Grace be unto you, and peace from God our Father, and the Lord +Jesus Christ, Amen.</p> + + + +<div class="center"> +<table class="authors" summary="Letter Authors"> +<tr><td align="left">John × Gorden, <span class="normal smalltext">preacher</span></td><td align="left">Geo. × Clark</td></tr> +<tr><td align="left">Warwick × Francis</td><td align="left">Peter Francis</td></tr> +<tr><td align="left">James Reed</td><td align="left">George Carrel</td></tr> +<tr><td align="left">Joseph Brown</td><td align="left">Edwin × Willoughby</td></tr> +<tr><td align="left">Moses × Wilkinson</td><td align="left">Thos. × Richards, Sen.</td></tr> +<tr><td align="left">S. Jones</td><td align="left">Eli Aiken</td></tr> +<tr><td align="left">John × Ellis</td><td align="left">Jno. × Stevenson</td></tr> +<tr><td align="left">Adam × Jones</td><td align="left">Jas. Wise</td></tr> +</table></div> + +</blockquote> + +<p>Two days after he had sent this epistle to his friends in America he +wrote a personal note to William Allen in London. He acknowledged the +receipt of the license to bring goods to England, called attention to +a petition which the inhabitants had presented to Governor Columbine +with a request that he lay it before Parliament, and set forth many +facts concerning the land and its people. He also announced his +intention to keep open a commercial intercourse between America and +Sierra Leone in the hope that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> through such a channel some families +might find their way to Africa.<a name="FNanchor2_31_39" id="FNanchor2_31_39"></a><a href="#Footnote2_31_39" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<p>The outline of the petition referred to in his letter to William Allen +is inserted as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>1st. That encouragement may be given to all our brethern, who may +come from the British Colonies or from America, in order to become +farmers, or to assist us in the cultivation of our land.</p> + +<p>2nd. That encouragement may be given to our foreign brethdren who +have vessels for the purpose, to establish commerce in Sierra +Leone.</p> + +<p>3d. That those who may undertake to establish the whale fishery +in the colony may be encouraged to persevere in that useful and +laudable enterprise.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Cuffe states that several of the most respectable inhabitants signed +this petition. From its contents and its date one would conclude that +its origin can safely be traced to Cuffe himself. Attention is called +to a school for adults and the other schools which accommodate about +two hundred and thirty children. In his letter to Allen he gives +the names of seven teachers. Mention is made of a Society of Sierra +Leone and of the places for public worship. Four meetings are held on +Sunday and two on other days. In his letter to Allen the churches are +enumerated as follows: two Methodists, one Baptist, and one without +denominational designation but in charge of "an old woman, Mila Baxton +who keeps at her dwelling house."</p> + +<p>A brief paragraph describes poor relief: "An institution," said he, +"was formed on the first of the twelfth month last for the relief of +the poor and disabled. It is now regularly held on the first second +day in every month, at which time proper persons are appointed to take +charge of those under the care of the institution. A general meeting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> +is held once every six months. Everyone can judge of the happy effect +of such institutions as these in improving the dispositions and +softening the manners of our native brethren."</p> + +<p>Five courts are described and attention is called to the supremacy of +British law. A short discussion of the native Africans appears, and +the letter includes in the "Brief Account" an address "to my scattered +brethren and fellow countrymen at Sierra Leone." It closes with these +words:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Grace be unto you and peace be multiplied from God the Father, +and from the Lord Jesus Christ, who hath begotten a lively hope +in remembrance of you; and for which I desire ever to be humbled, +world without end, amen.</p> + +<p>Dearly beloved friends and fellowcountrymen,</p> + +<p>I earnestly recommend to you the propriety of assembling +yourselves together for the purpose of worshipping the Lord your +God. God is a spirit and they who worship him acceptably must +worship him in spirit and in truth; in so doing you will find a +living hope which will be as an anchor to the soul and a support +under afflictions. In this hope may Ethiopia stretch out her hand +unto God. Come my African brethren and fellowcountrymen, let us +walk together in the light of the Lord. That pure light which +bringeth salvation into the world, hath appeared unto all men to +profit withall. I would recommend unto all the saints, and elders +and sober people of the colony, that you adopt the mode of meeting +together once every month in order to consult with each other for +your mutual good. But above all things let your meetings be owed +of the Lord, for he hath told us that "Where two or three are +gathered together in his name, there will he be in the midst of +them." And I recommend that you keep a record of your proceedings +at those meetings in order that they be left for the benefit of +the young and rising generation. In these meetings let it be your +care to promote all good and laudable institutions, and by so +doing you will increase both your temporal and spiritual welfare. +That the Prince of Peace may be your preserver, is the sincere +desire of one who wishes well to all mankind.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The following advice, though detached from the foregoing address, +appears to be intended to accompany it:</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>First. That sobriety and steadfastness, with all faithfulness, +be recommended, that so professors may be good examples in all +things; doing justly, loving mercy, and walking humbly.</p> + +<p>Secondly. That early care be extended towards the youth whilst +their minds are young and tender, that so they may be redeemed +from the corruptions of the world—such as nature is prone to—not +swearing, following bad company and drinking of spiritous liquors. +That they may be kept out of idleness, and encouraged to be +industrious, for this is good to cultivate the mind, and may you +be good examples therein yourselves.</p> + +<p>Thirdly. May servants be encouraged to discharge their duties +with faithfulness; may they be brought up to industry; may their +minds be cultivated for the reception of the good seed, which is +promised to all that will seek after it. I want that we should be +faithful in all things, that so we may become a people, giving +satisfaction to those, who have borne the heat and burden of the +day, in liberating us from a state of slavery. I must leave you in +the hands of Him who is able to preserve you through all time, and +to crown you with that blessing that is prepared for all those who +are faithful unto death.</p></blockquote> + +<p>In closing he cites, with approbation, the advice contained in an +address to free people of color given in 1796 at Philadelphia before +the general convention of abolition societies. They are advised to +attend to religion, to get an elementary education, teach their +children useful trades, use no spiritous liquors, avoid frolicking and +idleness, have marriage legally performed, lay up their earnings, and +to be honest and to behave themselves.</p> + +<p>An object always dear to Cuffe was the abolition of the slave trade. +He thought a commercial intercourse would be conducive to its +suppression. For trade in human beings he would offer trade in the +legitimate articles of commerce. If such an intercourse could be kept +open with cargoes coming and going between Sierra Leone and England +and Sierra Leone and America, then "some good sober steady characters +may find their way to that country." This would be a laudable method +for civilizing Africa, he thought, because the establishment of +colonists who would engage in productive enterprises would soon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> +leaven the lump of African idleness and ignorance, and Christians +engaged in legitimate business pursuits would inoculate a large area +of the African continent.</p> + +<p>In order to foster this plan, Cuffe formed while in Sierra Leone in +1812, "The Friendly Society." John Kizell was elected president and +monthly meetings were held. It began a business correspondence with +the African Institution in London. William Allen ever responsive to +Cuffe's "earnest breathings" sent a consignment of goods worth 70 +pounds with permission to return the amount in rice, Indian corn, etc. +He offered to be their agent in London, and he engaged the services of +W. and R. Rathbone of Liverpool in their behalf.</p> + +<p>Since the African Institution was not to "engage in commercial +speculation" some measure had further to be devised in England to help +the Friendly Society dispose of its produce advantageously and promote +industry among its members. Therefore, "A Society for the Purpose of +Encouraging the Black Settlers at Sierra Leone, and the Natives of +Africa generally, in the cultivation of their Soil, by the sale of +their Produce" was formed. Some progress was noted for, after four +years Cuffe wrote that the Friendly Society was worth 1200 pounds.<a name="FNanchor2_33_41" id="FNanchor2_33_41"></a><a href="#Footnote2_33_41" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> + +<p>Similar movements were going on in America. William Roth of New +Bedford on October 10, 1812, wrote William Allen: "Paul Cuffe +still continues his concern for his African plan, and has recently +petitioned Congress for liberty to send his vessel to Sierra Leone, +provided liberty can be obtained from your side. His character stands +conspicuously approved as far as it is known, his kind concern for the +civilization of Africa, and his devotion of time and money to that +object, have greatly strengthened the impression of his real worth and +merit; and from some intentions from the President I am led to believe +his application will succeed."<a name="FNanchor2_34_42" id="FNanchor2_34_42"></a><a href="#Footnote2_34_42" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span></p> + +<h3>CHAPTER VII</h3> + +<h4>Pathfinder in Negro Colonization</h4> + +<p>It was Cuffe's plan to make a trip to Sierra Leone once every year. +This would enable him to keep in touch with the colony. He would carry +over whatever goods were needed, buy and market the African produce, +take desirable emigrants over; withall, he would be a benevolent +father to Africa. The Captain himself said, as recorded in <i>Minutes +of Paul Cuffe's Opinions</i>, 1814: "The most advantageous means of +encouragement to be rendered towards civilization of Africa is that +the popularity of the colony of Sierra Leone be encouraged; and in +order to render them aid and assistance my mind is that some families +of good character should be encouraged to remove from America and +settle at Sierra Leone in order to become farmers; and to lend them +aid in such useful utilities as they are capable of; and in order for +this accomodation it appears to me there should be an intercourse kept +open between America and Sierra Leone, that, through that channel some +people might find their way to Africa; and for their accomodation and +reception when arrived I think proper that a house be built that they +have some place of refuge or shelter." He thought one thousand pounds +might be needed for the beginning of this benevolent purpose.</p> + +<p>But there were obstacles in the way. The voyage of the <i>Traveller</i> in +1812 was financially unprofitable. The <i>Alpha</i> had just returned with +a $3000 deficit. A bark that had gone around Cape Horn on a whaling +voyage had not returned. It was without insurance and subject to +capture by British cruisers. Moreover, the War of 1812 had begun and +this seemed an insuperable obstacle.</p> + +<p>Already Cuffe had informed William Allen as to his troubles. He had +also told him what things urged him to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> overcome the difficulties in +his way. Did not Sierra Leone need a sawmill, a millwright, and a +plow? And instead of carrying loads on their heads, how much better +would it be if the colonists had a wagon on which to haul the loads. +The native Africans, moreover, had been schooled in America and were +ready to return. In addition, free blacks in the United States had +made application for passage to Sierra Leone. And could not mercantile +relations be established between Africa and America in such a way as +to supplant the slave trade? There was a possibility, too, of starting +the whale fishery on the western coast of Africa.</p> + +<p>To achieve these ends was worth a hard struggle. He had overcome +difficulties all his life. Surely he could do it again. He would +petition Congress for permission to make the voyage and ask William +Allen to seek a similar concession from Great Britain. Accordingly +a memorial, dated "Westport, 6th month, 1813" was presented to +Congress.<a name="FNanchor2_35_43" id="FNanchor2_35_43"></a><a href="#Footnote2_35_43" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> In it Cuffe asserts that he "could but view the practice +of his brethren of the African race in selling their fellow creatures +into a state of slavery for life as very inconsistent" with divine +principle of equity and justice and that he "conceived it a duty +incumbent upon him, as a faithful steward of the mercies he had +received, to give a portion of his time and his property in visiting +that country, and affording such means as might be in his power to +promote the improvement and civilization of the Africans."</p> + +<p>He further recites in this memorial that he had visited Sierra Leone +to learn about the country and its inhabitants, and that when he +was in London, he had the satisfaction to find his recommendations +approved by the celebrated philanthropists, the Duke of Gloucester, +William Wilberforce, Thomas Clarkson, William Allen, and others. +Special provision, moreover, had already been made by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> them to carry +his plans into effect. One plan was to keep up an "intercourse with +the free people of color in the United States in the expectation +that persons of reputation would feel sufficiently interested to +visit Africa, and endeavor to promote habits of industry, sobriety, +and frugality, among the natives of that country." His plans, he +continued, had been placed before free blacks in Baltimore and +Philadelphia, New York, and Boston. As a result "several families, +whose characters promise usefulness, have come to a conclusion, if +proper ways could be opened, to go to Africa, in order to give their +aid in promoting the objects already adverted to."</p> + +<p>In view of these facts, provided Great Britain was willing, Cuffe +asked permission to take a ship to Sierra Leone to "transport such +persons and families ... also some articles of provision, together +with implements of husbandry, and machinery for some mechanic arts, +and to bring back such of the native productions of that country as +may be wanted." The trifling commerce, he hoped, would lighten the +expense of the voyage.</p> + +<p>Congressman Laban Wheaton of Massachusetts presented this memorial +to the House of Representatives on January 7, 1814. Four days later +the <i>National Intelligencer</i> at the request of subscribers published +it. The memorial was referred to the Committee on Commerce and +Manufacturing by the Speaker of the House.</p> + +<p>Interest in Cuffe's request now shifts to the Senate where a measure +was passed authorizing the President of the United States to permit +Paul Cuffe to depart from the United States with a vessel and cargo +for Africa and similarly to return. The House was informed of this +action on the twenty-seventh of January and four days later read the +Senate bill twice and referred it to the Committee on Commerce and +Manufacturing. This committee reported that since the government had +been compelled to prohibit the coasting trade, it would be impolitic +to relax the provisions on the "application of an individual, for +a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> purpose, which, how benevolently soever conceived, cannot be +considered in any other light than as speculative—the efforts +heretofore made and directed by the zeal and intelligence of the +Sierra Leone Company having failed to accomplish the object designed +by its institution."<a name="FNanchor2_36_44" id="FNanchor2_36_44"></a><a href="#Footnote2_36_44" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + +<p>This report was referred to the Committee of the Whole House and +debated on the nineteenth of March. The representatives who wished +to grant Cuffe's request agreed that the Senate bill would be an +invitation to free blacks to emigrate to Africa. This part of the +population they said could well be spared. The opponents of Cuffe's +request doubted the expediency of permitting to go out a cargo which +must necessarily sail under British license. Such a license would be +granted, they argued, only if advantageous to the enemy. The House by +a vote of 72 to 65 rejected the Senate measure and Cuffe's request was +denied.</p> + +<p>He fared little better at the hands of the British Government. Allen +carried the request to the ministers and told them that it was the +opinion of many that the one thing most needed to help Sierra Leone +was to enlist the services of Paul Cuffe. If the Government granted +the license, it was hoped that a vessel could be purchased, that Cuffe +be made its proprietor, and that it be used to carry African produce +to Britain. The ministers, from the Chancellor of the Exchequer on +down, were exceedingly kind and were willing to grant the license but +could not, owing to the navigation laws, insure the vessel against a +seizing officer. Such an officer might consider the boat more valuable +than his office. Allen thought such a risk too great either for Cuffe +or the African Institution and the request for a license was withdrawn.</p> + +<p>Cuffe's spirit would not down. Let Congress turn him down and the +British ministers deny his request. There was still one group willing +to help him along. This group was the Society of Friends at Westport. +Here was fuel<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> for the fire of Cuffe's zeal. Ebenezer Baker, clerk of +the monthly meeting, on the "16th of the 11th month 1815" records:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Our friend Paul Cuffe (who is a member of our religious society) +informed this meeting that he has a prospect of making a voyage to +Africa on business, and in a particular manner, with the laudable +view of endeavoring to promote the temporal and civil improvement +and comfort of the inhabitants of some parts of that country; +which having had our solid deliberation, we feel desirous that +he may be enabled to accomplish this object, to the peace of +his own mind; and leave him at liberty to pursue his prospect, +recommending him to the friendly notice and regard of those +amongst whom his lot may be cast.<a name="FNanchor2_37_45" id="FNanchor2_37_45"></a><a href="#Footnote2_37_45" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>Just as soon as the war was over Cuffe set sail for Africa. The +papers evidently were well supplied with his plans, for a Louisville +paper, <i>The Western Courier</i>, related that "Capt. Paul Cuffe, a man +of color is about to proceed to Africa, with several families to form +a settlement there. He will sail in the brig <i>Traveller</i>, now at +Philadelphia, receiving two families there, afterwards touch at New +Bedford and receive the remainder of her company, and then proceed the +latter part of October on her voyage."</p> + +<p>The <i>Traveller</i> cleared from the custom house on the second of +December. Two days later Cuffe wrote Allen, "I shall sail through +God's permission the first wind after tomorrow." The first wind came +the tenth of December. When the <i>Traveller</i> finally sailed she carried +a cargo of tobacco and soap, candles, naval stores and flour. She had +also iron with which to build a sawmill, a wagon, grindstones, nails +and glass, and a plow. There were thirty-eight passengers, eighteen +heads of families and twenty children.</p> + +<p>The Captain himself reported the voyage to the American Colonization +Society in this laconic letter:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Thirty-eight in number went out with me, their expenses were +estimated at one hundred dollars per head, but were there a large +number they could be carried out for sixty dollars. The expense<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> +of thirty of the above number was born by Paul Cuffe. The others +paid for their own passages. In addition to the above expense, +I furnished them provisions to the amount of 150 pounds 8s 3d +sterling; all this was done without fee or reward—my hope is in a +coming day.<a name="FNanchor2_38_46" id="FNanchor2_38_46"></a><a href="#Footnote2_38_46" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>The passengers were all common laborers and they wished to cultivate +the land. Perry Locke, a Methodist, was licensed to preach. He is an +honest man, wrote Cuffe, but "has rather a hard voice for a preacher." +Another passenger was Antony Survance, a native of Senegal, who had +been sold to the French in St. Domingo. During the revolution he came +to Philadelphia. He had learned to read and write and had studied +navigation, but Cuffe thought he would never make a mariner on account +of seasickness. He paid his passage to Africa and hoped by and by to +return to Senegal. He said the black man had two eyes and two ears, +the white man has no more. Could he not hear with his ears and see +with his eyes. All the passengers were provided with certificates of +good character.<a name="FNanchor2_39_47" id="FNanchor2_39_47"></a><a href="#Footnote2_39_47" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> + +<p>The fares paid by the passengers and a contribution from William Rotch +of New Bedford amounted to over $1000. Cuffe's expenses consisted of +$480 for insurance, $1000 for portage, $703.96 for supplies, and $3000 +for passages. His expenses, therefore, exceeded the sources of income +by something over $4000.</p> + +<p>It was a rough passage and the Captain was troubled with a sick crew. +When he reached Sierra Leone on the third of February, the crew was +well "for which as well as all other preservations," he wrote, "I +desire ever to be truly humbled before the father and fountain of +all our mercies." On its arrival at port, the <i>Traveller</i> was hailed +from a canoe, "What brig is this? where from? what<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> cargo?" Cuffe +asked to anchor the <i>Traveller</i>. But word came from the custom house +boat "No Americans permitted to anchor in these waters." It was then +near sunset and permission was given to anchor until nine o'clock +the following morning. The Governor on the next day allowed Cuffe to +anchor in the harbor but could not secure him against seizure by a +man-of-war. The <i>Traveller</i> remained in the harbor a month and a day +enjoying every indulgence and encountering no warship.</p> + +<p>The passengers were well received by the Governor and the Friendly +Society. They were given a town lot and fifty acres of land. A year's +rations for seven families was provided at a cost of 411 pounds 14s +5d. This expense, it seems, was met by the London African Institution. +Cuffe thanked his friend William Allen for the "Ardent exercises thee +must have had in order to forward the plan."<a name="FNanchor2_40_48" id="FNanchor2_40_48"></a><a href="#Footnote2_40_48" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p>Cuffe did not succeed so well in the disposition of his cargo. No +instructions awaited him from the London African Institution and +no arrangements had been made with the British Government. He had, +therefore, to pay import duty on the articles he sold; tobacco, soap, +candles and naval stores which at first he could not even land. Later, +evidently the tobacco at least was landed, because to William Allen +was referred a matter in connection with the price of it on which +Cuffe and the Friendly Society could not agree. He sold flour at $12 +per barrel and purchased camwood at $100 per ton.</p> + +<p>As to Cuffe himself, he was well received. He dined with Governor +McCarthy and the Chief Justice. William Allen offered him his African +quarters during his stay but the Captain declined, for, said he, "I +feel myself unworthy to become one of thy family."<a name="FNanchor2_41_49" id="FNanchor2_41_49"></a><a href="#Footnote2_41_49" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> He went with +Governor McCarthy to inspect the schools; he was particularly pleased +with the boys' school taught by Thomas<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> Hurt, a schoolmaster Cuffe +himself had brought from England.</p> + +<p>He discussed the question of keeping a line of communication open +between England and Sierra Leone, advised that an additional place +for colonizing be selected, and took an active part in suppressing +the slave trade. While he was in Sierra Leone three brigs and four +schooners, active in this traffic, were captured. Later he sought +to secure from Governor McCarthy the names of the vessels and +commanders so that the African Institution or the Abolition Society in +Philadelphia could initiate legal proceedings against them.</p> + +<p>Every encouragement was given to the Friendly Society. He pointed out +to William Allen its prosperity and cautioned him not to make too +great advances to it. He was greatly pleased to find it establishing +factories at places within the interior. At these points the tribes +could secure their own produce. When engaged in enriching the produce +of their own country, Cuffe thought that they would be drawn away from +the slave trade. Above all things, he pointed out the abuse of the +twenty-two license houses which did business with the slave traders. +By establishing factories and opening roads from one tribe to another +he believed he could render the native chiefs friendly to civilization.</p> + +<p>Cuffe kept in touch with everything and everybody. He noted sickness +and death; he chronicled the accession of thirteen new colonists +to the Baptist church. He also heard complaints. Perry Locke, the +licensed Methodist minister, disliked to do jury duty. On receiving +the following summons he at once carried it to the Captain:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Mr. Perry Locke. You are hereby summoned and required to appear at +the ensuing general session of the peace, which will be held at +the court hall in Freetown, on Wednesday, the 10th day of April, +at the hour of ten in the afternoon, there to serve as a grand +juror; herein fail not, at your peril. W. D. Grant, Sheriff.<a name="FNanchor2_42_50" id="FNanchor2_42_50"></a><a href="#Footnote2_42_50" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span></p> + +<p>Cuffe told him that "he complained in America because he was deprived +of these privileges; and then he murmured because he was called upon: +Go and fill thy seat, do as well as thou canst."<a name="FNanchor2_43_51" id="FNanchor2_43_51"></a><a href="#Footnote2_43_51" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> + +<p>The citizens wished him to begin a settlement at Sherbro, and the +African Institution again took occasion to profit by the experience of +their "dark colored but civilized ally" who suggested that a house be +built on the farm of each settler brought over.</p> + +<p>When Cuffe began preparations for the return voyage "it was like a +father taking leave of his children." He sailed on April 4th, and +after a voyage of fifty-four days reached the United States again. +After juggling in his mind the various proposals for ameliorating the +condition of "that part of the great family of Africa" in America +he concluded: "Nothing: Nothing of much amount can be affected by +an individual or private bodies until the government removes the +obstruction in the way."<a name="FNanchor2_44_52" id="FNanchor2_44_52"></a><a href="#Footnote2_44_52" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span></p> + +<h3>CHAPTER VIII</h3> + +<h4>Afro-American Interests</h4> + +<p>Neither voyage to Africa was financially profitable. Cuffe did not +make either visit with that end in view. But he was careful to make +use of every opportunity to reduce the expense of the trip. An undated +item in his letters says property to the value of $1337.15 was landed +from the <i>Traveller</i> and placed in charge of Thomas Wainer. Blue +cloth, cassimere and flannels bought through William and Richard +Rathbone of Liverpool were imported when Cuffe made his first voyage +to Sierra Leone. Peter and Alexander Howard of New Bedford shared +equally with Cuffe in this transaction. The estimated value of the +goods was $2300; the profit to each party was $439.93.<a name="FNanchor2_45_53" id="FNanchor2_45_53"></a><a href="#Footnote2_45_53" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p> + +<p>Cuffe imported camwood and squills when he returned in 1816, but +neither sold well. Abner Gifford made a small sale of camwood in +Albany but the bulk of it was sold by Hicks Jenkins and Company +of New York. Peleg Howland and Sons and Swift and Barnes, both of +Poughkeepsie, purchased some of the camwood.</p> + +<p>The <i>Traveller</i>, however, was kept busy. In 1816 and 1817 she carried +freight along the Atlantic coast and made several voyages to the West +Indies. Tuite and Amie, a firm in Port au Prince, was a correspondent +of Cuffe. Tuite at one time seems to have lived at Bridgeport and +to have established a line of Quaker connections. While Cuffe had +business dealings with a number of houses the ones most frequently +referred to are Josiah Crodler and Company of Boston, Hicks Jenkins +and Company of New York and William Roth, Jr., and Company of New +Bedford. At the time of his death Cuffe was constructing salt works at +Westport.</p> + +<p>Cuffe never allowed his own private business affairs to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> engulf his +interests in Sierra Leone. He wrote frequently to the colonists that +he took over and he kept in close touch with the Friendly Society. He +gave them financial advice, quoted prices, and promised another visit +when satisfactory arrangement could be made with either the London +African Institution or the British Government. He expressed the wish +that an additional port might be selected for a settlement because, +from the rumors of insurrection in the South, "many will be glad to +find some place where they could send them."<a name="FNanchor2_46_54" id="FNanchor2_46_54"></a><a href="#Footnote2_46_54" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p>He exhorted the Friendly Society as a whole to "stand fast, grow +strong, be respectable, and be active to suppress the slave trade." To +its secretary, James Wise, he gave this special message:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"As thou art one of the main spokes in the great wheel in which +the Friendly Society are upheld I earnestly instruct thee to stand +firm for her support for if she falls and comes to naught, it will +be a deadly blow to Africa. I am a well wisher to her prosperity +and could I be the means of her firm establishment I think I +should consent to be made use of in any way which might be for her +advancement. I instruct thee to endeavor that she, the Friendly +Society, may not give up her commercial pursuits, for that is the +greatest outlet to her national advancement.—I forsee this to be +the means of improving both your country and nation."<a name="FNanchor2_47_55" id="FNanchor2_47_55"></a><a href="#Footnote2_47_55" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>The African Institutions at Philadelphia and New York were as dear to +his heart as the Friendly Society. He kept in close touch with both +of them. "I wish these institutions," he said, "to be brought as much +under action as possible; by these means the colored people of these +large cities would be more awakened than from an individual, and a +stranger, and thereby prevailed upon for their own good."<a name="FNanchor2_48_56" id="FNanchor2_48_56"></a><a href="#Footnote2_48_56" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> + +<p>The secretary of the New York African Institution was Peter Williams, +Jr., a rector of the St. Phillip's Episcopal Church. Cuffe constantly +spurred him on to greater activity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> in the organization. He should +write Governor McCarthy of Sierra Leone expressing interest in Cuffe's +mission; he should cooperate with the Abolition Society in New York +in its efforts to secure information leading to the capture of slave +traders; he should open up a correspondence with the Friendly Society.</p> + +<p>Cuffe counted on the help of the Institution to break up the slave +trade. He expressed to Samuel C. Aiken, of Andover, the view that +general manumission could never occur until this trade was really +stopped. He reported that in 1815 two hundred sail cleared from +Savannah for this traffic. Six vessels had been brought in by the +forces in Sierra Leone. If the road could be kept open between Africa +and America, it would help the authorities in Sierra Leone. "I +believe," he continued, "if there could be mercantile correspondence +opened between the African race in America and Africa it would have +good tendency to keep open this communication and acquaint them +with each other. It would employ their children; and if religious +characters wished to visit that country they would obtain a +passage."<a name="FNanchor2_49_57" id="FNanchor2_49_57"></a><a href="#Footnote2_49_57" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> William Allen had asked him again to come to England +to help keep communication open between London and Sierra Leone. In +harmony with the invitation Rathbone Hodgson Company of Liverpool +wrote, "It will give us much pleasure to learn that you are embarking +for England."</p> + +<p>James Forten seems to have been the leading spirit in the African +Institution at Philadelphia. It was no less eager than the sister +one in New York to diffuse knowledge about Africa, to help civilize +its inhabitants, and to help substitute a beneficial commerce for +the slave trade. The Institution had among the members an African +Prince, a grandson of King Lurker, who reigned about fifty leagues +south of Sierra Leone. He was about eight years old and had been +secured by the local Abolition Society in order to educate him. James +Forten hoped that his return<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> to Africa would serve to open up a +correspondence between King Lurker and the Friendly Society which +would be very advantageous to the Sierra Leone colony. Forten reported +the Institution greatly concerned over the will of Samuel Gist because +there was no asylum for the blacks whom he desired to free and whom he +finally colonized in Brown County, Ohio.</p> + +<p>Neither organization, however, was lively enough to please Cuffe. He +feared that their inactivity might cause the mission in Africa to +fail. Rather than see the seed planted in Africa perish, he wrote +William Allen that he would bestow some further labor; he would come +to England if necessary and be used there.</p> + +<p>Cuffe had another important purpose in connection with colonization. +From the time that he built a schoolhouse at Westport to his death +he was interested in the cause of education both in Africa and +in America. He said: "I am one of those who rejoice to see good +institutions established for the instruction and reformation of our +fellow creatures.... I approve of the plan for educating young men of +color. I think such characters would be useful in Africa." Teachers +were sought out for schools in Sierra Leone and passage for them on +the <i>Traveller</i> was always ready. He contributed to teachers' salaries +and was interested in putting children in private boarding schools. +Prospect for establishing a school for blacks in Charleston, South +Carolina, was laid before Cuffe by Samuel R. Fisher of Philadelphia. +The information was a solicitation for advice and financial help.</p> + +<p>Naturally, as soon as he returned from Sierra Leone, his +correspondence increased. He received many inquiries about that +country and to all he gave kind and considerate reply. Dr. Jedekiah +Morse of Boston wants to know what offices are held by men of color. +There are sheriffs, constables, clerks of court, and jurors; and there +is a colored printer. But "Africa calls for men of character to fill +stations in the Legislature."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span></p> + +<p>"What does it cost to go to Africa?" asked Thomas Fay, of Providence. +"Does there exist any arrangement under the auspices of the African +Institution for the payment of passage for those unable to meet this +expense?" And the answer comes that it costs about one hundred dollars +per person and that there is no arrangement at present with the +African Institution. But if you go you must set your face against the +slave trade; prepare as do the Irish who come to America.</p> + +<p>Peter Williams, Jr., of New York, upon being reminded that there is no +time to lose if a mercantile line of business is established between +Africa and the United States, makes this inquiry, "Any news from +England on colonization? A carpenter here ready to settle in Sierra +Leone if his passage paid."</p> + +<p>Cuffe wants to know whether James Forten, of Philadelphia, could tell +him the cost of a rice mill? Could he refer him to a man who would +manage a sawmill; to another who was a good watch repairer? "What are +the African news?" asks James Forten. "And can you give me information +about Cuffe Johnson who claims he sailed with you twelve years ago +and was marked with a mold on his left breast?" Thomas Ash, merchant +and employer of Forten, inquires if ebony wood may be obtained on the +Gaboon River and reports his intention to make an expedition there.</p> + +<p>John James wants Cuffe to visit Philadelphia and clear up unfavorable +reports about the Sierra Leone Mission. Several wish to emigrate and +they must be saved for Africa. And Cuffe sends to Peter Williams, Jr., +of New York for the minutes of Perry Locke and a communication from +Governor McCarthy so that he may have documentary evidence to submit +to his colored brethren at Philadelphia. "I think it is time," says +Cuffe to Forten, "some steps were taken to prevent insurrection."<a name="FNanchor2_50_58" id="FNanchor2_50_58"></a><a href="#Footnote2_50_58" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> + +<p>From Wilmington, Delaware, William Gibbons sends the respect and +friendship of his wife and family and asks<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> how many Negroes are in +Sierra Leone? How far has the colony civilized the natives? What about +the moral, religious, civil and political situation?</p> + +<p>The colonists who were taken out in 1815 wrote many letters to Cuffe +and to their "Dear Friends and Brethren" in America. Friend Gwinn +had lost a leg; Samuel Hews and Mrs. Thomas Jarvis were dead. Would +Cuffe bring two Bibles when he came over again? Would the American +Government purchase a small tract in Sherbro? It is a splendid site +for a colony and camwood, palm oil and a little ivory are available +there.</p> + +<p>And Cuffe writes back: "The camwood is stored in New York, six +families in Boston and a considerable number in New York want to go +over. They must wait and see how things turn out. There will be no +voyage really soon for there is no arrangement made with the London +African Institution or the British Government. May Perry Locke get on +with his friends in religion. Let George Davis and others meet their +financial obligations promptly."</p> + +<p>An incident which created no little concern among Cuffe's friends +in New Bedford, Philadelphia and New York was the appearance of a +colored man who claimed to be a relative of the Captain. He made his +appearance in New Bedford late in 1816, where he claimed to be a +minister, and the son of Richard Allen. He sat in the pulpit with the +local minister and had sittings with the Negroes. Soon he left for +Boston with false letters from William Rotch setting forth that he was +a brother-in-law of Paul Cuffe and that his home was in New York. He +was now using the name Samuel Bailey. He bought nine hundred dollars +worth of goods on his credentials and came very near making away with +the purchase.</p> + +<p>The imposter next appeared in New Bedford, where, on the initiative +of William Rotch, he was arrested. Unfortunately, however, he escaped +from prison. From New Bedford he made his way to New York where he +presented false letters of credit to the extent of $10,000. Here +he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span> was brought before the authorities and was requested to leave +the State. He went to Albany and was employed by Ira Porter for one +month. To disguise himself better he had made a plain suit, Quaker +style, and then absconded on one of Porter's fine black horses, worth +$200. He rode him to York, introduced himself as Paul Cuffe and found +hospitality at the home of Joseph Jessop. Although he attended meeting +on the first day, nevertheless suspicions were aroused as to his real +self. His conduct and pretentions while at York are further set forth +by a contemporary in the following language:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"An African pretending to be the son of the <i>Celebrated</i> Paul +Cuffe, came here about eight or ten days ago. He was received +as Paul Cuffe, in this place, and entertained by members of the +Society of Friends. He said he was on his way to Congress, for the +purpose of soliciting aid in a project he had on foot, to colonize +Sierra Leone, or the <i>Leone Country</i>, on the west coast of Africa. +He said he had been the first man that put a yoke on a pair of +oxen in Sierra Leone.</p> + +<p>"He tarried in this place several days, and though he is an artful +fellow, he told in the course of his conversation upon the Sierra +Leone project some inconsistent stories. He said, for instance, +that he would lay a memorial before Congress embracing a view of +his Sierra Leone business. One of the Friends advised him to have +a sufficient number of copies printed to supply all the members. +This, he said, was already done and he had them along with him. On +his being pressed to show one of them he could not make it appear +that he told a straight story. This gave rise to a suspicion that +he was not a <i>Real</i> Cuffe, of the Cape Cod breed. He proceeded +from this place to Baltimore. Letters were sent from here giving +intelligence of the suspiciousness of his character.</p> + +<p>"The letters were read to him at Baltimore, upon which he came +back to this place to clear up his character. He appears not to +have done it to the satisfaction of his friends here, as they +took him before a magistrate and had him committed to the care +of Robert Wilson. On his examination it appeared that he could +neither read nor write, but at the same time exhibited proof +of a keenness of intellect seldom met with in persons of his +color. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> real celebrated Paul Cuffe resides in the State of +Massachusetts in the vicinity of Cape Cod at the entrance to +Boston Bay."<a name="FNanchor2_51_59" id="FNanchor2_51_59"></a><a href="#Footnote2_51_59" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>What was the upshot of the matter is not known but the significance of +the affair is well pointed out by the Real Cuffe in a letter to the +impostor:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"I think it looks as though thou art arrested from thy labors, +and thy words do follow thee. How canst thou, a sinful impostor, +call me thy father when I never saw thee to my knowledge. It +appears that thou art a scribe, but hath missput the name that +thee presumed to assume. It is a great pity that thou who hath +been so well treated should make such ill use of it. This I speak +to thy shame. The great evil that thou hast embarked upon is not +only against me as an individual. It is a national concern. It +is a stain to the whole community of the African race. Wilt thou +consider, thou imposter, the great number thou hast lifted thy +head against, would not it have been good that thou had never been +born. Let me tell thee that the manumission of 1,500,000 slaves +depends on the faithfulness of the few who have obtained their +freedom, yea, it is not only those who are in bondage, but the +whole community of the African race, which are according to best +accounts 30,000,000. If nothing better can be obtained from thee +than the fruit that thou produced, let me intreat thee to petition +for a prison for life; Awake thou imposter unto righteousness and +pray God to forgive thee, if happily thou may find firgiveness +before the door of mercy is closed against thee. Thus thou hast +the advise of one who wishes well to all mankind."</p> + +<p class="author"> +Paul Cuffe.<a name="FNanchor2_52_60" id="FNanchor2_52_60"></a><a href="#Footnote2_52_60" class="fnanchor">[52]</a><br /> +</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span></p> + +<h3>CHAPTER IX</h3> + +<h4>A Friend in Need</h4> + +<p>There is no evidence in the Cuffe papers that he was acquainted with +the history of the Negro deportation projects in America. It is +altogether likely that the one hundred years of individual propaganda, +religious and humanitarian exertions, were unknown to him. Means for +the dissemination of knowledge were not so well perfected in his day +as in ours; the plans for deportation were isolated; not until 1816 +did private movements unite with governmental organizations,—facts +which further explain why Cuffe knew nothing about the history of the +movements to colonize the Negro.</p> + +<p>Many of his friends and many persons whose lives were dedicated to +Negro emancipation were connected with his plans. But whatever he did +appears to have been done wholly on his own initiative. It is the +first time, apparently, in the history of colonization that a Negro +becomes prominent in the movement. He leads the way in an effort not +only to bless the free Negroes, but also to liberate the slaves. It is +a constructive effort on the part of the Negro race.</p> + +<p>When Cuffe returned from Africa in the early summer of 1816 the cause +for which he had given so much time and made so many sacrifices was +more prominent than it had ever been in its history. The Union Humane +Society, founded in Ohio in 1815 by Benjamin Lundy as an anti-slavery +organization, had declared for the removal of the Negro beyond the +white man's pale. The Kentucky Colonization Society had petitioned +Congress to settle, at public expense, on some unappropriated tract of +public land, the Negroes already free and those who might subsequently +obtain their freedom. The Virginia Assembly, also, had presented a +memorial to Congress praying that the National<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> Government find a +place on the North Pacific or African coast for colonizing the free +blacks of the State. Finally, the inhabitants of New Jersey petitioned +their Legislature to instruct their representatives in Congress to lay +before that body at its next meeting as a subject for discussion "the +expediency of forming a colony on the coast of Africa, or elsewhere, +where such of the people of color as are now free, or may hereafter be +set free, may, with their own consent, be removed."<a name="FNanchor2_53_61" id="FNanchor2_53_61"></a><a href="#Footnote2_53_61" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> + +<p>Cuffe returned from Africa about June 1, 1816. The New Jersey +meeting was on the sixth of the following November. Final action +by the Virginia Assembly was taken on the twenty-first of December +of that year. A graduate of Princeton, Robert Finley, then engaged +in the Presbyterian ministry and later president of the University +of Georgia, participated in the New Jersey meeting. He now took a +leading part in the deliberation of a body of men in Washington, +D.C., where a national organization was launched for the purpose of +deporting to Africa or elsewhere the free blacks of the United States. +A preliminary meeting was held on December 21, 1816; the constitution +was adopted on December 28, 1816, and on New Year's Day 1817, the +officers were elected. This was the beginning of the American +Colonization Society.</p> + +<p>At this meeting the enthusiasm of Reverend Mr. Finley was boundless. +He offered five hundred dollars from his savings to insure the success +of the movement, and when some, thinking the plan foolhardy, laughed, +he declared, "I know the scheme is from God." The one practical +colonizationist, at this time, was Paul Cuffe, and to him Rev. Mr. +Finley went for advice and help.</p> + +<p>Using for letter paper the blank space of the printed New Jersey +petition, Finley wrote Cuffe on December 5 from Washington City. Cuffe +was in this way put in touch with Finley's past activities and with +his present<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> exertions. "Many indulge," he wrote, "a hope that could +the more virtuous of our own free people of color be removed to the +coast of Africa, with their own consent, to carry with them their +arts, their industry, and above all, their knowledge of Christianity +and the fear of God, great and lasting benefits would arise to the +people of <i>Africa itself</i>. Knowing that you have been to <i>Sierra +Leone</i> and must be well acquainted with the state and prospects of the +colony, we beg of you such information as you may be able to give on +the following heads:</p> + +<p>"1. What is the present population of the settlements of Sierra Leone, +and what its prospects of happiness and growth?</p> + +<p>"2. What is the nature of the soil and what the advantage for +settlement on the coast of Africa from Sierra Leone to the equator?</p> + +<p>"3. Are there any navigable rivers in the country called Guinea, or +any positions where a good harbor might be formed along the coast?</p> + +<p>"4. In the region above alluded to, are there any European regular +settlements, or does it contain any slave factories?</p> + +<p>"5. Whether in your opinion is there any other situation in Africa +where the contemplated settlement or settlements could be formed with +greater advantage than in the district mentioned above?</p> + +<p>"The great desire of those whose minds are impressed with this +subject," says Finley, "is to give an opportunity to the free people +of color to rise to their proper level and at the same time to provide +a powerful means of putting an end to the slave trade, and sending +civilization and Christianity to Africa."<a name="FNanchor2_54_62" id="FNanchor2_54_62"></a><a href="#Footnote2_54_62" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p> + +<p>Another active member of the group at Washington was Samuel J. +Mills, whose devotion to missionary activity is almost unequaled +in history. The origin of the American Bible Society, the United +Foreign Missionary Society, and the American Board of Commissioners +for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> Foreign Missions, is attributed to him. Writing to Cuffe, March +17, 1817, Mills said: "Your two voyages to Africa have been of great +service in preparing the public mind for an attempt to colonize +your colored brethren and probably much is depending on your future +assistance as it respects the success of efforts of this kind. I +hope you will hold yourself in a state of readiness to aid any great +efforts which may hereafter be made." He wanted to know:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>1. In what manner would a request from our government for liberty +to send free people of color to Sierra Leone be received by the +English government?</p> + +<p>2. Should the request be granted, would the Americans have equal +privileges to trade to the colony?</p> + +<p>3. Should an effort be made to explore the west coast of Africa to +find a place for a colony, how great a force ought to be employed? +Would one vessel be sufficient and what number of men would be +required?</p> + +<p>4. As a preparatory step to further exertions, would it be best to +have an agent go to Africa and to England during the proceeding +summer and autumn? Or to either of these places?</p> + +<p>5. How should we answer those who say that people of color will +not go to Africa if a place is provided?</p> + +<p>6. Would those persons who are ready to go to Sierra Leone be +ready to aid in establishing a new colony, in another place?</p> + +<p>7. What was the expense of carrying out those persons who went to +Africa with you, and how was the expense defrayed? Be so good as +to add anything you think interesting. I hope you will write to me +soon.<a name="FNanchor2_55_63" id="FNanchor2_55_63"></a><a href="#Footnote2_55_63" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Mills supplied Cuffe with the news of the activities at Washington +and sent him a pamphlet on colonization. Mills, also, inquired "If +the general government were to request you to go out for the purpose +of exploring in your own vessel would you engage in this service if +offered proper support?" If Cuffe did not go as an agent it was the +wish of Mills that he take out another group of colonists.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> "Since you +have so generously commended this mighty effort," says Mills, "do not +value further sacrifices in order to effect it." The voyage will not +only tone up public feeling, it will also give the foundation for an +appeal for governmental aid.</p> + +<p>To these questions from Finley and Mills Cuffe gave prompt attention. +He gave them what facts he had gathered from his two visits to Africa. +He wrote with feeling about the slave trade, and raised the question +of the desirability of a government vessel making explorations on the +west coast of Africa. Small beginnings, he said, had been made in +Sierra Leone, but in case there was a general manumission the Cape of +Good Hope offered the most desirable place for a colony. Attention +was also called to the Congo region. Withal to draw off the colored +citizens it seemed best not only to have a colony in Africa but one in +America as well. In any event, the slaves should be freed and until +they are capable of managing for themselves they might be allowed to +work the plantations on a lay.</p> + +<p>The work of the African Institution is called to the attention of +Finley and Mills and both Peter Williams, Jr., and James Forten are +recommended. On returning from his second voyage he states that he +received so many applications that he could have taken over the +greater part of Boston. He himself is ready to serve in any capacity +"although," he continued, "I stand (as it were) in a low place and am +not able to see far; but blessed by God who hath created all things +and for his own glory they are and were created he is able to make use +of instruments in such a way as he pleases and may I be resigned to +his holy will."<a name="FNanchor2_56_64" id="FNanchor2_56_64"></a><a href="#Footnote2_56_64" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p> + +<p>Both Mills and Finley signed the constitution of the American +Colonization Society. Finley was one of the Vice Presidents, and +Mills was sent to Africa by the society to make investigations for +it. He went via England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> where he met the colaborers of Cuffe. +While in Africa he consulted with the members of the Friendly +Society established by Cuffe in 1811. Two of the settlers that Cuffe +transported in 1815, Kizell and Martin, acted as interpreters and +guides for Mills. In one of Mills' observations he says, "Should a +colony be established in this part of Africa, it remains a question +whether it should be governed by white men, or whether the people +will consider themselves competent to self government in the first +instance."</p> + +<p>The arguments for and against colonization were considered by Mills +and Cuffe. "Whenever the subject of colonization shall be discussed by +Congress," says Mills, "some will object that the free people of color +will not go to Africa. Again, that it will cost too much to transport +them and to afford them the necessary protection. Again it will be +said that too many of these people are very useful and are wanted in +this country. We should be prepared to meet these objectors as far as +possible and trust in God for the success of our efforts."<a name="FNanchor2_57_65" id="FNanchor2_57_65"></a><a href="#Footnote2_57_65" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> + +<p>Mills was right in his anticipation of the argument that the free +blacks would not go to Africa. Hardly had the American Colonization +Society been formed when, under the auspices of the African +Institution at Philadelphia, a meeting estimated at three thousand +met at Reverend Richard Allen's church to discuss the question. Many +were frightened, for they believed force would be used, particularly +in the South, to compel immigration to Africa. James Forten reported +none of them favored going to Africa and that they thought the +slaveholders wanted to get rid of the free blacks so as to make the +slaves themselves more secure. Although Forten was convinced that his +brethren would never "become a people until they came out from amongst +the white people"<a name="FNanchor2_58_66" id="FNanchor2_58_66"></a><a href="#Footnote2_58_66" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> he concluded to be silent on the question of +deportation for the time being.</p> + +<p>When this opposition to the colonization project was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> known to the +Society, Finley came to Philadelphia to take charge of the situation. +He met the committee to whom the matter was referred and explained to +them "the purity of the motives" which actuated many of the leading +spirits in the Society. He was so convincing that the committee +unanimously decided that "benevolence to them and the land of their +fathers guided the movements that were made at Washington."<a name="FNanchor2_59_67" id="FNanchor2_59_67"></a><a href="#Footnote2_59_67" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> But +James Forten showed his confidence in the Captain by writing for his +opinion on colonization.</p> + +<p>Captain Cuffe had given advice to the men who organized the American +Colonization Society, his co-workers in London had been drawn upon, +his friends in Sierra Leone had served the agents of the Society in +Africa, but his influence did not end with his death. When Bishop +Meade was in the South on behalf of the Society he read Cuffe's +letters to the free blacks of Savannah. He made use, too, of +information obtained from some other Negroes who had been in Sierra +Leone and conversed with the emigrants taken over in 1815.</p> + +<p>In fact, the Society printed letters from the American Settlers in +Africa and disseminated them as propaganda. Perry Locke exhorts his +brethren in America to come to the "land of Canaan, abounding in honey +and fruits, fish and oysters, wild fowls and wild hogs. The only +thing that Africa wants is the knowledge of God—fear not to come, if +the Lord will. When you come I hope to be with you and more besides +me,—let this be printed if you please."<a name="FNanchor2_60_68" id="FNanchor2_60_68"></a><a href="#Footnote2_60_68" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p> + +<p>The testimony of Samuel Wilson was no less convincing. He concludes: +"Sir, when I set my foot on the African shore, I had only seven and +six pence sterling; now, notwithstanding, all my sickness, I am master +of a hundred pounds sterling. I think if I had had something to have +begun with, I should have had about four or five thousand."<a name="FNanchor2_61_69" id="FNanchor2_61_69"></a><a href="#Footnote2_61_69" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span></p> + +<p>Another letter signed by a number of Cuffe's passengers is directed to +the American Negroes in general. It says:</p> + +<blockquote> +<p>Be not fearful to come to Africa, which is your country by right. +If any of you think it not proper to come, and say it is well +with you, you must remember your brethren who are yet in slavery. +They must be set free as yourselves. How shall they be set free, +if not by your good behavior, and by coming to get a place ready +to receive them? Though you are free that is not your country. +Africa, not America, is your country and your home. Africa is a +good country. You will have no trouble to raise your children when +all things are plenty: you will have no want of warm clothing: you +will have no need of firewood, for we have it in abundance; and +here you will be looked upon like the blessed creatures of the +Almighty God, and that bad opinion and contempt which our white +brethren harbor, will be quite done away, and the whole of us will +become a large and wonderful nation. We will forget all our former +troubles when we turn to the land from which our forefathers came. +The whole of you will have your own lands and houses; when you +cultivate the land, (in which a few horses would be an assistance) +you will be supplied with yams, cassada, plantains, fowls, wild +hogs, deer, ducks, goats, sheep, cattle, fish in abundance, and +many other articles, good running water, large oysters.<a name="FNanchor2_62_70" id="FNanchor2_62_70"></a><a href="#Footnote2_62_70" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p>Another clever device of the advocates of deportation to make use +of the Captain was a dialogue between Absalom Jones on one side and +William Penn and Paul Cuffe on the other. The dialogue was printed +in <i>The Union</i> for June 18, 1818.<a name="FNanchor2_63_71" id="FNanchor2_63_71"></a><a href="#Footnote2_63_71" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> The scene of the dialogue is +in Heaven and the subject is the colonization of the free Negroes in +Africa. Cuffe narrates his connections with the movement and sets +forth purposes he had in view. He had hoped by establishing a colony +in Africa to draw there gradually all the Negroes in America. In this +way slavery would be abolished, Africa would be explored, civilized, +and Christianized.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span></p> + +<p>Absalom Jones, opposed to the movement in general, raises objections +to it. Why not colonize them on the banks of the Mississippi or the +Missouri, he asks. William Penn, a Quaker too, answers the objection +by pointing out that the whites are migrating to that section and that +were the Negroes to settle there trouble would arise between the two +races. The Indians, moreover, would make trouble with the Negroes.</p> + +<p>Jones next asks why should the colored people leave America at all? +They are happy in America, and more and more is done for their uplift +all the time. To this objection Penn replied that prejudice will +always keep them down. "Can one imagine," asks he, "that the period +will ever arrive in which they will bear any sway in our country, +guide our legislative councils, preside in our courts of judicature, +or take the lead in the affairs of the republic? Is it possible that +the time will ever come in which intermarriages will be sought between +their families and those of the most respectable whites? It would be +the height of folly to indulge in such an expectation; and until such +is the case, they will never occupy the rank or enjoy the privileges +of white men; until this is the case, they will ever hold an inferior +and subordinate place in society, and be in some degree aliens in +their own land." Paul Cuffe had the sensibility and discernment +to perceive this state of things, the penetration to discover the +early practicable means by which his race could be relieved from +their painful sense of inferiority, and the activity to commence the +execution of a project to remedy the evil.</p> + +<p>Would not deportation stop the manumission of slaves, asks Jones. +Penn replies that many southerners are now ready to emancipate their +slaves, and that their only handicap is a just provision for them. A +colony in Africa would gradually attract to its sphere every slave in +America.</p> + +<p>At the end of the dialogue Penn and Cuffe convince Jones that the +deportation of the free Negroes in America to Africa is a meritorious +plan. What the dialogue did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> for one opponent of the scheme it was +hoped that it would do for others.</p> + +<p>The experiences of Cuffe were a great asset in the ventures of the +colonizationists. In testimony to his services the Board of Managers +of the American Colonization Society incorporated the following +paragraph in its first annual report:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The managers cannot omit the testimony of Captain Paul Cuffe so +well known in Africa, Europe, and America, for his active and +large benevolence, and for his zeal and devotedness to the cause +of the people of color. The opportunities of Captain Cuffe of +forming a correct opinion were superior perhaps to those of any +man in America. His judgment was clear and strong, and the warm +interest he took in whatever related to the happiness of that +class of people is well known. The testimony of such a man is +sufficient to out weigh all the unfounded predictions and idle +surmises of those opposed to the plan of this society. He had +visited twice the coast of Africa, and became well acquainted with +the country and its inhabitants. He states that, upon his opinion +alone he could have taken to Africa at least two thousand people +of color from Boston and its neighborhood. In the death of Paul +Cuffe the society has lost a most useful advocate, the people of +color a warm and disinterested friend, and society a valuable +member. His character alone ought to be sufficient to rescue the +people to which he belonged from the unmerited aspersions which +have been cast upon them. The plan of the society met with his +entire approbation, its success was the subject of his ardent +wishes, and the prospect of its usefulness to the native Africans +and their descendants in this country was the solace of his +declining years, and cheered the last moments of his existence.<a name="FNanchor2_64_72" id="FNanchor2_64_72"></a><a href="#Footnote2_64_72" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span></p> + +<h3>CHAPTER X</h3> + +<h4>The Pale Messenger</h4> + +<p>The formation of the American Colonization Society stimulated interest +in Negro deportation. Both whites and blacks put many inquiries to +Cuffe. He was thought of as the prospective first governor of the +colony but he did not live to realize this. Near the end of his +career his advice to his people was to be quiet and trust in God; +be industrious and honest; such conduct is the greatest boon toward +liberation. "Experience is the best schoolmaster."</p> + +<p>He took advantage of this correspondence to exhort his brethren to +improve their morals. To William Harris he wrote: "We must depart from +that Monster—I mean intemperance. Examine your selves, your families. +Are you clean? If not set about this work immediately.... Do not +admit him into your houses in any other shape than a mere medicine. I +formerly kept him company but for many years I have forsaken him and I +find great consolation thereby."</p> + +<p>About a year before his death he gave sound financial advice to Edward +Cooke. In the postscript of the letter he wrote "My dear Friend Edward +Cooke, if I could know that thee had given up the use of strong drink, +I should feel rejoiced, and would render thee such aid, that thee +could soon become a man of property."</p> + +<p>About the same time that he gave this advice, Isaac Gifford received +a "Watchword." "By experience," wrote the Captain, "I have ever found +when I attended to my business I seldom suffered loss. I have found it +to be good to make choice of good companions. I have ever found it not +to be profitable for me to sit long after dining and make a tipling +habit of wine and other liquors. These very people who adopt those +practices when they see a sober, steady man will put business in his +way. The surest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> way to conquer strong drink is to make no use of it. +We are born and we must die. Amen."</p> + +<p>He points out to Joel Rogers, chosen to represent the Gayhead people, +the fields among his neighbors, "devastated either by creatures or +weeds." More frugality is needed. Excessive drink and idleness are +very destructive to society. These and similar truths were recommended +to Rogers to guide his work for his people. When Cuffe and his wife +with some relatives visited there, meeting was held, and "many lively +testimonies borne to the truth of their state and standing."</p> + +<p>The admonitions were in accord with the life of Captain Cuffe. Another +lively testimony was given to young men in a meeting in Arch Street, +Philadelphia. He said to the young men that "he was afraid to dignify +what he had to say, by calling it a vision, but it appeared to him +at a time when he was very low in mind and much cast down, and being +very disconsolate, there appeared before him the form of a man, +inquiring what ailed him. He said he could not tell. The Form told him +the disease was in his heart, and he could show it to him. Upon his +expressing submission, the Form took a sharp instrument, separated his +heart from his body and laid it before him. He was greatly terrified +in viewing it, it being very unclear and contained all kinds of +abominable things. The Form said he could never be healed, till he +submitted to have his heart cleansed. Then, said he, I fear I never +shall be healed. But on the Form asking him, if he was willing to +have it cleansed, and he consenting, he took a sharp instrument and +separated all that was vile and closed up the heart, replaced it, and +healed the wound. Thus he said he felt himself a changed man and a new +creature, and then recommended the young men to that Physician who +could heal them, although their state was ever so deplorable.</p> + +<p>"In the course of his testimony he also related that when he was +about twelve years of age he lived upon an island where there was no +house but that of his father.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> Being one evening near night sent on +an errand alone, he became afraid that he should meet with some wild +beast that would attack him. He crossed to a fence in order to cut a +stick to defend himself; but after cutting it, the thought occurred +that he was not on his father's ground, and as he had no right to the +stick it was not likely it would serve to defend him. On which he laid +it down, near the place he had taken it from and in recrossing the +fence laid his hand on a loose piece of wood which was on their own +ground resting against the fence. It proved to be a club, which he +took up, and went cheerfully on his way."<a name="FNanchor2_65_73" id="FNanchor2_65_73"></a><a href="#Footnote2_65_73" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p> + +<p>It was while engaged in activity of this kind that he met "the pale +messenger." His health began to fail him early in the spring of 1817. +In April, however, he was well enough to attend Quarterly Meeting, +but in June he was "on the bed of languishing." An eminent Rhode +Island physician was summoned but he could not heal him. He doubtless +then realized what he himself expressed in these words to Samuel R. +Fisher, February 28, 1817: "May we often call to remembrance that we +have no certain containing city here but above all things may we seek +one to come whose builder is God that when we put off this body of +mortality we may be clothed with the spirit of immortality that we may +be prepared and favored to experience that glorious regeneration and +friendship of everlasting peace."</p> + +<p>On the morning of July 27 the Captain took solemn leave of his family. +The hand that had guided the <i>Traveller</i> to so many ports was now so +enfeebled that it was limp in the grasp of the little grandchildren. +He shook hands with all the relations and the immediate members of his +own household. As he bade them farewell it was "as broken a time," +wrote his brother John, "as wast ever known amongst us." "Not many +days hence," he said to his neighbors, "and ye shall see the glory of +God; I know that my works are gone to judgment before me but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> it is +all well, it is all well." Day by day he kept failing and on first day +morning at two o'clock, September 9, the Captain was borne away on the +invisible but irresistible tide.<a name="FNanchor2_66_74" id="FNanchor2_66_74"></a><a href="#Footnote2_66_74" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> + +<p>The funeral exercises were held on the following Monday afternoon. In +marked solemnity a great concourse of people gathered. After waiting +in great silence his friends bore testimony to his work and merit. +He was buried in the Friends cemetery at the South Meeting House in +Westport, a place of worship formerly known as the Old Meeting House +when the Cuffe family worshipped there. "Many of his neighbors and +friends," said William Rotch, Jr., "evinced their respect for his +memory by attending his funeral (which was conducted agreeably to the +usages of the Society of Friends, of which he was a member) and at +which several lively testimonies were borne to the truth, that the +Almighty Parent has made of one blood all the nations of men, and +worketh righteousness, is accepted with him."<a name="FNanchor2_67_75" id="FNanchor2_67_75"></a><a href="#Footnote2_67_75" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> + +<p>The New York African Institution held services for him in October +following his death. The funeral sermon was preached in the African +Methodist Episcopal Zion Church by Peter Williams, Jr. That trait of +character which rendered Cuffe so eminently useful, said the speaker, +was "a steady perseverance in laudable undertaking, which overcomes +obstacles apparently insurmountable and attains its object, while +others fall back in despair."</p> + +<p>"Shall I say to you, my African brethren," continued the Reverend Mr. +Williams, "go and do likewise? Subjected as we too generally are, to +multiplied evils of poverty, made more intolerant by the prejudices +which prevail against us, his example is worthy of our imitation. It +is only by an honest, industrious, and prudent husbanding of all the +means which are placed in our power, that we can hope to rise on the +scale of society."<a name="FNanchor2_68_76" id="FNanchor2_68_76"></a><a href="#Footnote2_68_76" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span></p> + +<p>His death was chronicled in many papers with appropriate praise of +his life. <i>Niles Register</i> noted that all classes of people esteemed +his morality, truth and intelligence.<a name="FNanchor2_69_77" id="FNanchor2_69_77"></a><a href="#Footnote2_69_77" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> <i>The Columbian Sentinel</i> +praised his charity and particularly his deep interest in his race. +"He was concerned not only to set them a good example by his own +correct conduct; to admonish and counsel them against the habits to +which he found them most prone; but more extensively to promote their +welfare."<a name="FNanchor2_70_78" id="FNanchor2_70_78"></a><a href="#Footnote2_70_78" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> <i>The Colonization Herald</i> said, "Captain Cuffe was a man +of the strictest integrity, modest yet dignified in his manners, of +a feeling and liberal heart, public spirited and well versed in the +business of the world."<a name="FNanchor2_71_79" id="FNanchor2_71_79"></a><a href="#Footnote2_71_79" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> + +<p>"In the example of Paul Cuffe," said <i>The New York Spectator</i>, "the +free people of color in the United States may see the manner in which +they may require competency and reputation. It is the beaten path of +industry and integrity. Captain Cuffe cultivated his own farm and +guided his own ship. He labored with his own hands and kept his own +book of accounts. He did not waste his time in idleness, nor his +income in extravagance. He was never charged with intrigue in his +contracts, neglect in his promises, or fraud in his traffic.... His +example therefore, is capable of imitation by every free person of +color."<a name="FNanchor2_72_80" id="FNanchor2_72_80"></a><a href="#Footnote2_72_80" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> + + +<h4>One Hundred Years After</h4> + +<p>Paul Cuffe had some descendants of consequence. Horatio P. Howard, +a great-grandson of Captain Cuffe, wrote a short biography of his +grandsire and erected a monument in his memory. Ruth Cuffe married +Alexander Howard and their son, Shadrack, was the father of Horatio. +He was born in New Bedford in 1854, and beginning in 1888 served as a +clerk in the Custom House in New York City. Howard died February 20, +1923, leaving considerable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> wealth, $5000 of which he bequeathed to +Hampton, and the balance of which he gave to Tuskegee as a fund to +establish Captain Paul Cuffe Scholarships.</p> + +<p>The monument which Howard erected is of Westerly Rhode Island granite +and cost $400. It bears the inscription: "In memory of Captain Cuffe, +Patriot, Navigator, Educator, Philanthropist, Friend." It stands five +feet high on an elevation in the front part of the church yard and +along the principal highway.</p> + +<p>The biography is a booklet containing twenty-eight pages and is +entitled "A Self-Made Man Captain Paul Cuffe." "By the erection +of this lasting Memorial," says Howard, "in honor of the courage, +achievements and life work of Capt. Paul Cuffe, a resident of +Westport, Massachusetts, for many years, the donor, a great grandson, +hopes to awaken and stimulate energy and ambition in the rising +generation of Negro youth, that they may profit thereby."</p> + +<p>On June 15, 1913, dedication services were held in Central Village, +Westport. Rev. Tom A. Sykes, minister of the Westport Society of +Friends, presided. The exercises, which were attended by about two +hundred people, were opened by a flower brigade of school children led +by Horatio P. Howard. Flowers were strewn on the graves of the Captain +and his wife. Speeches were made by Rev. Mr. Sykes and Mr. Samuel T. +Rex, the designer of the monument. Miss Elizabeth C. Carter read a +paper descriptive of the career of Capt. Cuffe. Howard distributed his +booklet and showed a compass used by his great-grandfather on his last +voyages.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p>The life of Paul Cuffe is noteworthy for several reasons. In the first +place, it is a tribute to American democracy. He is an example of an +American youth handicapped on every side, but overcoming so well the +difficulties which overshadowed him that he won recognition in three +continents. There is no place in the world where such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> achievement +is less difficult than America. She offers opportunities for +self-recognition unprecedented in the world.</p> + +<p>In the next place his life is a tribute to the Quakers. No religious +organization has given itself so unreservedly to the uplift of the +Negro. This devotion is as old as that which won our political +liberties, as deep as the scars on Edith Cavell's heart, and as wide +in its reach as the waters of the sea. Cuffe's membership in this +religious body and his adherence to its principles gave zest to his +zeal for the betterment of his race. His plans grew so comprehensive +that they embraced the Negroes of two continents and made calls on his +philanthropic spirit for several thousand dollars. In all this he paid +a tribute to Quaker ideals and life, and deserves mention with Woolman +and Benezet.</p> + +<p>The remedy that he believed would relieve the oppression of his race +is also noteworthy. To him the withdrawal of the free Negro from the +States would remove an obstacle to the emancipation of the slave, and +in the course of time wholly stamp out slavery in America. Negroes +would be better off by themselves, and those who settled in Africa +could help civilize and Christianize that continent. In the meantime +the slave trade would disappear.</p> + +<p>Negro deportation had been advocated by some of America's most +distinguished citizens and soon after Cuffe's death its advocates +increased by leaps and bounds. In the early period it was not as +futile as it now is and many believed that under governmental support +and direction it was in the realm of possibility. When the measure +took on its most colossal program in 1817, Cuffe cautioned his +brethren to watch its operation for a year or two before taking sides +for or against it.</p> + +<p>Today Negro colonizationists are few in number. The American +Colonization Society itself barely maintains its organization, and +only occasionally sends a Negro to Africa. When an individual is +sent he usually goes in the capacity of a missionary or teacher. +Colonization as a panacea for the amelioration of the Negro race is +impracticable.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> The Negro feels at home in America as much as the +white man. Negro uplift must be sought not in deportation but in +habits of living exemplified in Captain Cuffe.</p> + +<p>There is his industry and thrift. It is a long step from nothing +to twenty thousand dollars. And it is a hard step when there is +practically no initial footing. But Paul Cuffe did it, and did it +because he believed in work. He was always at his task. The dignity of +labor he knew and valued. And he knew how to save. He made his money +work for him. He stopped the leaks in his business boat. He spent +wisely and invested well.</p> + +<p>There is his interest in education. The painstaking endeavor and +indefatigable effort which belonged to his labor in industry was +equally a part of his labor in education. It is difficult for us today +with our excellent opportunities for education to realize how meagre +they were in Paul Cuffe's day. And if they were meagre for whites a +century and one half ago they were all the more so for Negro children. +Despite the handicaps he not only mastered the three R's but the +principles of navigation as well.</p> + +<p>He learned something more valuable than this—the fine art of +diffusing knowledge. So dearly did he value education for the youth +of his neighborhood that he himself on his own land erected a school +building. He made contributions to teachers' salaries. And most of +all, he taught the principles of navigation to every young man who +offered himself for instruction. Such devotion to a cause grows out of +a recognition of its great worth.</p> + +<p>There is his interest in religion. He stood for righteousness. No +one ever charged him with unfair dealing. His business was clean. He +sought the fellowship of the church. He contributed to its needs and +gave personal testimony to the power of Christ. Religion was vital in +his life; he tried to foster it from Westport to Freetown. He was both +a home and a foreign missionary. He knew the value of prayer. He gave +advice that was tested first in his own experience.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span></p> + +<p>Overshadowing his industry, his religion, and education stands his +optimism. He believed in the victory of righteousness; therefore, +he worked for it. He believed in the triumph of truth; therefore, +he dedicated himself to it. He realized the mastery of poverty; +therefore, he gave pursuit to wealth. He believed in the amelioration +of his race; therefore, he consecrated himself to it.</p> + +<p class="author"> +Henry Noble Sherwood.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_A_10" id="Footnote2_A_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_A_10"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> This biography is based on the original journal, letters, +and papers of Paul Cuffe. They are preserved in the Public Library of +New Bedford, Massachusetts. I am under obligations to the Librarian, +George H. Pripp, for many favors in connection with the examination of +these manuscripts. +</p> +<p> +The petitions referred to in Chapter II are with the Cuffe papers. A +copy of the one presented to the Probate Court of Massachusetts Bay +was furnished by Mr. James J. Tracey, Chief of the Archives Division, +State House, Boston. The story of the lawsuit related in this same +chapter is based on the original papers to be found in the records of +the Bristol County, Taunton, Massachusetts, Probate Court. They were +examined for me by my Harvard classmate, Professor Arthur Buffinton of +Williams College. +</p> +<p> +I have previously published two articles bearing on this study. +Early Negro Deportation Projects appeared in the <i>Mississippi Valley +Historical Review</i> for March, 1916, the Formation of the American +Colonization Society in the <i>Journal of Negro History</i> for July, +1917. A third article, <span class="smcap">Paul Cuffe and his Contributions to the +American Colonization Society</span>, in volume six of the <i>Proceedings +of the Mississippi Valley Historical Society</i>, was an attempt to +bring together a full statement of his life and service. Since the +publication of this study I found the original Cuffe Papers and have +made use of them in this biography. Another source of great help was +the <i>Life of William Allen with Selections from his Correspondence</i>, +2 vols., Philadelphia, 1847. A full account of the services in +connection with the memorial monument erected by Mr. Horatio P. Howard +is contained in the <i>New Bedford Morning Mercury</i> and the <i>New Bedford +Standard</i> for June 16, 1917.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_1_11" id="Footnote2_1_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_1_11"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, New Bedford, Massachusetts, Public +Library, from the bill of sale.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_2_12" id="Footnote2_2_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_2_12"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Ruth Cuffe to Joseph Congdon, February 12, 1851.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_3_13" id="Footnote2_3_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_3_13"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>Dartmouth, Massachusetts, Town Book of Records for +Entries of Intention of Marriage.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_4_14" id="Footnote2_4_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_4_14"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Memorandum of family marriages.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_5_15" id="Footnote2_5_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_5_15"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>Book of Bristol County Land Records</i>, Vol. 50, 478, 479.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_6_16" id="Footnote2_6_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_6_16"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> His commercial activities are well told in <i>Memoirs of +Paul Cuffe</i>, York, 1812.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_7_17" id="Footnote2_7_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_7_17"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See W. J. Allison in <i>Non-Slaveholder</i>, December, 1850.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_8_18" id="Footnote2_8_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_8_18"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_9_19" id="Footnote2_9_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_9_19"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Peter Williams, <i>Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe, +delivered before the New York African Institution, October 21, 1817</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_12_20" id="Footnote2_12_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_12_20"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> <i>Memoirs of Paul Cuffe</i>, 14, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_14_21" id="Footnote2_14_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_14_21"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Paul Cuffe to John and Jenny Cuffe, September 8, 1808.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_10_22" id="Footnote2_10_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_10_22"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. 186, 134-136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_11_23" id="Footnote2_11_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_11_23"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> The quoted documents relating to the question of +taxation are in the <i>Records of the Court of General Sessions</i>, +Taunton, Mass. They were examined for the writer by Professor Arthur +Buffinton of Williams College.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_13_24" id="Footnote2_13_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_13_24"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> William Armistead, <i>Memoir of Paul Cuffe</i> (London, +1846), 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_17_25" id="Footnote2_17_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_17_25"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> For an extended account of these movements see H. N. +Sherwood, <i>Early Negro Deportation Projects</i>, in Mississippi Valley +Historical Review, II, 484 et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_18_26" id="Footnote2_18_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_18_26"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>The Case of our Fellow Creatures, the Oppressed +Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious Consideration of the +Legislature of Great Britain, London</i>, 1784.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_19_27" id="Footnote2_19_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_19_27"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> In the <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_20_28" id="Footnote2_20_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_20_28"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Life of William Allen with Selections from His +Correspondence.</i> (2 vols., Philadelphia, 1847), I, 85, 86.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_21_29" id="Footnote2_21_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_21_29"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> In <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>. Dated January 5, 1811.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_22_30" id="Footnote2_22_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_22_30"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> The <i>Journal</i> is in the <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_23_31" id="Footnote2_23_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_23_31"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>Life of William Allen</i>, I, 99-105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_24_32" id="Footnote2_24_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_24_32"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> The diary is from <i>Paul Cuffe's Journal</i> in the +<i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_25_33" id="Footnote2_25_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_25_33"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>Life of William Allen</i>, I, 103.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_26_34" id="Footnote2_26_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_26_34"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>The Seventh Report of the Directors of the African +Institution</i> is in the <i>Edinburgh Review</i>, XXI.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_27_35" id="Footnote2_27_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_27_35"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Life of William Allen</i>, I, 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_28_36" id="Footnote2_28_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_28_36"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> In the <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_29_37" id="Footnote2_29_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_29_37"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> In the <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>. Dated June 12, 1812.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_30_38" id="Footnote2_30_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_30_38"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> <i>The Cuffe Manuscripts.</i> Dated June 12, 1812.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_31_39" id="Footnote2_31_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_31_39"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> In <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>. Paul Cuffe to William Allen, +April 4, 1811. +</p> +<p> +A summary of his observations came out in print in 1812. It was called +"A Brief Account of the Settlement and Present Situation of the Colony +of Sierra Leone in Africa,"<a name="FNanchor2_32_40" id="FNanchor2_32_40"></a><a href="#Footnote2_32_40" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> and was dedicated to "his friend in +New York." It contains an account of the topography of the country and +states that the population was 2,518.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_32_40" id="Footnote2_32_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_32_40"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Published in New York, 1812.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_33_41" id="Footnote2_33_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_33_41"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> On the Friendly Society see <i>Life of William Allen</i>, I, +105-116; 139, 140. <i>History of Prince Le Boo</i> (Dublin, 1822), 162, +163; <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>. Paul Cuffe to Samuel J. Mills, August 6, +1816.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_34_42" id="Footnote2_34_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_34_42"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> <i>Life of William Allen</i>, I, 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_35_43" id="Footnote2_35_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_35_43"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>Annals of Congress</i>, 13th Congress, 2nd session, I, +861-1863; <i>National Intelligencer</i> for January 11, 1814, printed the +memorial at the request of its subscribers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_36_44" id="Footnote2_36_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_36_44"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> <i>Annals of Congress</i>, 13th Congress, 2nd session, I, +1195, 1265.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_37_45" id="Footnote2_37_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_37_45"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_38_46" id="Footnote2_38_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_38_46"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> <i>Second Annual Report of the American Colonization +Society</i>, 122. <i>The Western Courier</i> (Louisville, Kentucky) for +October 26. 1815, reported Captain Cuffe's trip.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_39_47" id="Footnote2_39_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_39_47"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> A memorandum in Cuffe's handwriting and containing the +details concerning each passenger is in the <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_40_48" id="Footnote2_40_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_40_48"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Paul Cuffe to William Allen, April +1, 1816.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_41_49" id="Footnote2_41_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_41_49"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_42_50" id="Footnote2_42_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_42_50"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Second Annual Report of the American Colonization +Society</i>, 121, 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_43_51" id="Footnote2_43_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_43_51"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Second Annual Report of the American Colonization +Society</i>, 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_44_52" id="Footnote2_44_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_44_52"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Paul Cuffe to T. Brine, January 16, +1817.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_45_53" id="Footnote2_45_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_45_53"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Memorandum made by Cuffe in <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_46_54" id="Footnote2_46_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_46_54"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Paul Cuffe to John Kizell, August +14, 1816.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_47_55" id="Footnote2_47_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_47_55"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Paul Cuffe to James Wise, September 15, 1816.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_48_56" id="Footnote2_48_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_48_56"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Quoted in Williams, <i>Discourse on the Death of Paul +Cuffe</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_49_57" id="Footnote2_49_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_49_57"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Paul Cuffe to Samuel C. Aiken, +August 7, 1816.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_50_58" id="Footnote2_50_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_50_58"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Paul Cuffe to James Forten, August +14, 1816.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_51_59" id="Footnote2_51_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_51_59"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, James Forten to Paul Cuffe, January +16, 1817.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_52_60" id="Footnote2_52_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_52_60"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Paul Cuffe to the Imposter, January 13, 1817.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_53_61" id="Footnote2_53_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_53_61"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> For an extended account of the activities mentioned in +this paragraph see N. H. Sherwood, <i>The Formation of the American +Colonization Society</i>, in <span class="smcap">The Journal of Negro History</span>, July, +1917.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_54_62" id="Footnote2_54_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_54_62"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Robert Finley to Paul Cuffe, +December 5, 1816.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_55_63" id="Footnote2_55_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_55_63"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, +March 12, 1817. See also Richard, <i>Life of Samuel J. Mills</i> (Boston, +1906); Spring, <i>Memoir of Mills</i> (Boston and New York, 1829); Brown, +<i>Biography of Robert Finley</i> (Philadelphia, 1857).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_56_64" id="Footnote2_56_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_56_64"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Brown, <i>Finley</i>, 83.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_57_65" id="Footnote2_57_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_57_65"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, +March 12, 1817.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_58_66" id="Footnote2_58_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_58_66"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, James Forten to Paul Cuffe, January 25, 1817.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_59_67" id="Footnote2_59_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_59_67"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, July +14, 1817.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_60_68" id="Footnote2_60_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_60_68"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>Second Annual Report of the American Colonization +Society</i>, 151.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_61_69" id="Footnote2_61_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_61_69"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_62_70" id="Footnote2_62_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_62_70"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> <i>Second Annual Report of the American Colonization +Society</i>, 152, 153.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_63_71" id="Footnote2_63_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_63_71"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> See also Brown, <i>Finley</i>, note L.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_64_72" id="Footnote2_64_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_64_72"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> <i>First Annual Report of the American Colonization +Society</i>, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_65_73" id="Footnote2_65_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_65_73"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Memorandum in the <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_66_74" id="Footnote2_66_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_66_74"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Cf. <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, John Cuffe to Freelove Cuffe, +September 10, 1817; David Cuffe, Jr., to Freelove Cuffe, July 8, 1817.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_67_75" id="Footnote2_67_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_67_75"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Clipping in the <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_68_76" id="Footnote2_68_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_68_76"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Peter Williams, <i>Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_69_77" id="Footnote2_69_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_69_77"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <i>Niles Register</i>, XIII, 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_70_78" id="Footnote2_70_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_70_78"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Clipping from <i>Columbian Sentinel</i>, +September 17, 1817.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_71_79" id="Footnote2_71_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_71_79"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Clipping from <i>The Colonization Herald</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote2_72_80" id="Footnote2_72_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor2_72_80"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Cuffe Manuscripts</i>, Clipping from <i>New York Spectator</i>, +October, 1817.</p></div></div> + + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="DOCUMENTS" id="DOCUMENTS">DOCUMENTS</a></h2> + +<h3>The Will of Paul Cuffe</h3> + + +<p>Be it remembered, that I, Paul Cuffe of Westport in the County of +Bristol and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, yeoman, being at this time +(through mercy) in health and of a sound, disposing mind and memory, +and considering that it is appointed for all men once to die, I do +make and ordain this my last will and testament in the followering +manner (viz.)</p> + +<p>Imprimis. My will is, and I hearin order, that my just debts and +funeral charges together with the expenses of setteling my estate be +paid by my executors herein after named, out of my estate.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my wife Alice Cuffe all my houshould goods except +my two desks and book case, and books; I also give her in lieu of her +right of dower in my estate, so long as she shall remain my widow, the +use and improvement of my now dwelling house and the one half of all +my lands, together with one half of the live stock, and all the famely +provisions that may be on hand at my decease, and one hundred dollars +in money, and all the profits arising from my half of the salt works, +that Joseph Tripp & I built together. Should the salt works not be in +operation before this will is proved or should not be built, then my +will is she should have one hundred dollars annually.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my daughter in law Lydia Wainer one hundred dollars.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my daughter Mary Phelpess & to her heirs and assigns +forever, the house and lot of land which I bought of Lucy Castino.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my son Paul Cuffe, and to his oldest male heir +forever, the farm that was given to me by my father Cuffe Slocum, and +my maple desk, also one half of my wereing appearl, my will further +is that five hundred dollars be retained out of my estate, and put to +interest in some safe hands, the income of which I order to be used +annually for the support of my son Paul Cuffe' family, forever. I +also order that one fourth part of the brig<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> Traveller together with +the five hundred dollars, be placed under care and guardianship of my +executors, in order that my son Paul and his heirs, might be benefited +by it yearly and every year forever, also the one sixth part of the +residue be placed under the care & guardianship of my executors for +the benefit of Paul & his heirs as above mentioned, forever.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my son William Cuffe and to his oldest male heir +forever, the lot of land which I bought of Ebenezer Eddy called the +Allen lot, and one fourth part of the brig Traveller, and my walnut +desk and book case standing thereon, and Johnsons Dictionary in two +volums, and one half of my weareing appearel, and three hundred +dollars in money, to be laid out in building him a dwelling house on +the Allen lot.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my cousin Ruth Cottell fifty dollars. Ruth Howard, +Alice Cuffe Jr. and Rhoda Cuffe one half of the brig Traveller, that +is to each one of them one eighth part.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my two grand daughters, namely, Almira Howard and +Alice Howard, daughters of my daughters Naomi Howard deceased, fifty +dollars to each one, when and as they arive to the age of twenty one +years.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my cousin Ruth Cottell fifty dollars.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my brother David Cuffe ten dollars.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my brother Jonathan Cuffe ten dollars.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my brother John Cuffe ten dollars.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my sister Freelove Cuffe ten dollars.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my sister Fear Phelpess ten dollars.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto my three sisters namely Sarah Durfee, Lydia Cuffe +and Ruth Weeden, six dollars annually to each one dureing their +natural life. Should they or either of them make bad use of the money +given them, in such a case I request my executors to pay them in +provision or cloathing, and such things that may be for their comfort.</p> + +<p>Item. I give unto the monthly meeting or society of friends, called +Quakers in Westport, fifty dollars, to be paid over to their +treasurer, by my executors, according to direction of the monthly +meeting.</p> + +<p>Item. My mind and will is that those daughters that are single and +unmarried, shall have privelege to live in the house with their +mother, and, after their mothers decease, they to have the privelege +to live in and occupie the south part of the house,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> with privelege to +the well and in the seller and garden to raise saurce in so long as +they remain singel and unmaried.</p> + +<p>I give unto my two said sons and four daughters namely Paul, William, +Mary, Ruth, Alice and Rhoda all the rest and residue of my estate not +hearin otherwise disposed of to be divided between them six equally.</p> + +<p>And my will further is, that the one fourth part of the brig Traveller +and the one sixth part of the residue, that I have herein given to my +son William, I place under the care and guardianship of my executors, +to order the use of the same as they shall think best for Williams +interest, untill he arives to twenty five years of age. Then if his +care and conduct be good, they then are requested to pay the whole +over to him together with all the profits ariseing from it.</p> + +<p>And my will further is, the balance that may become due to my estate +not hearin otherwise disposed of to be divided between or otherway be +given up to them.</p> + +<p>I further order that all land that I have bought belonging to the +estate of Benjmin Cook late of Dartmouth deceased, be returned to the +widow and the heirs, they paying what the land cost and interest.</p> + +<p>And my will further is that for the payments annually that my +executors retain enough of the residue of my estate to put on interest +to rais the anual payments mentioned in this way last will.</p> + +<p>Lastly. I do constitute and apoint William Rotch Junr. of New Bedford +and Daniel Wing of Westport aforesaid executors of this my last will +and testament.</p> + +<p>In testemony whereof I do hear unto set my hand and seal eighteenth +day of the fourth month in the year of our Lord one thousand eight +hundred and seventeen 1817.</p> + +<p class="right"> +Paul Cuffe (seal)</p> + +<p>Signed, sealed, published and declared by the said Paul Cuffe as and +for his last will and testament in the presence of us</p> + +<p class="author"> +Edward Phillips<br /> +Luthan Tripp<br /> +David M. Gifford</p> + +<p class="center"> +Oct. 7, 1817, Approved.</p> + +<p>From the Records of the Probate Office, Taunton, Mass.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span></p> + + + + +<h2><a name="BOOK_REVIEWS" id="BOOK_REVIEWS">BOOK REVIEWS</a></h2> + + + +<p class="hang"><i>Africa and the Discovery of America.</i> Volume II. By <span class="smcap">Leo +Wiener</span>, Professor of Slavic Languages and Literatures at +Harvard University. Innes & Sons, Philadelphia, Pa. 1922.</p> + +<p>Professor Wiener, in the second volume of his series <i>Africa and +the Discovery of America</i>, deals exhaustively with the documentary +information relating to "the presence in America of cotton, tobacco +and shell money, before the discovery of America by Columbus.... The +accumulative evidence is overwhelmingly in favor of an introduction +of the articles under discussion from Africa by European or Negro +traders, decades earlier than 1492." (Foreword, p. ix.)</p> + +<p>The importance, for the history of Pre-Columbian civilization, +of these discoveries cannot be overestimated. Moreover, their +significance is not concerned alone with the history of America. +They will compel a revision and realignment of historical frontiers +in Europe and Africa as well, from a date not later than the first +quarter of the fifteenth century. Lastly, "Africa and the Discovery +of America" forms, as it were, a sequel to Professor Wiener's +<i>Contributions toward a History of Arabico-Gothic Culture</i>, enabling +the historian to trace the influence of the Arabs as the torch-bearers +of civilization. It was they who in the eighth century, through the +medium of the Spanish Mozarabs, recreated European culture, and at a +later period, through that of the Arabicised Negroes, of whom the West +African Mandingoes were the most important, at least almost entirely +re-created, if they did not actually create, the civilization of the +native American tribes, throughout both continents, and planted, so +to speak, in the New World, the seeds of two great modern industries, +cotton and tobacco.</p> + +<p>Let us then consider, first, what is the bearing of Professor Wiener's +work on the history of cotton. Assyria and India were centers of +cotton culture at a very early date. The evidence that the Arabs +popularized cotton in Africa, in connection with the ceremonial +purification of the dead, that is, stuffing the orifices of the body +with cotton, is shown by the fact that Arabic <i>'utb</i> "cotton,"<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> a loan +word from Coptic <i>tbbe</i> "to purify," has produced the West African +"cotton" words, exactly as Arabic <i>wudu'</i> "ablution" has given rise, +doubtless through Hausa influence, to the "cotton" words of Nigeria. +What is particularly important to note, however, is that Arabic +<i>qutn</i> "cotton" has gone everywhere into the Mandingo dialects, which +have, in turn, influenced the native American languages. Thus for +example, in South America, the Mandingo <i>kotondo</i>, etc., "cotton," +derived from Arabic <i>qutn</i>, has left derivatives in the Indian +languages "from Venezuela south to Peru, and in Central Brazil" +(page 80), beside derivatives from Kimbunou <i>mujinha</i> "cotton," in +eastern Brazil, northward and westward. If we concede the presence +of cotton in South America before Columbus, we can only conclude, +on the basis of linguistic evidence, that it was introduced either +directly or indirectly from Africa. The Aztec word <i>ychca</i>, the +native Mexican word for "cotton," furnishes no proof that cotton +was known to the Mexicans before the coming of the Spaniards, since +<i>ychca</i> is not originally a specific name, but has reference to any +kind of fibre,—of a fluffy character, and came to mean "cotton" only +secondarily.</p> + +<p>Columbus, however, reported that on Oct. 11, 1492, the Indians of +Guanahani brought parrots and cotton thread in balls, to trade for +beads and hawks' bills. Either he told the truth, or he did not. If +he told the truth, it is still remarkable that the Indians should +not only have known of the traders' demand for cotton and parrots, +but should also have offered the very articles which Cada Mosto, +nearly fifty years earlier, had mentioned as coming from Africa, +particularly the cotton, then offered for sale in the Negro markets. +Columbus's references to growing cotton are specific in declaring +that the cotton grew on trees,—hence it is obvious that he did not +see any true cotton growing, but only the false cotton, the product +of the tree Bombax Ceiba, used for stuffing mats, but not capable +of being spun (page 28). A study of the early records of Mexico is +conclusive in the evidence it furnishes to show that cotton never +formed part of the tribute due the Mexican emperor, but that the +payment of tribute in cotton was "an innovation of the Spaniards, +and did not have the sanction of the Aztec tribute" (page 56). Hence +we have nothing to indicate that, either in the Indies or in Mexico, +the material of which the "cotton clothing" of the natives, mentioned +by the Spaniards,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> was made, was really cotton. If it was cotton, +its presence points to contact between America and Africa before +Columbus, and the readiness of the natives to offer cotton in exchange +for hawks' bills testifies clearly to the extent of trade relations +between the two countries.</p> + +<p>The contention of archæologists is that cotton culture in Peru +may go back to a date as early as 200 A.D. The only criterion for +such an assumption rests on the theoretical rate of accumulation +of guano deposits, in which mummies, wrapped in cotton, have been +found,—calculated at two and one half feet per century. This +conclusion is absurd, not only for the stress it lays on the +capricious habits of sea-birds, but also for the reason that it fails +to take into account the irregularity of the guano deposits, as shown +in the Peruvian Government Survey of 1854. No conclusion whatever as +to the age of even a single mummy-case can be drawn, owing to certain +facts concerning Indian burial customs, recorded by Cieza de Leon +in 1553, Ondegardo in 1571, and Cobo, nearly a century later. These +travellers state that the Peruvian natives were accustomed to open +graves, change the clothes of the dead from time to time, and re-bury +them (page 67 ff.). The proof that they told the truth is contained +in the report by Baessler, of the X-ray examinations of Peruvian +mummy-packs in the Royal Museum at Berlin. One such pack contains +"the bones of <i>four separate individuals</i>, but of none there were +enough to construct even distantly one complete skeleton. Besides, +there were some <i>animal bones</i> present" (page 71). This disinterment +of bodies, and of course the same confusion of the remains, revealed +by the X-ray, was practised by the Indians as late as 1621. Nothing +then remains to militate against the linguistic testimony so strongly +in support of the conclusion that South American cotton culture is of +African origin.</p> + +<p>Professor Wiener's tentative conclusion that tobacco smoking was +of African origin, outlined in his first volume of this series, +has been strongly reinforced by a study of the Old-World origin of +capnotherapy. "Smoking for medicinal purposes," he says on page 180, +"is very old, and goes back at least to Greek medicine. A large +number of viscous substances, especially henbane and bitumen, were +employed in fumigation, and taken through the mouth, sometimes through +the nose, for certain diseases, especially catarrh, toothache and +pulmonary troubles. This fumigation took place through a funnel which +very much resembles a modern pipe, but by its knot-like end at the +bottom of the bowl shows its derivation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> from the distilling cap of +the alchemist's retort." The <i>bitumen</i> corresponds to the <i>tubbaq</i> +or <i>tobbaq</i> of the Arab doctors, a name applied to several medicinal +plants containing a pungent and viscous juice. One of these plants was +known in Spain as <i>tobbaqah</i>.</p> + +<p>Fumigation as a curative measure soon degenerated in Europe into +quackery,—the Arab smoke doctor giving place to the itinerant +charlatan whose Arabic name lingers in Portuguese <i>bufarinheiro</i> +"peddler," originally "smoke vender." In Africa, medical fumigation +spread southward through the Negro country, finding its way to America +perhaps a full century before the coming of Columbus. The manner in +which smoking was introduced into America is made clear by the history +of the Negro <i>pombeiro</i>, the African bootlegger in the service of the +Portuguese colonists, who taught the natives to drink <i>pombe</i>, a kind +of intoxicating liquor. This word <i>pombe</i> is a corruption of Latin +<i>pulpa</i>, which through the Spanish <i>pulpa</i> has persisted in Mexico +as <i>pulque</i>, the name of an intoxicant used by the Indians, exactly +as Arabic <i>hashish</i>, through Spanish <i>chicha</i>, has entered Nahuatl, +producing the Nahuatl <i>chichila</i> "to ferment, etc." The method of +preparing the <i>chicha</i> in Peru, by masticating grain, is clearly +of African origin, since in the Sudan, a kind of drink is made by +chewing the fruit of the baobab. The clearest proof, however, that +such <i>pombeiros</i> reached America in Pre-Columbian days is found in +Columbus's reference to the report by the Indians of Hispaniola, that +"<i>black people</i> had come thither from the south and south east, with +spearheads of <i>guanin</i>." Now <i>guanin</i> is a Mandingo word; the name of +an alloy of 18 parts of gold, 6 of silver and 8 of copper.</p> + +<p>The history of shell and bead money, familiar as the wampum of +the northern Indians, forms the third part of the present volume, +and is perhaps the source of the strongest arguments to show the +Pre-Columbian relation of Africa and America. Ultimately, the use of +cowry shells for money comes from China, where such shells, called +<i>pei</i>, <i>tze-pei</i>, <i>pei-tze</i>, had been used from time immemorial. The +Chinese name of the cowry, <i>ho-pei</i>, probably anciently pronounced +something like <i>ka-par</i>, is evidently the origin of Sanskrit +<i>kaparda</i>, Hindustani <i>kauri</i> (whence English <i>cowry</i>), Dravidian +<i>kavadi</i> "cowry." "From the ninth century on, we have many references +in the Arabic authors to the cowries in Asia and Africa" (page 208). +It is quite to be expected, then, that in the Negro languages, we +should find derivatives of this ultimately Chinese<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> word, descended +through the medium of successive borrowings, via Hindustani and +Arabic,—that is, Hausa <i>al-kawara</i>, <i>kawara</i>, etc., Zanzibar +<i>kauri</i>, Wolof <i>korre</i>, Bambara <i>kori</i>, etc., side by side with a +group descended from Dravidian <i>woda</i> "shell,"—that is Hausa <i>wori</i>, +Malinke <i>wuri</i>, Bambara <i>wari</i>.</p> + +<p>The substitution of beads for shells, as the development of this +primitive form of currency went on, has left its mark likewise in +linguistic records. That is to say, we have in Africa a group of +words descended ultimately from Chinese <i>par</i>, <i>pei</i>, originally +meaning "cowry," and secondarily "bead," together with a new group, +traceable through an Arabic intermediary stage to Persian <i>sang</i> +"onyx," the bead-stone par excellence. From the cowry-words have +come Benin <i>cori</i>, <i>kori</i>, <i>koli</i>, "blue bead," whence <i>akori</i>, the +"<i>aggry</i>" bead of the white traders, Neule <i>gri</i> "beads," and Baule +<i>worye</i> "blue bead," a loan-word from Mandingo <i>wori</i>. In Bantu +<i>zimbo</i>, we have either a Bantu plural of <i>abuy</i>, itself a derivative +of Maldive <i>boli</i>, <i>bolli</i>, which is the Chinese <i>pei</i> "cowry," or a +direct loan-word, through Arabic or Portuguese influence, of Chinese +<i>tsze-pei</i> "purple shell." The transference in meaning from "cowry" +to "bead" is illustrated in Kaffir <i>in-tsimbi</i> "beads." Similarly, +the original "bead" words, from Persian <i>sang</i> "onyx," have given +Zanzibar, Swahili <i>ushanga</i> "bead," Kongo <i>nsanga</i> "string of blue +beads," with a recession of meaning in Kongo <i>nsungu</i> "cowry shell."</p> + +<p>The transference of African currency to America is shown by two +significant facts. First, we have the name. In the Brazilian <i>caang</i> +"to prove, try," <i>caangaba</i> "mould, picture, etc.," is to be seen +a form of some African derivative of Persian <i>sang</i>, as seen in +Zanzibar <i>ushanga</i> "bead," Kongo <i>nsanga</i> "blue beads," etc., the +change of meaning leading to the connotation "mould" being due to +the substitution of the European idea of money as a piece of stamped +metal, in place of that of bead or shell money. Exactly as the +<i>petun</i> words for tobacco spread from South to North America along +the trade routes, so the words for "money" followed the same course. +Jacques Cartier's word <i>esnogny</i>, given as the Indian name of shell +money,—the shells actually gathered by an African method of fishing +for shell-fish with a dead body,—is traceable only to some form of +the Brazillian <i>çaang</i>, which has also given Gree <i>soniwaw</i> "silver," +Long Island <i>sewan</i> "money." The Chino-African cowry-word, seen in +African <i>abuy</i>, is preserved in the North American <i>bi</i>, <i>pi</i> (plural +<i>peag</i>, <i>peak</i>) "wampum," side by side with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> Guarani <i>mboi</i>, +<i>poi</i>, "shell bead." Lest the reader still harbor a lingering doubt of +the fact of early trade relations between Brazil and Canada, Professor +Wiener shows how Spanish <i>aguja</i> "needle" has left derivatives in a +large number of Indian languages distant by many hundreds of miles +from any Spanish settlement.</p> + +<p>Secondly, we have the standard of value. From the earliest times, in +China, the purple cowry was more valuable than the white. The same +standard prevailed in Africa, and was transferred to the beads when +beads were substituted for cowries. Among the Indians, the <i>blue</i>, or +<i>dark colored</i> currency, whether shells or beads, was consistently +reckoned as superior in worth to the white. Shell-money was first +popularized on Long Island by the Dutch, who, as we are informed, +imported cowries and <i>aggry</i> beads from the East to sell them to the +Guinea-merchants. Moreover, Gov. Bradford has stated that it took the +Massachusetts colonists two years to teach the Indians to use shell or +bead money. Finally, Professor Wiener concludes that "in the Norman +country, ... the wampum belt, as a precious ornament for European +women, had its origin, and was by the Frenchmen transferred to Brazil +and Canada" (page 258).</p> + +<p>The fifteen full-page illustrations serve well to bring home much of +the force of the arguments, even to a casual reader.</p> + +<p class="author"> +Phillips Barry, A.M., S.T.B.</p> +<p class="sc"> +Groton, Massachusetts.</p> + +<hr class="short" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>The Negro Press in the United States.</i> By <span class="smcap">Frederick G. +Detweiler</span>. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1922. +Pp. 274.</p> + +<p>Struck by the number and distribution of Negro magazines and +newspapers, many investigators in the social sciences have recently +directed their attention to the study of the Negro press. This +increased interest resulted largely from the unusual impetus given +the Negro press during the World War when it played the part of +proclaiming the oppression of the Negroes to the nations pretending +to be fighting for democracy when they were actually oppressing +their brethren of color at home. And why should not the public be +startled when the average Negro periodical, formerly eking out an +existence, became extensively circulated almost suddenly and began to +wield unusual influence in shaping the policy of an oppressed group +ambitious to right its wrongs? These investigators, therefore, desire +to know the influences at work in advancing the circulation of these +periodicals, the cause of the change of the attitude<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> of the Negroes +toward their publications, their literary ability to appreciate them, +the areas of their greatest circulation, and the attitude of the white +people toward the opinion of this race.</p> + +<p>While it is intended as a sort of scientific work treating this +field more seriously than Professor Robert T. Kerlin's <i>The Voice of +the Negro</i>, it leaves the impression that the ground has not been +thoroughly covered. In the first place, the author does not show +sufficient appreciation of the historic background of the Negro press +prior to emancipation. He seems acquainted with such distinguished +characters as Samuel Cornish, John B. Russwurm, and the like but +inadequately treats or casually passes over the achievements of many +others who attained considerable fame in the editorial world. In any +work purporting to be a scientific treatment of the Negro press in +the United States the field cannot be covered by a chapter of twenty +pages as the author in question has undertaken to do. Furthermore, +many of the underlying movements such as abolition, colonization, +and temperance, which determined the rise and the fall of the Negro +editor prior to the Civil War, are not sufficiently discussed and +scientifically connected in this work. The book, then, so far as +the period prior to the Civil War is concerned, is not a valuable +contribution.</p> + +<p>The author seemed to know more about the Negro press in freedom. +Living nearer to these developments he was doubtless able to obtain +many of these facts at first-hand and was able to present them more +effectively. He well sets forth the favorite themes of the Negro +press and the general make-up of the Negro paper, but does not +sufficiently establish causes for this particular trend in this sort +of journalism. Taking up the question of the demand for rights, the +author explains very clearly what the Negro press has stood for. Then +he seemingly goes astray in the discussion of the solution of the +race problem, Negro life, Negro poetry, and Negro criticism, which +do not peculiarly concern the Negro editor more than others in the +various walks of life. Looking at the problem from the outside and +through a glass darkly, as almost any white man who has spent little +time among Negroes must do, the work is about as thorough as most of +such investigators can make it and it should be read by all persons +directing attention to the Negro problem.</p> + +<hr class="short" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>The Disruption of Virginia.</i> By <span class="smcap">James C. McGregor</span>. The +Macmillan Company, New York, 1922. Pp. 328, price $2.00.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span></p> + +<p>This book was written, according to the author, as an attempt to +present an unbiased account of the strange course of events in +the history of Virginia from the time of Lincoln's election to +the presidency to the time of the admission of West Virginia into +the Union. It is, however, more of a polemic than an historical +contribution. The author raises this very question himself by his +declaration that he has no grudges to satisfy and no patrons to +please. "If he seems harsh in his opinions and conclusions regarding +the irregular and inexpedient methods employed in cutting off the +western counties of Virginia and forming them into a new State," +says he, "it is due to the conviction that an unnecessary wrong was +committed, a wrong that helped not at all in Lincoln's prosecution +of the Civil War." The author is convinced that not only was the +act unconstitutional but that it was not desired by more than a +small minority of the people of the new State. He believes that +the President and Congress, being grateful to the Union men in +northwestern Virginia for their loyalty to the Union, rewarded them +by giving their consent to the organization of a new State which, +nevertheless, was in violation of the principles of the Constitution.</p> + +<p>Unlike Professor C. H. Ambler who, in his <i>Sectionalism in Virginia</i>, +has set forth in detail the differing political interests of the +sections of Virginia, this author reduces it to a mere exploit on +the basis that the end justified the means. Furthermore, the author +differs widely from C. G. Woodson who in an unpublished thesis +similarly entitled <i>The Disruption of Virginia</i>, presented in 1911 to +the Graduate School of Harvard University in partial fulfilment of the +requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, emphasized the +economic differences as the underlying causes. Dr. McGregor minimizes +such causes by reducing his treatment of the economic situation to a +single chapter of ten pages. He then briefly discusses the opening of +the breach, the Constitutional Convention of 1829-30 and the growth of +sectionalism between that Convention and the Civil War. Approaching +the main feature of the work, the author takes up the preliminaries of +the Convention of 1861, the various conventions of the northwestern +counties out of which evolved the organization of the new State of +West Virginia, and finally the question of admission before Congress.</p> + +<p>Why such a work could be considered necessary and accepted as a +contribution in this particular field when valuable works have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> +already been written upon this subject, is justified by the author +on the ground that he has discovered considerable new material which +convinces him that the new State movement in West Virginia was +unrepresentative of the majority of the people of the northwestern +counties but was put through in dictatorial fashion by a militant +minority. It is true that some new material has been added to this +work, but it hardly convinces well informed historians that the +far-reaching and sweeping conclusion of the author are justified by +the few additional facts which he has been able to find. Almost a +causal study of the history of Virginia shows that the western part +of the State became estranged from the eastern because their economic +interests were different and the authorities failed to make the +improvements necessary to connect these sections and thus unify such +interests. By the time of the Civil War the northwestern counties +were commercially connected with the North and West and accordingly +followed these in that upheaval.</p> + +<hr class="short" /> + + +<p class="hang"><i>A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages. Volume +II.</i> By <span class="smcap">Sir Harry H. Johnston</span>, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., Sc.D. +(Cambridge). The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1922. Pp. 544.</p> + +<p>This work is the result of a study of the Bantu languages commenced +by the author in 1881 in the Library of the British Museum, and +instigated by the project of accompanying the Earl of Mayo on an +exploratory expedition in South West Africa, Angola and the countries +south and east of the Kunene River. The expedition, according to +the author, was extended by him to the upper Congo thanks to the +assistance offered by H. M. Stanley. With this large view of Africa +his studies were continued with little intermission during the forty +years which followed his first introduction into that continent. Even +the World War itself was not exactly an interruption but permitted +the author to extend the scope of his research by bringing him into +closer acquaintance with certain of the western Semi-Bantu languages +through the presence in France of contingents of Senegambian troops. +The Colonial office, moreover, assisted the work by requesting its +officials in British West Africa to examine the Semi-Bantu languages +of British Nigeria, South-west Togoland, Sierra Leone and the Gambia. +Furthermore, an important discovery of two Bantu languages was made in +the southern part of the Anglo-Egyptian province of Bahr-al-ghazal. He +is indebted to Mr. Northcote W. Thomas's researches which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span> revealed +new and interesting forms of Semi-Bantu speech in the Cross River +districts of Southern Nigeria. In the comparison of roots, moreover, +the author had considerably more material to draw on than in the case +of the first volume. He found also much more information concerning +Hōma and Bañgminda through Major Paul Larkin and Captain White. +These are the chief features which, he believes, make the second +volume a valuable contribution.</p> + +<p>In spite of the extensive investigation, however, the author still +finds a good deal about which he is not certain. About many of these +languages he knows little regarding their structure and grammar. +In other words they have been studied merely from the outside. In +spite of his extensive travels, moreover, he had so much to do and +apparently such a short time in which to accomplish his task that +this work, as valuable as it is, can be considered no more than an +introductory treatise going a little further into a field inadequately +explored. Already he says he finds that he has been reproached for not +bringing within the scope of these two volumes a group of languages +in the North-east Togoland and Kisi and the Limba tongues of Sierra +Leone. Yet although he finds that these have some Bantu features, they +were too mixed to justify their treatment here. He found resemblances +of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu families elsewhere but not closely enough +akin to require their treatment in connection with this work.</p> + +<p>Beginning with a treatment of the enumeration and classification of +the Bantu and Semi-Bantu languages, the work reviews the languages +illustrated in Volume I. Attention is directed to the Bantu in various +regions of the continent. The author then discusses the phonetics and +phonology of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu languages, prefixes, suffixes, +and concords connected with the noun in Bantu and Semi-Bantu, +adjectives, pronouns, numerals, adverbs, conjunctions, prepositions, +the verbs and verb roots. The maps graphically show the probable +origins and lines of migration of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu languages +and their distribution in Central and South Africa.</p> + +<p>On the whole, the world is indebted to Sir Harry H. Johnston for his +enumeration and classification of these tongues, although the work +merely marks the beginning of a neglected task. Until some scholar +with better opportunities to carry forward this research has produced +a more scientific treatise, the works of the author will be referred +to as interesting and valuable volumes.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>NOTES</h2> + + +<p>On February 20, 1923, there passed away in New York City a Negro +of no little distinction in his particular group. This was Horatio +P. Howard, the great grandson of Captain Paul Cuffe of African +colonization fame. Howard was the grandson of the Captain's daughter +Ruth, who married Alexander Howard, and the child of their son +Shadrach. Howard was born in New Bedford in 1854 and beginning in +1888 served as a clerk in the Custom House in New York City where he +accumulated considerable wealth which, inasmuch as he lived and died +a bachelor, he disposed of for philanthropic purposes. He bequeathed +$5000 to Hampton and the balance of his estate he gave to Tuskegee as +a fund to establish Captain Paul Cuffe scholarships.</p> + +<p>Hoping to inculcate an appreciation of the achievements of his great +grandfather, he erected to his memory a monument at a cost of $400 +dedicated in 1917 with appropriate exercises by the people of both +races and made still more impressive by a parade which Howard himself +led. On that occasion, moreover, he distributed his interesting +biography of the great pioneer in the form of a booklet entitled <i>A +Self-Made Man, Captain Paul Cuffe</i>.</p> + +<p>Henry Allen Wallace, one of the colaborers in unearthing and +preserving the records of the Negro, died on the 12th of February. He +was the son of Andrew and Martha Wallace and was born in Columbia, +South Carolina, about sixty-seven years ago. He was educated in the +public schools of Toronto, Canada, the University of Toronto, and +Howard University. He began his public life as a clerk in the post +office at Columbia, and in the early days of civil service secured, by +success in a competitive examination, an appointment as clerk in the +War Department in Washington. There he served with an unbroken record +for over thirty years, after which he was transferred to the New York +office with which he was connected until about eighteen months ago +when on account of ill health he was compelled to retire. He afterward +made his home with his sister in Chester, Pennsylvania, where he died.</p> + +<p>Mr. Wallace was well informed on matters pertaining to the race during +the Reconstruction and freely contributed to magazines<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> publishing +such material. Furthermore, his assistance was often solicited to +correct manuscripts prepared by others who knew less of this drama +in our history. His service in connection with finding the names of +Negroes who served in southern legislatures and his letters, both of +which have appeared from time to time in <span class="smcap">The Journal of Negro +History</span>, constitute valuable contributions in this field.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h3>Spring Conference</h3> + +<p>On the 5th and 6th of April there will be held in Baltimore the +Spring Conference of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and +History. Members of the administrative staff including Professor John +R. Hawkins, the Chairman, Mr. S. W. Rutherford, Secretary-Treasurer, +and others of the Executive Council, are making extensive preparation +for this Conference. The aim will be to bring together teachers and +public-spirited citizens with an appreciation of the value of the +written record and of research as a factor in correcting error and +promoting the truth. The heads of all accredited institutions of +learning have been invited to take an active part in this convocation. +As it is to be held in Baltimore, near which are located so many of +our colleges and universities, it is believed that this Conference +will prove to be one of the most successful in the history of the +Association.</p> + +<p>The program will cover two days and will offer an opportunity for the +discussion of every phase of Negro life and history. On Thursday there +will be a morning session at 11:00 at Morgan College and an afternoon +session there at 3:00 P. M. On the following day the morning session +will be held at the Douglass Theatre at 12:00 M. and the afternoon +session at the Druid Hill Avenue Y. M. C. A. at 3:00 P. M. The two +evening sessions will go to the Bethel A. M. E. Church. In addition to +these, special groups of persons cooperating with the Association will +hold conferences in the interest of matters peculiar to their needs. +Among the speakers will be Professor Kelly Miller, Mr. L. E. James, +Mr. Leslie Pinckney Hill, Dr. William Pickens, and Dr. J. O. Spencer.</p> + +<p>An effort will be made to arouse interest and to arrange for +conducting throughout the country a campaign for collecting +facts bearing on the Negro prior to the Civil War and during the +Reconstruction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> period. The field is now being exploited by a staff +of investigators of the Association. It is earnestly desired that all +persons having documentary knowledge of these phases of Negro History +will not only give the Association the advantage of such information, +but will attend this Conference to devise plans for a more successful +prosecution of this particular work.</p> + +<p>Another concern of the Conference will be to stimulate interest in +the collection of Negro folklore for which there is offered a prize +of $200 for the best collection of tales, riddles, proverbs, sayings +and songs, which have been heard in Negro homes. The aim is to study +the Negro mind in relation to its environment at various periods in +the history of the race and in different parts of the country. The +students of a number of institutions of learning are already at work +preparing their collections to compete for this prize, and it is +hoped that a still larger number will do likewise. This special work +is under the supervision of a committee composed of Dr. Elsie Clews +Parsons, Assistant Editor of the <i>Journal of American Folklore</i>, Dr. +Franz Boas, Professor of Anthropology in Columbia University and a +member of the Executive Council of the Association, and Dr. Carter G. +Woodson, Editor of <span class="smcap">The Journal of Negro History</span>.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><a name="No_3" id="No_3"></a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span></p> + +<div class="second-title"> +<p>THE JOURNAL<br /> + +<span class="smalltext">OF</span><br /> + +NEGRO HISTORY</p> +</div> + +<hr class="tiny" /> + +<p class="center sc"> +Vol. VIII., No. 3 July, 1923.</p> + +<hr class="tiny" /> + + +<h2>NEGRO SERVITUDE IN THE UNITED STATES<a name="FNanchor3_A_1" id="FNanchor3_A_1"></a><a href="#Footnote3_A_1" class="fnanchor">[A]</a></h2> + +<h3>Servitude Distinguished from Slavery</h3> + + +<p>The first Negroes in the American colonies were called Africans, +Blackamores, Moores, Negars, Negers, Negros,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> Negroes, and the +like.<a name="FNanchor3_1_2" id="FNanchor3_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote3_1_2" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> It is highly probable that Negroes were brought to America +by some of the early colonists before 1619, for Negroes had been +in England since 1553.<a name="FNanchor3_2_3" id="FNanchor3_2_3"></a><a href="#Footnote3_2_3" class="fnanchor">[2]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> James Otis said: "Our colonial charters +made no difference between black and white."<a name="FNanchor3_3_4" id="FNanchor3_3_4"></a><a href="#Footnote3_3_4" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Some of such early +Negro settlers might have been brought over from Barbadoes or other +islands. The English colonists often went to and from the mainland +for settlement and trade, and by 1674 Barbadoes was a "flourishing +state" with a white population of 50,000 and 100,000 "Negroes and +colored."<a name="FNanchor3_4_5" id="FNanchor3_4_5"></a><a href="#Footnote3_4_5" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Negroes, along with Spanish explorers, are known +to have been in North and South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, New +Mexico, and California as early as 1526, 1527, 1540, 1542, and 1537, +respectively.<a name="FNanchor3_5_6" id="FNanchor3_5_6"></a><a href="#Footnote3_5_6" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> However, the first Negroes, thus far known, in the +American colonies, were the "twenty negars" introduced at Jamestown, +in 1619, by the Dutch frigate.<a name="FNanchor3_6_7" id="FNanchor3_6_7"></a><a href="#Footnote3_6_7" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>The first status of these Negroes early imported is of some +importance. Although the historians do not always mention the fact, +there is nevertheless ample proof of the existence of Negro servitude +in most of the American colonies. The servitude did not always +precede slavery in every case, nor was it ever firmly established as +slavery eventually became. Still it is an interesting fact that Negro +servitude frequently preceded and sometimes followed Negro slavery. In +colonies where servitude followed slavery, it was due to the fact that +these colonies were founded after the change of Negro servitude into +slavery was well advanced. Even here, servitude accompanied<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> slavery. +In some of the colonies, the question of priority resolves itself +into the question of the priority of customary servitude to customary +slavery. In this case, however, it is probable that servitude was +first, even though slavery was first recognized in law. In certain +instances, the records make it certain that servitude preceded +slavery. This was the case in Virginia.</p> + +<p>Several authorities have shown the extent to which the priority of +Negro servitude has been recognized. "At first the African <i>slave</i> +was looked upon as but an improved variety of indented servant whose +term of labor was for life instead of a few years."<a name="FNanchor3_7_8" id="FNanchor3_7_8"></a><a href="#Footnote3_7_8" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> "As has been +mentioned, some Negroes were bound as <i>slaves</i> for a term of years +only."<a name="FNanchor3_8_9" id="FNanchor3_8_9"></a><a href="#Footnote3_8_9" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> The Negroes of 1619 and "others brought by early privateers +were not reduced to slavery, but to limited servitude, a legalized +status of Indian, white, and negro servants, preceding slavery in +most, if not all, of the English mainland colonies."<a name="FNanchor3_9_10" id="FNanchor3_9_10"></a><a href="#Footnote3_9_10" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> "Negro and +Indian servitude thus preceded negro and Indian slavery, and together +with white servitude in instances continued even after the institution +of slavery was fully developed."<a name="FNanchor3_10_11" id="FNanchor3_10_11"></a><a href="#Footnote3_10_11" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> + +<p>Furthermore, there is not the slightest evidence that the colonists +were disposed to treat as slaves the first Negroes who landed in +the colonies. They had no tradition of slavery in England at that +time. "Whatever may have been the intent and hope of the persons in +possession of the negroes as regards their ultimate enslavement, no +attempt to do so legally seems for a long time to have been made ... +for some reasons the notion of enslavement gained ground but slowly, +and although conditions surrounding a negro or Indian in possession +could easily make him a <i>defacto</i> slave, the colonist seems to have +preferred to retain him only as a servant...."<a name="FNanchor3_11_12" id="FNanchor3_11_12"></a><a href="#Footnote3_11_12" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Servitude, on the +other hand, was familiar enough, although not in the form which it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> +eventually assumed in the colonies. The attitude of the colonists, +when they first became confronted with the Negro question, was the +attitude of Queen Elizabeth and Hawkins when it was proposed to go to +Africa to barter for African servants.<a name="FNanchor3_12_13" id="FNanchor3_12_13"></a><a href="#Footnote3_12_13" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> + +<p>It was just as true in the colonial days as now that the attitude +which the community takes towards the Negro population is largely +determined by their relative numbers. If the Negroes had been +numerous in the colonies immediately after 1619, it is reasonable to +suppose that their status would have been defined earlier and more +sharply than it was. But the numbers were not there.<a name="FNanchor3_13_14" id="FNanchor3_13_14"></a><a href="#Footnote3_13_14" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Six years +after the introduction of the first Negroes in Virginia, there were +but twenty-three in the colony. Meanwhile the white population was +about 2500. All through the first half of the century importation of +Negroes was of an "occasional nature."<a name="FNanchor3_14_15" id="FNanchor3_14_15"></a><a href="#Footnote3_14_15" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Forty years after the first +introduction there were but three hundred Negroes in the colony.<a name="FNanchor3_15_16" id="FNanchor3_15_16"></a><a href="#Footnote3_15_16" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> +It was during the last quarter of the seventeenth century that the +number of Negroes in Virginia showed a noticeable increase. By 1683 +there were three thousand; between 1700 and 1750, the increase was +even more noticeable.<a name="FNanchor3_16_17" id="FNanchor3_16_17"></a><a href="#Footnote3_16_17" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> In Maryland, Negroes were not extensively +introduced until the eighteenth century.<a name="FNanchor3_17_18" id="FNanchor3_17_18"></a><a href="#Footnote3_17_18" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> In 1665 a few slaves +were brought to North<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> Carolina and it was not until 1700 and after +that their number reached eight hundred.<a name="FNanchor3_18_19" id="FNanchor3_18_19"></a><a href="#Footnote3_18_19" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> After their introduction +by Sir John Yeamans in 1671 it was not until 1708 that the number +of Negroes in South Carolina became a considerable part of the +population.<a name="FNanchor3_19_20" id="FNanchor3_19_20"></a><a href="#Footnote3_19_20" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> In Pennsylvania, as early as 1639, a number of Negroes +served a Swedish company. How many there were is not known.<a name="FNanchor3_20_21" id="FNanchor3_20_21"></a><a href="#Footnote3_20_21" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> In +1644, 1657, 1664 and 1677 several Negroes singly and in groups are +known to have been in the region which afterwards became Pennsylvania. +In this colony they were spoken of as "numerous" in 1702, but numerous +then did not mean so many. Later their number is noticeable.<a name="FNanchor3_21_22" id="FNanchor3_21_22"></a><a href="#Footnote3_21_22" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> In +Massachusetts, from 1638, when the Salem ship, <i>Desire</i>, returned from +the West Indies with cotton, tobacco, and Negroes, to the close of the +seventeenth century the number of Negroes was comparatively small.<a name="FNanchor3_22_23" id="FNanchor3_22_23"></a><a href="#Footnote3_22_23" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> +Josselyn saw Negroes in the colony when he visited it in 1638-39.<a name="FNanchor3_23_24" id="FNanchor3_23_24"></a><a href="#Footnote3_23_24" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> +In 1678, there were 200 in the colony and in 1678 Governor Andros +reported that there were but a few. In 1680, Governor Bradstreet said +no blacks or slaves had been brought in the colony in the space of +fifty years except between forty and fifty one time and two or three +now and then. In the nine years from 1698 to 1707, two hundred arrived +and in 1735 there were 2,600 in the Province.<a name="FNanchor3_24_25" id="FNanchor3_24_25"></a><a href="#Footnote3_24_25" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Immediately after +1619, then, the number of Negroes scattered throughout the colonies +was comparatively small. It seems likely that their condition may +be described as that of servitude, which at that time universally +prevailed, rather than slavery.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span></p> + +<p>We are likely to think of the status of the early Negroes in America +as having been inherited or transplanted. Far from this, the status of +the Negro in the early period, like slavery itself, was purely a local +development.<a name="FNanchor3_25_26" id="FNanchor3_25_26"></a><a href="#Footnote3_25_26" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> The status of the early Negroes shows unmistakably +that it developed in lines parallel to that of white servitude.<a name="FNanchor3_26_27" id="FNanchor3_26_27"></a><a href="#Footnote3_26_27" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> +The motives which determined the growth of white servitude and Negro +slavery are peculiar to the social and economic conditions of the +colony of Virginia and its neighbors, whose inhabitants were primarily +imported settlers and laborers. White servitude and black servitude +were but different aspects of the same institution. As white servitude +disappeared, Negro slavery succeeded it.<a name="FNanchor3_27_28" id="FNanchor3_27_28"></a><a href="#Footnote3_27_28" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<p>The reason the early Negroes were not given at once the status of +slaves is that there was at this time no legal basis for slavery. The +Dutch who settled in New York seem to have defined the status of the +Negro slave on the civil law of Holland. In the English colonies it +was a local development.<a name="FNanchor3_28_29" id="FNanchor3_28_29"></a><a href="#Footnote3_28_29" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Clearly, the ownership in the Negroes was +widely recognized and practiced in custom and in law. It is equally +clear, however, that white servitude and some form of black servitude +existed for a long time side by side with Negro slavery. This +recognition of slavery in custom and practice, moreover, makes its +appearance near the date of the statutory recognition of slavery by +the colonies.<a name="FNanchor3_29_30" id="FNanchor3_29_30"></a><a href="#Footnote3_29_30" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Hence, the dates of this statutory recognition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> fix +the "upper limit to the period" in which slavery may be said to have +had a beginning.<a name="FNanchor3_30_31" id="FNanchor3_30_31"></a><a href="#Footnote3_30_31" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> In a number of the colonies, not only is absolute +ownership in Negroes, hence slavery, conspicuous, by the absence of +any records of it, but the priority of Negro servitude and of a free +Negro class is established. Ownership in the services but not of the +person was characteristic of both whites and Negroes in this early +period.<a name="FNanchor3_32_33" id="FNanchor3_32_33"></a><a href="#Footnote3_32_33" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>"Prior to 1619 every inhabitant of Virginia was practically a 'servant +manipulated in the interest of the company, held in servitude beyond +a stipulated term.'" "It was not an uncommon practice in the early +period for shipmasters to sell white servants to the planters." By +1619 servitude was already recognized in the law of Virginia.<a name="FNanchor3_33_34" id="FNanchor3_33_34"></a><a href="#Footnote3_33_34" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> + +<p>In this early period the Company, as represented locally by its +officials, was the sole controlling and directing power of the +colony.<a name="FNanchor3_34_35" id="FNanchor3_34_35"></a><a href="#Footnote3_34_35" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> The Company was at the outset doubtful about the +advantages of bringing in slaves, partly because they were not sure +of the value of slave labor, and partly because they feared the Negro +would not become a permanent settler and so contribute to the building +up and defending the colony. The opposition of the trustees of Georgia +to the importation of Negroes was rested on these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> grounds.<a name="FNanchor3_35_36" id="FNanchor3_35_36"></a><a href="#Footnote3_35_36" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> Early +legislation in order to prohibit the trade in the colonies imposed +duties on slaves imported.<a name="FNanchor3_36_37" id="FNanchor3_36_37"></a><a href="#Footnote3_36_37" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> Moreover, it appears that the Company +generally held and worked the Negroes, who were purchased, in the +interest of the government, frequently distributing them among the +officers and planters. This was done, for example, in the island +colony, the Bermudas, in Virginia, and in Providence Island.<a name="FNanchor3_37_38" id="FNanchor3_37_38"></a><a href="#Footnote3_37_38" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> + +<p>Established and universal as white servitude was it not only became +the model of Negro servitude but also decidedly influenced its +transition to slavery. When Negro servitude passed into slavery, it +was white servitude that lent that slavery the mild character which it +possessed until the early part of the nineteenth century.<a name="FNanchor3_38_39" id="FNanchor3_38_39"></a><a href="#Footnote3_38_39" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> + +<p>The earliest authorized effort of England for Negro servants further +elucidates this point. In 1562, Sir John Hawkins proposed to take +Negroes from Africa and sell them. Queen Elizabeth did not at first +approve Hawkins' plan but questioned the justice of it. Hawkins argued +that bringing the Africans from a wild and barren<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> country would +be eminently just and beneficial to the Africans and to the world. +He seemed not to have had the purpose of selling the Africans into +perpetual servitude: "Hawkins told her, that he considered it as an +act of humanity to carry men from a worse condition to a better ... +from a state of wild barbarism to another where they might share the +blessings of civil society and Christianity; from poverty, nakedness +and want to plenty and felicity. He assured her that in no expedition +where he had command should any Africans be carried away without their +own free will and consent, except such captives as were taken in war +and doomed to death;.... Indeed it would appear that Hawkins had no +idea of perpetual slavery, but expected that they would be treated +as free servants after they had by their labor brought their masters +an equivalent for the expenses of their purchase."<a name="FNanchor3_39_40" id="FNanchor3_39_40"></a><a href="#Footnote3_39_40" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> After this, +Hawkins received approval and support from the Queen, and with three +ships and crews he went on his trip to Africa.</p> + +<p>Upon his arrival he began traffic with the natives. He sought at +first to persuade the blacks to go with him, offering them glittering +rewards. When the natives did not respond so readily to his entreaty, +members of his crew, under the influence of rum, undertook to coerce +the Africans.<a name="FNanchor3_40_41" id="FNanchor3_40_41"></a><a href="#Footnote3_40_41" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> Hawkins sought to dissuade them and reminded the +men of his promise to the Queen. They finally succeeded in getting on +board a number of Africans and set sail for the Spanish islands where +the Africans were to be sold as servants.<a name="FNanchor3_41_42" id="FNanchor3_41_42"></a><a href="#Footnote3_41_42" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<p>The early Negroes of Virginia, moreover, were servants. On the +status of "the 1619 Negroes" historians are uncertain, but the +popular conception of the situation is undoubtedly erroneous. The +Dutch frigate sold the Negroes to the Company which controlled and +distributed them. Some of them were clearly retained by the officers +while<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> others "were put to work upon public lands to support the +governor and other officers of the government." There is no evidence +that any of these Negroes were made slaves, while evidence that they +were servants is abundant.<a name="FNanchor3_42_43" id="FNanchor3_42_43"></a><a href="#Footnote3_42_43" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> + +<p>The statutes of Virginia up to 1661 indicate the existence of Negro +servitude rather than that of slavery.<a name="FNanchor3_43_44" id="FNanchor3_43_44"></a><a href="#Footnote3_43_44" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> In 1630, whites were +whipped for fornication with the blacks "before an assembly of +<i>negroes</i>." In 1639 and 1640, all persons except <i>Negroes</i> were to be +provided with arms and ammunition or be fined.<a name="FNanchor3_44_45" id="FNanchor3_44_45"></a><a href="#Footnote3_44_45" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> Up to that time +the acts do not indicate slavery. The act of 1655 refers to Indian +slavery.<a name="FNanchor3_45_46" id="FNanchor3_45_46"></a><a href="#Footnote3_45_46" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The act of 1659 does not show that Negro slavery existed +in the colony, but apparently aims to prevent it.<a name="FNanchor3_46_47" id="FNanchor3_46_47"></a><a href="#Footnote3_46_47" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> No other acts, +in the statutes, throw any light on the status of the Negro before +the act of 1661. This acts reads, "In case any English servant shall +run away in company with any negroes who are incapable of making +satisfaction by addition of time, be it enacted that the English so +running away in company with them shall serve for the time of the said +negroes absence as they are to do for their own by a former act."<a name="FNanchor3_47_48" id="FNanchor3_47_48"></a><a href="#Footnote3_47_48" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> +The inferences from this act are three: some of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> the Negroes in the +colony were slaves, others free, and still others servants. The +repetition of this act the following year made provision for runaway +Negro servants also by a change of statement.<a name="FNanchor3_48_49" id="FNanchor3_48_49"></a><a href="#Footnote3_48_49" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the statutes, Russel found that in the records of +county courts dating from 1632 to 1661 negroes are designated as +'servants,' 'negro servants,' or simply as 'negroes,' but never +in the records were the Negroes termed 'slaves'. From the context +of the records, moreover, "servant" was distinctly meant and not +"slave." Again, according to the census taken in 1624-1625, there +were twenty-three persons of the African race in Virginia and they +are listed as "servants."<a name="FNanchor3_49_50" id="FNanchor3_49_50"></a><a href="#Footnote3_49_50" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> In several musters of settlements the +names of Negroes appear under the heading, "Servants"; sometimes +only "Negro" appears.<a name="FNanchor3_50_51" id="FNanchor3_50_51"></a><a href="#Footnote3_50_51" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The General Court in October, 1625, had +before<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> it for the first time a question involving the legal status +of the Negro in America. A Negro named Brass had been brought to the +colony by the captain of a ship. Upon handing down the decision as +to what should be done with Brass, since his master had died, the +Court "ordered that he should belong to Sir Francis Wyatt, Governor," +evidently as servant.<a name="FNanchor3_51_52" id="FNanchor3_51_52"></a><a href="#Footnote3_51_52" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> Anthony Johnson and Mary, his wife, whose +names appeared as servants in the census mentioned above, were, at +sometime before 1652, given their freedom from servitude, for in that +year they were exempted from payment of taxes by the county court +on account of the burning of their home. The order of the court in +reference to Johnson and his wife mentioned that "they have been +inhabitants in Virginia <i>above</i> thirty years." According to this, +they had been in the colony at least from 1621 which approaches 1619. +It appears that they were among the first Negroes sold at Jamestown. +And this, with the understanding that they were not free at first +establishes quite well their original status as servants as well as +that of the 1619 Negroes and other Negroes in the colony.</p> + +<p>The free Negro, Anthony Johnson, in 1653 owned John Castor, another +Negro of Northampton County, as his indented servant. In 1655, a Negro +was bound to serve George Light for a period of five years.<a name="FNanchor3_52_53" id="FNanchor3_52_53"></a><a href="#Footnote3_52_53" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> The +court record of the discharge of Francis Pryne in 1656 is an example +of the discharge certificate of Negro servants:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"I Mrs. Jane Elkonhead ... have hereunto sett my hand yt ye +aforesd Pryne [a negro] shall bee discharged from all hindrance of +servitude (his child) or any [thing] yt doth belong to ye sd Pryne +his estate.</p> + +<p class="right"> +Jane Elkonhead"<a name="FNanchor3_53_54" id="FNanchor3_53_54"></a><a href="#Footnote3_53_54" class="fnanchor">[53]</a><br /> +</p> +</blockquote> + + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span></p> + +<p>In some cases, as it was with the white servants, Negroes were given +written indentures, of which Russell gives several examples. It was +an early practice of the colony to allow "head rights," a certain +number of acres of land for every servant imported. In 1651 "head +rights" were allowed on the importation of a Negro whose name was +Richard Johnson. "Only three years later a patent calling for one +hundred acres of land was issued to this negro for importing two +other persons. Hence, it appears that Richard Johnson came in as a +free negro or remained in a condition of servitude for not more than +three years."<a name="FNanchor3_54_55" id="FNanchor3_54_55"></a><a href="#Footnote3_54_55" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> It was a practice also of those who held servants to +allow them the privilege of raising hogs and poultry and of tilling a +small plot of ground. The court records show that by this means John +Geaween, Emanuel Dregis, and Bashasar Farando, as Negro servants, +between 1649 and 1652, accumulated property. Again, there are cases +illustrating that the Negro servant received "freedom dues" as the +white servants at the close of the term of service.<a name="FNanchor3_55_56" id="FNanchor3_55_56"></a><a href="#Footnote3_55_56" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> Thus the first +and early Negroes of Virginia were servants, not slaves. They were not +only servants at first, but also servants in general for a period of +years.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_A_1" id="Footnote3_A_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_A_1"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> In the preparation of dissertation the following works +were consulted: Ballagh, James Curtis, <i>White Servitude in the Colony +of Virginia</i> (J. H. U. Studies, Thirty-first Series, 1913), and +<i>History of Slavery in Virginia</i> (J. H. U. Studies, Twenty-fourth +Series, 1902); Bassett, John Spencer, <i>History of Slavery in +North Carolina</i> (J. H. U. Studies, Seventeenth Series, 1899), and +<i>Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina</i> (J. H. U. +Studies, Fourteenth Series, 1896); Beatty, William Jennings, <i>The +Free Negroes in the Carolinas before 1860</i> (1920); Brackett, J. R., +<i>The Negro in Maryland</i> (J. H. U. Studies, Seventh Series, Extra +Volume, 1889); Brown, Alexander, <i>The Genesis of the United States, +1605-1616</i>, Two Volumes (1890), and <i>The First Republic in America</i> +(1898); Bruce, Philip Alexander, <i>Economic History of Virginia in +the Seventeenth Century</i>, Two Volumes (1896); Buckingham, J. S., +<i>The Slave States of America</i> (1842); <i>Calendar of Virginia State +Papers and Other Manuscripts, 1652-1798</i>, Edited by Wm. P. Palmer, +Six Volume (1875-86); Carroll, Bartholomew Rivers, <i>Historical +Collections of South Carolina</i> (1836); Daniels, John, <i>In Freedom's +Birth Place, A Study of Boston Negroes</i> (1914); Doyle, J. A., <i>English +Colonies in America</i>, Five Volumes (1889); DuBois, W. E. Burghardt, +<i>The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States +of America</i> (1896); Eddis, Wm., <i>Letters from America, 1769-77</i>; +Hazard, Willis P., <i>Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in the +Olden Time</i> (1879); Henry, Howell Meadows, <i>The Police Control +of the Slave in South Carolina</i> (1914); Henning, William Waller, +<i>Statutes at Large of Virginia, 1623-1792</i>, Thirteen Volumes (1812); +Hotten, J. C., <i>Original Lists of Emigrants, 1600-1700</i> (1874); +Hurd, John C, <i>The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States</i>, +Two Volumes (1858-62); Jones, Hugh, <i>The Present State of Virginia</i> +(1865); <i>Journal of Negro History</i>, edited by Carter G. Woodson (The +Association for the Study of Negro Life and History); Lauber, Almon +Wheeler, <i>Indian Slavery in Colonial Times Within Present Limits of +the United States</i> (Columbia University Studies, Volume LIV (1913)); +Washburn, Emory, <i>Massachusetts and Its Early History: Slavery +as it once prevailed in Massachusetts</i>; McCormac, E. I., <i>White +Servitude in Maryland 1634-1820</i> (J. H. U. Studies, Twenty-second +Series, 1904); Moore, George H., <i>Notes on the History of Slavery in +Massachusetts</i> (1866); Work, Monroe N., <i>Negro Year Book, An Annual +Encyclopedia of the Negro</i>; Neill, E. D., <i>History of the Virginia +Company of London, 1604-24</i> (1869) and <i>Virginia Carolorum, 1625-85</i>; +Nell, Wm. C., <i>Colored Patriots of the American Revolution</i> (1855); +Nieboor, Herman Jeremias, <i>Slavery as an Industrial Institution</i> +(1900); Palfrey, John Gorham, <i>History of New England</i>, Five Volumes +(1892); Phillips, Ulrich Bonnell, <i>American Negro Slavery</i> (1918); +<i>Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations +in New England</i>, edited by John Russell Bartlett (1856-65); Rivers, +William James, <i>A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close +of the Proprietary Government by the Revolution of 1719</i> (1856); +Russell, John H., <i>The Free Negro in Virginia 1619-1865</i> (J. H. U. +Studies, Thirty-first Series, 1913); Steiner, Bernard C., <i>History +of Slavery in Connecticut</i> (J. H. U. Studies, Series Eleven, 1893); +Stevens, William Bacon, <i>A History of Georgia from its First Discovery +by Europeans to the Adoption of the Present Constitution in 1798</i> +(1848); Stroud, George M., <i>A Sketch of the Laws Relating to Slavery +in the Several States of America</i> (1827); Thwaites, Ruben Gold, +<i>The Colonies, 1492-1750</i>; Turner, Edward Raymond, <i>The Negro in +Pennsylvania 1693-1861</i> (1910); <i>Winthrop's Journal: "History of New +England" 1630-1649</i>, Three Volumes. Edited by James Kendall Hosmer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_1_2" id="Footnote3_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Many historians have substituted "slave" for "Negro." +Russell, <i>Free Negroes in Virginia</i>, p. 16. White servants are also +called slaves. Doyle, <i>History of English Colonies in America</i>, II, p. +387; Stevens, <i>History of Georgia</i>, pp. 289, 294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_2_3" id="Footnote3_2_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_2_3"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Several years before 1619, Negroes in England were +sentenced to work in the colonies. "Two Moorish thieves [negroes] +in London were sentenced to work in the American colonies. And they +said no, they would rather die at once." Brown adds: "I do not know +whether they were sent to Virginia or not." (<i>The First Republic in +America</i>, p. 219. See also postnote 14.) Again, "I do not know that +these negroes were the first brought to the colony of Virginia. I do +not remember to have seen any contemporary account which says so. The +accounts which we have even of the voyages of the company's ships are +very incomplete, and we have scarcely an idea of the private trading +voyages which would have been most apt to bring such 'purchas' to +Virginia." Pory wrote in September, 1619: "'In these five months of my +continuance here, there have come at one time or another eleven sail +of ships into this river.' If he meant that these eleven ships came +in after he did, at least three of them are not accounted for in our +annals." Washburn, <i>Slavery as it once prevailed in Massachusetts</i>, +pp. 198, 327.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_3_4" id="Footnote3_3_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_3_4"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Nell, <i>Colored Patriots of the American Revolution</i>, p. +59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_4_5" id="Footnote3_4_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_4_5"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Rivers, <i>History of South Carolina</i>, p. 113; Buckingham, +<i>Slave States of America</i>, I, p. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_5_6" id="Footnote3_5_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_5_6"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>The Journal of Negro History</i>, III, p. 33; Work, <i>Negro +Year Book</i>, p. 152. "The second settler in Alabama was a Negro."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_6_7" id="Footnote3_6_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_6_7"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Ballagh gives an interesting and the most reliable +account of this ship and these Negroes. (<i>History of Slavery in +Virginia</i>, p. 8.) A heated controversy took place over what should be +done with the Negroes. "And so the people of her were all disposed of +for the year to the use of the company till it could be truly known +to whom the right lyeth." Brown, <i>The First Republic in America</i>, pp. +359, 368, 391, 325-27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_7_8" id="Footnote3_7_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_7_8"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Thwaites, <i>The Colonies</i>, p. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_8_9" id="Footnote3_8_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_8_9"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Daniels, <i>In Freedom's Birthplace</i>, p. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_9_10" id="Footnote3_9_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_9_10"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>New International Encyclopedia</i>, p. 166.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_10_11" id="Footnote3_10_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_10_11"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_11_12" id="Footnote3_11_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_11_12"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_12_13" id="Footnote3_12_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_12_13"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Washburn holds that the moral stamina of sturdy people +seeking freedom argued against enslavement. <i>Slavery as it once +prevailed in Mass.</i>, p. 194.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_13_14" id="Footnote3_13_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_13_14"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> "If twenty negroes came in 1619, as alleged, their +increase was very slow, for according to a census of 16th of February, +1624, there were but twenty-two then in the colony." Neill, <i>Hist. of +the Va. Co.</i>, p. 72. +</p> +<p> +"When the census was taken in January, 1625, there were only twenty +persons of the African race in Virginia...." <i>Virginia Carolorum</i>, pp. +15, 16, 22, 33, 40, 59, 225; Brown, <i>The Genesis of Am.</i>, II, p. 987.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_14_15" id="Footnote3_14_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_14_15"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>History of Slavery in Virginia</i>, pp. 9-10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_15_16" id="Footnote3_15_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_15_16"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> The group brought over in 1638 by Menefie was an +unusually large number: "Menefie was now the leading merchant. On +April 19, 1638, he entered 3,000 acres of land on account of 60 +transports, of whom 23 were, as he asserts, 'negroes, I brought out +of England.'" <i>Virginia Carolorum</i>, p. 187 note; Ballagh, <i>White +Servitude in the Colony of Virginia</i>, p. 91 note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_16_17" id="Footnote3_16_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_16_17"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> "Intended insurrections of negroes in 1710, 1722, 1730, +bear witness to their alarming increase...." <i>White Servitude in the +Colony of Virginia</i>, p. 92 note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_17_18" id="Footnote3_17_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_17_18"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Brackett, <i>The Negro in Md.</i>, p. 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_18_19" id="Footnote3_18_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_18_19"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Bassett, <i>Slavery and Servitude in the Col. of N. C.</i>, +pp. 18-20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_19_20" id="Footnote3_19_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_19_20"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Henry, <i>Police Control of the Slave in S. C.</i>, p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_20_21" id="Footnote3_20_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_20_21"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Post, p. 262, note 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_21_22" id="Footnote3_21_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_21_22"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Turner, <i>The Negro in Penn.</i>, pp. 1-3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_22_23" id="Footnote3_22_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_22_23"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Moore, <i>Notes on the History of Slavery in Mass.</i>, pp. +5, 48; Palfrey, <i>Hist. of N. E.</i>, p. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_23_24" id="Footnote3_23_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_23_24"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> "They have store of children, and are well accommodated +with Servants;——of these some are English, others Negroes: of the +English there are can eat till they sweat, and work till they freeze; +and of the females they are like Mrs. Wintus paddocks, very tinder +fingered in cold weather." <i>Account of Two Voyages to N. E.</i>, pp. 28, +139-140.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_24_25" id="Footnote3_24_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_24_25"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Moore, <i>Notes on the Hist. of Slavery in Mass.</i>, pp. +48-49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_25_26" id="Footnote3_25_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_25_26"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Virginia</i>, pp. 2, 3, 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_26_27" id="Footnote3_26_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_26_27"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> "The main ideas on which servitude was based originated +in the early history of Virginia as a purely English colonial +development before the other colonies were formed. The system was +adopted in them with its outline already defined, requiring only +local legislation to give it specific character...." (Ballagh, <i>White +Servitude in the Colony of Virginia</i>, p. 9.) The status of servitude, +customary and legal, similar to that given the Negroes in Virginia is +as a rule met with in several of the colonies.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_27_28" id="Footnote3_27_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_27_28"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Post, p. 254, note 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_28_29" id="Footnote3_28_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_28_29"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 28, 29, 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_29_30" id="Footnote3_29_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_29_30"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> White servitude had recognition in statute law by +1630-36 in Massachusetts, by 1643 in Connecticut, by 1647 in Rhode +Island, by 1619 in Virginia, by 1637 in Maryland, by 1665 in North +Carolina, by 1682 in Pennsylvania, and by 1732 in Georgia. Ballagh, +<i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 36, 37. Russell, <i>The Free Negro in +Va.</i>, pp. 18, 19, 22, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_30_31" id="Footnote3_30_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_30_31"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Statutory recognition of slavery by the American +colonies occurred as follows: Massachusetts, 1641; Connecticut, 1650; +Virginia, 1661; Maryland, 1663; New York and New Jersey, 1664; South +Carolina, 1682; Pennsylvania and Rhode Island, 1700; North Carolina, +1715; and Georgia, 1755. Prior to these dates the legal status of all +subject Negroes was that of servants, and their rights, duties, and +disabilities were regulated by legislation the same as, or similar to, +that applied to white servants. Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Servitude in Va.</i>, +pp. 34, 35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><span class="label">[31]</span> Russell, <i>The Free Negroes in Va.</i>, p. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_32_33" id="Footnote3_32_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_32_33"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Turner, <i>The Negro in Penn.</i>, p. 25; Ballagh, <i>Hist. of +Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 30, 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_33_34" id="Footnote3_33_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_33_34"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Ante, note 30: "It was but natural then that they should +be absorbed in a growing system which spread to all the colonies and +for nearly a century furnished the chief supply for colonial labor." +Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Colony of Va.</i>, pp. 14, 27, 49. +Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_34_35" id="Footnote3_34_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_34_35"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> The Company secured servants for the colony. Stevens, +<i>History of Ga.</i>, p. 290; Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of +Va.</i>, p. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_35_36" id="Footnote3_35_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_35_36"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> The Trustees of Georgia held out on account of +philanthropic motives. See Du Bois, <i>Suppression of the Slave Trade</i>, +pp. 7, 8, 26; Declaration of one of the trustees, Stevens, <i>Hist. of +Ga.</i>, p. 287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_36_37" id="Footnote3_36_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_36_37"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Moore, <i>Notes on the History of Slavery in Mass.</i>, p. +50. Du Bois, <i>Suppression of African Slave Trade</i>, p. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_37_38" id="Footnote3_37_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_37_38"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> In Providence in 1633, "it was recommended that twenty +or thirty negroes be introduced for public work, and that they be +separated among various families of officers and industrious planters +to prevent the formation of plots. Some of these negroes received +wages and purchased their freedom, and the length of servitude seems +to have been dependent on the time of conversion to Christianity." +Lefroy, <i>The History, of the Bermudaes</i>, p. 219. Ballagh, <i>Hist. of +Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 29, 30, notes. +</p> +<p> +The Dutch dealt with the early Negroes in a similar way. "In practice +the heavy duty imposed by the Company seems to have discouraged any +large importation. As a natural consequence, too, most of those +imported seem to have been in the employment of the Company. Thus +we learn that the fort at New Amsterdam was mainly built by negro +labor. The Company seems wisely to have made arrangements whereby its +slaves should be gradually absorbed in the free population. In 1644 an +ordinance was passed emancipating the slaves of the Company after a +fixed period of service." Doyle, <i>Eng. Cols. in Am.</i>, IV, p. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_38_39" id="Footnote3_38_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_38_39"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_39_40" id="Footnote3_39_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_39_40"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Carroll, <i>Hist. Coll.</i>, I, p. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_40_41" id="Footnote3_40_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_40_41"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_41_42" id="Footnote3_41_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_41_42"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_42_43" id="Footnote3_42_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_42_43"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Russell, <i>The Free Negro in Va.</i>, pp. 16, 23; Ballagh, +<i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 29 notes; Brown, <i>The First Republic in +Am.</i>, p. 326. +</p> +<p> +Thomas Jefferson said, "the right to these negroes was common, or, +perhaps they lived on a footing with the whites, who, as well as +themselves, were under absolute direction of the president." Russell, +<i>The Free Negro in Va.</i>, p. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_43_44" id="Footnote3_43_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_43_44"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 23, 24; Ballagh, <i>History of Slavery in Va.</i>, +28, 31; Phillips, <i>Am. Negro Slavery</i>, p. 75.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_44_45" id="Footnote3_44_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_44_45"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Henning, I, pp. 146, 226.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_45_46" id="Footnote3_45_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_45_46"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> The first time the term "slave" is used in the statutes +was in these words: "If the Indians shall bring in any children as +gages of their good and quiet intentions to us, ... that we will not +use them as slaves." Henning, I, p. 296.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_46_47" id="Footnote3_46_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_46_47"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> In Henning, <i>Statutes</i> I, p. 540, it is said: "That <i>if</i> +the said Dutch or other foreigners shall import any negroes, they +the said Dutch or others shall, for the tobacco really produced by +the sale of the said negro, pay only the impost of two shillings per +hogshead, the like being paid by our own nation."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_47_48" id="Footnote3_47_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_47_48"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Henning, II, p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_48_49" id="Footnote3_48_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_48_49"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Russell, <i>The Free Negro in Va.</i>, p. 20, note 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_49_50" id="Footnote3_49_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_49_50"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 23, 24; Hotten, <i>List of Immigrants to +Am.</i>, pp. 202, etc. +</p> +<p> +The "<i>Lists of the Living and Dead in Virginia</i>, Feb. 16th, 1623," +shows that there were twenty or more Negroes in the Colony; these +Negroes are referred to as servants not slaves. <i>Col. Records of Va.</i>, +p. 37, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_50_51" id="Footnote3_50_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_50_51"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> +</p> +<p class="center"> +"Captain Francis West, His Muster.<br /> +**********<br /> +Servants<br /> +**********</p> +<p> +John Pedro, A Neger, aged 30, in the <i>Swan</i>, 1623."</p> +<p class="right nospace-above">Va. Carolorum, p. 15.</p> + +<p class="center"> +"Muster of Sir George Yeardley, Kt.<br /> +**********<br /> +Servants<br /> +**********</p> +<p> +Thomas Barnett, 16, in the <i>Elsabeth</i>, 1620<br /> +Theophilus Bereston, in the <i>Treasuror</i>, 1614<br /> +Negro Men, 3.<br /> +Negro Women, 5.<br /> +Susan Hall, in the <i>William</i> and <i>Thomas</i>, 1608"</p> +<p class="right nospace-above">Ibid., p. 16.</p> + +<p class="center"> +"Muster of Capt. William Tucker, Elizabeth City.<br /> +**********<br /> +Servants<br /> +**********</p> +<p> +Antoney, Negro<br /> +Isabell, Negro<br /> +William, theire child, baptised"</p> +<p class="right nospace-above"> +Ibid., p. 40; see a muster<br /> +also on page 22.</p> +<p> +"On the 25 of January, 1624-5, a muster of Mr. Edward Bennett's +servants at Wariscoyak was taken, and the number was twelve, two of +whom were negroes." <i>Va. Carolorum</i>, 225 note. See also Brown, <i>The +Genesis of Am.</i>, II, 987.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_51_52" id="Footnote3_51_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_51_52"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Virginia Carolorum</i>, pp. 33, 34; Ballagh, <i>Hist. of +Slavery in Virginia</i>, p. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_52_53" id="Footnote3_52_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_52_53"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Russell, <i>The Free Negro in Virginia</i>, pp. 24, 26, 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_53_54" id="Footnote3_53_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_53_54"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 26, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_54_55" id="Footnote3_54_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_54_55"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 25, 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_55_56" id="Footnote3_55_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_55_56"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 22, 28, 34; Bruce, <i>Econ. Hist. of +Virginia</i>, II, pp. 52, 53.</p></div></div> + + +<h3>Negro Servitude and its Priority in other Colonies</h3> + +<p>Slavery received statutory recognition in the colony of Maryland in +1663, and in North Carolina in 1715. White servitude had long existed +in these colonies, receiving statutory recognition in Maryland as +early as 1637, and in North Carolina in 1665. Servitude, therefore, +had ample time for local definition "before slavery entered upon +either its customary or legal development."<a name="FNanchor3_1_57" id="FNanchor3_1_57"></a><a href="#Footnote3_1_57" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Ballagh holds that +in these colonies, also, Negro servitude historically preceded +slavery.<a name="FNanchor3_2_58" id="FNanchor3_2_58"></a><a href="#Footnote3_2_58" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In Maryland, particularly, along with Virginia and +Massachusetts, the "circumstances surrounding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> the enactments defining +slavery" indicate a natural transition from Negro servitude to +slavery. Since servitude existed in these states, it seems probable, +from analogy with conditions in other parts of the country, that the +early Negroes in these colonies were servants.<a name="FNanchor3_3_59" id="FNanchor3_3_59"></a><a href="#Footnote3_3_59" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>Negro servitude preceded Negro slavery in Massachusetts. This +servitude existed legally and underwent a period of development. +After the recognition of slavery in 1641, Negro servitude continued +along with slavery and in a more pronounced manner.<a name="FNanchor3_4_60" id="FNanchor3_4_60"></a><a href="#Footnote3_4_60" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The early +inhabitants of Massachusetts were hostile to the introduction of +slavery. This attitude was, perhaps, responsible for the milder form +which Negro bondage first assumed, for "the facts of history ... seem +to establish this conclusion, that slavery never was in harmony with +the public sentiment of the colony."<a name="FNanchor3_5_61" id="FNanchor3_5_61"></a><a href="#Footnote3_5_61" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The Salem ship, the <i>Desire</i>, +brought to the Colony, February 26, 1638, "some cotton, tobacco, and +negroes." This cargo had been taken on by Mr. Pierce of the <i>Desire</i>, +at Providence Island, evidently in exchange for fifteen Indian boys +and two women, taken as prisoners in the Pequod War.<a name="FNanchor3_6_62" id="FNanchor3_6_62"></a><a href="#Footnote3_6_62" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> At this time, +it was common to purchase servants from shipmasters and merchants, +and so it is not certain that the Negroes brought back by Mr. Pierce +were slaves. At Providence, moreover, Negroes had the status of +servants.<a name="FNanchor3_7_63" id="FNanchor3_7_63"></a><a href="#Footnote3_7_63" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> When Josselyn visited New England in 1638-39, he saw in +Boston servants, English and Negroes.<a name="FNanchor3_8_64" id="FNanchor3_8_64"></a><a href="#Footnote3_8_64" class="fnanchor">[8]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> In 1641, after the adoption +of the Body of Liberties, a master of a ship brought two Negroes for +sale into slavery, but was compelled by the court to give them up. +These Negroes were then sent back to their native country. In 1646, +the General Court passed an act "against the heinous and crying sin +of man-stealing." In this colony "slaves" testified against white men +in court and, for a long time after 1652, served in the militia.<a name="FNanchor3_9_65" id="FNanchor3_9_65"></a><a href="#Footnote3_9_65" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> +Again, beginning with 1700, Judge Sewall and the Quakers started their +memorable work against slavery. Charles Sumner said concerning slavery +in Massachusetts: "Her few slaves were merely for a term of years, or +for life."<a name="FNanchor3_10_66" id="FNanchor3_10_66"></a><a href="#Footnote3_10_66" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> + +<p>The Bond of Liberty, adopted in 1641, evidently made provision for +servitude.<a name="FNanchor3_11_67" id="FNanchor3_11_67"></a><a href="#Footnote3_11_67" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Negroes were held as servants under this provision. +During the entire colonial period until 1791, they were rated as +polls, as, for example, in the tax laws, in 1718, which provided that +"all Indian, negro and mulatto servants <i>for a term of years</i> were to +be numbered and rated as Polls, and not as Personal Estate."<a name="FNanchor3_12_68" id="FNanchor3_12_68"></a><a href="#Footnote3_12_68" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> + +<p>Prior to 1700, moreover, Negroes had the status of servants in +Pennsylvania. In the region of the Delaware River, which became a +part of Pennsylvania, the Dutch had a few Negroes with them in 1636. +In 1639, also, a number of Negroes worked under the New Netherlands +Company on the South River.<a name="FNanchor3_13_69" id="FNanchor3_13_69"></a><a href="#Footnote3_13_69" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> It is not definitely known<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> that +these Negroes were servants, although the circumstances indicate that +they were. The same is true of the Negroes in the employment of the +Dutch during this very early period. Provision was apparently made +for their gradual absorption by the free population. As late as 1663, +there existed laws which "granted them a qualified form of freedom, +working alternate weeks, one for themselves, one for the Company."<a name="FNanchor3_14_70" id="FNanchor3_14_70"></a><a href="#Footnote3_14_70" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> +Among the Swedes, also, in the region of the Delaware, were a number +of Negroes. Just after Rising had come to the region as head of the +Swedish Company, in 1654, he issued an ordinance that "after a certain +period Negroes should be absolutely free." In Penn's charter to the +Free Society of Traders, in 1682, there was a provision that if the +inhabitants "held blacks they should make them free at the end of +fourteen years...." Benjamin Furley, also, vigorously opposed holding +Negroes longer than eight years.<a name="FNanchor3_15_71" id="FNanchor3_15_71"></a><a href="#Footnote3_15_71" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> The Friends of Germantown in +1688, made strong protests against slavery; and in 1693, George Keith +declared that the masters should let the Negroes go free after a +reasonable term of service.<a name="FNanchor3_16_72" id="FNanchor3_16_72"></a><a href="#Footnote3_16_72" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Later on, children of white mothers +and slave fathers became servants for a term of years, and the same +was true of the children of free Negro mothers and slave fathers.<a name="FNanchor3_17_73" id="FNanchor3_17_73"></a><a href="#Footnote3_17_73" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> + +<p>After 1700, Negro servants were a common and well-recognized class +in Pennsylvania. Negroes who were "unable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> or unwilling to support +themselves" were bound by the court for the term of one year.<a name="FNanchor3_18_74" id="FNanchor3_18_74"></a><a href="#Footnote3_18_74" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> +All children of free Negroes were bound out until twenty-one or +twenty-four years. Mulatto children "who were not slaves for life" +were bound out "until they were twenty-eight years of age." The +abolition act of 1780 provided among other things that "all future +children of registered slaves should become servants until they were +twenty-eight."<a name="FNanchor3_19_75" id="FNanchor3_19_75"></a><a href="#Footnote3_19_75" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> And again, Negroes manumitted could indenture +themselves until twenty-eight.</p> + +<p>Negro servants were generally subject to the laws which governed the +white servitude; but they were subject further to other laws which +gave to the Negro servants a status between that of the white servants +and Negro slaves. Negro servants were apprenticed for a longer period +than white servants; and such servants were object of a considerable +interstate traffic, people from other states selling them into +Pennsylvania. They were often apprenticed and generally given some +form of freedom dues. So entrenched was Negro servitude here that in +1780 there were probably a greater number of servants in Pennsylvania +than slaves.<a name="FNanchor3_20_76" id="FNanchor3_20_76"></a><a href="#Footnote3_20_76" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p>In Rhode Island Negro servitude preceded and passed into slavery.<a name="FNanchor3_21_77" id="FNanchor3_21_77"></a><a href="#Footnote3_21_77" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> +Although as early as 1652 the practice of buying Negroes for service +or slaves for life existed in this colony, this was not sanctioned +by law. On the other hand, white servitude was clearly recognized in +statute law of 1647.<a name="FNanchor3_22_78" id="FNanchor3_22_78"></a><a href="#Footnote3_22_78" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> In 1652 the legally established servitude,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> +as well as the attitude of the colonists, undoubtedly influenced +the passing of a law to prohibit slavery and provide for servitude. +This law said: "Whereas, there is a common course practiced amongst +English men to buy negers, to that end they may have them for service +or slaves forever; for the preventinge of such practices among us, +let it be ordered, that no blacke mankind or white being forced by +covenant bond, or otherwise, to serve any man or his assighness longer +than ten yeares, or until they come to bee twentie four yeares of age, +if they bee taken in under fourteen, for the time of their cominge +within the liberties of this Collinie. And at the end or terme of ten +yeares to sett them free, as the manner is with the English servants. +And that man that will not let them goe free, or shall sell them away +elsewhere, to that end that they may bee enslaved to others for a long +time, he or they shall forfeit to the Collonie forty pounds."<a name="FNanchor3_23_79" id="FNanchor3_23_79"></a><a href="#Footnote3_23_79" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> +Although this law was enforced for a time, it soon became a dead +letter, for after 1708, when slavery received sanction by statute, +buying and selling Negroes was practiced generally.<a name="FNanchor3_24_80" id="FNanchor3_24_80"></a><a href="#Footnote3_24_80" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>The first few Negroes in Connecticut were servants along with a few +Indian and white servants. It was due, no doubt, to the paucity of +the Negroes—there were in 1680 not above thirty in the colony—that +they became servants. However, as this number increased, their status +became gradually that of slaves by custom. Because of the fear of +treachery from the Negro and Indian servants, the General Court, +in 1680, ordered that "neither Indian nor negar servants shall be +required to train, watch or ward in the Colony."<a name="FNanchor3_25_81" id="FNanchor3_25_81"></a><a href="#Footnote3_25_81" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Evidently some +of the servants very early had served out their time and had been +freed, for by a law, in 1690, "Negro, mulatto, or Indian servants," +"suspected persons" and free Negroes who were found wandering could +be taken up and brought before a magistrate.<a name="FNanchor3_26_82" id="FNanchor3_26_82"></a><a href="#Footnote3_26_82" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> An<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> act in 1711 made +provision for the care of Negro servants and others who came to want +after they had served out their time. "An act relating to slaves, +and such in particular as shall happen to become servants for life, +enacts that all slaves set at liberty by their owners, and all negro, +mulatto, and Spanish Indians, who are servants to masters for time, in +case they shall come to want after they shall be so set at liberty or +the time of their service be expired, they shall be relieved at the +cost of their masters." In fact, slavery of the "absolute, rigid kind" +never existed to any extent in Connecticut.<a name="FNanchor3_27_83" id="FNanchor3_27_83"></a><a href="#Footnote3_27_83" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_1_57" id="Footnote3_1_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_1_57"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ballagh, pp. 36-37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_2_58" id="Footnote3_2_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_2_58"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_3_59" id="Footnote3_3_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_3_59"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 37; Beatty, <i>The Free Negroes in the Carolinas +before 1860</i>, p. 3. +</p> +<p> +The children, resulting from the intermixture and intermarriage of +the races were likewise servants in these two colonies. Stroud, <i>Laws +Relating to Slavery</i>, pp. 8-9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_4_60" id="Footnote3_4_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_4_60"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Servitude was recognized in statute law in this colony by +1630-36. Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 32, 33, 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_5_61" id="Footnote3_5_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_5_61"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Washburn, <i>Slavery as It Once Prevailed in Mass.</i>, p. +193.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_6_62" id="Footnote3_6_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_6_62"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Providence Isle was "an island in the Caribbean, off the +Nicaraguan coast. In 1630 Charles I granted it, by a patent similar to +that of Massachusetts, to a company of Englishmen, mostly Puritans, +who held it till 1641, when the Spaniards captured it." Winthrop's +<i>Journal</i>, II, pp. 227, 228, 260; Moore, <i>Notes on the Hist. of +Slavery in Mass.</i>, p. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_7_63" id="Footnote3_7_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_7_63"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, note 2, quoted from +<i>Calendar State Papers</i>, pp. 160, 168, 229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_8_64" id="Footnote3_8_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_8_64"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Ante, p. 252, note 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_9_65" id="Footnote3_9_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_9_65"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Washburn, <i>Slavery as It Once Prevailed in Mass.</i>, pp. +208, 215.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_10_66" id="Footnote3_10_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_10_66"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Nell, <i>Colored Patriots in Am. Rev.</i>, p. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_11_67" id="Footnote3_11_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_11_67"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> "There shall <i>never</i> be <i>any</i> Bond Slavery, Villinage, +or Captivity among us, unless it be lawful Captives taken in just +Wars, and such strangers as willingly sell themselves, or are sold +to us. And these shall have all the liberties and Christian usages +which the law of God, established in Israel concerning such persons, +doth morally require. This exempts none from servitude, who shall be +judged thereto by authority." <i>Massachusetts Hist. Coll.</i>, 28, p. 231; +Palfrey, <i>Hist. of New England</i>, II, p. 30</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_12_68" id="Footnote3_12_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_12_68"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Moore, <i>Notes on Slavery in Mass.</i>, pp. 62, 63-64, 248.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_13_69" id="Footnote3_13_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_13_69"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> "A judgment is obtained, before the authorities at +Manhattan, against one Coinclisse, for wounding a soldier at Fort +Amsterdam. He is condemned to serve the company along with the +blacks, to be sent by the first ship to South River, pay a fine to +the fiscal, and damages to the wounded soldier. This seems to be the +first intimation of blacks being in this part of the country.... +Director Van Twiller having been charged, after Kiet's arrival, with +mismanagement.... Another witness asserts he had in his custody for +Van Twiller, at Fort Hope and Nassau, twenty-four to thirty goats, and +that three negroes bought by the director in 1636 were since employed +in his private service." Hazard, <i>Annals of Penn.</i>, pp. 49-50; Turner, +<i>The Free Negro in Penn.</i>, p. 1. +</p> +<p> +It is noteworthy that the Negroes among the Dutch were generally under +the supervision of the Company or worked for officers of the Company.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_14_70" id="Footnote3_14_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_14_70"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Ante, p. 255, note 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_15_71" id="Footnote3_15_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_15_71"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> "Let no blacks be brought in directly, and if any come +out of Virginia, Maryld. (or elsewhere erased) in families that have +formerly brought them elsewhere Let them be declared (as in the west +jersey constitutions) free at 8 years end." Turner, <i>The Negro in +Penn.</i>, p. 21, notes 13, 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_16_72" id="Footnote3_16_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_16_72"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_17_73" id="Footnote3_17_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_17_73"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 24, 25; Stroud, <i>Laws Relating to Slavery</i>, +pp. 9-10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_18_74" id="Footnote3_18_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_18_74"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Hurd, <i>The Law of Freedom and Bondage</i>, I, 290; Turner, +<i>The Free Negro in Penn.</i>, p. 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_19_75" id="Footnote3_19_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_19_75"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> "On the 1st of March, 1780, before the war of the +Revolution was closed, the Assembly of Pennsylvania passed an act +declaring that negro and mulatto children whose mothers were slaves, +and who were born after the passage of the act, should be free, and +that slavery as to them should be forever abolished. But it was +declared that such children should be held as servants, under the same +terms as indentured servants, until the age of twenty-eight, when they +should be free...." Watson, <i>Annals of Philadelphia and Penn. in Olden +Times</i>, pp. 468-469.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_20_76" id="Footnote3_20_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_20_76"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 93, 94, 98, 101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_21_77" id="Footnote3_21_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_21_77"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_22_78" id="Footnote3_22_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_22_78"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_23_79" id="Footnote3_23_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_23_79"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> R. I., <i>Col. Rec.</i>, I, p. 243.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_24_80" id="Footnote3_24_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_24_80"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Du Bois, <i>Suppression of the Slave Trade</i>, p. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_25_81" id="Footnote3_25_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_25_81"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Hurd, <i>Law of Freedom and Bondage</i>, I, p. 270; Steiner, +<i>Hist. of Slavery in Conn.</i>, p. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_26_82" id="Footnote3_26_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_26_82"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Conn., <i>Col. Rec.</i>, XV, p. 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_27_83" id="Footnote3_27_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_27_83"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Stroud, <i>Laws Relating to Slavery</i>, p. 11, note; Hurd, +<i>Law of Freedom and Bondage</i>, p. 271.</p></div></div> + + +<h3>The Transition from White Servitude to Slavery</h3> + +<p>Let us now direct our attention to the change from servitude to +slavery. It is well to note here, however, that white servitude did +not embrace the chief features of slavery. Nieboer defines a slave as +"a man who is the property or possession of another man, and forced +to work for him." Again, "slavery is the fact that one man is the +property or possession of another."<a name="FNanchor3_1_84" id="FNanchor3_1_84"></a><a href="#Footnote3_1_84" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> White servitude lacked the +final and formal feature of "property," namely complete "possession," +and consequently never included either perpetual service or the +transmission of servile condition to offspring, although during the +first half of its development in the colonies, servitude tended to +assume the character of slavery.<a name="FNanchor3_2_85" id="FNanchor3_2_85"></a><a href="#Footnote3_2_85" class="fnanchor">[2]</a><a name="FNanchor3_3_86" id="FNanchor3_3_86"></a><a href="#Footnote3_3_86" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>The servitude that existed up to 1619 underwent change until it +finally crystallized into indented servitude. The conditions were not +as bad as the testimony of colony servants and observers of the period +would indicate, and yet where there were so many references to it the +condition evidently obtained.<a name="FNanchor3_4_87" id="FNanchor3_4_87"></a><a href="#Footnote3_4_87" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> In enlisting new settlers for the +colonies, the Company "issued broadsides and pamphlets,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> with specious +promises, which, however honest its purpose, were certainly never +fulfilled."<a name="FNanchor3_5_88" id="FNanchor3_5_88"></a><a href="#Footnote3_5_88" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> In Virginia in 1613, colonists of 1607 who had served +out the term of their original five-year contract were either retained +in servitude or granted a tenancy burdened with oppressive and unfair +obligations. The changed land policy of 1616 brought upon the colony +servants further disadvantages. Before March, 1617, when the men of +the Charles City Hundred demanded and were granted their "long desired +freedom from that general and common servitude," no freedom had been +granted to the colonists. After this until 1619, it was only through +"extraordinary payment" that freedom was obtained.<a name="FNanchor3_6_89" id="FNanchor3_6_89"></a><a href="#Footnote3_6_89" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Many of these +colonists of Virginia, moreover, were retained in servitude until 1624 +when the Company dissolved.<a name="FNanchor3_7_90" id="FNanchor3_7_90"></a><a href="#Footnote3_7_90" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>Other incidents, growing out of the servant's role, tended to make +the condition of servitude more rigid. In order to make the system of +labor under the Company successful, Lord Delaware, in 1610, organized +the colony into a "labor force under commanders and overseers"; and +close watch over the men and their work was accordingly maintained. +"The colonists were marched to their daily work in squads and +companies under officers, and the severest penalties were prescribed +for a breach of discipline or neglect of duty. A persistent neglect +of labor was to be punished by galley service from one to two years. +Penal servitude was also instituted; for 'petty offences' they worked +'as slaves in irons for a term of years'"; and there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> were whipping, +"hangings, shooting, breaking on the wheel, and even burning alive."<a name="FNanchor3_8_91" id="FNanchor3_8_91"></a><a href="#Footnote3_8_91" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<p>It may be observed from references made to this early servitude that, +generally, it was harsh. We read: "Having most of them served the +colony six or seven years in that 'general slavery'"; "'three years +slavery' to the colony"; "noe waye better than slavery"; "rather +than be reduced to live under like government we desire his Magestie +that Commissioners may be sent over with authority to hang us"; and +"Sold as a d—— slave."<a name="FNanchor3_9_92" id="FNanchor3_9_92"></a><a href="#Footnote3_9_92" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Undoubtedly, these references are not +all true; yet, they are not altogether false. At least they indicate +that the conditions of this servitude approached slavery.<a name="FNanchor3_10_93" id="FNanchor3_10_93"></a><a href="#Footnote3_10_93" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Out of +these, informal "slavery" and unsettled conditions of early servitude, +indented servitude developed.</p> + +<p>As a general rule, every advantage was taken of the servant by the +servant-dealers and masters. Opportunity to hold the servant longer +than the period allowed by law or to extend his service was not +infrequently seized upon, for the laxity of the system and the need +of labor in the colonies made this a natural consequence. During the +first period of servitude, the term of service in many cases was not +prescribed in the indentures; and sometimes servants were brought +over without indentures, or with only verbal contracts.<a name="FNanchor3_11_94" id="FNanchor3_11_94"></a><a href="#Footnote3_11_94" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Thus +trouble about the length of their term of service arose, especially +in connection with the servants who did not have indentures. +Circumstances indicate that in the interpretation of law and the +facts, the master generally triumphed.<a name="FNanchor3_12_95" id="FNanchor3_12_95"></a><a href="#Footnote3_12_95" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> It was in 1638-39 that +Maryland took the first definite step to prevent unfair treatment of +servants by their masters. In 1654 it became necessary again<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> to pass +a law determining the servant's age and length of service. Virginia +enacted similar measures in 1643 and 1657. Still, when the servants +were ignorant, "which was usually the case," or could not speak the +English language, the master took advantage of their shortcomings.<a name="FNanchor3_13_96" id="FNanchor3_13_96"></a><a href="#Footnote3_13_96" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> +Notwithstanding the repeated efforts of the courts and assembly to +protect the servant in his relation to the master, the lucrative +practice of extending a servant's term, which became customary in the +case of Indian and Negro servants, proved a significant factor in the +degradation of white servitude.</p> + +<p>Under the system of servitude, the conduct of the servant necessarily +bore a close relation to the interests of the master. When the servant +stole, ran away, "unlawfully assembled" or "plotted," indulged in +fornication, spent unusual time in social intercourse, or was secretly +married, the master as a rule suffered some loss. And for protection +of the master, methods of punishment were resorted to, the character, +definiteness, and attendant circumstances of which tended to reduce +the servant to the status of a slave.</p> + +<p>As the servant had no money with which to pay fines, some other method +of punishment had to be used. Corporal punishment of a harsh character +appears to have been established. Practiced at first by individuals, +it soon became a general custom, and finally found its way into the +laws of the colonies. During the period prior to indented servitude, +instances of severe whipping of servants are numerous.<a name="FNanchor3_14_97" id="FNanchor3_14_97"></a><a href="#Footnote3_14_97" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> The first +colony law which gave the master the privilege of regulating the +servant's conduct in this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> manner, however, appeared in 1619.<a name="FNanchor3_15_98" id="FNanchor3_15_98"></a><a href="#Footnote3_15_98" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> +Corporal punishment then gradually gained ground and won sanction +by the colonial courts. A law in Virginia provided in 1662 "for the +erecting of a whipping post in every county" and the General Assembly +of this colony, in 1688, reassured the master of his right to whip +the servant. All along this right was so much abused<a name="FNanchor3_16_99" id="FNanchor3_16_99"></a><a href="#Footnote3_16_99" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> that it was +restrained in Virginia. In 1705 an act ordered the master not to whip +the servant "immoderately"; and to whip a Christian white servant +naked, an order from a justice of peace had to be obtained.<a name="FNanchor3_17_100" id="FNanchor3_17_100"></a><a href="#Footnote3_17_100" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> +Several other colonies similarly restrained the right to whip.<a name="FNanchor3_18_101" id="FNanchor3_18_101"></a><a href="#Footnote3_18_101" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<p>Another method of punishment that gradually hardened the conditions of +servitude was the addition of time to the term of the servant. This +evidently originated in the custom of the Company to prescribe as +penalty for offense "service to the colony in public work."<a name="FNanchor3_19_102" id="FNanchor3_19_102"></a><a href="#Footnote3_19_102" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> This +method of punishment was extensively used throughout the colonies. +Sometimes the length of additional service was left to the discretion +of the master, but this was so abused that the government saw fit +to make regulations, which, however, themselves were not free from +harshness.<a name="FNanchor3_20_103" id="FNanchor3_20_103"></a><a href="#Footnote3_20_103" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p>At first the servants undoubtedly enjoyed the right of marriage, but +as this proved a source of much inconvenience and loss to the master, +since the men servants lost time, stole food and other provisions, +and the women servants lost time during pregnancy and in rearing +children, laws restricting marriage of servants were enacted in the +colonies.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> In Virginia, in 1643, this right was legally restricted. +When the servants were secretly married, in some cases the man had to +"serve out his or their tyme or tymes with his or their masters—after +serve his master a complete year more for such offense committed" +while the woman-servant had to double her time of service.<a name="FNanchor3_21_104" id="FNanchor3_21_104"></a><a href="#Footnote3_21_104" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> In +other cases, as in North Carolina, the servants were required to serve +one year.<a name="FNanchor3_22_105" id="FNanchor3_22_105"></a><a href="#Footnote3_22_105" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Further restriction of the right of marriage appeared +in Virginia in 1662. When a woman-servant and a Negro slave were +married in Maryland, the woman was, in some instances, reduced to +slavery, as she was required to serve her master during the life of +her husband.<a name="FNanchor3_23_106" id="FNanchor3_23_106"></a><a href="#Footnote3_23_106" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> The effect of this law was, in certain instances, +to complete practically the transition from servitude to slavery. +Children resulting from such marriages were either made slaves for +life, or required to serve until they were thirty years of age. +Fornication also was made punishable by an addition of time. The +woman-servant, who gave birth to illegitimate offspring, received an +addition of time of one and a half to two and a half years.<a name="FNanchor3_24_107" id="FNanchor3_24_107"></a><a href="#Footnote3_24_107" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> When +the offspring was by a Negro, mulatto, or Indian, she was required +to serve the colony or the master for an additional time of four, +five, or seven years. The children in these cases were bound out for +thirty-one years.<a name="FNanchor3_25_108" id="FNanchor3_25_108"></a><a href="#Footnote3_25_108" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> With marriage restricted as it was, the family +life of the servants was likely to be disorderly.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> Morals of servants +were notably loose, and masters sometimes took advantage of their +position to corrupt their servants still further.<a name="FNanchor3_26_109" id="FNanchor3_26_109"></a><a href="#Footnote3_26_109" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> + +<p>The servants were also restricted in political affairs. In the +earliest period of servitude in the colonies, servants, as +"inhabitants," enjoyed with the other "inhabitants" whatever suffrage +there was.<a name="FNanchor3_27_110" id="FNanchor3_27_110"></a><a href="#Footnote3_27_110" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> Later on, however, this rare privilege dwindled +to <i>nil</i>. For the "first sixteen years of the settlement" in +Massachusetts the servants exercised the franchise.<a name="FNanchor3_28_111" id="FNanchor3_28_111"></a><a href="#Footnote3_28_111" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> In Virginia +they voted until 1646 and the freedservant until 1670.<a name="FNanchor3_29_112" id="FNanchor3_29_112"></a><a href="#Footnote3_29_112" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> In Maryland +in 1636, in the first assembly of the colony, only "freemen" seemed to +hold sway.<a name="FNanchor3_30_113" id="FNanchor3_30_113"></a><a href="#Footnote3_30_113" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Disfranchisement became the rule, however, after the +middle of the seventeenth century.<a name="FNanchor3_31_114" id="FNanchor3_31_114"></a><a href="#Footnote3_31_114" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> The very noticeable scarcity of +information on the servant's exercise of the suffrage seems to suggest +that as a matter of understanding he did not enjoy the franchise. +Evidently there prevailed a certain suspicion concerning not only the +servant's ability to use the suffrage, but also his proper use of +it; and this attitude was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> also always fairly pronounced toward the +recently freedservant.<a name="FNanchor3_32_115" id="FNanchor3_32_115"></a><a href="#Footnote3_32_115" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>The final remedy of the servant, then, was flight. From the beginning +of indented servitude, the servants invariably deserted their master's +service. While in all cases they did not run away on account of +abuses, the practice brought on abuses and other incidents which, +during the first part of servitude, became more and more intolerable.</p> + +<p>The number of runaways increased as the servants continued coming in. +It was comparatively easy for them to escape to the more northern +colonies, since the country about them was convenient for hiding +and clandestine traveling; and the fugitives themselves, on account +of having no physical characteristics distinguishable from those of +the other colonists, could not easily be identified.<a name="FNanchor3_33_116" id="FNanchor3_33_116"></a><a href="#Footnote3_33_116" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Thus North +Carolina became popularly known as the "Refuge of Runaways" and that +colony, Maryland, and the Dutch plantations were to fugitive servants +what Massachusetts, Ohio, and Canada were later to runaway slaves.<a name="FNanchor3_34_117" id="FNanchor3_34_117"></a><a href="#Footnote3_34_117" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> +The "under-ground railroad," too, had a forerunner in the early period +of indentured servitude.<a name="FNanchor3_35_118" id="FNanchor3_35_118"></a><a href="#Footnote3_35_118" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> Methods of dealing with the runaways +necessarily grew more strict, and precautions similar to those of +slavery inevitably appeared. "Unlawful assembling," "plotting," and +tentative insurrections became a source of apprehension.<a name="FNanchor3_36_119" id="FNanchor3_36_119"></a><a href="#Footnote3_36_119" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> Then +came methods of pursuit, return,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> and punishment of the fugitives. +Sometimes the master made the pursuit; at other times the sheriff +and his posse did it; and often the constable with a search warrant +went in quest of the fugitive. Everyone who traveled was required +to have a pass or a certificate of freedom to show his status;<a name="FNanchor3_37_120" id="FNanchor3_37_120"></a><a href="#Footnote3_37_120" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> +and this no doubt afforded the servants a means of using forgery +to facilitate their escape to freedom.<a name="FNanchor3_38_121" id="FNanchor3_38_121"></a><a href="#Footnote3_38_121" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> Again, whenever it was +possible, advertisements for runaways were put in the newspapers.<a name="FNanchor3_39_122" id="FNanchor3_39_122"></a><a href="#Footnote3_39_122" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> +During this time, too, there were enacted colonial statutes providing +for the return of fugitives by one colony to the other. Colonial +governments often accused each other of unduly holding and protecting +the runaways.<a name="FNanchor3_40_123" id="FNanchor3_40_123"></a><a href="#Footnote3_40_123" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p>The greatest abuses in servitude occurred in the punishment of +fugitive servants. These abuses, moreover, gradually increased in +number and intensified in character.<a name="FNanchor3_41_124" id="FNanchor3_41_124"></a><a href="#Footnote3_41_124" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> The expense of the servant's +capture, return, and loss of time from work, and the desire to prevent +running away led to stringent punishment and evident abuses.<a name="FNanchor3_42_125" id="FNanchor3_42_125"></a><a href="#Footnote3_42_125" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> In +Virginia before 1643, some runaways were punished with "additional +terms from two to seven years, served in irons, to the public."<a name="FNanchor3_43_126" id="FNanchor3_43_126"></a><a href="#Footnote3_43_126" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> +The act of 1643 in Virginia provided that runaways from their +"master's service shall be lyable to make satisfaction by service at +the end of their tymes by indenture (vizt.) double the tyme of service +soe neglected, and in some cases more if the commissioners ... find it +requisite and convenient."<a name="FNanchor3_44_127" id="FNanchor3_44_127"></a><a href="#Footnote3_44_127" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> laws of 1639 and of 1641-42 made +running away in Maryland punishable with death, but the proprietor or +governor could commute this penalty to servitude of seven years or +less.<a name="FNanchor3_45_128" id="FNanchor3_45_128"></a><a href="#Footnote3_45_128" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> Corporal punishment, too, scathed the fugitives.<a name="FNanchor3_46_129" id="FNanchor3_46_129"></a><a href="#Footnote3_46_129" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<p>Plainly, then, the fugitive servant tended to assimilate the status of +the servant to that of the slave and tended to become mere property. +The servant could be transferred as property from one person to +another, for from the beginning his services were bought and sold. The +custom of purchasing and disposing of apprentices and servants was +early practiced in Virginia and out of this practice grew the more +definite and far-reaching custom of signing the servant's contract. +Begun in 1623, it was resented by servants and deprecated by England; +and yet with no question of its legality, the selling of servants' +time became a common practice.<a name="FNanchor3_47_130" id="FNanchor3_47_130"></a><a href="#Footnote3_47_130" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Later on, upon securing the servant +in England, the indenture was often made out to the shipmaster or his +assigns, and the servant was sold by him to the planters in America. +To sell the servants, merchants were sometimes invited on board the +ship, where they could look over the human cargo and select those who +were desirable. Often it happened that the servants were brought over +without indentures. They were made to believe that their lot would +be made easy by the master who would buy them.<a name="FNanchor3_48_131" id="FNanchor3_48_131"></a><a href="#Footnote3_48_131" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> These, too, were +sold by the captain to the highest bidder.<a name="FNanchor3_49_132" id="FNanchor3_49_132"></a><a href="#Footnote3_49_132" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> That the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> servants +were dealt with in this way eventually made the indentures as a rule +negotiable, and this led to further degradation of the servants' +status. The theory that the servant's time was property was tenable +as late as 1756 in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, for during +the war with the French and Indians, when the governments and officers +were recruiting the servants of the masters, the masters protested, +resisted, and won.<a name="FNanchor3_50_133" id="FNanchor3_50_133"></a><a href="#Footnote3_50_133" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> + +<p>The servant, then, gradually became property, not principally because +of a tendency to consider the Negro servant as such, but because +of the incidents necessarily arising from the methods which had to +be used to make white servitude possible in the colonies. These +methods, then, the custom of using them, and finally the tentative +legal sanction of them, were fairly well practiced before the Negro's +arrival and long before he was considered as chattel.<a name="FNanchor3_51_134" id="FNanchor3_51_134"></a><a href="#Footnote3_51_134" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_1_84" id="Footnote3_1_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_1_84"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Nieboer, <i>Slavery as an Industrial Institution</i>, p. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_2_85" id="Footnote3_2_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_2_85"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Doyle, <i>Hist. of Eng. Col. in Am.</i>, p. 385.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_3_86" id="Footnote3_3_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_3_86"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_4_87" id="Footnote3_4_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_4_87"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, pp. 9, 60, 61, 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_5_88" id="Footnote3_5_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_5_88"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, p. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_6_89" id="Footnote3_6_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_6_89"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 19, 31, 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_7_90" id="Footnote3_7_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_7_90"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "We see, then, that the colonist, while in theory only a +Virginia member of the London Company, and entitled to equal rights +and privileges with other members or adventurers, was, from the nature +of the case, practically debarred from exercising these rights.... +He was kept by force in the colony, and could have no communication +with his friends in England.... Under the arbitrary administration of +the Company and of its deputy governors he was as absolutely at its +disposal as a servant at his master's. His conduct was regulated by +corporal punishment or more extreme measures. He could be hired out by +the Company to private persons, or by the Governor for his personal +advantage." <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_8_91" id="Footnote3_8_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_8_91"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_9_92" id="Footnote3_9_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_9_92"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, pp. 23, +24, 25, 43 note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_10_93" id="Footnote3_10_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_10_93"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, pp. 48, 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_11_94" id="Footnote3_11_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_11_94"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 38, 43; Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the +Col. of Va.</i>, pp. 40, 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_12_95" id="Footnote3_12_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_12_95"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> "Where no contract but a verbal one existed there was +always room for controversy between master and servant, each trying to +prove an agreement that would be to his advantage." <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_13_96" id="Footnote3_13_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_13_96"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> "Where the servants were ignorant, which was usually the +case, it was to the advantage of the master that there should be no +written contract, as there was then a chance of extending the term of +service." McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, p. 44. +</p> +<p> +"The Palatines and other German races, who, in the later years formed +nearly all of the servant population, knew little of the laws and +language and were an easy prey to the abuses of traders and harsh +masters. They had been used to very little liberty at home and were +slow to assert their rights in America." <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_14_97" id="Footnote3_14_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_14_97"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Ante, p. 268.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_15_98" id="Footnote3_15_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_15_98"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Henning, <i>Statutes at Large</i>, I, pp. 127, 130, 192; +Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, p. 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_16_99" id="Footnote3_16_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_16_99"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_17_100" id="Footnote3_17_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_17_100"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 58, 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_18_101" id="Footnote3_18_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_18_101"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Bassett, <i>Slavery and Servitude in the Col. of N. C.</i>, +p. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_19_102" id="Footnote3_19_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_19_102"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> "In this we have the germ of addition of time, a +practice which later became the occasion of a very serious abuse of +the servants rights by the addition of terms altogether incommensurate +with the offenses for which they were imposed." Ballagh, <i>White +Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, p. 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_20_103" id="Footnote3_20_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_20_103"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Henning, <i>Statutes at Large</i>, I, p. 438, II, p. 114, +III, pp. 87, 140, 450; Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, +p. 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_21_104" id="Footnote3_21_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_21_104"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Henning, <i>Statutes at Large</i>, p. 257; Ballagh, <i>White +Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, pp. 50-51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_22_105" id="Footnote3_22_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_22_105"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Bassett, <i>Slavery and Servitude in the Col. of N. C.</i>, +p. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_23_106" id="Footnote3_23_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_23_106"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> "Instead of preventing such marriages, this law enabled +avaricious and unprincipled masters to convert many of their servants +to slaves. While this act continued in force, it did more to lower +the standard of servitude than any other law passed during the whole +period." McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, pp. 68-69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_24_107" id="Footnote3_24_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_24_107"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Turner, <i>The Negro in Penn.</i>, p. 30; Bassett, <i>Slavery +and Servitude in the Col. of N. C.</i>, p. 83; Ballagh, <i>White Servitude +in the Col. of Va.</i>, p. 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_25_108" id="Footnote3_25_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_25_108"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 57; Bassett, <i>Slavery and Servitude in the Col. +of N. C.</i>, pp. 83-84; Turner, <i>The Negro in Penn.</i>, p. 30; McCormac, +<i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, p. 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_26_109" id="Footnote3_26_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_26_109"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> "If she should be delivered of a child by her master +during this period she should be sold by the church wardens for the +benefit of the church for one year after the term of service.... Here +again there was no punishment for the seducing master. It is also +evident that the sin of the servant would be an advantage of the +master, since he would thereby secure her service for a longer period. +We have not the least evidence that such a thing did happen, yet it is +possible that a master might for this reason have compassed the sin of +his serving-woman." Bassett, <i>Slavery and Servitude in the Col. of N. +C.</i>, pp. 83-84. +</p> +<p> +"By the acts giving the master additions of time for the birth of +a bastard child to his servant a premium was actually put upon +immorality, and there appear to have been masters base enough to take +advantage of it." Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, p. 79. +</p> +<p> +The master also encouraged marriage between servants and Negroes. +McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, p. 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_27_110" id="Footnote3_27_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_27_110"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Hurd, <i>Law of Freedom and Bondage</i>, I, p. 228 note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_28_111" id="Footnote3_28_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_28_111"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 255.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_29_112" id="Footnote3_29_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_29_112"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 232, 254; Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the +Col. of Va.</i>, p. 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_30_113" id="Footnote3_30_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_30_113"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Hurd, <i>Law of Freedom and Bondage</i>, I, p. 248.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_31_114" id="Footnote3_31_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_31_114"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, p. 90.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_32_115" id="Footnote3_32_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_32_115"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> "Thus the liberated servant became an idler, socially +corrupt, and often politically dangerous." Doyle, <i>Eng. Cols in Am.</i>, +I, p. 387. +</p> +<p> +"By the temporary disfranchisement of the servant during his term, +common after the middle of the 17th century, a serious public danger +was avoided. There could be no guarantee, of the judicious exercise of +the suffrage with this class who, for the most part, had never enjoyed +the privilege before. Their servitude may be regarded as preparing +them for a proper appreciation of suffrage when obtained, and the +duties of citizenship...." Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of +Va.</i>, p. 90 note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_33_116" id="Footnote3_33_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_33_116"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> "To facilitate discovery, habitual runaways had their +hair cut 'close around their ears' and 'were branded on the cheek with +the letter R.'" Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, p. 55 +note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_34_117" id="Footnote3_34_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_34_117"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 53-54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_35_118" id="Footnote3_35_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_35_118"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, p. 53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_36_119" id="Footnote3_36_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_36_119"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, pp. 53, +60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_37_120" id="Footnote3_37_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_37_120"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 54; McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, p. +54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_38_121" id="Footnote3_38_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_38_121"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_39_122" id="Footnote3_39_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_39_122"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_40_123" id="Footnote3_40_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_40_123"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 52-53; Bassett, <i>Slavery and White +Servitude in the Col. of N. C.</i>, p. 79; Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in +the Col. of Va.</i>, p. 54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_41_124" id="Footnote3_41_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_41_124"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, p. 54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_42_125" id="Footnote3_42_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_42_125"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> "Statute after statute was passed regulating the +punishment and providing for the pursuit and recapture of runaways; +but although laws became severer and finally made no distinction +in treatment of runaway servants and slaves, it was impossible to +entirely put a stop to the habit so long as the system itself lasted." +<i>Ibid.</i>, p. 56; Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, pp. 52, +57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_43_126" id="Footnote3_43_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_43_126"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_44_127" id="Footnote3_44_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_44_127"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 57-58; Henning, <i>Statutes at Large</i>, II, p. +458.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_45_128" id="Footnote3_45_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_45_128"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, pp. 51-52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_46_129" id="Footnote3_46_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_46_129"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, p. 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_47_130" id="Footnote3_47_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_47_130"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> "As a result, (my comma) the idea of the contract and of +the legal personality of the servant was gradually lost sight of in +the disposition to regard him as a chattel and a part of the personal +estate of his master, which might be treated and disposed of very much +in the same way as the rest of the estate. He became thus rated in +inventories of estate, and was disposed of both by will and by deed +along with the rest of the property." Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the +Col. of Va.</i>, pp. 43, 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_48_131" id="Footnote3_48_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_48_131"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Eddis, <i>Letters from Am.</i>, p. 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_49_132" id="Footnote3_49_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_49_132"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Example of the advertisement of the arrival of a +servantship: "Just Arrived in the Sophia, Alexander Verdeen, Master, +from Dublin, Twenty stout, healthy Indented Men Servents Whose +Indentures will be disposed of on reasonable Terms, by the Captain on +board, or the subscribers ..., etc." McCormac, <i>White Servitude in +Md.</i>, p. 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_50_133" id="Footnote3_50_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_50_133"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 39, 40, 42, 52, 85-89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_51_134" id="Footnote3_51_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_51_134"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>White Servitude in the Col. of Va.</i>, pp. 31, +33, 68; Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 39-40; Russell, <i>The +Free Negro in Va.</i>, pp. 46-47.</p></div></div> + + +<h3>The Gradual Transition of Negro Servitude into Negro Slavery</h3> + +<p>The status of the Negro in British America was at first that of a +servant. He was not held for life, but set at liberty after a term of +service. It was his service, not himself, that was the property or +chattel of another, and his offspring was not subject to servitude. +Again, he had privileges similar to and in some cases identical with +those of the other servants; in many cases the rules which governed +other servants governed him as well. In short, the Negro was not the +"absolute possession" of another.<a name="FNanchor3_1_135" id="FNanchor3_1_135"></a><a href="#Footnote3_1_135" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Moreover, it was some years +before he became a slave. Distinctly during this time, his status +went<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> through a gradual process of transition inevitable in the +development of subjection in the colonies.<a name="FNanchor3_2_136" id="FNanchor3_2_136"></a><a href="#Footnote3_2_136" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>"Servant" becomes "servant for life" and "perpetual servant" in +colonial laws. The progress of extending the Negro servant's term +is generally observed in the language of the laws of the colonies. +It appears that as the servants went into slavery, "what is +termed perpetual was substituted for limited service, while all +the predetermined incidents of servitude, except such as referred +to ultimate freedom, continued intact." Later the terms "servant +for life," "perpetual servant" and "bond servant" were used +interchangeably with "slave" and the words "servant" and "slave" and +their liabilities were joined in the same enactments.<a name="FNanchor3_3_137" id="FNanchor3_3_137"></a><a href="#Footnote3_3_137" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> It was some +time before the word "slave" was clearly and definitely used, and the +servant who became slave lost all the earmarks of a servant.<a name="FNanchor3_4_138" id="FNanchor3_4_138"></a><a href="#Footnote3_4_138" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>The practice of holding the servant after the expiration of his term +was more characteristic of black servitude than white. As the Negroes +increased in numbers, this practice increased. As white servitude +declined, the assurance of labor waned. The extension of the Negro's +term, then, for a few years longer and eventually to life service +appeared a logical as well as a necessary step for the masters to +take.<a name="FNanchor3_5_139" id="FNanchor3_5_139"></a><a href="#Footnote3_5_139" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Moreover, since the public was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> often led to believe that +when at liberty the Negroes were an uncontrollable and probably +dangerous element of the population, extension of their terms in +servitude gradually gained public approval.<a name="FNanchor3_6_140" id="FNanchor3_6_140"></a><a href="#Footnote3_6_140" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Hence, the Negro +servant was held whenever the occasion demanded and the opportunity +presented itself.</p> + +<p>In illustrating the gradual transition into slavery through repeated +holding and attempts at holding the Negro servants for life, court +cases of Virginia may be taken as typical. Brass, a Negro, whose +master, a ship captain, had died, was, upon being threatened with +enslavement, assigned by the General Court in 1625 as servant to the +governor of the colony instead of as slave to the company of his late +master's ship.<a name="FNanchor3_7_141" id="FNanchor3_7_141"></a><a href="#Footnote3_7_141" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> John Punch, who ran away in company with three white +servants, was adjudged by the court, in 1640, to serve his master the +"time of his natural life" while the white servants were given four +additional years to serve. Anthony Johnson, a Negro to whom attention +has already been called, owned a large tract of land on the Eastern +Shore. In 1640 he became involved in a suit for holding John Castor, +another Negro, seven years overtime. It appears that Castor was set +free. Later, however, Johnson brought suit against Robert Parker, a +white man, for harboring Castor as if he were a free man; and the +court decided that Castor return to his master, Johnson, evidently for +service for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> life. Sometime before 1644, a mulatto boy named Emanuel, +a servant, was sold "as a slave forever" but later was adjudged by +the Assembly "no slave and but to serve as other Christian servants +do." In 1673, a servant, who had been unlawfully detained beyond his +five-year period, won judgment against his master, George Light; the +Negro servant was set free and received his freedom dues from the +master.<a name="FNanchor3_8_142" id="FNanchor3_8_142"></a><a href="#Footnote3_8_142" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> In 1674 Philip Cowan petitioned the governor for freedom on +the ground that Charles Lucas kept him three years overtime and then +compelled him by threats to sign an indenture for twenty years.<a name="FNanchor3_9_143" id="FNanchor3_9_143"></a><a href="#Footnote3_9_143" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>Other indications of holding the Negro servant may be shown. In +Pennsylvania, Negro servants were invariably given a longer term of +service than the white servants and often held after the expiration of +the term;<a name="FNanchor3_10_144" id="FNanchor3_10_144"></a><a href="#Footnote3_10_144" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> so extensive was the practice of holding these servants +that, in 1682 and 1693, laws were enacted against it.<a name="FNanchor3_11_145" id="FNanchor3_11_145"></a><a href="#Footnote3_11_145" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> In Georgia +a road to slavery was paved by extending the servants' terms. Negroes +were brought out of North Carolina into Georgia by white servants +who, becoming tired of servitude, had these blacks serve out their +unexpired terms with the Georgia masters. As this worked well the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> +masters lengthened the term of the Negro servants to life.<a name="FNanchor3_12_146" id="FNanchor3_12_146"></a><a href="#Footnote3_12_146" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> In +fact, on account of the reciprocal influence of white servitude and +Negro servitude, wherever white servants were taken advantage of and +held longer, Negro servants were subjected to harsher treatment and +longer extension of term.</p> + +<p>The mulatto class in the colonies constituted an element through +which transition of Negro servitude into slavery is apparent. As the +mulattoes were looked upon as the result of an "abominable mixture" of +the races and as representing a troublesome element in society, local +laws and colonial statutes were gradually enacted to check and control +them.<a name="FNanchor3_13_147" id="FNanchor3_13_147"></a><a href="#Footnote3_13_147" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The statutes first aimed at serving as a deterrent upon the +women, and hence arose the doctrine of <i>partus sequitur ventrem</i>, +which imposed the mother's status upon the offspring. However, the +first statute to this effect, the act of 1662 in Virginia, was largely +enacted because of fornication of Englishmen and Negro women.<a name="FNanchor3_14_148" id="FNanchor3_14_148"></a><a href="#Footnote3_14_148" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> +Statutes enunciating this doctrine were enacted in the other colonies +as follows: Maryland, 1663; Massachusetts, 1698; Connecticut and New +Jersey, 1704; Pennsylvania and New York, 1706; South Carolina, 1712; +Rhode Island, 1728; and North Carolina, 1741.<a name="FNanchor3_15_149" id="FNanchor3_15_149"></a><a href="#Footnote3_15_149" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Thus not only Negro +mulattoes, that is, the offspring of white men and Negro women, were +prevented from becoming servants, but those who were already either +freemen or servants were gradually reduced to slavery. To check the +growth of the mulatto class, particularly through the intermixture +and intermarriage of Negro men and white women, a Virginia law in +1691 provided that the woman be fined, or sold into service for +five years, or given five years of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> added time, and the mulatto be +bound out for thirty years.<a name="FNanchor3_16_150" id="FNanchor3_16_150"></a><a href="#Footnote3_16_150" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> In Maryland, Pennsylvania, and North +Carolina, similar laws were passed.<a name="FNanchor3_17_151" id="FNanchor3_17_151"></a><a href="#Footnote3_17_151" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> The mulatto, then, in one case +was reduced from freeman and servant to slave, and in the other case +made a servant for thirty or more years.<a name="FNanchor3_18_152" id="FNanchor3_18_152"></a><a href="#Footnote3_18_152" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> Thus the debasing of the +status of the mulatto helped the transition to slavery.</p> + +<p>Just as the fugitive white servant repeatedly gave occasion, through +incidents growing out of his capture, return, and deterrence, to lower +the status of the servant until it assumed the character of slavery, +so the fugitive Negro servant made his lot harder and influenced the +extension of his term to perpetuity. The Negro servant, unlike either +the Indian or white servant, obviously had little to tempt him to run +away from his master; his physical characteristics made detection +easy, there was no free Negro population to which he could escape, the +unfamiliar country around him held but poor prospects for his making +a livelihood more easily than under his master, and the strangeness +of his situation undoubtedly had much to do with his acceptance of +it. Yet the Negro as a servant did run away. It is very probable +that the practice of running<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> away to the Indians began when he was +a servant.<a name="FNanchor3_19_153" id="FNanchor3_19_153"></a><a href="#Footnote3_19_153" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Again, it appears that he ran away not infrequently +in company with white servants. In Virginia, in 1640, John Punch, a +Negro servant, ran away in company with two white servants. The three +were overtaken in Maryland and brought back to Virginia for trial. The +court ordered that the white servants' terms be lengthened four years, +and that Punch, the Negro servant, "shall serve his master or his +assigns for the time of his natural life."<a name="FNanchor3_20_154" id="FNanchor3_20_154"></a><a href="#Footnote3_20_154" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p>The transition of servitude to slavery, moreover, is distinctly +noticed in the change in the conception of property in the service +of the Negro to that of property in his person.<a name="FNanchor3_21_155" id="FNanchor3_21_155"></a><a href="#Footnote3_21_155" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Like that of the +white and Indian servants, the Negro's service through contract, +implied and expressed, was owned by the master. This ownership, +however, consisted of only the right of the master to the service of +the servant. Gradually, as this service necessarily became involved +in wills, estates, taxation, and business transactions, the person of +the servant instead of his service came more and more to be regarded, +both in custom and in law, as property, so that eventually the +servant, himself, was considered personal estate. Thus he was "rated +in inventories of estates, was transferable both <i>inter vivos</i> and by +will, descended to the executors and administrators, and was taxable." +While he was now a "contractual person," he still retained such +incidents of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> personality as rights of limited protection, personal +freedom, and possession of property.<a name="FNanchor3_22_156" id="FNanchor3_22_156"></a><a href="#Footnote3_22_156" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> As the service of the servant +became more and more regarded and treated as a form of property, his +personality was completely lost sight of, and his term was extended +to the time of his natural life.<a name="FNanchor3_23_157" id="FNanchor3_23_157"></a><a href="#Footnote3_23_157" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> Easily, then, the Negro servant +regarded at first a part of the personal estate came at length to be +regarded as a chattel real.</p> + +<p class="author"> +T. R. Davis</p> +<p class="sc hang"> +Walden College,<br /> +Nashville, Tenn.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_1_135" id="Footnote3_1_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_1_135"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Ante, p. 266.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_2_136" id="Footnote3_2_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_2_136"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Local conditions and circumstances dictated and directed +the form of subjection. For this same reason, both servitude and +slavery differed in different sections of the country. Nieboer brings +out the local character of subjection when he holds that slavery does +not exist as formally among fishing and hunting peoples as among +agricultural and that subjection is milder in an open country than in +a closed. Nieboer, <i>Slavery as an Industrial Institution</i>, p. 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_3_137" id="Footnote3_3_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_3_137"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_4_138" id="Footnote3_4_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_4_138"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> It is not meant that all Negroes became servants and +then slaves. Many Negroes became servants and followed the course +of servants while others became slaves and remained slaves. At any +period, however, during his first three-quarter century at least in +the colonies, the most pronounced status of the Negro consisted of a +cross-section of a transition from servitude to slavery.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_5_139" id="Footnote3_5_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_5_139"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> On the significance of the expiration of the white +servant's term, Bruce has this to say: "Unless the planter had been +careful to make provision against their departure by the importation +of other laborers, he was left in a helpless position without men to +reap his crops or to widen the area of his new grounds.... Perhaps in +a majority of cases, his object was to obtain laborers whom he might +substitute for those whose term were on the point of expiring. It was +this constantly recurring necessity which must have been the source +of much anxiety and annoyance as well as heavy pecuniary outlay, that +led the planters to prefer youths to adults among the imported English +agricultural servants, for while their physical strength might have +been less, yet the periods for which they were bound extended over a +longer time." Bruce, <i>Econ. Hist. of Va.</i>, II, pp. 58-59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_6_140" id="Footnote3_6_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_6_140"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist, of Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 37-38. "Negro +servants were sometimes compelled by threats and browbeating to sign +indentures for longer terms after they had served out their original +terms." (Russell, <i>The Free Negro in Va.</i>, p. 33.) Indian servants, +too, were held and reduced to slaves whenever possible. Lauber, +<i>Indian Slavery in Colonial Times</i>, pp. 196-201.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_7_141" id="Footnote3_7_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_7_141"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist, of Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 29, 30, 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_8_142" id="Footnote3_8_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_8_142"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Russell, <i>The Free Negro in Va.</i>, pp. 32, 31, 32, 33, 34, +38-39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_9_143" id="Footnote3_9_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_9_143"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> "Petition of a negro for redress To the Rt. Hon'ble Sir +William Berkeley, Knt., Goverr and Cap. Genl of Virga, with the Hon. +Councell of State. The Petiti'on of Phillip Corven, a negro, in all +humility showeth: That yor petr being a servant to Mrs. Annye Beazley, +late of James, City County, widow, deed. The said Mrs. Beazley made +her last will and testament in writing, under her hand and seal, +bearing date of April, An Dom. 1664, ... that yor petr by the then +name of negro boy Philip, should serve her cousin, ... the terme of +eight yeares ... and then should enjoy his freedom and be paid three +barrels of corne and a sute of clothes." Cowen was sold, it appears, +to Lucas who kept him and forced him to sign the long indenture. +Palmer, <i>Calendar of State Papers</i>, I, p. 10. +</p> +<p> +Russell corrects "Corven" to "Cowan," <i>The Free Negro in Va.</i>, p. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_10_144" id="Footnote3_10_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_10_144"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> "This practice of holding negroes for a longer term than +white persons, which lasted for a longer time than had originally been +contemplated, since it was allowed to apply to negroes brought into +Pennsylvania from other states, bade fair to perpetuate itself and +last longer still." Turner, <i>The Negro in Penn.</i>, pp. 93, 95, 99-100.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_11_145" id="Footnote3_11_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_11_145"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_12_146" id="Footnote3_12_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_12_146"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Stevens, <i>Hist. of Ga.</i>, I, p. 306.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_13_147" id="Footnote3_13_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_13_147"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Henning, <i>Statutes at Large</i>, pp. 145, 146, 252, 433, +551, 552; <i>Ibid.</i>, II, 115; <i>Ibid.</i>, III, 87, 453; Ballagh, <i>Hist. of +Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 57; Turner, <i>The Negro in Penn.</i>, pp. 112-113; +McCormac, <i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, pp. 67-70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_14_148" id="Footnote3_14_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_14_148"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 57; McCormac, +<i>White Servitude in Md.</i>, p. 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_15_149" id="Footnote3_15_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_15_149"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, p. 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_16_150" id="Footnote3_16_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_16_150"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 57-58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_17_151" id="Footnote3_17_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_17_151"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Stroud, <i>Laws Relating to Slavery</i>, pp. 8-9; Turner, +<i>The Negro in Penn.</i>, pp. 24-25, 92; Moore, <i>Notes on the Hist. of +Slavery in Mass.</i>, p. 54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_18_152" id="Footnote3_18_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_18_152"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> The transition is exhibited in another case still more +completely. "This position rendered them especially eligible for gross +purposes, both in their intimate contact with the negroes and in their +relations to their employers. The law had unwittingly set a premium +upon immorality, as the female mulatto not only added an additional +term to her period of service, but her offspring was by a law of 1723 +in its turn forced to serve the master until the age of thirty-one +years. Such mulatto servants, then, were scarcely better off as to +prospective freedom than the negro slave. Custom tended to reduce them +to a state of slavery. About the middle of the eighteenth century +(circa 1765) the practice arose of actually disposing of their persons +by sale, both in the colony and without, as slaves. So flagrant was +the practice that further legislation was demanded to check the +illegal proceeding by appropriate penalties. It would appear that +the offenders were those who were entitled to the mulattoes only as +servants, but used the power of intimidation or deceit, which could be +easily practiced in the case of minor bastards born in their service." +Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 59-60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_19_153" id="Footnote3_19_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_19_153"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> From the very first, the Indians and Negroes as servants +came in contact. Also, there seems to have been a "common bond of +union" between Indians and Negroes. Again the colony laws concerning +runaway servants generally took care of the Negro and Indian servants +in the same act. Russell, <i>The Free Negro in Va.</i>, pp. 128-129; +Lauber, <i>Indian Slavery in Colonial Times</i>, pp. 218, 220-221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_20_154" id="Footnote3_20_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_20_154"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Russell, <i>The Free Negro in Va.</i>, pp. 29-30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_21_155" id="Footnote3_21_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_21_155"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> "With the change of the status of servitude to the +status of slavery, certain of the attributes of the former condition +were continued and connected with the latter chief of these, and the +fundamental idea on which the change was effected, was the conception +of property right which, from the idea of the ownership of an +individual's service resting upon contract implied or expressed, came +to be that of ownership of an individual's person." Lauber, <i>Indian +Slavery in Colonial Times</i>, p. 215.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_22_156" id="Footnote3_22_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_22_156"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Ballagh, <i>Hist. of Slavery in Va.</i>, pp. 39-40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_23_157" id="Footnote3_23_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_23_157"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Lauber, <i>Indian Slavery in Colonial Times</i>, pp. 226, +227, 230; Turner, <i>The Negro in Penn.</i>, p. 25. "With the loss of the +ultimate right to freedom, the contractual element and the incidents +essential to it were swept away, and as the idea of personality was +obscured, the conception of property gained force, so that it became +an easy matter to add incidents more strictly defining the property +right and insuring its protection."</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>THREE ELEMENTS OF AFRICAN CULTURE</h2> + + +<p>The passion for self expression is one of the most potent factors +in social development. No problem of social philosophy yields to a +satisfactory solution where the passion for expression is not regarded +as a requisite factor. This principle is operative in the life of +the individual, the race, and the nation. All human achievements +are directly traceable to some inward urge, and evolution, as a +theory, is but the universalization of this principle. Civilization, +whether in its more perfected stages or whether in its manifestations +that are crude and rudimentary, is essentially a measure of human +expression. The inward urge that drives mankind onward has a +variety of manifestations and the difference in the number of +these manifestations is the measure of differences between various +civilizations, and between civilization and barbarism or savagery. +The impulse that moves the saintly worshipper in St. Peter's to kiss +the rosary as he kneels low-bowed and earnest before the high altar +is the same that moves the aborigine in Zululand to dance in frenzied +ecstacies around his devil-bush. That there are various degrees of +self-expression, with a maximum in this nation and age, and a minimum +in that, is a fact that is as undeniable as it is obvious; but that +there are impulses of cultural possibilities which are lavished upon +some races while totally withheld from others is a thesis which finds +no sanction in history or archaeology.</p> + +<p>Archaeology is the guiding light in which we grope in our attempt +to explore the life of ancient man. In Europe and in Asia we have +unearthed numerous evidences of prehistoric cultures. There may +have been surprise at the antiquity and variety but certainly not +at the location, for it was highly probable that the present high +civilization of Europe and Asia had risen from the ruins of older +ones;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span> yet it cannot be longer doubted that when archaeology as a +searchlight was turned upon Africa there was occasion of surprise when +that Dark Land yielded evidences of a civilization that antedated the +arrival of the European. It would be just as hard to designate the +African cultures as purely Negro as to designate the European cultures +as purely Teuton. However, a study of African culture promises richer +results when it can be identified with certain Negro tribes or such +Negroid tribes as have a large extraction of Negro blood. The findings +of archaeology have not only a backward look but also a meaning for +the future and especially is this true of African cultures, which not +only throw light upon the past of the black man but may also become +prophetic of his future. It shall be the purpose of this treatise +to analyze the African cultures so as to disclose their essential +elements and to compare these elements with their counterparts in +European cultures.</p> + +<p>Once attention had been directed towards Africa, there arose numerous +archaeological expeditions and especially noteworthy were the findings +of those from Germany and England, the two European countries which +had the most ambitious schemes of colonization. In details there is +not always agreement among the various archaeological explorers; but, +in the main, there is a unanimity that is marvelous and especially is +this true when there is evidenced such keen rivalry that is at bottom +doubtless economic.</p> + +<p>What are the essential elements of civilization? What are the cultural +manifestations which constitute the <i>sine qua non</i> of human progress? +What is the "irreducible minimum" of civilization? A studied answer +must include ethics, art and government, for without any one of these +no social order can claim for itself an approach to civilization. The +cultures of nations and races must be expressive of these cardinal +elements of social expression. In investigating African cultures and +their essential elements it is deemed best to dwell at greatest length +on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> positive aspects of these cultural manifestations. To attempt +a negative exposition of the primitive cultures of any people will not +reveal any worthwhile criterion of its worth especially when the scope +of investigation is limited to three essential elements of culture. +If ethics, art and government constitute the irreducible minimum of +civilization which is manifested in certain cultural aspects, it is +clear at the outset that specialization in ethics, art and government +is the measure of a people's advancement.</p> + + +<h3>I. Ethics</h3> + +<p>Of the African peoples let us consider first their ethics. It can +hardly be doubted that it was an important step in man's upward +journey when he reached what anthropologists have called "the dawn +of mind" but it was no less momentous an event when there was within +him the dawn of morality. Morality is the highest defensive weapon +which mankind can wield. So important has it become in the struggle +for existence that, to man, the highest form of greatness is a moral +greatness. That the highest civilizations of history have been +grounded in moral strength has become an historical postulate, but +what of the races and nations that live beyond their pale? Were the +Africans in their crude and primitive surroundings moral beings? +Tillinghast and Beauvais would doubtless answer in the negative. +The former in his <i>The Negro in Africa and America</i> is loud in +his criticism of the ethical standards of the African, in fact he +seriously doubts the advisability of saying that the tribes of Africa +have an awakened moral sense. Frobenius, however, comes forward with +an assertion to the contrary, asserting: "I cannot do otherwise than +say, that these human creatures are the chastest and most ethically +disposed of all the national groups in the world which have become +known to me."<a name="FNanchor3_1_158" id="FNanchor3_1_158"></a><a href="#Footnote3_1_158" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> In justice to the other "national groups" we may say +that Frobenius here doubtless overdraws the virtues of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> the Yoruban +tribes, yet his assertions when taken with ever so much reserve would +lead to the conclusion that the Africans have considerable moral +sense. Frobenius leaves no doubt that the Yorubans are a mixed people, +although certain degrees of mixtures of people are found everywhere; +and the fact that they are mixed alone will not vitiate the validity +of Yoruban civilization as a phase of African culture. Roscoe in +writing of the Baganda tribes has been as careful to impress us with +their blackness as Frobenius has been to indicate the Yoruban mixture. +He says: "Sex profligacy is open and thought to be no wrong. They +thought it no moral wrong to indulge the sex desire."<a name="FNanchor3_2_159" id="FNanchor3_2_159"></a><a href="#Footnote3_2_159" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Yet Roscoe +further says: "The most stringent care was exercised by the king and +chiefs, but it proved inefficient to keep the sexes apart, while +horrible punishment meted out to the delinquents when caught seemed +to lend zest to the danger incurred."<a name="FNanchor3_3_160" id="FNanchor3_3_160"></a><a href="#Footnote3_3_160" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The significant thing in +Roscoe's account is not the open sex profligacy but the "stringent +care exercised by kings and chiefs" and the "horrible punishment meted +out to offenders." After all, there is abundant evidence that even in +Baganda there is some ethical standard.</p> + +<p>Roscoe continues: "Theft is not common among the people for they +were deterred from stealing by fear of punishment which was certain +to follow."<a name="FNanchor3_4_161" id="FNanchor3_4_161"></a><a href="#Footnote3_4_161" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> The very fact that there was fear of punishment is +indicative of some conception of social morality. Fear as a preventive +of crime is not the most commendable incentive to morality, but it +is one that must be employed in all civilizations; for man is first +an animal then a moral being. The fear referred to does not prove +that the Baganda has the highest type of morality, but it proves that +they have a type and this is significant for primitive peoples. The +low standard in anything may be prophetic of higher ones which are +approachable only by means of the lower ones as stepping<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> stones. This +is true in art, science and religion. The fact that the Bagandas were +"hospitable and liberal and that real poverty did not exist"<a name="FNanchor3_5_162" id="FNanchor3_5_162"></a><a href="#Footnote3_5_162" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> shows +the presence of a social consciousness which in many ways evidences a +standard of ethics. According to Roscoe the thief was killed on the +spot, death for adultery was certain;<a name="FNanchor3_6_163" id="FNanchor3_6_163"></a><a href="#Footnote3_6_163" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> yet he attempts to maintain +his thesis as to their lack of morality in these words: "The moral +ideas of the people are crude, it was not wrongdoing but detection +that they feared; men were restrained from committing crimes through +fear of the power of the gods."<a name="FNanchor3_7_164" id="FNanchor3_7_164"></a><a href="#Footnote3_7_164" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It is obvious that "detection" is +to be feared only where there are detectives and these are present +only when they have been called forth in response to some social +demands.</p> + +<p>There is still other light to be turned on the ethical status of +the African tribes. Bent, more sympathetic towards the natives of +Mashonaland, delivers himself thus: "Not only has Khama established +his reputation for honesty; but he is supposed to have inoculated his +people with the same virtue. I must say that I looked forward with +great interest to seeing a man with so wide a reputation for integrity +and enlightenment as Khama in South Africa. Somehow one's spirit of +skepticism is on the alert on such occasions and especially when a +Negro is the case in point; and I candidly admit that I advanced +towards Palapwe fully prepared to find Ba Mangwato a rascal and +hypocrite and I left his capital after a week's stay there one of his +fervent admirers."<a name="FNanchor3_8_165" id="FNanchor3_8_165"></a><a href="#Footnote3_8_165" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> But Dent adds: "Doubtless on the traversed roads +and large centers where they are brought into contact with traders +and would-be civilizers of the race, these people become thieves and +vagabonds, but in their primitive state the Makalangas are naturally +honest, exceedingly courteous in manner."<a name="FNanchor3_9_166" id="FNanchor3_9_166"></a><a href="#Footnote3_9_166" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span></p> + +<p>It is plain to the impartial critic that judged by our ethical +standards the peoples commended above would fall far short; but this +is no less true with the earliest civilization of historic times. +Standards not only vary from age to age but from people to people. +In arguing to support the thesis that in Africa the lowliest tribes +had some ethical standard, it is not necessary to prove that these +standards compare favorably or unfavorably with those of modern times. +Such is beside the question and with the testimony of the English +and German archaeologists before us we are safe in saying that the +African tribes had an ethical standard and thus the potentials of a +civilization based upon morality. Neither can it be proved that the +ethical standards of the tribes of Baganda, Mashonaland and Yoruba +are without worth because they differ in so many particulars from our +own. Later we shall attempt to show just why there is such disparity +between their ethics and ours. Furthermore, it is not necessary to +prove that ethical contacts with Europeans affords no basis for the +tribesmen but it is reasonable to suppose that the ethics of the +African tribes had possibilities the same as the earliest nations of +Europe and Asia; and if contacts with Europeans be argued against the +proposition that the Africans evolved an ethical standard, the same +argument may be used to bedim the glory of our own civilization.</p> + +<p>We, therefore, contend that whatever possibilities lie with the people +who can evolve an ethical standard surely must lie with the African. +It is true that the happy faculty of coordinating ethics with ideals +has made nations great and civilizations splendid, and that such +faculty evidenced itself in the long-dark continent of Africa. The +principle of evolution is just as operative in the world of ethics +as in the world of physical sciences. Ethics must grow and outgrown +ethics is ethics notwithstanding. The most rabid critic does not deny +to Africa ethical origins, but such authorities as Tillinghast and +Beauvais would deny their practical worth. These men criticize the +standard rather<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> than deny that there are ethical manifestations of +culture. Ellwood in his Sociology and Social Problems contends that +the regulation of sex relations has been the greatest achievement of +man. Granting the truth of this statement, we have evidences that the +African made desperate efforts to regulate sex relations both by a +kind of public opinion and by punishment; for Roscoe says: "It was +looked upon as a great disgrace to a family if a girl was with child +prior to marriage."<a name="FNanchor3_10_167" id="FNanchor3_10_167"></a><a href="#Footnote3_10_167" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> We are certain that there was "marriage" and +this itself is an indication that an attempt had been made to regulate +the all-important matter of sex. Roscoe further held that "the +marriage vow was binding."<a name="FNanchor3_11_168" id="FNanchor3_11_168"></a><a href="#Footnote3_11_168" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Both those writers who commended the +ethics of the Africans and those who belittled their standard, then, +are essentially agreed to the fact of their ethics. Although there +were wide variations in the standards of different tribes, we are +abundantly justified in assuming that the ethics of the Africans was +as susceptible to improvement as our own. The more advanced standards +were prophetic of still more advanced ones.</p> + + +<h3>II. Art</h3> + +<p>What a man admires is an infallible index to his innermost soul. +Whether in the adornment of some temple or the crude markings upon +primitive pottery, man is ever striving to express himself in his +labors. Strange to say that though the passion for self-expression +is dominant in human activities, the art of expression is still in +its infancy. We may divide human artifacts into two classes, namely, +those of utility and those of aestheticism. That the latter has a +form of utility we should in no case deny but as to the utility of +aesthetics we deem it beside the point here to discuss. When we use +the term "art" in this treatise it will have the specific meaning of +the attempt on the part of man to express his emotions; or his attempt +to satisfy the aesthetic cravings in the soul. That<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span> there are such +cravings is a fact which is universally conceded. That there are many +evidences of such attempts among all civilized lands none will deny. +That man's attempts at artistic expression is a criterion of his +civilization is an historic fact. There can be no civilization without +its concomitants of aesthetics. Man seeks beauty for beauty's sake, +and he alone of the animals gives evidence of such propensity to a +pronounced degree. In song, upon canvas, and in marble, humanity has +poured forth its innermost soul of sentiments inexpressibly sublime. +There is no passion, no object that has not at some time inflamed the +soul and moved some mortal to the abode of the gods.</p> + +<p>What have the explorers in Darkest Africa found to indicate that +the Africans loved the beautiful? What have the Africans to show +as specimens of fine art? The music of Negro peoples has become +proverbial. In so far as song is an expression of aesthetic +propensities the African abundantly qualifies as a lover of art. +Whether the strength of a Wagner or the melody of a Beethoven; whether +the melody of a southern plantation or a concert in Symphony Hall, the +principle of the music is the same. The crude instruments of which +the explorer tells us are mute testimonials of the African's attempts +to express himself in song and music. There were to be found in the +Bagandaland, according to Roscoe, drums for dancing and the "royal" +drum was elaborately decorated, thus showing a combination of sight +and soul appreciation for beauty. He said that the harp and stringed +fife were also found in this same tribe. The pottery found in this +region was glazed and figures painted thereon indicated beyond doubt +artistic design of no mean order. The basketry had various figures +worked through the skillful manipulation of the bark fibres. Roscoe +asserts that polychrome paintings were much in evidence among the +Baganda tribes and their work in ivory corresponded favorably with +the same kind of work found in Europe during the Neolithic Age.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> +Whether fine art was indigenous is not a pertinent question but +the significant thing is that Roscoe found these tribes actually +giving expression to what seemed to be a well-developed sense of the +beautiful.</p> + +<p>When Bent reached the ruined city of Zimbabwe, he found the natives +playing upon one-stringed instruments with gourds as resonators and +he avers that "the sound was plaintive if not sweet."<a name="FNanchor3_12_169" id="FNanchor3_12_169"></a><a href="#Footnote3_12_169" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> That a mode +of dress is primitive is no proof that it lacks taste and a subtle +refinement. This is amply illustrated by the striking beauty of +Egyptian costumes which now again grace the modern stage. Though four +thousand years have elapsed since Egypt basked in the pristine glory +that was hers, we have many evidences that what was pretty then is not +ugly now. This is no less true of the remnants of those who saw the +sun of glory shine upon Mashonaland. In remarking about their apparel +Roscoe is positive in the assertion that "their dress evidences taste +when not contaminated with a hybrid civilization."<a name="FNanchor3_13_170" id="FNanchor3_13_170"></a><a href="#Footnote3_13_170" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Like the +Cretans, they displayed artistic tendencies to the extent the simplest +tool bore evidences of ornamentation. If such tendency in the Cretans +was indicative of the artistic temperament, a similar tendency in the +Africans must be similarly interpreted.</p> + +<p>According to Roscoe, definite stages are well defined and can be +definitely traced in their paintings. At first the themes were things +and later they were men and the human body as a design for the artist +is clearly portrayed. There was a "breast and furrow" type of painting +that marked almost every object with which they had to do. The piano +with iron keys was very much like such instruments found in Egypt. +The Jews' harp was found in many quarters. There can be no doubt that +music had its place in the life of the Mashonaland. But music is a +fine art and its value lies largely if not wholly in its appeal to our +aesthetic natures. What can be the meaning of such evidences of love +of music<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> among the African tribes? Can it not be interpreted as their +response to the appeal of the beautiful?</p> + +<p>Of the great defensive walls of Zimbabwe Bent says: "The fort is +a marvel with its tortuous and well-guarded approaches; its walls +bristling with monoliths and round towers, its temple decorated with +tall weird-looking birds, its huge decorated bowls. The only parallel +that I have seen were the long avenues of menhirs near Carnac in +Brittany. One cannot fail to recognize the vastness and power of this +ancient race, their greatness of constructive ingenuity and their +strategic skill."<a name="FNanchor3_14_171" id="FNanchor3_14_171"></a><a href="#Footnote3_14_171" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Of course, there is evidence that the present +inhabitants of those ruined cities were not the tribes that once ruled +mightily in these regions. Bent himself holds that such high culture +must have come from another people. The very fact that the present +population seems so far below the level of culture that once prevailed +there is the only evidence upon which Bent predicates his argument +that another race than the Negroes were the bearers of this great +culture. However, it is hardly probable that the level of culture +was foreign to the Negroes who lived in the palmy days of Zimbabwe. +There must have been an overlapping of cultures even if we grant +that another race produced the culture of this region. It is hardly +probable that a dominant race would have wholly abdicated in favor of +the natives and it is still less probable that the natives could have +dislodged a race so strongly fortified. It is highly probable that the +same race of people could have produced the peoples who occupied the +level of these two very different cultures. No one supposes that the +inhabitants of Athens today are equal to the Greeks of the days of +Pericles. Yet they are connected with the same great race.</p> + +<p>Aside from the ancient walls and temples reputed to be the products +of a genius foreign to the tribes of today, Bent comments favorably +upon the art such as is the product of the modern inhabitant. With +regard to a beautiful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> bowl he says: "The work displayed in executing +these bowls, the careful rounding of edges, the exact execution of the +circle, the fine pointed tool marks and the subjects they chose to +depict point to a race having been far advanced in artistic skill." +Hunting scenes are numerous and in the processions of men, animals +are often put in to make for relief, sometimes a bird is introduced +for the same effect. It is quite singular that in one of the hunting +scenes the sportsman is a Hottentot. Sculptoring was usually done in +soapstone and the bird upon the post is a subject which is frequently +depicted. The drawings found by Bent in the Mazoe Valley were simple +yet beautifully executed. The magnificent hand-made pottery is +decorated in patterns of red and black which colors are obtained +from hemolite and plumbogo. If we turn with Bent to Mtokoland and +see in the Mtoko's kraal the drawings of the Bushmen, "we can trace +distinctly three different periods of execution. The first is crude +and now faint representation of unknown life; the second is deeper +in color and admirably executed and partly on top of this latter are +animals of the best period of this art in red and yellow. The third is +an inartistic representation of human beings which evidently belongs +to a period of decadence and in the execution of this work the colors +invariably are red, yellow and black."<a name="FNanchor3_15_172" id="FNanchor3_15_172"></a><a href="#Footnote3_15_172" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<p>What significance has this manifestation of art? What coloring does +it give to the cultural development of Africa? It simply means that +the African like other peoples enjoys the finer sentiments that make +life worth living. Among the writers there is as much unanimity on the +question of African art as there is on African ethics. All told, it +goes to show that in the essentials of culture the tribes of Africa +are not entirely wanting and there are many close parallels between +the cultural development in Africa and that in Neolithic Europe. What +difference there is is one of degree and not of kind. While Lady +Lugard's work savored<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span> more of politics than of archaeology, it cannot +be doubted that her vote may be cast on the side of those who contend +that the cultural manifestations of the African are pronounced when +their background is considered. Though crude and rudimentary, though +often hidden beneath brutal superstitions, there is always a cultural +norm with brilliant possibilities for social betterment. At best we +can be no more than fundamentally right or fundamentally good, and +this lends color to the claim of the African to real culture.</p> + + +<h3>III. Government</h3> + +<p>Much has been said about the feeble government which the African sets +up. More has been said of his innate inability in matters of civic +importance. The matter of government is important, for it is doubtful +if there can be any approach to any civilization worthy of the name +without some stable form of government. It is generally conceded that +the democratic form of government is the best developed stage of the +body politic; but this form even at present is far from realization. +While it is a great and inspiring ideal, its presupposition is that +people are capable of self-government and in many cases this is a +supposition that is not based on fact and cannot be corroborated in +practice. If democracy is the highest form, absolute monarchy may be +the lowest form. Yet monarchy is a form of government and despite +the low esteem in which it is held within recent years, it must +be admitted that for ages monarchical government was the guardian +and custodian of civilization. It is more necessary to have some +government than it is to have good government.</p> + +<p>Africa is no exception to this rule. Frobenius goes so far as to +say that the government in the Yorubaland was fashioned after a +republic.<a name="FNanchor3_16_173" id="FNanchor3_16_173"></a><a href="#Footnote3_16_173" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> With superior and subordinate officials the Yorubans +had the semblance of an orderly government. There was the king with +a senate which filled the function of cabinet as well. At the court +were counsellors-at-law<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> and attorneys for the state. Says Frobenius: +"Before the advent of Mohammedanism, forms of civilization of equal +value and significance must have been operative in the Soudan."<a name="FNanchor3_17_174" id="FNanchor3_17_174"></a><a href="#Footnote3_17_174" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> +"In fact," he continues, "the government was excellent and I was +delighted with the simple administration of the law and official +summary punishment in Makwa."<a name="FNanchor3_18_175" id="FNanchor3_18_175"></a><a href="#Footnote3_18_175" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> Of the Great Benin tribes Roth says: +"If theft is seldom heard of here, of murder we hear still less.<a name="FNanchor3_19_176" id="FNanchor3_19_176"></a><a href="#Footnote3_19_176" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> +When the Arabs first visited Negroland by the western route in the +eighth and ninth centuries of our era, they found the black kings +of Ghana in the height of their prosperity. But the black kings of +Ghana had long passed into oblivion when Edris, one of the greatest +kings of Bornu, was making gunpowder for the musketeers of his army +contemporary with Queen Elizabeth."<a name="FNanchor3_20_177" id="FNanchor3_20_177"></a><a href="#Footnote3_20_177" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p>El Bekri, a Spanish Arab and author of Tarikh-es-Soudan says of Mansa +Musa one of the nobles of Ghana: "He was distinguished by his ability +and holiness of life. The justice of his administration was such that +it still lives."<a name="FNanchor3_21_178" id="FNanchor3_21_178"></a><a href="#Footnote3_21_178" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Three hundred years later a Songhay said of him: +"As a pious and equitable prince, he was unequalled for virtue and +uprightness."<a name="FNanchor3_22_179" id="FNanchor3_22_179"></a><a href="#Footnote3_22_179" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> + +<p>The duration of the Soudanese empires, moreover, will bear comparison +with that of others which are better known to fame. Ghana enjoyed an +independent existence of about eleven hundred years—that is, a period +nearly equivalent to the period of existence of the British Empire +from the abolition of the Saxon Heptarchy to the present day. Melle +which succeeded Ghana had a shorter national life of about two hundred +and fifty years. Songhay counted its kings in regular succession from +700 to 1591—a period which almost equals the life of the Roman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> +Empire from the foundation of the republic before the Christian era to +the downfall of the empire in the second half of the fifth century. +The duration of Bornu was less reputable.</p> + +<p>The civilization represented by these empires was no doubt, if judged +by modern standards, exceedingly imperfect. "The principle of freedom, +as we understand it, was probably unknown; authority rested upon force +of arms; industrial life was based upon slavery; social life was +founded on polygamy. Side by side with barbaric splendor there was +primeval simplicity. Luxury for the few took the place of comforts +for the many. Study was devoted to what seems to us unprofitable +ends. Yet the fact that civilization, far in excess of anything which +the nations of northern Europe possessed at the earlier period of +Soudanese history, existed with stability enough to maintain empire +after empire through a known period of about 1500 years in a portion +of the world which mysteriously disappeared in the sixteenth century +from the comity of modern nations."<a name="FNanchor3_23_180" id="FNanchor3_23_180"></a><a href="#Footnote3_23_180" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p>Bent holds that "three hundred years before the Portuguese came to +this country the natives were ruled over by a chief with the dynastic +name of Nonomapata. From the evidence brought forward we are well +within the range of probability when we say that in various parts +of Africa there has been a very close approach to well-ordered +government dating from ancient days. That these governments are +non-existent today can not be laid to their discredit nor to their +faulty organization. It is a fact that the earth has not produced the +government that could very long defy the ravages of time. A journey +down the wreckstrewn highway of the ages will reveal the dry bones of +a thousand empires and it is not surprising that the humbler states of +Africa can be numbered among them. The fact that there are evidences +of decadent states in tribal Africa has its parallel in various parts +of Europe today."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span></p> + +<p>We have shown that archaeological research has revealed that the +darkness in Africa has not been from time immemorial. We have found +that the "<i>quod novi ex Africa</i>" is obsolete in an archaeological +sense. We have brought forward testimony deduced from reliable sources +that Africa is not without an historic past. We have further shown +that in eastern, central and western Africa the natives not only +exhibit now these cultural manifestations, but also there is revealed +abundant evidence of a prehistoric culture that compares favorably +with the earlier cultures of Europe. We are candid enough to admit +that in standard the cultures of Africa are inferior to our own, but +we must also admit that the present high standards in our own ethics, +art and government have not always prevailed and that there is a past +to these standards which is not always assuring.</p> + +<p>There is one question that demands an answer before we have concluded. +It is a question that is as reasonable as it is vexatious. Why have +not the nations of Africa kept pace with other mightier countries? +Why is Africa at present suffering political dissection which +would have been impossible had she fully developed the cardinal +elements of ethics, art and government? Why is there no help for her +dismemberment which constitutes the pity of the age? The answer to +these questions is obvious when we shall have considered, first, one +of the fundamental propositions in human psychology. The rise of one +nation may hinder the rise of the other. It is not improbable that an +accentuated civilization in Europe might have retarded civilization +in Africa. We do know that the slave trade had a tremendous effect +on their fortunes. When once a group makes unusual progress and by +its ambition destroys the bridge over which it passed, it cannot +be doubted that its ambitions considerably alter the fortunes of +others at its mercy. Lady Lugard cannot be gainsaid when she asserts +thus with regard to the slave trade: "Through the chaos of these +conflicting interests, the practice of slave-raiding,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> carried on +alike by the highest and lowest, ran like the poison of a destructive +sore, destroying every possibility of peaceful and prosperous +development."<a name="FNanchor3_24_181" id="FNanchor3_24_181"></a><a href="#Footnote3_24_181" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>There may be further asked the question why did not Africa rise as did +the other peoples and make her exploitation impossible. We are forced +to turn from social to natural factors. The geography of Europe is +quite different from that of Africa. When wave after wave of migrants +left the Iranian plains and turned west and east and south, it is +clear that those who turned into Africa had an endless journey before +them ere they had to the margin come. Of great mountain ranges there +were none. On the monotonous plains of Africa the cultural extensions +must have been horizontal. The races that went into Europe were more +quickly stayed in their onward march by the coldness of the north. Not +only this but they were in the midst of a mountainous country where +tribes and peoples could drift into human eddies and there remain +out of the current of human activities for ages. Not only might they +remain aloof from the busy thoroughfare of migrating myriads but +within each eddy there was the possibility of a growth in culture in +its simpler aspects. By and by, the culture of one eddy was crossed +with the culture of other eddies that had developed in other cultural +directions or farther in the same direction. In time there was by +reason of the northern limit of Europe a rebound of the population +and this was also a rebound of cultures. The various crosses and +modification of cultures made it more probable that civilized progress +would be accelerated. The culture of Europe was, by reason of the +physical geography, a heterogeneous culture, while that of Africa was +necessarily homogeneous in view of the geography of that continent.</p> + +<p>In support of my contention I refer to Ripley who says: "The +remarkable prehistoric civilization of Italy is due to the union of +cultures, one from Hallstatt region having<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span> entered from the west +via the Danube, the other coming from the southeast by sea being +distinctly Mediterranean. From the fusion of these cultures came the +Umbrian and Etruscan civilizations." Ripley further contends that the +ancient high civilization of Mesopotamia was possible because it was +a point of convergence of immigration and invasion. Civilization has +always been accentuated at points where cultures could cross.<a name="FNanchor3_25_182" id="FNanchor3_25_182"></a><a href="#Footnote3_25_182" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> +There are few or none such points in Africa; hence the retardation +of cultures there. As Lady Lugard said, the slave trade aggravated +the cultural disadvantages which grew out of the physical geography +of Africa, and because of its monotony of environment there has been +little or no cross fertilization of cultures, the indispensable +requisite to cultural development.<a name="FNanchor3_26_183" id="FNanchor3_26_183"></a><a href="#Footnote3_26_183" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> + +<p class="author"> +Gordon Blaine Hancock</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_1_158" id="Footnote3_1_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_1_158"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Frobenius, <i>The Voice of Africa</i>, 673.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_2_159" id="Footnote3_2_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_2_159"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Baganda, Their Customs and Beliefs</i>, 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_3_160" id="Footnote3_3_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_3_160"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_4_161" id="Footnote3_4_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_4_161"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Roscoe, <i>Baganda</i>, 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_5_162" id="Footnote3_5_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_5_162"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_6_163" id="Footnote3_6_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_6_163"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 263.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_7_164" id="Footnote3_7_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_7_164"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 267.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_8_165" id="Footnote3_8_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_8_165"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Bent, <i>Mashonaland</i>, 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_9_166" id="Footnote3_9_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_9_166"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_10_167" id="Footnote3_10_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_10_167"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Roscoe, <i>The Baganda</i>, 79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_11_168" id="Footnote3_11_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_11_168"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_12_169" id="Footnote3_12_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_12_169"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Bent, <i>Ruined Cities of Mashonaland</i>, 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_13_170" id="Footnote3_13_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_13_170"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_14_171" id="Footnote3_14_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_14_171"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Bent, <i>Ruined Cities of Mashonaland</i>, 113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_15_172" id="Footnote3_15_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_15_172"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 292.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_16_173" id="Footnote3_16_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_16_173"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Frobenius, <i>Voice of Africa</i>, 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_17_174" id="Footnote3_17_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_17_174"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 360.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_18_175" id="Footnote3_18_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_18_175"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 388.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_19_176" id="Footnote3_19_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_19_176"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Roth, <i>Great Benin</i>, 86.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_20_177" id="Footnote3_20_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_20_177"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_21_178" id="Footnote3_21_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_21_178"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Roth, <i>Great Benin</i>, 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_22_179" id="Footnote3_22_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_22_179"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 129.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_23_180" id="Footnote3_23_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_23_180"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 217.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_24_181" id="Footnote3_24_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_24_181"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Lugard, <i>A Tropical Dependency</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_25_182" id="Footnote3_25_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_25_182"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Ripley, <i>Races of Europe</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_26_183" id="Footnote3_26_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_26_183"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Lugard, <i>A Tropical Dependency</i>.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span></p> + +<h2>METHODISM AND THE NEGRO IN THE UNITED STATES</h2> + + +<p>The first converted Negro Methodist was baptized by John Wesley. +November 29, 1758, he wrote in his diary: "I rode to Wandsworth, and +baptized two Negroes belonging to Mr. Gilbert, a gentleman lately +from Antigua. One of these was deeply convinced of sin; the other is +rejoicing in God, her savior, and is the first African Christian I +have known. But shall not God, in his own time, have these heathen +also for his inheritance?"<a name="FNanchor3_1_184" id="FNanchor3_1_184"></a><a href="#Footnote3_1_184" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Eight years later (1766) the first +Methodist congregation of five met in the private house of Philip +Embury, in New York. One of that number was Betty, a Negro servant +girl.</p> + +<p>In 1816, fifty years after that first service in New York, the +Methodists in the United States numbered 214,235 communicants. Of +these 171,931 were white and 42,304, or nearly one-fourth, were +Negroes. Two interesting facts are, that of these 42,304 Negro +members, 30,000 or nearly three-fourths were in the South, and +gathered principally from the slave population.<a name="FNanchor3_2_185" id="FNanchor3_2_185"></a><a href="#Footnote3_2_185" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>These figures indicate the faithfulness of early Methodism to the +Negro, whether bond or free. These words and spirit of Freeborn +Garrettson only illustrate those of Coke, Asbury, and their +associates. Under divine guidance, Garrettson had freed his slaves. +He says: "I often set apart times to preach to the blacks, ... and +precious moments have I had, while many of their sable faces were +bedewed with tears, their withered hands of faith stretched out, and +their precious souls made white in the blood of the Lamb."<a name="FNanchor3_3_186" id="FNanchor3_3_186"></a><a href="#Footnote3_3_186" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span></p> + +<p>In 1786 Asbury organized the first Sunday School in the United States +in the house of David Crenshaw, Maryland.<a name="FNanchor3_4_187" id="FNanchor3_4_187"></a><a href="#Footnote3_4_187" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Both Negro and white +youth attended. One of the first converts in that school was a Negro, +John Charleston, who afterwards became a noted preacher.<a name="FNanchor3_5_188" id="FNanchor3_5_188"></a><a href="#Footnote3_5_188" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Four years +later the Conference provided for Sunday Schools for white and black +children, with text books and volunteer teachers; and all ministers +were directed to use diligence in gathering the sons and daughters +of Ham into societies, and administer among them full discipline of +the church. In 1800 the ordination of Negroes was authorized. Where +the colored membership was large, and it was desired, especially in +the cities and larger towns, separate services and churches were +provided. The policy of the church, as to the association of the races +in worship, is indicated by the following from the report of the Board +of Missions in South Carolina, in 1832: "As a general rule for our +circuits and stations, we deem it best to include the colored people +in the same pastoral charge with the whites, and to preach to both +classes in one congregation, as our practice has been. The gospel is +the same to all men, and to enjoy its privileges in common promotes +good-will."<a name="FNanchor3_6_189" id="FNanchor3_6_189"></a><a href="#Footnote3_6_189" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> There were many eminently successful Negro local +preachers, whose services were very acceptable to white congregations. +During these first fifty years all the Negro societies or classes were +under the direct care of white churches and pastors.</p> + +<p>At the close of the first half century of Methodism in America what +is known as African Methodism had its beginning. Difficulties arose +as to church seating and pastoral service, and in New York there was +dissatisfaction concerning proposed legislation on church property. +The outcome was a distinct and successful movement in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> favor of +separate Negro Methodist denominations. At Wilmington, Delaware, in +1813, the Union American Methodist Episcopal Church was organized. +In 1815 the African Methodist Episcopal Church had its beginning in +Philadelphia and five years later the African Methodist Episcopal Zion +Church was organized in New York. The conviction underlying these +separate Negro denominations is, that there is less opportunity for +friction on account of race prejudice, whether among whites or blacks, +and freer and better opportunities for the development of self-help +and racial capabilities.<a name="FNanchor3_7_190" id="FNanchor3_7_190"></a><a href="#Footnote3_7_190" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>The organization of African Methodism, independent of white control +or association, in the North, was the most striking event previous +to 1844, when the white Methodist hosts, North and South, were to be +divided. In the South the chief event of interest, outside of faithful +work of itinerants in preaching to the slave population in connection +with regular pastorates, was the successful founding of plantation +missions. Thus far the converts had been chiefly among the more +favored or house-servant class. Beyond these were vast multitudes, +probably four-fifths of the two million slaves of that day, where +intellectual and moral paganism reigned. Philanthropists, both in and +outside of the various churches, saw and recognized the necessity of +some movement beyond the regular church work, to carry the blessings +of Christian civilization into the gloom of this darker Africa in +America. Methodists led in this important work.</p> + +<p>The plan adopted was to send missionaries to the plantations, to +be supported by the planters themselves, who were friendly to the +work. Doctor (afterwards Bishop) Capers was the apostle of this +forward movement. The importance of these efforts of this churchman +are attested on a modest stone over the grave of the Bishop, at +Columbia, South Carolina, by these words, "Founder of Missions to the +Slaves." Under his guidance heroic itinerants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> were found to brave +the dangers of disease and bodily discomfort, and go into the swamps +and plantation cabins on a mission as holy as that which sent Cox to +Africa and Carey to India. Not a few of them died as martyrs, but the +places of those who fell were quickly filled. Volunteers would arise +in the annual conferences and say to the Bishops, "Here are we, send +us." This language is one of a sample of all: "We court no publicity; +we seek no gain; we dread no sickness in going after the souls of +these blacks for whom Christ died. If we may save some of them from +going down to the pit, and succeed in pointing their steps to the +heavenly city, all will be well."<a name="FNanchor3_8_191" id="FNanchor3_8_191"></a><a href="#Footnote3_8_191" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<p>The greatest success was in South Carolina, where, in 1839, at the +end of ten years, seventeen missionaries were employed. There were 97 +appointments, embracing 234 plantations and 6,556 church members, to +whom preaching and the sacraments were regularly given. They had also +under regular catechetical instruction 25,025 Negro children.</p> + +<p>In 1844, when the division of American Methodism became inevitable, +these plantation missions were in the full tide of success. They were +maintained and rejoiced in by the whole Methodist Episcopal Church. +Their chief support, however, came from Methodists and other friends +in the South. In the year mentioned there were 68 missions in nine +of the Southern States, with 80 missionaries and 22,063 members. In +that year, white southern conferences paid $22,379.25 to this work. +It is estimated that the conferences in the South gave for this cause +$200,000 during fifteen years, up to 1844.<a name="FNanchor3_9_192" id="FNanchor3_9_192"></a><a href="#Footnote3_9_192" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>The "Brother in Black," however, brought the republic an irrepressible +conflict, ending in frightful civil war. So, too, it must be said, +that in Methodism, for nearly a century Negro slavery was the occasion +of discussion and legislation, and at last of division, which Calhoun +considered the beginning of the dismemberment of the Union.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> Methodism +grew with the colonies, and at the close of the American Revolution +had 84 preachers and 15,000 members in its societies. It was the +first organized American church that officially gave its benediction, +through Washington, to the young republic. Its spirit and itinerant +system kept its organizations on the front wave of every movement +of population. Its mission was salvation to rich and poor alike, +regardless of race. Its only test of membership was "a sincere desire +to flee from the wrath to come." Peoples of every station in life, +bond and free, educated and illiterate, rich and poor, political +friends and antagonists, were alike attracted by the impassioned +appeals of her apostolic missionaries. Her form of government brought +into annual and quadrennial conferences all questions of polity or +principle involved in administration. Other churches might relegate +important questions of discipline to individual societies; Methodism +could not. Every important matter must be settled by a majority vote +of representatives of the whole church.</p> + +<p>On doctrines there were no divisions. Not so as to questions +relating to African slavery. As to the abstract right and wrong +of that institution, for many years there was but little division +among Methodists. Later some in the South talked of the "divine +institution," and occasionally a Northern man claimed that a Christian +might buy and sell slaves without sin. The legislation of the church, +however, was clear and explicit to this effect: "Slavery is contrary +to the laws of God and man, and wrong and hurtful to society." All +buying and selling of slaves, then, was forbidden.<a name="FNanchor3_10_193" id="FNanchor3_10_193"></a><a href="#Footnote3_10_193" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Gradually the +irrepressible conflict began in the church. The Northern section more +and more taught that slavery was wrong, and could in no way be excused +or tolerated by the church of Christ, without partaking of its sin. +The South held that slavery was a civil institution, approved by the +word of God, and that the church was not responsible for its existence +or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> its abuses. The duty of the church in its relation to slavery was +taught to be loyalty to civil government, as represented by national +and State laws, and to give the gospel as far as possible to both +master and slave.</p> + +<p>For more than half a century the largest growth of the church had been +in the Southern States, and Southern views as to slavery modified +legislation in relation to that institution. On the other hand, with +the development of the West and Northwest, the balance of legislative +influence shifted northward until in the historic General Conference +of 1844, Bishop Andrews of Georgia, having become related to slavery +by marriage, was requested by a vote of 111 to 69 "to desist from +the exercise of his episcopal office so long as this impediment +remained."<a name="FNanchor3_11_194" id="FNanchor3_11_194"></a><a href="#Footnote3_11_194" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Then followed the inevitable division, and the +organization of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. Only seventeen +years later the Civil War began and Southern Methodist hosts gave +their sympathies, prayers, votes, money and sons to the Army of Gray; +while Methodists in the North, to quote the words of Lincoln, "sent +more prayers to heaven and soldiers to the field" for the Army in +Blue, than any other Christian church. Thus may people of God of like +faith have diverse consciences and differ, first, in sentiment and +policies, then in conviction and duty, and at last prayerfully face +each other at the cannon's mouth in deadly combat.</p> + +<p>The years from 1844 to 1846 were indeed momentous in the history of +the American Methodism in its relation to the Negro. That little +company of five in New York in seventy-eight years had in 1845 come to +be a multitude of 1,139,583 communicants, whose presence and spiritual +energy were felt in every community of the republic, North, South, +East and West. Of that membership, 150,120 were Negroes, chiefly +in the South, and mostly gathered from among the slave population. +But now there was to be division, the North to be more and more +anti-slavery and the South to be more and more pro-slavery.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span></p> + +<p>Then followed three Methodist divisions as related to the Negro: +First, the African organizations already mentioned, with their chief +strength in the Eastern States; and second, the Methodist Episcopal +Church, South, with a total membership of 447,961 in 1846. Of these +118,904 were Negro slaves with few exceptions. This church occupied +all the territory of the Southern States exclusively, except along the +border. Methodists in Maryland, Virginia, Delaware and the District +of Columbia, including the Baltimore and part of the Philadelphia +Annual Conferences, and also many members along the border farther +west, did not join in the Southern movement. In the third place, then, +there remained in the Methodist Episcopal Church still (1846) a total +membership of 644,558. Of these 30,516 were Negroes, of whom about +20,000 were slaves.</p> + +<p>The following twenty years were crowded with far-reaching events in +church and state, as affecting the Negro. Each of the three divisions +of Methodism had its place according to its convictions during that +twenty years of agitation and war. The distinctly Negro organizations +in the North, while having slaves in their own communions, were, of +course, anti-slavery in principle, and sought in every way to advance +the cause of abolitionism. Outside of Maryland and Delaware they +had no churches in the South, except one in New Orleans and one in +Louisville. A church organized in Charleston was driven out, after an +attempted Negro insurrection. Permission was given by the mayor of St. +Louis to one of its ministers to preach in that city, but the permit +was afterwards recalled on learning the sentiments of his church.<a name="FNanchor3_12_195" id="FNanchor3_12_195"></a><a href="#Footnote3_12_195" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> + +<p>During this period of twenty years the Methodist Episcopal Church had +wonderful growth throughout the North and West in membership, church +buildings, publishing interests, educational institutions, and in +social and moral power. Her entire membership rose from 644,294 to +1,032,184. Her Negro membership, however, steadily declined.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span> In 1846 +it numbered, as we have seen, 30,516, while in 1865 at the close of +the Civil War there were only 18,139. Shut away from the large Negro +populations of the South, and confronted with aggressive African +Methodism among the smaller Negro population in the North calling +for separation from the whites in ecclesiastical organization and +government, the field of operation of the Methodist Episcopal Church +was necessarily proscribed among Africa's sons and daughters. She was, +however, faithful to her trust and retained her Negro membership in +church and conference relations, and, as the years went by, became +more and more permeated with sentiments of antagonism to slavery, both +as related to the church and the nation.</p> + +<p>To this branch of Methodism, moreover, belongs the honor of +establishing the first Methodist institution of higher learning +for the education of colored people. In 1855 the Cincinnati Annual +Conference appointed the Rev. John F. Wright as agent "to take +incipient steps for a college for colored people." In two years +Wilberforce University, near Xenia, Ohio, was established, with +fifty-two acres of land and large and commodious buildings. The next +year the Visiting Committee of the Conference reported the school in a +flourishing condition, and said: "The examinations showed conclusively +that the minds of the present class of students are capable of a very +high degree of cultivation." Under the presidency of Rev. R. S. Rust +the school was successful until financial embarrassment compelled +suspension in 1863. One reason given was the War, and the consequent +difficulty of obtaining funds from the South. From the beginning, the +friendly co-operation of the African Methodist Episcopal Church was +encouraged and received. Fortunately the leaders of that denomination +were able to assume the indebtedness which was a nominal sum as +compared with the value of the property. The lands and buildings +were transferred with the good wishes and prayers of the Methodist<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> +Episcopal Church, ministry, and people, and Wilberforce University +became, and continues to be, the chief educational center of African +Methodism in the United States.<a name="FNanchor3_13_196" id="FNanchor3_13_196"></a><a href="#Footnote3_13_196" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> + +<p>Freed from all embarrassments from connectional relations with +abolition sentiment the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, prospered +in its way. Her territory was rapidly extending westward and +southwestward, population and wealth were increasing, and slavery +being embedded in the national and state constitutions, pro-slavery +sentiment prevailed without question. Her total membership from +1846 to 1861 advanced from 449,654 to 703,295. This was, in fifteen +years, an increase of 162,749. Dividing this increase by races, we +find that among white people the growth was from 330,710 in 1846 to +493,459 in 1861, being an increase of 162,749. During the same period +the Negro membership went from 118,904 to 209,836, being an increase +of 90,932. Efforts to increase the slave membership in connection +with the regular charges were continued with encouraging results, +and the plantation mission work among the slaves was prosecuted +with gratifying success. The largest figures were reached in 1861, +when there were 329 Negro missions throughout the South, with 327 +missionaries and 66,559 members. It is estimated that the Methodist +Episcopal Church, South, from 1844 to 1864, when freedom came, +expended $1,800,000 in plantation work among the slaves.<a name="FNanchor3_14_197" id="FNanchor3_14_197"></a><a href="#Footnote3_14_197" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> + +<p>The sudden emancipation of almost 4,000,000 Negro slaves meant new and +tremendous responsibilities for the loyal and philanthropic people of +the Northern States. The churches and benevolent organizations of the +South had all shared largely in the demoralization caused by the Civil +War, and were without financial resources. Neither was it reasonable +to expect that the Southern people would do for free Negroes what they +had done for them when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> slaves, much less enter upon the absolutely +necessary missionary movement, to prepare the newly enfranchised for +the responsibilities incident to freedom.</p> + +<p>For more than half a century, outside of what the general and State +governments have done or attempted to do, the tide of philanthropic +and Christian aid for the Negro has gone Southward, and will continue +as long as needed. How many million dollars have been expended by +churches, educational boards and individual philanthropists has not +been computed. Neither has anyone attempted to measure the results +of the work of the many consecrated men and women, who have given +and are still giving their lives for the uplift of the Negro race +since emancipation. The results are manifest. Already the advance of +this people since freedom in morality, intellectual development and +economic success has no parallel, in the same time, in the history of +any other race.</p> + +<p>The Methodist Episcopal Church and the two large branches of African +Methodism were in the fore-front of this movement from the beginning. +The African Methodist Episcopal Church had at first its chief increase +in the South along the Atlantic Coast, especially in South Carolina +and Florida. Bishop Arnett, the statistician of that denomination, +estimates that 75,000 of the Negro membership of the Methodist +Episcopal Church, South, transferred their church relations to that +denomination. The African Zion Church as a factor in the South had its +beginning in North Carolina and Alabama. It is estimated that at least +25,000 of the Southern Negro members united with this branch. Both of +these sections of African Methodism have continued to prosecute their +work of evangelization and education throughout the South, as well as +the North, and continue powerful factors in the evangelistic forces of +American Methodism as related to the Negro. In 1921-22 the membership +of the African Methodist Episcopal Church was 550,776; and that of the +African M. E. Zion Church was 412,328.<a name="FNanchor3_15_198" id="FNanchor3_15_198"></a><a href="#Footnote3_15_198" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span></p> + +<p>The policy of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, toward the Negro +Freedmen took definite form in 1866. At the General Conference held +that year at New Orleans, provision was made for the organization +of its remaining Negro membership into "separate congregations and +districts, and annual conferences." If the colored people should +desire, and two or more Negro annual conferences be formed, a separate +ecclesiastical autonomy would be granted. The reasons for the +organization of this new separate Negro Methodism are given in its +Book of Discipline over the signature of its first four Bishops. They +say that the Southern Methodist Conference "found that, by revolution +and the fortunes of war, a change had taken place in our political and +social relations, which made it necessary that a like change should +also be made in our ecclesiastical relations." The result was that, in +1871, the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church of America was organized +to be composed exclusively of Negroes, and officered entirely by +members of this race. Here we have the beginning of a third large +section of African Methodism. The new organization started with 80,000 +members made up of nearly all who still remained in the Methodist +Episcopal Church, South.</p> + +<p>It would be very interesting to speculate as to the probable results, +could the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, have continued its work +among the Freedmen, which it had for years carried forward with such +excellent results among the slaves. But it is no part of this paper to +criticize or philosophize. This branch of Methodism, second in numbers +and influence in the nation, with all but 30,000 of its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> members in +the South, now has 2,239,151 members, a few of whom are Negroes.</p> + +<p>Commencing with 1883, the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, took +definite and forward steps for the education of the Negro. A Board +of Trustees was appointed in co-operation with the Colored Methodist +Episcopal Church. In 1884, Paine Institute was founded at Augusta, +Georgia, and contributions of over $90,000 have been contributed to +that school. Lane College, Jackson, Tennessee, has also been aided. +The Colored Methodist Episcopal Church has seven schools with an +enrollment of 2,509 and an annual income of $113,830. Fifty-seven +students of theology are taught in two schools and college courses are +offered in several of their institutions.</p> + +<p>We have yet to speak of the work of the Methodist Episcopal Church. +When freedom came, as we have seen, this church had (1864) 18,139 +Negro members principally in Maryland, Delaware and adjacent +territory. The Negro membership in this branch of Methodism now (1923) +in the United States is 385,444.</p> + +<p>As the way opened during and following the Civil War to reach the +masses of the South both white and Negro, the Methodist Episcopal +Church extended its work of reorganization southward among both +races. Her Bishops and other church officials organized missions and +conferences and opened up schools. Each benevolent society of the +church aided financially. The support of pastors was supplemented +by the Missionary Society; the Board of Church Extension aided in +building houses of worship; the Sunday School Union and Tract Society +gave their co-operation, and the Freedmen's Aid and the Southern +Educational Society, now the Board of Education for Negroes, and the +Woman's Home Missionary Society developed the educational work. In +1864, the Negro work in Maryland, Delaware and adjacent territories +was organized into the Washington and Delaware Annual Conferences. +In the other border States where the Negro membership was small,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> +the preachers with their congregations were admitted into white +conferences. With unwavering and magnificent purpose for over half a +century, with fraternity and co-operation for all other churches in +the same field, and impelled by a conviction of duty to needy millions +irrespective of race, this branch of Methodism has gone forward with +its work of education and evangelization irrespective of race. The +results have been very remarkable. The white membership has grown on +what was slave territory from 87,804 in 1860 to 475,641 in 1922; while +the Negro membership in the same territory has increased from 18,139 +in 1864 to 370,477 in 1922.</p> + +<p>Following the wishes of both races the policy of separate conferences, +churches and schools has been carried out in the South. There are +several strong Negro churches in white conferences in the North. The +New Conference elected Dr. W. H. Brooks, one of its Negro pastors, a +delegate to the General Conference in 1920. The Methodist Episcopal +Church has thirty-seven annual conferences in the Southern States +with properties in parsonages, churches, schools of different grades, +hospitals, and the like valued at $63,495,130.00. In 1856 the property +of this church of all kinds in the same territory was less than +$2,000,000. Seventeen of these conferences include the work among +white people, and nineteen, the work among Negroes; and each group of +conferences covers the Southern States from Delaware to Texas.</p> + +<p>The twenty annual conferences in the South among Negroes have +properties in parsonages and churches valued at $19,767,430. There +are also thirty-two Negro institutions of learning in these twenty +conferences with enrollment of 8,868 and lands with buildings and +equipment valued at $6,522,642. The outstanding professional and +collegiate institutions for Negroes are Gammon Theological Seminary, +Atlanta, Meharry Medical College, Nashville, and colleges in several +of the principal cities of the South. The total church properties +named above, in Negro Methodist Conferences<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> of the Methodist +Episcopal Church on former slave territory, is $25,218,230.00. These +conferences raised $1,500,000 during three years from 1870 to 1872 for +general church work at home and in foreign fields outside of pastoral +and other local church expenses.<a name="FNanchor3_16_199" id="FNanchor3_16_199"></a><a href="#Footnote3_16_199" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> + +<p>There is no separation on account of race in annual conferences, +churches or schools in the Methodist Episcopal Church, except as +desired and requested by those interested. As the result of many +petitions and extended discussions the General Conference, which met +in 1876, in Baltimore, passed a law that the annual conferences in the +Southern States which had both Negro and white members could separate, +provided each group voted in favor of it. Under this action with few +exceptions the division was made, where desired. The same law prevails +in reference to churches and schools. The nineteen Negro conferences +have ninety-two delegates in the General Conference, the law-making +body for the whole church. These delegates have representation in all +legislation. One or more Negro ministers or laymen are on each of the +general boards of the church—publication, education, missions—home +and foreign, Epworth League, and the like. Nearly a score of able and +effective Negro men and women are official representatives of the +general church boards in their work among the Negro conferences.</p> + +<p>Six Negroes have been elected bishops in the Methodist Episcopal +Church. Four were missionary bishops, with full episcopal authority on +the continent of Africa. Of these Bishop Scott remains and is on the +retired list. In their fields these bishops were not subordinate but +coordinate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span> with general superintendents. Their episcopal work was of +the same type as that of William Taylor, James Thoburn, Oldham, Warne, +and Hartzell, white missionary bishops in Africa and India.</p> + +<p>The General Conference in 1920 elected Robert E. Jones and Matthew W. +Clair general superintendents. The former has his episcopal residence +in New Orleans and the latter in Liberia. They preside in turn at the +semiannual conferences of the Board of Bishops and will preside at the +General Conference in 1924.</p> + +<p>The great mass of Negro Christians in the United States will continue +to prefer churches made up of their own race. This is natural and +on the whole the best for many reasons. On the other hand, the door +of every church of Christ should be open for all. At present in +twenty-nine white Protestant churches in the United States with a +total membership of over 4,000,000, there are 579,690 Negro members. +Nearly three-fourths of that membership are in the Methodist Episcopal +Church.</p> + +<p>The total Negro Methodist Church membership in the United States is +1,756,714. Of that number 1,330,409 are in the African Methodist +Episcopal, the African Methodist Episcopal Zion and the Colored +Methodist Episcopal Churches; 385,444 in the Methodist Episcopal +Church and 41,961 in seven smaller African bodies. If we multiply +the total membership by 2½ we have 4,557,117, which represents, +approximately, the enrolled membership and constituency of Negro +Methodism in the United States.</p> + +<p class="author"> +Joseph C. Hartzell.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_1_184" id="Footnote3_1_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_1_184"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The fact that John Wesley organized a Sunday-school in +Savannah, Ga., in 1736, is recorded on a bronze tablet seen near the +entrance of the Protestant Episcopal Cathedral in Savannah.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_2_185" id="Footnote3_2_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_2_185"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Minutes of the Methodist Conference.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_3_186" id="Footnote3_3_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_3_186"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Matlack, <i>Slavery and Methodism</i>, 29. Coke's <i>Journal</i>, +12, 13-14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_4_187" id="Footnote3_4_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_4_187"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> One celebrated Negro, known as "Black Harry," was Bishop +Asbury's travelling companion. When for any reason the Bishop could +not fill an appointment the people were pleased to hear him. Matlack, +<i>Methodism</i>, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_5_188" id="Footnote3_5_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_5_188"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1832.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_6_189" id="Footnote3_6_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_6_189"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_7_190" id="Footnote3_7_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_7_190"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Arnett, <i>Budget</i>; Woodson, <i>History of the Negro Church</i>, +chapter IV.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_8_191" id="Footnote3_8_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_8_191"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Wightman, <i>Life of William Capers</i>, 295-296.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_9_192" id="Footnote3_9_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_9_192"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1844.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_10_193" id="Footnote3_10_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_10_193"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1784</i>; McTyeire, +<i>History of Methodism</i>, 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_11_194" id="Footnote3_11_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_11_194"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1844.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_12_195" id="Footnote3_12_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_12_195"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Tanner, <i>African Methodism</i>, 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_13_196" id="Footnote3_13_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_13_196"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Special Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Education</i>, +1871, pp. 372-373.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_14_197" id="Footnote3_14_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_14_197"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> <i>Minutes of the Methodist Conference.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_15_198" id="Footnote3_15_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_15_198"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> The A. M. E. Church has Wilberforce University, Xenia, +Ohio, with enrollment of 1,070 and an annual income of $145,000. This +church has ten other schools with an enrollment of 4,448, several +of which have college classes. The total annual income of all these +schools is $309,820.00. There are also theological classes at several +centers with total enrollment of 156. +</p> +<p> +The A. M. E. Z. Church has seven schools with an attendance of 2,128 +and an annual income of $43,331.00. The leading school of this church +is Livingstone College in North Carolina, with an attendance of 504 +students and an annual income of $13,633.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_16_199" id="Footnote3_16_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_16_199"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Gammon Theological Seminary, Atlanta, Ga., has seven +professors, 142 students, buildings and equipment $145,000 and an +endowment of $500,000. Meharry Medical College, Nashville, Tenn., +ranks A among medical colleges in the United States, has 43 teachers, +646 students, $350,000 in grounds and equipment and $560,000 in +endowments and has graduated two thirds or more of the Negro +physicians, dentists and pharmacists in the United States. Eleven +colleges under the Board of Education for Negroes has 248 teachers; +an enrollment of 4,326. Only a small proportion are below the eighth +grade in scholarship.</p></div></div> + + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>NOTES ON THE SLAVE IN NOUVELLE-FRANCE</h2> + + +<p>The French Canadian historian, François-Xavier Garneau, in his +<i>Histoire du Canada</i>, says: "Nous croyons devoir citer ici une +résolution qui honore le gouvernement français: c'est celle qu'il +avait prise de ne pas encourager l'introduction des esclaves en +Canada, cette colonie que Louis XIV préférait à toutes les autres à +cause du caractère belliqueux de ses habitants; cette colonie qu'il +voulait former à l'image de la France, couvrir d'une brave noblesse +et d'une population vraiment nationale, catholique, française sans +mélange de races. En 1688, il fût proposé d'y avoir des nègres pour +faire la culture. Le ministère répondit qu'il craignait qu'ils n'y +périssent par le changement de climat et que le projet ne fût inutile. +Cela anéantit pour ainsi dire une entreprise qui aurait frappé notre +société d'une grande et terrible plaie. Il est vrai que dans le siècle +suivant, on étendit à la Louisiane le code noir des Antilles; il est +vrai qu'il y eut ici des ordonnances sur la servitude: neanmoins +l'esclavage ne régnait point en Canada: à peine y voyait-on quelques +esclaves lors de la conquête. Cet événement en accrut un peu le nombre +un instant; ils disparurent ensuite tout à fait."<a name="FNanchor3_1_200" id="FNanchor3_1_200"></a><a href="#Footnote3_1_200" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>In another place speaking of the proposal of Denonville, the Governor, +and De Champigny, the Intendant, at Quebec, in 1688 to introduce +Negro slaves by reason of the scarcity and dearness of domestic and +agricultural labor, and the refusal in 1689 of the minister to permit, +Garneau says: "C'était assez pour faire échouer une entreprise, +qu'aurait greffé sur notre société grande et terrible plaie paralyse +la force d'une portion considerable de l'Union<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span> Americaine, +l'esclavage, cette plaie inconnue sous notre ciel du Nord."<a name="FNanchor3_2_201" id="FNanchor3_2_201"></a><a href="#Footnote3_2_201" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>This language has been considered by some—rather heedlessly be it +said—to indicate that Garneau thought that Negro slavery did not +exist in French Canada, but a careful examination of his actual words +will show that he denied only the prevalence "l'esclavage ne régnait +point en Canada," not the existence. Slavery was not so widespread +in Canada as to become a curse, "a great and terrible plague," +"paralyzing energy."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span></p> + +<p>If there were any doubt as to the existence of Negro (and other) +slavery in Canada before the British Conquest, it would be dispelled +by the document printed in the latest Report of the Archivist of +the Province of Quebec.<a name="FNanchor3_3_202" id="FNanchor3_3_202"></a><a href="#Footnote3_3_202" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> These are Notarial Acts (Actes notariés) +preserved in the Archives at Quebec and are of undoubted authenticity; +they range from September 13, 1737 to August 15, 1795, the first 14 +being before the capture of Quebec in 1759, the last 3 after that +event.</p> + +<p>The first document is the sale of a Negro<a name="FNanchor3_4_203" id="FNanchor3_4_203"></a><a href="#Footnote3_4_203" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> called Nicolas by Joseph +de la Tesserie, S. de la Chevrotière, ship-captain, to François +Vederique of Quebec, ship-captain, for 300 livres.<a name="FNanchor3_5_204" id="FNanchor3_5_204"></a><a href="#Footnote3_5_204" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The Negro was +about 30 years of age and the Act was passed before midday, September +13, 1757.</p> + +<p>The fourth, September 25, 1743, evidences a sale of five<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> Negro +slaves, two men and three women and girls<a name="FNanchor3_6_205" id="FNanchor3_6_205"></a><a href="#Footnote3_6_205" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> then in the house of "la +dame Cachelièvre," the vendor being Charles Réaume, merchant of l'Isle +Jésus near Montreal, the purchaser Louis Cureux dit Saint-Germain, for +3000 livres.</p> + +<p>The seventh, January 27, 1748, is the sale of a Negro<a name="FNanchor3_7_206" id="FNanchor3_7_206"></a><a href="#Footnote3_7_206" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> slave called +Robert, 26 to 27 years of age, by Damelle Marie-Anne Guérin, widow +of Nicolas Jacquin Philibert, merchant of Quebec, to Pierre Gautier, +sieur de la Veranderie, for 400 livres in cash or bills payable by the +Treasurer of the Navy having currency in the country as money—the +Negro to be delivered on the first demand "avec seulement les hardes +qu'il se trouvera avoir lors de la livraison et trois chemises."<a name="FNanchor3_8_207" id="FNanchor3_8_207"></a><a href="#Footnote3_8_207" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<p>The eighth, June 6, 1749, evidences the sale by Amable-Jean-Joseph +Came, Esquire, sieur de St. Aigne, officer in the troops in Quebec +(a detachment from the troops of L'Isle Royale), to Claude Pécaudy, +Esquire, sieur de Contrecoeur, Captain of the troops (a detachment of +the Navy) in garrison at Montreal, of a Negro woman, Louison, about 17 +years old, for 1000 livres.</p> + +<p>The tenth, May 26, 1751, gives us the sale by Jacques Damien of Quebec +to Louis Dunière, Jr., of a Negro, Jean Monsaige "pour le servir en +qualité d'esclave," for 500 livres. But as "le dit nègre paraissant +absent du jour d'hier soir, pour par le dit ... Denière disposer du +dit nègre comme chose à luy appartenant le prenant le<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> dit ... Dunière +sur ses risques, périls et fortune, sans que le dit ... Dunière puisse +tenir à aucune" and it is expressly provided "le dit ... Damiens sic +cède, quitte et transporte au dit ... Dunière sans aucune garantie +le dit nègre pour par le dit ... Dunière en disposer ainsy qu'il +avisera." What a tragedy lies underneath these words!<a name="FNanchor3_9_208" id="FNanchor3_9_208"></a><a href="#Footnote3_9_208" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>The thirteenth, May 4, 1757, is a sale by Estienne Dassier, formerly +Captain in the Navy, then living "en sa maison, rue de Buade," +Quebec, to Ignace-François Delzenne, merchant-goldsmith, living "en +sa maison, rue de la Montagne," of a Negro, Pierre, about 18 years +of age, whom the purchaser had had in his house since the previous +November. The Negro is sold for 1192 livres, 600 in cash, 592 in a +fortnight, whatever happens to the Negro who is now to be at the risk +of Delzenne, the purchaser. The purchaser as security hypothecates all +his property movable and immovable. He also expresses his knowledge of +and satisfaction with the condition of the Negro.<a name="FNanchor3_10_209" id="FNanchor3_10_209"></a><a href="#Footnote3_10_209" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> On July 1, 1757, +Dassier acknowledges payment of the 592 livres.</p> + +<p>These are all sales of Negros during the French regime; there are two +instances of sales of Mulattoes in this period, but there are five of +the sale of Indian slaves, Panis (fem. Panise).<a name="FNanchor3_11_210" id="FNanchor3_11_210"></a><a href="#Footnote3_11_210" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span></p> + +<p>The second act, September 14, 1737, is the sale by Hugues Jacques +Péan, Seigneur of Livaudière, Chevalier of the Military Order of St. +Louis, Town Major of Quebec, to Joseph Chavigny de la Chevrotière, +captain and proprietor of the ship <i>Marie-Anne</i> then in the roads +of Quebec, of an Indian girl Thérèse of the Renarde Nation, about +thirteen or fourteen, and not baptized.<a name="FNanchor3_12_211" id="FNanchor3_12_211"></a><a href="#Footnote3_12_211" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> The purchaser had seen +her, admitted her soundness in life and limb (le connait pour être +same et n'être estropiée en aucune façon) and paid 350 livres for +her. The vendor was to keep the "sauvagesse" until the departure of +the purchaser, not later than the end of the coming month, but not to +guarantee against accident, sickness or death, binding himself only to +treat her humanely and as he had been doing.</p> + +<p>The third, October 1, 1737, gives the sale by Augustin Bailly, Cadet +in the troops of the marine residing ordinarily at Saint-Michel in +the Parish of Saint-Anne de Varennes, to Joseph de Chavigny de la +Chevrotiètre, Sieur de la Tesserie,<a name="FNanchor3_13_212" id="FNanchor3_13_212"></a><a href="#Footnote3_13_212" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Captain in the Navy, of an +Indian (male) of the Patoqua Nation, age not given, bought by Bailly +on the ninth of May preceding from Jean-Baptiste Normandin dit +Beausoleil according to a contract passed before Loyseau, Notary at +Montreal. The price was 350 livres, 250<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> in money and 100 paid with +two barrels (barriques) of molasses.<a name="FNanchor3_14_213" id="FNanchor3_14_213"></a><a href="#Footnote3_14_213" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> + +<p>The ninth is the sale, September 27, 1749, by Jean-Baptiste Auger, +merchant of Montreal but then in Quebec, to Joseph Chavigny, Sieur +de la Tesserie, of an Indian girl (une panise) of about 22 years of +age named and called Joseph for baptism, price 400 livres, Island +money,<a name="FNanchor3_15_214" id="FNanchor3_15_214"></a><a href="#Footnote3_15_214" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> which the purchaser promises and agrees to send to be +invested in pepper (?) and coffee for the account and at the risk of +the vendor, Auger, by the first ship leaving Martinique for Canada, +the pepper (?) and coffee to be addressed by the purchaser, de la +Tesserie, to Voyer, a merchant at Quebec for the account of Auger. +De la Tesserie hypothecates all his goods as security. The eleventh, +November 4, 1751, is the sale by Jacques-François Daguille, merchant, +of Montreal but then in Quebec, to Mathieu-Theodoze de Vitre, Captain +in the Navy, of an Indian girl (une panise) about ten or eleven, +called Fanchon but not yet baptized,<a name="FNanchor3_16_215" id="FNanchor3_16_215"></a><a href="#Footnote3_16_215" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> price 400 livres cash.</p> + +<p>The twelfth, September 8, 1753, sale by Marie-Josephe Morisseaux, wife +and agent of Gilles Strouds of Quebec, then at Nontagamion, to Louis +Philippe Boutton, Captain of the Snow,<a name="FNanchor3_17_216" id="FNanchor3_17_216"></a><a href="#Footnote3_17_216" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> <i>Picard</i>, of an Indian girl +(une sauvagesse panise de nation nommée Catiche) of about twenty years +of age, price 700 livres payable on delivery, "with her clothes and +linen as they all are."</p> + +<p>The fifth, December 27, 1744, is a contract by Jean-Baptiste Vallée of +Quebec, rue de Sault-au-Matelot, the owner of a Negro, commonly called +Louis Lepage, whom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> Vallée certifies as belonging to him, and to be +faithful and well-behaved. Vallée hires him to François de Chalet, +Inspector General of the Compagnie des Indes to serve him as a sailor +for the whole remaining term of de Chalet's tenure of the Ports of +Cataraqui (Katarakouye, <i>i.e.</i>, now Kingston, Ontario) and Niagara (on +the east side of the river). The Negro is to serve as a sailor on the +boats of the ports. Vallée undertakes to send him from Quebec on the +first demand of de Chalet to serve him and his representative in all +legitimate and proper ways, not to depart without written leave, etc. +The amount to be paid to Vallée was 25 livres per month, de Chalet +in addition to furnish the sailor a jug (pot) of brandy and a pound +of tobacco a month, and for his food, two pounds of bread and half a +pound of pork a day.<a name="FNanchor3_18_217" id="FNanchor3_18_217"></a><a href="#Footnote3_18_217" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<p>The sixth act is a petition, April 27, 1747, to the Lieutenant Civil +and Criminal of Quebec by Louis Parent, merchant of Quebec, asking him +to direct Lamorille, Sr., and Jugon who had by judgment, April 25, +1747, been named as arbitrators, for the valuation of a Negro, named +Neptune, part of the estate of the late Sieur de Beauvais, that they +should proceed with their valuation—Chaussegros de Léry to be present +if he wished, but if not, the two to proceed without him. A direction +was given by Boucault to meet at his place the next day at 2 P. M. +and a certificate by Vallet, the bailiff (huissier) to the Superior +Council at Quebec, is filed that he had served Chaussegros de Léry, La +Morille, Sr., and Jugon.</p> + +<p>The first instance here recorded of sale of a slave after the Conquest +by the British was November 14, 1778. This, the fourteenth document +copied, evidences a sale by George Hipps, merchant butcher, living in +his house, rue Sainte-Anne in Upper Town, Quebec, to the Honorable +Hector-Theophile Cramahé, Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec, of a mulatto +slave called Isabella or Bell about fifteen years<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> old.<a name="FNanchor3_19_218" id="FNanchor3_19_218"></a><a href="#Footnote3_19_218" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> She had +been already received in Cramahé's house, and he declared himself +satisfied with her. She had been the property of Captain Thomas +Venture who had sold her at auction to Hipps. The price paid by +Cramahé was £50 Quebec money, equal to 200 Spanish piastres; and Hipps +acknowledged payment in gold and silver. Cramahé undertakes to feed, +lodge, entertain, and treat the slave humanely.</p> + +<p>The next, the fifteenth, April 20, 1779, is the sale of the same +mulatto girl, Isabella or Bell, by Cramahé to Peter Napier, Captain +in the Navy, then living at Quebec, with her clothes and linen for 45 +livres, Quebec or Halifax money. Napier undertakes to treat the slave +humanely.<a name="FNanchor3_20_219" id="FNanchor3_20_219"></a><a href="#Footnote3_20_219" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> + +<p>The sixteenth, August 15, 1795, is the first written in English, all +the preceding being in French. It is dated August 15, 1795 and is sale +by Mr. Dennis Dayly of Quebec, tavern-keeper, to John Young, Esquire, +of the same place, merchant, of "a certain Negroe boy or lad called +Rubin" for £70 Halifax currency. Dayly had bought the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> boy from John +Cobham, of Quebec, September 6, 1786.<a name="FNanchor3_21_220" id="FNanchor3_21_220"></a><a href="#Footnote3_21_220" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> + +<p>The last, the seventeenth, is the most pleasant of all to record. +John Young appeared, June 8, 1797, before Charles Stewart and A. +Dumas, Notaries Public, in the former's office with the lad Rubin, and +declared that he bought him from Mr. Dennis Dayly, August 15, 1795. +He, as an encouragement to honesty and assiduity in Rubin, declared +in the presence of the Notary, Charles Stewart, that if Rubin would +faithfully serve him for seven years, he would give him his full +and free liberty, and in the meantime would maintain and clothe him +suitably and give him two and sixpence a month pocket money, but if +he got drunk or absented himself from his service or neglected his +master's business, he would forfeit all right to freedom. This was +explained to Rubin, "who accepted with gratitude the generous offer." +All parties, including the Notaries, signed the act, Rubin Young +by his mark, so that the slave by good conduct and refraining from +drunkenness would achieve his freedom, June 8, 1804.</p> + +<p>I have discovered certain Court proceedings copied in the Canadian +Archives at Ottawa,<a name="FNanchor3_22_221" id="FNanchor3_22_221"></a><a href="#Footnote3_22_221" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> which have not been made public in any way and +which are of great interest in this connection. A short historical +note will enable my readers to understand the proceedings more clearly.</p> + +<p>After the Conquest of Canada, 1759-60, for a few years the country +was under military rule. The three Districts of French times, Quebec, +Montreal, and Three Rivers, were retained, each with its Governor or +Lieutenant Governor. To administer justice, the officers of militia +in each Parish, generally speaking, were constituted courts of first +instance with an appeal to a council of the superior officers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> in the +British Army in the city, this court having also original jurisdiction.</p> + +<p>On July 20, 1762, a council sat, as of original jurisdiction, composed +of Lieut. Col. Beckwith, Captains Falconer, Suby, Dunbar and Osbourne, +to hear the plea of a poor Negro called André against a prominent +merchant of Montreal, Gershon Levy. The proceedings, recorded in +French, are somewhat hard to decipher after a hundred and sixty years +have elapsed but well repay the labor of examination.</p> + +<p>André asked to be accorded his liberty, claiming that Levy had bought +him of one Best, but that Best had the right to his services for only +four years which had now expired. Levy appeared and claimed that André +could not prove his allegation, but that he (Levy) had bought him from +Best in good faith and without any knowledge of the alleged limitation +of the right to his services. Of course, Best could sell only the +right he had and it became a simple question of fact. The court heard +the parties, ordered André to remain with his alleged master until he +had proved by witnesses or by certificate that he "had been bound to +the said Best for four years only, after the expiry of which time he +was to have his liberty."</p> + +<p>The following year, April 20, 1763, the council sat again to hear +the case. Lieut. Col. Beckwith again presided, and Captains Fraser, +Dunbar, Suby and Davius sat with him. The parties were again heard and +witnesses were called by André; but they were "not sufficient"—and +"the Council ordered that the Decree of July 20, last, shall be +executed according to its tenor; and in consequence, that the said +Negro André remain in the possession of the said Levy until he has +produced other evidence or has proved by baptismal extract or the +official certificate of a magistrate of the place where he was +born that he was free at the moment of his birth."<a name="FNanchor3_23_222" id="FNanchor3_23_222"></a><a href="#Footnote3_23_222" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> Although +these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span> courts continued until the coming into force of purely civil +administration of justice, September 17, 1764, I do not find that +André made another attempt to secure his liberation from the service +of Le Sieur Gershon Levy, negotiant.</p> + +<p>I am indebted to my friend, Mr. R. W. McLachlan, F. R. S. C., of +the Archives of the District of Montreal, for a memorandum of the +following sales of which a record exists in Montreal:</p> + +<p>1784, December 16, James McGill of Montreal for and in the name of +Thomas Curry of L'Assomption in the Province of Quebec, sold to +Solomon Levy of Montreal, merchant, for £100 Quebec currency, a Negro +man Caesar and a Negro woman, Flora.</p> + +<p>1785, February 20, Hugh McAdam of Saratoga sends by his friend John +Brown to James Morrison of Montreal, merchant, "a Negro woman named +Sarah" to sell. "She will not drink and so far as I have seen, she is +honest."<a name="FNanchor3_24_223" id="FNanchor3_24_223"></a><a href="#Footnote3_24_223" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>1785, March 9, Morrison sells Sarah to Charles Le Pailleur, Clerk of +the Court of Common Pleas, for £36.</p> + +<p>1785, January 11, John Hammond of Saratoga, farmer,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span> sold to Paul +l'Archeveque dit La Promenade, gentleman, a mulatto boy called Dick, 6 +years old, for £30 Quebec currency.<a name="FNanchor3_25_224" id="FNanchor3_25_224"></a><a href="#Footnote3_25_224" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> + +<p>1785, April 26, sale by William Ward of Newfane, County of Windham, +State of Vermont, to P. William Campbell in open market at Montreal +of three Negroes, Tobi (aged 26), Sarah (aged 21) and child for $425. +These had been bought with another Negro, Joseph, a year older than +Sarah, from Elijah Cady of Kinderhook, County of Albany, State of New +York, for £250.<a name="FNanchor3_26_225" id="FNanchor3_26_225"></a><a href="#Footnote3_26_225" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> + +<p>1789, June 6, James Morrison who had sold Sarah for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span> McAdam to Charles +Le Pailleur, bought her for himself and sold her to Joseph Anderson +of Montreal, gentleman, for £40.<a name="FNanchor3_27_226" id="FNanchor3_27_226"></a><a href="#Footnote3_27_226" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> The purchase from Le Pailleur is +evidenced in French; it was for £36.</p> + +<p>1790, December 23, Guillaume Labart, Seigneur, living at Terrebonne, +sold to Andrew Todd, merchant of Montreal, a young panis called Jack, +about 14 years of age, for £25.</p> + +<p>1792, August 10, "Joshuah Stiles, late of Litsfield in the county of +Birkshire, Massachusetts, at present in Montreal," sold to Daniel +Carberry of Montreal, hair-dresser, a Negro boy named Kitts, aged 15 +years, for the sum of one hundred and fifty dollars each of the value +of five shillings Halifax currency.</p> + +<p>1793, July 11, Jean Rigot, master hair-dresser, living on Boulevard +St. Antoine, sold a mulatto slave boy, Pierre, aged 16, to Sir Charles +Chaboille, merchant of the Upper Country (<i>i.e.</i>, Niagara, Detroit, +Michillimackinac), for $200 Spanish, each worth s.5 Halifax currency. +Rigot had raised the boy from infancy (l'ayant élevé de bas age).</p> + +<p>1793, July 27, William Byrne, formerly captain in the King's Royal +Regiment of New York, in a letter of May 29, 1793, having promised his +adopted son, Phillip Byrne, on his marriage to Mary Josephine Chêne, +daughter of Charles Chêne of Detroit, to give him a Negro boy, Tanno, +aged 16, and a Negro woman, Rose, aged 28, carried out his promise by +Deed of Gift, July 27, 1793, but he stipulates for "half the young +ones"!!</p> + +<p>1795, December 15, François Dumoulin, merchant of the Parish of +Ste. Anne, Island of Montreal, sells to Meyer Michaels, merchant of +Montreal, a mulatto named Prince, aged about 18, for £50.</p> + +<p>1796, November 22, John Turner, Sr., merchant, sold to John Brooks, +a Negro man named Joegho, aged 36, for £100, Quebec currency, and a +Negro woman, Rose, aged 25, for £50.</p> + +<p>1797, August 25, Thomas Blaney (attorney for Jervis<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span> George Turner, a +soldier in the 2d Batt. Royal Canadian Volunteers) and Mary Blaney, +his wife, sold to Thomas John Sullivan, tavernkeeper, a Negro man +named Manuel, aged about 33, for £36.<a name="FNanchor3_28_227" id="FNanchor3_28_227"></a><a href="#Footnote3_28_227" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<p>1781, August 9, sale per inventory of the estate of the late Naethan +Hume, "one pany boy, Patrick, sold to McCormick for £32."</p> + +<p>Perhaps this paper may well close with the following:</p> + +<p>1781, October 31, a Negro, named York Thomas, a freeman, indentured +himself for three years to Phillip Peter Nassingh, a Lieutenant in +his Majesty's 2d Battalion, New York, for and in consideration, +the said Nassingh to provide the said servant with meat, drink, +washing, lodging, and apparel, both linen and woolens, and all other +necessaries, in sickness and in health, mete and convenient for such a +servant, during the term of three years and at the expiration of the +said term, shall give the said York Thomas, one new suit of apparel, +above his then clothing, and £6 Halifax currency.</p> + +<p class="author"> +William Renwick Riddell</p> + +<p class="sc hang"> +Osgoode Hall<br /> +Toronto, Dec. 23, 1922</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_1_200" id="Footnote3_1_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_1_200"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Quoted by the Archivist of Quebec in the work cited +(infra) at p. 109, from F. X. Garneau, <i>Histoire du Canada</i>, 4th Ed., +Vol. II, p. 167. See note 2 for translation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_2_201" id="Footnote3_2_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_2_201"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> F. X. Garneau, <i>Histoire du Canada</i>, 1st Ed., Vol. II, +p. 447. Andrew Bell, <i>History of Canada</i>, Montreal, 1862 (translated +from Garneau's work). Vol. I, p. 440, treats the statement of Garneau +somewhat slightingly. His translation reads: "In 1689, it was proposed +to introduce Negroes to the colony. The French ministry thought +the climate unsuitable for such an immigration and the project was +given up. Thus did Canada happily escape the terrible curse of Negro +Slavery." Bell's note, pp. 440, 441, shows that he understood what the +facts actually were. +</p> +<p> +The translation of the two passages follows: +</p> +<p> +"We think we should mention here a determination which is honorable +to the French Government. It is the resolve not to encourage the +introduction of slaves into Canada, the colony which Louis XIV +preferred to all the others by reason of the warlike character of +its inhabitants—the colony which he wished to make in the image of +France, to fill with a brave noblesse and a population truly national, +Catholic, French, without an admixture of foreign races. In 1688, it +was proposed to have Negroes there as farm laborers: the minister +replied that he feared that they would die there by the change of +climate, and that the project would be futile. That, so to speak, +destroyed forever an enterprise which would have struck our society +with a great, and terrible plague. It is true that in the succeeding +century, the <i>Code Noir</i> of the Antilles was extended into Louisiana, +it is true that there were ordinances as to slavery there; but, +nevertheless, slavery did not prevail in Canada. There were scarcely +any slaves at the time of the conquest. That event increased the +number of them a little; they later disappeared entirely." +</p> +<p> +"That was sufficient to wreck a scheme which would have engrafted +in our society that great and terrible plague which paralyzes the +energies of so considerable a part of the American Union, slavery, +that plague unknown under our northern sky." +</p> +<p> +It will be seen that Garneau does not say or suggest that slavery was +entirely unknown in French Canada, but only that it did not "reign" +(ne régnait point), <i>i.e.</i>, was not prevalent; that while there were a +few sporadic cases, the disease was not endemic, and it did not become +a plague. +</p> +<p> +For the proposal of 1688-9, see my <i>The Slave in Canada</i>, pp. 1, 2 and +notes (<span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span>, Vol. V, No. 3, July 1920, +and published separately by The Association for the Study of Negro +Life and History Washington, 1920).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_3_202" id="Footnote3_3_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_3_202"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>Rapport de L'Archiviste de la Province de Quebec pour +1921-1922</i> ... Ls—A. Proulx Imprimeur de Sa Majeste le Roi /1922: +large 8 vo., pp. 452. This Report is well printed on good paper, +with excellent arrangement and faultless proof reading; both in form +and in matter it is a credit to the able and learned Archivist, M. +Pierre-Georges Roy, Litt.D., F. R. S. Can., and to the Government of +Quebec. To anyone with a knowledge of French, the publications of this +Department are of inestimable value on the early history of that part +of Canada.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_4_203" id="Footnote3_4_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_4_203"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "Le nommé Nicolas, neigre de nation" was present with +vendor and purchaser before the Notaries, Boisseau and Barolet, in the +office of the latter at Quebec. The Vendor says that he had acquired +the Negro from Sieur de St. Ignace de Vincelotte.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_5_204" id="Footnote3_5_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_5_204"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> From the official Report of General James Murray, +Governor of Quebec, to the Home Government June 5, 1762, it appears +that he considered the livre worth 2 shillings sterling, about 48 +cents. +</p> +<p> +General Murray's Report will be found in Drs. Shortt and Doughty's +<i>Documents relating to the Constitutional History of Canada, +1759-1791</i>, Ottawa, 1918 (2d. Edit.), pp. 47-81. It is, however, quite +clear that the evaluation is too high. The livre was the old French +monetary unit which was displaced by the franc. In the first ordinance +passed by the civil government at Quebec, the ordinance of September +14, 1764, the value of a French crown or six livre piece was fixed +at 6/8, making the livre 13-1/3 pence sterling (about 26 cents). The +Ordinance of March 29, 1777, 17 George 3, c. IX, made the "french +crown or piece of six livres <i>tournois</i>" worth 5/6; and the same value +was assigned to it in Upper Canada by the Act (1796) 36 George 3, c. +I, s. 1 (U. C.)—the livre was worth not far from 20 cents of our +present money. This was the livre tournois. The livre of Paris was +also in use until 1667 and was worth a quarter more than the livre +tournois.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_6_205" id="Footnote3_6_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_6_205"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "Cinq neigres esclaves dont deux hommes et trois femmes +et filles"—names and ages not given; but the slaves are identified +by the statement that the purchaser had seen them "chez la dame +Cachelièvre." The witnesses were Louis Lambert and Nicolas Bellevue +of Quebec and the Notary was Pinguet. The vendor, Réaume, signed but +the purchaser St. Germain did not, "ayant déclaré ne sçavoir écrire ni +signer."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_7_206" id="Footnote3_7_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_7_206"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> "Negre esclave"—the spelling vacillates between +"neigre," "negre," and "nègre." I have not found the first form in +French literature; the word comes from the mediaeval "Niger." See Du +Cange, <i>sub voc.</i> The word no doubt had the usual variations; modern +French has only the last form, <i>i.e.</i>, nègre. My French Canadian +friends cannot help me as to the spelling; but they tell me of a +French Canadian saying "Un plan de negre" meaning "Un plan qui n'a ni +queue ni tête," but this is probably only jealousy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_8_207" id="Footnote3_8_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_8_207"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> "With only the clothes he stands in at the time of +delivery and three shirts." "Shirt" has no gender in French.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_9_208" id="Footnote3_9_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_9_208"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Dunière receives the right to dispose of the Negro, Jean +Monsaige, as his own property, but Damien does not undertake delivery: +The slave being absent since the previous evening (perhaps like Eliza +knowing of a proposed sale), Dunière takes all the risk of obtaining +him without recourse to anyone in case of failure; and Damien sells +him without any warranty. This and the fifth are the only instances, +until the seventeenth, of a Negro having a family name. The notaries +are Barolet and Panet.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_10_209" id="Footnote3_10_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_10_209"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> The purchaser undertakes all risks, the price remains +payable in any event. "Laquelle somme demeure acquise au d. s. Dassier +par convention expresse quelque événement qui puisse arriver au d. +neigre d'en cy-devant aux risques et perils du d. s. Delzenne."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_11_210" id="Footnote3_11_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_11_210"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> As to Panis, Panise, see <i>The Slave in Canada</i>, p. 2 +and note 4. The name Pani or Panis, anglicized into Pawnee, was used +generally in Canada as synonymous with "Indian Slave" because the +slaves were usually taken from the Pawnee tribe. It is held by some +that the Panis were a tribe wholly distinct from the tribe known among +the English as Pawnees, <i>e.g.</i>, Drake's <i>History of the Indians of +North America</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_12_211" id="Footnote3_12_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_12_211"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> We are told, Littré, <i>Dictionnaire de la Langue +Française</i>, 4to, Paris, 1869, <i>Sub voc.</i> Nègre: "Louis XIII se fit +une peine extrême de la loi qui rendait esclaves les nègres de ses +colonies; mais quand on lui eut bien mis dans l'esprit que c'était la +voie la plus sûre pour les convertir, il y consentit." (Montesquieu +Esp. des Lois, XV, 4) "Louis XIII was much troubled concerning the +law which made slaves of the Negroes in his Colonies; but when he had +become impressed with the view that that was the surest way to convert +them, he consented to the law,"—the ever recurring excuse for the +violation of natural right. +</p> +<p> +There was much discussion whether it was lawful to hold a fellow +Christian in slavery; and it was a distinct advantage that a slave +was not baptized. In 1781, the Legislature of the Province of Prince +Edward Island passed an Act, 21 George 3, c. 15, expressly declaring +that baptism of slaves should not exempt them from bondage. The +notaries in the present case were Pinguet and Boisseau and the act was +passed in the latter's office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_13_212" id="Footnote3_13_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_13_212"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> The purchaser here is the vendor Joseph de la Tesserie, +Sieur de la Chevrotière, of the first transaction—he is also the +purchaser in No. 9 <i>post.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_14_213" id="Footnote3_14_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_14_213"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> The notaries were Pinguet and Boisseau and the act was +passed in the latter's office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_15_214" id="Footnote3_15_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_15_214"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> "Argent des Iles," West-Indian currency to be invested +in Martinique. The notaries were Barolet and Panet and the act was +passed in the latter's office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_16_215" id="Footnote3_16_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_16_215"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> See note 12 supra: The notaries were Barolet and Panet +and the act was passed in the latter's office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_17_216" id="Footnote3_17_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_17_216"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> French "senaut," English "snow," a sort of vessel with +two masts. The notaries were Sanguinet and Du Laurent; the act was +passed in the latter's office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_18_217" id="Footnote3_18_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_18_217"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> The notary was Barolet who signed the act as did Vallée, +De Chalet, and two witnesses, Charles Prieur, Perruquier, and Jean +Liquart, merchant.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_19_218" id="Footnote3_19_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_19_218"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> "L'esclave et mulatre nommée Isabella ou Bell, fille, +âgée d'environ quinze ans, avec les hardes et linges à son usage." She +is to obey her new master and render him faithful service. The price +is expressed as "cinquante livres monnaye du cours actuel de Quebec, +égale à deux cents piastres d'Espagne"—Fifty pounds Quebec currency +equal to two hundred Spanish dollars. The word "livre" was in English +times used for "pound." The pound in Quebec or Halifax currency was in +practice about nine-tenths the value of the pound sterling. +</p> +<p> +The Ordinance of September 14, 1764, made one British shilling equal +to 1s. 4d. Quebec currency, <i>i.e.</i>, the Quebec shilling was ¾ of +an English shilling; the Ordinance of May 15, 1765, confirmed their +valuation, making 18 British half-pence and 36 British farthings one +Quebec shilling, but the Ordinance of March 29, 1777, made the British +shilling only 1/1 and the British crown 5/6. +</p> +<p> +"The Seville, Mexico and Pillar Dollar" was by the Quebec Ordinance +of December 14, 1764, made equal to 6/ of Quebec currency or 4/6 +sterling; the Ordinance of March 29, 1777, equates "the Spanish +Dollar" to 5/ Quebec currency (which was then substantially +nine-tenths the value of sterling), <i>i.e.</i>, 4/6 sterling; the Upper +Canadian Act of 1796 equated "the Spanish milled dollar" to 5/ +Provincial currency or 4/6 sterling. +</p> +<p> +The notaries in the case were Berthelot Dartigny and A. Panet, Jr.; +the act was passed in Cramahé's house, rue St-Louis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_20_219" id="Footnote3_20_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_20_219"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> The same notaries appeared and the act was passed in the +same place.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_21_220" id="Footnote3_21_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_21_220"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> The notaries are A. Dumas and Charles Stewart; the act +was passed in the latter's office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_22_221" id="Footnote3_22_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_22_221"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> See the latest Report of the Archives of Canada. +</p> +<p> +The Ordinance of General James Murray establishing Military Courts in +Quebec and its vicinity will be found printed in Shortt and Doughty's +<i>Documents relating to the Constitution of Canada</i>, pp. 42, 44. +General Gage's Ordinance established them in the District of Montreal +will be found in the publication of the Archives of Canada. <i>Le Règne +Militaire.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_23_222" id="Footnote3_23_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_23_222"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> It is to be observed that it was considered that <i>prima +facie</i> the Negro was a slave. The same rule was applied in many states +(Cobb, <i>Law of Negro Slavery</i>, pp. 253 sqq.), unless the alleged slave +had been in the enjoyment of freedom; but Chief Justice Strange of +Nova Scotia and his successor Salter Sampson Blowers by throwing the +onus upon the master did much toward the abolition of slavery in that +province. See <i>The Slave in Canada</i>, pp. 105-108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_24_223" id="Footnote3_24_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_24_223"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> I here copy the letter, <i>verbatim et literatum</i>, a +delightful literary effort. +</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="ltr-date"><span class="smcap">Saratoga</span> 20 Feby 1785.</p> +<p> +<i>Dr Sir</i>,</p> +<p> +I send by John Brown a +Negro woman Named Sarah my Right & Lawful property—which you will +Pleas Dispose of with the advis of your friends.—I have Wrote Mr +Thomson on the same subjet—she has no fault to my knolage She +will not Drink and so fare as I have seen she is honest—many many +upertunitys she has had to have shown her Dishonesty had she been +so in Clined ... I am sory to give you the troble—She cost me +sixty five pounds should not Lick to sell her under.—Should you +not be able to get Cash you may sell her for furrs of any Kind +you think will sutt our market and send them down by the Return +sladges; any trobl you my be at shall Pay for these. +</p> +<p class="ltr-closing"> +I am Dr. Sir. Your<br /> +as hurede frind &c:</p> +<p class="ltr-from"> +Hugh McAdam</p> +<p class="hang"> +Mr. Morrison<br /> +mercht. Montreal.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p> +As to a subsequent disposition of Sarah, see sale of June 6, 1789.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_25_224" id="Footnote3_25_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_25_224"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> It is possibly the same mulatto boy, Dick, the subject +of the following Bill of Sale: +</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="ltr-date"> +<span class="smcap">Thusberry</span> octrs 19. 1785.</p> +<p> +Know all men By these presents that I William Gillchres in the +County of Rutland and State of Vermount, Yoeman for and in +consideration of twenty pound Law Money to you in hand paid by +Joseph Barrey of Richmond in the County of Cheshier in State +of New Hampshier yeoman whereof I acknoledg the receipt and +barggained and sold one molate Boy six years old naimed Dick +to him the said Joseph Barney and his heirs for ever, to have +and to hold the said molater boy, I said William Gillchres who +for myself and my heirs promise for ever to warrant socure and +defend said promise against the lawful claims or demand of any +person or persons in which I have set my hand, hereunto, and seal +this nineteenth day of October one thousand seven hundred and +eighty-six, in the eleventh year of endipendency. +</p> +<p class="right"> +(Signed) <span class="smcap">William Gillchres</span></p> + +<p>Signed, sealed<br /> +in the presence of us<br /> + (Signed) <span class="smcap">Elisha Fullan</span><br /> + <span class="smcap">Lucy Yeomans</span></p> +</blockquote> + +<p> +On the back of this document were written thus the following words: +</p> + +<div class="ita-container"><div class="ita"><div class="group"> +<div class="line i0">Novemer ye 15, 1786</div> +<div class="line i4">Recevd the contents of</div> +<div class="line i0">the within bill by me</div> +<div class="line i4">Joseph Barrey</div> +<div class="line i0">29 Nover 1786.</div> +<div class="line i0">Witness) Martin McEvoy</div> +<div class="line i0">present)</div> +<div class="line i6">John Carven</div> +<div class="line i8">Gillchress</div> +<div class="line i10">Bill of Morlato</div> +<div class="line i12">Boy nd. Dick Gun</div> +</div></div></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_26_225" id="Footnote3_26_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_26_225"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> I assume New York Currency, in which case the pound was +20 York shillings or $2.50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_27_226" id="Footnote3_27_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_27_226"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> 1787, January 10, George Brown and Sarah a Negress were +married by Cave—it was probably the same Sarah.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_28_227" id="Footnote3_28_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_28_227"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> While this was in fact and in law a sale, the +transaction was far more than a mere transfer of property: The Notary +John Abraham Gray has the Notarial Act No. 74 which shows that Manuel, +the negro man voluntarily engaged as servant, to Thomas Sullivan, +under the usual conditions of servitude, for five years, at the end +of which term, the said Manuel, if he should faithfully carry out his +said engagement was to be emancipated and set at liberty according to +due form of law, otherwise he was to remain the property of the said +Sullivan. +</p> +<p> +A Notarial Act now in the possession of the Historical Society, +Chicago, dated at Montreal, August 15, 1731, passed before the Notary +Charles Benoit et St. Désiez, evidences the sale by Louis Chappeau +to Sieur Pierre Guy, merchant, both of Montreal, of an Indian lad of +the Patoka nation, aged about 10 or 12 years, for 200 livres paid in +beaver and other skins. See <i>Report of Canadian Archives</i>, 1905, vol. +1, lxix. +</p> +<p> +It may be of interest to note that on pp. 476, 477 of the same +report is copied a memorial (October 29, 1768) of the inhabitants +and merchants of Louisiana in which they complain, <i>inter alia</i>, of +D'Ulloa the Spanish Governor of Louisiana (1766-8) forbidding "the +importation of negroes to the colony under the pretext that this +competition would hurt an English merchant of Jamaica who had sent +a vessel to D'Ulloa to confirm the contract for the importation of +slaves. In creating this monopoly, he had robbed his new subjects of +the means of procuring slaves cheaply...."</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>DOCUMENTS</h2> + + +<h3>Banishment of the People of Colour from Cincinnati</h3> + +<p>Prof. T. G. Steward of Wilberforce University directs attention to +the following from <i>The Friend</i> which carries an important document +bearing on the Free Negroes of Ohio:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>In the course of the present year, a law of this state has been +brought into view, by the trustees of Cincinnati township, +requiring people of colour to give bond and security not to become +chargeable to the public, and for their good behaviour—also +imposing a fine on those who may employ them. This law was +passed upwards of twenty years ago, and I believe has remained +inoperative, or nearly so, to the present year. In order that the +effects and bearing of the law may be correctly understood, I +subjoin the proclamation or notice by the trustees.</p> + + +<p class="center"><i>To the Public</i></p> + +<p>The undersigned, trustees and overseers of the poor, of the +township of Cincinnati hereby give notice, that the duties +required of them, by the act of the general assembly of Ohio, +entitled <i>An Act to Regulate Black and Mulatto Persons</i>, and +the act amendatory thereto, will be rigidly enforced, and all +black and mulatto persons, now residents of said Cincinnati +township, and who emigrated to, and settled within the township of +Cincinnati, without complying with the requisitions of the first +section of the amended act, aforesaid, are informed, that unless +they enter into bonds as the said act directs, within thirty days +from this date, they may expect at the expiration of that time, +the law to be rigidly enforced.</p> + +<p>And the undersigned would further insert herein, for the +information of the citizens of Cincinnati township, the third +section of the amendatory act aforesaid, as follows: That if any +person being a resident of this state, shall employ, harbour, or +conceal any such negro or mulatto person aforesaid, contrary to +the provision of the first section of this act, any person so +offending, shall forfeit and pay for such an offence, any sum not +exceeding one hundred dollars, one half to the informer, and the +other half for the use of the poor of the township, in which such +person may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> reside, to be recovered by action of debt before any +court having competent jurisdiction, and moreover to be liable for +the maintenance and support of such negro or mulatto, provided +he, she, or they shall become unable to support themselves. The +co-operation of the public is expected in carrying these laws into +full effect.</p> + +<p class="ltr-from"> +William Mills,<br /> +Benjamin Hopkins,<br /> +George Lee,</p> +<p class="right nospace-above"> +Trustees of Cincinnati Township.</p> + + +<p class="center space-above"><span class="smcap">Comment</span></p> + +<p>When this proclamation was issued, there were upwards of 2,000 +people of colour, residing in this city, and nearly all obnoxious +to the operations of the law; many of them had resided here for +a considerable time, and were comfortably situated—they became +unsettled and deprived of employment by this act of banishment and +proscription, and much suffering and distress ensued. They deputed +two of their number to select and provide a place for them to +remove to, who procured a tract of land in Canada. In the meantime +some of them commenced making preparations to leave the country, +and as the time was very short which the trustees allowed them, +they had to incur great losses in disposing of their property, +selling for twenty dollars, what cost one hundred dollars. When +the thirty days expired, and it was ascertained all did not, or +could not comply with the requisitions of the trustees, mobs +assailed them at different times, stoning their houses and +destroying their property; in the progress of these disgraceful +transactions one white man was killed and others wounded.</p> + +<p>It is thought about five hundred have gone to Canada, many of +these with means exceedingly limited to provide necessaries in +a wilderness country, and encounter the rigours of a northern +winter; one of their agents, a coloured man, informed me of +an instance where twenty-eight persons had set out with a sum +not exceeding twenty-five dollars. I confess my mind has been +impressed with fearful apprehensions that they will greatly suffer +or perish with hunger and cold! Some of them view this act of +banishment with so much horror, they have told me the white people +had better take them out in the commons and shoot them down, than +send them to Canada to perish with hunger and cold!</p> + +<p class="right"> +<i>The Friend</i>, Nov. 28, 1829.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span></p> + + +<h3>First Protest against Slavery in the United States</h3> + +<p>Prof. Steward invites attention also to the following extract from +<i>The Friend</i> published in Philadelphia April 1831, said to be the +first document against slavery published in this country:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"At a General Court held at Warwick the 16th. of May 1657.</p> + +<p>"Whereas there is a common course practiced among Englishmen, to +buy negroes to that end that they may have them for service or as +slaves forever; for the the preventing of such practices among +us, let it be ordered, that no black mankind or white being, +shall be forced by covenant, bond or otherwise, to serve any man +or his assigns longer than ten years, or until they come to be +twenty-four years of age, if they be taken in under fourteen, from +the time of their coming within the liberties of this Colony—at +the end or term of ten years to set them free as the manner is +with the English servants. And that man that will not let them go +free, or shall sell them away elsewhere, to that end they may be +enslaved to others for a longer time, he or they shall forfeit to +the Colony forty pounds."</p> + +<p>The court that enacted this law was composed as follows: +John Smith, President; Thomas Olney, General Assistant, from +Providence; Samuel Gorton from Warwick; John Green, General +Recorder; Randal Holden, Treasurer; Hugh Bewett, General Sergeant.</p> + +<p class="right"> +<i>The Friend</i>, April, 1831.</p> +</blockquote> + + +<h3>A Negro Pioneer in the West</h3> + +<p>Mr. Monroe N. Work invites attention to the fact that in an issue of +December 23d, 1920, the <i>Advertiser Journal</i> of Kent, Washington, ran +the following story:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>"The best and largest yield of wheat ever exhibited," grown in +western Washington. It sounds like a real estate folder. And yet +at the World's Centennial Exposition held in Philadelphia in 1876, +W. O. Bush, son of George Bush, one of the first settlers on Puget +Sound, won the gold premium for wheat he grew on Bush Prairie, +just south of Olympia; to this day the wheat is preserved in the +Smithsonian Institute.</p> + +<p>This record of great wheat yield is a part of the history of one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> +of the families that came to the Northwest and had that quality +that made them successful here. George Bush was the first colored +man to come to this part of the country, the forerunner of the +large number of useful citizens of his race who have followed with +the increasing population. He was born in Pennsylvania in 1814, +and with his wife from Tennessee started west in 1844.</p> + +<p>Before coming west with his family, Bush had made a trip to this +country with a number of companions, coming north along the +coast from the Mexican border and suffering from the innumerable +hardships of the trail, hunger and Indians. He must have liked the +prospects, for it was only a short time later that we find him +again headed in this direction in company with a number of other +hardy pioneers.</p> + +<p>The character that made him face the privations of immigration +ingratiated him with his companions. There was an unwritten law +in Oregon at that time that no colored people should be allowed +to settle in that territory. When the group of which Bush was a +member approached the Columbia river country and learned of the +rule it was decided that if any one attempted to molest Bush all +of the members of the company would fight to protect him.</p> + +<p>The practice in Oregon was to whip the colored man and if he left +after the whipping it was all right and nothing further was done, +but if he did not take advantage of the opportunity to escape he +was whipped again and again until he either left or died.</p> + +<p>There is not any record of an attempt being made to molest Bush, +who, with his companions, stayed at the Dalles for several months +and later at Washougal at the mouth of the Cowlitz. The following +year—1845—they came on to Puget Sound and settled at the head of +Budds Inlet at the falls of the DesChutes and founded the town of +New Market, now Tumwater.</p> + +<p>Those who made up this party were Michael T. Simmons, James +McAllister, David Kindred, Gabriel Jones and Bush. The latter +decided not to settle right in Tumwater and went back onto the +prairie land about four miles and took up a donation claim of 640 +acres. It was on that claim that the prize wheat was grown by his +oldest son thirty-two years later. There on that claim Bush died +in 1863, while the great war for the freedom of his race was being +waged. His widow followed him two years later.</p> + +<p>Of their six sons, the state has heard a great deal. The eldest, +W. O. Bush, was born before the couple left Missouri on their +way west, and got the hard training of the pioneer. He took to +farming<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span> and that he worked the prairie land where his father +had settled for all it was worth is shown by the crop he took to +Philadelphia. The soil of that section is a black sandy loam on +a gravel base. The soil is not too thick in some parts and has a +tendency to drain, particularly during the hot, dry summer.</p> + +<p>Shortly after the formation of the state Bush was elected a member +of the legislature and served two terms during 1890 and 1892. His +record in the law-making body was an honorable one and that he was +highly respected by the people of Thurston county was shown when +they sent him to the Chicago World's Fair in 1893 to look after +the county's agricultural exhibit.</p></blockquote> + + +<h3>Concerning the Origin of Wilberforce</h3> + +<p>While at Tuskegee Institute in 1914 Mrs. Emma Castleman Bowles, who +has since died, related this account of the origin of Wilberforce. +This story does not agree with the account given in Bishop D. A. +Payne's <i>African Methodist Episcopal Church</i> (423 ff.). The value +of the document lies mainly in the light which it throws upon the +relations between wealthy slaveholders and their children of slave +women. There must be much truth in the narrative, for Payne's sketch +says that in 1859-60 a majority of the 207 students enrolled "are the +natural children of Southern and Southwestern planters." The <i>Special +Report of the United States Commissioner of Education</i>, published in +1871 (372-373), supports this statement. Mrs. Bowles' story follows:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Mrs. Emma Castleman Bowles said her father was Stephen S. +Castleman, a slave holder who lived on the Yazoo River, about 150 +miles from Vicksburg. He owned the Ashland plantation. She was +born June 3, 1845. Her mother was a half sister of her father's +wife. When Castleman married, her mother was sent to wait on her +mistress. Castleman lived with both women. Castleman had two +children by his wife and five by his concubine. He hired a white +woman to teach Emma. This woman was paid $500 a year. Mrs. Bowles +said she was not taught anything, not even to read. She spent her +time playing with her half-brother and riding a pony which her +father had bought for her.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span></p> + +<p>In March 1858, Castleman sent his daughter Emma to Cincinnati by +his brother-in-law, her half uncle, O. Leroy Ross. Here, she was +emancipated and acknowledged as Castleman's daughter. Ross then +brought her to Wilberforce and placed her in school.</p> + +<p>Tawawa Springs was a summer resort for Southern slave holders. The +Springs were medicinal. The Hotel Tawawa had 350 rooms, extensive +grounds, elaborate water works for fountains, etc. There were +several cottages on either side of the hotel. Slave holders would +bring their families and slaves and live either in the hotel or +in the cottages. A law was passed in Ohio forbidding the bringing +of slaves into the State. Then white help and free Negro servants +were used. The place declined financially and was finally sold for +debt. Several planters banded together bought the place and turned +it into a school for their illegitimate children by Negro women. +Stephen S. Castleman was one of these men. Mrs. Bowles said this +was done about 1856 or 1857.<a name="FNanchor3_2_228" id="FNanchor3_2_228"></a><a href="#Footnote3_2_228" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>There were about nine teachers, all Yankees. The first principal +was Rev. M. P. Gaddis. Richard Rust was the first President. The +students, with a few exceptions, were children of slave holders.</p> + +<p>Money was deposited in Cincinnati banks for the use of the +children. President Rust was given power to draw on banks as the +children needed money.</p> + +<p>The following were named as among the slave owners who brought +their children to the school. A planter named Mosley from Warren, +Miss., brought seven children by three different mothers and freed +them. Senator Hemphill of Virginia brought two daughters and +emancipated them. A planter by the name of Smith brought eight +children from Mississippi with their mother about 1859. He had a +slave man and woman to wait on them. He was arrested and made to +emancipate them. He bought a large tract of land for them. A brick +house he built was later owned by Colonel Charles Young. The woman +had lived with Smith under compulsion, and as soon as she was +emancipated would have nothing more to do with him. Mrs. Bowles +said that she went to school with these children and often visited +the family. She had seen the mother strip herself to the waist and +show how her back had been mutilated to make her submit to her +master's wishes. A man named Piper came and brought 10 children +and their mother. She was jet black. After the war he married her +and settled in Darke County, Ohio.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span></p> + +<p>General T. C. McMackin, a hotel owner of Vicksburg, Mississippi, +was appointed by Castleman as his daughter's guardian. She said +that she got in a fight with another school girl and was put on +bread and water. She wrote her father. He had McMackin come to +Wilberforce and adjust the matter. Her father, and she said the +fathers generally, lavished money on their children. She had a +box that held fifty silver dollars. This her father kept full of +silver dollars for her to buy candy with.</p> + +<p>Abolition was preached constantly in the school. She came to hate +slavery. She had seen great cruelties inflicted on her mother and +other slaves. Her mother took up with a slave man. Emma was a +child, sleeping in the room. Many a night her father would come +and curse the slave and compel him to leave the cabin. Then he +would whip him and her mother. Whipping was on bare back from 39 +to 300 lashes. Slave stripped naked and hands and feet tied to +stakes driven into the ground. Stocks were also used. The lash and +the stocks were both used on her mother's slave husband. They were +put in the stocks at night and whipped night and morning.</p> + +<p>Mrs. Bowles was courted in school by a class-mate, named George +W. Harding, whose father was a large slave holder in Tennessee. +President Rust tried to break it up. He wrote her father. +Castleman wrote his daughter that he did not send her North to +waste her time with a nigger. If she did not stop he would come +and get her, cow hide her and bring her home and put her in the +cotton field. She replied that "if her mother was good enough +for him to sleep with, that a nigger was good enough for her +to marry." She married Harding March 5, 1862. He had received +considerable wealth from his father. When they married he had +$55,000,<a name="FNanchor3_3_229" id="FNanchor3_3_229"></a><a href="#Footnote3_3_229" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and later inherited $80,000 from his mother.</p> + +<p>The war stopped communications with the South. As soon as the war +closed, Castleman wrote to find out about his daughter and learned +that she was married and the mother of two children. He wrote to +her to come home and leave her niggers. If she didn't she would +not get any of his property. She wrote him that he had beaten her +mother and made her bear five children out of wedlock and that she +would not forsake her husband and her lawfully born children.</p> +</blockquote> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_2_228" id="Footnote3_2_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_2_228"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The school began in 1855.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_3_229" id="Footnote3_3_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_3_229"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Harding squandered his property and died a pauper. Mrs. +Harding then married another student of Wilberforce, A. J. Bowles.</p></div></div> + + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>COMMUNICATIONS</h2> + + +<p>Mr. John W. Cromwell has addressed the Editor the following letter +which may interest persons directing their attention to the record of +the Negro in West Virginia:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p><i>Dear Sir</i>:</p> + +<p>While reading your <i>Negro Education in West Virginia</i> I was +reminded of my acquaintances in that State, and I thought of the +striking contrast between the West Virginia of 1877 and that of +1923.</p> + +<p>On invitation of Prof. Brackett, President of Storer College, I +attended a Teachers' Institute and Educational Convention, held at +Harper's Ferry, in 1877. There I first saw a gathering of young +teachers, vigorous and alert, none more chivalric in bearing than +the central figure in the person of John R. Clifford, at that time +Principal of the Grammar School at Martinsburg. To me it was quite +a contrast from dealing with the civil service of the Treasury +Department at Washington on the one hand, and my experience with +the young men there a few years before as I had beheld them in +central Pennsylvania.</p> + +<p>The bearing of the men was more than matched by the excellence of +the women. Outstanding at the time was a young woman whom I could +not at first determine whether I should rate her as a young pupil +in one of the classes or one of the faculty. I soon found that +she was a student teacher, also an elocutionist of grace, skill +and power. So impressed was I that Storer College thenceforth was +a regular place of visit during commencement season, and I soon +found myself on its trustee board.</p> + +<p>During one of these commencements, Frederick Douglass was booked +to speak on John Brown; but Andrew Hunter, the prosecuting +attorney who convicted John Brown, came to Harper's Ferry, and +declared that Frederick Douglass should not speak in Jefferson +county, where Brown was convicted and hung. He also said: "If +Douglass dares to come here, I'll meet him, denounce him, and +crush him!" Douglass came; so did Hunter. At the proper time, +Douglass was escorted to the rostrum, and without invitation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span> +Hunter followed and took a seat close to Douglass, the master of +American orators, who spoke as I never heard him before; and when +through started to his seat. Hunter interrupted him, arose, and +advanced toward Douglass with outstretched hand and exclaimed: +"Let us shake hands," and while so doing, said: "Were Robert E. +Lee here, he would shake the other," and pausing a few seconds, +with all the power of his nature he said: "Let us go on!" to which +Douglass replied: "<span class="smcap">In union together!</span>" And everybody on +the campus shouted—making the occasion one of dramatic as well as +historic interest.</p> + +<p>As editor of <i>The People's Advocate</i>, of Washington, D. C, the +incident was sketched in bold and striking outlines for the +country, and was read eagerly. It also forms an incident of one of +the chapters of <i>The "Life and Times" of Frederick Douglass</i>.</p> + +<p>In 1882, the Knights of Wise Men, with headquarters at Nashville, +Tennessee, held their convention at Atlanta, Georgia. Thither +went such representatives of the day as William J. Simmons, of +Kentucky; Frances L. Cardozo, of Washington, D. C.; Bishop Henry +M. Turner, of Georgia; Richard Gleaves, of South Carolina; John +R. Lynch, of Mississippi; Robert Peel Brooks, of Virginia; Prof. +J. C. Corbin, of Arkansas, and many other distinguished men +interested in the order.</p> + +<p>John R. Clifford, of Martinsburg, West Virginia, was one of the +party and a most distinguished orator was he, whose masterly +oration delivered in the State Capital of Georgia, with Governor +Colquitt, and other state officials, was a fitting setting for +the presentation of a beautiful gold-headed cane, with the +convention's and his initials carved on it. Robert Peel Brooks was +chosen by the delegates to present the gift.</p> + +<p>The career of Mr. Clifford for twenty years' work as a teacher, +brought him to the forefront, and he was appointed by three +different W. Va. State Superintendents to hold and conduct +Teachers' Institutes. Mr. Clifford holds a life-time teacher's +certificate in honor of this distinguished service. He was the +first colored man in West Virginia to be admitted to the bar in +the early eighties. He became editor of the <i>Pioneer Press</i> in +1882 at Martinsburg, and ran it regularly for thirty-six years, +being honored with the deanship of Negro journalism a short time +before the <i>Pioneer Press</i> ceased to exist.</p> + +<p>Mr. Clifford, single-handed and alone, filed charges against +Prof. N. C. Brackett, head of Storer College, killed and wiped +out<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> Brackett's drawn color line, that barred colored people from +going there as had been their privilege. He was the only colored +editor in West Virginia who was a member of the State Editorial +Association for twenty years, and was chosen the last year as its +historian.</p> + +<p>While defending a client sometime ago, a United States +Commissioner and Mr. Clifford got into a controversy over some +witnesses he wanted summoned, and it was kept up until the +Commissioner demanded that he stop and go on, or he would put +Clifford in jail. Undaunted he continued and gave the Commissioner +to understand that just as long as he refused to summon the +witnesses, he would contend for it; whereupon the Commissioner +had him put in jail, where he remained for an hour and twenty-two +minutes. Getting out he asked for his client, who had been tried +and jailed. He was brought back. Clifford went his bond, sent +him home, preferred charges against T. T. Lemen, United States +Commissioner, and W. D. Brown, United States Marshal. Clifford +went to the Department of Justice in Washington, D. C. proved his +charges and had both put out of office and his client was set free.</p> + +<p>He was appointed, by Senator B. K. Bruce and Frederick Douglass, +Commissioner for the state of West Virginia to the New Orleans +Exposition. He was elected three times President of the National +Independent Political League, was chosen Principal of the Manassas +Industrial School, where he and Frederick Douglass spoke on +the occasion of his inauguration. He resigned because of his +contention for better water.</p> + +<p>He was the first man to impanel a colored jury in the state of +West Virginia, and for so doing, was knocked down in the court +room three times with deadly weights, causing the blood to run +down into his shoes. When knocked down the third time, U. S. G. +Pitzer, a Republican (?) prosecuting attorney, sprang on him, but +with apparent superhuman skill and force, Clifford turned him at +a time when there was not a soul in the court room (everybody +having run out) but Pitzer & Clifford, with the latter on top, and +had not Stephen Elam rushed in and pulled Clifford off of Pitzer +and carried him out, death might have been the result,—Elam is +still living. Later Pitzer was nominated for the Legislature, and +Clifford canvassed Berkeley County on his bicycle exhibiting his +bloody shirt (which he still has) and the day before the election +Clifford spoke in the band-stand in the Public Square for an hour<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span> +and thirty minutes, waving his bloody shirt and the following day +Pitzer was defeated by 1336 votes.</p> + +<p>He is a 33° Mason and a Past Grand Master of W. Va.; member of +the American Negro Academy, and helped to shoot off the shackles +from four million slaves and cement this Union on the bloody +battle fields during the war of the sixties and holds an honorable +discharge in proof of it.</p> + +<p>He gives credit to the late Hon. John J. Healy of Chicago, Ill., +for his early education thru the public schools of Chicago. He +attended and graduated from Storer College 1875, and holds an +honorary diploma from Shaw University.</p> + +<p class="author">John W. Cromwell.</p> +</blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p>Mr. Monroe N. Work, who has spent some time establishing the official +roster of Negroes who served in State conventions and legislatures, +has turned over for publication the following letters giving the +record of Peter G. Morgan, a prominent citizen of Virginia:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p> + +<span class="smcap">Mr. Monroe N. Work</span>,<br /> + Editor <i>Negro Year Book</i>,<br /> + Tuskegee Institute, Ala.<br /> +</p> + +<p><i>My dear Mr. Work</i>:</p> + +<p>I am extremely sorry that many pressing duties have prevented me +from letting you have the information asked for in your letter +under date of September 1st, bearing upon the late Peter George +Morgan of Petersburg, Virginia.</p> + +<p>I gathered from the information in possession of his sons, that +he, (Peter G. Morgan) was in his day one of the most prominent +colored men in the city of Petersburg. He was a carpenter by trade +and followed said trade for a number of years. Later he acquired +the knowledge of shoe making and became a first class shoemaker, +which trade he also followed for a number of years before the +Civil War. He was twice sold as a slave, and he purchased himself +at $1,500 and completed the payment on the fourth of July, 1854 +at the White Sulphur Springs, his master being part owner of the +Springs at that time. Later on he purchased his wife, paying +$1,500 for her and two small children in 1858, thereby himself +becoming a slave holder. He removed to Petersburg in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> 1863 and +continued to work at his trade as shoemaker. Meanwhile he made use +of every possible opportunity to increase his knowledge of books, +although he had no opportunity to attend any school. In this way +he became a fairly well educated man, certainly ahead of many at +that time, and at the close of the Civil War was able to train his +own children and the children of his neighbors. He served in the +Constitutional Convention of the State of Virginia in 1867, this +latter date was given me this week by a gentleman in Richmond, who +served as page in the Legislature of Virginia fifty years ago. I +am enclosing a clipping which was passed into my hands a few weeks +ago, which contains some of the names of those who served in this +particular convention.<a name="FNanchor3_1_230" id="FNanchor3_1_230"></a><a href="#Footnote3_1_230" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>It has occurred to me that the Rev. Dr. Bragg, of Baltimore, +Maryland also served as page some time, later and perhaps he would +be able to assist me in supplying correct data, provided errors +are made in the dates in this correspondence.</p> + +<p>Mr. Morgan served in the Legislature of Virginia two terms, +1869-1871, and 1871-1872.</p> + +<p>Now, my dear Mr. Work if additional information is desired, +bearing upon the late Peter George Morgan, please do not hesitate +to command my services, and I shall be very glad to do my best to +assist you.</p> + +<p>With kind regards and best wishes, believe me,</p> + +<p class="ltr-closing">Very sincerely yours,</p> +<p class="right"> +Signed: <span class="smcap">James S. Russell</span>,<br /> +<i>Principal</i>.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span></p> +<blockquote> + +<p class="center space-above"> +<span class="smcap">St. Paul Normal and Industrial School</span></p> +<p class="ltr-date"><span class="smcap">Lawrenceville, Virginia</span>,<br /> +October 23, 1920.</p> +<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Monroe N. Work</span>,<br /> + Tuskegee Institute,<br /> + Alabama.</p> + +<p><i>My dear Mr. Work</i>:</p> + +<p>Your very kind letter of the 18th instant has been received and +contents carefully noted. I have delayed replying to your letter that +I might secure definite information from the Register of the General +Assembly of Virginia. My letter to you contained information from the +memory of my brother-in-law and another aged gentleman, with whom I +conferred regarding the information you had asked me to supply. I have +just secured first hand information which contains practically the +same information as given in my letter, still it comes with authority. +You will note please the slight correction to be made in reference to +the years he served in the Legislature of Virginia.</p> + +<p>You have my full permission to use the matter in any way you see fit, +making the slight correction in the dates the Hon. Peter G. Morgan +served in the Legislature.</p> + +<p>With kind regards and best wishes, believe me,</p> + +<p class="ltr-closing">Sincerely yours,</p> +<p class="right">Signed: <span class="smcap">James S. Russell</span>,<br /> +<i>Principal</i>.</p> +</blockquote> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center space-above"> +<span class="smcap">Commonwealth of Virginia<br /> +Governor's Office<br /> +Richmond</span></p> +<p class="ltr-date">October 22, 1920.</p> +<p> +<span class="smcap">Dr. James S. Russell</span>, Archdeacon,<br /> + St. Paul Normal and Industrial School,<br /> + Lawrenceville, Virginia.</p> + +<p><i>My dear Dr. Russell</i>:</p> + +<p>The Register of the General Assembly of Virginia, on p. 409, +carries the information that Peter G. Morgan of Petersburg, was a +member of the Convention of 1867-1868; was a member of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> House +of Delegates of Virginia at the session of 1869-70, and in 1870-71.</p> + +<p>I hope that this is the information you desire.</p> + +<p class="ltr-closing">Yours very truly,</p> +<p class="right">Signed: <span class="smcap">LeRoy Hodges</span>,<br /> +<i>Aide to the Governor</i>.</p> +</blockquote> + + +<h3>The Education of the Negro</h3> + +<p>Captain A. B. Spingarn has supplied the following valuable information +given in these extracts from the laws of the State of New York:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="ltr-date">May 10th, 1923.</p> + +<p> +<span class="smcap">Dr. Carter G. Woodson</span>,<br /> + Journal of Negro History,<br /> + 1216 You Street, N. W.,<br /> + Washington, D. C.<br /> +</p> + +<p><i>My dear Dr. Woodson</i>:</p> + +<p>The following extracts from the Session Laws of the State of New +York for 1826 and 1832 may be of interest. I did not see mention +of the latter one in your invaluable, <i>The Education of the Negro +Prior to 1861</i>.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center">"<span class="smcap">Chap.</span> 145 of Laws of 1826.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">An Act</span> <i>to provide for the colored Persons who are +occupants of Lots in New Stockbridge</i>.</p> + +<p class="right nospace-above"> +Passed April 11, 1826.</p> + +<p>1. <span class="smcap">Be</span> <i>it enacted by the People of the State of New York, +represented in Senate and Assembly</i>, That it shall and may be +lawful for the commissioners of the land-office to cause letters +patent to be issued to the persons respectively, who have been +reported by the appraisers of lands in New Stockbridge, as colored +persons, for the lots set to their names as occupants, in the same +manner as grants of land are authorized to be made to those who +have been so reported, as white persons persons settled on said +land: <i>Provided</i> ..."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center">"<span class="smcap">Chap.</span> 136 of Laws of 1832.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">An Act</span> <i>to constitute the coloured children of Rochester +a separate school</i>.</p> + +<p class="right nospace-above"> +Passes April 14, 1832.</p> + +<p><i>The People of the State of New York, represented in Senate and +Assembly, do enact as follows:</i></p> + +<p>1. The commissioners of common schools of the towns of Gates and +Brighton, in the county of Monroe, or a majority of them, may in +their discretion cause the children of colour of the village of +Rochester to be taught in one or more separate schools.</p> + +<p>2. The commissioners of common schools of the towns of Gates and +Brighton, shall discharge the duties of trustees of such school, +and shall apportion thereto a distributive share of the moneys for +the support of common schools."</p> + +<p class="ltr-closing">Very sincerely yours,</p> +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Arthur B. Spingarn</span>.</p> +</blockquote> +</blockquote> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote3_1_230" id="Footnote3_1_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor3_1_230"><span class="label">[1]</span></a></p> +<p class="center"> COPY OF CLIPPING FROM UNDESIGNATED PAPER AS MENTIONED IN +ABOVE LETTER.</p> +<p> +The Radical State Convention, which was in session in Richmond on +Thursday, elected the following State Executive Committee, with +Ex-Governor H. H. Wells as chairman: First district—Rufus S. Jones, +Isaac Morton and Robert Norton. Second district—R. S. Greene, Peter +G. Morgan and H. H. Bowden. Third district—Wm. C. Wickham, J. M. +Humphreys and Langdon Boyd. Fourth district—Geo. W. Finney, John +T. Hamletter and Ross Hamilton. Fifth district—Thos. J. Jackson, +Alexander Rives and I. F. Wilson. Sixth district—John F. Lewis, Thos. +H. Hargest and John R. Popham. Eighth district—W. B. Downey, John M. +Thatcher and J. B. Sener. Ninth district—R. W. Hughes, G. G. Goodell +and John W. Woest.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span></p> + + + + +<h2>BOOK REVIEWS</h2> + +<p class="hang"><i>Piney Woods and Its Story.</i> By <span class="smcap">Laurence C. Jones</span>, +Principal of the Piney Woods Country Life School, with an +introduction by S. S. McClure. (New York and Chicago: Fleming H. +Revell Company. Pp. 154. Price $1.50 net.)</p> + +<p>This is a story of a Negro brought up and educated in a more favorable +environment than most of the members of his race but, nevertheless, +imbued with the spirit of social uplift of those of his group +unfavorably circumstanced. With this vision he cast his lot in +Mississippi, where he toiled against odds in the establishment and +development of a school which is today an important factor in the +progress of the Negroes of Mississippi.</p> + +<p>This volume had a forerunner in a shorter story <i>Up Through +Difficulties</i>. As the influence of the school extended, however, and a +larger number of friends became interested in his efforts, there arose +such a demand for a brief statement of the history of this institution +that it was necessary to meet this with a publication in this handy +form. Coming then from the heart of a man who has given his life as +a sacrifice for the advancement of his oppressed people, the story +has been well received by the friends of education in general, and +especially by those who appreciate the arduous labors of that class of +pioneers so nobly represented by the author.</p> + +<p>And well might such a story be extensively read; for, as S. S. McClure +has said in the introduction, it is a story "of Negro education, +intelligence and sensitiveness, who turned his back upon everything +that usually makes life worth living for people of his kind and went, +without money or influence, or even an invitation, among the poorest +and most ignorant of his race, for the sole purpose of helping them in +every way within his power." As it has been said, it is persuasively +and sincerely told. It is therefore, to quote further from Mr. +McClure, "a valuable human document; a paragraph in a vital chapter of +American history."</p> + +<p>Briefly told, the story describes in detail the beginnings of the +educator, his early school days, the development of his school in the +midst of "Pine Knots" under the "Blue Sky," its "Log Cabin" stage, +the more hopeful circumstances later attained, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span> its widening +influence. In the chapter entitled the "Message of Hope" there is +an unusually interesting account of how once during the World War +the author was misunderstood by certain white persons who, from the +outside, heard him at a revival urging the Negroes to battle against +sin, ignorance, superstition, and poverty. Understanding some but not +all of the words used by the speaker, the eavesdroppers reported him +as stirring up the Negroes in the South to fight the whites. A mob +was easily formed in keeping with the custom of the country, and the +author was speedily picked up and thrown upon a pile of wood, when +guns were cocked and primed to shoot him down before he was to be +offered up. Thereupon, however, one of the mob demanded that he make a +speech, by which he so convincingly disabused their minds of any such +sinister intention of stirring up an insurrection among the Negroes +that he was finally released and befriended rather than lynched.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>The Book of American Negro Poetry.</i> By <span class="smcap">James Weldon +Johnson</span>. (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company. 1922. Pp. +217.)</p> + +<p>A review of a book of poetry is out of place in an historical magazine +unless, like the volume before us, it has an historical significance. +It cannot be gainsaid that the poetry of a race passing through the +ordeal of slavery, and later struggling for social and political +recognition, must constitute a long chapter in its history. In fact, +one can easily study the development of the mind of a thinking class +from epoch to epoch by reading and appreciating its verse. It is +fortunate that Mr. James Weldon Johnson has thus given the public this +opportunity to study a representative number of the talented tenth of +the Negro race.</p> + +<p>The poems themselves do not concern us here to the extent of showing +in detail their bearing on the history of the Negro. The student +of history, however, will find much valuable information in the +interesting preface of the author covering the first forty-seven pages +of the volume. The biographical index of authors in the appendix, +moreover, presents in a condensed form sketches of the lives of +thirty-one useful and all but famous members of the Negro race. Much +of this information about those who have not been in the public eye a +long time is entirely new, appearing here in print for the first time.</p> + +<p>The aim of the author is to show the greatness of the Negro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span> as +measured by his literature and art. He believes that the status of +the Negro in the United States is more a question of national mental +attitude toward the race than of actual conditions. "And nothing," +says he, "will do more to change that mental attitude and raise his +status than a demonstration of intellectual parity by the Negro +through the production of literature and art."</p> + +<p>In the effort to show "the emotional endowment, the originality and +artistic conception and power of creating" possessed by the Negro, +the author has begun with the Uncle Remus stories, the spirituals, +the dance, the folks songs and syncopated music. He then presents the +achievements of the Negro in pure literature, mentioning the works of +Jupiter Hammon, George M. Horton, Frances E. Harper, James M. Bell and +Albery A. Whitman. A large portion of this introduction given to the +early writers is devoted to a discussion of Dunbar. He then introduces +a number of poets of our own day, whose works constitute the verse +herein presented. Among these are William Stanley Braithwaite, Claude +McKay, Fenton Johnson, Jessie Fauset, Georgia Douglass Johnson, Annie +Spencer, John W. Holloway, James Edwin Campbell, Daniel Webster Davis, +R. C. Jamison, James S. Cotter, Jr., Alex Rogers, James D. Carrothers, +Leslie Pinckney Hill, and W. E. B. DuBois.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations, 1897-1909.</i> By +<span class="smcap">James Ford Rhodes</span>, LL.D., D.Litt. (New York: The +Macmillan Company, 1922. Pp. 418.)</p> + +<p>Fortunately Mr. Rhodes does not make the mistake of designating this +as a volume continuing his history of the United States from 1850 +to 1877. Like the volume recently written to treat the period from +Hayes to McKinley, this one does not show the serious treatment +characteristic of the earlier work of Mr. Rhodes. The author makes +no introduction but enters upon the discussion of the political +events which he considers as having constituted the most important +facts of history during this period. In this volume Mr. Rhodes is +largely concerned with the rise and fall of political chieftains, +who have attained high offices in the services of the nation or with +the record of those who have championed principles which have not +been acceptable to the American people. The most valuable facts of +the book are the bits of first-hand information which he obtained by +personal contact with the statesmen of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span> time. From this volume, +however, one gets very little more general information than he would +from an observer who has closely followed the various presidential +campaigns. Furthermore, there is not much discussion of the social and +economic questions which have engaged the attention of the American +people because of their bearing on shaping the destinies of the +nation. As a narrative for ready information of men and measures of +this period it is interesting, but judged from the point of view of +modern historiography, the book cannot be seriously considered as a +very valuable work on American history. When one has finished reading +the volume he will find his mind filled with what men have done and +what they have failed to accomplish, but he will not easily grasp the +meaning of the forces which during the last generation have given +trend to present-day developments in the United States.</p> + +<p>Students of Negro history will wonder what mention the author has +made of the rôle which the race played during this period. In any +expectation of this sort they will find themselves disappointed. +With the exception of references to the Booker Washington dinner at +the White House, the Brownsville Affair, and the Roosevelt attitude +on Negro suffrage, the race does not figure in this history. It is +interesting to note Rhodes's statement to the effect (230) that +Roosevelt said to him that he made a mistake in inviting Booker T. +Washington to dine at the White House. With the usual bias of the +author, it is not surprising that he justifies the dismissal of the +Negro soldiers charged with participating in the riot at Brownsville +(340). After reading this volume, one who has not lived in this +country would be surprised to come here and learn that we have such +a large group of citizens about whom so much was said and to whom so +much was meted out during this stormy period.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>The Journal of John Woolman.</i> Edited from the Original +Manuscripts, with a Biographical Introduction, by <span class="smcap">Amelia Mott +Gummere</span>. (New York: The Macmillan Company. 1922. Pp. 643.)</p> + +<p>From the time of the first publication of the <i>Journal</i> of this +unusual man in 1774, he has been known to the world as one of its +greatest characters because of his wonderful spirituality and deep +interest in all members of the human family regardless of race or +condition. It is decidedly fitting then that this valuable record<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> +should be reprinted and be made accessible to a larger number who will +find it an inspiration to those engaged in reform and valuable in +throwing light on heroism in the past.</p> + +<p>The author, however, has another reason for the new edition of this +<i>Journal</i>, inasmuch as there are many editions of the <i>Journal</i> +proper, and a multitude of publications in which Woolman's <i>Essays</i> +and appreciations of him appear. The reason is that the descendants +of Woolman "have recently made accessible by presenting to learned +institutions, which are glad to guard them, the manuscripts of the +<i>Journal</i> and of most of his <i>Essays</i> as well as letters, marriage +certificates of the family and other documents."</p> + +<p>The work is arranged in chapters presenting his immigrant ancestry, +his youth and education, his marriage, his participation in +the slavery discussion, his Indian journey, his experiences as +schoolmaster, his final tours, and his death. The book is well printed +and neatly bound. It contains thirty-three interesting illustrations +which decidedly enhance the value of the book. Among these should +be noted the portrait of John Woolman, his birthplace, his home, +important pages from his manuscripts, and his grave.</p> + +<p>Chapter IV, which deals with the endeavors of John Woolman to +emancipate and elevate the Negro race, will be of unusual help to +students of Negro history. Around Woolman and his coworkers, beginning +in 1760, centered the effort toward the liberation of the race, which +engaged the attention of the Friends, especially during the struggle +for the rights of man. Carrying the doctrine of natural rights to its +logical conclusion, Woolman was among the first to insist that Negroes +had a natural right to be free both in body and mind. To this end, +therefore, he bore testimony against slavery wherever he traveled in +this country and abroad; and down to the close of his career he lived +up to the conviction that all men are born equal before God "Who hath +made of one blood all nations that dwell upon the face of the earth."</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>NOTES</h2> + + +<p>Miss A. H. Smith, who during the last seven years has served +the Association as Office Manager and Assistant to the +Secretary-treasurer, has recently retired from the service. The +Association is immeasurably indebted to Miss Smith for the faithful +service which she has rendered the cause, and it will be difficult to +fill her position. Although offered opportunities for earning a larger +stipend elsewhere, she remained with the Association because of her +interest in the work which it has been prosecuting. The Association +wishes her well and earnestly hopes that she may be welcomed in some +other field of usefulness.</p> + +<p>The American Catholic Historical Society has announced a prize of $100 +offered by this society for the best historical essay on the subject +"Catholic Missionary Work Among the Colored People of the United +States (1776-1866)." The prize money has been donated by the Most Rev. +Sebastian Messmer, Archbishop of Milwaukee.</p> + +<p>All persons who are interested in the welfare and progress of the +Negroes of the United States are eligible to compete for the prize +under the conditions specified by the Society. The conditions are:</p> + +<p>The subject must be treated within the years specified (1776-1866). +Although the history of Catholic missionary activity among the colored +people of this country during the colonial period is not barred, the +essays shall be judged upon their value for the years 1776-1866.</p> + +<p>The essays shall be typewritten on one side of the page only, and +shall not be less than 4,000 words and may not exceed 8,000 words.</p> + +<p>All essays entered for the prize must be received by the Secretary +of the American Catholic Historical Society, 715 Spruce Street, +Philadelphia, not later than December 1, 1923.</p> + +<p>Each essay shall be signed with a motto and accompanied with a sealed +envelope marked on the outside with the same motto and enclosing the +writer's name and address.</p> + +<p>The committee appointed to act as judges for the competition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span> is +composed of: the Rev. Peter Guilday of the Catholic University +of America, Washington, D. C, Chairman; Dr. Lawrence Flick, of +Philadelphia; Thomas F. Meehan, associate-editor of "America," New +York; Dr. T. W. Turner, of Howard University, Washington, D. C.; and +the Rev. Joseph Butsch, S. S. J., of St. Joseph's Seminary, Baltimore.</p> + +<p>An arrangement has been made whereby contestants seeking guidance +in research work in the preparation of the essay can obtain aid by +writing to the chairman of the committee of judges.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p>The Oxford University Press has published a history of <i>The Partition +and Colonization of Africa</i>, by Sir Charles Lucas. This work includes +the territorial rearrangement resulting from the recent war.</p> + +<p>Through <i>East and West</i>, London, S. B. de Burgh Edwardes has published +<i>The History of Mauritius, 1507-1914</i>. A Mauritian himself, he has had +every opportunity to write a readable and interesting volume.</p> + +<p><i>The History of the Conquest of Egypt, North Africa, and Spain</i>, by +Ibn Abd Al-Hakam, is now being published through the Yale University +Press in its Oriental Series. This work is the earliest account of +Mohammedan conquests extant. It is edited from manuscripts in London, +Paris and Leyden, by Professor Charles C. Torrey.</p> + +<p>Herbert Jenkins, London, has brought out <i>The Mad Mullah of +Somaliland</i>, by Douglas J. Jardine, an officer of the British +administration in Somaliland from 1916 to 1921.</p> + +<p><i>The Royal Chronicle of Abyssinia</i>, an extract translated from the +Ethiopic Chronicle in the British Museum by H. Weld Blundell, has been +published by the Cambridge University Press.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>PROCEEDINGS OF THE SPRING CONFERENCE OF THE +ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE +AND HISTORY HELD IN BALTIMORE, APRIL +5TH AND 6TH, 1923</h2> + + +<p>The conference enjoyed the welcome and hospitality of Morgan College +where the morning and afternoon sessions were held on the 5th, and +of the Baltimore Public School System, the Druid Hill Avenue Branch +of the Young Men's Christian Association, and the Bethel A. M. E. +Church, which provided for the day sessions of the second day and for +both evening sessions. The success of the meeting was due in a large +measure to the cordial reception given the Association by Dr. J. O. +Spencer, the president of Morgan College, and by Dr. Pezavia O'Connell +and Dean L. M. McCoy. Mr. Mason A. Hawkins, Dr. Frederick Douglass, +Dr. A. L. Gaines, and Mr. S. S. Booker willingly cooperated in the +same way with respect to the meetings in the city.</p> + +<p>The first session was held at Morgan College on Thursday at 11 A.M. +Dr. Pezavia O'Connell, who presided, delivered an able address +impressing upon the students of the institution the importance of +the work undertaken by the Association. He was then followed by the +officers of the Association, who outlined in detail the history, the +purposes, and the achievements of the organization. Other remarks +were later made by Miss Georgine Kelly Smith, who proved to be a very +effective speaker in directing attention to certain neglected aspects +of Negro life.</p> + +<p>At 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the officers of the Association +assembled with the faculty of Morgan College in a joint meeting +to acquaint the instructors with the plans and procedure of the +Association and to secure their cooperation in the extension of this +work through some local organization which may direct its attention +to the collection of Negro folklore and to the preservation of the +records of the Negroes in Maryland. Much interest was aroused and +steps were taken to effect such an organization.</p> + +<p>The first evening session was held at 8 o'clock on the same day at +Bethel A. M. E. Church in the city of Baltimore. On this occasion the +Spring Conference was welcomed to the city by Mr. Mason A. Hawkins, +the principal of the Colored High School, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span> briefly discussed the +importance of the work and the opportunity which it afforded Baltimore +for becoming better informed as to what is being done for the uplift +of the race through this scientific effort. The response to this +address was made by President G. A. Edwards of Kittrell College. He +made a favorable impression upon the audience by directing attention +to the importance of securing the cooperation of a large number of +persons with an intelligent interest in the race. He emphasized the +fact that such a significant task should not be neglected and left +to the sacrifices of the few persons of vision who, without adequate +support, may unduly toil in the prosecution of this task and thus fail +to succeed because of bearing a burden which should be shared by all.</p> + +<p>The principal addresses of the evening were delivered by Dr. J. +O. Spencer, Dr. C. G. Woodson and Dean Kelly Miller. Dr. Spencer +discussed the subject "Thinking Straight on the Color Line." He +deprecated the lack of information on the Negro and showed how, in the +midst of ignorance as to the actual achievements of the race, persons +have learned to hate men of color because they are not acquainted +with them. To remedy the situation, then, there must be a universal +interest in the study of Negro life and history. Dr. Woodson sketched +in brief the record of the Negro from time immemorial, mentioning the +important contributions of the race to civilization and the necessity +for the study of this record to inspire the race with a hope of +greater achievement and to disabuse the mind of the white man of the +idea of racial superiority. Dean Kelly Miller spoke on the worthwhile +qualities of the Negro. His aim was to show that every race has in it +certain elements which are peculiar to that group, thus giving it in +this respect a chance to make a contribution which can come from no +other source. He, therefore, emphasized the importance of encouraging +the best in all races and giving to each every possible opportunity +for development. Among the exceptional qualities which he ascribed to +the Negro are patience, meekness, the gift of music, the sense of art, +response to religion, and brotherly love.</p> + +<p>The first session of the second day was held at 1 o'clock P.M., at the +Douglass Theatre. This occasion was that of an assembly of the members +of the Association, together with the students and faculty of the +Baltimore Colored High School and other members of the local teaching +corps. The important address was delivered by Professor John R. +Hawkins, president of the organization. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span> purpose of this discourse +was to outline in the simplest and most effective way possible the +necessity for children knowing more about themselves and about their +ancestors. The speaker endeavored to show how the achievements of the +Negro have been omitted from the textbooks studied by the youth in +the public schools so as to impress the Negro with the superiority +of other races and the so-called inferiority of their own. These +students were urged, therefore, to avail themselves of the opportunity +to become acquainted with this neglected aspect of history through +supplementary reading in the home, in clubs, and in literary circles. +How this would stimulate the mind of the youth and inspire them to +greater achievement through knowledge of the distinguished service of +others of their race in the past, was eloquently emphasized by the +speaker. Some remarks were made by President G. A. Edwards of Kittrell +College and Dr. C. G. Woodson.</p> + +<p>At 3 o'clock P. M. the Spring Conference assembled at the Druid Hill +Avenue Branch of the Y. M. C. A. The purpose of this meeting was to +discuss Negro history from the various points view of the teacher, +the minister, the editor, and the professional man. The discussion +was opened by Mr. L. S. James, principal of the Maryland Normal and +Industrial School, with a brief survey of the situation in Maryland +with respect to the development of the Negro schools and especially +in the matter of teaching Negro history. His very informing address +was well received. Then, appeared Mr. G. Smith Wormley of the Myrtilla +Miner Normal School, Washington, D. C. He presented Negro history from +the point of view of the teacher. He treated the matter pedagogically, +setting forth the purpose of the teaching of history and at the same +time urging upon his hearers the necessity for teaching the leading +facts of Negro history by correlating them with the topics of history +as it is now offered in the schools. His illuminating discourse made a +favorable impression and evoked discussions from various persons.</p> + +<p>Among those prompted to speak were Mrs. N. F. Mossell of Philadelphia, +who spoke of history from the point of view of the child, showing how +necessary it is to supply the young people with elementary reading +matter, serving as a stepping stone to the teaching of the more +difficult phases of the record of the Negro. Dr. George F. Bragg +explained how the minister is concerned with the history of the Negro +and briefly summarized the important<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span> contributions of Negro ministers +not only to the history of the race, but to the preservation of its +records. Mrs. Ella Spencer Murray expressed her interest in the work +and outlined how each one might aid the movement by soliciting members +and subscribers throughout the country, especially among white persons +who may be neutral or indifferent as to what the Negro has achieved.</p> + +<p>Mr. S. W. Rutherford, the Secretary-Treasurer of the Association, +delivered a short address to point out how by organized effort, with +courage and concentration, the movement may be further promoted and +the work expanded throughout the country by cooperating with the +Director who should and must have the support of all interested in +the Negro. Bishop John Hurst then mentioned briefly the necessity +for more publicity, and expressed his interest in securing a fund +adequate to the employment of a staff to popularize the work and +increase the income of the Association. Dr. Thomas E. Brown, of Morgan +College, delivered a short address emphasizing the necessity for a +more scientific study of the records and directing attention to the +undeveloped possibilities of the race which cry for the attention of +those scholars with the necessary training to treat the records of +this group scientifically.</p> + +<p>The session closed with an address by Ex-Congressman Thomas E. Miller +of South Carolina. He proved to be an attractive figure at the +sessions of the Association, being a man well advanced in years, one +who served in local offices during the Reconstruction and finally +reached Congress. He restricted his remarks to the discussion of the +free Negro prior to the Civil War, the class to which he himself +belonged. He asserted that many free Negroes were never known. Because +of the fear of disclosing their status, many of them were recorded as +slaves. In the same way, some of their important achievements were +kept in secret for the reason that freedom of conduct in their case +was proscribed by public opinion. Furthermore, he stated that they +were often misunderstood because they are reported as having hated +the slaves. He then explained the relations of the free Negro to the +whites and to the slaves, bringing out how they were subjected to +punishment for associating with the bondmen, and, therefore, became +estranged from them by the processes of safeguarded instruction in the +caste system of the South.</p> + +<p>At the second evening session at the Bethel A. M. E. Church, two +important addresses were delivered. The first one, "Hints on Race +History from an Old Book" by Prof. Leslie P. Hill, proved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span> to be +unusually instructive. This discourse was based upon Abbé Grégoire's +<i>Litterature des Nègres</i>, intended to emphasize the unusual +achievements of the Negroes as a proof that because of their superior +intellect they were entitled to freedom. Mr. Hill directed very little +attention to the characters well known in this country, restricting +his remarks largely to those who rose to prominence in European +countries where their records have never been studied to the extent of +impressing the historians of this country.</p> + +<p>Then appeared Dr. William Pickens, the Field Secretary for the +National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, who +delivered a very enthusiastic address on "Negro History in the Public +Schools." Dr. Pickens showed not only how uninformed the white people +are as to the record of the Negro, but that the race itself knows +very little of what it has achieved. He briefly mentioned a number +of instances connected with the local history of Maryland, of which +the people themselves living on the very soil on which these events +took place, knew nothing. He then adversely criticized the attitude +of the public school systems toward the teaching of Negro history and +urged his hearers to take seriously the question of memorializing and +influencing educational authorities to incorporate into their courses +of study textbooks on Negro history setting forth the truth as it is. +He urged, moreover, that in the meantime while such a battle is being +waged to reach this end, the Negroes themselves should through clubs +and literary circles make a systematic study of such works.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><a name="No_4" id="No_4"></a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span></p> + +<div class="second-title"> +<p>THE JOURNAL<br /> + +<span class="smalltext">OF</span><br /> + +NEGRO HISTORY</p> +</div> + +<hr class="tiny" /> + +<p class="center sc"> +Vol. VIII., No. 4 October, 1923.</p> + +<hr class="tiny" /> + + +<h2>ABRAM HANNIBAL, THE FAVORITE OF PETER THE GREAT</h2> + + +<p>Abram Hannibal, more commonly known as the "Negro of Peter the Great," +or "Peter's Negro" was one of the quaintest figures in the Russian +history of eighteenth century. From slavery to mastership and riches +his peculiar fate led him. He began his life under yoke in Africa +but died a general and wealthy landlord of the frozen North, leaving +his children and grandchildren to be prominent in the politics and +literature of Russia.</p> + +<p>The name of "Peter's Negro," no doubt, belongs to history; but +comparatively little is known of him, many important details of his +biography being still incomplete and unascertained. Outside of the +Russian sources there were Hannibal's own memoirs, written in French, +but not long before his death Abram burned them. About the beginning +of nineteenth century there appeared Hannibal's biography in German, +written by a certain Helbig (<i>Russische Gunstlinge</i>), but hardly +anything trustworthy could be learned from this work. As far as we +know, nothing was ever published of "Peter's Negro" in English. Even +the Russian sources are mainly official records and dry documents, +not of a great historical value, if of any. The best information +about Hannibal may be obtained from the unfinished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span> novel <i>The Negro +of Peter the Great</i> (1827) and other works by Pushkin, Hannibal's +great-grandson, the famous writer and founder of the modern school of +nineteenth century literature in Russia.</p> + +<p>Some of later historians doubt many of the assertions of Pushkin, +holding that, great as the poet was, he nevertheless was subject to +the common human weakness of exaggerating one's forefathers' merits. +The important facts of his career, however, have been learned. In the +year 1705, as for many years before and after, thousands of Negroes +were made prisoners and brought from the interior to the coasts of +the dark continent to be shipped to the slave markets of America and +Asia. Among others there was a little boy, barely eight years of age, +whom Arabs, his masters, called Ibrahim. He was sold to the Turks and, +the same year, brought to Constantinople. His fate could be easily +guessed. He was wanted for a slave in a rich Turkish home, or perhaps +an overseer in a harem. He became the latter after being brutally +handled.</p> + +<p>But at that time Savva Ragusinsky, a Russian nobleman, after a short +stay in Turkey was preparing to leave for his home country. He wanted +to bring a present of some kind to his Czar Peter, the stern reformer +of Russia, afterwards called "the Great." Ragusinsky knew the Czar's +love for curious objects and thought nothing better than two live +black boys could win him Peter's favor. The Czar had at his court many +servants of different races, brought to St. Petersburg from all over +the world, but only a few Negroes were among them.</p> + +<p>Ragusinsky bought or, according to some documents, simply stole +several Negro boys, who only a few months before were brought to the +slave-shacks of Sultan Selim II. One of these, who started on a long +trip to their new Northern home, was the little Ibrahim. The Czar +liked the rare present and almost from the beginning distinguished +Ibrahim from other slaves. The boy was unusually bright for his age. +He quickly picked up the Russian language<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span> and alphabet, and before +long began to feel that the court of St. Petersburg was his home. +Peter kept Ibrahim in his apartments, and Ibrahim accompanied the Czar +in latter's journeys through Russia and foreign countries, not as a +servant but rather as one of the family. When because of the war of +Russia with Sweden, Peter had to be constantly with his army, Ibrahim +shared with his friend-master all the dangers and privations of +bivouac-life.</p> + +<p>In 1707, while in Vilno, Ibrahim was christened in Orthodox faith. +His father-in-Christ was the Czar himself, who was assisted in this +task by the Polish queen, the wife of King Augustus. The little Negro +was given a new name of Peter, but he cried and refused to answer it, +preferring his old Arab name. The Russians, however, could not get +used to the strange Oriental sound and called him Abram instead of +Ibrahim. His surname—Hannibal—was given to him by the Czar in memory +of the famous Carthaginian.</p> + +<p>In 1716 Peter went on his second tour of Western Europe with Hannibal +as usual accompanying him. Among other countries they visited France, +and here Hannibal was left to begin his studies more seriously. +Hannibal, then 19 years old, showed fair capacity for mathematics +and physics. Supplied by the Czar with money and other means of +assistance, he entered a military engineering academy in Paris, where +he remained for about 2 years. He joined the French army afterwards, +which was then engaged in the war against Spain, and participated in +many battles. He proved to be an able engineer and a good commander. +In one of the battles—"an underground combat," as it is related in an +eighteenth century document—Hannibal was wounded in the head, but not +dangerously, and was brought back to Paris.</p> + +<p>Hannibal stayed in Paris till 1723, communicating with the Czar by +letters which are preserved in St. Petersburg state archives. Hannibal +complained in them that the Russian treasury and Peter himself almost +completely forgot about him, compelling him to live in great poverty +on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span> the verge of starvation. If he could obtain no allowance, Hannibal +wrote, he would have to walk from Paris to Moscow, begging alms on the +way.</p> + +<p>Pushkin, however, asserts that his great-grandfather while in Paris +was well provided for by Peter with money and had an unlimited +opportunity to mingle in the French society circles. His appearance +aroused curiosity; his wits, education and war record respect. +His black curls with a bandage over them—his wound did not heal +completely for a long time—could be frequently seen amid white wigs +of the French aristocrats. He was well received in the best salons +of Paris, being everywhere known as "le nègre du Czar." The Duke of +Orleans, who as a regent ruled over France at that time, favored +Hannibal with his attention and when in 1723 Peter asked Abram to come +back to Russia, the regent tried to persuade Hannibal to remain in +France, promising him a brilliant military and court career. Although +the Czar permitted Hannibal to take his own choice between France and +Russia, the young man decided to return to St. Petersburg.</p> + +<p>Thus, contradicting Hannibal's complaining letters, Pushkin describes +his great-grandfather's sojourn in Paris. He evidently based his +testimony on the family accounts, which as almost any such narratives +contain perhaps more fiction than history. But, on the other hand, +the historians, who contradict Pushkin, have no other proof of their +infallibility than these Paris letters of Hannibal.</p> + +<p>Reliable information concerning Hannibal after his return to Russia, +however, is not so scarce. Immediately upon his arrival in St. +Petersburg, Hannibal was appointed an officer in the Preobrajensky +Guard-regiment. He became an "engineer-lieutenant" in the +"Bombardir-company," of which the Czar himself was the captain. But +another crisis was reached when, according to Pushkin, it appeared +about that time that Hannibal was a son of a Negro king, and his elder +brother came from Africa to St. Petersburg with an offer of a rich +ransom for Hannibal.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> He met with no success, as Hannibal himself did +not want to return to the village on the banks of Niger.</p> + +<p>The situation did not seem so favorable for Hannibal, moreover, when +in 1725 Peter the Great died. Menshikov, former pie-peddler and +life-long favorite of the late Czar, elevated himself to the position +of sole adviser to Peter's widow, Catherine I. He alone virtually +ruled Russia for several years. When Catherine I died and young Peter +II sat on the throne, Menshikov wanted the boy Emperor to marry his +younger daughter. He feared, however, his numerous enemies at the +court, among whom he counted Hannibal, the young Czar's instructor +in mathematics. Consequently Hannibal was exiled to Siberia in 1727. +Officially he was neither arrested nor deprived of his rank and +property. He was sent to the borders of China with orders to "transfer +from the town of Selenginsk into another location" and to "take an +exact measure of the Great Chinese Wall." Menshikov evidently thought +that the severe Siberian frosts would sooner or later kill the young +African. But Hannibal being strong and healthy and accustomed from +childhood to cold climate withstood the hardships of the Siberian +wilderness.</p> + +<p>In 1729 he fled from Selenginsk but was arrested before he could reach +Europe. His papers and valuables taken from him, Hannibal was brought +to Tomsk, a city in Western Siberia. There for some time he was kept +as a prisoner, although his salary as an officer was still paid. In +January of 1730 he was freed but not permitted to leave Siberia. He +was appointed to serve in the Tomsk garrison as a major.</p> + +<p>Soon afterwards St. Petersburg was the scene of a new coup-d'etat. +Anna, a niece of Peter the Great, was summoned to the Russian throne. +Counts Dolgorukov became the most powerful persons at the court. New +hopes were aroused in Hannibal, as the Dolgorukovs were his friends, +since the time he and they lived in France. Hannibal without asking +or waiting for permission left Tomsk, but when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> some time after he +arrived in St. Petersburg he learned that Dolgorukovs lost their +influence as suddenly as they won it, that they were arrested, and +after all their estates had been confiscated, were exiled to Siberia. +Great dangers threatened Hannibal as a Dolgorukovs' friend. Biron, +erstwhile a stable man but now adviser and lover of Anna, sought +Hannibal's life. Field-marshal Minich, commander-in-chief of the +Russian army, however, saved Hannibal by granting him a commission to +inspect fortifications in Lifland. In a little village near Reval, +then, Hannibal lived in obscurity for 10 years, fearing every day +the arrival of a messenger from St. Petersburg with an order for his +arrest.</p> + +<p>Before his coming to Lifland, Hannibal married the beautiful daughter +of a Greek captain by the name of Dioper. Almost from the first day +of their marriage he began to suspect her infidelity. The birth of a +white baby-girl proved his suspicions and justified their divorce. +The Russian court sent Hannibal's wife to a convent, and Hannibal +married Christina-Regina Von-Sheberg, a Lifland German woman. She +gave birth to five sons, all of whom were mulattoes. His first wife's +white daughter he kept in his home, gave her a good education and a +considerable dowry, but never permitted her to come before his eyes.</p> + +<p>In November of 1741 Elisabeth, a daughter of Peter the Great, was +proclaimed the Empress of Russia. She immediately returned from exile +all former favorites of her father. Among these was Hannibal, on whom +she showered various honours. He was given the post of commandant +of city of Reval. About ten villages with several thousands of +white slaves were presented to him as his personal property. He was +decorated with medals and ribbons and asked to come to St. Petersburg. +He preferred, however, to stay on his newly acquired estates.</p> + +<p>Other important tasks awaited him. In 1752 he was commissioned to fix +the Russo-Swedish boundary line. In 1756 he was one of the members +of the Ladoga Canal Commission<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> and also of the Commission for the +Inspection of the Russian Forts. In 1762, with a rank of general +in chief, he retired from public service, being then an old man. +His services were remembered at the court for a long time after, +however, for once Catherine II asked him to compose a plan of St. +Petersburg-Moscow Canal.</p> + +<p>During his last years he was frequented by spells of sudden fear, the +consequence of his old sufferings. He was especially afraid of the +sound of a bell, imagining that his persecutors were coming again. +Under one of these spells, as we mentioned above, he destroyed his +memoirs not long before he died in 1782 in his eighty-fifth year.</p> + +<p>He did not want his sons to join the army or be at the court, fearing +they might be involved there in dangerous intrigue. Ivan, his elder +son, joined the army against his will, and only after he won fame as +a brilliant victor over the Turks could he on his knees receive his +aged father's forgiveness. Ivan Hannibal distinguished himself not +only as a strategist but as a man of a great personal valor as well. +He participated in the Russian naval expedition to Greece and captured +Navarin, a Turkish fort, in 1770. He was the hero of the Chesma +battle. Returning to Russia in 1779 he founded the city of Kherson in +the Ukraine, of which he was appointed a governor. Later Ivan Hannibal +quarreled with Count Potemkin, lover of Catherine the Great and ruler +of Southern Russia. The Empress defended Hannibal and decorated him, +but he left the service and went to live in one of his numerous +estates. There in 1801 he died.</p> + +<p>His brother Ossip (Joseph) was a naval officer in the Black Sea Fleet +and for several years navigated the Mediterranean. Of other sons of +Abram Hannibal very little is known. Ossip's daughter Nadejda, a +Creole of striking beauty, married Pushkin, of an ancient Russian +noble family. In 1799 a son was born to them and named Alexander, who +later won fame as the greatest poet of Russia. He was killed in 1837, +while duelling with a diplomat over<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span> the honor of Pushkin's wife, who +was not worth her great husband's noble love.</p> + +<p>While all the works of Pushkin could be bound together in one volume, +thousands of books have been written on him and on what he created. +Numerous monuments are erected in his honor all over Russia; special +magazines entirely dedicated to him are published; and in famous +paintings by distinguished Russian artists are pictured different +periods of Pushkin's short life. When you look at these paintings, +black curls, olive skin and thick lips speak to you of Pushkin's race. +He himself was proud of it, all but worshipping his great-grandfather +in many of his verses.</p> + +<p class="author">Albert Parry</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>THE MOVEMENT OF NEGROES FROM THE EAST TO THE GULF STATES FROM 1830 TO 1850</h2> + + +<p>The migration of Negroes to the Gulf States, during the years 1830 +to 1850, was from the point of view of the Negroes themselves wholly +involuntary. The blacks, being at that time preponderately slave, +accompanied their masters to new homes in the South and Southwest or +constituted the traffic of the domestic slave trade. Explanation of +their migration must be sought, therefore, not in any unrest that may +have been manifested by the Negroes, but rather in the causes that +underlay the movement of the masters to new homes, and that enabled +the domestic slave trade to become a profitable enterprise.</p> + +<p>This migration, which in some ways assumed a peculiar aspect, bears a +definite relation to three general circumstances. In the first place, +there was a comparative decline in the productiveness of the seaboard +border slave States. In the second, the accessibility to the new lands +and practically virgin soils of Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana +invited the migration of innumerable planters from the border States +to this new region. Finally, the rapidly increasing demand of the +planters of the Gulf region for slave labor with which to cultivate +cotton and other native products tremendously stimulated the domestic +slave trade.</p> + +<p>Although the seaboard border States, led by Virginia, sent south +the bulk of the slaves, it must not be thought that the migration +was alone from these States. In fact, as early as 1840,<a name="FNanchor4_1" id="FNanchor4_1"></a><a href="#Footnote4_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> not only +Virginia, Maryland, the District of Columbia, and Delaware, but also +North Carolina became slave-exporting areas. Later, too, when the +impoverishment of her lands made impossible the further extension<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> +of cotton culture, South Carolina joined with these other States and +Georgia in exporting slaves to Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and, +after 1845, to Texas.</p> + +<p>The decline in the productiveness of some of the seaboard border slave +States has been ascribed to various causes. The failure to rotate +crops and the lack of proper and sufficient fertilizer necessary to +prevent an impoverishment of the soil some hold to be primary causes. +The almost complete dependence upon unskilled, unintelligent slave +labor, the conviction prevalent everywhere in slave territory that +such labor made that of white men dishonorable, together with the +failure to develop fully the manufacturing facilities at hand, have +been also generally advanced to explain the decline, particularly, of +Maryland and Virginia.</p> + +<p>The chief agricultural staple of these States was tobacco. The +characteristic soil of the region—a sandy loam—while warm and +stimulating was easily exhausted,<a name="FNanchor4_2" id="FNanchor4_2"></a><a href="#Footnote4_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> especially when the planters had +improper and inefficient fertilizer, traceable in some measure to +a numerical deficiency of live stock, and the incessant culture of +tobacco, without crop rotation. The price of tobacco, moreover, was +throughout the years from 1818 to 1840 exceedingly low and, at the +same time, the newer States of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, as +well as the Carolinas and Georgia, were producing large quantities +of tobacco. The net result in Virginia and Maryland, therefore, was +to make the culture of the plant exceedingly unprofitable.<a name="FNanchor4_3" id="FNanchor4_3"></a><a href="#Footnote4_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> It is +held that the soil-exhausting character of tobacco culture, together +with the falling prices of the plant, constituted the dominant factors +in the decrease in value of agricultural lands of Virginia from +$206,000,000 in 1816 to $80,000,000 in 1829.<a name="FNanchor4_4" id="FNanchor4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span></p> + +<p>If the impoverishment of the land through tobacco culture was one +factor in the declining productivity of Virginia and Maryland, the +almost complete use of unskilled Negro slave labor, particularly in +the former State, was decidedly another. Not only was slave labor +costly, in that the non-producers, as well as the constant workers, +had to be provided for, but also because of the overwhelming ignorance +and inertia of such labor. "The grand secret of the difference between +free labor and slave labor," wrote a former Virginia resident to the +<i>New York Times</i>, "is that the latter is without intelligence and +without motive."<a name="FNanchor4_5" id="FNanchor4_5"></a><a href="#Footnote4_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> A large tobacco planter of Virginia adds to this +his testimony that the slave's incapacity to perform duties complex in +nature, or requiring the least intelligence, precluded the cultivation +there of the finer grades of tobacco.<a name="FNanchor4_6" id="FNanchor4_6"></a><a href="#Footnote4_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> While, therefore, the Negro +slave was tractable and capable of hard work, he was, without strict +supervision, a most unproductive worker. The universal employment of +the slave despite his ignorance and inertia doubtless furnishes one +clue to the failure of Virginia to exploit, in a reasonable degree, +her manufacturing resources.<a name="FNanchor4_7" id="FNanchor4_7"></a><a href="#Footnote4_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>This costly failure has been ascribed also to the reluctance of white +labor to perform any duties to which slaves might be assigned. Slave +owners and white laborers held in mutual repugnance the employment of +white men at such tasks. According to Olmsted,<a name="FNanchor4_8" id="FNanchor4_8"></a><a href="#Footnote4_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> slave owners have +held that the poor whites would refuse to do such work if possible, +and, if compelled to submit, would do only so much as they found +absolutely necessary. Under all circumstances they do such work +reluctantly and "will not bear driving." "They cannot be worked to +advantage with the slaves, and it is inconvenient to look after them, +if you work them separately."</p> + +<p>The natural consequence of the policy thus pursued by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span> Virginia was, +despite the fact of her early command over greater wealth and a +larger population than the other States, to force her to descend, in +part, from her former high estate.<a name="FNanchor4_9" id="FNanchor4_9"></a><a href="#Footnote4_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> A comparison of values of the +agricultural lands of Virginia and Pennsylvania, in 1850, shows those +of the latter, although of smaller acreage, to have a larger sale +value an acre and a larger total value. A similar comparison between +Virginia and New Jersey gives the same result.</p> + +<p>That the conditions stated as obtaining in 1850 had long existed +there seems to be no lack of evidence. Thomas Marshall made, in the +Virginia legislature of 1831-'32, searching and detailed statements +of the declining wealth and productivity of the State.<a name="FNanchor4_10" id="FNanchor4_10"></a><a href="#Footnote4_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Such +conditions as he pictured made plain that the planters of Virginia +must either improve their lands by rehabilitating the soil, acquiring +better farming implements, and improving their plow animals,<a name="FNanchor4_11" id="FNanchor4_11"></a><a href="#Footnote4_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> or +migrate to the more promising lands elsewhere, or sell their slaves. +The records show that by some planters one or another of these methods +was adopted. Moreover, Maryland, a sister State of Virginia, because +of the exhaustion of her soil by tobacco culture, found essential to +her relief the same procedure.<a name="FNanchor4_12" id="FNanchor4_12"></a><a href="#Footnote4_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> With reference to Maryland, the +census of 1840 shows an actual decrease over that of 1830 in the slave +population<a name="FNanchor4_13" id="FNanchor4_13"></a><a href="#Footnote4_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> of the commonwealth.</p> + + +<p>To what parts, then, did these slaves go? The theatre of the largest +expansion of slavery<a name="FNanchor4_14" id="FNanchor4_14"></a><a href="#Footnote4_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> was the "Western Cotton Belt," the section +which shall be herein considered, comprehending parts of Alabama, +Mississippi, Louisiana, and Eastern Texas. The chief distinction +between the soils of these States constituting the Atlantic Coastal +Plain from Virginia to South Carolina and those of the "Western +Cotton Belt" is the occurrence of extensive limestone belts<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span> in the +latter. "The soils in these limestone belts are largely residual, +calcareous and usually have a humus content, which gives the soil +its black color"<a name="FNanchor4_15" id="FNanchor4_15"></a><a href="#Footnote4_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>—hence the name "Black Belt." The soils of +these belts contain much clay and require careful preparation, but +they are durable and extremely fertile. Moreover, an excellent +water navigation<a name="FNanchor4_16" id="FNanchor4_16"></a><a href="#Footnote4_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> extending well into the region constituted an +additional factor in the extension of the cotton culture and of Negro +slavery into this territory.</p> + +<p>According to Phillips,<a name="FNanchor4_17" id="FNanchor4_17"></a><a href="#Footnote4_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> the lands of the "Western Cotton Belt," +most preferred in the early period, lay in two main areas, the +soils of both of which were more lasting and fertile than those in +the interior of the Atlantic States. "One of these areas formed a +crescent across south-central Alabama, with its western horn reaching +up the Tombigbee River into northeastern Mississippi." The soil of +this area was of black loose loam. Everywhere it was thickly matted +with grass and weeds, except where there was visible "limestone on +the hill crests and prodigious cane brakes in the valleys." This +tract known locally as the prairies or "Black Belt" was smaller than +the other which extended along the Mississippi, on both sides, from +northern Tennessee and Arkansas to the mouth of the Red River. This +tract contained broad alluvial bottoms, as well as occasional hill +districts of rich loam, the latter being especially noticeable around +Natchez and Vicksburg. The broadest expanse of these bottoms, the +Yazoo-Mississippi Delta, received but few migrants prior to the middle +"thirties." The planters seem to have settled first in the bottoms, +while the other choice lands were competed for by the large and +smaller planters, as well as the poor farmers.</p> + +<p>These lands were not only, by soil and climate, ideally suited to the +production of cotton, but they were reasonably cheap in price. As late +as 1849 there was much uncultivated, though fertile agricultural land +in each of the cotton-growing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span> States. At that time the total acreage +and the area in use in several of the Gulf States were listed as +follows:<a name="FNanchor4_18" id="FNanchor4_18"></a><a href="#Footnote4_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Acres"> +<tr><td class="center st">State</td><td class="center st">Total No. of Acres</td><td class="center st">Acres Owned</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Alabama</td><td class="right">32,462,080</td><td class="right">15,911,520</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Louisiana</td><td class="right">29,715,840</td><td class="right">6,263,822</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Mississippi</td><td class="right">30,174,080</td><td class="right">15,811,650</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>There was under these circumstances small wonder that there migrated +planters from the worn-out lands of the seaboard slave States, +including the less fertile districts of Georgia,<a name="FNanchor4_19" id="FNanchor4_19"></a><a href="#Footnote4_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> and parts of +Kentucky and Tennessee. In the absence of statistics giving the exact +number of slaves migrating thus with their owners, the estimates of +contemporaries and of later writers may be serviceable. <i>The Virginia +(Wheeling) Times</i> said<a name="FNanchor4_20" id="FNanchor4_20"></a><a href="#Footnote4_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> that intelligent men of that day estimated +the number of slaves exported from Virginia, during the year 1836, +to be 120,000, of whom two-thirds (80,000) were carried south by +their masters. The <i>Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine</i> (vol. ii, 411, +July, 1837) gives the <i>Natchez Courier</i> as the authority for the +estimate that during 1836 as many as 250,000 slaves, some of whom were +accompanied by their masters, were transported from the older slave +States to Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Arkansas.<a name="FNanchor4_21" id="FNanchor4_21"></a><a href="#Footnote4_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> P. A. +Morse, of Louisiana, writing in 1857, says that "the augmentation of +slaves within the cotton States was caused mostly by the migration +of slave owners." On the basis of sources accessible to him, Morse +estimated that three-fifths of the slaves removed from the border +States to the farther South, from 1820 to 1850, migrated with their +masters.<a name="FNanchor4_22" id="FNanchor4_22"></a><a href="#Footnote4_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Accepting the "three-fifths estimate" of Morse, Collins +has made deductions which indicate that approximately 15,900 slaves +went south annually with their masters during the decade from 1830 +to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span> 1840; while during the next decade the annual migration was about +9,000.<a name="FNanchor4_23" id="FNanchor4_23"></a><a href="#Footnote4_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> + +<p>One of these migrant planters,<a name="FNanchor4_24" id="FNanchor4_24"></a><a href="#Footnote4_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> who, in 1835, left his tidewater +estate in Gloucester County, Virginia, was Colonel Thomas S. Dabney. +Prompted by the necessities of his family to seek more favorable +soil, he sought land in Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi, finally +settling in the one last mentioned. Colonel Dabney carried with him +more than two hundred slaves, established himself on a plantation of +four thousand acres, and each year contrived, by clearances, to put +under cultivation an additional hundred acres. Planters of this type, +with large numbers of slaves and sufficient funds to extend their +holdings, tended to concentrate both slaves and lands in a few hands.</p> + +<p>If the demand for new lands brought great numbers of slaves southward +during the years from 1830 to 1850, there were also at work forces +which caused many other slaves to be exported in the domestic slave +traffic. The extension of the cotton culture in the more southern +States, the increased exportation of cotton, the advancing profits +therefrom, the development of large sugar plantations in Louisiana, +and the decreased average working life of the slave created among the +planters of this region an extraordinary demand for slave labor. At +the same time such seaboard States as raised tobacco were suffering +from a depression in the tobacco markets. The African slave trade, +moreover, had been legally suppressed, thus rendering the seaboard +and other border slave States the sole legal source of supply for the +slave labor required by the lower South.</p> + +<p>The income of some of the plantations on these fresh lands was +immense.<a name="FNanchor4_25" id="FNanchor4_25"></a><a href="#Footnote4_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> It was considered not uncommon for a planter in +Mississippi or Louisiana to receive an income of thirty thousand +dollars annually. Extremely prosperous planters, it is said, took +in from $80,000 to $120,000 in a single year. The enormous profits +arising from such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span> investments in the face of the unusual demand for +slaves enabled prices of bondmen to rise inordinately high. Thus +it was that a prime field hand, a Negro between the ages of twenty +and thirty years, could command a price varying from five hundred +to twelve hundred dollars,<a name="FNanchor4_26" id="FNanchor4_26"></a><a href="#Footnote4_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> and, in some cases, fourteen hundred +dollars or more. In fact, slave traders rapidly grew rich from the +traffic. One is reported as having earned thirty thousand dollars +in a few months, while Franklin and Armfield, members of a firm +with headquarters in Alexandria, are said to have earned more than +thirty-three thousand dollars in a single year.<a name="FNanchor4_27" id="FNanchor4_27"></a><a href="#Footnote4_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<p>The effect of the growing demand for labor, reflected in the high +prices being offered for slaves, tended to concentrate the interest +of the Virginia planter on his slaves, as it had been hitherto +concentrated on tobacco.<a name="FNanchor4_28" id="FNanchor4_28"></a><a href="#Footnote4_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Prompt and efficient methods were devised +whereby Negroes were made ready for the market.<a name="FNanchor4_29" id="FNanchor4_29"></a><a href="#Footnote4_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> Olmsted was +informed by a slave-holder that in the States of Maryland, Virginia, +North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, as much attention +was paid to the breeding and growth of Negroes as had been hitherto +given to the breeding of horses and mules.<a name="FNanchor4_30" id="FNanchor4_30"></a><a href="#Footnote4_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> + +<p>As to the precise number of slaves exported in response to the high +prices paid for them, there seems to be no conclusive evidence. Resort +must be had, therefore, to estimates of contemporaries and later +writers. <i>The New Orleans Advertiser</i> of January 21, 1830, says: +"Arrivals by sea and river within a few days have added fearfully to +the number of slaves brought to the market for sale. New Orleans is +the complete mart for the trade—and the Mississippi is becoming a +common highway for the traffic."<a name="FNanchor4_31" id="FNanchor4_31"></a><a href="#Footnote4_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> In the summer of 1831, moreover, +New Orleans reported,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span> in one week, the arrival of 381 slaves, nearly +all of whom were from Virginia.<a name="FNanchor4_32" id="FNanchor4_32"></a><a href="#Footnote4_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>Not all of the exportations of slaves were by sea as is attested by +records of Sir Charles Lyell, Basil Hall, and Josiah Henson.<a name="FNanchor4_33" id="FNanchor4_33"></a><a href="#Footnote4_33" class="fnanchor">[32a]</a> At +a later period, Featherstonhaugh tells of an overland expedition of +slaves to the South. Of this coffle of slaves he says:<a name="FNanchor4_34" id="FNanchor4_34"></a><a href="#Footnote4_34" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> "Just as +we reached New River, in the early grey of the morning, we came up +with a singular spectacle, the most striking one of the kind I have +ever witnessed. It was a camp of Negro slave-drivers, just packing +up to start; they had about three hundred slaves with them, who had +bivouacked the preceding night in chains in the woods; these they were +conducting to Natchez, upon the Mississippi River, to work upon the +sugar plantations in Louisiana. It resembled one of those coffles of +slaves spoken of by Mungo Park, except that they had a caravan of nine +waggons and single-horse carriages, for the purpose of conducting the +white people, and any of the blacks that should fall lame, to which +they were now putting their horses to pursue their march. The female +slaves were, some of them, sitting on logs of wood, whilst others +were standing, and a great many little black children were warming +themselves at the fires of the bivouac. In front of them all and +prepared for the march stood, in double file, about two hundred male +slaves, manacled and chained to one another."</p> + +<p>In the year 1831 there set in a reaction<a name="FNanchor4_35" id="FNanchor4_35"></a><a href="#Footnote4_35" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> against the importation +of slaves into the Gulf States as a result of fear from troubles +like Nat Turner's insurrection. Louisiana in 1831, and Alabama and +Mississippi in 1832, passed laws prohibiting the importation of +slaves into those States. The Alabama law was repealed in December, +1832, that of Louisiana in 1834, and that of Mississippi in 1846. +Moreover,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span> there is no evidence to show that these laws really checked +importations. The fright engendered by the slave insurrection in +Virginia was not sufficient to triumph over the practical demands +for such labor. Collins holds that during the years from 1832 to +1836 the largest migration of Negroes to the South and the Southwest +occurred.<a name="FNanchor4_36" id="FNanchor4_36"></a><a href="#Footnote4_36" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> + +<p>Since cotton was the prime factor in effecting the prosperity of +the Southwest, and its extension of culture and advance in price +dictated largely the demand for slaves, the number of slaves yearly +exported may bear some relation to the price of cotton. After 1835, +the price of cotton declined.<a name="FNanchor4_37" id="FNanchor4_37"></a><a href="#Footnote4_37" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> This, together with the panic of +1837, caused a falling-off in the domestic slave trade, except in +1843, and the low price of cotton which continued until 1846 and +hindered the revival<a name="FNanchor4_38" id="FNanchor4_38"></a><a href="#Footnote4_38" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> of the traffic in men. In 1843, however, +five thousand slaves were sold in Washington as compared with two +thousand in the previous year. These increased sales were doubtless +in some measure due to the decline in the price of tobacco,<a name="FNanchor4_39" id="FNanchor4_39"></a><a href="#Footnote4_39" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> and +the renewed activity of the sugar industry, incident to a new duty on +that product.<a name="FNanchor4_40" id="FNanchor4_40"></a><a href="#Footnote4_40" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> For the whole decade from 1840 to 1850, however, a +decrease in the slave traffic is shown by the fact that the per cent +of increase in the slave population in the cotton States was barely +half as great as during the previous decade.<a name="FNanchor4_41" id="FNanchor4_41"></a><a href="#Footnote4_41" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p>Some time after 1845, however, the demand for slaves seems to have +exceeded the supply. A writer in the <i>Richmond Examiner</i> of 1849 is +quoted as having said: "It being a well accustomed fact that Virginia +and Maryland will not be able to supply the great demand for Negroes +which will be wanted in the South this Fall and Spring, we would +advise all who are compelled to dispose of them in this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span> market to +defer selling until the sales of the present crop of cotton can +be realized, as the price then must be very high for two reasons: +first, the ravages of the cholera; and secondly, the high price of +cotton."<a name="FNanchor4_42" id="FNanchor4_42"></a><a href="#Footnote4_42" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<p>Three important events seem to have stimulated the slave trade during +this period. First, there came the admission of Texas as a State in +December, 1845; second, the increase in the price of cotton from 1845; +and, third, the discovery of gold in California. The first of these +opened to development a vast cotton country, which could be legally +supplied with slave labor only through the domestic trade. The second +event, the rise in the price of cotton, gave a new impetus to the +production of cotton, and the California gold rush infused new life +into all avenues of trade.<a name="FNanchor4_43" id="FNanchor4_43"></a><a href="#Footnote4_43" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> During this period and the decade +following, Collins says that because of the great demand for slaves +the price of them increased one hundred per cent; yet no evidence of a +large increase in the traffic is shown.<a name="FNanchor4_44" id="FNanchor4_44"></a><a href="#Footnote4_44" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Cotton Crop in Bales"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table No. 1</td><td class="center sc">Total Cotton Crop in Bales:<a name="FNanchor4_45" id="FNanchor4_45"></a><a href="#Footnote4_45" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="right">1833</td><td class="right">1,070,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right">1837</td><td class="right">1,081,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right">1840</td><td class="right">2,178,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right">1843</td><td class="right">2,379,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right">1849</td><td class="right">2,727,000</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center sc space-above">Production of Cotton by States—(Pounds):<a name="FNanchor4_46" id="FNanchor4_46"></a><a href="#Footnote4_46" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Cotton Production"> +<tr><td class="left bb bt sc">Table No. 2<br /> </td><td class="center bl bb bt">1826</td><td class="center bl bb bt">1833</td><td class="center bl bb bt">1834</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Virginia</td><td class="right bl">25,000,000</td><td class="right bl">13,000,000</td><td class="right bl">10,000,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">North Carolina</td><td class="right bl">18,000,000</td><td class="right bl">10,000,000</td><td class="right bl">9,000,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Louisiana</td><td class="right bl">38,000,000</td><td class="right bl">55,000,000</td><td class="right bl">62,000,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Alabama</td><td class="right bl">45,000,000</td><td class="right bl">65,000,000</td><td class="right bl">85,000,000</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb">Mississippi</td><td class="right bl bb">30,000,000</td><td class="right bl bb">70,000,000</td><td class="right bl bb">85,000,000</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>The statistics of cotton production and prices further elucidate this +question. Table No. 1 shows a continuous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span> increase in the production +of cotton during the successive periods considered. Table No. 2 +depicts the declining significance of Virginia and North Carolina +as cotton-producing States and the shift of the lead of cotton +production to the Gulf States. Table No. 3 shows the total production +of cotton in the years considered and is significant, in that it +emphasizes the important cotton-producing areas. During these years +Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Georgia, together, produced +more than two-thirds of the total cotton crop.<a name="FNanchor4_48" id="FNanchor4_48"></a><a href="#Footnote4_48" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Table No. 4 is +self-explanatory, while Table No. 5 shows the yearly fluctuations of +the average price of cotton after 1840.</p> + +<p class="center sc"> +Cotton Production in Pounds:<a name="FNanchor4_47" id="FNanchor4_47"></a><a href="#Footnote4_47" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Cotton Production"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table No. 3</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1839</td><td class="right">790,479,275</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1849</td><td class="right">987,637,200</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center sc space-above"> +Average Price a Pound of Cotton in Five-Year Periods:<a name="FNanchor4_49" id="FNanchor4_49"></a><a href="#Footnote4_49" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Price of Cotton"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table No. 4</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1830-1835</td><td class="right">10.9 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1835-1840</td><td class="right">14.4 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1840-1845</td><td class="right">8.1 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1845-1850</td><td class="right">7.3 cents</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center sc space-above"> +Average Price a Pound of Cotton:<a name="FNanchor4_50" id="FNanchor4_50"></a><a href="#Footnote4_50" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Price of Cotton"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table No. 5</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1835</td><td class="right">16.8 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1836</td><td class="right">16.8 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1840</td><td class="right">8.6 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1841</td><td class="right">10.2 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1842</td><td class="right">8.1 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1843</td><td class="right">6.1 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1844</td><td class="right">8.1 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1845</td><td class="right">6.0 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1846</td><td class="right">7.9 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1847</td><td class="right">10.1 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1848</td><td class="right">7.6 cents</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="right">1849</td><td class="right">6.5 cents</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>In the years 1835 and 1836, the price<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span> is high relative to the later +years in the two decades, and, assuming the continued demand for +cotton, should have stimulated the domestic slave traffic by effecting +a large demand for slaves at high prices. The lowest price is reached +in 1845, followed by a rise till 1847, and then a decline in 1848 and +1849. That the demand for slaves was not at this time abated must +be traceable to the fact that not more than three-fifths<a name="FNanchor4_51" id="FNanchor4_51"></a><a href="#Footnote4_51" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> of the +slaves in the Cotton States were engaged in the production of cotton, +while other occupations, notably sugar-production in Louisiana, +demanded an increased quota.</p> + +<p>The statistics of slave population are designed to show the +increases of that type both in the States of Alabama, Louisiana, and +Mississippi, and in selected areas within these States. In 1850, the +civil subdivisions, as counties or parishes, which possessed the +greatest density of slave population in Texas, as well as in the other +States named, were located in those areas of the most fertile soil for +producing cotton or cane. This concentration is but an evidence of the +influence of these factors in calling forth the slave migration to the +Southwest.</p> + +<p class="center sc"> +Slave Population in the Gulf States:<a name="FNanchor4_52" id="FNanchor4_52"></a><a href="#Footnote4_52" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> +</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Slave Population in the Gulf States"> +<tr><td class="left sc bt bb">Table No. 6<br /> </td><td class="center bt bl bb">1830</td><td class="center bt bl bb">1840</td><td class="center bt bl bb">1850</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Alabama</td><td class="right bl">117,549</td><td class="right bl">253,532</td><td class="right bl">342,844</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Louisiana</td><td class="right bl">109,588</td><td class="right bl">168,452</td><td class="right bl">244,809</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Mississippi</td><td class="right bl">65,659</td><td class="right bl">195,211</td><td class="right bl">309,878</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb">Texas</td><td class="center bl bb">.......</td><td class="center bl bb">.......</td><td class="right bl bb">58,161</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center sc space-above"> +Per Cent. Slave Increase by Decades:<a name="FNanchor4_53" id="FNanchor4_53"></a><a href="#Footnote4_53" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> +</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min50" summary="Per Cent. Slave Increase by Decades"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table No. 7</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td></td><td class="right">1830-1840</td><td class="right">1840-1850</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left">Alabama</td><td class="right">115.68</td><td class="right">35.22</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left">Louisiana</td><td class="right">53.70</td><td class="right">45.32</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left">Mississippi</td><td class="right">197.31</td><td class="right">58.74</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left">Texas</td><td class="right">......</td><td class="right">......</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center sc space-above"> +Concentration of Migration upon Selected Areas:<br /> +Alabama:<a name="FNanchor4_54" id="FNanchor4_54"></a><a href="#Footnote4_54" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> +</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Concentration of Migration upon Selected Areas - Alabama"> +<tr><td class="left bt bb"><span class="sc">Table No. 8</span><br /> Counties</td><td class="center bt bb bl">1830</td><td class="center bt bb bl">1840</td><td class="center bt bb bl">1850</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Barbour</td><td class="right bl">.....</td><td class="right bl">5,548</td><td class="right bl">10,780</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Chambers</td><td class="right bl">.....</td><td class="right bl">7,141</td><td class="right bl">11,158</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Dallas</td><td class="right bl">7,160</td><td class="right bl">17,208</td><td class="right bl">22,258</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Greene</td><td class="right bl">7,420</td><td class="right bl">16,431</td><td class="right bl">22,127</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Loundes</td><td class="right bl">.....</td><td class="right bl">12,569</td><td class="right bl">14,649</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Macon</td><td class="right bl">.....</td><td class="right bl">5,580</td><td class="right bl">15,596</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Madison</td><td class="right bl">14,091</td><td class="right bl">13,265</td><td class="right bl">14,326</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Marengo</td><td class="right bl">2,987</td><td class="right bl">11,902</td><td class="right bl">20,693</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Montgomery</td><td class="right bl">6,450</td><td class="right bl">15,486</td><td class="right bl">19,427</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Perry</td><td class="right bl">4,331</td><td class="right bl">10,343</td><td class="right bl">13,917</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Pickens</td><td class="right bl">1,630</td><td class="right bl">7,764</td><td class="right bl">10,534</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Russell</td><td class="right bl">.....</td><td class="right bl">7,266</td><td class="right bl">11,111</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Sumter</td><td class="right bl">.....</td><td class="right bl">15,920</td><td class="right bl">14,831</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb">Wilcox</td><td class="right bl bb">4,070</td><td class="right bl bb">8,292</td><td class="right bl bb">11,835</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center sc space-above"> +Concentration of Migration upon Selected Areas (<span class="normal">continued</span>):<br /> +Mississippi:<a name="FNanchor4_55" id="FNanchor4_55"></a><a href="#Footnote4_55" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> +</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Concentration of Migration upon Selected Areas - Mississippi"> +<tr><td class="left bt bb"><span class="sc">Table No. 9</span><br /> Counties</td><td class="center bt bb bl">1830</td><td class="center bt bb bl">1840</td><td class="center bt bb bl">1850</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Adams</td><td class="right bl">9,649</td><td class="right bl">8,740</td><td class="right bl">14,395</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Claiborne</td><td class="right bl">6,174</td><td class="right bl">7,743</td><td class="right bl">11,450</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Hinds</td><td class="right bl">3,197</td><td class="right bl">13,375</td><td class="right bl">16,625</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Jefferson</td><td class="right bl">6,702</td><td class="right bl">9,176</td><td class="right bl">10,493</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Lowndes</td><td class="right bl">1,066</td><td class="right bl">8,771</td><td class="right bl">12,993</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Madison</td><td class="right bl">2,167</td><td class="right bl">11,533</td><td class="right bl">13,843</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Marshall</td><td class="right bl">.....</td><td class="right bl">8,250</td><td class="right bl">15,417</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Monroe</td><td class="right bl">940</td><td class="right bl">6,460</td><td class="right bl">11,717</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Noxubee</td><td class="right bl">.....</td><td class="right bl">7,157</td><td class="right bl">11,323</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Warren</td><td class="right bl">4,183</td><td class="right bl">10,493</td><td class="right bl">12,096</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Wilkinson</td><td class="right bl">7,877</td><td class="right bl">10,894</td><td class="right bl">13,260</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb">Yazoo</td><td class="right bl bb">2,470</td><td class="right bl bb">7,237</td><td class="right bl bb">10,349</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center sc space-above"> +Concentration of Migration upon Selected Areas (<span class="normal">concluded</span>):<br /> +Louisiana<a name="FNanchor4_57" id="FNanchor4_57"></a><a href="#Footnote4_57" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> (<span class="normal">concluded</span>): +</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Concentration of Migration upon Selected Areas - Louisiana"> +<tr><td class="left bt bb"><span class="sc">Table No. 10</span><br /> Parishes</td><td class="center bt bb bl">1830</td><td class="center bt bb bl">1840</td><td class="center bt bb bl">1850</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Ascension</td><td class="right bl">2,813</td><td class="right bl">4,553</td><td class="right bl">7,266</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Feliciana, E</td><td class="right bl">3,652</td><td class="right bl">7,571</td><td class="right bl">9,514</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Feliciana, W</td><td class="right bl">6,345</td><td class="right bl">8,755</td><td class="right bl">10,666</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Iberville</td><td class="right bl">4,509</td><td class="right bl">5,887</td><td class="right bl">8,606</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Madison</td><td class="right bl">.....</td><td class="right bl">3,923</td><td class="right bl">7,353</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Natchitoches</td><td class="right bl">3,570</td><td class="right bl">6,651</td><td class="right bl">7,881</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Orleans</td><td class="right bl">16,603</td><td class="right bl">23,448</td><td class="right bl">18,068</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Point Coupee</td><td class="right bl">4,210</td><td class="right bl">5,430</td><td class="right bl">7,811</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Rapides</td><td class="right bl">5,321</td><td class="right bl">10,511</td><td class="right bl">11,340</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">St. James</td><td class="right bl">5,027</td><td class="right bl">5,711</td><td class="right bl">7,751</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">St. Landry</td><td class="right bl">5,057</td><td class="right bl">7,129</td><td class="right bl">10,871</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">St. Mary's</td><td class="right bl">4,304</td><td class="right bl">6,286</td><td class="right bl">9,850</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb">Tensas</td><td class="right bl bb">.....</td><td class="right bl bb">.....</td><td class="right bl bb">8,138</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center sc space-above"> +Texas:<a name="FNanchor4_58" id="FNanchor4_58"></a><a href="#Footnote4_58" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> +</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Texas"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table No. 11</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent"><span class="smalltext">Counties</span></td><td class="right"><span class="smalltext">1850</span></td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Austin</td><td class="right">1,549</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Bowie</td><td class="right">1,641</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Brazoria</td><td class="right">3,507</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Cass</td><td class="right">1,902</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Cherokee</td><td class="right">1,283</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Fayette</td><td class="right">1,016</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Fort Bend</td><td class="right">1,554</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Grimes</td><td class="right">1,680</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Harrison</td><td class="right">6,213</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Lamar</td><td class="right">1,085</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Matagorda</td><td class="right">1,208</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Nacogdochea</td><td class="right">1,404</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Nueces</td><td class="right">1,193</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Red River</td><td class="right">1,406</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Rusk</td><td class="right">2,136</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">San Augustine</td><td class="right">1,561</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Walker</td><td class="right">1,301</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Washington</td><td class="right">2,817</td></tr> +<tr><td></td><td class="left indent">Wharton</td><td class="right">1,242</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>The average increase of slave population in the States considered was +103.30 per cent for the decade from 1830 to 1840, while that of the +next decade was less than half so great, being 51.41 per cent.<a name="FNanchor4_56" id="FNanchor4_56"></a><a href="#Footnote4_56" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> +These percentages, though both significant, cannot be explained wholly +in terms of Negro migration. If the estimate of the increase in slave +population by births over deaths be for each decade twenty-eight +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span>per cent,<a name="FNanchor4_59" id="FNanchor4_59"></a><a href="#Footnote4_59" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> and if from 1830 to 1840 forty thousand and from +1840 to 1850 fifty thousand foreign Negroes were imported<a name="FNanchor4_60" id="FNanchor4_60"></a><a href="#Footnote4_60" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> into +the country as slaves, the number migrating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span> from the more Northern +States was materially smaller than at first appears to be the case. +Phillips says that from 1815-1860, the volume of the slave trade by +sea alone averaged from two thousand to five thousand<a name="FNanchor4_61" id="FNanchor4_61"></a><a href="#Footnote4_61" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> annually; +but Dew, in 1832, estimated that six thousand slaves were annually +exported from Virginia.<a name="FNanchor4_62" id="FNanchor4_62"></a><a href="#Footnote4_62" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> Collins, moreover, has made most elaborate +calculations in this matter.<a name="FNanchor4_63" id="FNanchor4_63"></a><a href="#Footnote4_63" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Accepting the estimate of Morse that +three-fifths of the slaves who went south during the period from 1820 +to 1850 migrated with their masters, Collins has deduced that the +average annual export of Negroes for sale, during the decade from +1830 to 1840, was 10,600; and of the next decade, 6,000. On the basis +of the principle underlying this calculation, it would follow that +approximately 15,900 slaves migrated south with their masters during +the earlier decade; while 9,000 went annually in this way during the +decade from 1840 to 1850. Finally, if this principle of calculation +be accepted, and the facts upon which it is based be well founded, +approximately 26,500 Negroes found their way annually to the cotton +and contiguous territory during the period from 1830 to 1840; while +from 1840 to 1850 the annual number was 15,000.</p> + +<p>What were some effects of this vast migration of Negro slaves to the +Gulf States? The mere concentration of a large slave population in +this region gains significance when it is considered in its numerical +relation to the whites. Throughout the two decades from 1830 to 1850, +there was a progressive increase in the white population here, and +yet, in 1850, the whites in Alabama exceeded the slaves by less than +one hundred thousand. In Louisiana the excess was 11,000; while in +Mississippi the slaves were in the majority by some 14,000.<a name="FNanchor4_64" id="FNanchor4_64"></a><a href="#Footnote4_64" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> This +situation was fraught with great possibilities. Would the slaves +undertake a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span> servile insurrection? To this dangerous aspect much +thought was given, and thorough precautions were taken to protect the +whites against such an upheaval. The immediate effect of this movement +of the slaves to the Gulf Regions, however, was the final commitment +of that section to a regime of slavery and the unification of a solid +South based on interests peculiar to that section.</p> + +<p>Although the emancipation of the blacks as a result of the Civil War +has made possible the movement of not a few Negroes away from the Gulf +Region, they still form a substantial portion of the population. They +supply as in former days the bulk of the cotton hands. Many live in +ignorance and in poverty, disfranchised and subjected to the economic +exploitation of the ruling classes. They have therefore been a potent +force in the creation of a social problem, the solution of which seems +not yet to be found, except it appears in the present migration of +these Negroes to industrial centers in the North.</p> + +<p class="author">A. A. Taylor</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_1" id="Footnote4_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Hammond, <i>The Cotton Industry</i>, I, 53 (cited from +<i>Slavery and the Internal Slave Trade</i>, 12).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_2" id="Footnote4_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Emerson, <i>Geographical Influences in American Slavery</i>, +18 (Bulletin, Amer. Geographical Society, xliii).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_3" id="Footnote4_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Collins, <i>The Domestic Slave Trade</i>, 23 (cited from +Hunt's <i>Merchants' Magazine</i>, vi, 473).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_4" id="Footnote4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_5" id="Footnote4_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Olmsted, <i>Cotton Kingdom</i>, II; App. C, 382.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_6" id="Footnote4_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 89.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_7" id="Footnote4_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 365 (cited from the <i>Lynchburg Virginian</i>, date +not given).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_8" id="Footnote4_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_9" id="Footnote4_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, II, 364-5, 367, 369, 303-4; I, 11, 35. See also +App. A2, <i>Census of 1850</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_10" id="Footnote4_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Ambler, <i>Sectionalism in Virginia</i>, 193.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_11" id="Footnote4_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Phillips, <i>American Negro Slavery</i>, 185.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_12" id="Footnote4_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> De Bow's <i>Review</i>, x, 654.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_13" id="Footnote4_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Compendium, Seventh Census</i>, 1850, 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_14" id="Footnote4_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Emerson, <i>op. cit.</i>, 118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_15" id="Footnote4_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 171.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_16" id="Footnote4_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_17" id="Footnote4_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Phillips, <i>op. cit.</i>, 173.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_18" id="Footnote4_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> De Bow, <i>op. cit.</i>, vii, 166.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_19" id="Footnote4_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Hammond, <i>op. cit.</i>, I, 53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_20" id="Footnote4_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_21" id="Footnote4_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_22" id="Footnote4_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 62.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_23" id="Footnote4_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 64, 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_24" id="Footnote4_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Phillips, <i>op. cit.</i>, 179, 180.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_25" id="Footnote4_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_26" id="Footnote4_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_27" id="Footnote4_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i> (cited from Mary Tremain, <i>Slavery in District +of Columbia</i>, 50).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_28" id="Footnote4_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Olmsted, <i>Seaboard Slave States</i>, I, 278-279.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_29" id="Footnote4_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, I, 280-281.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_30" id="Footnote4_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Olmsted, <i>Cotton Kingdom</i>, II, note, 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_31" id="Footnote4_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 46, 47 (from the <i>African +Repository</i>, V, 381).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_32" id="Footnote4_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 47 (from <i>Niles Register</i>, Nov. 26, 1831).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_33" id="Footnote4_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_33"><span class="label">[32a]</span></a> Basil Hall, <i>Travels in North America</i>, III, 128, 129; +Sir Charles Lyell, <i>A Second Visit to the United States</i>, II, 35; +Henson, <i>Uncle Tom's Story of his Life</i>, 53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_34" id="Footnote4_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_34"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Featherstonhaugh (G. W.), <i>Travels in America</i>, 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_35" id="Footnote4_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_35"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 128, 130, 132-3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_36" id="Footnote4_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_36"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 54, 55 (cited from Hammond, <i>The +Cotton Industry</i>, App. I).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_37" id="Footnote4_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_37"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> De Bow's <i>Review</i>, xxiii, 475.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_38" id="Footnote4_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_38"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Hammond, <i>op. cit.</i>, App. I.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_39" id="Footnote4_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_39"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 54 (from De Bow, <i>Ind. Resources</i>, +iii, 349).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_40" id="Footnote4_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_40"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 54 (De Bow, <i>Ind. Resources</i>, iii, 275).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_41" id="Footnote4_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_41"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> De Bow's <i>Review</i>, xxiii, 477.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_42" id="Footnote4_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_42"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Richmond Examiner</i>, 1849.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_43" id="Footnote4_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_43"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 54, 55 (from Hammond, <i>Cotton +Industry</i>, App. I).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_44" id="Footnote4_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_44"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 56. (<i>Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin</i>, 149; De Bow's +<i>Review</i>, xxvi, 649).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_45" id="Footnote4_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_45"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> <i>Compendium, Seventh Census</i>, 1850, 191.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_46" id="Footnote4_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_46"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> De Bow's <i>Review</i>, xxiii, 477.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_47" id="Footnote4_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_47"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 32 (<i>Statistics of Agr., 42, Census +of 1890</i>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_48" id="Footnote4_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_48"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Compendium, Seventh Census</i>, 1850, 191.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_49" id="Footnote4_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_49"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 191.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_50" id="Footnote4_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_50"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_51" id="Footnote4_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_51"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> De Bow's <i>Review</i>, xxiii, 477.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_52" id="Footnote4_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_52"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Compendium, Seventh Census</i>, 1850, 191, 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_53" id="Footnote4_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_53"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> De Bow's <i>Review</i>, xxiii, 477.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_54" id="Footnote4_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_54"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Census of 1830</i>, 98-101; <i>Census of 1840, Compendium</i>, +54; <i>Census of 1850</i>, 421.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_55" id="Footnote4_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_55"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Census of 1830</i>, 102-3; <i>Census of 1840, Compendium</i>; +<i>Census of 1850</i>, 497.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_56" id="Footnote4_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_56"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> De Bow's <i>Review</i>, xxiii, 476.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_57" id="Footnote4_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_57"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <i>Census of 1830</i>, 104-107; <i>Census of 1840, Compendium</i>; +<i>Census of 1850</i>, 473.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_58" id="Footnote4_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_58"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Census of 1850</i>, 503-4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_59" id="Footnote4_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_59"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 476.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_60" id="Footnote4_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_60"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 64, 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_61" id="Footnote4_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_61"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Phillips, <i>op. cit.</i>, 195.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_62" id="Footnote4_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_62"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Hammond, <i>op. cit.</i>, I, 53 (from Dew in the <i>Pro-Slavery +Argument</i>, 399).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_63" id="Footnote4_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_63"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Collins, <i>op. cit.</i>, 64, 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_64" id="Footnote4_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_64"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> <i>Compendium, Seventh Census</i>, 1850, 63.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span></p> + +<h2>NEGROES IN DOMESTIC SERVICE IN THE UNITED STATES<a name="FNanchor4_65" id="FNanchor4_65"></a><a href="#Footnote4_65" class="fnanchor">[A]</a></h2> + + +<h3>Introduction</h3> + +<p>The term <i>Domestic Service</i> as used in this study will include those +persons performing household duties for pay. In early colonial +history indentured servants performed household duties without pay. +They were usually imported convicts, assigned to labor for a term +on some estate, receiving only their living and stipulated benefits +at the termination of their service.<a name="FNanchor4_66" id="FNanchor4_66"></a><a href="#Footnote4_66" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> In modern use the word +"servant" denotes a domestic or menial helper and implies little or +no discretionary power and responsibility in the mode of performing +duty.<a name="FNanchor4_67" id="FNanchor4_67"></a><a href="#Footnote4_67" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>In this discussion of Negroes in domestic service in the United States +the facts presented disclose the part Negroes have had in the changes +and developments of domestic service in the United States during the +past thirty years.<a name="FNanchor4_68" id="FNanchor4_68"></a><a href="#Footnote4_68" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> They also show to some extent the relation of +Negro domestic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span> workers to white workers and to some of the larger +problems in this field of employment.</p> + +<p>The primary data used here were gathered in three ways. First, the +writer was a dollar-a-year worker of the Woman in Industry Service, +United States Department of Labor, in 1919; and while visiting cities +in this work obtained from employment agencies some data on domestic +service. Secondly, as domestic service Employment Secretary, United +States Employment Service, Washington, District of Columbia, from +January 1920 to May 1922, the writer kept careful record of pertinent +facts with a view to further study and analysis of this information at +a later time.</p> + +<p>Three different record cards were used at this office. One was for the +employer with name, address, telephone number, kind of help desired, +work to be done, whether to "sleep in" or "sleep out," afternoons off, +breakfast and dinner hour, size of family, wages, etc. Another card +was kept for the employee with name, address, birthplace, age, marital +condition, number of dependents, grade at leaving school, kind of work +desired, minimum wages applicant would accept, names of three recent +former employers and their addresses. On the back of this card were +written the name of the employer engaging the worker, the date, and +kind of work. There was also a card of introduction for the applicant +which the employer mailed back to the office.</p> + +<p>A personal canvass of eleven employment agencies in New York City +and one in Brooklyn was also made in 1923. The records of only two +of these agencies were used, because more time could not be given to +securing material in this way.</p> + +<p>In the third place, in 1923 a general schedule asking questions +relating to number, sex, age, marital condition, turnover, efficiency, +wages, hours, specific occupations, living conditions and health +was sent by mail to employment secretaries in twelve cities North, +South, East, and West, with whom contacts had been established through +acquaintances and friends. Responses were received from ten of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[Pg 386]</a></span> these +cities with data for 1,771 domestic and personal service workers.</p> + + +<h3>I. Number and Sex of Negroes in Domestic and Personal Service</h3> + +<p>Because of the difficulties inherent in the classification of +occupations the United States Census Bureau has classified all +domestic and personal service occupations in one group. It has not +been possible, therefore, to ascertain the exact number of workers +engaged exclusively in domestic service. For example, the domestic and +personal service classification includes indiscriminately barbers, +hairdressers, manicurists, midwives, hotel keepers, policemen, cooks, +servants, waiters, bootblacks, and the like.</p> + +<p>Fifty years ago there were in the United States 2,311,820 persons ten +years of age and over engaged in domestic and personal service, 42.1 +per cent of whom were males and 57.9 per cent females. During the +succeeding thirty years there was an average increase for males and +females combined of 108,961 a year. So that in 1900, persons ten years +of age and over engaged in domestic and personal service numbered +5,580,657. As far as distinction from domestic service occupations +can be made, the number engaged in personal service has continued +to increase since 1900. By contrast, during the decade from 1900 to +1910 and from 1910 to 1920 there was a rather steady decline in the +number of those engaged in domestic service. However, the two groups +of domestic and personal service occupations combined showed that the +number ten years of age and over by 1910 had decreased 1,808,098, +and by 1920 had further decreased 367,667. Males constituted 6.4 per +cent of the decrease from 1910 to 1920 and females 93.6 per cent. The +number of children from 10 to 15 years of age engaged in domestic +and personal service in 1910 were 112,171. In 1920 the number had +decreased to 54,006.</p> + +<p>The trend of the number of Negroes in domestic and personal service +occupations compared with the general trend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[Pg 387]</a></span> of the total number +is indicative of the relation of Negroes and Caucasians in these +occupations. We may, therefore, discuss the number and sex of Negroes +ten years of age and over engaged in these occupations.</p> + +<p>In 1900 there were in the United States 1,317,859 Negroes ten years +of age and over gainfully employed in domestic and personal service: +681,926 females and 635,933 males. In 1910 the number of females +had increased to 861,497 and the males had decreased to 496,100. In +1890 the total number of Negroes ten years of age and over gainfully +employed in domestic and personal service constituted 20.7 per cent +of the total number so employed and held third place among all +nationalities so employed. Negro men held first place among men thus +employed and constituted 40.8 per cent of the total number of male +domestic workers.<a name="FNanchor4_69" id="FNanchor4_69"></a><a href="#Footnote4_69" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> This proportion does not take into account the +fact that there were about eight white persons to one Negro in the +total population. At that time one in every 5.6 Negroes ten years of +age and over gainfully employed was in domestic and personal service. +In 1900 Negro women domestic workers occupied second place in point of +numbers among the total number and outnumbered the Negro male domestic +workers 3 to 1, while the white female domestic workers outnumbered +the white male domestic workers about 7 to 1.</p> + +<p>The census figures dealing with servants and waiters for 1910 and +1920 in five Southern States where Negroes perform practically all +of the domestic service and in five Northern States where conditions +are quite different indicate the similarity in the trend of the +numbers for both races in domestic service. Although the number of +waiters increased by 40,693 between 1910 and 1920, the number of other +domestic servants so decreased that we have the following figures for +waiters and other domestic workers.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[Pg 388]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center"><i>Servants and Waiters 10 years of age and over, in selected States, +1901-1920</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min80" summary="Servants and Waiters 10 years of age and over"> +<tr><td class="left bt"><span class="sc">Table I</span><br /> </td><td class="center bt bb bl" colspan="2">1910</td><td class="center bt bb bl" colspan="2">1920</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center bb">State</td><td class="center bl bb">Male</td><td class="center bl bb">Female</td><td class="center bl bb">Male</td><td class="center bl bb">Female</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Georgia</td><td class="right bl">8,719</td><td class="right bl">38,165</td><td class="right bl">7,752</td><td class="right bl">38,165</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">N. Carolina</td><td class="right bl">5,553</td><td class="right bl">28,555</td><td class="right bl">4,855</td><td class="right bl">21,321</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Louisiana</td><td class="right bl">7,112</td><td class="right bl">30,982</td><td class="right bl">6,761</td><td class="right bl">28,306</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Maryland</td><td class="right bl">8,125</td><td class="right bl">32,292</td><td class="right bl">6,859</td><td class="right bl">26,305</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Virginia</td><td class="right bl">9,535</td><td class="right bl">42,797</td><td class="right bl">3,144</td><td class="right bl">33,781</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Massachusetts</td><td class="right bl">16,969</td><td class="right bl">71,853</td><td class="right bl">16,574</td><td class="right bl">51,941</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Ohio</td><td class="right bl">11,695</td><td class="right bl">64,408</td><td class="right bl">15,170</td><td class="right bl">50,232</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Minnesota</td><td class="right bl">6,581</td><td class="right bl">37,207</td><td class="right bl">6,134</td><td class="right bl">26,969</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Pennsylvania</td><td class="right bl">24,103</td><td class="right bl">134,374</td><td class="right bl">22,173</td><td class="right bl">98,798</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb">New York</td><td class="right bl bb">63,395</td><td class="right bl bb">198,970</td><td class="right bl bb">69,869</td><td class="right bl bb">151,455</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>The figures show a decided decrease of domestic servants in both +Southern and Northern States between 1910 and 1920, except male +servants in Ohio and New York and female servants in Georgia.</p> + +<p>The increase in male servants in Ohio and New York may be accounted +for by the large increase of waiters in those States. There is no +apparent explanation for the lack of change in the figures of female +domestic workers in Georgia. It may be said, however, that Georgia +has not suffered an actual decrease in its Negro population during +the past ten years as have Mississippi, with a 7.4 per cent decrease, +Kentucky with a 9.8 per cent decrease, Louisiana with a 1.8 per cent +decrease, Alabama with 0.8 per cent decrease, Delaware with a 2.7 +per cent decrease, and Tennessee with a 4.5 per cent decrease. This +decrease in the Southern States has been due to the migration of +Negroes to Northern industrial centers.</p> + +<p>For example, the Negro population of Chicago increased from 44,103 in +1910 to 109,456 in 1920; that of New York City increased from 91,709 +to 152,467. The number of Negroes in domestic and personal service in +these and other Northern industrial centers has increased during the +past ten years because the Negroes who have migrated North could enter +domestic and personal service more easily than they could other fields +of employment.</p> + +<p>Since the total number of Negroes in domestic service<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[Pg 389]</a></span> has decreased +while the total Negro population has increased, the question arises +as to why the number of domestic and personal service workers has not +kept pace with the growth of the Negro population. In twenty years +between 1890 and 1910 Negroes in the United States gainfully employed +increased about 65 per cent in agriculture, about 66.6 per cent in +trade and transportation, about 129.5 per cent in manufacturing and +mechanical pursuits, and about 65.3 per cent in domestic and personal +service.</p> + +<p>The Census of 1920 shows that of the gainfully employed 4,824,151 +Negroes ten years of age and over, 45.2 per cent were in agriculture, +forestry, and animal husbandry; 22.1 per cent were in domestic and +personal service; 18.4 per cent were in manufacturing and mechanical +pursuits; 9.4 per cent were in trade and transportation; 1.7 per +cent were in professional service; 0.8 per cent were in clerical +occupations; 1.0 per cent were in public service; and 1.5 per +cent were engaged in the extraction of minerals. This increase in +occupations other than agriculture and domestic and personal service +is largely due to conditions incident to the World War. Because of the +3 per cent immigration restriction, Negroes are being attracted to +the North in large numbers and are entering industrial pursuits. For +several years at least, this movement will most probably continue.</p> + + +<h3>II. Age and Marital Condition of Negroes in Domestic and Personal +Service</h3> + +<p>In 1900, 53.4 per cent of all the women sixteen years of age and +over engaged in domestic and personal service were from 16 to 24 +years of age. Of the Negro women 16 years of age and over engaged in +domestic and personal service, 35.1 per cent, or more than one-third, +were between the ages of 16 and 24. The percentage in the other age +groups of the total number of women 16 years of age and over engaged +in domestic and personal service decreased by classes. That of Negro +women 16 years of age and over engaged in domestic and personal +service decreased by classes until<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[Pg 390]</a></span> those 55 years of age and over +constituted only 9.6 per cent of the total number of Negro women so +employed. The modal age of Negro male domestic workers like that +of white male domestic workers was from 25 to 44 years. The age +distribution of domestic and personal service workers for 1920 is +about the same as that for 1900. Because of the incompleteness of +the age data obtained from the general schedule sent to employment +agencies, they were not used for this study. The average ages of the +9,976 male and female Negro domestic and personal service workers of +Washington, D. C., were: 30.5 years for the males and 28.1 years for +the females.</p> + +<p>In 1900, among Negro women the percentage of breadwinners did not show +such a marked decline after marriage as among white women. Of the +Negro female breadwinners 32.5 per cent were married, while only 9.0 +per cent of the female breadwinners of all the races were married. The +percentage of married Negro male domestic and personal service workers +is higher than that of married female workers, while the number of +widowed and divorced is three and one-half times as great among female +as among male domestic and personal service workers. In 1920, 29.4 per +cent of all the female domestic and personal service workers 15 years +of age and over were married, while 70.6 per cent were classed as +single, widowed, divorced, and unknown.</p> + +<p>The significance of age grouping and marital condition of Negro +domestic workers in their relation to employers is borne out by +the testimony of experienced employment agents in New York City, +Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, D. C., Chicago, and Detroit. +Women domestic workers between the ages of 20 and 25 are the most +sought after by employers. Those between 25 and 35 years of age are +next in favor. All of the agents testified to the unpopularity of +the young girl domestic worker. She is employed principally because +of the tight domestic labor market. Employers apparently feel that a +majority of the women<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[Pg 391]</a></span> beyond the ages of 45 and 50 have become too +set in their ways, somewhat cranky, and largely unable to do general +housework. The most frequent objections of employers to young girl +domestic workers are: They are untrained and inexperienced; they are +unwilling to sleep in; they are saucy; and their interest in men +company causes them to neglect their work.</p> + +<p>The older Negro women in domestic service, realizing that with +their advancing years their possibilities for employment become +less, often hesitate and even fail to give their correct ages when +applying at employment agencies for positions. For example, a New +York City agency registered a woman who gave her age as 34, but whose +written references, yellowed with age, showed that she had worked for +different members in one family for fifty years. Frequently an older +woman registrant when asked her age hesitates and ends by saying "just +say 'settled woman.'"</p> + +<p>In addition to the age situation of Negroes engaged in domestic +service, the marital condition of female domestic workers furnishes +a perplexing problem for both their employers and themselves. The +testimony of employment agents relative to employers' most commonly +registered objections to hiring married women for domestic service +is: Married women take away food for the support of their families; +married women have so many responsibilities and problems in their own +homes they oftener than not go out to work with a weary body and a +disturbed mind; married women find it difficult to live and sleep on +employers' premises.</p> + +<p>Besides these problems there is apparently a still more perplexing one +for the Negro domestic workers with children of their own or other +dependents, namely, how to provide proper care and protection for +their dependents while they are away from home at work, especially if +the hours are long. Day nurseries are often mentioned as a possible +solution for this particular problem, but they exist for Negroes in +very few cities of the South. Even in the District<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[Pg 392]</a></span> of Columbia with a +population of servants and waiters—servants largely Negroes—totaling +21,444, there is not one day nursery for Negro children. The other +alternative is to get some elderly woman to take care of a child. +The usual charge made by such a woman for a limited number of hours +during the day is from $5 to $6 a week, the mother furnishing food for +the child. With these two items and carfare deducted from a mother's +weekly wage of $9 there is little left for other necessities.</p> + +<p>The problem of dependents manifests itself also among widowed and +divorced Negro women engaged in domestic service. The U. S. Employment +Office, Washington, D. C., registered 9,774 Negro women 15 years of +age and over for domestic service from January, 1920, to May, 1922. +Of this number 5,124 were single, 2,579 were married, 2,071 were +widowed or divorced. Of the widowed or divorced 2,056 had from 1 to +5 dependents; 79 had from 6 to 10 dependents. Although no record was +made of the number of breadwinners in each of these families, many of +these widows expressed their weight of responsibilities by referring +to the high cost of living when their children had no one to look to +for support but themselves.</p> + +<p>Divorced domestic workers and also unmarried mothers constitute +marital groups that are not all together negligible. Three of the +divorced women sent from the Washington office had the added problem +of finding their husbands at their respective places of employment +after absences of 5, 2, and 2 years respectively. Among the 5,124 +single women registered at the Washington office there were reported 9 +unmarried mothers.</p> + +<p>In the District of Columbia there is a Training School for delinquent +Negro girls, a large number of whom go into domestic service when +they are paroled. They are better trained than the average domestic +employee, but since the Training School requires them to keep their +young babies with them, it is difficult to place them in homes. If +they take a room and attempt to do day work they have the difficult<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[Pg 393]</a></span> +problem of getting someone to take care of their children.</p> + +<p>The marital condition of 471 new applicants for domestic positions in +Indianapolis, Indiana, for 1922, is given in the following table:</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Showing marital condition of 471 women seeking work as domestic +servants— Indianapolis, Ind., 1922</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Marital Condition"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table II</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Widows</td><td class="right">63</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Separated from husbands</td><td class="right">50</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Married and living with husbands</td><td class="right">238</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Divorced</td><td class="right">34</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Single</td><td class="right">85</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Unmarried mothers</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>The large proportion of married persons in the table may be accounted +for, in part, by the fact that 51 per cent of the total number had +recently come into Indianapolis from the adjoining States of Kentucky +and Tennessee.</p> + + +<h3>III. Turnover, Training, and Efficiency of Negro Domestic and +Personal Service Workers</h3> + +<p>The increase of 13,738,354, or 14.9 per cent, in the total population +of the United States during the last decade, and a decrease of 367,667 +in the domestic and personal service occupations population increases +the possibilities of turnover. In 1890, the average tenure of service +of a domestic worker in the United States was less than one and +one-half years.<a name="FNanchor4_70" id="FNanchor4_70"></a><a href="#Footnote4_70" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Ten years later the average length of service of +a Negro domestic worker in the seventh ward of Philadelphia was five +years less than one month.<a name="FNanchor4_71" id="FNanchor4_71"></a><a href="#Footnote4_71" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Many of these workers perhaps had been +for a long time in the older families of Philadelphia. Figures for a +three-year period, from 1906 to 1908, show that the modal period of +service of the New York Negro domestic worker was at that time from +six to eleven months.<a name="FNanchor4_72" id="FNanchor4_72"></a><a href="#Footnote4_72" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> In 1914, among 104 unskilled Negro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[Pg 394]</a></span> workers +of St. Louis—cooks, laundresses, porters, chambermaids, waiters, +scrubwomen, manual laborers, and the like—the greatest frequency +for length of service among the men was from one to three months, +and among the women from three to six months.<a name="FNanchor4_73" id="FNanchor4_73"></a><a href="#Footnote4_73" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Six years later the +largest proportion of Negro domestic workers of Gainesville, Georgia, +showed a disposition to remain in one position less than three months, +while the next largest proportion remained in one position from three +to six months.<a name="FNanchor4_74" id="FNanchor4_74"></a><a href="#Footnote4_74" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>Some concrete illustrations of the frequency of turnover may be +referred to as further evidence. Nearly two hundred different women +were sent out from the Springfield, Massachusetts, office for day work +in 1915. Two years later over 500 different workers were sent out from +that office, about 200 of whom were Negro women. Of these 167 white +women and 124 Negro women were placed with employers less than ten +times in 1917; 2 white and 4 Negro women were sent out from 41 to 50 +times; 3 white and 1 Negro woman were placed fifty times during 1917. +In 1918, the Springfield office reported as having filled 4,000 places +with 1,000 women.<a name="FNanchor4_75" id="FNanchor4_75"></a><a href="#Footnote4_75" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> + +<p>In 1920 the United States Employment Office, Washington, D. C., placed +1,488 different women for day work, all of whom were Negroes except +one. Of these, 458, after being given permanent positions for every +day in the week, were referred again not over twelve times; 23 of them +were sent out over fifty times, and 5 of them over one hundred times +during the year. General housework was so unpopular during that year +that few would take it. Although the turnover in day work was greater +than that in any other specific employment handled by the domestic +service section of that office, the 164 cooks remained in one position +on an average of about three months.</p> + +<p>There was, however, in the District of Columbia during<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[Pg 395]</a></span> the fall and +winter of 1920 a decrease in the rate and volume of turnover for Negro +day workers and hotel workers consequent upon the minimum wage law +which became effective for hotels and restaurants in the spring of +1920. Many Negro women displaced in the hotels turned to day work. +For this reason added to the normal increase during the first half of +1921, the number of day workers increased to 3,115. White workers did +not have to apply for day work because they could secure positions in +hotels and restaurants.</p> + +<p>During an unemployment period which extended over the latter half of +1921 and the first half of 1922, when so many men were thrown out of +work, the day workers increased to 4,615. There were more day workers +than there were positions for them. Consequently the turnover in day +work decidedly decreased, but it increased in general housework. Many +who could not get a sufficient number of days' work to make ends meet +were forced to turn to general housework.</p> + +<p>The difficulty of keeping an accurate record of the turnover in +general housework makes the value of figures on turnover in general +housework seem very questionable. However, the length of service of +1,000 general houseworkers sent out from the Washington office for the +latter half of 1921 and the first few months of 1922 gives a fairly +accurate picture of the situation at that time.</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Length of Service of 1,000 General Houseworkers, Washington, D. C., +1921-22</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Length of Service of 1,000 General Houseworkers"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table III</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">317 remained in one position 1 week or less.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">582 remained in one position from one to three months.</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">101 remained in one position 4 months and over.</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Some of the conditions of the turnover at that time are illustrated +by typical cases. One employer advertised for a general houseworker +without laundry, with the privilege of going at night, and with hours +off. Eleven domestic workers answered the advertisement in person, +and no two met at the house at the same time. The employer engaged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[Pg 396]</a></span> +every one of them, to return to work the next morning. Every one +of them gave assurance of being there, but not one of them came. +Another employer with only two in family, very desirous of securing +a general houseworker, called up six different employment agencies, +each of which sent her a worker. Among the number there was one man. +The employer put every one of them to work, each in a different room, +with the idea of choosing the two best ones at the end of the day and +engaging them for permanent work—thus assuring herself of securing +one worker. She managed her plan, as she thought, very successfully, +but the next morning she did not have a single worker.</p> + +<p>Employers' statements on reference blanks, and reports from employment +agencies indicate that the reasons generally given by domestic workers +for leaving positions are that they wish a change, or the hours are +too long, or the work is too hard, or the employer is too particular, +or they have no time off. Time off for domestic employees is no doubt +greatly limited. Negro domestic workers, however, proverbially take +Christmas Day and the Fourth of July off, giving such various excuses +for their absence as death in the family, automobile accidents, and +the like. Just after these two holidays, large employment agencies +handling Negro help are for the most part swamped with applicants.</p> + +<p>To some extent turnover in domestic service is linked up with lack of +training and efficiency of domestic workers. Because of their great +need of domestic help, employers frequently engage persons who are so +utterly untrained that they cannot be retained. There is a tendency +on the part of employers to propose to a domestic worker that each +take the other on a week's trial. Domestic workers are inclined to +refuse such offers on the ground that they are looking for permanent +employment. This suggestion of trying out domestic workers leads +logically to the question of training and efficiency in domestic +service.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[Pg 397]</a></span></p> + + +<h4 class="normal"><i>Training of White Domestic and Personal Service Workers</i></h4> + +<p>Some facts relative to the special opportunities for the training of +white household workers in England and in the United States may throw +some light on the problem of efficiency. In England, following the +World War and under the ministry of reconstruction, there was created +a women's advisory committee to study the domestic service problem. +Each of the four sub-committees appointed made a report. Among the +advisory committee's final recommendations for getting the work of the +nation's homes done satisfactorily and reducing waste, were technical +training for domestic help and fixed standards of qualifications +for them. This committee reported that in 1914 there were only ten +domestic service schools in England and Wales, and four of these were +in the London area. During the year of 1922 courses of three months' +duration were given at some technical institutions in England in all +branches of household work and management. This training enabled women +to take the better posts in daily or residential work. Training in +cooking and catering could be had at any technical college for three +or more months as required.</p> + +<p>To help meet the serious unemployment situation the Central Committee +on Women's Training and Employment in cooperation with the Ministry +of Labor set up homecraft training centers in districts where +unemployment was most noticeable. At these centers a course of +training was given for about three months, such as would enable women +to take posts in domestic service at the end of the course. These +classes were most successful. By August, 1922, about 10,000 women had +received the training and the courses were still continued. These +courses were given to women and girls between the ages of 16 and 35 +upon their signing an agreement to be punctual in attendance, to +do their best in making the classes successful, and stating their +willingness to enter domestic service after receiving their training.</p> + +<p>In the United States, in 1900, there were more illiterate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[Pg 398]</a></span> persons in +domestic and personal service than in any other field of employment +except agriculture. The number of agricultural colleges in the +different States for the purpose of developing improved farming and +farmers has increased since that time, and the Federal Government +farm demonstration agents are actually teaching the citizens on the +plantations where they live and work. Facilities for the training of +domestic help, however, have received little attention from State or +Federal Government, and private enterprise in this field has been very +limited.</p> + +<p>Just twenty years ago the Home Economics Committee of the Association +of Collegiate Alumnae of the United States, through the inspiration +of Mrs. Alice Freeman Palmer and Mrs. Ellen H. Richards, undertook an +experiment for studying at first hand the problems of household labor. +Among the disabilities in domestic service regarded as fundamental +causes of the disfavor in which it was held, was the low grade of +intelligence and skill available among domestic service workers. This +household aid company committee opened a training center and applied +educational tests to its candidates and undertook to give a course of +six weeks' training to each aid before she was sent out to work. The +number of aids taking the training was small. Mainly because of a lack +of funds, however, the experiment was given up after a trial of two +years. Prior to that time the civic club of Philadelphia attempted to +standardize the work and wages of domestic workers in that city.</p> + +<p>Nearly twenty years later, a committee on household assistants was +organized in New York City by the United States Employment Service. +The committee succeeded in planning a household occupations course to +be given at the Washington Irving High School, and made efforts to +advertise the course; but since no one registered for it the committee +concluded that the matter would have to be taken up and pushed by +employers before it could succeed.<a name="FNanchor4_76" id="FNanchor4_76"></a><a href="#Footnote4_76" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> + +<p>Some of these efforts, however, have met with a measure<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[Pg 399]</a></span> of success. +The Bureau of Household Occupations of the Housewives' League of +Providence, R. I., organized in November, 1918, has conducted very +successful training classes for domestic workers. No meals or lodging +are to be furnished the household attendants of the Bureau. The +Bureau of Occupations under the auspices of the Housewives' League +of Hartford, Connecticut, has given its training courses through the +generosity of some of its members. One member taught cooking, another +taught waiting table, another laundry work. Classes were taught in the +homes of some of the members with much success.</p> + + +<h4 class="normal"><i>Training of Negro Domestic Workers</i></h4> + +<p>Available data shows that opportunities for the special training +of Negro domestic workers have been even less than those for white +domestic workers. During the latter quarter of the 19th century +Mrs. L. J. Coppin, of Philadelphia, maintained a small home for +the training of the Negro domestic workers of Philadelphia. In the +comparatively few social settlements for Negroes there is meagre +opportunity for training in domestic service. The Domestic Efficiency +Association of Baltimore, Maryland, an organization of employers, +has announced its plans for opening a training school for white and +Negro domestic workers. This Association maintained in 1921 and 1922 +a training school for Negro domestic help, in which special lessons +could be given or general training for one month or more. A rate of $5 +a week for board, lodging, and training was charged. If an applicant +had no money the Domestic Efficiency Association advanced it on her +signing an agreement to secure her position through the Association +when ready for it, and to repay the debt out of her wages at the rate +of at least $2.50 a week.</p> + +<p>The domestic science training given in the public schools may be a +small factor in the efficiency of Negro domestic workers, but most of +the permanent domestic workers do not go beyond the fifth grade in +school and thus do not go<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[Pg 400]</a></span> far enough to get an appreciable amount of +domestic science training. Negro workers who go through the high or +normal schools do not enter permanently into domestic service. This +statement is based on the data indicated by the permanent occupations +of 606 Negro graduates of the Sumner High School, St. Louis, +Missouri, of 305 graduates of Miner Normal School, Washington, in the +District of Columbia, of 15 graduates of the Gainesville, Georgia, +public schools 1917-1919;<a name="FNanchor4_77" id="FNanchor4_77"></a><a href="#Footnote4_77" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> and on data for students applying at +the Washington, in the District of Columbia, and the Indianapolis +Employment Agencies. Tables IV and V below set forth these facts.</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Occupations of 606 Negro High School Graduates, Sumner High School, +St. Louis, Mo., 1895-1911</i><a name="FNanchor4_78" id="FNanchor4_78"></a><a href="#Footnote4_78" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Occupations of 606 Negro High School Graduates"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table IV</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="center st">Occupation</td><td class="right st">Number</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Those engaged in, or prepared for, teaching</td><td class="right">288</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Entered college</td><td class="right">49</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Clerical work</td><td class="right">43</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Postoffice clerks</td><td class="right">30</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Entered business</td><td class="right">4</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Mechanics</td><td class="right">17</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Women at home or married</td><td class="right">120</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Miscellaneous</td><td class="right">32</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Unknown</td><td class="right">23</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Although Tables IV and V direct one's attention to the limited fields +of employment for Negro high school graduates, especially so since +clerical and mechanical work, business and professional service, must +be engaged in almost wholly among Negroes, yet few if any of the 911 +graduates have entered domestic service. The young women graduates +of the Gainesville, Georgia, schools 1917-19, with the exception of +three, entered higher institutions of learning.</p> + +<p>In Washington, in the District of Columbia, during the academic year +1920-22 there were among the 9,976 applicants for domestic work, 17 +male and 159 female students who had attended or were attending high +school; 75 female<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[Pg 401]</a></span> normal school students; 13 male and 126 female +college students. Also in Indianapolis, in 1922, 73 female high +school students and 12 female college students applied for domestic +service. These large numbers of high school, normal school, and +college students seek domestic service mainly for after-school hours, +Saturdays, Sundays, summer months, and temporarily for earning money +to continue their education, or until they can find other employment.</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Occupations of 305 Negro Graduates of Miner Normal School, +Washington, D. C., 1913-1922</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Occupations of 305 Negro Graduates of Miner Normal School"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table V</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="center st">Occupation</td><td class="right st">Number</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Teaching in Washington, D. C.:</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left indent">Elementary</td><td class="right">207</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left indent">Kindergarten</td><td class="right">50</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left indent">Domestic Science</td><td class="right">4</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left indent">Domestic Art</td><td class="right">3</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left indent">Manual Arts</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left indent">Drawing</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left indent">Music</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left indent">Ungraded</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Teaching in Maryland</td><td class="right">8</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Teaching in Virginia</td><td class="right">2</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Teaching in North Carolina</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Teaching in South Carolina</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Teaching in New York</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Substitute teachers in Washington, D. C.</td><td class="right">2</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Students</td><td class="right">5</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Government Service</td><td class="right">7</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Housekeepers</td><td class="right">5</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Printers</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Private Music Teachers</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Physicians</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Insurance</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Y. W. C. A.</td><td class="right">1</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Table VI shows the grades on leaving school of 8,147 Negro domestic +workers—men and women—of the Washington, D. C., office; and Table +VII shows grades on leaving school of 471 Negro domestic workers, +not separated by sex, of an Indianapolis Employment Office conducted +by Flanner House in that city. Each of these workers was personally +interviewed by the agent at each respective office.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[Pg 402]</a></span> The reported +grade of each on leaving school was placed on an application card +which was filed for reference. The application cards were filled out +solely on the testimony of the applicants. The agent in the Washington +office handling the women did not ordinarily register men except as +man and wife applied at the same time, or a woman sent her husband to +the agent, or a special employer asked the agent to select male help, +or teachers in the Negro schools sent boys and men who were in search +of work. Therefore, the number of men from the Washington office for +whom grades are given is comparatively small.</p> + +<p>In examining Tables VI and VII below one must take into consideration +several factors. In the first place, 81.2 per cent of the Washington +applicants and 73.9 per cent of the Indianapolis applicants were born +in the South where the standard is not so high as in the North; and +many of these applicants attended school in the rural districts of the +South where the schools were not standardized, and only a few schools +had any domestic science instruction. Then, too, a large proportion of +them left school some years ago when all of the grades or groups of a +school were taught by one teacher in one room.</p> + +<p>Those persons who could not read or write seemed to feel their +illiteracy very keenly. Many of them offered excuses by saying that +the "white folks raised" them; or their parents died and they had to +help the other children; or they were "sickly," and the like. Those +who had never been to school but could read and write a little were +listed as being in the first grade. One applicant said that she had +never been through any grade but she could read and write and go +anywhere in the city she wished to go. Another one, an elderly woman, +expressed her regrets because she never had a chance to go to school, +but she had learned to read and write so that she could sign her name +instead of simply "touching the pen" when she was transacting her +business.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[Pg 403]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center"><i>Grades on Leaving School of 7,975 Female and 172 Male Negro Domestic +Workers from the U. S. Employment Service, Washington, D. C., +1920-1922</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Grades on Leaving School"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table VI</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td> </td><td class="right">Male</td><td class="right">Female</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">Illiterate</td><td class="right">8</td><td class="right">418</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">1st Grade</td><td class="right">5</td><td class="right">244</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">2d Grade</td><td class="right">7</td><td class="right">436</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">3d Grade</td><td class="right">9</td><td class="right">842</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">4th Grade</td><td class="right">17</td><td class="right">1,073</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">5th Grade</td><td class="right">31</td><td class="right">1,417</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">6th Grade</td><td class="right">28</td><td class="right">1,237</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">7th Grade</td><td class="right">25</td><td class="right">998</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td class="left">8th Grade</td><td class="right">42</td><td class="right">1,310</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center space-above"><i>Grades on Leaving School of 387 Negro Domestic Workers, Irrespective +of Sex, Indianapolis, Ind., 1922</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Grades on Leaving School of 387 Negro Domestic Workers"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table VII</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center">Illiterate</td><td class="center">1st Gr.</td><td class="center">2d Gr.</td><td class="center">3d Gr.</td><td class="center">4th Gr.</td><td class="center">5th Gr.</td><td class="center">6th Gr.</td><td class="center">7th Gr.</td><td class="center">8th Gr.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="right">21</td><td class="right">7</td><td class="right">11</td><td class="right">22</td><td class="right">44</td><td class="right">63</td><td class="right">51</td><td class="right">47</td><td class="right">120</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>The figures show that of a total of 7,975 female applicants for +domestic work in Washington, D. C., 4,430, or 55.5 per cent, had +received school training in the sixth grade or below; leaving only +29.9 per cent who had seventh or eighth grade training. Of the 387 +applicants for domestic service in Indianapolis, 168, or 43.3 per +cent, had received school training up to the fifth grade or below; +and 219, or 56.7 per cent, had been to the sixth grade or below, +leaving 43.3 per cent who had been in the seventh or eighth grade. +The larger proportions of those from higher grades in Indianapolis +may be accounted for by the lesser opportunity in other occupations +as compared with Washington, and by the smaller number of applicants +involved. In short, domestic service as a regular occupation does not +attract and hold Negro workers of the higher grades of educational +training and intelligence.</p> + +<p>In order to understand exactly what is meant by saying that +consideration of certain factors must be taken into account in any +attempt to formulate some idea of the educational status of the rank +and file domestic worker reckoned by his grade when he left school, +some letters, typical of the educational equipment among the 9,774 +domestic workers (applicants), should be read. These letters were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[Pg 404]</a></span> +written to the agent in the Washington, D. C., office by 5th grade +domestic workers.<a name="FNanchor4_79" id="FNanchor4_79"></a><a href="#Footnote4_79" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> + +<p>Many of these domestic workers also showed their lack of training by +their inability to figure out their weekly wages at the rate of $40, +45, or $50 per month. Such inability often caused them to feel and +say that their employers were "cheaters." To a considerable number of +them, $40 a month meant $10 a week, and vice versa; $45 a month meant +$11.25 a week, and $50 a month meant $12.50 a week. They generally +secured their pay twice a month—the first and the fifteenth. However, +such an arrangement did not seem to clarify matters, since they +thought of four weeks as making a month.</p> + +<p>Then comes the question of the efficiency of Negro domestic workers. +In Philadelphia, Baltimore, Detroit, Indianapolis, and Washington, +D. C., agents find that employers of domestic labor, like other +employers, do not like<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[Pg 405]</a></span> to write down their grievances, but many of +them do make complaints to the agents over the telephone about the +inefficiency of domestic help. Agents in Detroit and Indianapolis +state that Negro domestic workers from the South—many of them from +the farms and untrained, unaccustomed to Northern methods of domestic +work—find it difficult to give satisfaction. The consensus of +opinion of eleven white and Negro agents in New York City was that +with respect to efficiency there are three distinct types of domestic +workers in New York City. In the first place, comes the West Indian, +who is unaccustomed to domestic work, and therefore unable to convince +himself that he is on that plane. He makes a more or less inefficient +domestic worker. Then there is the New York Negro who has difficulty +in adjusting himself to domestic duties. The southern Negro, however, +a decidedly different sort of laborer, makes a more efficient domestic +worker than either of the other two types.</p> + +<p>Opinions elsewhere also vary. There was a migration of Negro women +domestic workers from Georgia to Springfield, Massachusetts, in +1916-1917. Many of these women were very satisfactory employees and +compared favorably with northern born Negro women domestic workers +of that locality, according to the <i>11th Annual Report of the +Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics</i>. In the United States Employment +Office, Washington, D. C., where all sorts and conditions of domestic +workers were handled, reports from employers on the efficiency of the +new workers from the South indicated that they were unaccustomed to +modern methods of housework and were less efficient than northern born +workers.</p> + +<p>In any attempt to rate the efficiency of Negro domestic workers by +verbal testimonials and written references from their employers or +by wages received or length of service period of the workers, due +consideration must be given to factors beyond the workers' control. +Some of these factors are differences in the standards of efficiency +in the many homes and the temperament of employers together<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[Pg 406]</a></span> with the +attitude of some employers toward Negroes generally. For example, +occasionally, a former employer, in sympathy with the struggles of +Negroes and not wishing to hinder an unsatisfactory worker from +securing another position, writes for her a letter of recommendation. +Sometimes another employer, because of misunderstanding of some sort +between her and the worker, refuses to give any reference whatever.</p> + +<p>In 1890, 57 per cent of 1,005 housekeepers representing the whole +United States found more or less difficulty in securing efficient +help. This probably was an underestimate of the true condition.<a name="FNanchor4_80" id="FNanchor4_80"></a><a href="#Footnote4_80" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> In +1901, out of 1,106 domestic workers from all sections of the United +States, 34 per cent were rated excellent; 37.4 per cent good; 24.8 +per cent fair; 3.8 per cent poor. Although these figures indicate +that 96.2 per cent of the total were between excellent and fair, the +Commission's report in summing up the matter states that according to +the testimony of employers of domestic labor and of employment agents, +the character of the service rendered by domestic laborers is in a +large proportion of cases unsatisfactory. It further states that the +quality of men's work is about the same as that of women's work.<a name="FNanchor4_81" id="FNanchor4_81"></a><a href="#Footnote4_81" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> + +<p>In New York City, employment agencies send reference blanks to former +employers of domestic workers to be filled out and returned.<a name="FNanchor4_82" id="FNanchor4_82"></a><a href="#Footnote4_82" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> These +references are kept on file as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[Pg 407]</a></span> record of the domestic worker's +capability, sobriety and honesty. From 1906 to 1909 efficiency +ratings taken from such blanks for 902 Negro domestic and personal +service workers were as follows: 25.6 per cent very capable; 10.2 per +cent fairly capable; 2.2 per cent inefficient, and 2.0 per cent not +stated.<a name="FNanchor4_83" id="FNanchor4_83"></a><a href="#Footnote4_83" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> One employment agency in this city made 304 placements of +Negro women domestic workers during January, 1923. According to those +workers' references from their former employers 93.3 per cent were +capable or fairly capable and honest. This high degree of efficiency +among domestic workers from this one office is due probably to the +fact that this office with its limited staff of secretaries makes +no attempt to handle the evidently inexperienced workers. The other +employment agencies in New York and Brooklyn visited in 1923 spoke +favorably of the quality of service rendered by domestic workers in +these cities, according to their reports from employers.</p> + +<p>Opinions of employers are not conclusive evidence of the efficiency +or inefficiency of workers, but they throw considerable light upon +the question. Written references are more or less held in disfavor by +the Washington, D. C., employers of domestic labor because they feel +that domestic workers sometimes write their own references. This is +true to a limited extent. Many of the workers come from small towns +and rural sections where the employers of domestic labor do not use +elegant stationery, the best English,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[Pg 408]</a></span> and the most correct spelling +in writing references for domestic workers who leave for the cities. +Such references do domestic workers coming to Washington, D. C., more +harm than good.</p> + +<p>However, domestic workers are more and more seeking written references +on leaving their places of employment because they are beginning to +realize that such are generally required by employers. Often a former +employer has moved away from the city, is in Europe, or has died, when +the domestic worker needs most to refer to her. A prospective employer +usually doubts that such an excuse, if given, is true. Of course, some +workers do try to take advantage in this way, but most of them are not +so unwise.</p> + +<p>Types of written and oral testimonials of employers of domestic labor +in Washington, D. C., are also informing.<a name="FNanchor4_84" id="FNanchor4_84"></a><a href="#Footnote4_84" class="fnanchor">[19]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[Pg 409]</a></span> In cases where three +or more employers testified to the efficiency or inefficiency of a +worker, the word "efficient," "inefficient," or "poor" was written +across the bottom of his application card. The following table in some +measure represents in detail the character of service reported to the +United States Employment Service, Domestic Section.</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Summary of Testimonials of Former Employers of 9,976 Wage Earners +Engaged in Domestic Personal Service, Washington, D. C., +January 1920-May 1922</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min80" summary="Testimonials of Former Employers"> +<tr><td class="left sc bt bb" rowspan="2">Table VIII</td><td class="center bt bl bb" colspan="2">Efficient</td><td class="center bt bl bb" colspan="2">Fairly Efficient</td><td class="center bt bb bl" colspan="2">Inefficient</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center bb bl">No.</td><td class="center bb bl">Per ct.</td><td class="center bb bl">No.</td><td class="center bb bl">Per ct.</td><td class="center bb bl">No.</td><td class="center bb bl">Per ct.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Male</i></td><td class="right bl">90</td><td class="right bl">44.6</td><td class="right bl">94</td><td class="right bl">46.5</td><td class="right bl">11</td><td class="right bl">19.4 </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb"><i>Female</i></td><td class="right bl bb">3,008</td><td class="right bl bb">30.8</td><td class="right bl bb">4,543</td><td class="right bl bb">46.5</td><td class="right bl bb">1,892</td><td class="right bl bb">.05</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb"><i>Total</i></td><td class="right bl bb">3,098</td><td class="right bl bb">37.7</td><td class="right bl bb">4,637</td><td class="right bl bb">46.5</td><td class="right bl bb">1,903</td><td class="right bl bb">9.7 </td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center space-above"><i>No Report</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table summary="Testimonials of Former Employers"> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right st">No.</td><td class="right st">Per Cent.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Male</i></td><td class="right">7</td><td class="right">.03</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Female</i></td><td class="right">331</td><td class="right">.03</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Total</i></td><td class="right">338</td><td class="right">.03</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[Pg 410]</a></span></p> + +<p>In this table 44.6 per cent of the males as over against 30.8 per +cent of the females are reported as being efficient, while 19.4 per +cent of the females and only 0.05 per cent of the males are listed +as inefficient. This should not lead to the conclusion that the male +Negro domestic workers of Washington, D. C., were more efficient than +the female Negro domestic workers of that city, since the 202 male +domestic workers do not represent the rank and file. They represent +men of family responsibilities, and students working their way through +high school and college. Both of these groups had a more or less +definite responsibility and aim in doing domestic work and therefore +were more willing, at least for a time, to accommodate themselves to +conditions obtaining in it. The office received no report concerning +.03 per cent of the workers. Occasionally both employer and employee +were so well pleased with each other that neither was heard from +unless the office in its follow-up work discovered the happy situation.</p> + +<p>The opinion of employers that 19.4 per cent of 9,773 Negro female +domestic workers of Washington, D. C., were reported inefficient does +not, without other data, justify this as a scientific conclusion. +Some typical examples of their inefficiency are interesting.<a name="FNanchor4_85" id="FNanchor4_85"></a><a href="#Footnote4_85" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> The +inefficiency is due<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[Pg 411]</a></span> in large measure to pure ignorance which for +the most part is the sequel to lack of opportunity and training. For +example, the older type cook, who cannot read and write, finds it +difficult, if not impossible, to carry all the different modern salad +and dessert combinations in her memory and cannot supplement her +instructions by the use of literature on domestic science.</p> + +<p>Employment agencies in Chicago in 1923, moreover, have hardly told +the whole truth in giving the following figures on the efficiency of +200 female domestic workers and 200 male domestic workers: <i>Women</i>, +satisfactory 175, or 87.5 per cent; unsatisfactory 10, or 5.0 per +cent; neither satisfactory nor wholly unsatisfactory 15, or 7.5 per +cent. <i>Men</i>, satisfactory 125, or 62.5 per cent; unsatisfactory 45, or +22.5 per cent; neither 30, or 15 per cent.</p> + +<p>Efficient domestic workers apparently regret that they are in an +occupational group representing such a high degree of ignorance and +inefficiency. They sometimes take<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[Pg 412]</a></span> pride in saying that they have +never worked for poor people. Such a class of workers is represented +by a Washington, D. C., domestic worker who gave as her former +employers Mrs. John Hays Hammond, Mrs. Arthur Glasgow, Senator +Beveridge, Senator Guggenheim, and President Wilson. She took pride in +the fact that she could even show anyone a piece of the president's +wedding cake.</p> + +<p>Honesty in domestic service is so closely associated with efficiency +that practically no reference for a domestic worker is complete +without some statement about this qualification. In 1890 Miss Salmon +raised a serious question with regard to the honesty of Negro domestic +workers in the South. Her question was based on answers received from +schedules sent to employers of that section.<a name="FNanchor4_86" id="FNanchor4_86"></a><a href="#Footnote4_86" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> In 1901, 92.6 per +cent of 583 domestic labor employers representing the whole United +States testified that their employees were honest and responsible. +Most employment bureaus were also agreed upon the general honesty of +domestic workers.<a name="FNanchor4_87" id="FNanchor4_87"></a><a href="#Footnote4_87" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> In 1899 the Philadelphia Negro domestic worker +of the Seventh Ward was described as purloining food left from the +table but as having the balance in his favor in regard to honesty.<a name="FNanchor4_88" id="FNanchor4_88"></a><a href="#Footnote4_88" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> +In 1906 opinions of former employers of 902 Negro wage-earners in +domestic and personal service in New York City were that 91.3 per cent +were honest; 7.1 per cent were either honest or fairly so; 0.6 per +cent were dishonest, and no statement was given for 1.0 per cent.<a name="FNanchor4_89" id="FNanchor4_89"></a><a href="#Footnote4_89" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> + +<p>Out of 9,638 Negro domestic workers reported upon for Washington, D. +C, between the years of 1920-1922, only .2 per cent were rated by +their former employers with assurance as being dishonest; 90.4 per +cent were listed as being honest. There were various answers for the +9.4 per cent. Some did not remain long enough to have judgment passed +upon them. Others were in a doubtful class but with no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[Pg 413]</a></span> proof against +them, and the like. This low percentage of dishonesty eliminates +the tradition of taking food except in seven cases. The seven cases +of food taking are included because they were directly reported and +regarded by the employers as dishonest. Some employers, according +to their own statement of the case, do not regard taking food left +from the table as stealing, although such is against the will of the +employer. According to the southern tradition of a low wage and taking +food to piece it out, domestic workers are still virtually expected to +follow this custom.</p> + +<p>200 women and 200 men domestic workers of Chicago have the following +record for honesty: <i>Women</i>, honest, 199, or 99.5 per cent; dishonest, +1, or 0.5 per cent; <i>men</i>, honest, 197, or 98.5 per cent; dishonest, +3, or 1.5 per cent.</p> + +<p>Employment agents in other leading cities already mentioned have very +little complaint against the honesty of Negro domestic workers except +in the matter of taking food. Their explanation of the psychology of +such dishonesty is as given above.</p> + + +<h3>IV. Wages, Hours, and Specific Occupations</h3> + +<p>While wages and efficiency are in some degree related in domestic +service, there is the custom of paying the "going wage" for specific +occupations, irrespective of efficiency. Wages vary, of course, +in different sections of the country and in different localities. +Occasionally attempts are made to grade such laborers. One employment +bureau, in Indianapolis, for example, divides its day workers into +grades A and B with respective wages of 30 cents and 25 cents an hour +for each grade.</p> + +<p>Two other questions current in the problem of wages in domestic +service, both of which seem to be slowly lending themselves to +adjustment, are the payment of weekly wages instead of bi-weekly or +monthly wages, and equal pay for equal work irrespective of whether +a man or a woman, a Negro or a white employee, does the work. +Bi-monthly payment in domestic service has come to be the custom due<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[Pg 414]</a></span> +largely to the convenience of the employer, and to the possibility of +weekly wages increasing the turnover. A domestic worker often leaves +unceremoniously as soon as he gets his first pay. However, workers +claim that the custom of bi-weekly or monthly pay inconveniences them +since they cannot arrange to pay their rent, or purchase clothing and +other necessities on that basis.</p> + +<p>The question of equal pay for Negro domestic workers does not enter +the domestic service wage problem of the South because Negroes +pre-empt this field in that section. Although the scarcity of +domestic labor seems to be settling this matter in other sections of +the country, it still persists in some measure. Twenty-five years +ago Miss Eaton discovered that Negro butlers on Rittenhouse Square, +Philadelphia, received on an average $36.90 a month, while white +butlers were getting from $40 to $45 a month.<a name="FNanchor4_90" id="FNanchor4_90"></a><a href="#Footnote4_90" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> + +<p>In the fall of 1921, during the period of labor depression, eleven of +the Washington, D. C., clubs and expensive boarding houses attempted +to make a change from Negro to white chambermaid-waitresses at an +increase of $10 a month for each worker. The four clubs that succeeded +in making the change discharged their white chambermaid-waitresses +after one week each and re-employed Negroes at the old wage of $35 +a month. One of the successful employers felt that, inasmuch as the +white servants were no more satisfactory than the Negro workers, she +had just as well keep the Negroes and pay them less.</p> + +<p>When the minimum wage law for women and minors of Washington, D. C., +recently declared unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court, +went into effect, practically all of the hotels and restaurants in +that city immediately discharged Negro workers and took on white ones. +Some of the managers told the agent at the United States Employment +Bureau that they were making the change because white servants were +more efficient than Negro workers. Other managers, some of whom had +used Negro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[Pg 415]</a></span> labor for more than fifteen years, simply said that $16.50 +a week was too much to pay Negroes, and, therefore, wished white +workers instead. The few hotels and restaurants that retained Negroes +as a rule put them on a much shorter working week than 48 hours, thus +reducing their pay.</p> + +<p>Boarding houses and institutions such as private schools, sanatoria, +and the like, that offer excuses and fail to pay workers should +be mentioned in this connection. The manager of one such boarding +house in Washington, D. C., was sued by a worker who won her case +because other unpaid laborers testified against the manager. The +superintendent of a small private school in that city—also among +such paymasters—had repeatedly been reported to the Minimum Wage +Board which forced her to pay the Negro women day workers. After a few +months of such experience she changed her help and began to employ +men, over whom the Minimum Wage Board had no jurisdiction.</p> + +<p>The wages of Negro domestic workers today are considerably higher than +they were in past decades, as is shown by a comparison of figures +in past periods for the Continental United States and for selected +cities with figures in 1920-1923. For the twenty-five years prior to +the World War there had been only a slight wage increase in domestic +and personal service. During the World War there was a considerable +increase in wages for both male and female domestic workers, the +increase for the latter being larger than that for the former. Since +the World War wages for such workers have fallen to some extent but +not anywhere near the pre-war level.</p> + +<p>The following tables, with one exception, show the wage changes at +different ten-year periods over a range of 30 years. In Table IX the +figures from the Boston Employment Bureau illustrate the fact that +the average weekly wages for female domestic workers of Boston were +decidedly higher than elsewhere in the country. This table also makes +clear the fact that wages for men were considerably higher than those +for women.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[Pg 416]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center"><i>Average Daily and Weekly Wages in Selected Domestic Service +Occupations, 1889-1890</i><a name="FNanchor4_91" id="FNanchor4_91"></a><a href="#Footnote4_91" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min70" summary="Average Daily and Weekly Wages"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table IX</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center st">Occupation</td><td class="center st">Weekly Wages for<br />the United States</td><td class="center st">Weekly Wages for<br />Boston, Mass.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Women</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cooks</td><td class="right">$3.72</td><td class="right">$4.45</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cooks and laundresses</td><td class="right">3.39</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaids</td><td class="right">3.39</td><td class="right">3.86</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Waitresses</td><td class="right">3.19</td><td class="right">3.7 </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Second girls</td><td class="right">3.16</td><td class="right">3.7 </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaids and waitresses</td><td class="right">3.10</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Parlor maids</td><td class="right">3 </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">General servants</td><td class="right">2.91</td><td class="right">3 </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Men</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Coachmen</td><td class="right">$7.84</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Coachmen and gardeners</td><td class="right">6.54</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Butlers</td><td class="right">6.11</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cooks</td><td class="right">6.08</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Women</i></td><td class="right st">Daily Wages</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Laundresses</td><td class="right">.82</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Seamstresses</td><td class="right">1.01</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Men</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Gardeners</td><td class="right">1.33</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chore-men</td><td class="right">.87</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Table X below gives average wages for selected domestic service +occupations in the United States for a decade later than the figures +of Table IX. The slight variation in the figures of Table X from those +of Table IX may be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[Pg 417]</a></span> due to probable error incident to the collection +of the data or to some other factor. The indications of these two +tables, however, with ten years intervening between the compilation of +the data, are that wages probably had changed very little, if any.</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Average Weekly Wages for Selected Domestic Service Occupations in the +United States, 1900</i><a name="FNanchor4_92" id="FNanchor4_92"></a><a href="#Footnote4_92" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min70" summary="Average Weekly Wages"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table X</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center st">Occupation</td><td class="center st">Average Weekly Wage</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Women</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">General houseworkers</td><td class="right">$3.28</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cooks</td><td class="right">3.95</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Waitresses</td><td class="right">3.43</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Other specialists</td><td class="right">3.54</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Men</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">For all domestic service occupations</td><td class="right">6.03</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Women</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">For all domestic service occupations</td><td class="right">3.51</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>In comparison with the two preceding tables, Table XI below gives +wages for domestic service in Philadelphia for about the same period. +The weekly wages range higher than for the country as a whole. The +lower wages in the southern border and middle sections of the United +States have reduced the average for the country below that for this +eastern city in which also special conditions may have operated to +bring such wages above the general level.</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Average Weekly Wages of Negro Domestic Workers of Philadelphia, +1896-1897</i><a name="FNanchor4_93" id="FNanchor4_93"></a><a href="#Footnote4_93" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Average Weekly Wages"> +<tr><td class="left">Table XI</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center st">Occupation</td><td class="center st">Average Weekly Wage</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Women</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">General worker</td><td class="right">$3.24</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Janitress</td><td class="right">4.06</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaid-laundress</td><td class="right">3.58</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook-laundress</td><td class="right">4.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Laundress</td><td class="right">4.04</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Lady's maid</td><td class="right">3.63</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaid and waitress</td><td class="right">3.17</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Waitress</td><td class="right">3.31</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Women</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaid</td><td class="right">3.17</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Child's nurse</td><td class="right">3.35</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Errand girl</td><td class="right">2.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook</td><td class="right">4.02</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Men</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">General worker</td><td class="right">5.38</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Valet</td><td class="right">8.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook</td><td class="right">6.17</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Waiter</td><td class="right">6.14</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Coachman</td><td class="right">8.58</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Butler</td><td class="right">8.24</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Bellboy</td><td class="right">2.61</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Table XII which follows is drawn from <i>The Negro at Work in New York +City</i>, and shows the modal wage groups<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[Pg 418]</a></span> for specific occupations in +domestic and personal service, New York City, 1906-1909. Although +data for New York City are not typical of the entire country, these +are the only available figures for this period, and they may indicate +the trend of wages in domestic personal service in that section. +In comparison with the preceding Table of Wages in Philadelphia, +the increase in wages in New York City may be due to differences of +conditions in the two cities rather than to any general increase or +decrease in wages.</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Modal Wage Groups for Selected Occupations, 1906-1909</i><a name="FNanchor4_94" id="FNanchor4_94"></a><a href="#Footnote4_94" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Modal Wage Groups for Selected Occupations"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table XII</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center st">Occupation</td><td class="right st">Range of Modal Wage</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Female</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Switchboard operator</td><td class="right">$4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaid</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaid-cook</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaid-laundress</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaid-waitress</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Kitchenmaid</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook and general worker</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook-waitress</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook-laundress</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Errand girl</td><td class="right">Less than 4.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">General houseworker</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Laundress</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Lady's maid</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Parlor maid</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Nurse</td><td class="right">Less than 3.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Pantry girl</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Waitress</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Dishwasher</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Male</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Bellman</td><td class="right">Less than 4.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Butler-cook</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Waiter</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Butler</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Coachman</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Elevator operator</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Furnaceman</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Gardener</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Hallman and doorman</td><td class="right">4.00-4.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Houseman</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Janitor</td><td class="right">5.00-5.99</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[Pg 419]</a></span></p> +<p>The last decade embraces the World War when wages in domestic and +personal service were at their maximum. The following tables for +selected cities present graphically the increase in wages for male and +female domestic workers and the slight increase in wages of females +over that of males. These tables also show how wages vary in different +sections of the country. Although these figures are for 1920, and the +first quarter of 1921, the decline in wages generally did not begin +until the fourth quarter of 1920, and it was not so pronounced in +domestic and personal service as in many other occupational groups, +and was scarcely appreciable in domestic service until the middle of +1921.</p> + +<p>Tables XIII, XIV, XV, XVI, and XVII indicate that although wages in +domestic and personal service among Negroes have fallen somewhat, they +are still far above those of pre-war times. They also show that since +the War there has been considerable decline in rates paid men for day +work in New York City and Washington, D. C., but very little decrease +in the rates for women day workers in either of the two cities.</p> + +<p>Any analysis of these tables must take into consideration that female +day workers in the cities included in the tables receive their carfare +and at least one meal; cooks, general houseworkers, waiters and +waitresses, housemen, mothers' helpers, some kitchen help, part-time +workers and nurses receive their meals and, in many instances, their +quarters.</p> + +<p>In this table wages for clerical workers, factory workers, laborers, +truckers, butchers, etc., are given in comparison with the wages of +domestic and personal service workers. For example: a stenographer +receives $18 a week, while a cook receives from $18 to $25 a week and +board; a factory girl receives from 25 cents to 30 cents an hour, +while a day worker in domestic service receives $22 a week, and a cook +receives $25 a week and board.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[Pg 420]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center"><i>Weekly Wages of 118 Negro Men in Domestic Service by Specified +Occupations, New York City, 1920-1921</i><a name="FNanchor4_95" id="FNanchor4_95"></a><a href="#Footnote4_95" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min80 dense" summary="Weekly Wages of 118 Negro Men in Domestic Service"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table XIII</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center st">Occupations</td><td class="right st">Number Employed</td><td> </td><td class="center st">Weekly Wages</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Cleaners</td><td class="right">3</td><td> </td><td class="left">$ .50 per hour</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">5</td><td> </td><td class="left">3.00 per day</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Cooks</td><td class="right">2</td><td> </td><td class="left">15.00-17.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">3</td><td> </td><td class="left">18.00-19.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">3</td><td> </td><td class="left">25.00 or more</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Dishwashers</td><td class="right">2</td><td> </td><td class="left">10.00-12.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">4</td><td> </td><td class="left">13.00-14.99 and meals</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">15.00-17.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">11</td><td> </td><td class="left">18.00-21.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">26.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Doormen</td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">38.50 and meals</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">3</td><td class="right">(monthly)</td><td class="left">40.00-79.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Elevator operators (apt. house)</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="right">under</td><td class="left">10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">10.00-12.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">11</td><td> </td><td class="left">15.00-17.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">18.00-21.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Elevator and switchboard operators</td><td class="right">6</td><td> </td><td class="left">14.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">6</td><td> </td><td class="left">17.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">18.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Firemen (apt. house)</td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">3.00 per day</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">20.00-24.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">20.00 and board</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">30.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Janitors (apt. house)</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="right">(monthly)</td><td class="left">20.00 and apartment</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td class="right">(monthly)</td><td class="left">30.00 and keep</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td class="right">(monthly)</td><td class="left">40.00 and keep</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td class="right">(monthly)</td><td class="left">60.00 and keep</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Assistant janitors (apt. house)</td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">10.00-12.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">15.00 and room</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Porters-apartment houses</td><td class="right">1</td><td> </td><td class="left">16.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">6</td><td> </td><td class="left">18.00-20.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Waiters</td><td class="right">3</td><td class="right">under</td><td class="left">10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">18</td><td class="right">(exclusive</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td> </td><td class="right">of tips)</td><td class="left">15.00-17.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">6</td><td> </td><td class="left">18.00-20.99</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">7</td><td> </td><td class="left">10.00-11.99</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[Pg 421]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center space-above"><i>Range of Weekly Wages of 754 Negro Women in Domestic and Personal +Service, Specified by Occupations, New York City, 1920-1921</i><a name="FNanchor4_96" id="FNanchor4_96"></a><a href="#Footnote4_96" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60 dense" summary="Range of Weekly Wages of 754 Negro Women"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table XIV</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center st">Occupations</td><td class="right st">Number Employed</td><td class="left st"> </td><td class="left">Wages</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">General houseworkers</td><td class="right">5</td><td class="right">under</td><td class="left">$ 9.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">706</td><td> </td><td class="left">10.00-18.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Chambermaids</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="right">under</td><td class="left">9.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Chambermaids-waitresses</td><td class="right">7</td><td> </td><td class="left">12.00-18.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Cooks</td><td class="right">6</td><td> </td><td class="left">15.00-21.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Kitchen helpers</td><td class="right">8</td><td> </td><td class="left">12.00-17.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">2</td><td class="right">under</td><td class="left">9.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Mothers' helpers and Nurses</td><td class="right">9</td><td> </td><td class="left">10.00-15.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Nurses (practical)</td><td class="right">3</td><td> </td><td class="left">15.00-21.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Waitresses</td><td class="right">5</td><td> </td><td class="left">12.00-14.00</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center space-above"><i>Range of Daily and Weekly Wages of 1,565 Male and Female Negro +Domestic and Personal Service Workers, Washington, D. C., 1920</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60 dense" summary="Range of Daily and Weekly Wages of 1,565 Male and Female Negro Domestic and Personal Service Workers"> +<tr><td class="left sc bt bb">Table XV<br /> Occupations</td><td class="right st bl bt bb">Number Employed</td><td class="left st bt bl bb">Daily Wages</td><td class="left st bl bt bb">Weekly Wages</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Male</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="bl"> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Butlers</td><td class="right bl">7</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="left bl">12.00-15.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chauffeurs</td><td class="right bl">3</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="left bl">14.00-15.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chauffer-butler</td><td class="right bl">13</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="left bl">14.00-15.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Elevator Operator</td><td class="right bl">6</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="left bl">9.00-10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Janitors and housemen</td><td class="right bl">34</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="left bl">10.00-12.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cooks</td><td class="right bl">21</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="left bl">18.00-20.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Furnace and yardman</td><td class="right bl">10</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="left bl">7.00-8.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Waiters</td><td class="right bl">11</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="left bl">9.00-10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Dishwashers</td><td class="right bl">12</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="left bl">9.00-12.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Day Workers</td><td class="right bl">6</td><td class="right bl">4.00</td><td class="bl"> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Female</td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="bl"> </td><td class="bl"> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">General houseworkers</td><td class="right bl">49</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">10.00-12.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cooks</td><td class="right bl">83</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">10.00-20.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Maids</td><td class="right bl">86</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">9.00-10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Waitresses</td><td class="right bl">112</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">9.00-10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Personal maids</td><td class="right bl">5</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">10.00-12.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Kitchen maids</td><td class="right bl">40</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">8.00-9.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Mothers helpers</td><td class="right bl">75</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">5.00-7.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Pantry maid</td><td class="right bl">62</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">10.00-12.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Permanent laundresses</td><td class="right bl">3</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">12.00-14.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook-laundresses</td><td class="right bl">81</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">10.00-12.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Chambermaid-waitresses</td><td class="right bl">240</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">9.00-10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Janitress</td><td class="right bl">7</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">9.00-10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Elevator operator</td><td class="right bl">82</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">8.00-9.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Parlor maids</td><td class="right bl">21</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">9.00-10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Day workers</td><td class="right bl">362</td><td class="left bl">2.50-3.00</td><td class="bl"> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Nurse maid</td><td class="right bl">91</td><td class="left bl"> </td><td class="left bl">8.00-9.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent bb">Part-time workers</td><td class="right bl bb">51</td><td class="left bl bb"> </td><td class="left bl bb">6.00-7.00</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[Pg 422]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center space-above"><i>Weekly Wages of 200 Male and 200 Female Negro Domestic Workers of +Chicago by Occupations</i>, 1923</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60 dense" summary="Weekly Wages of 200 Male and 200 Female Negro Domestic Workers of Chicago by Occupations"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table XVI</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center st">Occupations</td><td class="right st">Number Enrolled</td><td> </td><td class="center st">Weekly Wages</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"><i>Male</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Factory</td><td class="right">15</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">22.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Waiter</td><td class="right">8</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">15.00 and board</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Bus Boys</td><td class="right">6</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">10.00 and board</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Elevator</td><td class="right">1</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">14.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cook</td><td class="right">10</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">25.00 and board</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Cleaning</td><td class="right">11</td><td class="right">(per hour)</td><td class="left cents">.50</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Wringer</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">20.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Fireman</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">24.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Shoe shiners</td><td class="right">3</td><td class="right">(per day)</td><td class="left">2.00 and tips</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Butchers</td><td class="right">6</td><td class="right">(per hour)</td><td class="left cents">.47 and up</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Houseman</td><td class="right">4</td><td class="right">(per month)</td><td class="left">70.00 room and board</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Dishwasher</td><td class="right">43</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">17.00 and board</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Porter</td><td class="right">10</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">20.00-25.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Trucker</td><td class="right">25</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="left">22.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left indent">Laborers</td><td class="right">54</td><td class="right">(per hour)</td><td class="left cents">.45-.60</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="center space-above"><i>Average Daily and Weekly Wage of Negro Domestic Workers by Occupation +for Selected Cities</i>, 1923</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="dense" summary="Average Daily and Weekly Wage of Negro Domestic Workers by Occupation for Selected Cities"> +<tr><td class="left sc bt bb" rowspan="2">Table XVII</td><td class="center bt bb bl" colspan="8">Average Wage By Occupation</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center bb bl">Day<br />Workers</td><td class="center bb bl">General House Workers</td><td class="center bb bl">Cooks</td><td class="center bb bl">Maids</td><td class="center bb bl">Waitresses</td><td class="center bb bl">Part-time Workers</td><td class="center bb bl">Mothers' Helpers</td><td class="center bb bl">Child Nurses</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">New York</td><td class="right bl">$3.80</td><td class="right bl">$13.85</td><td class="right bl">$16.50</td><td class="right bl">$13.00</td><td class="right bl">$7 and tips</td><td class="right bl">$8.00</td><td class="right bl">$11.00</td><td class="right bl">$11.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Philadelphia</td><td class="right bl">2.75</td><td class="right bl">12.50</td><td class="right bl">13.50</td><td class="right bl">9.50</td><td class="right bl">$7 and tips</td><td class="right bl">7.50</td><td class="right bl">8.25</td><td class="right bl">8.25</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Baltimore</td><td class="right bl">2.75</td><td class="right bl">9.50</td><td class="right bl">11.00</td><td class="right bl">8.50</td><td class="right bl">$7 and tips</td><td class="right bl">6.00</td><td class="right bl">5.50</td><td class="right bl">6.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Washington, D. C.</td><td class="right bl">2.00</td><td class="right bl">9.25</td><td class="right bl">10.75</td><td class="right bl">8.50</td><td class="right bl">$8 and tips</td><td class="right bl">7.50</td><td class="right bl">8.00</td><td class="right bl">8.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Detroit</td><td class="right bl">3.35</td><td class="right bl">9.50</td><td class="right bl">11.00</td><td class="right bl">9.00</td><td class="right bl">$7 and tips</td><td class="right bl">9.50</td><td class="right bl">9.50</td><td class="right bl">10.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Indianapolis</td><td class="right bl">2.25</td><td class="right bl">10.00</td><td class="right bl">13.50</td><td class="right bl">9.00</td><td class="right bl">$7 and tips</td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl">8.00</td><td class="right bl">13.50</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Boston</td><td class="right bl">3.00</td><td class="right bl">12.00</td><td class="right bl">12.50</td><td class="right bl">10.50</td><td class="left bl">10.50</td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl"> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Los Angeles</td><td class="right bl">3.80</td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl">15.00</td><td class="right bl">11.50</td><td class="left bl">8.00</td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl"> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Montgomery</td><td class="right bl">1.75</td><td class="right bl">7.00</td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl">6.50</td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl"> </td><td class="right bl"> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb">Nashville</td><td class="right bl bb">1.75</td><td class="right bl bb">7.00</td><td class="right bl bb"> </td><td class="right bl bb">6.50</td><td class="right bl bb"> </td><td class="right bl bb"> </td><td class="right bl bb"> </td><td class="right bl bb"> </td></tr> +</table></div> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="dense" summary="Average Daily and Weekly Wage of Negro Domestic Workers by Occupation for Selected Cities"> +<tr><td class="center bt bb">Male</td><td class="center bt bb bl">Day<br />laborers</td><td class="center bt bb bl">Chauf-<br />feurs</td><td class="center bt bb bl">Cooks</td><td class="center bt bb bl">Janitors</td><td class="center bt bb bl">Dish-<br />washers</td><td class="center bt bb bl">Bellmen</td><td class="center bt bb bl">Waiters</td><td class="center bt bb bl">Porters</td><td class="center bt bb bl">Elevator<br />operators</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">New York</td><td class="right bl">$3.00</td><td class="right bl">$25.00</td><td class="right bl">$20.00</td><td class="right bl">$9.50</td><td class="right bl">$12.00</td><td class="right bl">$9.50</td><td class="right bl">$10.00</td><td class="right bl">$15.00</td><td class="right bl">15.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Boston</td><td class="right bl">4.00</td><td class="right bl">25.00</td><td class="right bl">22.50</td><td class="right bl">20.00</td><td class="right bl">12.00</td><td class="right bl">13.50</td><td class="right bl">12.00</td><td class="right bl">15.00</td><td class="right bl">15.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Philadelphia</td><td class="right bl">3.80</td><td class="right bl">25.00</td><td class="right bl">20.00</td><td class="right bl">15.00</td><td class="right bl">9.50</td><td class="right bl">6.50</td><td class="right bl">7.00</td><td class="right bl">15.00</td><td class="right bl">15.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb">Baltimore</td><td class="right bl bb">3.50</td><td class="right bl bb">18.00</td><td class="right bl bb">21.00</td><td class="right bl bb">15.00</td><td class="right bl bb">9.50</td><td class="right bl bb">7.87</td><td class="right bl bb">9.30</td><td class="right bl bb">15.00</td><td class="right bl bb">9.30-15.00</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[Pg 423]</a></span></p> + +<p>The table above shows that wages in the specified occupations in +different sections of the country, for the most part, do not vary +very much. Wages for males are given for only four cities because the +wages for males in the other cities mentioned, with two exceptions, +are about the same as in these four cities. In addition to money wages +received for day work, women get their carfare and often one or two +meals, while men receive only the money wages. Elevator operators in +Baltimore hotels are paid from $40 to $50 a month instead of $15 a +week as in apartment houses because more tips are given in hotels.</p> + +<p>Although in consideration of the present rate of wages the total +annual wage paid for domestic and personal service in the homes of the +United States must be large, there seems to be no available data on +this point. However, an estimate has been made of the total quarterly +wages for 1920 and 1921 and the first quarter of 1922 paid domestic +and personal service employees in the hotels and similar institutions +of Continental United States. The range of quarterly wages in such +institutions for 1920 was 666 to 700 millions of dollars; for 1921, +660 to 678 millions of dollars; and for 1922, 643 millions of dollars. +The maximum cyclical decline in the wages of such workers for that +period of time was 8.15 per cent.</p> + +<p>Even though seven other groups of occupations had a smaller percentage +cyclical decline in wages following the war than public domestic and +personal service and twelve other groups of occupations had a larger +cyclical decline, the average earnings an hour for each domestic and +personal service worker are less than that for any other occupation +or industry except agriculture. The average earnings in cents an hour +for each employee in domestic and personal service were for the first +quarter of 1920, 34 cents; for the first quarter of 1921, 34 cents; +and for the first quarter of 1922, 33 cents.<a name="FNanchor4_97" id="FNanchor4_97"></a><a href="#Footnote4_97" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[Pg 424]</a></span></p> + + +<h4 class="normal"><i>Hours of Negro Domestic Workers</i></h4> + +<p>Although during the past thirty years there has been considerable +advance made in the matter of hours for domestic and personal service +workers, the change in this particular has not kept pace throughout +the United States with the increase in wages in domestic and personal +service occupations. Thirty years ago 38 per cent of 1,434 female +domestic employees from all sections of the United States were +actually working ten hours a day, 6 per cent of them were working +eleven hours a day, 31 per cent were working twelve hours or more +a day, and 25 per cent of them were working less than ten hours a +day.<a name="FNanchor4_98" id="FNanchor4_98"></a><a href="#Footnote4_98" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>In recent years the hours and wages of female domestic and personal +service workers in several states of the union have been standardized +by the enactment of state minimum wage laws. Utah, which has an eight +hour day and a 48 hour week for female workers generally, lists any +regular employer of female labor under those occupations covered by +law. This would include domestic service for women. The minimum wage +rate in this State for experienced women is $1.25 per day. Wisconsin, +which has a ten hour day and a 55 hour week for females and minors, +includes under its minimum wage law every person in receipt of, or +entitled to, any compensation for labor performed for any employer. +Domestic workers must be included in this number. Colorado includes +under its minimum wage law any occupation which embraces "any and +every vocation, trade, pursuit and industry." Since domestic service +is a pursuit or vocation, it must come under the minimum wage law +of Colorado. The state of Washington has an eight hour day and a 56 +hour week and a wage of $18 a week and $3 a day for females engaged +in public housekeeping, but not for private domestic workers. North +Dakota publicly excludes domestic service and agriculture from its +occupations or industries covered by the minimum wage law. Although +the other seven State minimum wage laws do not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[Pg 425]</a></span> openly exclude +domestic service, it is not included as yet among occupations and +industries. Two attempts were recently made in California to secure +through legislation a ten hour day for domestic workers. The first +bill was defeated. The second bill passed both houses but received a +pocket veto.<a name="FNanchor4_99" id="FNanchor4_99"></a><a href="#Footnote4_99" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> In States where there is no minimum wage legislation +the working hours for day workers and part-time workers are +standardized on an eight hour basis.</p> + +<p>The extensive use of day workers came into popularity largely through +necessity during the World War. At that time such a large proportion +of the permanent domestic employees found openings in other lines +of work that housewives supplemented their own labor by hiring day +workers. The large demand for such workers gave them the leverage of +establishing for themselves an eight hour day and a wage commensurate +with that in many lines of industry. Day workers have retained since +the World War both the eight hour day and the advanced wages.</p> + +<p>The part-time workers, too, have definite hours. Many of them do +cooking and general housework but for only specified hours. Some of +them work four or five hours or less in the mornings, especially when +the work is largely cleaning. Not a few of them begin in the afternoon +and do general housework and prepare dinner and serve it. But the +hours are fixed hours. Some part-time workers have a regular place of +employment for mornings and another such place for afternoons. Their +hours are definite and their wages are thus very good. Frequently the +part-time worker has every Sunday off.</p> + +<p>The hours for the other domestic service workers generally do not seem +to be so well standardized as yet. Three Washington, D. C., employers +wished their general houseworkers to come on duty at seven o'clock in +the morning, with the promise that the workers could leave when they +finished. Although 75.3 per cent of one thousand domestic workers, +exclusive of day workers and part-time<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[Pg 426]</a></span> workers, in the private +families and boarding houses of Washington, D. C., were on duty ten +hours or over, this would show that the three employers mentioned +above were not typical. Three other employers in the same mentioned +city maintained an eight hour day for their help by having an extra +worker prepare the dinners and serve them.</p> + +<p>Apparently no attempt has been made to compare the hours of the +private domestic and personal service workers with those of the +workers in other industries. An estimate made of the full-time hours a +week during 1920 and 1921 for the average employee in all enterprises +of whatever size in the Continental United States discloses the fact +that the average full-time hours a week for public domestic and +personal service workers were from 56.6 to 57.1, while the average for +workers in all industries including domestic and personal service was +50.3 to 51.3 hours a week. In New York City, according to employment +agents, the practice of an eight to nine hour day for domestic workers +generally obtains.</p> + + +<h4 class="normal"><i>Specific Occupations of Negro Domestic Workers</i></h4> + +<p>The chief employment of the day workers in more than three-fourths +of the States is laundry work and cleaning. It is significant that +in twenty-one States for which the 1920 advanced occupational census +sheets have been obtained, where the Negro population is negligible, +there is no principal occupation given as that of launderer and +laundress "not in laundries." In all of the States for which there +are reports given in the cities of those States where the Negro +population is large there is such a principal occupation. However, +this occupation in spite of the increased popularity of day work +during the World War is decreasing in numbers as the following table +will indicate. Whether this decrease is due to the "wet wash" laundry +system and to the increased facilities in hand laundries we have no +data to prove.</p> + +<p>Table XVIII given below represents the States so far<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[Pg 427]</a></span> as the 1920 +census reports go, which have the principal occupation of launderer +and laundress "not in laundries." In all of the States except Vermont, +the Negro population is quite appreciable. Just why Vermont is not +among the 21 States which have a negligible Negro population and no +such principal occupation accessible data did not disclose. The reason +why the 21 States have no such principal occupation is probably due to +the fact that laundry work is so laborious that white domestic workers +are averse to it, and those able to have the work done send it to a +steam laundry.</p> + +<p class="center space-above"><i>The Number of Launderers and Laundresses in 14 States in 1910-1920</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min70" summary="The Number of Launderers and Laundresses in 14 States in 1910-1920"> +<tr><td class="left bt bb" rowspan="2"><span class="sc">Table XVIII</span><br /> State</td><td class="center bt bb bl" colspan="2">Male</td><td class="center bt bb bl" colspan="2">Female</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center bl bb">1910</td><td class="center bl bb">1920</td><td class="center bl bb">1910</td><td class="center bl bb">1920</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Louisiana</td><td class="right bl">406</td><td class="right bl">389</td><td class="right bl">23,051</td><td class="right bl">17,034</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Georgia</td><td class="right bl">832</td><td class="right bl">667</td><td class="right bl">44,710</td><td class="right bl">36,775</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">No. Carolina</td><td class="right bl">387</td><td class="right bl">296</td><td class="right bl">23,192</td><td class="right bl">15,185</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Florida</td><td class="right bl">394</td><td class="right bl">342</td><td class="right bl">14,844</td><td class="right bl">16,552</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Dist. of Columbia</td><td class="right bl">121</td><td class="right bl">93</td><td class="right bl">7,920</td><td class="right bl">6,095</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Maryland</td><td class="right bl">448</td><td class="right bl">253</td><td class="right bl">16,189</td><td class="right bl">12,418</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Delaware</td><td class="right bl">20</td><td class="right bl">26</td><td class="right bl">1,665</td><td class="right bl">1,110</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Indiana</td><td class="right bl">300</td><td class="right bl">245</td><td class="right bl">10,130</td><td class="right bl">7,238</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Vermont</td><td class="right bl">34</td><td class="right bl">21</td><td class="right bl">1,256</td><td class="right bl">684</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Kansas</td><td class="right bl">210</td><td class="right bl">163</td><td class="right bl">4,814</td><td class="right bl">3,760</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">New Jersey</td><td class="right bl">452</td><td class="right bl">322</td><td class="right bl">11,171</td><td class="right bl">7,626</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">New Mexico</td><td class="right bl">71</td><td class="right bl">51</td><td class="right bl">1,678</td><td class="right bl">1,299</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Oklahoma</td><td class="right bl">154</td><td class="right bl">124</td><td class="right bl">5,349</td><td class="right bl">4,350</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left bb">West Virginia</td><td class="right bl bb">140</td><td class="right bl bb">84</td><td class="right bl bb">3,923</td><td class="right bl bb">2,505</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>A general houseworker has come to be thought of by the public as a +maid of all work, and sometimes she is; but in many homes she is +relieved of doing the laundry work. In some cities general housework +does not always include cooking. For example, in New York City and +Brooklyn it may not include cooking unless specified by the terms +cooking and general housework. In New York and some other cities men +have been tried as general workers.</p> + +<p>According to employment agencies, butlers are not used in such +large numbers as they were before the World War. During the war it +was difficult to secure them because men were needed for war work. +Since then wages have been such that employers have largely used +chambermaid-waitresses<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[Pg 428]</a></span> or chauffeur-butlers instead of regular +butlers. Among the 779 Negro men in domestic and personal service +(New York City, 1921, Table XI), there is not one butler. This does +not mean that there are no Negro butlers in New York City, but it +indicates their scarcity and shows that employers living in apartment +houses can do without them. Negro cooks, however, are yet an important +factor in the domestic and personal service groups.</p> + +<p>There are still Negro personal maids who make provision for the +special comfort and well being of their employers as well as do their +little mending, and the like. And there are Negro pantry maids whose +first duty it is to make salads. Chambermaid-waitresses and parlor +maids to do such as to answer the door bell are also still used. The +tendency, however, is in the direction of having but the one general +maid, together with a laundress to come in by the day. Mothers' +helpers or young girls to assist in all the work of the house and with +the children are also being employed quite extensively, and at less +wages than would be paid to an older general houseworker.</p> + +<p>These different occupations for the most part call for different types +of workers. A butler or a chambermaid-waitress who is tall and comely +may have access to a larger number and to better places than one who +is short. Especially is this true of cooks for apartment or for a +general houseworker where there are stairs to climb. These are much +more frequently chosen from among the medium-sized women than from +the stout women. The reason for the latter choice is apparent. In the +case of the butler or chambermaid-waitress, the basis of choice is +apparently appearance and custom.</p> + + +<h3>V. Living Conditions, Health, Social Life, Organizations of Negro +Domestic Workers, and Their Relation to Employment Agencies</h3> + +<p>Living conditions here refer only to those on employers' premises. +The general living conditions of Negro domestic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[Pg 429]</a></span> workers in different +parts of the country, or even in different localities of the same +section, vary so widely that the subject cannot be treated here. For +example, in the South laundresses for the most part take bundle wash +to their small homes, and do large "washes" there. Such a situation +makes it difficult for southern Negro laundresses to live comfortably +and healthfully. Laundresses in the North are relieved of this problem +by going to the homes of employers, but, on the other hand, are +affected by the excessive rents and the overcrowding in their own +homes.</p> + +<p>Living conditions on employers' premises for domestic workers vary to +some extent in different homes of the same city but to a larger extent +in the different sections of the country and in different cities of +the same section. In Montgomery, Alabama, for example, out of two +hundred Negro female domestic workers interviewed, 54 or about 27 per +cent were living in a two-room detached frame house on the rear of the +employers' premises. The remaining 73 per cent did not "sleep in" or +live on their employers' premises. In Philadelphia, living conditions +on employers' premises are reported as being good. They consist, in +the main, of a third floor room. Very few basement rooms are offered +as living quarters for domestic workers in that city. In Indianapolis, +about 50 per cent of those working by the week among the 471 domestic +workers go home nights. Living conditions for those "sleeping in" are +fair as a rule. Some have basement rooms but a majority of them have +rooms either on the third floor or in the attic or over a garage. A +small percentage of the homes have a bath room for the maid.</p> + +<p>Employment agencies in Boston, New York City, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, +Detroit, Chicago, and Los Angeles give favorable reports on the living +conditions of domestic workers who "sleep in." While the reports from +Baltimore are not as conclusively favorable as for the above-named +cities, one fact stands out prominently, namely: that in the main, +only apartment houses in that city offer basement rooms as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[Pg 430]</a></span> living +quarters for domestic workers. Employment agencies in all of the +cities mentioned state that there are far more calls for workers to +"sleep in" than there are workers who are willing to do so.</p> + +<p>Out of 500 domestic workers in Washington, D. C., selected at random +from 3,000 permanent employees for the year 1921-22, about 64.1 per +cent were requested to "sleep in." Out of an equal number of employers +requesting workers to "sleep in," selected in the same manner, about +83 per cent provided basement rooms as sleeping quarters for such +workers; about 10 per cent either provided first floor or third floor +rooms—some of them with baths; about 7 per cent either offered attics +or they failed to furnish a statement as to the location of the rooms. +Occasionally an employer would like to have the worker "sleep in" but +because of having only a basement room to offer, she would forego her +wish in the interest of the health of the employee. Two of the workers +sent out from this office were partially incapacitated by the poor +living and working conditions. One of the problems, however, involved +in housing domestic employees is the frequency of the turnover which +necessarily brings in different kinds of workers, varying in degrees +of personal cleanliness and health.</p> + +<p>Closely connected with the living conditions, too, are the working +conditions of domestic employees. In fact, one of the strains of such +service often is the lack of break between the place of work and of +living, which makes for resulting monotony and much loneliness. Much +of a domestic worker's life is spent in the kitchen, in the laundry +or on the premises of his employer. The only available accurate data +on this point have come from Indianapolis, Ind. This was secured in +response to a questionnaire sent to the employers who were patrons +of the employment office at Flanner House. The following table gives +a summary of the replies as to the appliances employers had in their +homes for use of Negro domestic workers.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[Pg 431]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center space-above"><i>Replies from 523 Employers Showing the Appliances in the Homes for +Doing Laundry Work, in Indianapolis, Ind., April, 1922</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min60" summary="Replies from 523 Employers"> +<tr><td class="left sc">Table XVIII</td><td class="right"> </td><td class="right st">Per Cent</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Number having electric machines</td><td class="right">249</td><td class="right">47.6</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Number having water power machines</td><td class="right">2</td><td class="right">.4</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Number having hand power machines</td><td class="right">5</td><td class="right">.9</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Number not having machines of any kind</td><td class="right">267</td><td class="right bb">51.1</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="left"> </td><td class="right">100.0</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Number having electric irons</td><td class="right">479</td><td class="right">91.6</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Number having gas irons</td><td class="right">5</td><td class="right">.9</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Number having mangles—ironing machine</td><td class="right">31</td><td class="right">5.9</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Number having stationary tubs</td><td class="right">202</td><td class="right">38.6</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Number having driers</td><td class="right">3</td><td class="right">.6</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>According to this record about 48.9 per cent of the 523 employers had +washing machines of some kind and about 51.1 per cent had none at all; +about 38.6 per cent had installed stationary tubs and 0.6 per cent had +driers. To one who is conversant with the old way of doing laundry +work with heavy portable wooden tubs, and with the lighter weight +zinc tubs, into which water was lifted for washing and from which it +was lifted after washing, and then placed upon either a dry goods +box or a wash bench of uncertain height, this table shows marvelous +improvement in working conditions of Negro laundresses in Indianapolis +and indicates unusual possibilities there and elsewhere. However, +unless there were, in each of the homes having washing machines, +a stationary tub, or a rubber tube for draining the water out of +the washing machine, there still would be that lifting of water, +and possibly undue exertion because of the uncertain height of the +portable tub. The principle of having the tub set at the right height +involves relief from straining the back, an important item in relation +to good health. There were about 98.4 per cent of the 523 employers +who had either electric or gas irons or mangles. Such appliances +facilitate ironing as well as enable a laundress to do better work. +Washing machines and mangles make it possible to do the bed linen at +home instead of sending it to a steam laundry. Driers are particularly +serviceable in winter when drying out of doors is difficult as well as +being hard on the laundress because of the cold weather.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[Pg 432]</a></span></p> + +<p>The employment agency that sent out the questionnaire congratulated +the employers on the marked improvement made in appliances for +laundering, and added that like improvements will in time be made in +the type and conditions of work rooms in which laundresses must labor.</p> + + +<h4 class="normal"><i>The Health of Negro Domestic Workers</i></h4> + +<p>Although the health of domestic workers is an extremely important +matter because of the nature of their work and the homes into which +they go, and because their support depends so largely upon their +physical ability to work, no records apparently are kept by the +various employment agencies relative to the health of the workers. In +1899 out of 152 male and 395 female domestic workers in Philadelphia, +80 per cent of the men had not been ill during the year, and 74 per +cent of the women had not been ill during the year. This per cent of +good health excluded colds. The most prevalent disabilities among +them were: consumption, lagrippe, quinsy, sore throat, rheumatism, +neuralgia, chills and fever, and dyspepsia.<a name="FNanchor4_100" id="FNanchor4_100"></a><a href="#Footnote4_100" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> That there is much +opportunity for danger from infection incident to the ill-health of +domestic workers cannot be denied.<a name="FNanchor4_101" id="FNanchor4_101"></a><a href="#Footnote4_101" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> + +<p>Very careful note was taken for one week in March, 1922, of the health +of women domestic workers reporting at the United States Employment +Agency, Washington, D. C. It was not a typical week because of the +fact that it followed an epidemic of lagrippe. However, out of 1,043 +domestic workers, only 325 or about 31 per cent had not been ill +during that winter and had no complaint whatever. Lagrippe, surgical +operations, indigestion, heart trouble, weak back, and neuralgia were +the illnesses of which they most commonly complained.</p> + +<p>There were among the number above, five evident cases of mental +disturbance, one of which was taken to St. Elizabeth's Hospital +for observation and treatment. Another<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[Pg 433]</a></span> from the number had been +discharged from the same hospital after treatment for mental trouble. +This fact was not known by the Agency until an officer from the +hospital visited the woman at her place of work to see how she was +getting along. Three cases that were suspected of having tuberculosis +were referred as waitresses at different times to a public hospital, +at some risk of course to the reputation of the office, largely to see +what the reaction of the nurse in charge would be. In each case the +nurse reported that she could not use such a person about the food. +Yet such persons were taken into some of the most desirable homes in +Washington as household employees.</p> + + +<h4 class="normal"><i>Social Life of Negro Domestic Workers</i></h4> + +<p>The social life of the older domestic Negro workers centers largely in +their church and secret order society connections. From 1916 to 1920 +seven out of every eleven Negroes in the United States were enrolled +in churches. Many of them are willing to accept a place at a much +lower wage than another if it gives them their Sundays off so that +they may attend their churches.</p> + +<p>It is important then to see the scope of such organizations in Negro +city life. Kansas City, Missouri, with a Negro population in 1910 of +23,566, had 19 Negro churches and 16 Negro missions in 1913, with +a total membership of 7,156. In this city there were 135 different +lodges, or households (women's chapters), with a total membership +of 8,055, 4,226 men and 3,829 women. The average initiation fee in +the men's orders was $11.50 and in the women's $4.51 with additional +monthly dues of 50 cents and 25 cents respectively. Endowment +insurance policies of these lodges for which there is an annual fee +from $2 to $4 are for the most part optional. These 8,055 members pay +into their lodges annually $55,411.40. Their property in Kansas City +is valued at $46,100. Each of the 135 orders has sick benefits ranging +from $2.50 to $4.50 a week and all of them, with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[Pg 434]</a></span> one exception, pay +burial expenses in case of death.<a name="FNanchor4_103" id="FNanchor4_103"></a><a href="#Footnote4_103" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> In Harlem, New York, with a +Negro population of about 90,000 in 1920 there are 25 Negro churches +and about 16 missions. There are in this densely populated section six +moving picture theatres which cater largely to Negro patronage.<a name="FNanchor4_104" id="FNanchor4_104"></a><a href="#Footnote4_104" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> +Gainesville, Georgia, with a Negro population in 1910 of 1,629 had a +Negro church membership of 1,023. Five of the Negro lodges in that +city admit women, some of whom are members of several lodges.<a name="FNanchor4_105" id="FNanchor4_105"></a><a href="#Footnote4_105" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> In +the lodges composed as they are very largely of the masses of the +Negro people with a few of the more intelligent leaders as officers, +there are many possibilities for improving the efficiency of the +domestic workers.</p> + +<p>Just what is the social life of the younger Negro domestic workers, +many of whom are away from their own families, is a question. Of the +471 Negro domestic workers registered at the Indianapolis office, +about 44.5 per cent were rooming and only about 2.3 per cent were +living with parents or relatives. As possible attractions for such +workers there are the moving picture and low vaudeville theatres, +usually located in Negro neighborhoods, the pool and billiard rooms, +cabarets and questionable dance halls.</p> + +<p>Dr. Rubinow says that of 2,300 domestic white workers, a large +majority of whom were under 30 years of age, interviewed by the +Michigan Bureau of Labor, only 51 belonged to fraternal societies of +any kind. Of 230 questioned by the Domestic Relation Reform League, 20 +belonged to clubs and 15 to classes of some kind, and 118 entertained +no men callers. A domestic worker, he says, not only loses caste among +other groups of workers, but she loses at the hands of her employers +even her family name. She lives a life of loneliness, "in a family but +not of it."<a name="FNanchor4_106" id="FNanchor4_106"></a><a href="#Footnote4_106" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[Pg 435]</a></span></p> + + +<h4 class="normal"><i>Organization of Domestic Workers</i></h4> + +<p>In order to show concretely what domestic workers themselves have +attempted to do to improve their conditions, some discussion of their +organizations as an expression of that attempt is in place here. It +is not certain how many of these organizations are still active nor +how many have Negro members. Some of them have such members, no doubt. +However, three of them are composed entirely of Negroes.</p> + +<p>In Los Angeles, California, the "Progressive Household Club" with +a membership of 75 domestic workers is still active. This club was +organized primarily for the purpose of furnishing a cheerful and +welcome home for a domestic worker taking a rest or not employed +for a time. It has a self-supporting home which will accommodate +twenty-five girls. Their recreational and educational features are +not startling, as the secretary writes, but they enable the girls to +pass some cheerful hours out of their "humdrum" lives. This club was +among the 15 other domestic workers' clubs organized in 1919 and 1920. +In 1919 a Domestic Workers' Alliance with a membership of over 200, +affiliated with the Hotel Waitresses under the American Federation +of Labor, was granted a charter. During that year, the secretary of +Hotel and Restaurant Employees of the International Alliance and +International League of America reported that this organization had +established a domestic workers' union in each of the following cities: +Mobile, Alabama; Fort Worth, Texas; and Lawton, Oklahoma. A union of +domestic workers was also organized in Tulsa, Oklahoma, in 1919. The +following March a charter was granted to a domestic workers' union +in Richmond, Virginia.<a name="FNanchor4_107" id="FNanchor4_107"></a><a href="#Footnote4_107" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> In 1920 there were 10 unions of domestic +workers affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. These unions +were located in the following cities: Los Angeles and San Diego, +California; Brunswick, Georgia;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[Pg 436]</a></span> Chicago and Glencoe, Illinois; New +Orleans, Louisiana; Beaver Valley, Pennsylvania; Denison, Harrisburg, +and Houston, Texas. The New Orleans Union, a Negro organization, was +composed of about 200 members. All of these organizations have now +ceased to be affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. There +is, however, one union of domestic workers in Arecibo, Porto Rico, +affiliated with the American Federation of Labor.</p> + + +<h4 class="normal"><i>Relation of Negro Domestic Service to Employment Agencies</i></h4> + +<p>In view of the volume and extent of turn-over in domestic service, +employment agencies, especially in the North, East, and West, have a +close relationship to both employers and workers. A person in need +of domestic help secures it either by advertising in the help wanted +section of the newspapers, by applying to one or more employment +agencies, by means of inquiries among friends and acquaintances +who may have been a former employer of some available laborer, by +accepting some one who may by chance apply in person or by hiring a +former worker.</p> + +<p>In some of the southern cities where there is no local employment +agency, domestic workers are secured in all other of the +above-mentioned ways. For example, this condition prevails in +Montgomery, Alabama. Although the United States Employment Service, +the Department of Labor, and the Municipal Employment offices of +Birmingham and Mobile, Alabama, are co-operating, there is no State +license applying to local employment agencies except those soliciting +laborers to go outside of the State, according to a recent statement +from the Alabama Tax Commission. A like condition exists in the State +of Louisiana. Georgia, however, issues licenses to employment agencies +for domestic positions. In this State as in some others, there is no +law regulating the fee which an agency may charge either employer or +employee for service rendered. Neither Ohio, Pennsylvania, California, +nor Maryland, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[Pg 437]</a></span> several other States have such a fee regulated +by law. However, in Pennsylvania, every employment agent must file +with the commissioner for his approval a schedule of fees, proposed +to be charged for any service rendered to employer or employee, and +these may be changed only with the approval of the commissioner. +Every employment agent in this State is required to give a receipt to +any applicant for any money which the applicant pays him; and if an +applicant fails through no fault of his to secure a position to which +he is referred, the entire amount paid by such a person to the agent +is to be refunded. Such a law obtains in some other States.</p> + +<p>In Baltimore there are 50 employment agencies, mainly of a domestic +nature. The usual fee charged an employer, though not regulated by +law, is $2. An agency ordinarily agrees to supply an employer with +help for at least 30 days without additional cost.</p> + +<p>New York State issued in 1918, 674 licenses to employment agencies +engaged in various kinds of employment business. In 1919, 719 +employment agency licenses were issued; in 1920, 728 and in 1921, 788. +The law stipulates that the fees charged domestic work applicants by +employment agencies shall not in any case exceed ten per cent of the +first month's wages. If a domestic worker does not accept a position +to which he is referred or fails to obtain employment, the full amount +which he paid the agency is to be refunded after three days allowed +for obtaining facts. If an employee fails to remain one week in a +position, the agency is required to furnish the employer with a new +employee, or return 3.6 of the fee paid in by the employer, provided +the employer notifies the agency within thirty days of the failure +of the worker to accept the position or of the employee's discharge +for cause. If the employee is discharged within one week without his +fault, another position is furnished him or 3.5 of the fee returned.</p> + +<p>Employment agencies in New York State must also give receipts for +money paid them. Day workers receiving a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[Pg 438]</a></span> rate of $3.60 to $4.00 per +day each pay an initial fee of 50 cents to the agency furnishing +them with work. Employers of domestic labor pay the agency for one +month's service a flat rate of from $6 to $10 for general houseworkers +and from $3 to $5 for part-time workers. For a temporary laborer, +employers pay a fee of $1 and for a day worker they pay a fee of 50 +cents. For commercial and industrial placements an employee pays to +the agency 5 per cent of her first month's wage, but no charge is made +for the employer furnishing the work.</p> + +<p>The laws of Massachusetts regulating employment agencies of a domestic +nature are almost similar to those of New York State, the difference +in the main being in the size of the fees. In Massachusetts an +intelligence office keeper is entitled to receive from an applicant, +employer or employee, a fee of 25 per cent of the first week's wages; +and in case of day work a fee of 10 per cent of a day's pay. The +Michigan domestic employment agency fees for employee and employer are +about the same as that for New York State.</p> + +<p>In the District of Columbia, a domestic employment agency is entitled +to receive in advance from an employer $2 for each employee for at +least 30 days service, and from an applicant for work $1. One-half +of this fee is to be returned on demand if such applicant does not +have a fair opportunity of employment within 15 days from date of +payment. When an applicant actually receives employment at a wage of +$25 a month or more he pays the agency an additional $1. However, it +is a common practice among Washington employment agencies to have +applicants pay $2 in advance of securing a place for work. In the +light of the total amount of money paid in wages of domestic and +personal service, especially with such a heavy turnover, the fees +paid to employment agencies by both employers and employees evidently +amount to quite a considerable sum.</p> + +<p>Thirty years ago Miss Salmon in her study of domestic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[Pg 439]</a></span> service pointed +out, not only the exorbitant fees charged by employment agencies, but +the vice and crime nurtured by them.<a name="FNanchor4_108" id="FNanchor4_108"></a><a href="#Footnote4_108" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> In 1915 investigations of +Miss Kellor in Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Boston and other +cities brought out some more striking facts. In Philadelphia 84 per +cent of the employment agencies were in private residences and 3 per +cent of them were in business buildings. In New York 85 per cent of +these agencies were conducted in very close contact with the families +of the agents. In Chicago 81 per cent of them were in buildings +occupied by families. In Boston 73 per cent of the agencies were in +business buildings and only 27 per cent were in residences. The poor +business methods of many private intelligence offices, surrounded +by gambling dens, fortune tellers, palmists and midwives, and their +frauds are insignificant as compared with their conscious, deliberate +immorality. Miss Kellor says that many Negro intelligence offices are +hopelessly immoral but that some city authorities often argue that +since they do not affect the whites there is no reason for disturbing +them.<a name="FNanchor4_109" id="FNanchor4_109"></a><a href="#Footnote4_109" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> + +<p>The Third Biennial Report of the Department of Labor and Industry of +Maine for the year 1915-1916 contains a warning against employment +agencies collecting fees in excess of the law. This report recommends +that the important economic task of employment be taken out of +the hands of the agents and placed under management of the State. +A similar note was voiced by one of the committees of President +Harding's conference on unemployment.</p> + +<p>The large experience with both municipal and State offices and with +the United States Employment Service has given unmistakable evidence +that the recruiting and placement of labor is a public necessity and a +general benefit to the whole community. It can therefore well become +a matter conducted under public supervision and at public expense. +Domestic service, especially in large cities and particularly because +of the absence of organization and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[Pg 440]</a></span> group connection of the workers, +is especially in need of such public direction.</p> + + +<h3>Summary and Conclusions</h3> + +<p>From 1870 to 1900 there was an increase in the total number of persons +engaged in domestic and personal service in the United States. Since +that time there has been a steady decrease in the number so engaged. +Although Negroes have followed the general trend of increase and +decline, in proportion to their population, they furnish a larger +percentage of domestic workers than any other group in the United +States, the female workers outnumbering the male.</p> + +<p>The fact is also evident that Negroes are gradually entering trade +and transportation and manufacturing and mechanical pursuits. With +the existing conditions following the World War, and the present +restriction on immigration, the opportunities in these fields of +labor are enlarging and domestic and personal service workers are, +therefore, correspondingly decreasing.</p> + +<p>The ranks of the domestic service workers are being recruited to some +appreciable extent from the younger Negro women, between the ages of +16 and 24 years. The very young women and the old women are not the +most sought after by employers because of their inexperience on the +one hand, and on the other, their inability to do domestic work. The +problems of married women in domestic service are increasing because +of their family responsibilities and cares which make demands upon +their earnings and energy.</p> + +<p>The domestic labor turnover has increased the past thirty years. +During and since the World War, it has been so greatly accentuated +that the modal period of service is from 3 to 6 months. The length +of the period of service will perhaps become still shorter because +of the increasing opportunities in trade and transportation and in +manufacturing and mechanical pursuits.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[Pg 441]</a></span></p> + +<p>Provision for the training of domestic workers generally has been +meager, and in the case of Negro domestic workers it has been less +than that for them as a group. Since the World War greater attempts +have been made to extend training to domestic workers both in England +and the United States, the government in each of these countries +taking a small part in this extension of education. Training +especially for Negro domestic workers has been undertaken. Employment +agencies under government supervision, with the co-operation of +domestic service employers, offer possibilities for such training and +for the standardization of private household work. However, Negroes +with any appreciable degree of intelligence are not entering domestic +service as a permanent employment. This field in the United States is +being left largely to the untrained and inefficient.</p> + +<p>During the twenty years preceding the World War, very little advance +was made in the wages of domestic workers, but during the war their +wages increased about 150 per cent. Since the war, according to Dr. +King, while the decline in public domestic service wages has not been +as great as that in many other fields of employment, the average +earnings an hour in money wages of public domestic service workers are +still below those in a majority of the industries. Although there has +been an increase in wages of domestic service workers, their working +hours are longer than those of any other group of laborers.</p> + +<p>In some cities living conditions on employers' premises for domestic +workers are good, in others there is need of great improvement along +this line. However, with the increasing disinclination on the part +of the domestic workers to "sleep in" and the slowly growing public +interest in standardizing house work, this problem will in time be +solved. There has been much improvement in the working conditions of +domestic employees, but there is still need of much more.</p> + +<p>The indications are that little attention is paid to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[Pg 442]</a></span> health and +the social life of domestic workers. This neglect, especially of +the health of domestic workers, is no doubt fraught with dangerous +consequences, not only for themselves but for the homes and welfare of +the nation.</p> + +<p>That the social life of the older Negro domestic workers is supplied +at least to some extent in their churches is proved by the fact that +about seven out of every eleven Negroes in the United States are +enrolled as members of churches. Their interest in secret orders +is also shown by the number of members and the money spent in such +organizations. As social attractions for the younger domestic +employees, there are such places as dance halls, moving pictures, +pool and billiard rooms, and the like. The social stigma attached +to domestic service bars young domestic workers from many of the +entertainments of real value and benefit.</p> + +<p>Domestic workers in ten or more cities of the United States have +attempted to better their conditions by means of organized effort. The +organization in California is rendering real service to its members +through its home. With the present large percentage of domestic +workers who are rooming in the various cities, and the conditions +obtaining in many rooming houses connected with employment agencies, +there is urgent need of establishing clubs or homes for domestic +workers.</p> + +<p>Many private employment agencies in their relation to the homes of +the United States act as brokers. The fees charged both the employer +and the employee are generally exorbitant. The service rendered by +them is on the whole poor. The harm inflicted upon society by many of +them is irreparable. Public control of employment agencies has great +possibilities for social betterment.</p> + +<p class="author">Elizabeth Ross Haynes</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_65" id="Footnote4_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_65"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> This thesis was submitted in 1923 in partial fulfillment +of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of +Political Science of Columbia University.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_66" id="Footnote4_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_66"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Bruce, <i>Economic History of Virginia in the 17th +Century</i>, Vol. I, p. 573.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_67" id="Footnote4_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_67"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Century Dictionary and Cyclopedia.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_68" id="Footnote4_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_68"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The following works were found helpful in preparing +this dissertation: W. A. Crossland, <i>Industrial Conditions Among +Negroes in St. Louis</i> (<i>Studies in Social Economics</i>, Washington +Univ., Vol. I, No. 1, St. Louis, 1914); Isabel Eaton, <i>Special Report +on Domestic Service</i> in <span class="smcap">The Philadelphia Negro</span> by W. E. B. +DuBois (Philadelphia, 1899); George E. Haynes, <i>The Negro at Work in +New York City</i> (New York, 1912); Frances A. Kellor, <i>Out of Work</i>; +<i>Knickerbocker Press</i> (New York, 1904); W. I. King, <i>Employment, +Hours and Earnings in the United States, 1920-1922</i>; Asa E. Martin, +<i>Our Negro Population</i> (Kansas City, 1913); <i>Monthly Labor Review</i> +(U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1919-1920); Ruth Reed, <i>The Negro +Women of Gainsville, Georgia</i> (1921—A Master's Essay—Phelps Stokes +Fund Scholarship); <i>Report of U. S. Industrial Commission, Domestic +Service</i>, Vol. XIV; I. M. Rubinow, <i>Depth and Breadth of the Servant +Problem</i> (McClures Magazine, Vol. 34, 1909-1910); Lucy M. Salmon, +<i>Domestic Service</i> (New York, 1901).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_69" id="Footnote4_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_69"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>Report of the U. S. Industrial Commission</i>, Vol. XIV. +<span class="smcap">Domestic Service</span>, p. 745.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_70" id="Footnote4_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_70"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Salmon, Lucy M., <i>Domestic Service</i>, p. 109.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_71" id="Footnote4_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_71"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Eaton, Isabel, <i>Special Report on Domestic Service</i> in +<span class="smcap">The Philadelphia Negro</span>, by W. E. B. DuBois, Philadelphia, +1889, p. 480.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_72" id="Footnote4_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_72"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Haynes, George E., <i>The Negro at Work in New York City</i>, +New York, 1918, p. 85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_73" id="Footnote4_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_73"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Crossland, W. A., <i>Industrial Conditions among Negroes in +St. Louis</i>, St. Louis, 1914, p. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_74" id="Footnote4_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_74"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Reed, Ruth, <i>The Negro Women of Gainesville, Georgia, +1921</i>, p. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_75" id="Footnote4_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_75"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics, Springfield +Report</i>, 1915-1918.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_76" id="Footnote4_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_76"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> U. S. Department of Labor, <i>Monthly Labor Review</i>, Aug., +1919, p. 206.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_77" id="Footnote4_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_77"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Reed, Ruth, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_78" id="Footnote4_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_78"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Crossland, William A., <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p class="center sc"><a name="Footnote4_79" id="Footnote4_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_79"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Three Sample Letters of the 5th Grade Domestic +Workers of Washington, D. C.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Miss X (The agent)</p> + +<p> +Dear Friend i am sorry to any that i am confind to bed this week +but hope to see you again some day i taken sick last friday but i +full fill that other place all right but could not go out saturday. +</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Daisy</i></p> + +<p> +Daer Mrs. X (The agent) daer Madam can you get my husban are job +in are lunch room cafe boarding or apt. house he is are well +exspierence sheref cook we both would like are job together if +could get me are dash (dish) wash place please maggie. +</p> + +<p class="center"><i>Letter from Bell Jones</i></p> + +<p> +Dear Mrs. X (the agent) i am writing you a fue lines to let you +here from me i am the lady you got me a home with Mrs. Jones at +Smithburg, Md I have a little boy with me you know by the name +of Bell Jones i dont want to stay up here much longer and i want +you to get me a good home down in Washington for me and my little +boy with some good white people with no children and a room in +the house for me and my little boy my little boy is a mighty good +little boy he is not noisy i want to leave sept. 4 i am tired of +this place because there is no cullard people up here they are +all white i have not been off the lot since i have been out here +please get me a good home dont let it be out of town. +</p> + +<p class="right">Yours Bell Jones</p> +</blockquote> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_80" id="Footnote4_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_80"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Salmon, Lucy M., <i>Domestic Service</i>, p. 124.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_81" id="Footnote4_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_81"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> U. S. Industrial Commission Report, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 751.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p class="center sc"><a name="Footnote4_82" id="Footnote4_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_82"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Three Sample References for Domestic Workers, New +York City</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="ltr-date">July 14, 1921.</p> +<p>Winchester Ave., Bronx, N. Y.</p> +<p>To Whom it may Concern:</p> +<p> +Doris X has been in my employ and performed her duties +satisfactory. She is honest and capable. +</p> +<p class="right">Signed ——</p> +</blockquote> + +<p> +The following person had two reference blanks containing the same +questions filled out by her former employers. She had been a child's +nurse in the first position and nurse-maid in the second. +</p> + +<div class="center"> +<table width="100%" summary="Reference Blanks"> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="center"><i>First Blank.</i><br />January 27, 1923.</td><td class="center"><i>Second Blank.</i><br />Jan. 30, 1923.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Is she honest?</td><td class="left">Exceptionally so</td><td class="left">Yes</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Is she temperate?</td><td class="left">Yes</td><td class="left">Yes</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Is she neat?</td><td class="left">Yes</td><td class="left">Yes</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">What of her disposition?</td><td class="left">Best I have ever seen</td><td class="left">Wonderful</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top">Does she thoroughly understand her work?</td><td class="left bottom">Yes</td><td class="left bottom">Yes</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top">Why did she leave?</td><td class="left top">Presumably to be near her husband</td><td class="left top">Because she was tired of permanence and had a chance to go to the states with our friend</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="3">Remarks—Her services with our family for five years have always been most satisfactory.</td></tr> +</table></div> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_83" id="Footnote4_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_83"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Haynes, George E., <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p class="center sc"><a name="Footnote4_84" id="Footnote4_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_84"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Five Sample References for Domestic Workers and one +Letter from an Employer, Washington, D. C.</p> +<p class="ltr-date">Woodford Land, Va.</p> +<p> +Lillie worked for me for a long time and she is a nice worker and a +fine cook and she worked for Mrs. —— three years going on four, and +she got married there with them and she worked for Mrs. —— and she +nursed Mrs. ——'s three children. +</p> +<p class="right">From Mrs. ——</p> + +<p> +The following reference is for Fannie B.—who, evidently half crazy, +changed her name after registering at the Washington office because +she said she had so many "Enemons" (enemies). +</p> +<p>To Whom in May Concern:</p> +<p> +This is to certify that Fannie B has been a trustworthy maid. As to +her honesty none come no better. She is very capable and in general +very satisfactory. +</p> + +<p class="right">Mrs. ——</p> + +<p>To Whom it May Concern:</p> +<p> +This is to say that Sarah —— has been in my employ 8 months and that +she is a good cook, tries hard to please, and has been nice always to +the children. +</p> +<p> +She has been honest and reliable and likes to try new or fancy dishes. +</p> + +<p class="right">Signed——Mrs. E. M.</p> + +<p> +(The foregoing Mrs. E. M.'s name and telephone number were given to +another lady who had interviewed Sarah relative to offering her a +position, Mrs. E. M. told the second lady that Sarah once stole things +but she had had a good lesson so she thought she would not steal any +more. She also said that Sarah was none too clean, and that she gave +the girl the above reference because she thought she had improved +greatly.) +</p> +<p> +Sarah Jackson held a domestic worker's certificate bearing the golden +seal of a Washington, D. C., Federation of Women's Club. +</p> +<p> +The X Federation of Women's Clubs awards this certificate to Sarah +Jackson for 13 years faithful service in the employ of —— +</p> + +<p class="indent15">Signed,</p> +<p class="indent10">Mrs. —— President,<br /> +Mrs. —— Chairman Home Economics Dept.</p> + +<p> +Robert and wife, each about 40 years of age, bring this written +reference from a southern town: +</p> +<p> +This is to certify that I have known "Shine" and his wife for about a +year, during which time he has been running a shoe shine establishment +in this town. "Shine" is a steady, alert, energetic boy and I feel +sure he will please his employer in the work in which he is given a +trial. +</p> + +<p class="right">Signed, H. C. L.</p> + +<p>(Letter to the Employment Agent from an Employer.)</p> +<p>My dear Mrs. X.</p> +<p> +I fear you think I am very hard to please but having had a butler for +38 years, since dead, a maid and a cook 32 years, since married, it +cannot seem that I am, when I once get the right one. +</p> +<p> +The last girl you sent me Anna by name disliked very much being +directed or being spoken to. I am giving her up for she has a most +violent temper, the most impertinent person I have ever seen. In a way +I am sorry for her. None of us think she is all there. Will you try +again for me?</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p class="center sc"><a name="Footnote4_85" id="Footnote4_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_85"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Typical Examples of Inefficiency among Washington, +D. C., Domestic Applicants</p> +<p> +(1) A day worker—laundress—not knowing how to cut off the current +and unscrew the wringer on an electric washing machine, when a garment +wrapped around the cogs, ruined the cogs by trying to cut the garment +from between them. +</p> +<p> +(2) A day worker—one of the best laundresses—hurrying to finish her +work placed her hands on a revolving electric machine tub, both arms +were carried beneath the tub and had not the current been speedily +cut, her arms would have been crushed. As it was the tubs had to be +cut in order to extricate her arms. After that she was afraid to use +an electric washing machine. +</p> +<p> +(3) To ask at the office in a group of from 200 to 250 women for a +first class laundress—one who knew how to fold the clothes just so +after they were ironed as well as wash them out according to rule—and +not find one who felt that she could do the work properly was a common +occurrence. +</p> +<p> +(4) A young woman sent out to do general housework and cooking cut +the bone out of a 3½ pound sirloin steak which she fried up into +such bits that it was not recognized by her employer. When she was +questioned about it, she said "that is every bit of that steak. You +did not expect me to cook bone and all, did you?" +</p> +<p> +(5) A young girl sent out to do general housework and cooking when +questioned by her employer about the kinds of dessert she could make, +said she sure could make jello but was not so good at making other +desserts. +</p> +<p> +(6) The rank and file of general houseworkers looked upon making salad +dressing and salads as an art belonging to fine cooks. Many said they +had never tried to make bread of any kind. +</p> +<p> +(7) An elderly cook who had been at the business for 50 years wished +cooking and cooking only. Her price was $75 per month. That's what she +"ingenally" got. When she was asked if she could read or write she +said she could not. She had never been to school a day in her life, +but she realized that cooking is tedious work. "Everything I does, +I does by my head; its all brain work, you see I has a good 'eal to +remember," said she. However, she felt confident that she could cook +anything that was put before her to cook. +</p> +<p> +(8) A young woman sent out to do cleaning left the print of her hand +greasy with furniture oil in a freshly papered wall.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_86" id="Footnote4_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_86"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Salmon, Lucy M., <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 123.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_87" id="Footnote4_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_87"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Industrial Commission Report</i>, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 1901.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_88" id="Footnote4_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_88"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Eaton, Isabel, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 486.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_89" id="Footnote4_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_89"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Haynes, G. E., <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 87.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_90" id="Footnote4_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_90"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Eaton, Isabel, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 449.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_91" id="Footnote4_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_91"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Salmon, Lucy, <i>Domestic Service</i>, p. 90.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_92" id="Footnote4_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_92"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> **Transcriber's Note: No footnote text in original.**</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_93" id="Footnote4_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_93"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Eaton, Isabel, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 447-449.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_94" id="Footnote4_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_94"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Haynes, George E., <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_95" id="Footnote4_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_95"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Haynes, George E., <i>unpublished data</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_96" id="Footnote4_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_96"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Haynes, George E., <i>unpublished data</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_97" id="Footnote4_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_97"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> King, W. I., <i>Employment, Hours and Earnings in the +United States, 1920-1922</i>, Chap. V, pp. 5, 19; Chap. IV, p. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_98" id="Footnote4_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_98"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Salmon, Lucy M., <i>op. cit.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_99" id="Footnote4_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_99"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> <i>Monthly Labor Review</i>, U. S. Bureau of Labor +Statistics, August, 1920, p. 212.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_100" id="Footnote4_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_100"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Eaton, Isabel, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 495.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_101" id="Footnote4_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_101"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Reed, Ruth, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><span class="label">[36]</span> Haynes, George E., <i>unpublished data</i>, 1921.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_103" id="Footnote4_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_103"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Martin, Asa E., <i>Our Negro Population</i>, Kansas City, +1913, pp. 180, 143.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_104" id="Footnote4_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_104"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Haynes, Geo. E., <i>unpublished data</i>, 1921.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_105" id="Footnote4_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_105"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Reed, Ruth, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_106" id="Footnote4_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_106"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Rubinow, I. M., <i>Depth and Breadth of the Servant +Problem</i>, <i>McClure's Magazine</i>, Vol. 34, p. 576, 1909-1910</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_107" id="Footnote4_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_107"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Monthly Labor Review</i>, U. S. Bureau of Labor +Statistics, Aug., 1919, p. 212, May, 1920, p. 116.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_108" id="Footnote4_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_108"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Salmon, Lucy M., <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 115.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_109" id="Footnote4_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_109"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Kellor, Frances A., <i>Out of Work</i>, pp. 197, 222, 225, +229.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[Pg 443]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>DOCUMENTS</h2> + +<h3>Documents and Comments on Benefit of Clergy as Applied to +Slaves</h3> + + +<p>The following transcripts from the records of the Superior Court of +Richmond County, North Carolina, illustrate the application of benefit +of clergy to slaves charged with and found guilty of crimes punishable +with death.<a name="FNanchor4_110" id="FNanchor4_110"></a><a href="#Footnote4_110" class="fnanchor">[A]</a></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center"><i>Fall Term 1828</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min80" summary="Fall Term 1828"> +<tr><td class="center">State</td><td class="center">}</td><td class="center" rowspan="4">Burglary</td><td class="center">{</td><td class="center">Pleads "not Guilty"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center">vs</td><td class="center">}</td><td class="center">{</td><td class="center">The following</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center">George (A Slave)</td><td class="center">}</td><td class="center">{</td><td class="center">Jury Empaneled therein</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="center"> </td><td class="center">{</td><td class="left">(Viz) (1) Cyrus Bennet</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(2) Alen Shaw</td><td class="left">(3) Try McFarland</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(4) Wade LeGrand</td><td class="left">(5) George Wright</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(6) James Covington</td><td class="left">(7) William Crowson</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(8) Thos. B. Blewett</td><td class="left">(9) Israel Watkins</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(10) Risdon Nichols</td><td class="left">(11) Lenard Webb</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(12) Hampton Covington—</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Who find the Prisoner "not Guilty" of Burglary in manner and Form +as charged in the Bill of Ind't'm't But guilty of Grand Larceny....</p> + +<p>The Prisoner appeared at the Bar and being asked by the Court +If he had any thing to say why Sentence of Death should not be +pronounced against him, Answered by Council praying the benefit of +his Clergy. Which was allowed him by the Court & adjudged that he +receive THIRTY NINE lashes on his Bare Back & stand committed till +his Master enter into recognisance of $200 for his good behavior +for the Space of Twelve months & pay cost of Prosecution.... +Sentence to be Carried into effect on Tomorrow at 4 Oclock P. M.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[Pg 444]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center"><i>Fall Term 1828</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min80" summary="Fall Term 1828"> +<tr><td class="center">State</td><td class="center">}</td><td class="center" rowspan="3">No. 19<br />Burglary</td><td class="center">{</td><td class="center">Pleads "Not Guilty"</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center">vs</td><td class="center">}</td><td class="center">{</td><td class="left">The following Jury</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center">Dennis (a Slave)</td><td class="center">}</td><td class="center">{</td><td class="left">empanelled & sworn</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left"> </td><td class="center"> </td><td class="center"> </td><td class="center">{</td><td class="left">(1) James Meacham</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(2) George Wright</td><td class="left">(3) John Gibson</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(4) Silas Jones</td><td class="left">(5) Lemuel Chance</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(6) Wilie Chance</td><td class="left">(7) Thomas Bostick</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(8) Ananias Graham</td><td class="left">(9) James LeGrand</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(10) Elias Pate</td><td class="left">(11) Hugh McLean</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(12) George Hunesucker ...</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Who find the Dfd't not guilty of the Burglary as charged in the +Bill of Indtmt; but guilty of Grand Larceny....</p> + +<p>The prisoner appeared at the Bar and being asked by the Court +If he had any thing to say why sentence of death should not be +pronounced against him; replied by his Council, praying the +Benefit of his Clergy; which was allowed; and the prisoner Dennis, +to be taken to the Whipping Post and receive Thirty nine lashes on +his Bare Back. Sentence to be carried into effect at 4 O'clock P. +M. on Saturday.</p> +</blockquote> + +<blockquote> +<p class="center"><i>Spring Term 1832</i></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table class="min80" summary="Spring Term 1832"> +<tr><td class="center">State</td><td class="center">}</td><td class="center" rowspan="3">No. 19<br />Burglary</td><td class="center">{</td><td class="left">The following Jury</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center">vs</td><td class="center">}</td><td class="center">{</td><td class="left">empanelled & sworn—viz.</td></tr> +<tr><td class="center">Harry (a Slave)</td><td class="center">}</td><td class="center">{</td><td class="left">(1) Alexander Shaw</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(2) Cyrus Bennet</td><td class="left">(3) Try McFarland</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(4) George Wright</td><td class="left">(5) Silas Jones</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(6) John Gibson</td><td class="left">(7) Barton C. Everett</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(8) William Everett</td><td class="left">(9) Jno McAlister</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(10) William Strickland</td><td class="left">(11) Francis T. Leak</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left" colspan="4">(12) Peter H. Cole</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Who find the Dfdt guilty in manner and form as charged in the Bill +of Indictment.</p> + +<p>The Prisoner appearing at the Bar, being asked by the Court if he +had any thing to say why sentence of Death should not be heaped +against him, replied through his Council praying the Benefit of +his Clergy.... Which was allowed ... and he was sentenced to be +carried to the whipping Post and there to receive Twenty Lashes on +his bare Back.... Sentence to be carried into effect at 4 Oclock +this afternoon.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Investigation of the law pertaining to benefit of clergy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[Pg 445]</a></span> in the +slave-holding States reveals the following facts. It existed for a +longer or shorter time in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas, +Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Kentucky, Arkansas, and Missouri. +Slaves were admitted to benefit of clergy in Virginia in 1732, and +although the privilege was abolished as it applied to free persons +in 1796, it remained legal for slaves until 1848. Likewise Kentucky +withdrew the privilege from whites in 1798 but did not deny it to +slaves until 1852. Alabama admitted slaves to benefit of clergy in +1805, but in 1807 all laws, customs and usages relating to Benefit of +Clergy were abolished. Slaves were admitted to the privilege in North +Carolina in 1816, and it was not denied them until benefit of clergy +was abolished in 1854. In the other slave-holding States slaves were +not admitted to benefit of clergy by statute but a law of Maryland +of 1751 which imposed the death penalty on slaves without benefit of +clergy implies that the privilege prevailed there through custom. +Benefit of clergy was abolished in Maryland in 1809, in Georgia in +1817, in Mississippi in 1822, in Arkansas in 1838, in Delaware in +1852, in Missouri in 1845, and in South Carolina some time during the +reconstruction period.</p> + +<p>An interesting feature of benefit of clergy was its relation to the +amelioration of the criminal law. In this respect there is a parallel +between English and American practice. The English statute of 1706 (5 +Anne 6) provided that "if any person shall be convicted of any such +felony, for which he ought to have had the benefit of his clergy, if +this act had not been made, and shall pray to have the benefit of this +act, he shall not be required to read, but without reading, shall be +allowed, taken and reputed to be, and punished as, a clerk convict, +which shall be as effectual to all intents and purposes, and be as +advantageous to him, as if he had read as a clerk; anything in this +act, or any other law or statute, to the contrary notwithstanding." +Thus benefit of clergy was extended to all classes in England.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[Pg 446]</a></span></p> + +<p>A few years later Delaware adopted the principle of the English +statute: "that if any person convicted of any such felony as is hereby +made capital, for which he ought by the laws of Great Britain to have +the benefit of clergy, and shall pray to have the benefit of this +act; he shall not be required to read, but without any reading shall +be allowed, taken and reputed, and punished as a clerk convict," +etc. Likewise Virginia in 1732 adopted the application of benefit +of clergy as laid down in the statute of Anne: "and if any person +be convicted of a felony, for which he ought to have the benefit of +clergy, and shall pray to have the benefit of this act, he shall not +be required to read, but without any reading, shall be allowed, taken, +and reputed to be, and punished as a clerk convict; which shall be as +effectual, to all intents and purposes, and as advantageous to him +as if he had read as a clerk; and any other law or statute, to the +contrary notwithstanding." Thus, in the language of Pike, "a relic of +extreme barbarism" became "the first step towards a modification of +the previous laws which deprived a man of his life by a brutal mode +of execution for a very petty transaction." (<i>A History of Crime in +England</i>, II, 281.)</p> + +<p>Another parallel between English and American experience was in the +abolition of benefit of clergy. In Virginia and Kentucky it was denied +to free persons when servitude in a penitentiary was substituted for +most of the older penalties for felonies. These states anticipated the +policy of England, for benefit of clergy was not there abolished and +service in workhouses substituted for existing penalties until 1827. +The Virginia policy adopted in 1796 was due to some extent to the +example of Pennsylvania which revised its penal system in 1786. The +abolition of benefit of clergy in most of the other Southern States +was contemporaneous with revisions of the criminal codes.</p> + +<p>But given a penal system in which imprisonment was the principal +feature, it was not advantageous to the slave-owner or to the State +to give prison sentences to slaves.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[Pg 447]</a></span> And here the ghost of benefit +of clergy would not down. In place of imprisonment the slave was +usually corporally punished. In the language of the Alabama statute of +1807, "when any negro or mulatto whatsoever shall be convicted of any +offense not punishable with death by this act, ... he or she shall be +burnt in the hand by the sheriff in open court or suffer such other +corporal punishment as the court shall think fit to inflict." Likewise +Mississippi in 1822 enacted that "if any negro or mulatto slave was +convicted of felony not punishable with death, such negro or mulatto +should be burnt in the hand and suffer such other corporal punishment +as the court should think fit to inflict, except when he or she shall +be convicted of a second offense of the same nature, in which case +such negro or mulatto slave shall suffer death." Most interesting are +the laws of two States in which benefit of clergy was not provided +for. According to the Black Code of Louisiana when slaves were charged +with crimes punishable with death or hard labor for life, the jury +might at its discretion commute the death penalty and inflict a lesser +punishment. In Florida a slave guilty of crime punishable with death +might at the discretion of the court suffer instead a whipping not +exceeding thirty-nine lashes, have his ears nailed to a post and stand +one hour, and be burned in the hand.</p> + +<p>In the light of the documents quoted and the statutes cited the +statement so frequently made that benefit of clergy disappeared in +America at the time of the Revolution, and the dictum of an Indiana +judge that "it is unknown to our laws" (I Blackford 63), can not be +taken at their face value.</p> + +<p class="author">Wm. K. Boyd</p> +<p class="sc"> +Trinity College,<br /> +Durham, N. C.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_110" id="Footnote4_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_110"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> These documents were collected by Prof. Wm. K. Boyd, of +Trinity College, Durham, North Carolina.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[Pg 448]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>COMMUNICATIONS</h2> + + +<p>The following from Mr. A. P. Vrede of Paramaribo, Surinam, Dutch +Guiana, South America, will be informing and interesting to persons +interested in missions as a factor in the uplift of the race:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center sc">Cornelius Winst Blyd</p> + +<p class="center"><i>The First Negro Presbyter in Surinam</i></p> + +<p class="ltr-date"><span class="sc">Paramaribo</span>, Feb. 5, 1923.</p> + +<p><i>Dear Sir:</i></p> + +<p>Likewise as in 1861 the Freedman Association sprang up for aid for +the enlightenment of the freed blacks on American soil, so in the +epoch from 1738 to 1818 did the missionaries of the Evangelical +Brother's Union take upon their shoulders the burden of the +enslaved blacks on Surinam. Then, too, their way was not always +paved with roses. No they had to face the same mockery, the same +martyrdom. They were jailed, despised because for the slaves to +remain in their ignorance was favorable to the filling of their +"masters" purses.</p> + +<p>Let us go back to the year 1850 to see what had been happening +on one of the plantations situated on the beach of the Matapica. +On these plantations, there we found the administrator, Mr. +Rouse, in charge of the plantation administration, busy in +making arrangements for transportation of the properties of the +plantation, nicknamed by the slaves, "Domiri," to upper Surinam, +to the plantation St. Barbara. Among the properties over which +Mr. Rouse's superintendenceship extended, we found among living +stock a slave family, Father Dami, his wife bearing the name of +Ma Jetty, but better known by the name of Ma Jetty of Domiri, so +called because her birth-place is Domiri. Father Dami and Jetty +had two daughters, the one called Christina and the other, known +in slave registration by name of Wilhelmina. So it was on a windy +morning of the dry season, that we found this little family. They, +too, were occupied with the removal of the plantation properties. +It was a busy day. The rays of the sun pierced the backs of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[Pg 449]</a></span> +slaves. Their bodies glimmered in their going to and fro as rubbed +black-ebony wood furniture.</p> + +<p>When the work was over, we left Domiri with its slave caravan +for St. Barbara. St. Barbara as aforesaid situated on the upper +Surinam the main-stream of the colony Surinam. Entering Mr. +Rouse's new dominion from the rear we found the slaves uncommonly +active, so different from that they had displayed for a time ago +at Domiri.—They were jolly about the coming emancipation days. +As we were wandering along the slaves' cabin-rows, it was then +July 19, 1860, we heard a baby cry. Turning our heads toward +where the voice had been coming from, we detected that it came +from the cabin inhabited by the family headed by Father Dami. We +walked into, found that Wilhelmina, Dami's daughter, had added +to her family a male member. There he lay down sprawling on the +floor in pieces of rag clothes used for his bed and pillow. But +this child will grow up to become a distinguished man among his +people, a shepherd to watch over his flock. Winst, or Profit, +the administrator, Mr. Rouse, called him. One would try to solve +that puzzle of nomenclature in those days. But we know and +understand it now better. It was the time when the administrator +was expecting to get for every slave three hundred guilders on +the emancipation day. So we may suppose that this was done, as a +profit upon his debit on the government account. Let us now see +what became of that slave child Winst.</p> + +<p>Cornelis Winst Blyd was born of slave parents, as stated above, +on the plantation St. Barbara July 19, 1860. He was the son of +Wilhelmina, a daughter of Father Dami. Besides Winst, his mother +had two other sons. It came to pass that when Winst's mother +Wilhelmina died, survived by her three sons, they were put +under care of their Aunt Christina. Blyd, his brothers and Aunt +afterward moved into town. His aunt placed Blyd in one of the +Moravian mission boarding schools for boys, formerly known as +"Amtri" School. It was desired that after he should finish his +literary training he should be instructed in the handicraft of +carpentry. So he was brought in to Mr. Ammon, the carpenter well +renowned in the colony for furniture.</p> + +<p>But this was not the way traced for him by our Lord. So they took +him from Mr. Ammon to the "Central School" a former preparatory +boarding school for teachers. Blyd, with his pious, gentle and +sincere character, had won in no time the friendship of everyone +who inhabited the institution. His educational instruction in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[Pg 450]</a></span> +the Bible was received from Rev. E. A. Renkemir. For song he was +trained by Mr. Batenburg. In the classroom of the normal school +for teachers, he was one of the beloved pupils of Dr. H. D. +Benjamin, then the Inspector of the Board of Education in Surinam. +Blyd had in competition among his fellow classmates held by his +teachers, distinguished himself as a remarkable student in solving +Bible questions. So we see he showed more inclination to the +clergy and to become a minister than a school teacher. But in that +time no natives were exalted to the order of preacher. So Blyd +became a teacher.</p> + +<p>Blyd followed his occupation as a teacher in several districts of +the colony. His first field of operation was on the plantation, +Berger Dal, one of the largest Negro settlements in Surinam. We +may mention here an uproar that took place during his stay there. +These will make us a little acquainted with his sincere and pious +character. It came to pass, one day after school hours, two school +boys got to quarreling about a pocket-knife. The quarrel became +so noisy that the family of both the boys were coming up with +hatchet, walking-stick and some more murderous weapons. So much +feeling had then developed that the uproar would not have been +prevented had not Mr. Blyd undertaken this difficult task and by +his unusual moral power brought both parties to reflection. After +a reprimand in well chosen words the quarrel was suppressed.</p> + +<p>When Mr. Blyd later moved to plantation Wederzorg, situated on +the Commewyne river, he then got permission from the Director of +the Mission in Surinam, to lead now and then the church service. +But these all were for Blyd merely as forerunner to reach his +mile-stone. At the plantation Alkmaar, he came into touch with the +Rev. Mr. Kersten, and it was not long before this man detected in +Mr. Blyd a preacher of power. Blyd's impression made upon Rev. Mr. +Kersten was so favorable that soon in 1899, the Mission Director +in Surinam decided to appoint him as sub-preacher. And once the +words spoken by the old Rev. Mr. Haller (white) became truth. He +had said to Mr. Blyd "You should try to train yourself for the +uplift of your fellow race-men, and to teach them the words of +our living God." In the year 1902 Mr. Blyd was ordained to the +order of deacon, and from that time, his name as a preacher was +established.</p> + +<p>Rev. Mr. Blyd had to wrestle with many storms that touched his +social life. There came upon him the bad deportment of his two +sons. He who knows the battle which he had to fight, brought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[Pg 451]</a></span> upon +him by his sons' evil deeds, will find in him, the preacher of +God, a true and sincere knight of our Lord. Rev. Mr. Blyd sought +in his hours of these temptations his refuge on his Savior knees +and he always was consoled. Many had wondered at his patience +and long suffering amid these storms of life. But this man, the +preacher by the grace of God, the sincere Christian in the full +sense of the word, had as his encouragement, that had been giving +him consolation and confidence: "The Lord shall provide, be still +my soul."</p> + +<p>Rev. Mr. Blyd's sermons were of an uncommon sort. Never would one +part from his service not being touched in the depths of his inner +life. His sermons were delivered in Dutch and Negro-English. They +were a splendor of oratory. In spite of all of these, however, +Rev. Mr. Blyd still retained his humility, without overrating +himself. His words won many hearts, even many a stranger. Among +them we may count Bishop Hamilton, High Commissioner of the +Moravian Board of Missions in England. In 1913, the year of the +celebration of the Fifty Emancipation Anniversary, the Mission +Director in Surinam decided to send Rev. Mr. Blyd to Europe, to +the Netherlands, our mother country, to represent the black race. +Rev. Mr. Blyd traveled also throughout Germany and Denmark. There +in Europe, he came into touch with several notables.</p> + +<p>He won many friends by his sermon preached at the celebration of +the mission feast at Utrecht in the Netherlands as attested by H. +M. Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands. Many ministers with the +degree of Doctor of Divinity had addressed the audience on that +occasion. After them Rev. Mr. Blyd rose from his seat to walk +to the pulpit for he was being given a turn. When he was on the +way to the pulpit, a white minister hastened to offer to him a +minister's gown, but the man Blyd kept his simplicity and refused +to accept it.<a name="FNanchor4_111" id="FNanchor4_111"></a><a href="#Footnote4_111" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> After the service everyone longed to cheer and +greet the black minister. By hundreds and thousands they crowded +themselves to see him pass. Photographers were busy taking his +photo. To and fro they went to ask for a picture of the black +minister. Rev. Mr. Blyd had made a deep impression upon H. M. +Queen Wilhelmina, and under the emotion that Rev. Mr. Blyd had +caused H. M. the Queen, he was invited by Her Majesty to deliver a +sermon at the court, attended by all H. M. court representatives.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[Pg 452]</a></span> +Rev. Mr. Blyd was later invited to dinner at H. M. residence at +Hagen, and he sat at the same table near by H. M. the Queen. This +extraordinary event took place after his traveling from North +Europe.</p> + +<p>His love for his native land will be illustrated by the following +event. It was at H. M. Queen Wilhelmina's residence that this took +place. When the Queen put before him this question: "Reverend +Mr. Blyd," H. M. turning to him, "which of the two places do you +prefer? The Netherlands or Denmark?" And without hesitation he +answered the Queen's question in his simple words: "Your Majesty, +East, West, home is best!"</p> + +<p>Rev. Mr. Blyd surrounded by all these courtesies has never forgot +his race. He took the opportunity to bring before the Queen the +needs of his people. He had made also his entrance at the courts +of Germany and Denmark. In Denmark he was received with great +enthusiasm and great homage. He had so impressed the clergy of +Denmark that they made efforts to retain him for the order in that +country. But the man with his humble character chose above all to +serve among his own people. In Germany he had held several street +meetings. A white eye-witness, now in the colony, told about the +impression Rev. Mr. Blyd made upon his hearers. He said that the +longer he lived the more he learned from Rev. Mr. Blyd.</p> + +<p>During Rev. Mr. Blyd's sojourn in Europe the mission authorities +were offered a better opportunity to study his character. And so +this led to the conclusion to exalt him to the order of presbyter. +This event took place before a large audience when he was +returning to the Colony.</p> + +<p>Alas! the poor slave boy, Cornelis Winst Blyd, with his unlimited +energy traced his way from the slave cabin to kings and queens' +palaces. From body bondage to liberty of spirit and body—raised +to the highest order of Protestant dignity, the order which no man +of his color in the Colony has since attained.</p> + +<p>Of the literature which Rev. Mr. Blyd has left, we may mention +here his well-styled booklet: "Superstition in Surinam." Therein +he has showed a great capacity as a writer. In this booklet he +warned his people of the devil's sacrifice—the fetishism and the +belief in witchcraft, an African religion transplanted here in the +colony by their ancestors from Africa. His effort in doing so was +only as he has said, to release his people from the chains of such +an empty religion.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[Pg 453]</a></span></p> + +<p>It was on April 12, 1921, that the Colony was shocked from its +foundation. People stood in groups, heads sadly bent. Black clouds +now and then saluted in snow-white rainy cloud, to regain after a +few moments their original ash-grey color. Rev. Mr. Blyd, nursed +in the Military Hospital, had passed away. The sickness that +had ended his life so suddenly had returned. It was known that +physically his body was overpowered by a disease. But none had +expected his end so suddenly. On Sunday he had delivered his last +sermon. In the week when his sickness had become more serious they +decided to take him to the Military Hospital at Paramaribo for a +careful nursing. But his end was at hand.</p> + +<p>The day of his burial, a funeral-service was conducted by the +Rev. Dr. Muller. It would require too much space in this Journal +to note here all that he spoke on that occasion. But I shall note +here some passages. Dr. Muller said: "He was one of the most +popular and loveliest personalities among our society. He was +the first among his co-workers. Everyone respected his name with +deep respect, the young as well as the aged. He stood for better +days above all parties; above all difference of color, sect and +confession. He was the man that won the general confidence of the +Colony.</p> + +<p>"Yea! he was a man loved by all, respected by his own people the +black, as well as by white. His name will live forever in the +hearts of his people, friends and all. His name is holy for young +and old. His wandering upon this earth was a guide to and for many +in this Colony. He was simplicity itself and his life ended the +same."</p> + +<p class="right"> +<span class="smcap">A. P. Vrede</span>,<br /> +Paramaribo, Surinam<br /> +</p> +</blockquote> + +<p>The following communication from Captain T. G. Steward, U. S. A., +retired, contains several statements of interest to students of Negro +History:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="ltr-date"> +<span class="smcap">Wilberforce, Ohio</span>, January 13, 1923.</p> +<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Carter G. Woodson</span>,<br /> + Washington, D. C.</p> + +<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Allow me to kindly refer you to page 67 of my book +"Fifty Years in The Gospel Ministry" where you will find recounted +the opening of the school in Marion, S. C, the names of the +teachers, and a copy of their credentials, etc.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[Pg 454]</a></span></p> + +<p>Also on page 47 of your "Negro in Our History" you mention one +"Irish Nell." I am quite confident that the late Bishop James +Theodore Holly, bishop of Haiti, was a descendant of the union of +that lady with a black man. I do not know how the name Holly came +in, but I may be able to cite you to the facts if you think it +worth while to publish the matter.</p> + +<p>I am glad to find you doing so much first hand work; and were I +able I should be delighted to be engaged with you.</p> + +<p>I suppose you are aware of the fact that the keeper of Fraunce's +tavern or Faunce's tavern in New York where Washington took leave +of his officers was a negro. Also his daughter was Washington's +house-keeper when the latter lived on Murray Hill in New York.</p> + +<p>I would think the Faunce hotel at that time was probably among the +best, if not itself the best hotel in the country.</p> + +<p class="ltr-closing">Yours truly,</p> +<p class="author">T. G. Steward</p> +</blockquote> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_111" id="Footnote4_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_111"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Here in Surinam the Moravian preacher needs no gown by +the church service. This offering was then for Rev. Blyd a sign of his +worthiness, an honor and an acknowledgment of his true Christian soul.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[Pg 455]</a></span></p> + +<h2>BOOK REVIEWS</h2> + +<p class="hang"><i>Das unbekannte Afrika</i> (Unknown Africa). By Leo Frobenius. (O. +Beck, München, 1923.)</p> + +<p>The war has fettered Frobenius to his country and his desk, and he +has found time to study his material, and the series of diaries, +written every day while in Africa. Ten volumes of folklore, three +volumes of <i>Atlas Africanus</i>, several philosophical books, and this +one under discussion, have been the fruits of his unwelcome restraint. +Frobenius is now preparing another book, "The dying Africa." Many of +his collections have gone to the various museums, but he has a large +number of interesting objects, and many thousands of pictures which +are contained in his recent publications, and, at last, made known.</p> + +<p>Each chapter of <i>Das unbekannte Afrika</i> is headed by small maps +showing the distribution of the cultural elements treated in it. +This is the form of registration which Frobenius has practiced for +the last 25 years. Thus the enormous wealth of ethnological data is +statistically fixed. The area, for instance, for a house type or a +custom, when found in his travels, is compared with data found, in +literature, on the same subject, and all the findings are, again, +registered on a map. The results of seven expeditions, on which +skilled artists accompanied him, have been kept under control in this +manner. As soon as the center of a district which seemed of interest +was reached, numerous trained assistants were sent in different +directions. Each took notes and pictures on a given subject, so that a +marvelous amount of work could be accomplished. Other data were gained +by leaving questionnaires among the resident missionaries, merchants, +or government officials, to whom letters were sent later, where +matters did not seem sufficiently clear, when studied at home.</p> + +<p>The deductions made are illustrated by the fascinating pictures +contained in <i>The unknown Africa</i>, in which more than half of the +space is devoted to illustrations. By them the interrelation between +Neolithic European, Asiatic, Phoenician, Carthaginian, and the African +cultures is shown, mainly in regard to art and architecture.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[Pg 456]</a></span></p> + +<p>African art is nearer related to the prehistoric European than to the +Asiatic and the American. On the whole, that of the south is historic, +as compared with that of northwestern Africa. Linguistically the +south African idioms are the oldest, while the illiterate eastern +constitutes the second period, and the northwestern the youngest.</p> + +<p>Racially the lighter Hamite in the northwest has displaced older +types, which are now prevalent in the east. The Hamitic culture +extends between the Canaries and the Indian Ocean, with extensions +into Abyssinia and the southern apex. In the south dwell the +Ethiopians. Originally there were two main points of cultural influx, +one in Erythraea, and one on the western shores, having travelled +through the Mediterranean and Gibraltar, around northwestern Africa. +Some influence was also introduced from the north, and traversed the +Sahara desert. There it did not survive, but penetrated the Soudan.</p> + +<p>The two cultures are explained distinctly. The Hamitic contains +remnants of the solar cult, while the Ethiopian shows that of +the moon. The first has the matriarchal while the second has the +patriarchal system. Hamitic inclinations are connected with the animal +world, the Ethiopian with Mother Earth and the plant. Proofs for the +entry of Hamitic elements by way of Erythraea are found in the fact +that the matriarchate has existed on the eastern coast of India, and +in southern Arabia, and that it still exists in northern Africa. Also, +the ritual killing of the kings which exists near the White Nile, and +in the eastern Soudan, was reported, by Diodorus, to have existed on +the eastern coast of India and in Meroe.</p> + +<p>The Nile kept Egypt in touch with the rest of the civilized world, +while the western parts of northern Africa had no great stream to +retain the ancient height of culture, but this tended to the guarding +of traditions, and the preservation of ancient customs.</p> + +<p>The same ritual procedure which is depicted on the rock-drawings, +thousands of years old, prevails in these days in western Soudan. +The same posture is taken by the supplicant huntsman, in regard to +the cardinal points, while he traces similar images on the sand. The +present-day pious Yoruba consults the replica of boards which were +found in Ife, and which were thousands of years old. On them are +carved the four main pairs of deities, or the sixteen cardinal points.</p> + +<p>Frobenius found ancient terra-cotta heads and wood carvings which +represented the same objects as those found in Benin. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[Pg 457]</a></span> latter +must be considered as mediaeval. The pupils of the Benin heads are +perforated, while the Ilife heads have blind eyes. This would affix, +to the latter, a much greater age, as it is a feature of ancient +Mediterranean sculpture. The Atlantic art of western Africa is highly +developed, and has nothing in common with primitive Negro art. Some +of the boards are exquisite, and rows of beautiful figures and +mythological representations are carved on a door, in Yoruba, as shown +in the book.</p> + +<p>A very interesting theory is put forth, in this connection. So far, +it was accepted that time, in archaeology, could be measured only by +stone objects, as these were lasting. The author, however, is of the +opinion that rock drawings and carvings may answer the aesthetic or +ritual requirements of a region or a people for many centuries, while +wooden implements and works of art must be replaced, being eminently +perishable. Wood is available everywhere. The idea underlying a figure +is renewed, with each generation of carvers, and the traditions are +handed down as faithfully by wooden carvings as by folk-lore.</p> + +<p>Drawings, in the strict sense of the word, are found, in Africa, +only in ancient Egypt. They are more closely related to the Bushman +paintings of South Africa than to the petrography of the western parts +of the continent. Hamitic rock drawings, with depressed lines of +contour, and tinted in the intervening surfaces, are seen in Egypt. +Prehistoric and early historic figures were found in Egypt, Lesser +Africa, and the Guinea Coast. In the east the lines are generally +severe, while in the northwest they are rounded. The Hamitic culture +zone has no plastic art, among Berber, Bisharin, Somali, Masai, and +Hottentot. The Bushman who drew the beautiful rock ornaments has +produced no plastic. What is found among this tribe must be considered +as Carthaginian.</p> + +<p>The primitive Hamite fears representations of the human and animal, +from magic. Later the plastic representations have, however, +penetrated the Hamitic boundaries, and reached the Nile. The peoples +of Lesser and North Africa do not recognize what is on the rocks. The +Negro is not gifted in this sense. The Hamite who does not readily +see a drawing or picture, and never seems to have produced plastic +art, draws well, realistically or ornamentally. The Negro is a good +carver but draws very badly. Even those Negroes who recognize every +photograph and carve excellently cannot draw.</p> + +<p>Many deductions are made in studying the migration of cultures,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[Pg 458]</a></span> and +many parallels are shown up. One of the relationships found is that +between the tattooing of the Neolithic Period of France and that of +the living individual near the Niger. The lines run from the ear to +the nose. Another well-known feature is the figure of the obese woman +which extends from France to Malta. It is quite prevalent in Hamitic +art, in the graphic productions of northern Africa, and in Egyptian +plastic. Steatopygy, in the living, is natural to the South African +tribes. The deduction made is that those models which seemed desirable +to the artist, during the stone age of the northwest, still exist +in the south. Therefore Hamitic culture must have wandered from the +north, east and south.</p> + +<p>Other stone-age elements, the stone graves, are found in the Hamitic +regions. In Morocco the stone tumuli are explained as remnants of the +houses of forebears. When food ran low, goes the tale, the head of the +family collected all its members about him, and tore the home down, +over them.</p> + +<p>Two main types of dwellings are found in Africa, one a cave, the other +a pile structure. The Hamitic culture prefers the first, the Ethiopian +the latter. The oldest Hamitic "chthonic" bed is a pit. The oven and +storehouse is built in the ground. The inhabitants of the Canary +Islands, who are the descendants of the ancient Guanches, and most of +the Kabyle tribes of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunis still have artificial +caves, which are, however, not generally known. In Matamata, in the +south of Tunis, tunnel-shaped, honeycomb dwellings constitute the +newer type of cave dwelling.</p> + +<p>Ethiopian "telluric" architecture uses the pile in the construction +of beds, huts for guards, dwelling houses, and meeting places. The +edifices are round or rectangular, and thatched. Later the thatch is +covered with clay. Fortresses are constructed of clay and rafters. In +parts of the Soudan the walls are beautifully ornamented with reliefs +of humans and animals, or geometrical figures. In the interior of the +houses the clay walls are tinted and polished, and the pictures show +many beautiful decorative designs.</p> + +<p class="author">Beatrice Bickel</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>A History of the United States Since the Civil War.</i> By Ellis +Paxon Oberholtzer. In five volumes. Volume II, 1868-1872. (New +York: The Macmillan Company, 1922. Pp. XI, 649. $4.00.)</p> + +<p>This is the second of five volumes of a history of the United States +since the Civil War to be completed by this author. Covering<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[Pg 459]</a></span> the +period from 1868 to 1872, this treatise deals in detail with the +Reconstruction, the Ku Klux Klan, international questions resulting +from the Civil War, the building of railroads, and Oriental problems.</p> + +<p>It is not usual, however, to find one publishing such a large and +expensive volume as this for the purpose of giving merely the author's +opinion about the problems of that day and the shortcomings of the +men who were trying to solve them. Not unlike most writers on the +Reconstruction, this author endeavored to commend those who achieved +as he would have them and to condemn those who addressed themselves +to these tasks in a different way. In most places, however, he found +many to censure and few to praise. If the book has any purpose at +all, it is intended not as a history of the period but a survey of +the corruption and vice of the age. Very little of the malfeasance in +positions of public trust escaped the attention of this writer.</p> + +<p>Beginning with President Grant himself, the author has tried to +show that there was little of virtue and efficiency among public +functionaries of that time. He refers to Grant as being ignorant, +stupid, and simple, holds up to scorn James G. Blaine, and questions +Garfield's connection with Credit Mobilier in the style characteristic +of the book. Other crimes to the credit of the leading statesmen of +that day are given detailed treatment. The book abounds in so many +recriminations and epithets belaboring the most distinguished men of +the time that the uninformed reader would expect something like the +fall of Rome to follow.</p> + +<p>If the white people with all their advantages had degenerated to +such a low level, the reader might wonder why the author should make +any comment at all on the corruption of the Negroes in the South. +Inasmuch as they had not been generally educated and had been denied +participation in civic affairs, he might have excused them for +abandoning work to enjoy their freedom, stealing from their former +masters, and obtruding themselves socially upon haughty persons of the +old regime. In the same style, however, the Negroes are given their +share of vilification. "He refers to them as 'Sambo' and 'Cuffee' +entering the halls of government, and a 'Coal Black' member made +temporary chairman," "'The Black Crook Convention,' 'Ring-tailed +Coons,' 'Outlaws and Rag-a-muffins,' and a 'Gang of Jailbirds.'"</p> + +<p>All of these expressions are not original with the author. They +are taken from southern newspapers and books of the same sort of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[Pg 460]</a></span> +authorship. Instead of using such evidence only when known to be +unconscious, the author has accepted this information as the truth. +According to the requirements of modern historiography, newspapers +are generally valuable only in determining the sentiment of the +people except when the evidence obtained is unconscious. Furthermore, +the author has too often accepted second-hand information, found in +books of writers who have produced treatises on the Reconstruction +for the express purpose of vilifying the Negroes who participated +in that drama, and to justify the high-handed action of the whites +who through such invisible powers as the Ku Klux Klan overthrew the +liberal governments, and re-established the power of the aristocracy +of the South. It is unreasonable to suppose that orators and editors +interested in disfranchising and re-enslaving the Negroes would tell +the truth about the freedmen.</p> + +<p>It is most unfortunate that writers have accepted the point of view +of these biased authors instead of making a research for the facts in +the case. In too many instances, this author quotes Fleming for facts +of Reconstruction in Alabama, Hamilton for North Carolina, Ficklen for +Louisiana, Garne for Mississippi, Ramsdell for Texas, Reynolds for +South Carolina, Davis for Florida, Eckenrode for Virginia, Thompson +for Georgia, and the like. These "authorities" do not strengthen the +claims of a work because of the very bias with which these books +were written, for these writers accepted rumors, violent newspaper +comments, and inflammatory speeches as reasons for their conclusions. +Any history built upon such authority cannot be considered trustworthy.</p> + +<p>From the point of view of the Negro himself, this book is not a +history of the United States for the period which it purports to +cover. It has very little to say about the Negroes except to refer +to them as an ignorant, illiterate mass of thieves and rascals. In a +work covering merely four years, a seeker of the truth would expect +some information therefrom as to how the freedmen began their social +and economic stride upward, what forces were set to work among them, +and how susceptible they proved to be of the training offered in the +schools and churches established for their special needs. Inasmuch +as he found so much space for the Carpet-Baggers who went South to +control the State governments through the Negro vote, it would have +hardly been out of place for the author to mention that throng of +apostles who came South as teachers to give their lives as a sacrifice +in the uplift of these belated people. What these Negroes did, during +these very years, to help<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[Pg 461]</a></span> themselves should have received some +consideration. Every Negro of consequence in the South was not a +politician or an office-seeker. What the race is accomplishing today +is due in a large measure to the foundation laid at that time by +Negroes of foresight, who acquired education and property and joined +the missionary teachers from the North in the noble effort for the +education and economic amelioration of the freedmen.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>The Partition of Africa.</i> By Sir Charles Lucas, K.C.B., K.C.M.G. +(Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1922. Pp. 228.)</p> + +<p>This book consists of the lectures given by the author at the Royal +Colonial Institute to a circle of teachers of the London County +Council in 1921. The author disclaims any pretension to exhaust the +subject. He acknowledges that these lectures are somewhat discursive +with the intention of suggesting diverse points of view and a variety +of subjects for further study. With this purpose in mind he freely +quotes a number of books and papers, evidently desiring to stimulate +the reader to further study. It is admitted, moreover, that while +these lectures have been awaiting publication there has taken place +in Africa so many developments that this volume will not suffice to +inform the reader.</p> + +<p>The work begins with a survey of Africa in ancient times as it +connected with the Mediterranean World. Unfortunately, in this chapter +the author follows the well-beaten path of misrepresenting that land +by referring to it as the "Dark Continent," which, from his point +of view, was dependent and backward because it had no facilities of +communication with Europe. In this chapter, therefore, he proves not +that Africa had not made much advancement but that the European was +merely ignorant of that part of the world.</p> + +<p>In the chapter discussing "Africa from Ancient Times to the Nineteenth +Century" there is little more than a casual sketch of the invasion +of the Vandals, the Mohammedan conquest, followed by a rather brief +and unscientific discussion of the natives of Africa. This chapter, +however, presents in epitome the leading facts of the explorations of +Europeans beginning with Prince Henry of Portugal, the forerunner of +other adventurers from England, Italy, Spain and France.</p> + +<p>Taking up the slave trade, the author becomes a little more +interesting. He discusses the question from two points of view, +distinguishing between the Mohammedan slave trade and the European<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[Pg 462]</a></span> +traffic in men on the West Coast of Africa. He undertakes to give the +causes of the West African slave trade in terms of the commercial +revolution. Then follows a more detailed account of the participation +therein by various European nations. In this connection is treated +also the effort of philanthropic Europeans who exposed the horrors +of the slave trade and finally abolished it. Further efforts for the +improvement of the Negroes are traced to the establishment of Sierra +Leone and Liberia.</p> + +<p>The author then shows how this interest in the Negro, developing along +with European expansion into Africa, led to further exploration and +settlement and to the missionary enterprise of David Livingston. The +interest in the uplift of the natives, however, as the book admits, +was lost sight of after the Franco-German war, the prelude to the +scramble for Africa. Then came the beginning of Belgian Congo, the +Anglo-Portuguese treaty of 1884, the general acts of the Berlin +Conference, the Congo atrocities, and the partition of the continent +into Northeast-Africa, East-Africa, South-Africa, West-Africa and +other spheres of influence. There followed also another sort of +scramble in building African railways, tapping the wealth of the +hinterland of Africa. The bearing of the Anglo-French Convention of +1904, the Franco-German Agreement of 1911 and other European treaties +are all set forth.</p> + +<p>Discussing North-Africa, the author first makes a comparison of the +situation in the different parts of the continent, allowing for such +influences as the proximity of that portion of the continent to +Europe, the effect of the orientalization of Egypt, Tunis, Algeria, +Tripoli, and Morocco. This discussion, however, is not carried +out in all of its ramifications and the reader must make further +investigation for adequate information.</p> + +<p>In Chapter VIII the author reviews the settlements of the Dutch in +South-Africa, the British occupation of the Cape, the conflict of +the British and the Dutch, the rise of the Boer Republic, and the +Kaffir wars. In keeping with so many writers who endorse almost +anything which Europeans do, this author finds some justification +for the intrusion of the Europeans in Africa. The cruel oppression +visited upon the natives as a result of this conquest does not cause +the author any grief. In the same way, he discusses the conquest +and settlements of France and Great Britain in West-Africa, their +dependencies, and methods of development. Treating the late campaigns +in Africa, the author makes an effort to bring this information up +to date as far as possible, trying to account for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[Pg 463]</a></span> territorial +settlement in that continent as shown by the reconstructed map of +Africa. The book closes with a discussion of such African problems +as the elimination of Germany from Africa, the plurality of powers +in Africa as an advantage to the Africans in bringing about mutual +checks, and the effect of the World War upon the relation between +whites and blacks.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="hang"><i>A Boy's Life of Booker T. Washington.</i> By W. C. Jackson, Vice +President of the North Carolina College for Women, and Professor +of History, Greensboro. (New York, The Macmillan Company, 1922. +Pp. 147.)</p> + +<p>The author does not pretend to add anything new to what is generally +known about Booker T. Washington, or to what may be found in such +works as <i>Up from Slavery</i>, <i>My Larger Education</i>, and <i>Booker T. +Washington: Builder of a Civilization</i>. The aim is to tell this story +in such simple language as to make it comprehensible for children. The +author hopes that by reading this book some of them may be inspired +to higher ambition and encouraged to nobler effort. While the reader +may not agree with all of the observations made by the author, he must +commend this effort to popularize the record of the distinguished +citizen who by his achievement demonstrated that the race has within +it the possibilities of other groups. This effort, then, has an +important bearing on the dissemination of information concerning the +Negro and on the preservation of the records of the race.</p> + +<p>The details of the life of the subject of the sketch are omitted +except that the interesting beginnings of Booker T. Washington as +a boy, and his rise through poverty and ignorance to a position of +leadership, are given with some degree of thoroughness. The author +endeavors to impress upon the youth the bravery, courage, backbone, +energy, fair-mindedness, honesty, wisdom, intelligence, judgment, +modesty, patriotism, will power, self control, and love of humanity +of Booker T. Washington. To do this, each important trait in the +man is portrayed by reference to some achievement which served as a +striking example of his character. In this way, the author draws upon +his planning for an education, school days at Hampton, beginning life +in the outside world, first efforts at teaching, the beginning of +Tuskegee, early hardships, struggles to raise money, speech-making, +leadership, political experiences, and travels abroad.</p> + +<p>The book is well printed and neatly bound. It is also adequately<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[Pg 464]</a></span> +illustrated so as to concentrate the attention of the youth on +certain important achievements and events in the life of Washington. +Among these illustrations appear the monument recently unveiled at +Tuskegee, which constitutes the frontispiece of the book. Then follow +various illustrations of the many activities of the institution. While +there is not given a general view of the whole school, the various +groups given will impress the reader with the magnitude of the work +undertaken at Tuskegee. The cuts of Washington and his family show the +home life of the man.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[Pg 465]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>NOTES</h2> + +<p>Mr. A. A. Taylor, who during the last fiscal year devoted a part of +his time to research under the direction of the Association, has been +permanently employed as an Associate Investigator of the Association +to make researches into Negro Reconstruction History. Mr. Taylor is an +alumnus of the University of Michigan. He has recently done graduate +work under Professors Abbott, Usher, Turner, Merk, and Channing at +Harvard, where he obtained the degree of Master of Arts.</p> + +<p>Miss Irene A. Wright, who has been employed by the Association to +copy certain documents in the Archives of the Indies, Seville, Spain, +reports that in the near future she will offer for publication in +these columns interesting and valuable data giving the history of the +Mose Settlement of Negroes in Florida.</p> + +<p>Mr. Albert Parry, the contributor of the article in this number +entitled "Hannibal, the Favorite of Peter the Great," is a former +resident of Russia. He has been studying in this country two years.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p>The various aspects of German colonization in East Africa and the rôle +played by that portion of this continent in the World War are treated +in <i>Kumbuke; Erlebnisse eines Arztes in Deutsch Ostafrika</i> (Berlin, +Dom-Verlag, 1922, pp. 502), by August Hauer.</p> + +<p><i>Études sur l'Islam en Côte d'Ivoire</i> (Paris, Leroux, 1922, pp. 502) +by Paul Marty, <i>Au Congo: Souvenirs de la Mission Marchand</i> (Paris, +Fayard, 1921) by General Baratier, and <i>Une Étape de la Conquête de +l'Afrique Équatoriale Française</i> (Paris, Fournier, 1922, pp. 260) +by the Ministry of War of France, cover altogether in a general way +French colonization in Western and Central Africa.</p> + +<p>The Associated Publishers will soon publish a work entitled <i>Negro +Poets and Their Poems</i> by Robert T. Kerlin, Professor of English of +the State Normal School, West Chester, Pennsylvania, former Professor +of English at the Virginia Military Institute. This work will be an +illustrated textbook for schools and will at the same time serve as a +volume of general information on contemporary Negro poetry.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[Pg 466]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR</h2> + +<p>The fiscal year which ended June 30, 1923, was the most prosperous in +the history of the Association. The efforts of the staff were directed +toward carrying out the purposes for which the Association was +organized, namely, to collect historical data and to promote studies +bearing on the Negro. To attain these objectives the Director had to +perform the two important tasks of soliciting funds to finance the +Association and then to use the same in the employment of assistants +to investigate the various aspects of Negro life and history.</p> + +<p>Funds have been received and disbursed as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center sc"> +Complete Financial Statement of all Departments of the +Association for the Study of Negro Life and History<a name="FNanchor4_112" id="FNanchor4_112"></a><a href="#Footnote4_112" class="fnanchor">[A]</a></p> + +<div class="center"> +<table width="100%" class="dense" summary="Financial Statement"> +<tr><td class="center" colspan="4"><i>July 1, 1922-June 30, 1923</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="center" colspan="2"><i>Receipts</i></td><td class="center" colspan="2"><i>Disbursements</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Research Fund</td><td class="right">$5,000.00</td><td class="left">Printing and Stationery</td><td class="right">$2,996.34</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Interest on Reserve</td><td class="right">78.77</td><td class="left">Paid for Research</td><td class="right">4,401.62</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Subscriptions</td><td class="right">1,798.91</td><td class="left">Petty Cash (Incidentals)</td><td class="right">900.00</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Memberships</td><td class="right">321.10</td><td class="left">Stenographic Service</td><td class="right">1,330.01</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Contributions</td><td class="right">6,727.99</td><td class="left">Rent and Light</td><td class="right">518.50</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Advertisements</td><td class="right">264.55</td><td class="left">Salaries</td><td class="right">2,733.37</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Refunds</td><td class="right">57.11</td><td class="left">Traveling Expenses</td><td class="right">300.39</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Miscellaneous</td><td class="right">107.80</td><td class="left">Miscellaneous</td><td class="right">520.47</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Books</td><td class="right bb">3.25</td><td> </td><td class="bb"> </td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Total Receipts</td><td class="right">$14,359.48</td><td class="left">Total Disbursements</td><td class="right">$13,700.70</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top">Balance on hand for Research June 30, 1922</td><td class="right bottom">5,000.00</td><td class="left top">Balance on hand, June 30, 1923, appropriated for Printing and Research</td><td class="right bottom">5,677.15</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left top">Balance on hand, General Expense Fund, June 30, 1922</td><td class="right bottom">89.46</td><td class="left top">Balance on Hand, General Expense Fund, June 30, 1923</td><td class="right bottom">71.09</td></tr> +<tr><td class="left">Grand Total</td><td class="right">$19,448.94</td><td class="left">Grand Total</td><td class="right">$19,448.94</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p class="ltr-closing">Respectfully submitted,</p> +<p class="right">(Signed) <span class="smcap">S. W. Rutherford</span>,<br /> +Secretary-Treasurer.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[Pg 467]</a></span></p> + +<h3>Various Interests</h3> + +<p>The Director, who is editor of the <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span> +as well as the executive of the Association, has devoted some of +his time to administrative duties, which, with the expansion of the +work, are rapidly multiplying. It has been possible, however, to give +much stimulus to all phases of the work in spite of arduous duties. +That the additional assistants now associated with the Director will +relieve him of some of these tasks is indeed gratifying.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">The Journal of Negro History</span> has found its way into +additional libraries and schools where it is becoming more and more to +be regarded as a valuable aid in research. It is now used as such in +the accredited colleges and universities of both races in the South +and serves for similar purposes in centers of research in the North. +A larger number of institutions abroad, moreover, are now subscribing +to this publication, requiring, too, a complete file of the magazine +in bound form. Briefly stated, then, while this publication has +not a popular subscription list, it circulates throughout the +civilized world as a library magazine of value for advanced students, +investigators, and social workers.</p> + +<p>The Director has spent some of his time in field work. Wherever there +is a call to encourage a school or a club to do more for the study of +Negro life and history, the Director generally responds. In this way +the people of Kentucky, especially in Lexington and Louisville, were +made acquainted with the purposes of the Association and induced to +do something for the preservation of the local records of Negroes who +have achieved well. Enterprising citizens of Lexington have organized +for this purpose.</p> + +<p>At Nashville, the Director availed himself of a similar opportunity +to carry the work of the Association to the thinking people of the +city, speaking to them for two days in their schools and churches. The +interest aroused was most encouraging and resulted in the organization +of a local club to co-operate with this national organization.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[Pg 468]</a></span> In +addition to preserving the records of Negroes in that particular +community, this group will engage in the actual study of the neglected +aspects of Negro history, using the Branch Library as a center where +numerous works on Negro life and history have been provided.</p> + +<p>In Baltimore, where the Spring Conference of the Association was held, +the citizens showed the same sort of interest in the work and pledged +themselves to do more to save local records which are now being +rapidly lost. Persons having an intelligent interest in the past of +the Negro are now taking steps to organize there a Maryland Historical +Society, to record and popularize the achievements of the Negroes of +that commonwealth under the leadership of the teachers of history of +the public schools and instructors at Morgan College.</p> + + +<h3>Research</h3> + +<p>For the first time in the history of the Association its researches +have taken a definite course. Up to the year just ended, the +Association had the benefit of merely what investigations the +Director's manifold duties permitted him to conduct, or of what others +of their own will worked out in the interest of unearthing the truth. +Thanks to the appropriations of the Carnegie Corporation and the +Laura Spellman Rockefeller Memorial, however, the Association can now +outline a definite program of investigation and systematically carry +it out. For the present the staff is engaged in the study of the Free +Negro prior to 1861 and Negro Reconstruction History.</p> + +<p>With the assistance of a copyist, Mrs. C. B. Overton, the Director +has been preparing a report on the Free Negro in the United States. +This report will be decidedly statistical, giving the names of the +persons of color who were heads of families in 1830, where they were +living, how many were in each family, how many slaves each owned, and +what relation these free Negroes sustained to the white people. This +research covers also the statistics of absentee ownership of slaves by +whites. The first volume of the report<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[Pg 469]</a></span> will be published within the +next six months. Using it as a basis, the Director will make further +investigation of the Free Negroes to determine their economic status, +their social position, the attitude of the southern whites toward this +class, and the opinion of the North with respect to them as citizens.</p> + +<p>Working in this same field, but developing special aspects of this +history, are Mr. George F. Dow and Miss Irene A. Wright. Mr. George +F. Dow has been employed to read the 18th century colonial newspapers +of New England for facts bearing on the Negro. Up to the present, +however, he has been unable to finish this task and does not promise +to accomplish much until next fall. Miss Irene A. Wright is now +extracting from the Archives of the Indies in Seville, Spain, some +valuable documents showing the part the Negroes played in the early +struggle between the British and Spanish in America and especially +the records of the Mose Settlement of Negroes in Florida and the +achievements of the Negroes in Louisiana. Miss Wright will also copy +all accessible documents of Latin-America giving accounts of Negroes +in higher spheres of usefulness. The Association is endeavoring to +employ an investigator to render the same sort of service in the +British Museum and the Public Record Office in London.</p> + +<p>During the year the Association has had one worker in Negro +Reconstruction History. This was Mr. A. A. Taylor, an alumnus of the +University of Michigan, who has recently received the degree of Master +of Arts for graduate work done at Harvard University under Professors +W. C. Abbott, F. J. Turner, and Edward Channing. Although he has +devoted only a part of his time to this research, he has produced +one valuable dissertation, <i>The Social Conditions and Treatment of +Negroes in South Carolina, 1865-1880</i>. He has also made a scientific +study of the social and economic conditions of the Negroes in Virginia +for the same period, but has not yet completed this treatise. It is +expected that it will be ready for publication within the next twelve +months. Mr. Taylor will continue this work as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[Pg 470]</a></span> Associate Investigator, +permanently employed by the Association to devote all of his time to +this effort.</p> + +<p>The Association continues its interest in the work of training young +men for scientific investigation. As far as possible it will follow +its program of educating in the best graduate schools with libraries +bearing on Negro Life and History, three young men supported by +fellowships of $500 each from the Association and such additional +stipends as the schools themselves may grant for their support. These +students are assigned to different fields, one to make Anthropometric +and Psychological measurements of Negroes, one to study African +Anthropology and Archaeology, and one to take up history as it has +been influenced by the Negro.</p> + +<p>Closely connected with these plans, moreover, are certain other +projects to preserve Negro folklore. In this effort the Association +has the co-operation of Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, the moving spirit +of the American Folklore Society. She is now desirous of making a +more systematic effort to embody this part of the Negro civilization +and she believes that the work can be more successfully done by +co-operation with the Association. As soon as the Director can +obtain a special fund for this particular work, an investigator will +be employed to undertake it. For the present the Association is +endeavoring to stimulate interest in this field by offering a prize of +$200 for the best collection of tales, riddles, proverbs, sayings, and +songs, which have been heard at home by Negro students of accredited +schools.</p> + +<p>The interest in the result of these researches has become all but +nation-wide. Most advanced institutions of learning now make some use +of historical works on the Negro. <i>The Negro in Our History</i> has met +with the general welcome as a much desired volume giving the essential +facts of Negro achievement. It has been extensively used as collateral +reading and has been adopted as a text in more than a score of schools +and colleges. The demand for this book is so rapidly increasing that +the second edition has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[Pg 471]</a></span> been almost exhausted. The third edition, +which is now in preparation, will be revised and enlarged so as to +give more attention to the Negro in freedom, a period of more concern +to most students than that of the Negro before the Civil War.</p> + +<p>In almost every center of considerable Negro population and in most +of the large schools of the race there are clubs or classes engaged +in the study of Negro life and history. Some of these were organized +under the supervision of the Association and others sprang up of +themselves in response to the increasing desire among Negroes to know +about themselves and to publish such information to a world uninformed +as to what the race has thought and felt and attempted and done. These +groups thus interested in the scientific study of the Negro, moreover, +are not restricted to the schools and communities controlled by this +race. The Association has found little difficulty in interesting +advanced students in large northern universities, and this work has +extended to some of the best white schools of the South.</p> + + +<h3>The Staff</h3> + +<p>The staff has suffered one irreparable loss in that Miss A. H. Smith, +who during the last seven years has served the Association as Office +Manager and Assistant to the Secretary-treasurer, has recently retired +from the service. The Association is immeasurably indebted to Miss +Smith for the faithful service which she has rendered the cause, +and it will be difficult to fill her position. Although offered +opportunities for earning a larger stipend elsewhere, she remained +with the Association because of her interest in the work which it has +been prosecuting. The Association wishes her well and earnestly hopes +that she may be welcomed in some other field of usefulness.</p> + +<p class="ltr-closing">Respectfully submitted,</p> +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Carter G. Woodson</span>,<br /> +Director</p> + +<p> +<span class="smcap">1538 Ninth St., N. W.</span>,<br /> + <span class="smcap">Washington, D. C.</span><br /> + Sept. 18, 1923</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote4_112" id="Footnote4_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor4_112"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> The books of the Association have been audited by a +certified public accountant who reports that the receipts have been +duly deposited, that all disbursements have been made through numbered +voucher checks properly approved, and that the balances given in the +records of the Association agree with the balances reported by the +banks.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[Pg 472]</a></span></p> + +<p class="center spacious large">INDEX<br /><br /> + +JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY<br /><br /> + +VOLUME VIII</p> + +<hr class="short" /> + +<div class="index"> + + +<p class="center">A</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX__" name="IX__"></a><i>A Negro Pioneer in the West</i>, <a href="#Page_333">333-335</a></li> +<li><i>Abram Hannibal, the Favorite of Peter the Great</i>, <a href="#Page_359">359-366</a></li> +<li><i>Africa and the Discovery of America</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_233">233-238</a></li> +<li>African Institution, the interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> +<li>African Methodist Episcopal Church, organization of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li> +<li>African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, the organization of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li> +<li>African slave, the status of, in the colonies, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li> +<li>Alabama, the movement of Negroes to, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379-381</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Cotton culture in, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Allen, Philip, owner of land near Dartmouth, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> +<li>Allen, Richard, the work of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>anti-colonization meeting in church of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Allen, William, interest of, in African colonization, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> +<li>Alvord, J. W., Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> +<li>American Catholic Historical Society, the prize offered by, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li> +<li>American Freedmen's Union Commission, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li> +<li><i>American Magazine</i>, extract from, <a href="#Page_91">91-92</a></li> +<li>American Missionary Association, the work of, in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li>Anderson, Joseph, of Montreal, purchase of a slave by, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Anderson, Lymus, a teacher of Negroes at Port Royal, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li> +<li>André, a Negro, suit of, for freedom, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +<li>Andrew, Governor, interest of, in Negro education, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li> +<li><i>Anna Murray-Douglass--My Mother As I Recall Her</i>, <a href="#Page_93">93-101</a></li> +<li>Antoine, C. C., sketch of, by W. O. Hart, <a href="#Page_84">84-87</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>how he made money, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Arkansas, cotton culture in, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li> +<li>Arnett, Bishop B. W., the statistics of A. M. E. Church by, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li> +<li>Arnold, Thomas, a friend of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Arthur, Stanley Cisby, sketch of Isaiah T. Montgomery by, <a href="#Page_87">87-91</a></li> +<li>Asbury, Bishop, organizer of a mixed Sunday school, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></li> +<li>Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, proceedings of + <ul class="IX"> + <li>the Annual Meeting of, <a href="#Page_116">116-122</a>;</li> + <li>Spring Conference of, <a href="#Page_353">353-357</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Auger, Jean-Baptiste, a sale of a slave by, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> +<li>Auguste, Tancrede, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> +<li>Avery Institute, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">B</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_B" name="IX_B"></a>Ba Mangwato, a native in South Africa, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li> +<li>Babcock, Colonel, effort of, to annex Santo Domingo, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> +<li>Baganda, the morality of, <a href="#Page_286">286-287</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>art of, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[Pg 473]</a></span>Bailly, Augustin, a vendor of a slave, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li> +<li>Baltimore, Spring Conference in, <a href="#Page_353">353-357</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Negroes in domestic service in, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;</li> + <li>interest of, in training domestic workers, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Baptist Home Mission Society, the work of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li>Baptists, the efforts of, among the freedmen, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> +<li>Barahona, a plantation in Santo Domingo, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li> +<li>Barbadoes, the progress of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> +<li>Beaufort, South Carolina, Negro schools at, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li>Beauvais, reference to, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li> +<li>Bell, J. W., address of, at the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123-127</a></li> +<li>Benedict, Mrs., the gift of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li>Benefit of clergy as applied to slaves, <a href="#Page_443">443-447</a></li> +<li>Bent, reference to, and quotations from, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> +<li>Betty, a Negro servant, one of the first Methodists, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li> +<li>Bickel, Beatrice, review of <i>Das Unbekannte Afrika</i> by, <a href="#Page_453">453-458</a></li> +<li>Bigelow, A. M., a teacher of a Negro school at Aiken, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li> +<li><i>Biography, Negro</i>, by P. W. L. Jones, <a href="#Page_128">128-133</a></li> +<li>Biron, an enemy of Abram Hannibal in Russia, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li> +<li>Bishop, Josiah, a preacher in Virginia, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li> +<li>Blaney, Mary, the owner of a slave in Montreal, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li> +<li>Blyd, Cornelius Winst, the achievements of, in Dutch Guiana, <a href="#Page_448">448-453</a></li> +<li>Bond, James, participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li> +<li><i>Book of American Negro Poetry, The</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_347">347-348</a></li> +<li>Booker, S. S., participation of, in the Spring Conference of the Association in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li> +<li>Border States, the movement of Negroes from, <a href="#Page_367">367-383</a></li> +<li>Bornu, the kings of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>the rise of, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Boston Education Commission, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> +<li>Boston, Negro servants in, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Negroes in domestic service in, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Botume, Elizabeth Hyde, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li> +<li>Boutton, Louis Philippe, a sale of slaves by, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> +<li>Bowles, Mrs. Emma Castleman, facts of, on the origin of Wilberforce, <a href="#Page_335">335-337</a></li> +<li>Boyd, Wm. K., <i>Benefit of Clergy as applied to Slaves</i> by, <a href="#Page_443">443-447</a></li> +<li>Boyer, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li><i>Boy's Life of Booker T. Washington, A</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_463">463-464</a></li> +<li>Bragg, George F., <i>The History of the Afro-American Group of the Episcopal Church</i> by, <a href="#Page_107">107-109</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>remarks of, <a href="#Page_355">355-356</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Brass, a Negro held in Virginia, <a href="#Page_258">258-259</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li> +<li>British America, the status of the Negro in, <a href="#Page_276">276-277</a></li> +<li>Breeding of slaves for market, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li> +<li>Brooks, John, the purchaser of a slave in Montreal, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Brooks, W. H., a prominent Negro minister, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li> +<li>Brown, George W., an instructor in history, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li><i>Haiti and the United States</i> by, <a href="#Page_134">134-152</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Brown, John, a vendor of a slave from Saratoga, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +<li>Brown, Moses, a friend of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Brown, Thomas E., remarks of, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li> +<li>Brownell, David, the owner of land at Dartmouth, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> +<li>Bryan, Andrew, a Negro preacher, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> +<li>Bryan, Sampson, a preacher, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> +<li>Bryan, William J., efforts of, to encroach upon Haiti, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> +<li>Bryant, William Cullen, interest of, in freedom, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> +<li>Buffum, a co-worker of Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li> +<li>Bulkley, Ichabod, an attorney against Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[Pg 474]</a></span>Bureau of Refugees, establishment of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li> +<li>Bush, W. O., a Negro farmer of fame in the West, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li> +<li>Bush, George, a Negro pioneer in the West, <a href="#Page_333">333-335</a></li> +<li>Butler, B. F., at Fortress Monroe, <a href="#Page_2">2-3</a></li> +<li>Byrne, William, disposal of slaves by, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">C</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_C" name="IX_C"></a>Caesar, a slave sold in Montreal, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +<li>Campbell, William, the purchase of slaves by, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li> +<li>Came, Amable-Jean-Joseph, sale of a slave by, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> +<li>Canada, slavery in, <a href="#Page_316">316-330</a></li> +<li>Canal, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Canterbury, Connecticut, the people of, arrayed against Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_76">76-80</a></li> +<li>Capers, Bishop, the missionary work of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li> +<li>Carberry, Daniel, of Montreal, a purchaser of slaves, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Cardoza, F. L., an educator of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li> +<li>Carter, Frank, a teacher of Negroes at Camden, S. C., <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li> +<li>Carter, E. A., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> +<li>Cary, Lott, a missionary in Africa, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li> +<li>Castor, John, a slave owned by Anthony Johnson, a Negro, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li> +<li>Chaboille, Sir Charles, a purchaser of slaves, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Champlin, G. C., a supporter of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Chavigny, Joseph, a vendor of slaves, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> +<li>Channing, Walter, a supporter of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Charleston, John, a Negro preacher, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></li> +<li>Charleston, South Carolina, the Negro schools of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22-40</a></li> +<li>Chase, Salmon P., interest of, in the freedmen, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> +<li>Chêne, Mary Josephine, slaves of, by marriage, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Chicago, race commission of, <a href="#Page_112">112-114</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Negroes in domestic service in, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Chicago Commission on Race Relations, <i>The Negro in Chicago</i> by, <a href="#Page_112">112-114</a></li> +<li>Christophe, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li> +<li>Cincinnati, the treatment of Negroes in, <a href="#Page_331">331-332</a></li> +<li>Clair, Bishop Matthew W., recognition of, by Methodists, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li> +<li>Claflin University, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li>Clark, Peter H., quotation from, <a href="#Page_102">102-103</a></li> +<li>Clarkson, Thomas, interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>efforts of, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Clifford, John R., the achievements of, <a href="#Page_338">338-341</a></li> +<li>Coppin, Mrs. L. J., interest of, in training domestic workers, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li> +<li>Coggeshall, John, a supporter of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Coker, Daniel, a friend of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> +<li>Collins, a friend of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> +<li>Colored Methodist Episcopal Church, the organization of, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></li> +<li>Columbia, South Carolina, the Negro schools of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> +<li>Columbus, Christopher, the discoverer of Haiti and Santo Domingo, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li> +<li>Colvis, Joseph, the record of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> +<li><i>Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages, A</i>, by Sir Harry H. Johnston, <a href="#Page_241">241-242</a></li> +<li>Caucasians in domestic service in the United States, <a href="#Page_386">386-387</a></li> +<li><i>Concerning the Origin of Wilberforce</i>, <a href="#Page_335">335-337</a></li> +<li>Congregationalists, educational efforts of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li> +<li>Connecticut, Negro servants in, <a href="#Page_265">265-266</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li> +<li>"Contraband of War," at Fortress Monroe, <a href="#Page_2">2-3</a></li> +<li>Cooke, Edward, quotation from letter of Paul Cuffe to, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[Pg 475]</a></span>Cotterill, R. S., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li> +<li>Cotton, the rise of cotton culture, <a href="#Page_370">370-374</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>the price of, <a href="#Page_376">376-378</a>;</li> + <li>output of, <a href="#Page_377">377-378</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Cowan, Philip, petition of, for freedom, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li> +<li>Cox, a missionary to Africa, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li> +<li>Cramahé, Hector-Theophile, purchase of a slave by, <a href="#Page_323">323-324</a></li> +<li>Crenshaw, David, a mixed Sunday School in the home of, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></li> +<li>Croder, Josiah, a merchant connected with Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li> +<li>Cromwell, John W., letter of, <a href="#Page_338">338-341</a></li> +<li>Cuffe, Paul, early life of, <a href="#Page_153">153-156</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>a sea captain, <a href="#Page_156">156-159</a>;</li> + <li>domestic affairs of, <a href="#Page_159">159-161</a>;</li> + <li>protest of, against taxation, <a href="#Page_162">162-166</a>;</li> + <li>a colonizationist, <a href="#Page_167">167-210</a>;</li> + <li>trip of, to England, <a href="#Page_174">174-181</a>;</li> + <li>life of, as a Quaker, <a href="#Page_188">188-194</a>;</li> + <li>death of, <a href="#Page_221">221-223</a>;</li> + <li>the will of, <a href="#Page_230">230-232</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Cuffe, John, a brother of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>protest of, against taxation, <a href="#Page_162">162-166</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Cureux, Louis, purchaser of slaves, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> +<li>Curry, Thomas, a purchaser of slaves in Montreal, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">D</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_D" name="IX_D"></a>Daggett, Judge, decision of, in the Prudence Crandall case, <a href="#Page_78">78-80</a></li> +<li>Daguille, Jacques-François, a vendor of a slave, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> +<li>Damien, Jacques, sale of a slave by, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> +<li><i>Das Unbekannte Africa</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_455">455-458</a></li> +<li>Dassier, Estienne, sale of slave by, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li> +<li>Davis, T. R., <i>Negro Servitude in the United States</i> by, <a href="#Page_247">247-283</a></li> +<li>Davis, Jefferson, befriended by Isaiah T. Montgomery, <a href="#Page_87">87-91</a></li> +<li>Dayly, Dennis, vendor of a slave, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li> +<li>Deane, Major E. L., work of, under the Freedmen's Bureau, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> +<li>De Chalet, François, the hire of a slave by, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li> +<li>De Champigny, Intendant, proposal of, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li> +<li>De la Chevrotière, Joseph Chavigny, purchase of an Indian slave by, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li> +<li>Decline of border States, <a href="#Page_367">367-383</a></li> +<li>De Grasse, John V., the example of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> +<li>De la Tesserie, Joseph, the sale of a Negro by, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li> +<li>Delaware, Lord, the orders of, <a href="#Page_267">267-268</a></li> +<li>Delaware, the movement of Negroes from, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></li> +<li>Delaware River, status of Negroes along, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> +<li>Delzenne, Ignace-François, purchase of a slave by, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li> +<li>Denonville, Governor, proposal of, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li> +<li>Dessalines, the emperor of Haiti, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li> +<li>Detroit, Negroes in domestic service in, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li> +<li>Detweiler, Frederick G., <i>The Negro Press in the United States</i> by, <a href="#Page_238">238-239</a></li> +<li>De Vitre, Mathieu-Theodore, a purchaser of a slave, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> +<li>Director of the Association, the annual report of, <a href="#Page_466">466-471</a></li> +<li>Discovery of Gold in California, the result of, <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li> +<li>Disfranchisement of Negro servants, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li> +<li><i>Disruption of Virginia, The</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_239">239-241</a></li> +<li>District of Columbia, the movement of the Negroes from, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Negroes in domestic service in, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409-413</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Dolgorukovs, friends of Abram Hannibal, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li> +<li>Dominican Republic, the history of, <a href="#Page_135">135-142</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[Pg 476]</a></span>Domingue, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li><i>Domestic service in the United States, Negroes in</i>, <a href="#Page_384">384-442</a></li> +<li>Douglass, Frederick, story related by, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>his wife, <a href="#Page_93">93-101</a>;</li> + <li>in Ireland, <a href="#Page_102">102-107</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Dregis, Emanuel, a Negro servant, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> +<li>Dumoulin, François, of Montreal, a vendor of slaves, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Dunière, Louis, sale of slaves by, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li> +<li>Dutch frigate, slaves brought to Jamestown in, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> +<li>Dutch law with regard to slavery, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">E</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_E" name="IX_E"></a>Edie, Colonel J. R., Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> +<li><i>Educational Efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau and Freedmen's Aid Societies in South Carolina, 1862-1872</i>, <a href="#Page_1">1-40</a></li> +<li>Edwards, G. A., participation of, in the Spring Conference in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li> +<li>El Bekri, the author of Tarikh-es-Soudan, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> +<li>Elizabeth, Empress, a friend of Abram Hannibal, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li> +<li>Elizabeth, Queen, the attitude of, toward slavery, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> +<li>Elkonhead, Jane, the owner of Francis Pryne, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li> +<li>Ellsworth, W. W., an attorney for Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> +<li>Ely, General, daughters of, teachers of Negroes, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> +<li>Embury, Philip, a meeting of Methodists at the home of, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li> +<li>Employment agencies as they concern Negro domestic workers, <a href="#Page_436">436-440</a></li> +<li>Ethics of Africans, <a href="#Page_286">286-290</a></li> +<li>Evans, Henry, a pioneer preacher, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li> +<li><i>Evening Bulletin</i> (Philadelphia), extract from, <a href="#Page_81">81-84</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">F</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_F" name="IX_F"></a>Farando, Bashasar, a Negro servant, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> +<li>Fay, Thomas, inquiry of, into the affairs of Africa, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li> +<li>Featherstonhaugh, quotation from, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li> +<li>Fetishism, the religion of Africa, <a href="#Page_43">43-45</a></li> +<li>Finley, Robert, the correspondence of, with Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_212">212-213</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> +<li>Fisher, Miles Mark, an instructor at Virginia Union University, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li> +<li>Fisher, Samuel R., proposal of, to establish a Negro school, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> +<li>Flora, a slave sold in Montreal, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +<li>Forten, Charlotte S., a teacher in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_10">10-11</a></li> +<li>Forten, James, correspondence of, with Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_205">205-206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>attitude of, on colonization, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Fouse, W. H., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> +<li>Free Negroes in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li> +<li>Free Society of Traders, attitude of, toward freedom, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> +<li>Free Will Baptists, educational efforts of, in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> +<li>Freedmen's Bureau, the work of, in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_1">1-40</a></li> +<li>Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, the schools of, in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li><i>Frederick Douglass in Ireland</i>, <a href="#Page_102">102-107</a></li> +<li>French Canada, slavery in, <a href="#Page_316">316-330</a></li> +<li>Friends, the work of, among freedmen in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Friendly Society of Sierra Leone, the efforts of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> +<li>Frobenius, Leo, reference to, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li><i>Das Unbekannte Africa</i> of, <a href="#Page_455">455-458</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Furley, Benjamin, opposition of, to slavery, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">G</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_G" name="IX_G"></a>Gainesville, Georgia, occupations of, graduates of schools of, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[Pg 477]</a></span>Gannett, W. C., a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> +<li>Garneau, François-Xavier, quotations from, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li> +<li>Garrettson, Freeborn, attitude of, toward slavery, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li> +<li>Garrison, William Lloyd, interest of, in the freedmen, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>letter of Prudence Crandall to, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> + <li>letter of Frederick Douglass to, <a href="#Page_103">103-107</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Gautier, Pierre, purchase of a slave by, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> +<li>Gay, Sydney Howard, in the home of Frederick Douglass, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> +<li>Geaween, John, a Negro servant, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> +<li>Geffrard, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Georgia, restriction upon slavery in, <a href="#Page_254">254-255</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>servants in, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> + <li>movement of Negroes from, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Germantown, Friends of, protest of, against slavery, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> +<li>Ghana, the kings of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>the rise of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Gibbons, William, inquiry of, into the affairs of Sierra Leone, <a href="#Page_207">207-208</a></li> +<li>"Gideonites," the efforts of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> +<li>Gifford, Enos, owner of land near Dartmouth, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> +<li>Gifford, Isaac, quotation from letter of Paul Cuffe to, <a href="#Page_221">221-222</a></li> +<li>Gilbert, a settler from Antigua, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li> +<li>Gloucester, Duke of, interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> +<li>Goddard, Calvin, an attorney for Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> +<li>Gold, the discovery of, in California, the effect of, <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li> +<li>Grant, U. S., effort of, to annex Santo Domingo, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> +<li>Guérin, Danielle Marie-Anne, vendor of a slave, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> +<li>Guerrier, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Guillaume, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> +<li>Gulf States, migration to, <a href="#Page_367">367-383</a></li> +<li>Gummere, Amelia Mott, <i>The Journal of John Woolman</i> by, <a href="#Page_349">349-350</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">H</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_H" name="IX_H"></a>Haiti, relations of, with the United States, <a href="#Page_134">134-152</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>the occupation of, by the United States, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> + <li>the commercial position of, <a href="#Page_148">148-150</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li><i>Haiti and the United States</i>, by George W. Brown, <a href="#Page_134">134-152</a></li> +<li>Hale, Edward Everett, interest of, in freedmen, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> +<li>Hammond, Anna Eliza, a pupil of Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>the arrest of, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Hammond, L. H., <i>In the Vanguard of a Race</i> by, <a href="#Page_111">111-112</a></li> +<li>Hammond, John, of Saratoga, the sale of a slave by, <a href="#Page_327">327-328</a></li> +<li>Hancock, Gordon B., <i>Three Elements of African Culture</i> by, <a href="#Page_284">284-300</a></li> +<li>Hannibal, Ivan, a son of Abram Hannibal, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li> +<li>Hannibal-Pushkin, Nadejda, the mother of Alexander Pushkin, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li> +<li>Hannibal, Ossip, a son of Abram Hannibal, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li> +<li>Harris, Sara, a pupil of Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> +<li>Harris, William, quotation from letter of Paul Cuffe to, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li> +<li>Hart, W. O., sketch of C. C. Antoine by, <a href="#Page_84">84-87</a></li> +<li>Hartford, interest of, in the training of domestic workers, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li> +<li>Hartzell, Bishop J. C., <i>Methodism and the Negro in the United States</i> by, <a href="#Page_301">301-315</a></li> +<li>Hawkins, Sir John, the trading of, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>argument of, in favor of slavery, <a href="#Page_255">255-256</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Hawkins, M. A., participation of, in the Spring Conference of the Association in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li> +<li>Hawkins, John R., address of, in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_353">353-354</a></li> +<li>Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, <a href="#Page_145">145-146</a></li> +<li>Haynes, Elizabeth Ross, <i>Negroes in Domestic Service in the United States</i> by, <a href="#Page_384">384-442</a></li> +<li>Haynes, George E., <i>The Trend of the Races</i> by, <a href="#Page_109">109-111</a></li> +<li>Health of Negro domestic workers, <a href="#Page_432">432-433</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[Pg 478]</a></span>Henrique y Carvajol, Frederico, nomination of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> +<li>Herard, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Hicks, Mrs. C. M., a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li> +<li>Hicks, Jenkins, and Company, merchants connected with Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li> +<li>Higginson, T. W., quotations from, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li> +<li>Hill, L. P., address of, in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_356">356-357</a></li> +<li>Hilton Head, capture of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>educational efforts at, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Hippolyte, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Hipp, George, sale of a slave by, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li> +<li>History, the teaching of, <a href="#Page_123">123-127</a></li> +<li><i>History of the Afro-American Group of the Episcopal Church</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_107">107-109</a></li> +<li><i>History of the United States since the Civil War, A</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_458">458-461</a></li> +<li>Hodge, LeRoy, a letter of, <a href="#Page_343">343-344</a></li> +<li>Holly, Bishop Theodore, the lineage of, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li> +<li>Hopkins, Charles, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_37">37-38</a></li> +<li>Hopkins, Samuel D., interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li> +<li>Hosier, Harry, a Negro preacher, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li> +<li>Howard, Horatio P., the death of, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>relation of, to Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</li> + <li>the will of, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Howard, O. O., the head of the Freedmen's Bureau, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> +<li>Howard School, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> +<li>Hume, Naethan, the owner of slaves in Montreal, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li> +<li>Hunter, General David, in command in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> +<li>Hunter, William, a friend of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> +<li>Hurst, Bishop John, participation of, in the Spring Conference in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li> +<li>Hutchinson, Samuel, a friend of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">I</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_I" name="IX_I"></a>Importation of slaves, restriction on, <a href="#Page_252">252-253</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li> +<li>Impostor posing as the relative of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_208">208-210</a></li> +<li><i>In the Vanguard of a Race</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_111">111-112</a></li> +<li>Indian slaves in Canada, <a href="#Page_320">320-323</a></li> +<li>Indianapolis, occupations of graduates of schools of, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li> +<li>Ireland, Frederick Douglass in, <a href="#Page_102">102-107</a></li> +<li>Isabella, the slave of Hector-Theophilie Cramahé, Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li> +<li>Isthmian Canal, the seizure of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>the completion of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li> + </ul></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">J</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_J" name="IX_J"></a>Jack, a pioneer Negro preacher, <a href="#Page_50">50-51</a></li> +<li>Jackson, John H., the services of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> +<li>Jackson, L. P., <i>Educational Efforts of the Freedmen's Bureau and Freedmen's Aid Societies in South Carolina, 1862-1872</i> by, <a href="#Page_1">1-40</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>an instructor at the Virginia Normal and Industrial Institute, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Jackson, W. C., <i>A Boy's Life of Booker T. Washington</i> by, <a href="#Page_463">463-464</a></li> +<li>James, John, a friend of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>inquiry of, into the condition of Sierra Leone, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>James, L. S., address of, in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li> +<li>Jamestown, the introduction of slavery at, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> +<li>Jessop, Joseph, visit to, by impostor, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li> +<li>Johnson, Anthony, a Negro owner of slaves, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li> +<li>Johnson, James Weldon, <i>The Book of American Negro Poetry</i> by, <a href="#Page_347">347-348</a></li> +<li>Johnson, Richard, a Negro brought to Virginia, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> +<li>Johnston, Sir Harry H., <i>A Comparative Study<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[Pg 479]</a></span> of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages</i> by, <a href="#Page_241">241-242</a></li> +<li>Jones, Absalom, the opposition of, to colonization, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li> +<li>Jones, J. McHenry, the services of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> +<li>Jones, Laurence C., <i>Piney Woods and Its Story</i> by, <a href="#Page_346">346-347</a></li> +<li>Jones, P. W. L., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li><i>Negro Biography</i> by, <a href="#Page_128">128-133</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Jones, Bishop R. E., recognition of, by Methodists, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li> +<li>Jordan, L. G., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> +<li><i>Journal of John Woolman, The</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_349">349-350</a></li> +<li>Judson, A. T., an opponent of Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">K</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_K" name="IX_K"></a>Keith, George, opposition of, to slavery, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> +<li>Kentucky, Colonization Society of, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>the culture of tobacco in, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</li> + <li>breeding of slaves in, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Khama, an honest native of South Africa, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li> +<li>Kizell, John, a settler in Sierra Leone, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">L</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_L" name="IX_L"></a>Labart, Guillaume, a vendor of slaves, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Ladoga Canal Commission, Abram Hannibal a member of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li> +<li>Lane College, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></li> +<li>La Promenade, Paul, a purchaser of a slave in Montreal, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li> +<li>Larger Canal Zone, a reality, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li> +<li>Larned, E. D., quotation from, concerning Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> +<li>Lecompte Cincinnatus, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> +<li>Lee, Barnard K., a founder of a school for Negroes, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> +<li>Legitime, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Lepage Louis, a slave in Quebec, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> +<li>Le Pailleur, Charles, a purchaser of a slave in Montreal, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Levy, Gershon, owner of André, a Canadian slave, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li> +<li>Levy, Solomon, a purchaser of slaves, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +<li>Lewis, Edmonia, the achievements of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> +<li>Liberia, part played by Philadelphia in founding, <a href="#Page_81">81-84</a></li> +<li>Lifland, Abram Hannibal in, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li> +<li>Light, George, an early owner of slaves in Virginia, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li> +<li>Living conditions of Negro domestic workers, <a href="#Page_428">428-429</a></li> +<li>Locke, Perry, a minister going to Africa, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>London Freedmen's Aid Society, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li> +<li>Los Angeles, domestic workers in, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li> +<li>Louisiana, the movement of Negroes to, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>cotton culture in, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Louison, a slave in Canada, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> +<li>Lucas, Charles, a slaveholder in Virginia, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li> +<li>Lucas, Sir Charles, <i>The Partition of Africa</i> by, <a href="#Page_461">461-463</a></li> +<li>Lugard, Lady, quotation from, <a href="#Page_294">294-295</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298-299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li> +<li>Lurker, King, the grandson of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">M</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_M" name="IX_M"></a>McAdam, Hugh, a vendor of slaves in Saratoga, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +<li>McCoy, L. M., participation of, in the Spring Conference of the Association in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li> +<li>McGill, James, a vendor of slaves, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +<li>McGregor, James C., <i>The Disruption of Virginia</i> by, <a href="#Page_239">239-241</a></li> +<li><i>McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations, The</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_348">348-349</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[Pg 480]</a></span>McLachlan, R. W., memorandum of, on the sale of slaves, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +<li>Macaulay, Zachariah, interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_169">169-170</a></li> +<li>Madison, President James, visit to, by Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184-185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> +<li>Mansa Musa, a noble of Ghana, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> +<li>Maryland, early slavery in, <a href="#Page_260">260-261</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>treatment of servants in, <a href="#Page_268">268-269</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274-275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> + <li>movement of Negroes from, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li> + <li>the culture of tobacco in, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</li> + <li>breeding of slaves in, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Martin, Governor Simeon, an endorser of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Mashonaland, natives of, discussed, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li> +<li>Massachusetts, early slavery in, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>restrictions on servants in, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Mather, Mrs. Rachel C., the establishment of a school by, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li>Matthews, W. B., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> +<li>May, Samuel, a coworker of Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></li> +<li>May, Samuel J., in the home of Frederick Douglass, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> +<li>Mazoe Valley, art in, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> +<li>Meade, Bishop, interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> +<li>Melle, a kingdom of Africa, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> +<li>Methodist Churches, early difficulties of the races in, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></li> +<li><i>Methodism and the Negro in the United States</i>, <a href="#Page_301">301-315</a></li> +<li>Menshikov, ruler of Russia, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li> +<li>Michaels, Myer, of Montreal, a purchaser of slaves, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Michigan Freedmen's Relief Association, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li> +<li>Migration to the lower South and Southwest, <a href="#Page_367">367-383</a></li> +<li>Miller, Kelly, address of, in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li> +<li>Miller, Thomas E., Ex-Congressman, remarks of, at the Baltimore Spring Conference, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li> +<li>Mills, Samuel J., interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_213">213-216</a></li> +<li>Miner Normal School, the occupation of the graduates of, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a></li> +<li>Minich, Field Marshall, the friend of Abram Hannibal, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li> +<li>Minimum wage legislation, <a href="#Page_424">424-425</a></li> +<li>Missionary efforts in the South, the success of, <a href="#Page_304">304-305</a></li> +<li>Mississippi, the movement of Negroes to, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379-381</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>cotton culture in, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Missouri, the culture of tobacco in, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>breeding of slaves in, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Mole St. Nicholas, a prospective naval base, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> +<li>Mona Passage, the, significance of, <a href="#Page_148">148-150</a></li> +<li>Monroe Doctrine as it concerns Haiti and Santo Domingo, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li> +<li>Montgomery, Isaiah T., sketch of, <a href="#Page_87">87-91</a></li> +<li>Monsaige, Jean, purchase of a slave by, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> +<li>Morality of Africans, <a href="#Page_286">286-291</a></li> +<li>Morgan, Peter G., the record of, <a href="#Page_341">341-344</a></li> +<li>Morisseaux, Marie-Josephe, sale of a slave by, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> +<li>Morrison, James, a vendor of a slave in Montreal, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328-329</a></li> +<li>Morse, Dr. Jedekiah, inquiry of, into the affairs of Africa, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> +<li>Morse, P. A., quotations from, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li> +<li>Moses, Ruth, an Indian girl, marriage of, to Cuffe Slocum, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> +<li>Mossell, Mrs. N. F., remarks of, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li> +<li>Mtokoland, natives of, discussed, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> +<li>Munro, Abby D., a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> +<li>Murray, Ella Spencer, remarks of, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">N</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_N" name="IX_N"></a>Napier, Peter, the purchase of a slave called Isabella by, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li> +<li>Nat Turner's Insurrection, the results of, <a href="#Page_375">375-376</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[Pg 481]</a></span>Nassingh, Phillip Peter, employer of York Thomas, in Montreal, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li> +<li><i>Negro Biography</i>, by P. W. L. Jones, <a href="#Page_128">128-133</a></li> +<li>Negro folklore, interest in, <a href="#Page_470">470</a></li> +<li><i>Negro in Chicago, The</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_112">112-114</a></li> +<li><i>Negroes in Domestic Service in the United States</i>, <a href="#Page_384">384-442</a></li> +<li><i>Negro Pioneer in the West, A</i>, <a href="#Page_333">333-335</a></li> +<li><i>Negro Press in the United States, The</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_238">238-239</a></li> +<li><i>Negro Servitude in the United States</i>, <a href="#Page_247">247-283</a></li> +<li>Neide, Major Horace, work of, under the Freedmen's Bureau, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> +<li>Neptune, a Negro slave of the estate of De Beauvais, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li> +<li>New England Freedmen's Aid Society, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> +<li>New Jersey, memorial of citizens of, with respect to colonization, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li> +<li>New Netherlands, status of slaves in, <a href="#Page_262">262-263</a></li> +<li>New York, the status of the slave in, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262-263</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>laws of, with respect to Negro schools, <a href="#Page_344">344-345</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>New York National Freedmen's Relief Association, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> +<li>New York City, Negroes in domestic service in, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li> +<li>Nieboer, definition of <i>slave</i> by, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li> +<li>Nicolas, the sale of, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li> +<li>Nonomapata, a dynasty in Africa, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li> +<li>Nord, Alexis, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137-138</a></li> +<li>Normandin, Jean-Baptiste, a vendor of a slave, <a href="#Page_321">321-322</a></li> +<li>North Carolina, early slavery in, <a href="#Page_251">251-252</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>treatment of Negro servants in, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li> + <li>the movement of Negroes from, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Northern Methodist, the attitude of, toward slavery, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>statistics of, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li> + <li>missionary work of, after the <i>Civil War</i>, <a href="#Page_312">312-313</a>;</li> + <li>schools established by, <a href="#Page_313">313-314</a>;</li> + <li>recognition given Negroes by, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li><i>Notes on the Slave in Nouvelle France</i>, <a href="#Page_316">316-330</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">O</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_O" name="IX_O"></a>Oberholtzer, Ellis Paxon, <i>A History of the United States since the Civil War</i> by, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li> +<li>O'Connell, Pezavia, participation of, in the Spring Conference of the Association in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li> +<li>Old Fort Plantation School, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_11">11-12</a></li> +<li>Oreste, Michel, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> +<li>Organizations of domestic workers, <a href="#Page_435">435-436</a></li> +<li>Orleans, Duke of, proposal of, to Abram Hannibal, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></li> +<li>Orr, Governor, interest of, in the uplift of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> +<li>Otis, James, quotation from, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> +<li>Overton, C. B., an assistant in research, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">P</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_P" name="IX_P"></a>Palapwe, an objective of Bent in South Africa, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li> +<li>Palmer, Alice Freeman, interest of, in training for domestic service, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li> +<li>Panama Canal, the building of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>the influence of, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>"Panis," Indian slaves among the French, <a href="#Page_320">320-323</a></li> +<li>Parent, Louis, the petition of, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li> +<li>Paris, Abram Hannibal educated at, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></li> +<li>Park, Dr. R. E., quotation from, <a href="#Page_45">45-46</a></li> +<li>Parker, Robert, a friend of John Castor, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li> +<li>Parry, Albert, <i>Abram Hannibal, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[Pg 482]</a></span>Favorite of Peter the Great</i> by, <a href="#Page_359">359-366</a></li> +<li><i>Partition of Africa, The</i>, a review of, <a href="#Page_461">461-463</a></li> +<li><i>Paul Cuffe</i>, by H. N. Sherwood, <a href="#Page_153">153-229</a></li> +<li>Péan, Hugues Jacques, sale of an Indian slave by, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li> +<li>Pécaudy, Claude, purchase of a slave by, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> +<li>Peck, Solomon, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li>Pemberton, James, interest of, in African colonization, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li> +<li>Penn, William, in colonization dialogue, <a href="#Page_218">218-220</a></li> +<li>Penn's Charter, with respect to slavery, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> +<li>Pennington, J. W. C., the scholarship of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> +<li>Pennsylvania, early slavery in, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Negro servants in, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li> + <li>value of lands of, compared, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Penn Normal and Agricultural Institute, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li> +<li>Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> +<li>Perry, Heman E., sketch of, <a href="#Page_91">91-92</a></li> +<li>Peter the Great, the favorite of, <a href="#Page_359">359-366</a></li> +<li>Peter II, ruler of Russia, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Abram Hannibal, the instructor of, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>"Peter's Negro," 359-366</li> +<li>Petion, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_136">136-137</a></li> +<li>Philadelphia, the part of, in establishing Liberia, <a href="#Page_81">81-84</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Negroes in domestic service in, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Phillips, Wendell, in the home of Frederick Douglass, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> +<li>Philleo, Rev. Calvin, the husband of Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> +<li>Pierrot, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Pickens, William, address of, in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li> +<li>Pierce, E. L., efforts of, in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li> +<li>Pierre, a slave sold in Canada, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li> +<li>Pinchback, P. B. S., partner of C. C. Antoine, <a href="#Page_86">86-87</a></li> +<li><i>Piney Woods and its Story</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_346">346-347</a></li> +<li>Pioneer Negro, in the West, <a href="#Page_333">333-335</a></li> +<li>Pitman, Thomas G., a supporter of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Planters, migration of, from the border States, <a href="#Page_367">367-383</a></li> +<li>Porter, Admiral, effort of, to lease Samaná Bay, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> +<li>Porter, Rev. A. Tomer, the work of, among the freedmen, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> +<li>Port Royal, the education of Negroes at, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> +<li>Port Royal Experiment, the, <a href="#Page_4">4-12</a></li> +<li>Port Royal Relief Committee, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> +<li>Preobrajensky Guard-regiment, Abram Hannibal an officer in, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></li> +<li>Presbyterian Church, the efforts of, to educate Negroes, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> +<li><i>Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of Association for the Study of Negro Life and History</i>, <a href="#Page_116">116-122</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>of the Spring Conference, <a href="#Page_353">353-357</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Protest against slavery, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li> +<li>Protestant Episcopal Freedmen's Commission, the efforts of, in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> +<li>Providence, attitude of, toward slavery, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>interest of citizens of, in domestic service training, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li><i>Prudence Crandall</i>, by G. Smith Wormley, <a href="#Page_72">72-80</a></li> +<li>Punch, John, a Negro servant in Virginia, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li> +<li>Pushkin, Alexander, references of, to his grandfather, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></li> +<li>Pryne, Francis, a slave freed in Virginia, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">Q</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_Q" name="IX_Q"></a>Quebec, slavery in, <a href="#Page_316">316-330</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">R</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_R" name="IX_R"></a>Ragusinsky Savva, gift of Abram Hannibal to Peter the Great by, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li> +<li>Rathbone, William and Richard, merchants connected with Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[Pg 483]</a></span>Rathbone Hodgson Company in communication with Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> +<li>Réaume, Charles, a vendor of slaves, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li> +<li>Reed, E. E., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> +<li>Reed, James, a colonizationist in Sierra Leone, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> +<li>Reed, Lieut. Col. William N., services of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> +<li><i>Religion of the American Negro Slave: His Attitude toward Life and Death</i>, <a href="#Page_40">40-71</a></li> +<li>Research, the results of, <a href="#Page_468">468-470</a></li> +<li>Reval, Abram Hannibal the commandant of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li> +<li>Rhode Island, Negro servitude in, <a href="#Page_264">264-265</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li> +<li>Rhodes, James F., <i>The McKinley and Roosevelt Administrations</i> by, <a href="#Page_348">348-349</a></li> +<li>Richards, Ellen H., the experiment of, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li> +<li>Riché, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Riddell, William Renwick, <i>Notes on the Slave in Nouvelle France</i> by, <a href="#Page_316">316-330</a></li> +<li>Rights of Negro servants, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li> +<li>Rigot, Jean, a vendor of a slave, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Ripley, quotation from, <a href="#Page_299">299-300</a></li> +<li>Robbins, Amasa, an attorney employed by Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Robert Gould Shaw School, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_19">19-20</a></li> +<li>Rogers, Joel, quotation from letter of Paul Cuffe to, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li> +<li>Roman, C. V., address of, at the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> +<li>Romana, La, a plantation in Santo Domingo, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li> +<li>Roscoe, references to, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li> +<li>Roth, William, a letter of, quoted, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>interest of, in Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Rotch, William, a friend of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Rubin, a faithful slave of John Young in Canada, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li> +<li>Ruggles, David, the record of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> +<li>Russell, James S., letters of, <a href="#Page_341">341-344</a></li> +<li>Russell, H. C., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> +<li>Russell, J. H., quotations from, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> +<li>Rust, R. S., a president of the original Wilberforce, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li> +<li>Rutherford, S. W., remarks of, at the Baltimore Spring Conference, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">S</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_S" name="IX_S"></a>Saget, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Salnave, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Salomon, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Sam, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>Samaná Bay, the desire of the United States for, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> +<li>Santo Domingo, a brief account of, <a href="#Page_138">138-142</a></li> +<li>Sara, a slave from Saratoga, sold in Canada, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li> +<li>Saxton, Major Rufus, work of, among the freedmen, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Schism in the Churches of the United States, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li> +<li>Schofield, Martha, efforts of, for the uplift of Negroes, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> +<li>Scott, Bishop I. B., mission of, to Africa, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li> +<li>Scott, General R. K., Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> +<li>Secretary-Treasurer, financial statement of, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li> +<li>Selenginsk, the flight of Abram Hannibal from, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li> +<li>Servitude distinguished from slavery, <a href="#Page_247">247-260</a></li> +<li>Sewall, Judge, work of, against slavery, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li> +<li>Seward, F. W., efforts of, to secure Samaná Bay, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> +<li>Sharp, Granville, interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li> +<li>Shaw, Francis G., interest of, in the freedmen, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[Pg 484]</a></span>Sherman, T. W., operations of, in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li> +<li>Sherman, W. T., field order of, <a href="#Page_35">35-36</a></li> +<li>Sherbro, proposal to purchase land there, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li> +<li>Sherwood, H. N., <i>Paul Cuffe</i> by, <a href="#Page_153">153-229</a></li> +<li>Sierra Leone, an objective of colonizationists, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li> +<li>Slavery in the United States distinguished from servitude, <a href="#Page_247">247-260</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>slavery in England, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li> + <li>protest against, in the colonies, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Slocum, Cuffe, ancestor of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> +<li>Slocum, Ebenezer, the owner of Paul Cuffe's ancestor, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> +<li>Slocum, Ruth, the wife of Cuffe Slocum, the death of, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> +<li>Smith, A. H., the retirement of, from the service of the Association, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a></li> +<li>Smith, Georgine Kelly, participation of, in the Spring Conference of the Association in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li> +<li>Social life of Negro domestic workers, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li> +<li>Songhay, the civilization of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li> +<li>Soudan, the governments of, <a href="#Page_295">295-300</a></li> +<li>Soulouque, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> +<li>South, the movement of Negroes in, <a href="#Page_367">367-383</a></li> +<li>South Carolina, refugees in, <a href="#Page_1">1-6</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>education in, <a href="#Page_1">1-40</a>;</li> + <li>early slavery in, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> + <li>missionary work in, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li> + <li>of Negroes from, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Southern Methodists supreme over slavery, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li> +<li>Southwest, the movement of Negroes to, <a href="#Page_367">367-383</a></li> +<li>Sowle, Jonathan, an owner of land near Dartmouth, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> +<li>Spanish explorers, Negroes with, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> +<li>Spencer, J. O., address of, in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li> +<li>Spingarn, A. B., a letter of, <a href="#Page_344">344-345</a></li> +<li>Sprague, Rosetta Douglass, <i>Anna Murray-Douglass--My Mother as I Recall Her</i> by, <a href="#Page_93">93-101</a></li> +<li>Spring Conference of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, the proceedings of, <a href="#Page_353">353-357</a></li> +<li>Springfield, Massachusetts, occupations of Negroes in, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li> +<li>St. Helena, Negro school at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li> +<li>St. Louis, Negroes in domestic service in, <a href="#Page_393">393-394</a></li> +<li>St. Petersburg-Moscow Canal, the plan for, submitted by Abram Hannibal, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li> +<li>Steward, T. G., extracts from <i>The Friend</i> supplied by, <a href="#Page_331">331-333</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>a letter from, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Steward, W. H., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> +<li>Stiles, Ezra, interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li> +<li>Stiles, Joshua, a vendor of slaves in Montreal, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Stoll, C. C., address of, at the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> +<li>Strong, Henry, an attorney for Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> +<li>Strouds, Giles, a sale of slaves by, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> +<li>Sullivan, John, the purchaser of a slave in Montreal, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li> +<li>Sumner, Charles, quotation from, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li> +<li>Sumner High School, St. Louis, the occupations of the graduates of, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li> +<li>Survance, Antony, a native of Senegal, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> +<li>Swedish Company, ordinance of, with respect to slavery, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">T</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_T" name="IX_T"></a>Taber, Judge Constant, a supporter of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Taber, Philip, a minister known to the Cuffes, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> +<li>Tappan, Arthur, a supporter of Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> +<li><i>Tarikh-es-Soudan</i>, the author of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[Pg 485]</a></span>Taylor, A. A., <i>The Movement of Negroes from the East to the Gulf States from 1830 to 1850</i> by, <a href="#Page_367">367-383</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>a permanently employed investigator of the Association, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Tennessee, the culture of tobacco in, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>breeding slaves in, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li><i>Teaching of Negro History, The</i>, by J. W. Bell, <a href="#Page_123">123-127</a></li> +<li>Texas, admission of, stimulus to slave trade, <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li> +<li><i>The Friend</i>, extracts from, <a href="#Page_331">331-333</a></li> +<li><i>The Item</i> (New Orleans), extract from, <a href="#Page_87">87-91</a></li> +<li><i>The Movement of Negroes from the East to the Gulf States from 1830 to 1850</i>, by A. A. Taylor, <a href="#Page_367">367-383</a></li> +<li><i>The States</i> (New Orleans), extract from, <a href="#Page_84">84-87</a></li> +<li>Thérèse, an Indian slave girl in Quebec, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li> +<li>Thomas, York, a Negro serving under an indenture, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li> +<li>Thompson, A. Eugene, participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> +<li>Thornton, William, interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li> +<li><i>Three Elements of African Culture</i>, <a href="#Page_284">284-300</a></li> +<li>Tillinghast, reference to, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li> +<li>Tobacco, the production of, from 1830 to 1850, <a href="#Page_368">368-369</a></li> +<li>Todd, Andrew, a purchaser of a slave, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Tomlinson, Reuben, work of, under the Freedmen's Bureau, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>Assistant Commissioner, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> + <li>report of, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Tomsk, the service of Abram Hannibal at, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li> +<li>Towne, Laura M., a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li> +<li>Training of domestic service workers in England, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>in the United States, <a href="#Page_398">398-404</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Transition from white servitude to slavery, <a href="#Page_266">266-276</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>from Negro servitude to Negro slavery, <a href="#Page_277">277-283</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Treatment of Negroes in Ohio, <a href="#Page_331">331-332</a></li> +<li><i>Trend of the Races, The</i>, review of, <a href="#Page_109">109-111</a></li> +<li>Turner, John, a vendor of a slave in Montreal, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li> +<li>Turner, George, a soldier, the owner of a slave in Canada, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li> +<li>Tyson, Elisha, a friend of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">U</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_U" name="IX_U"></a>Union American Methodist Episcopal Church organized, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li> +<li>Union Humane Society, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> +<li>United States in the Larger Canal Zone, <a href="#Page_145">145-146</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">V</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_V" name="IX_V"></a>Vallée, Jean Baptiste, a sale of slaves by, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> +<li>Vase, John, an attorney employed by Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Vederique, François, purchase of a Negro by, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li> +<li>Venture, Thomas, the owner of a slave called Isabella, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li> +<li>Vernon, I., a supporter of Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> +<li>Virginia, memorial of legislature of, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>introduction of slavery in, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li> + <li>Negro servants in, <a href="#Page_256">256-260</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li> + <li>treatment of Negro servants in, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> + <li>movement of Negroes from, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</li> + <li>tobacco culture in, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</li> + <li>breeding of slaves in, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Von Sheberg, Christina Regina, the wife of Abram Hannibal, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">W</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_W" name="IX_W"></a>Wallace, Henry A., the death of, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>his services, <a href="#Page_243">243-244</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Ward, William, of Vermont, sale of slaves by, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li> +<li>Washington, Booker T., a quotation from, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li> +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[Pg 486]</a></span>Washington, D. C, Negroes in domestic service in, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409-413</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li> +<li>Webster, Dr. A., an educator in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li>Welch, Jonathan A., an attorney against Prudence Crandall, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> +<li>Wesley, John, the baptism of a Negro by, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li> +<li>Wesleyan Methodists, educational efforts of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li> +<li>Westport, Friends at, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> +<li>Wheatley, Phyllis, the story of, <a href="#Page_44">44-45</a></li> +<li>Wheaton, Laban, presentation of Memorial of Paul Cuffe by, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> +<li>White, Ned Lloyd, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li> +<li>Whittier, John G., interest of, in the Freedmen's education, <a href="#Page_10">10-11</a></li> +<li>Wiener, Leo, <i>Africa and the Discovery of America</i> by, <a href="#Page_233">233-238</a></li> +<li>Wilberforce, William, interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> +<li>Wilberforce, the establishment of, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335-337</a></li> +<li>Wilhelmina, Queen, a friend of Cornelius Winst Blyd, of Dutch Guiana, <a href="#Page_451">451-452</a></li> +<li>Williams, Noah W., participation of, in the annual meeting, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> +<li>Williams, Peter, inquiry of, into colonization prospects, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li> + <li>funeral sermon of, on Paul Cuffe, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Wilmington, Delaware, independent Negro Methodists of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li> +<li>Wilson, G. R., <i>The Religion of the American Negro Slave: His Attitude toward Life and Death</i> by, <a href="#Page_41">41-71</a></li> +<li>Wilson, Samuel, interest of, in colonization, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> +<li>Windward Passage, the, significance of, <a href="#Page_148">148-150</a></li> +<li>Woman's Home Missionary Society, the work of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> +<li>Woodson, Carter G., quotation from, <a href="#Page_47">47-48</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>address of, at annual meeting, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> + <li>address of, in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>World War and Negro domestic labor, <a href="#Page_384">384-442</a></li> +<li>Wormley, G. Smith, <i>Prudence Crandall</i> by, <a href="#Page_72">72-80</a>; + <ul class="IX"> + <li>address of, in Baltimore, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li> + </ul></li> +<li>Wyatt, Sir Francis, the owner of a Negro named Brass, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li> +<li>Wright, Irene A., the assistance of, in research, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li> +<li>Wright, John F., a founder of the original Wilberforce, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li> +<li>Wright, T. G., a founder of a Negro School, <a href="#Page_20">20-21</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">Y</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_Y" name="IX_Y"></a>Yeamans, Sir John, introduction of slaves by, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li> +<li>Yoruban civilization, an estimate of, <a href="#Page_286">286-287</a></li> +<li>Young, John, the purchaser of a Negro slave in Canada, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li> +</ul> + +<p class="center">Z</p> + +<ul class="IX"> +<li><a id="IX_Z" name="IX_Z"></a>Zamor, a ruler of Haiti, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> +<li>Zimbabwe, a city of art in Africa, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li> +<li>Zachas, John C, a teacher of Negroes in South Carolina, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> +</ul> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<div class="trans-note"> +<a name="END" id="END"></a> +<p class="heading">Transcriber's Notes</p> + +<p>The transcriber made these changes to the text:</p> + +<p class="heading">Vol. VIII., No. 1 January, 1923.</p> +<ul class="tn"> +<li>p. 2, Footnote #2, annual report, No. 2 -> Annual report, No. 2</li> +<li>p. 2, Footnote #2, "Description and Travel." changed to small caps</li> +<li>p. 18, necesasry -> necessary</li> +<li>p. 30, Footnote #75, Hohse -> House</li> +<li>p. 47, No footnote marker for footnote #13</li> +<li>p. 51, No footnote marker for footnote #30</li> +<li>p. 57, rythmical -> rhythmical</li> +<li>p. 58, "'O Lord, O my Lord! -> 'O Lord, O my Lord!</li> +<li>p. 72, scolars -> scholars</li> +<li>p. 98, alter -> altar</li> +<li>p. 100, altho -> altho'</li> +<li>p. 104, "Howth" to the "Giant's -> "Howth" to the Giant's</li> +<li>p. 108, demonination -> denomination</li> +</ul> + +<p class="heading">Vol. VIII., No. 2 April, 1923.</p> +<ul class="tn"> +<li>p. 135, prac-cal -> practical</li> +<li>p. 146, Colombia -> Columbia</li> +<li>p. 169, Novia Scotia -> Nova Scotia</li> +<li>p. 205, Aikin -> Aiken</li> +<li>p. 209, keeness -> keenness</li> +<li>p. 210, Paul Cuffe."</li> +<li>p. 218, in in Africa -> in Africa</li> +<li>p. 220, decendants -> descendants</li> +<li>p. 222, devasted -> devastated</li> +<li>p. 225, Columbian Centinel -> Columbian Sentinel</li> +<li>p. 231, In the second item on the page, the text: + "Item. I give unto my cousin Ruth Cottell fifty dollars" + is repeated later on the page and has been left as published.</li> +<li>p. 235, conclusions -> conclusion</li> +<li>p. 235, or capnotherapy -> of capnotherapy</li> +<li>p. 236, "In Africa -> In Africa</li> +<li>p. 236, with spearheads of <i>guanin</i>. -> + with spearheads of <i>guanin</i>." </li> +<li>p. 238, Caaada -> Canada</li> +</ul> + +<p class="heading">Vol. VIII., No. 3 July, 1923.</p> +<ul class="tn"> +<li>p. 254, No footnote marker for footnote #31</li> +<li>p. 258, 'slaves'." -> 'slaves'.</li> +<li>p. 258, Footnote #50, Thomas, 1608 -> Thomas, 1608"</li> +<li>p. 260, devlopment -> development</li> +<li>p. 264, Pensylvania -> Pennsylvania</li> +<li>p. 298, aboundant -> abundant</li> +<li>p. 310, ther church relations -> their church relations</li> +<li>p. 319, fut -> fût</li> +<li>p. 320, Duniere -> Dunière</li> +<li>p. 320, Footnote #10, evenement -> événement</li> +<li>p. 324, Crahamé's -> Cramahé's</li> +<li>p. 324, Footnote #19, rue St-Louis." -> rue St-Louis.</li> +<li>p. 331, There is no footnote #1 in the "Documents" section.</li> +<li>p. 335, Shorly -> Shortly</li> +<li>p. 339, Pioneeer -> Pioneer</li> +<li>p. 340, attoney -> attorney</li> +</ul> + +<p class="heading">Vol. VIII., No. 4 October, 1923.</p> +<ul class="tn"> +<li>p. 378, Tables moved to appear between paragraphs</li> +<li>p. 379, Tables moved to appear between paragraphs</li> +<li>p. 381, Tables moved to appear between paragraphs</li> +<li>p. 385, domestice -> domestic</li> +<li>p. 392, 5,124 single registered -> 5,124 single women registered</li> +<li>p. 416-417, Two footnotes #27, no text for first one on p. 416</li> +<li>p. 416, Tables moved to appear between paragraphs</li> +<li>p. 418, Tabre -> Table</li> +<li>p. 418, Rangh -> Range</li> +<li>p. 418, Model -> Modal</li> +<li>p. 431, as well being -> as well as being</li> +<li>p. 433, No footnote anchor for footnote #36</li> +<li>p. 444, Move 1st juror name to same position as other transcripts</li> +<li>p. 446, barabarism -> barbarism</li> +<li>p. 469, finsh -> finish</li> +</ul> + +<p class="heading">Vol. VIII., 1923, INDEX</p> +<ul class="tn"> +<li>p. 478, Frderick -> Frederick</li> +<li>p. 480, Hutchinson, Samuel, ... -> Hutchinson, Samuel, ... 184</li> +<li>p. 484, Potestant Episcopal -> Protestant Episcopal</li> +</ul> +</div> + +<hr class="full" /> + +<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44343 ***</div> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/44343-h/images/cover.jpg b/44343-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..949405d --- /dev/null +++ b/44343-h/images/cover.jpg |
