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diff --git a/44144-0.txt b/44144-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2cf5de1 --- /dev/null +++ b/44144-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1590 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44144 *** + +PROTECTION and COMMUNISM + +From The French + +By Frédéric Bastiat. + +With a Preface, by The Translator + +London: + +John W. Parker And Son, West Strand + +MDCCCLII. + + + + +TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. + +This translation will not, it is hoped, be unacceptable to the English +reader, particularly at the present moment, when it is not improbable +that, under certain circumstances, a great effort may be made in +this country to restore Protection--or, should that wild attempt be +considered impossible, to shift the public burdens in such a manner as +to effect, as far as possible, the same purpose in favour of what is +called the 'agricultural interest.' M. Bastiat's spirited little work +is in the form of a letter, addressed to M. Thiers--the archenemy of +free-trade, as he was of most propositions which had for their object +the true happiness of France. The present was only one of a series +of efforts made by M. Bastiat in favour of the cause of freedom of +commerce; and the English reader has already had an opportunity of +admiring the force of his arguments and the clearness of his style, in +Mr. Porter's* admirable translation of _Popular Fallacies_, which is, +indeed, a perfect armory of arguments for those 'who, although they may +have a general impression favourable to Free-trade, have yet some fears +as to the consequences that may follow its adoption.' What impression M. +Bastiat may have produced on the public mind of France it is not easy +to conjecture, or how far the recent violent changes in that country, +presuming them to be at all permanent, may prove favourable to +Free-trade or otherwise. But it is to be feared that there is an amount +of prejudice and ignorance in France, among the mass of her people, more +inveterate and more difficult to remove and enlighten than was the +case in this country. However, seed thus sown cannot remain altogether +without fruit, and the rapidity with which correct principles +spread through a great community, under apparently most unfavourable +circumstances, is such as frequently to astonish even those most +convinced of the vast power of truth. + + * Secretary of the Board of Trade, and author of the + _Progress of the Nation_. + +The real object of M. Bastiat is to expose the unsoundness and injustice +of the system of Protection. He does this partly by a dexterous +reference to the theory of Communism, and shows, with logical force and +neat application, that the principles of the two are in truth the same. +The parallel thus drawn, so far from being fanciful or strained, is +capable of easy demonstration. But, in drawing it, M. Bastiat rather +assumes than proves that Communism is itself wholly indefensible--that +its establishment would be destructive of security and property, +and, consequently, of society--in a word, that it is another term for +robbery. + +This is true, and obviously so, of Communism, in its more extravagant +form; and it is to this, of course, that M. Bastiat refers. But it +cannot be denied that there are many modifications of the principle +which embrace more or less truth, and which _appear_ to offer a +corrective to that excessive competition or pressure of numbers, the +evils of which are patent, admitted, and deplored. That the specific +remedy proposed is vicious, that it would quickly make matters much +worse than they are, that it is, in fact, a fraud and a mockery, does +not prevent it from being, and naturally, captivating to many who at +present see no other way out of the difficulties and the struggles by +which they are surrounded: and who are tempted to embrace it, not only +as a relief to their present wants and anxieties, but because it would, +in their opinion, entail other consequences, as connected with their +social condition, particularly grateful to their feelings. We further +admit that such sentiments--not in themselves irrational--founded on +a legitimate desire for improvement, and entertained by large and +important classes--are entitled to the most respectful consideration. + +Whether some considerable melioration in the condition of our labourers +and artisans may not by degrees be effected by means of combined labour, +or co-operation, and the principle of partnership, is no doubt one of +the great questions to be solved by modern society, but it is much too +wide a one to be entered upon, however cursorily, in this place. It is +understood, however, that one of the most original and powerful thinkers +within the domain of statistics is at the present moment engaged on this +subject; and, if this be so, we shall no doubt, before long, be in the +possession of views of extreme importance and interest. + +We have, with deep regret, to add that M. Bastiat died during the autumn +of last year, after a long illness, in the south of Italy. By his death, +not only France, but the world also, has sustained a loss. + + + + + +PROTECTION AND COMMUNISM. + + +TO M. THIERS. + +Sir, + +Do not be ungrateful to the revolution of February. It may have +surprised, perhaps disturbed you, but it has also afforded you, whether +as an author, an orator, or a practised statesman, some unexpected +triumphs. Amidst these successes, there is one certainly of no usual +character. We not long ago read in _La Presse_, 'The Association for the +Protection of National Labour (the ancient Mimerel Club)* is about +to address a circular to all its correspondents, to announce that a +subscription is opened for the purpose of promoting in manufactories the +circulation of M. Thiers's book upon Property. The association itself +subscribes for 5000 copies.' Would that I had been present when this +flattering announcement met your eyes. It should have made them sparkle +with joy. We have good reason to say that the ways of Providence are as +infallible as they are impenetrable. For if you will bear with me for a +moment I will endeavour to prove that Protection, when fully developed, +and pushed to its legitimate consequences, becomes Communism. It is +sufficiently singular that a champion of Protection should discover that +he is a promoter of Communism; but what is more extraordinary and more +consoling still, is the fact that we find a powerful association, that +was formed for the purpose of propagating theoretically and practically +the principles of Communism (in the manner deemed most profitable to +its members) now devoting the half of its resources to destroy the evil +which it has done with the other half. + + * An association, Mr. Porter informs us, composed like that + assembling (or that did assemble, for we are not quite sure + whether it still exists,) at No. 17, New Bond Street, + exclusively of producers, at least of the article sought to + be protected, and therefore of persons who believe + themselves to be interested in excluding from the home + market the productions of others. + +I repeat it,--this is consoling. It assures us of the inevitable triumph +of truth, since it shows us the real and first propagators of subversive +doctrines, startled at their success, industriously correcting with the +proper antidote the poison they had spread. + +This supposes, it is true, the identity of the principles of Communism +and of Protection, and perhaps you do not admit this identity, though, +to speak the truth, it seems to me impossible that you could have +written four hundred pages upon Property without being struck by it. +Perhaps you imagine that some efforts made in favour of commercial +freedom, or rather of free trade, the impatience of a discussion without +results, the ardour of the contest, and the keenness of the struggle, +have made me view (what happens too often to all of us) the errors of my +adversaries in exaggerated colours. But, beyond question, according to +my idea, it requires but little effort to develop the principles you +have been advocating into those of Communism. How can it be that our +great manufacturers, landed proprietors, rich bankers, able statesmen, +have become, without knowing or wishing it, the introducers, the very +apostles of Communism in France? And why not, I would ask? There +are numerous workmen fully convinced of the _right of labour_, and +consequently Communists also without knowing or wishing it, and who +would not acknowledge the title. The reason of this is, that amongst all +classes interest biases the will, and the will, as Pascal says, is +the chief element of our faith. Under another name, many of our working +classes, very honest people be it observed, use Communism as they have +always used it, namely, on the condition that the wealth of others +should alone be liable to the law. But as soon as the principle, +extending itself, would apply the same rule to their own property--oh! +then Communism is held in detestation, and their former principles +are rejected with loathing. To express surprise at this, is simply +to confess ignorance of the human heart, its secret workings, and how +strong its inclination is to practise self-deception.* + + * The truth of this is found on all occasions where the + interests or the passions of men are concerned, and was + rather amusingly shown in many ways when the free-trade + measures of Sir R. Peel were being carried through. Then + every interest desired free-trade, except with reference to + the articles produced by itself. + +No, Sir; it is not the heat of controversy, which has betrayed me in +seeing the doctrine of Protection in this light, for, on the contrary, +it was because I saw it in this point of view before the struggle +commenced that I am thus engaged. Believe me that to extend somewhat +our foreign commerce--a consequential result which, however, is far +from despicable--was never my governing motive; I believed, and I still +believe, that property itself was concerned in the question; I believed, +and I still believe, that our tariff of customs, owing to the principle +which has given it birth, and the arguments by which it is defended, has +made a breach in the very principle of property itself, through +which all the rest of our legislation threatens to force itself. In +considering this state of things, it seems to me that a Communism, the +true effect and range of which, (I must say this to be just,) was not +contemplated by its supporters, was on the point of overwhelming us. +It seems to me that this particular species of Communism (for there +are several kinds of it) flows logically from the arguments of the +protectionists, and is involved when those arguments are pressed to +their legitimate conclusion. It is upon this ground, therefore, that it +seems to me of the utmost importance to meet the evil, for, fortified as +it is by sophistical statements, and sanctioned by high authority, there +is no hope of eradicating the error while such statements are permitted +to take possession of and to distract the mind of the public. It is +thus that we view the matter at Bordeaux, Paris, Marseilles, Lyons, +and elsewhere, where we have organized the free-trade association. +Commercial freedom, considered by itself, is without doubt a great +blessing to the people; but if we had only this object in view, our body +should have been named the _Association for Commercial Freedom_, or, +more accurately, _for the Gradual Reform of the Tariffs_. But the word +'free-trade' implies the _free disposal of the produce of labour_, +in other terms '_property_' and it is for this reason that we have +preferred it. We knew, indeed, that the term would give rise to many +difficulties. It affirmed a principle, and from that moment all the +supporters of the opposite one ranged themselves against us. More than +this, it was extremely objectionable, even to some of those who were +the most disposed to second us, that is to say, to merchants and traders +more engaged in reforming the Customs than in overthrowing Communism. +Havre, while sympathizing with our views, refused to enlist under our +banner. On all sides I was told, 'Let us obtain without loss of time +some modification of our tariff, without publishing to the world our +extreme pretensions.' I replied, 'If you have only that in view, +exert your influence through your chambers of commerce.' To this +they answered, 'The word free-trade frightens people, and retards our +success.' Nothing is more true; but I would derive even from the terror +inspired by this word my strongest arguments for its adoption. The +more disliked it is, say I, the more it proves that the true notion of +property is obscured. The doctrine of Protection has clouded ideas, and +confused and false ideas have in their turn supported Protection. To +obtain by surprise, or with the consent of the Government, an accidental +amelioration of the tariff may modify an effect, but cannot destroy a +cause. I retain, then, the word _Free-trade_, not in the mere spirit of +opposition, but still, I admit, because of the obstacles it creates or +encounters--obstacles which, while they betray the mischief at work, +bear along with them the certain proof, that the very foundation of +social order was threatened. + +It is not sufficient to indicate our views by a word; they should be +defined. This has been done, and I here transcribe, as a programme, the +first announcement or manifesto of this association. + +'When uniting for the defence of a great cause, the undersigned feel +the necessity of declaring their creed: of proclaiming the _design, the +province, the means and the principles of their association_. + +'Exchange is a natural right, like property. Every one who has made +or acquired any article should have the option either to apply it +immediately to his own use, or to transfer it to any one, whomsoever +he may be, who may consent to give him something he may prefer to it +in exchange. To deprive him of this power when he makes no use of +it contrary to public order or morality, and solely to gratify the +convenience of another, is to legalise a robbery--to violate the +principle of justice. + +'Again, it is to violate the conditions of social order--for what +true social order can exist in the midst of a community, in which each +individual interest, aided in this by law and public opinion, aims at +success by the depression of all the others? + +'It is to disown that providential superintendence which presides over +human affairs, and made manifest by the infinite variety of climates, +seasons, natural advantages and resources, benefits which God has so +unequally distributed among men to unite them by commercial intercourse +in the ties of a common brotherhood. + +'It is to retard or counteract the development of public prosperity, +since he who is not free to barter as he pleases, is not free to select +his occupation, and is compelled to give an unnatural direction to his +efforts, to his faculties, to his capital, and to those agents which +nature has placed at his disposal. + +'In short, it is to imperil the peace of nations, for it disturbs +the relations which unite them, and which render wars improbable in +proportion as they would be burdensome. + +'The association has, then, for its object Free-trade. + +'The undersigned do not contest that society has the right to impose on +merchandise, which crosses the frontier, custom dues to meet national +expenses, provided they are determined by the consideration of the wants +of the Treasury alone. + +'But as soon as a tax, losing its fiscal character, aims at the +exclusion of foreign produce, to the detriment of the Treasury itself, +in order to raise artificially the price of similar national products, +and thus to levy contributions on the community for the advantage of a +class, from that instant Protection, or rather robbery, displays itself, +and _this_ is the principle which the association proposes to eradicate +from the public mind, and to expunge from our laws, independently of all +reciprocity, and of the systems which prevail elsewhere. + +'Though this association has for its object the complete destruction of +the system of protection, it does not follow that it requires or expects +such a reformation to be accomplished in a day, as by the stroke of +a wand. To return even from evil to good, from an artificial state of +things to one more natural, calls for the exercise of much prudence and +precaution. To carry out the details belongs to the supreme power--the +province of the association is to propagate the principle, and to make +it popular. + +'As to the means which the association may employ to accomplish its +ends, it will never seek for any but what are legal and constitutional. + +'Finally, the association has nothing to do with party politics. It does +not advocate any particular interest, class or section of the country. +It embraces the cause of eternal justice, of peace, of union, of free +intercourse, of brotherhood among all men--the cause of public weal, +which is identical in every respect with that of the _public consumer_.' + +Is there a word in this programme which does not show an ardent wish to +confirm and strengthen, or rather perhaps to re-establish, in the minds +of men the idea of property, perverted, as it is, by the system of +Protection? Is it not evident that the interest of commerce is made +secondary to the interest of society generally? Remark that the tariff, +in itself good or evil in the financial point of view, engages little +of our attention. But, as soon as it acts _intentionally_ with a view +to Protection, that is to say, as soon as it develops the principle of +spoliation, and ignores, in fact, the right of property, we combat it, +not as a tariff, but as a system. _It is there_, we say, that we must +eradicate the principle from the public mind, in order to blot it from +our laws.* + + * As Mr. Porter says, in one of his excellent notes on M. + Bastiat's work on _Popular Fallacies_, 'The true history of + all progress in regard to great questions, involving change + in social policy, is here indicated by M. Bastiat. It is in + vain that we look for such change through the enlightenment + of what should be the governing bodies. In this respect, all + legislative assemblies, whether called a Chamber of Deputies + or a House of Commons, are truly representatives of the + public mind, never placing themselves in advance, nor + lagging much behind the general conviction. This is not, + indeed, a new discovery, but we are much indebted to Mr. + Cobden and the leading members of the Anti-Corn-Law League + for having placed it in a point of view so prominent that it + can no longer be mistaken. Hereafter, the course of action + is perfectly clear upon all questions that require + legislative sanction. This can only be obtained through the + enlightenment of the constituency; but when such + enlightenment has been accomplished--when those mainly + interested in bringing about the change have once formed + their opinion in its favour, the task is achieved.' + +It will be asked, no doubt, why, having in view a general principle +of this importance, we have confined the struggle to the merits of a +particular question. + +The reason of this, is simple. It is necessary to oppose association to +association, to engage the interests of men, and thus draw volunteers +into our ranks. We know well that the contest between the Protectionists +and Free-traders cannot be prolonged without raising and finally +settling all questions, moral, political, philosophical, and economical, +connected with property. And since the Mimerel Club, in directing its +efforts to one end, had weakened the principle of property, so we aimed +at inspiring it with renewed vigour, in pursuing a course diametrically +opposite. + +But what matters it what I may have said or thought at other times? What +matters it that I have perceived, or thought that I have perceived, a +certain connexion between Protection and Communism? The essential thing +is to prove that this connexion exists, and I proceed to ascertain +whether this be so. + +You no doubt remember the time when, with your usual ability, you drew +from the lips of Monsieur Proudhon this celebrated declaration, 'Give +me the right of labour, and I will abandon the right of property.' +M. Proudhon does not conceal that, in his eyes, these two rights are +incompatible. + +If property is incompatible with the right of labour, and if the +right of labour is founded upon the same principle as Protection, what +conclusion can we draw, but that Protection is itself incompatible with +property? In geometry, we regard as an incontestable truth, that two +things equal to a third are equal to each other. + +Now it happens that an eminent orator, M. Billault, has thought it right +to support at the tribune the right of labour. This was not easy, in +the face of the declaration which escaped from M. Proudhon. M. Billault +understood very well, that to make the state interfere to weigh in the +balance the fortunes, and equalize the conditions, of men, tends towards +Communism; and what did he say to induce the National Assembly to +violate property and the principles thereof? He told you with all +simplicity that he asked you to do what, in effect, you already do +by your tariff. His aim does not go beyond a somewhat more extended +application of the doctrines now admitted by you, and applied in +practice. Here are his words:-- + +'Look at our custom-house tariff? By their prohibitions, their +differential taxes, their premiums, their combinations of all kinds, it +is society which aids, which supports, which retards or advances all the +combinations of national labour; it not only holds the balance between +French labour, which it protects, and foreign labour, but on the soil +of France itself it is perpetually interfering between the different +interests of the country. Listen to the perpetual complaints made by one +class against another: see, for example, those who employ iron in their +processes, complaining of the protection given to French iron over +foreign iron; those who employ flax or cotton thread, protesting +against the protection granted to French thread, in opposition to the +introduction of foreign thread; and it is thus with all the others. +Society (it ought to be said, the government) finds itself then forcibly +mixed up with all these struggles, with all the perplexities connected +with the regulation of labour; it is always actively interfering between +them, directly and indirectly, and from the moment that the question of +custom duties is broached, you will see that you will be, in spite of +yourselves, forced to acknowledge the fact and its cause, and to take on +yourself the protection of every interest. + +'The necessity which is thus imposed on the government to interfere in +the question of labour, should not, then, be considered an objection to +the debt which society owes to the poor workmen.' + +And you will remark well that in his arguments, M. Billault has not the +least intention of being sarcastic. He is no Free-trader, intentionally +disguised for the purpose of exposing the inconsistency of the +Protectionists. No; M. Billault is himself a Protectionist, _bonâ fide_. +He aims at equalizing our fortunes by law. With this view, he considers +the action of the tariffs useful; and being met by an obstacle--the +right of property--he leaps over it, as you do. The right of labour is +then pointed out to him, which is a second step in the same direction. +He again encounters the right of property, and again he leaps over it; +but turning round, he is surprised to see you do not follow him. He asks +the reason. If you reply--I admit in principle that the law may violate +property, but I find it _inopportune_ that this should be done under +the particular form of the right of labour, M. Billault would understand +you, and discuss with you the secondary question of expediency. But you +raise up, in opposition to his views, the principle of property itself. +This astonishes him; and he conceives that he is entitled to say to +you--Do not act with inconsistency, and deny the right of labour on the +ground of its infringement of the right of property, since you violate +this latter right by your tariffs, whenever you find it convenient to do +so. He might add, with some reason, by the protective tariffs you often +violate the property of the poor for the advantage of the rich. By +the right of labour, you would violate the property of the rich to the +advantage of the poor. By what chance does it happen that your scruples +stop short at the point they do? + +Between you and M. Billault there is only one point of difference. Both +of you proceed in the same direction--that of Communism: only you have +taken but one step, and he has taken two. On this account the advantage, +in my eyes at least, is on your side; but you lose it on the ground of +logic. + +For since you go along with him, though more slowly than he does, he +is sufficiently well pleased to have you as his follower. This is an +inconsistency which M. Bitlault has managed to avoid, but, alas! to +fall himself also into a sad dilemma! M. Billault is too enlightened not +to feel, indistinctly perhaps, the danger of each step that he takes +in the path which ends in Communism. He does not assume the ridiculous +position of the champion of property, at the very moment of violating +it; but how does he justify himself? He calls to his aid the favourite +axiom of all who can reconcile two irreconcilable things--_There are no +fixed principles_. Property, Communism--let us take a little from both, +according to circumstances. + +'To my mind, the pendulum of civilization which oscillates from the one +principle to the other, according to the wants of the moment, but which +always makes the greater progress if, after strongly inclining towards +the absolute freedom of individual action, it fells back on the +necessity of government interference.' + +There is, then, no such thing as truth in the world. No principles +exist, since _the pendulum ought to oscillate from one principle to the +other, according to the wants of the moment._ Oh! metaphor, to what a +point thou wouldst bring us, if allowed! + +But as you have well said, in your place in the Assembly, one cannot +discuss all parts of this subject at once, I will not at the present +moment examine the system of Protection in the purely economic point of +view. I do not inquire then whether, with regard to national wealth, it +does more good than harm, or the reverse. The only point that I wish +to prove is, that it is nothing else than a species of Communism. MM. +Billault and Proudhon have commenced the proof, and I will try and +complete it. + +And first, What is to be understood by Communism? There are several +modes, if not of realizing community of goods, at least of trying to +do so. M. de Lamartine has reckoned four. You think that there are a +thousand, and I am of your opinion. However, I believe that all these +could be reduced under three general heads, of which one only, according +to me, is truly dangerous. + +First, it might occur to two or more men to combine their labour and +their time. While they do not threaten the security, infringe the +liberty, or usurp the property of others, neither directly nor +indirectly, if they do any mischief, they do it to themselves. The +tendency of such men will be always to attempt in remote places the +realization of their dream. Whoever has reflected upon these matters +knows these enthusiasts will probably perish from want, victims to their +illusions. In our times, Communists of this description have given +to their imaginary elysium the name of Icaria,* as if they had had a +melancholy presentiment of the frightful end towards which they were +hastening. We may lament over their blindness; we should try to rescue +them if they were in a state to hear us, but society has nothing to fear +from their chimeras. + + * This, as most of our readers are aware, is an imaginary + country at the other side of the world, where a state of + circumstances is supposed to exist productive of general + happiness--moral and physical--to all. The chief creator of + this modern Utopia, from which indeed the idea is + confessedly taken, is M. Cabet, whose book was published + during the year of the late revolution in France. It is + meant to be a grave essay on possible things, but could only + be considered so, we venture to think, in Paris, and only + there in times of unusual excitement. The means by which M. + Cabet and his followers suppose their peculiar society could + be established and maintained, are beyond conception false, + ludicrous, and puerile. + + M. Cabet was obliged to leave France for a grave offence, + but found a refuge and no inconsiderable number of followers + in America, where, by the side of much that is excellent and + hopeful, flourishes, perhaps, under present circumstances, + as a necessary parallel, many of the wild and exploded + theories of the world. + +Another form of Communism, and decidedly the coarsest, is this: throw +into a mass all the existing property, and then share it equally. It +is spoliation becoming the dominant and universal law. It is the +destruction, not only of property, but also of labour and of the springs +of action which induce men to work. This same Communism is so violent, +so absurd, so monstrous, that in truth I cannot believe it to be +dangerous. I said this some time ago before a considerable assembly of +electors, the great majority of whom belonged to the suffering classes. +My words were received with loud murmurs. + +I expressed my surprise at it. 'What,' said they, 'dares M. Bastiat +say that Communism is not dangerous? He is then a Communist! Well, we +suspected as much, for Communists, Socialists, Economists, are all of +the same order, as it is proved by the termination of the words.' I had +some difficulty in recovering myself; but even this interruption proved +the truth of my proposition. No, Communism is not dangerous, when it +shows itself in its most naked form, that of pure and simple spoliation; +it is not dangerous, because it excites horror. + +I hasten to say, that if Protection can be and ought to be likened to +Communism, it is not that which I am about to attack. + +But Communism assumes a third form:-- + +To make the state interfere to, let it take upon itself to adjust +profits and to equalize men's possessions by taking from some, without +their consent, to give to others without any return, to assume the task +of putting things on an equality by robbery, assuredly is Communism to +the fullest extent. It matters not what may be the means employed by the +state with this object, no more than the sounding names with which they +dignify this thought. Whether they pursue its realization by direct or +indirect means, by restriction or by impost, by tariffs or by the right +of labour; whether they call it by the watchword of equality, of mutual +responsibility, of fraternity, that does not change the nature of +things; the violation of property is not less robbery because it is +accomplished with regularity, order, and system, and under the forms of +law. + +I repeat that it is here, at this juncture, that Communism is really +dangerous. Why? Because under this form we see it incessantly ready to +taint everything. Behold the proof! One demands that the state should +supply gratuitously to artisans, to labourers, the _instruments of +labour_,* that is, to encourage them to take them from other artisans +and labourers. Another wishes that the state should lend without +interest; this could not be done without violating property. A third +calls for gratuitous education to all degrees; gratuitous! that is to +say, at the expense of the tax-payers.** + + * By this phrase we believe is meant much more than the + English words might indicate--the supplying all the capital + necessary to start the artisan in the world. + + ** We think, with Adam Smith and most others, that education + and religious instruction may fairly and properly, if the + occasion requires, be excepted from this rule, on the ground + that as they are most beneficial to the whole of society-- + their effects not stopping short with the persons receiving + the immediate benefits--'they may, without injustice, be + defrayed by the general contribution of the whole society.' + We by no means say, however, that this public support should + supersede voluntary contribution. + +A fourth requires that the state should support the associations of +workmen, the theatres, the artists, See. But the means necessary for +such support is so much money taken from those who have legitimately +made it. A fifth is dissatisfied unless the state artificially raises +the price of a particular product for the benefit of those who sell it; +but it is to the detriment of those who buy. Yes, under this form, there +are very few people who at one time or an other would not be Communists. +You are so yourself; M. Billault is; and I fear that in France we are +all so in some degree. It seems that the intervention of the state +reconciles us to robbery, in throwing the responsibility of it on all +the world; that is to say, on no one; and it is thus that we sport with +the wealth of others in perfect tranquillity of conscience. That +honest M. Tourret, one of the most upright of men who ever sat upon the +ministerial bench, did he not thus commence his statement in favour +of the scheme for the advancement of public money for agricultural +purposes? 'It is not sufficient to give instruction for the cultivation +of the arts. We must also supply the instruments of labour.' After this +preamble, he submits to the National Assembly a proposition, the first +heading of which runs thus:-- + +'First--There is opened, in the budget of 1849, in favour of the +Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, a credit of ten millions, to meet +advances to the proprietors and associations of proprietors of rural +districts.' Confess that if this legislative language was rendered with +exactness, it should have been:-- + +'The Minister of Agriculture and Commerce is authorized, during the year +1849, to take the sum of ten millions from the pocket of the labourers +who are in great want of it, and _to whom it belongs_, to put it in the +pocket of other labourers who are equally in want of it, and _to whom it +does not belong_.' + +Is not this an act of Communism, and if made general, would it not +constitute the system of Communism? + +The manufacturer, who would die sooner than steal a farthing, does not +in the least scruple to make this request of the legislature--'Pass me a +law which raises the price of my cloth, my iron, my coal, and enable me +to overcharge my purchasers.' As the motive upon which he founds +this demand is that he is not content with the profit, at which trade +unfettered or free-trade would fix it, (which I affirm to be the same +thing, whatever they may say,) so, on the other hand, as we are all +dissatisfied with our profits, and disposed to call in the aid of the +law, it is clear, at least to me, that if the legislature does not +hasten to reply, 'That does not signify to us; we are not charged to +violate property, but to protect it,' it is clear, I say, that we are in +downright Communism. The machinery put in motion by the state to effect +the object may differ from what we have indicated, but it has the same +aim, and involves the same principle. + +Suppose I present myself at the bar of the National Assembly, and say, +'I exercise a trade, and I do not find that my profits are sufficient: +consequently I pray you to pass a law authorizing the tax-collectors to +levy, for my benefit, only one centime upon each French family,' If the +legislature grants my request, this could only be taken as a single +act of legal robbery, which does not at this point merit the name of +Communism. But if all Frenchmen, one after the other, made the same +request, and if the legislature examined them with the avowed object of +realizing the equality of goods, it is in this principle, followed by +its effects, that I see, and that you cannot help seeing, Communism. + +Whether, in order to realize its theory, the legislature employs +custom-house officers or excise collectors, imposes direct or indirect +taxes, encourages by protection or premiums, matters but little. Does it +believe itself authorized to _take_ and to _give_ without compensation? +Does it believe that its province is to regulate profits? Does it act in +consequence of this belief? Do the mass of the public approve of it?--do +they compel this species of action? If so, I say we are upon the descent +which leads to Communism, whether we are conscious of it or not. + +And if they say to me, the state never acts thus in favour of any one, +but only in favour of some classes, I would reply--Then it has found the +means of making Communism even worse than it naturally is. + +I know, Sir, that some doubt is thrown on these conclusions by the aid +of a ready confusion of ideas. Some administrative acts are quoted, very +legitimate cases in their way, where the intervention of the state is +as equitable as it is useful; then, establishing an apparent analogy +between these cases, and those against which I protest, they will +attempt to place me in the wrong, and will say to me--'As you can only +see Communism in Protection, so you ought to see it in every case where +government interferes.' + +This is a trap into which I will not fall. + +This is why I am compelled to inquire what is the precise circumstance +which impresses on state intervention the communistic character. + +What is the province of the state? What are the things which individuals +ought to entrust to the Supreme Power? Which are those which they ought +to reserve for private enterprise? To reply to these questions would +require a dissertation on political economy. Fortunately I need not do +this for the purpose of solving the problem before us. + +When men, in place of labouring for themselves individually, combine +with others, that is to say, when they club together to execute any +work, or to produce a result by an united exertion, I do not call +that _Communism_, because I see nothing in this of its peculiar +characteristic, _equalizing conditions by violent means_. The state +_takes_, it is true, by taxes, but it _renders_ service for them in +return. It is a particular but legitimate form of that foundation of all +society, _exchange_. I go still further. In intrusting a special service +to be done by the state, it may be made beneficial, or otherwise, +according to its nature and the mode in which it is effected. +Beneficial, if by this means the service is made with superior +perfection and economy, and the reverse on the opposite hypothesis: +but in either case I do not perceive the principle of Communism. The +proceeding in the first was attended with success; in the second, with +failure, that is all; and if Communism is a mistake, it does not follow +that every mistake is Communism. + +Political economists are in general very distrustful on the question +of the intervention of government. They see in it inconveniences of all +sorts, a discouragement of individual liberty, energy, foresight, +and experience, which are the surest foundations of society. It often +happens, then, that they have to resist this intervention. But it is +not at all on the same ground and from the same motive which makes them +repudiate Protection. Our opponents cannot, therefore, fairly turn any +argument against us in consequence of our predilections, expressed, +perhaps, without sufficient caution for the freedom of private +enterprise, nor say, 'It is not surprising that these people reject the +system of Protection, for they reject the intervention of the state in +everything.' + +First, it is not true that we reject it in everything: we admit that it +is the province of the state to maintain order and security, to enforce +regard for person and property, to repress fraud and violence. As to the +services which partake, so to speak, of an industrial character, we have +no other rule than this: that the state may take charge of these, if the +result is a saving of labour to the mass of the people. But pray, in +the calculation, take into account all the innumerable inconveniences of +labour monopolized by the state. + +Secondly, I am obliged to repeat it, it is one thing to protest against +any new interference on the part of the state on the ground that, when +the calculation was made, it was found that it would be disadvantageous +to do so, and that it would result in a national loss; and it is another +thing to resist it because it is illegitimate, violent, unprincipled, +and because it assigns to the government to do precisely what it is +its proper duty to prevent and to punish. Now against the system called +Protection these two species of objections may be urged, but it is +against the principle last mentioned, fenced round as it is by legal +forms, that incessant war should be waged. + +Thus, for example, men would submit to a municipal council the question +of knowing whether it would be better that each family in a town should +go and seek the water it requires at the distance of some quarter of +a league, or whether it is more advantageous that the local authority +should levy an assessment to bring the water to the marketplace. +I should not have any objection in _principle_ to enter into the +examination of this question. The calculation of the advantages and +inconveniences for all would be the sole element in the decision. One +might be mistaken in the calculation, but the error, which in this +instance may involve the loss of property, would not be a systematic +violation of it. + +But when the mayor proposes to discourage one trade for the advantage +of another, to prohibit boots for the advantage of the shoemaker, or +something like it, then would I say to him, that in this instance he +acts no longer on a calculation of advantages and inconveniences; he +acts by means of an abuse of power, and a violent perversion of the +public authority; I would say to him, 'You who are the depositary of +power and of the public authority to chastise robbery, dare you apply +that power and authority to protect it and render it systematic?' + +Should the idea of the mayor prevail, if I see, in consequence of this +precedent all the trading classes of the village bestirring themselves, +to ask for favours at the expense of each other--if in the midst of this +tumult of unscrupulous attempts I see them confound even the notion of +property, I must be allowed to assume that, to save it from destruction, +the first thing to do is to point out what has been iniquitous in the +measure, which formed the first link of the chain of these deplorable +events. + +It would not be difficult, Sir, to find in your work passages which +support my position and corroborate my views. To speak the truth, I +might consult it almost by chance for this purpose. Thus, opening the +book at hap-hazard, I would probably find a passage condemning, either +expressly or by implication, the system of Protection--proof of the +identity of this system in principle with Communism. Let me make the +trial. At page 283, I read:-- + +'It is, then, a grave mistake to lay the blame upon competition, and not +to have perceived that if the people are the producers, they are also +the consumers, and that receiving less on one side,' (which I deny, +and which you deny yourself some lines lower down,) 'paying less on +the other, there remains then, for the advantage of all, the difference +between a system which restrains human activity, and a system which +places it in its proper course, and inspires it with ceaseless energy.' + +I defy you to say that this argument does not apply with equal force to +foreign as to domestic competition. Let us try again. At page 325, we +find: + +'Men either possess certain rights, or they do not. If they do--if these +rights exist, they entail certain inevitable consequences.... + +But more than this, they must be the same at all times; they are entire +and absolute--past, present, and to come--in all seasons; and not only +when it may please you to declare them to be, but when it may please the +workmen to appeal to them.' + +Will you maintain that an iron-master has an undefined right to hinder +me for ever from producing indirectly two hundredweight of iron in my +manufactory, for the sake of producing one hundred-weight in a direct +manner in his own? This right, also, I repeat, either exists, or it +does not. If it does exist, it must be absolute at all times and in all +seasons; not only when it may please you to declare it to be so, but +when it may please the iron-masters to claim its protection. + +Let us again try our luck. At page 63, I read,-- + +'Property does not exist, if I cannot _give_ as well as _consume_ it.' + +We say so likewise. 'Property does not exist, if I cannot _exchange_ +as well as _consume_ it;' and permit me to add, that the _right of +exchange_ is at least as valuable, as important in a social point of +view, as characteristic of property, as the _right of gift_. It is to be +regretted, that in a work written for the purpose of examining property +under all its aspects, you have thought it right to devote two chapters +to an investigation of the latter right, which is in but little danger, +and not a line to that of exchange, which is so boldly attacked, even +under the shelter of the laws. + +Again, at page 47:-- + +'Man has an absolute property in his person and in his faculties. He has +a derivative one, less inherent in his nature, but not less sacred, in +what these faculties may produce, which embraces all that can be called +the wealth of this world, and which society is in the highest degree +interested in protecting; for without this protection there would be +no labour; without labour, no civilization, not even the necessaries of +life--nothing but misery, robbery, and barbarism.'* + + * This is a happy exposure of the inconsistency of M. + Thiers. But we have had recently, and in the sitting of the + late National Assembly, a curious example of the perversion + of his extraordinary powers, in the speeches, full of false + brilliancy, to the legislature of France, in condemnation of + the principles of Free-trade. His statements were coloured, + or altogether without foundation; the examples which he + adduced, when looked into, told against him, and his logic + was puerile. Yet he found an attentive and a willing + auditory. Indeed, the prejudices of the French on this + subject, mixed up as they are with so many influences + operating on their vanity, are still inveterate; and it was, + as it always has been, M. Thiers's object to reflect + faithfully the national mind. His aim never was the noble + one of raising and enlightening the views of his countrymen, + but simply to gain an influence over their minds, by + encouraging and echoing their prejudices and keeping alive + their passions. + +Well, Sir, let us make a comment, if you do not object, on this text. + +Like you, I see property at first in the free disposal of the person; +then of the faculties; finally, of the produce of those faculties, which +proves, I may say as a passing remark, that, from a certain point of +view, Liberty and Property are identical. + +I dare hardly say, like you, that property in the produce of our +faculties is less inherent in our nature than property in these +faculties themselves. Strictly speaking, that may be true; but whether a +man is debarred from exercising his faculties, or deprived of what +they may produce, the result is the same, and that result is called +_Slavery_. This is another proof of the identity of the nature of +liberty and property. If I force a man to labour for my profit, that man +is my slave. He is so still, if, leaving him personal liberty, I find +means, by force or by fraud, to appropriate to myself the fruits of his +labour. The first kind of oppression is the more brutal, the second +the more subtle. As it has been remarked that free labour is more +intelligent and productive, it may be surmised that the masters have +said to themselves, 'Do not let us claim directly the powers of our +slaves, but let us take possession of much richer booty--the produce of +their faculties freely exercised, and let us give to this new form of +servitude the engaging name of _Protection_.' + +You say, again, that society is interested in rendering property secure. +We are agreed; only I go further than you; and if by _society_ you mean +_government_, I say that its only province as regards property is to +guarantee it in the most ample manner; that if it tries to measure and +distribute it by that very act, government, instead of guaranteeing, +infringes it. This deserves examination. + +When a certain number of men, who cannot live without labour and without +property, unite to support a _common authority_, they evidently desire +to be able to labour, and to enjoy the fruits of their labour in all +security, and not to place their faculties and their properties at +the mercy of that authority. Even antecedent to all form of regular +government, I do not believe that individuals could be properly deprived +of the _right of defence_--the right of defending their persons, their +faculties, and their possessions. + +Without pretending, in this place, to philosophise upon the origin and +the extent of the rights of governments--a vast subject, well calculated +to deter me--permit me to submit the following idea to you. It seems to +me that the rights of the state can only be the reduction into method +of personal rights _previously existing_. I cannot, for myself, conceive +_collective right_ which has not its root in _individual right_, and +does not presume it. Then, in order to know if the state is legitimately +invested with a right, it is incumbent on us to ask whether this right +dwells in the individual in virtue of his being and independently of all +government. + +It is upon this principle that I denied some time ago the right of +labour. I said, since Peter has no right to take directly from Paul what +Paul has acquired by his labour, there is no better foundation for this +pretended right through the intervention of the state: for the state +is but the _public authority_ created by Peter and by Paul, at their +expense, with a defined and clear object in view, but which never can +render that just which is in itself not so. It is with the aid of this +touchstone that I test the distinction between property secured and +property controlled by the state. Why has the state the right to +secure, even by force, every man's property? Because this right exists +previously in the individual. No one can deny to individuals the _right +of lawful defence_--the right of employing force, if necessary, to +repel the injuries directed against their persons, their faculties, +and their effects. It is conceived that this individual right, since +it resides in all men, can assume the collective form, and justify +the employment of public authority. And why has the state no right to +_equalize_ or apportion worldly wealth? _Because, in order to do so, it +is necessary to rob some in order to gratify others_. Now, as none of +the thirty-five millions of Frenchmen have the right to take by force, +under the pretence of rendering fortunes more equal, it does not appear +how they could invest public authority with this right. + +And remark, that the right of distributing* the wealth of individuals is +destructive of the right which secures it. There are the savages. They +have not yet formed a government; but each of them possesses the _right +of lawful defence_. And it is easy to perceive that it is this right +which will become the basis of legitimate public authority. If one of +these savages has devoted his time, his strength, his intelligence to +make a bow and arrows, and another wishes to take these from him, all +the sympathies of the tribe will be on the side of the victim; and if +the cause is submitted to the judgment of the elders, the robber +will infallibly be condemned. From that there is but one step to the +organization of public power. But I ask you--Is the province of this +public power, at least its lawful province, to repress the act of him +who defends his property in virtue of his abstract right, or the act of +him who violates, contrary to that right, the property of another? It +would be singular enough if public authority was based, not upon +the rights of individuals, but upon their permanent and systematic +violation! No; the author of the book before me could not support such +a position. But it is scarcely enough that he could not support it; he +ought perhaps to condemn it. It is scarcely enough to attack this gross +and absurd Communism disseminated in low newspapers. It would perhaps +have been better to have unveiled and rebuked that other and more +audacious and subtle Communism, which, by the simple perversion of +the just idea of the rights of government, insinuates itself into some +branches of our legislation, and threatens to invade all. + + * It is not easy here, and in some other places, to convey + the exact meaning without using circuitous language. + +For, Sir, it is quite incontestable that by the action of the +tariffs--by means of Protection--governments realize this monstrous +thing of which I have spoken so much. They abandon the right of lawful +defence, previously existing in all men, the source and foundation of +their own existence, to arrogate to themselves a _pretended right of +equalizing the fortunes of all by means of robbery_, a right which, not +existing before in any one, cannot therefore exist in the community. + +But to what purpose is it to insist upon these general ideas? Why should +I show the absurdity of Communism, since you have done so yourself +(except as to one of its aspects, and, as I think, practically the most +threatening) much better than it was in my power to effect? + +Perhaps you will say to me that the principle of the system of +Protection is not opposed to the principle of property. See, then, the +means by which this system operates. + +These are two: by the aid of premiums or bounties, or by restriction. + +As to the first, that is evident. I defy any one to maintain that the +end of the system of premiums, pushed to its legitimate conclusion, +is not absolute Communism. Men work under protection of the public +authority, as you say, charged to secure to each one his own--_suum +cuique_. But in this instance the state, with the most philanthropic +intentions in the world, undertakes a task altogether new and different, +and, according to me, not only exclusive, but destructive of the +first. It constitutes itself the judge of profits; it decides that this +interest is not sufficiently remunerated, and that that is too much +so; it stands as the distributor of fortunes, and makes, as M. Billault +phrases it, the pendulum of civilization oscillate from the liberty +of individual action to its opposite. Consequently it imposes upon the +community at large a contribution for the purpose of making a present, +under the name of premiums, to the exporters of a particular kind of +produce. The pretext is to favour industry; it ought to say, _one_ +particular interest at the expense of _all_ the others. I shall not stop +to show that it stimulates the off-shoot at the expense of that branch +which bears the fruit; but I ask you, on entering on this course, does +it not justify every interest to come and claim a premium, if it can +prove that the profits gained by it are not as much as those obtained +by other interests? Is it not the duty of the state to listen, to +entertain, to give ear to every demand, and to do justice between the +applicants. I do not believe it; but those who do so, should have the +courage to put their thoughts in this form, and to say--Government is +not charged to render property secure, but to distribute it equally. In +other words, there is no such thing as property. + +I only discuss here a question of principle. If I wished to investigate +the subject of premiums for exportation, as shown in their economical +effects, I could place them in the most ridiculous light, for they are +nothing more than a gratuitous gift made by France to foreigners. It is +not the seller who receives it, but the purchaser, in virtue of that law +which you yourself have stated with regard to taxes; the consumer in +the end supports all the charges, as he reaps all the advantages of +production. Thus we are brought to the subject of premiums, one of the +most mortifying and mystifying things possible. Some foreign governments +have reasoned thus: 'If we raise our import duties to a figure equal to +the premium paid by the tax-payers in France, it is clear that nothing +will be changed as regards our consumers, for the net price will remain +the same. The goods reduced by five francs on the French frontier, will +pay five francs more at the German frontier; it is an infallible means +of paying our public expenses out of the French Treasury.' But other +governments, they assure me, have been more ingenious still. They have +said to themselves, 'The premium given by France is properly a present +she makes us; but if we raise the duty, no reason would exist why more +of those particular goods should be imported than in past times; we +ourselves place a limit on the generosity of these excellent French +people; let us abolish, on the contrary, provisionally, these duties; +let us encourage, for instance, an unusual introduction of cloths, since +every yard brings with it an absolute gift.' In the first case, our +premiums have gone to the foreign exchequer; in the second they have +profited, but upon a larger scale, private individuals. + +Let us pass on to restriction. + +I am a workman--a joiner, for example--I have a little workshop, tools, +some materials. All these things incontestably belong to me, for I have +made them, or, which comes to the same thing, I have bought and paid for +them. Still more, I have strong arms, some intelligence, and plenty of +good will. On this foundation I endeavour to provide for my own wants +and for those of my family. Remark, that I cannot directly produce +anything which is useful to me, neither iron, nor wood, nor bread, nor +wine, nor meat, nor stuffs, &c., but I can produce the _value_ of them. +Finally, these things must, so to speak, circulate under another form, +from my saw and my plane. It is my interest to receive honestly the +largest possible quantity in exchange for the produce of my labour. I +say honestly, because it is not my desire to infringe on the property +or the liberty of any one. But I also demand that my own property and +liberty be held equally inviolable. The other workmen and I, agreed upon +this point, impose upon ourselves some sacrifices; we give up a portion +of our labour to some men called public _functionaries_, because theirs +is the special _function_ to secure our labour and its produce from +every injury that might befal either from within or from without. + +Matters being thus arranged, I prepare to put my intelligence, my arms, +my saw, and plane into activity. Naturally my eyes are always fixed +on those things necessary to my existence, and which it is my duty to +produce indirectly in creating what is equal to them in _value_. The +problem is, that I should produce them in the most advantageous manner +possible. Consequently I look at _values_ generally, or what, in other +words, may be called the current or market price of articles. I am +satisfied, judging from these materials in my possession, that my means +for obtaining the largest quantity possible of fuel, for example, +with the smallest possible quantity of labour, is to make a piece of +furniture, to send it to a Belgian, who will give me in return some +coal. + +But there is in France a workman who extracts coal from the earth. Now, +it so happens that the officials, whom the miner and I _contribute_ to +pay for preserving to each of us his freedom of labour, and the free +disposal of its produce (which is property), it so happens, I say, that +these officials have become newly enlightened and assumed other duties. +They have taken it into their heads to compare my labour with that of +the miner. Consequently, they have forbidden me to warm myself with +Belgian fuel: and when I go to the frontier with my piece of furniture +to receive the coal, I find it prohibited from entering France, which +comes to the same thing as if they prohibited my piece of furniture +from going out. I then reason with myself--if we had never paid +the government in order to save us the trouble of defending our own +property, would the miner have had the right to go to the frontier to +prohibit me from making an advantageous exchange, on the ground that +it would be better for him that this exchange should not be effected? +Assuredly not. If he had made so unjust an attempt, we would have joined +issue on the spot, he, urged on by his unjust pretensions, I, strong in +my right of legitimate defence. + +We have appointed and paid a public officer for the special purpose +of preventing such contests. How does it happen, then, that I find the +miner and him concurring in restraining my liberty and hampering my +industry, in limiting the field of my exertions? If the public officer +had taken my part, I might have conceived his right; he would have +derived it from my own; for lawful defence is, indeed, a right. But on +what principle should he aid the miner in his injustice? I learn, then, +that the public officer has changed his nature. He is no longer a +simple mortal invested with rights delegated to him by other men, who, +consequently, possess them. No. He is a being superior to humanity, +drawing his right from himself, and, amongst these rights, he arrogates +to himself that of calculating our profits, of holding the balance +between our various circumstances and conditions. It is very well, say +I; in that case, I will overwhelm him with claims and demands, while I +see a richer man than myself in the country. He will not listen to you, +it may be said to me, for if he listen to you, he will be a Communist, +and he takes good care not to forget that his duty is to secure +properties, not to destroy them. + +What disorder, what confusion in facts; but what can you expect when +there is such disorder and confusion in ideas? You may have resisted +Communism vigorously in the abstract; but while at the same time you +humour, and support, and foster it in that part of our legislation which +it has tainted, your labours will be in vain. It is a poison, which, +with your consent and approbation, has glided into all our laws and into +our morals, and now you are indignant that it is followed by its natural +consequences. + +Possibly, Sir, you will make me one concession; you will say to me, +perhaps, the system of Protection rests on the principle of Communism. +It is contrary to right, to property, to liberty; it throws the +government out of its proper road, and invests it with arbitrary powers, +which have no rational origin. All this is but too true; but the system +of Protection is useful; without it the country, yielding to foreign +competition, would be ruined. + +This would lead us to the examination of Protection in the economical +point of view. Putting aside all consideration of justice, of right, of +equity, of property, of liberty, we should have to resolve the question +into one of pure utility, the money question, so to speak; but this, you +will admit, does not properly fall within my subject. Take care that, +availing yourself of expediency in order to justify your contempt of +the principle of right is as if you said, 'Communism or spoliation, +condemned by justice, can, nevertheless, be admitted as an expedient,' +and you must admit that such an avowal is replete with danger. + +Without seeking to solve in this place the economical problem, allow me +to make one assertion. I affirm that I have submitted to arithmetical +calculation the advantages and the inconveniences of Protection, +from the point of view of mere wealth, and putting aside all higher +considerations. I affirm, moreover, that I have arrived at this +result: that all restrictive measures produce one advantage and two +inconveniences, or, if you will, one profit and two losses, each of +these losses equal to the profit, from which results one pure distinct +loss, which circumstance brings with it the encouraging conviction, that +in this, as in many other things, and I dare say in all, expediency and +justice agree. + +This is only an assertion, it is true, but it can be supported by proofs +of mathematical accuracy.* + + * What M. Bastiat here asserts is unquestionably true. For + it has often been shown, and may readily be shown, that the + importation of foreign commodities, in the common course of + traffic, never takes place except when it is, economically + speaking, a national good, by causing the same amount of + commodities to be obtained at a smaller cost of labour and + capital to the country. To prohibit, therefore, this + importation, or impose duties which prevent it, is to render + the labour and capital of the country less efficient in + production than they would otherwise be; and compel a waste + of the difference between the labour and capital necessary + for the home production of the commodity, and that which is + required for producing the things with which it can be + purchased from abroad. The amount of national loss thus + occasioned is measured by the excess of the price at which + the commodity is produced over that at which it could be + imported. In the case of manufactured goods, the whole + difference between the two prices is absorbed in + indemnifying the producers for waste of labour, or of the + capital which supports that labour. Those who are supposed + to be benefited--namely, the makers of the protected + article, (unless they form an exclusive company, and have a + monopoly against their own countrymen, as well as against + foreigners,) do not obtain higher profits than other people. + All is sheer loss to the country as well as to the consumer. + When the protected article is a product of agriculture--the + waste of labour not being incurred on the whole produce, but + only on what may be called the last instalment of it--the + extra price is only in part an indemnity for waste, the + remainder being a tax paid to the landlords.--J. S. Mill + +What causes public opinion to be led astray upon this point is this, +that the profit produced by Protection is palpable--visible, as it were, +to the naked eye, whilst of the two equal losses which it involves, one +is distributed over the mass of society, and the existence of the other +is only made apparent to the investigating and reflective mind. + +Without pretending to bring forward any proof of the matter here, I may +be allowed, perhaps, to point out the basis on which it rests. + +Two products, A and B, have an original value in France, which I may +denominate 50 and 40 respectively. Let us admit that A is not worth more +than 40 in Belgium. This being supposed, if France is subjected to the +protective system, she will have the enjoyment of A and B in the whole +as the result of her efforts, a quantity equal to 90, for she will, on +the above supposition, be compelled to produce A directly. If she is +free, the result of her efforts, equal to 90, will be equal: 1st, to the +production of B, which she will take to Belgium, in order to obtain +A; 2ndly, to the production of another B for herself; 3rdly, to the +production of C. + +It is that portion of disposable labour applied to the production of +C in the second case, that is to say, creating new wealth equal to 10, +without France being deprived either of A or of B, which makes all the +difficulty. In the place of A put iron; in the place of B, wine, silk, +and Parisian articles; in the place of C put some new product not now +existing. You will always find that restriction is injurious to national +prosperity. + +Do you wish to leave this dull algebra? So do I. To speak of facts, +therefore, you will not deny that if the prohibitory system has +contrived to do some good to the coal trade, it is only in raising the +price of the coal. You will not, moreover, deny that this excess of +price from 1822 to the present time has only occasioned a greater +expense to all those who use this fuel--in other words, that it +represents a loss. Can it be said that the producers of coal have +received, besides the interest of their capital and the ordinary profits +of trade, in consequence of the protection afforded them, an extra gain +equivalent to that loss? It would be necessary that Protection, without +losing those unjust and Communistic qualities which characterize it, +should at least be _neuter_ in the purely economic point of view. It +would be necessary that it should at least have the merit of resembling +simple robbery, which displaces wealth without destroying it. But +you yourself affirm, at page 236, 'that the mines of Aveyron, Alais, +Saint-Etienne, Creuzot, Anzin, the most celebrated of all, have not +produced a revenue of four per cent, on the capital embarked in them.' +It does not require Protection that capital in France should yield four +per cent. Where, then, in this instance, is the profit to counterbalance +the above-mentioned loss? + +This is not all. There is another national loss. Since by the relative +rising of the price of fuel, all the consumers of coal have lost, they +have been obliged to limit their expenses in proportion, and the whole +of national labour has been necessarily discouraged to this extent. It +is this loss which they never take into their calculation, because it +does not strike their senses. + +Permit me to make another observation, which I am surprised has not +struck people more. It is that Protection applied to agricultural +produce shows itself in all its odious iniquity with regard to farmers, +and injurious in the end to the landed proprietors themselves. + +Let us imagine an island in the South Seas where the soil has become the +private property of a certain number of inhabitants. + +Let us imagine upon this appropriated and limited territory an +agricultural population always increasing or having a tendency to +increase. + +This last class will not be able to produce anything _directly_ of what +is indispensable to life. They will be compelled to give up their labour +to those who have it in their power to offer in exchange maintenance, +and also the materials for labour, corn, fruit, vegetables, meat, wool, +flax, leather, wood, &c. + +The interest of this class evidently is, that the market where these +things are sold should be as extensive as possible. The more it finds +itself surrounded by the greatest quantity of agricultural produce, the +more of this it will receive for any given quantity of its own labour. + +Under a free system, a multitude of vessels would be seen seeking food +and materials among the neighbouring islands and continents, in exchange +for manufactured articles. The cultivators of the land will enjoy all +the prosperity to which they have a right to pretend; a just balance +will be maintained between the value of manufacturing labour and that of +agricultural labour. + +But, in this situation, the landed proprietors of the island make this +calculation--If we prevent the workmen labouring for the foreigners, +and receiving from them in exchange subsistence and raw materials, they +will be forced to turn to us. As their number continually increases, and +as the competition which exists between them is always active, they will +compete for that share of food and materials which we can dispose of, +after deducting what we require for ourselves, and we cannot fail to +sell our produce at a very high price. In other words, the balance in +the relative value of their labour and of ours will be disturbed. We +shall be able to command a greater share in the result of their labour. +Let us, then, impose restrictions on that commerce which inconveniences +us; and to enforce these restrictions, let us constitute a body of +functionaries, which the workmen shall aid in paying. + +I ask you, would not this be the height of oppression, a flagrant +violation of all liberty, of the first and the most sacred principles of +property? + +However, observe well, that it would not perhaps be difficult for +the landed proprietors to make this law received as a benefit by the +labourer. They would say to the latter: + +'It is not for us, honest people, that we have made it, but for you. Our +own interests touch us little; we only think of yours. Thanks to this +wise measure, agriculture prospers; we proprietors shall become rich, +which will, at the same time, put it in our power to support a great +deal of labour, and to pay you good wages; without it, we shall be +reduced to misery--and what will become of you? The island will be +inundated with provisions and importations from abroad; your vessels +will be always afloat--what a national calamity! Abundance, it is true, +will reign all round you, but will you share in it? Do not imagine that +your wages will keep up and be raised, because the foreigner will only +augment the number of those who overwhelm you with their competition. +Who can say that they will not take it into their heads to give you +their produce for nothing? In this case, having neither labour nor +wages, you will perish of want in the midst of abundance. Believe +us; accept our regulations with gratitude. Increase and multiply. +The produce which will remain in the island, over and above what is +necessary for our own consumption, will be given to you in exchange for +your labour, which by this means you will be always secure of. Above +all, do not believe that the question now in debate is between you and +us, or one in which your liberty and your property are at stake. +Never listen to those who tell you so. Consider it as certain that the +question is between you and the foreigner--this barbarous foreigner--and +who evidently wishes to speculate upon you; making you perfidious +proffers of intercourse, which you are free either to accept or to +refuse.' + +It is not improbable that such a discourse, suitably seasoned with +sophisms upon cash, the balance of trade, national labour, agriculture +encouraged by the state, the prospect of a war, &c., &c., would obtain +the greatest success, and that the oppressive decree would' obtain the +sanction of the oppressed themselves, if they were consulted. This has +been, and will be so again.* + + * The ease with which the body of the people--the consumers-- + are deceived by statements and arguments such as are given + in the text is remarkable. The principal reason, perhaps, + is, that men are disposed at first to regard themselves as + producers rather than as consumers. They imagine that the + advantages of Protection, if applied to their own case, + would be incontestable; and, being unable consistently to + deny that their neighbours are equally entitled to the same + favour, a general clamour for Protection against foreign + competition arises. While they fail to perceive the + absurdity of universal Protection and its fallacy, or that + it would be more for their interests to be able to dispose + of a larger quantity of their productions, though perhaps at + a reduced cost, than a smaller quantity in a market + narrowed, as it must be, by the Protection which it + receives. + +However, the true position of the case is now, we hope, firmly +established in England, and this is chiefly due to the recent able, +full, and free discussions which have resulted in our existing +Free-trade system. And we confidently anticipate the day when the people +of the Continent, and of America, will, through the same processes of +reasoning and reflection, and influenced by our example, arrive at the +same result as ourselves. + +But the prejudices of proprietors and labourers do not change the +nature of things. The result will be, a population miserable, destitute, +ignorant, ill-conditioned, thinned by want, illness, and vice. The +result will then be, the melancholy shipwreck, in the public mind, of +all correct notions of right, of property, of liberty, and of the true +functions of the state. + +And what I should like much to be able to show here is, that the +mischief will soon ascend to the proprietors themselves, who will have +led the way to their own ruin by the ruin of the general consumer, for +in that island they will see the population, more and more debased, +resort to the inferior species of food. Here it will feed on chesnuts, +there upon maize, or again upon millet, buckwheat, oats, potatoes. It +will no longer know the taste of corn or of meat. The proprietors +will be surprised to see agriculture decline. They will in vain exert +themselves and ring in the ears of all,--'Let us raise produce; with +produce, there will be cattle; with cattle, manure; with manure, corn.' +They will in vain create new taxes, in order to distribute premiums +to the producers of grass and lucern; they will always encounter this +obstacle--a miserable population, without the power of paying for food, +and, consequently, of giving the first impulse to this succession of +causes and effects. They will end by learning, to their cost, that it +is better to have competition in a rich community, than to possess a +monopoly in a poor one. + +This is why I say, not only is Protection Communism, but it is Communism +of the worst kind. It commences by placing the faculties and the labour +of the poor, their only property, at the mercy of the rich; it inflicts +a pure loss on the mass, and ends by involving the rich themselves in +the common ruin. It invests the state with the extraordinary right of +taking from those who have little, to give to those who have much; and +when, under the sanction of this principle, the dispossessed call for +the intervention of the state to make an adjustment in the opposite +direction, I really do not see what answer can be given. In all cases, +the first reply and the best would be, to abandon the wrongful act. + +But I hasten to come to an end with these calculations. After all, what +is the position of the question? What do we say, and what do you say? +There is one point, and it is the chief, upon which we are agreed: +it is, that the intervention of the legislature in order to +equalize fortunes, by taking from some for the benefit of others, +is _Communism_--it is the destruction of all labour, saving, and +prosperity; of all justice; of all social order. + +You perceive that this fatal doctrine taints, under every variety +of form, both journals and books: in a word, that it influences the +speculations and the doctrines of men, and here you attack it with +vigour. + +For myself, I believe that it had previously affected, with your assent +and with your assistance, legislation and practical statesmanship, and +it is there that I endeavour to counteract it. + +Afterwards, I made you remark the inconsistency into which you would +fall, if, while resisting Communism when speculated on, you spare, or +much more encourage, Communism when acted on. + +If you reply to me, 'I act thus because Communism, as existing through +tariffs, although opposed to liberty, property, justice, promotes, +nevertheless, the public good, and this consideration makes me overlook +all others'--if this is your answer, do you not feel that you ruin +beforehand all the success of your book, that you defeat its object, +that you deprive it of its force, and give your sanction, at least upon +the philosophical and moral part of the question, to Communism of every +shade? + +And then, sir, can so clear a mind as yours admit the hypothesis of a +fundamental antagonism between what is useful and what is just? Shall +I speak frankly? Rather than hazard an assertion so improbable, so +impious, I would rather say, 'Here is a particular question in which, +at the first glance, it seems to me that utility and justice conflict. I +rejoice that all those who have passed their lives in investigating the +subject think otherwise. Doubtless I have not sufficiently studied +it.' I have not sufficiently studied it! Is it, then, so painful a +confession, that, not to make it, you would willingly run into the +inconsistency even of denying the wisdom of those providential laws +which govern the development of human societies? For what more formal +denial of the Divine wisdom can there be, than to pronounce that justice +and utility are essentially incompatible! It has always appeared to me, +that the most painful dilemma in which an intelligent and conscientious +mind can be placed, is when it conceives such a distinction to exist. In +short, which side to espouse--what part to take in such an alternative? +To declare for utility--it is that to which men incline who call +themselves practical. But unless they cannot connect two ideas, they +will unquestionably be alarmed at the consequences of robbery and +iniquity reduced to a system. Shall we embrace resolutely, come what +may, the cause of justice, saying--Let us do what is our duty, in spite +of everything. It is to this that honest men incline; but who would +take the responsibility of plunging his country and mankind into misery, +desolation and destruction? I defy any one, if he is convinced of this +antagonism, to come to a decision. + +I deceive myself--they will come to a decision; and the human heart is +so formed, that it will place interest before conscience. Facts prove +this; since, wherever they have believed the system of Protection to +be favourable to the well-being of the people, they have adopted it, in +spite of all considerations of justice; but then the consequences +have followed. Faith in property has vanished. They have said, like M. +Billault, since property has been violated by Protection, why should it +not be by the right of labour? Some, following M. Billault, will take +a further step; and others, one still more extreme, until Communism is +established. + +Good and sound minds like yours are terrified by the rapidity of the +descent They feel compelled to draw back--they do, in fact, draw back, +as you have done in your book, as regards the protective system, which +is the first start, and the sole practical start, of society upon the +fatal declivity; but in the face of this strong denial of the right of +property, if, instead of this maxim of your book, 'Rights either +exist, or they do not; if they do, they involve some absolute +consequences'--you substitute this, 'Here is a particular case where the +national good calls for the sacrifice of right;' immediately, all that +you believe you have put with force and reason in this work, is nothing +but weakness and inconsistency. + +This is why, Sir, if you wish to complete your work, it will be +necessary that you should declare yourself upon the protective system; +and for that purpose it is indispensable to commence by solving the +economical problem; it will be necessary to be clear upon the pretended +utility of this system. For, to suppose even that I extract from you +its sentence of condemnation, on the ground of justice, that will not +suffice to put an end to it. I repeat it--men are so formed, that when +they believe themselves placed between _substantial good_ and _abstract +Justice_, the cause of justice runs a great risk. Do you wish for a +palpable proof of this? It is that which has befallen myself. + +When I arrived in Paris, I found myself in the presence of schools +called Democratical and Socialist, where, as you know, they make great +use of the words, _principle, devotion, sacrifice, fraternity, right, +union_. Wealth is there treated _de haut en bas_, as a thing, if not +contemptible at least secondary, so far, that because we consider it +to be of much importance, they treat us as cold economists, egotists, +selfish, shopkeepers, men without compassion, ungrateful to God for +anything save vile pelf. Good! you say to me; these are noble hearts, +with whom I have no need to discuss the economical question, which +is very subtle, and requires more attention than the Parisian +newspaper-writers and their readers can in general bestow on a study of +this description. But with them the question of wealth will not be an +obstacle; either they will take it on trust, on the faith of Divine +wisdom, as in harmony with justice, or they will sacrifice it willingly +without a thought, for they have a passion for self-abandonment. If, +then, they once acknowledge that Free-trade is, in the abstract, right, +they will resolutely enrol themselves under its banner. Consequently, I +address my appeal to them. Can you guess their reply? Here it is:-- + +'Your Free-trade is a beautiful theory. It is founded on right and +justice; it realizes liberty; it consecrates property; it would be +followed by the union of nations--the reign of peace and of good-will +amongst men. You have reason and principle on your side; but we will +resist you to the utmost, and with all our strength, because foreign +competition would be fatal to our national industry.' + +I take the liberty of addressing this reply to them:-- + +'I deny that foreign competition would be fatal to national industry. +If it was so, you would be placed in every instance between +your interest--which, according to you, is on the side of the +restriction--and justice, which, by your confession, is on the side of +freedom of intercourse! Now when I, the worshipper of the golden calf, +warn you that the time has arrived to make your own choice, whence comes +it that you, the men of self-denial, cling to self-interest, and trample +principle under foot? Do not, then, inveigh so much against a motive, +which governs you as it governs other men? Such is the experience which +warns me that it is incumbent on us, in the first place, to solve this +alarming problem: Is there harmony or antagonism between justice and +utility? and, in consequence, to investigate the economical side of +the protective system; for since they whose watchword is Fraternity, +themselves yield before an apprehended adversity, it is clear that this +proceeds from no doubt in the truth of the cause of universal justice, +but that it is an acknowledgment of the existence and of the necessity +of self-interest, as an all-powerful spring of action, however unworthy, +abject, contemptible, and despised it may be deemed. + +It is this which has given rise to a work, in two small volumes, which +I take the liberty of sending you with the present one, well convinced, +Sir, that if, like other political economists, you judge severely of the +system of Protection on the ground of morality, and if we only differ as +far as concerns its utility, you will not refuse to inquire, with some +care, if these two great elements of substantial progress agree or +disagree. + +This harmony exists--or, at least, it is as clear to me as the light +of the sun that it does. May it reveal itself to you! It is, then, by +applying your talents, which have so remarkable an influence on others, +to counteract Communism in its most dangerous shape, that you will give +it a mortal blow. + +See what passes in England. It would seem that if Communism could +have found a land favourable to it, it ought to have been the soil +of Britain. There, the feudal institutions, placing everywhere in +juxtaposition extreme misery and extreme opulence, should have +prepared the minds of men for the reception of false doctrines. But +notwithstanding this, what do we see? Whilst the Continent is agitated, +not even the surface of English society is disturbed. Chartism has +been able to take no root there. Do you know why? Because the league +or association which, for ten years discussed the system of Protection, +only triumphed by placing the right of property on its true principles, +and by pointing out and defining the proper functions of the state.* + + * This is a well-earned tribute, both to the people of + England, and to the results of the exertions of the League + and of Sir R. Peel. There can be no doubt that the calmness + of this country, during the late agitations of Europe, was + very much due to the contentment which followed on the + abolition of the corn-laws, and on the reduction and + simplification of the tariff. To this must be added the + conviction (though the process is sometimes sufficiently + slow), that their wishes, when clearly indicated, find + expression and attention in the legislature, and that things + are working on to a great though gradual improvement. The + inhabitants of this kingdom had the practical good sense to + perceive the progress made, and the security they had that + the future would not be barren, and they refused to imperil + these substantial advantages in favour of mere theories and + of experiments, the effects of which no human wit could + foresee. + +Assuredly, if to unmask Protectionism is to aim a blow at Communism in +consequence of their close connexion, one might also destroy both, by +adopting a course the converse of the above. Protection would not +stand for any length of time before a good definition of the right of +property. Also, if anything has surprised and rejoiced me, it is to see +the Association for the Defence of Monopolies devote their resources to +the propagation of your book. It is an encouraging sight, and consoles +me for the inutility of my past efforts. This resolution of the Mimerel +Committee will doubtless oblige you to add to the editions of your +work. In this case, permit me to observe to you that, such as it is, +it presents a grave deficiency. In the name of science, in the name of +truth, in the name of the public good, I adjure you to supply it; and I +warn you that the time has come when you must answer these two questions: + +First, Is there an incompatibility in principle between the system of +Protection and the right of property? + +Secondly, Is it the function of the government to guarantee to each the +free exercise of his faculties, and the free disposal of the fruits of +his labour--that is to say, property--or to take from one to give to +the other, so as to weigh in the balance profits, contingencies, and +other circumstances? + +Ah! Sir, if you arrive at the same conclusions as myself--if, thanks to +your talents, to your fame, to your influence, you can imbue the public +mind with these conclusions, who can calculate the extent of the service +which you will render to French society? We would see the state confine +itself within its proper limits, which is, to secure to each the +exercise of his faculties, and the free disposition of his possessions. +We would see it free itself at once, both from its present vast but +unlawful functions, and from the frightful responsibility which attaches +to them. It would confine itself to restraining the abuses of liberty, +which is to realize liberty itself! It would secure justice to all, +and would no longer promise prosperity to any one. Men would learn to +distinguish between what is reasonable, and what is puerile to ask +from the government. They would no longer overwhelm it with claims and +complaints; no longer lay their misfortunes at its door, or make it +responsible for their chimerical hopes; and, in this keen pursuit of a +prosperity, of which it is not the dispenser, they would no longer be +seen, at each disappointment, to accuse the legislature and the law, +to change their rulers and the forms of government, heaping institution +upon institution, and ruin upon ruin. They would witness the extinction +of that universal fever for mutual robbery, by the costly and perilous +intervention of the state. The government, limited in its aim and +responsibility, simple in its action, economical, not imposing on the +governed the expense of their own chains, and sustained by sound public +opinion, would have a solidity which, in our country, has never been its +portion; and we would at last have solved this great problem--_To close +for ever the gulf of revolution_. + +THE END. + + + + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Protection and Communism, by Frédéric Bastiat + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44144 *** |