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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Lord Lyons: A Record of British Diplomacy,
+Vol. 2 of 2, by Thomas Wodehouse Legh Newton
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: Lord Lyons: A Record of British Diplomacy, Vol. 2 of 2
+
+Author: Thomas Wodehouse Legh Newton
+
+Release Date: November 10, 2013 [EBook #44143]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A RECORD OF BRITISH DIPLOMACY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Brian Foley, Jane Robins and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
+file was produced from images generously made available
+by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ LORD LYONS
+
+ VOLUME II
+
+[Illustration: _Lord Lyons, at the age of 65._
+
+LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD.]
+
+
+
+
+ LORD LYONS
+
+ A RECORD OF BRITISH DIPLOMACY
+
+ BY
+ LORD NEWTON
+
+ IN TWO VOLUMES
+
+ VOLUME II
+
+ WITH PORTRAITS
+
+ LONDON
+ EDWARD ARNOLD
+ 1913
+
+ _All rights reserved_
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS OF VOL. II
+
+
+ CHAPTER X
+
+ THE THIRD REPUBLIC
+
+ 1871-1873
+ PAGE
+
+ Thiers as Chief of the Executive--Negotiations respecting a new
+ Anglo-French Commercial Treaty--Return of the Princes--Embarrassment
+ caused by the Comte de Chambord--Question
+ of voting in the House of Lords--Thiers elected President--State
+ of parties in France--Irritation in Germany against Thiers--Diplomatic
+ incident at Constantinople--Signature of Anglo-French
+ Commercial Treaty--Death of the Emperor Napoleon--Lord
+ Odo Russell on Bismarck's policy--Fall of Thiers--Bismarck
+ and Arnim 1
+
+
+ CHAPTER XI
+
+ MARSHAL MACMAHON'S PRESIDENCY
+
+ 1873-1875
+
+ MacMahon as President of the Republic--Franco-German
+ relations--Bismarck's confidences to Lord Odo Russell--Political
+ confusion in France--The war scare of 1875--Rumoured intention
+ of Khedive to sell his Suez Canal shares--Lord Odo Russell on
+ Bismarck's Foreign Policy--Purchase of Khedive's shares by H.M.
+ Government 47
+
+
+ CHAPTER XII
+
+ THE EASTERN QUESTION
+
+ 1876-1878
+
+ The Powers and Turkey: England and the Andrassy Note--Gambetta
+ on French Politics--Simplicity of Marshal MacMahon--Political
+ consequences of French military re-organisation--Struggle
+ between the Marshal and Parliament--The Constantinople
+ Conference: Determination of Lord Derby to do nothing--Intrigues
+ of the Duc Decazes--Constitutional crisis in
+ France--Defeat of Marshal MacMahon: new Radical Ministry
+ formed under Dufaure with Waddington as Foreign Minister--Treaty
+ of San Stefano; nervousness of French Government--Determination
+ of H.M. Government to secure a Conference--Invitation
+ to Lord Lyons to be the British representative at
+ Berlin--Resignation of Lord Derby: appointment of Lord
+ Salisbury--Lord Salisbury's circular of April 1st, 1878--Inquiry
+ of Lord Salisbury respecting French desire for Tunis--The Anglo-Turkish
+ Convention--The Congress of Berlin--Reception in
+ France of the Anglo-Turkish Convention--Waddington and
+ Tunis--Sir H. Layard on the Treaty of Berlin 95
+
+
+ CHAPTER XIII
+
+ M. GREVY'S PRESIDENCY
+
+ 1878-1879
+
+ Paris Exhibition of 1878: desire of Queen Victoria to visit it
+ incognito--Tunis--Resignation of MacMahon: Election of
+ Grevy--Waddington Prime Minister: his difficulties--Anglo-French
+ policy in Egypt--Question of deposing the Khedive
+ Ismail--Differences between British and French Governments
+ with regard to Egypt--Deposition of the Khedive by the Sultan--Death
+ of the Prince Imperial: effect in France--Proposed
+ visit of Gambetta to England: his bias in favour of English
+ Conservatives--Resignation of Waddington: Freycinet Prime
+ Minister--Coolness between France and Russia 161
+
+
+ CHAPTER XIV
+
+ THE REVIVAL OF FRANCE
+
+ 1880-1881
+
+ Change of Government in England and reversal of Foreign Policy--The
+ French Embassy in London: Freycinet's model Ambassador--Personal
+ characteristics of Lord Lyons: _On ne lui connait
+ pas de vice_--The work at the Paris Embassy--The Eastern
+ Question: Mr. Goschen at Constantinople--The Dulcigno
+ Demonstration and the difficulties of the European Concert--Proposal
+ to seize Smyrna--Opportune surrender of the Sultan--H.M.
+ Government and the Pope: Mission of Mr. Errington,
+ M.P.--Gambetta on the European situation--French expedition
+ to Tunis--Ineffectual objections of H.M. Government--Establishment
+ of French Protectorate over Tunis--Irritation in England
+ and Italy--Distinction drawn between Tunis and Tripoli--Attempt
+ to negotiate a new Anglo-French Commercial
+ Treaty: Question of Retaliation 209
+
+
+ CHAPTER XV
+
+ ARABI'S REBELLION
+
+ 1881-1882
+
+ Egypt: the _coup d'etat_ of the Colonels: joint Anglo-French
+ action--Gambetta as Prime Minister--His desire to remain on good
+ terms with England--Egypt: the Dual Note--Gambetta in favour of
+ a more resolute joint policy--Fall of Gambetta after two months
+ of office--Ministry formed by Freycinet--French vacillation
+ with regard to Egypt--Decision of H.M. Government to employ
+ force--Bombardment of Alexandria--Decision of French Government
+ to take no part in expedition--Fall of Freycinet--Invitation to
+ Italy to join in expedition declined--Effect produced in France by
+ British military success in Egypt--French endeavour to re-establish
+ the Control in Egypt--Madagascar and Tonquin 258
+
+
+ CHAPTER XVI
+
+ ANGLOPHOBIA
+
+ 1883-1885
+
+ Death of Gambetta--General discontent in France--Change of
+ Government: Jules Ferry Prime Minister--Waddington appointed
+ Ambassador in London--Insult to King of Spain in
+ Paris--Growth of French ill-will towards English influence in
+ Egypt--Baron de Billing and General Gordon--Establishment
+ of French Protectorate over Tonquin--Egyptian Conference
+ in London--Renewed request to Lord Lyons to vote in House
+ of Lords--Anti-English combination with regard to Egypt--Jules
+ Ferry on the necessity of delivering a _coup foudroyant_ upon
+ China--French reverse in Tonquin: resignation of Jules Ferry--New
+ Government under Freycinet--Bismarck and the persons
+ whom he disliked--Funeral of Victor Hugo--Return of Lord
+ Salisbury to the Foreign Office--Anglophobia in Paris: scurrilities
+ of Rochefort 305
+
+
+ CHAPTER XVII
+
+ THE LAST YEAR'S WORK
+
+ 1886-1887
+
+ Lord Rosebery at the Foreign Office--His surprise at
+ ill-feeling shown by French Government--Proceedings of General
+ Boulanger--Princes' Exclusion Bill--Boulanger at the Review
+ of July 14th--Causes of his popularity--General Election
+ in England: Lord Salisbury Prime Minister--The Foreign
+ Office offered to Lord Lyons--Egyptian questions raised
+ by French Government--Apprehension in France of a German
+ attack--Embarrassment caused by Boulanger--Unofficial attempt
+ on behalf of French Government to establish better relations
+ with England--Application by Lord Lyons to be permitted to
+ resign--Pressed by Lord Salisbury to remain until end of the
+ year--Desire of French Government to get rid of Boulanger--Lord
+ Salisbury's complaints as to unfriendly action of the French
+ Government in various parts of the world--Resignation of Lord
+ Lyons--Created an Earl--His death 360
+
+
+ APPENDIX
+
+ Lord Lyons in Private Life. By MRS. WILFRID WARD 415
+
+ INDEX 429
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF PLATES IN VOL. II
+
+
+ FACING PAGE
+
+ LORD LYONS AT THE AGE OF 65 _Frontispiece_
+
+ WILLIAM HENRY WADDINGTON 169
+
+ GENERAL BOULANGER 370
+
+ THE BRITISH EMBASSY, PARIS 420
+ (_Photograph by F. Contet, Paris._)
+
+
+
+
+LORD LYONS
+
+A RECORD OF BRITISH DIPLOMACY
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+THE THIRD REPUBLIC
+
+(1871-1873)
+
+
+Strictly speaking, the existence of the National Assembly which had
+been summoned to ratify the Preliminaries of Peace, had now[1] come to
+an end, but under prevailing circumstances, it was more convenient to
+ignore Constitutional technicalities, and the Government proceeded to
+carry on the business of the country on the basis of a Republic. Thiers
+had been elected Chief of the Executive, and it was astonishing how
+rapidly his liking for a Republic increased since he had become the
+head of one. It was now part of his task to check the too reactionary
+tendencies of the Assembly and to preserve that form of government which
+was supposed to divide Frenchmen the least. The feeling against the
+Government of National Defence was as strong as ever, and the elections
+of some of the Orleans princes gave rise to inconvenient demonstrations
+on the part of their political supporters, who pressed for the repeal
+of the law disqualifying that family. Thiers realized plainly enough
+that the revival of this demand was premature, and would only add to
+the general confusion, and had therefore induced the princes to absent
+themselves from Bordeaux, but the question could no longer be avoided.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, June 6, 1871.
+
+ Thiers has been hard at work 'lobbying,' as the Americans
+ say, but could not come to any settlement with the Assembly,
+ and so begged them to postpone the question of the elections of
+ the Princes of Orleans till the day after to-morrow. One of the
+ plans proposed was that the provisional state of things should
+ be formally continued for two years, by conferring his present
+ powers on Thiers for that period. This would, it was hoped, keep
+ the Republicans quiet and allay the impatience of the monarchical
+ parties, by giving them a fixed time to look forward to. But this,
+ it seems, the majority in the Assembly would not promise to vote.
+ On the other hand, Thiers is said to be afraid of having the Duc
+ d'Aumale and perhaps Prince Napoleon also, speaking against him
+ in the Assembly, and attacking him and each other outside. Then
+ comes the doubt as to the extent to which the fusion between the
+ Comte de Chambord and the other Princes, or rather that between
+ their respective parties, really goes. Altogether nothing can be
+ less encouraging than the prospect. The Duc d'Aumale, as Lieutenant
+ General du Royaume, to prepare the way for the Comte de Chambord,
+ is, for the moment, the favourite combination. In the meantime
+ Thiers has thrown a sop to the majority by putting an Orleanist
+ into the Home Office. The idea at Versailles yesterday was that
+ Thiers and the Assembly would come to a compromise on the basis
+ that the Orleans elections should be confirmed, but with a preamble
+ repeating that nothing done was to be held to prejudge the question
+ of the definitive government of France.
+
+When the question came up, Thiers yielded on the point of the admission
+of the Princes, and the majority were highly pleased at having extorted
+this concession. Lord Lyons, dining at Thiers's house at Versailles, a
+few days after the debate in the Assembly, met there the German General
+von Fabrice, the Prince de Joinville, the Duc d'Aumale, and the Duc de
+Chartres, and mentions the significant fact that M. and Madame Thiers
+and the rest of the company treated these Princes with even more than
+the usual respect shown to Royal personages. In private conversation
+Thiers expressed great confidence in soon getting the Germans out of the
+Paris forts, but both he and Jules Favre complained that Bismarck was a
+very bad creditor, and insisted upon having his first half-milliard by
+the end of the month: in fact, the Germans were so clamorous for payment
+that they hardly seemed to realize how anxious the French were to get
+rid of them, and that if the money was not immediately forthcoming, it
+was only because it was impossible to produce it.
+
+What was of more immediate concern to the British Government than either
+the payment of the indemnity or the future of the Orleans princes,
+was the prospect of a new Commercial Treaty. This was sufficiently
+unpromising. Lord Lyons had pointed out during the Empire period, that
+under a Constitutional _regime_ in France, we were not likely to enjoy
+such favourable commercial conditions as under personal government,
+and the more liberal the composition of a French Government, the
+more Protectionist appeared to be its policy. Thiers himself was an
+ardent Protectionist, quite unamenable to the blandishments of British
+Free Traders, who always appear to hold that man was made for Free
+Trade, instead of Free Trade for man, and the Finance Minister, Pouyer
+Quertier, entertained the same views as his chief. But, even if the
+Emperor were to come back, it was more than doubtful whether he would
+venture to maintain the existing Commercial Treaty as it stood, and
+there was every probability that the Bordeaux wine people and other
+so-called French Free Traders would turn Protectionist as soon as they
+realized that there was no prospect of British retaliation. What cut
+Lord Lyons (an orthodox Free Trader) to the heart, was that, just as the
+French manufacturers had got over the shock of the sudden introduction
+of Free Trade under the Empire and had adapted themselves to the new
+system, everything should be thrown back again. It was likely, indeed,
+that there would be some opposition to Thiers's Protectionist taxes,
+but he knew well enough that there were not a sufficient number of
+Free Traders in the Assembly, or in the country, to make any effective
+resistance to the Government. When approached on the subject, the French
+Ministers asserted that all they wanted was to increase the revenue,
+and that all they demanded from England was to be allowed to raise
+their tariff with this view only, whereas, in their hearts, they meant
+Protection pure and simple. Lord Lyons's personal view was that England
+would be better off if the Treaty was reduced to little more than a
+most favoured nation clause. 'The only element for negotiation with the
+school of political economy now predominant here,' he sadly remarked,
+'would be a threat of retaliation, and this we cannot use.' It will
+be found subsequently that this was the one predominant factor in all
+commercial negotiations between the two Governments.
+
+A long conversation with Thiers, who was pressing for a definite reply
+from Her Majesty's Government on the subject of a new Treaty showed
+that matters from the British point of view were as unsatisfactory
+as they well could be. Thiers, whose language respecting England was
+courteous and friendly, made it clear that Her Majesty's Government
+must choose between the proposed modifications in the tariff and the
+unconditional denunciation of the whole Treaty, and that if the Treaty
+were denounced, England must not expect, after its expiration, to be
+placed upon the footing of the most favoured nation. He considered that
+he had a right to denounce the Treaty at once, but had no wish to act
+in an unfriendly spirit, and had therefore refrained from doing so, and
+although he and his colleagues considered that the existing Treaty was
+disadvantageous and even disastrous to France, they had never promoted
+any agitation against it, and had confined themselves to proposing
+modifications of the tariff, which their financial necessities and the
+state of the French manufacturing interests rendered indispensable.
+Coal and iron, which were articles of the greatest importance to
+England, were not touched, and all that had, in fact, been asked for
+was a moderate increase on the duties on textile fabrics. As for the
+French Free Traders, whatever misleading views they might put forward in
+London, their influence upon the Assembly would be imperceptible, and it
+remained therefore for Her Majesty's Government to decide whether they
+would agree to the changes he had proposed to them, or would give up
+altogether the benefits which England derived from the Treaty.
+
+Thiers's real motive was disclosed later on, when, whilst asserting
+that he should always act in a friendly spirit towards England, he
+admitted that 'England was a much more formidable competitor in
+commerce than any other nation.' Concessions which might safely be
+made to other countries might very reasonably be withheld from her.
+For instance, privileges which might be safely granted to the Italian
+merchant navy might, if granted to Great Britain, produce a competition
+between English and French shipping very disadvantageous to France.
+It would also be certainly for the interest of France that she should
+furnish herself with colonial articles brought direct to her own ports
+rather than resort, as at present, to the depots of such goods in
+Great Britain. Nothing could be further from his intentions than to be
+influenced by any spirit of retaliation, nor, if the Treaty should be
+denounced, would he, on that account, be less friendly to England in
+political matters; but it was evident that, in making his financial and
+commercial arrangements, the interests and necessities of France must
+be paramount. In conclusion he pressed for an immediate answer from Her
+Majesty's Government in order that the French Government might complete
+their plans, which were of urgent importance.
+
+To the impartial observer the opinions expressed by Thiers seem to be
+logical, natural, and reasonable, unless the principle of looking after
+one's own interests is unreasonable; but to the ardent devotees of Free
+Trade, they must have appeared in the light of impiety. Lord Lyons, in
+reporting the interview, remarked that 'nothing could have been more
+unsatisfactory than Thiers's language,' and added significantly that he
+himself had managed to keep his temper.
+
+Thiers did not get his definite answer, and the wrangle continued until
+in February, 1872, the French Government, with the general approval of
+the nation, gave notice of the termination of the Commercial Treaty of
+1860.
+
+The Bill abrogating the proscription of the French Royal families had
+been passed by the Assembly, and the elections of the Duc d'Aumale and
+the Prince de Joinville consequently declared valid, but these princes
+having established their rights, wisely remained in the background. Not
+so another illustrious Royalist, the Comte de Chambord. This prince, who
+was also included in the reversal of the disqualifying law, returned
+to France and issued a proclamation from the Chateau of Chambord in
+July which spread consternation in the Royalist camp. After explaining
+that his presence was only temporary and that he desired to create no
+embarrassment, he declared that he was prepared to govern on a broad
+basis of administrative decentralization, but that there were certain
+conditions to which he could not submit. If he were summoned to the
+throne he would accept, but he should retain his principles, and above
+all the White Flag which had been handed down to him by his ancestors.
+This announcement seemed, to say the least, premature, and the
+supporters of a Republic must have warmly congratulated themselves upon
+having to encounter an enemy who played so completely into their hands.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, July 11, 1871.
+
+ The Comte de Chambord seems to have upset the Legitimist
+ coach. The Legitimist Deputies have been obliged to repudiate
+ the White Flag, being sure that they could never be elected to a
+ new Chamber under that Banner, and of course fusion between the
+ Orleans Princes and their cousin is now out of the question.
+
+ Thiers said to me last night that he did not regard the
+ Comte de Chambord's declaration in favour of the White Flag as
+ irrevocable--and that it looked as if it had been made in a moment
+ of ill-temper. According to Thiers, both the Comte de Chambord and
+ the Comte de Paris eagerly desire to be kings--most people doubt,
+ however, whether the Comte de Chambord does really wish it. All
+ that has occurred tends to strengthen and prolong Thiers's hold on
+ power, and he is rejoicing accordingly. Indeed, there is hardly a
+ Frenchman who professes to doubt that Thiers's Government is the
+ only Government possible at the moment.
+
+ Gambetta is not considered by Thiers to be dangerous; he
+ declares that he will only maintain a constitutional or legal
+ opposition so long as the Government is Republican, and if he and
+ his supporters stick to this, Thiers will certainly have no great
+ cause to dread them. If Rouher had been elected he would have been
+ a formidable opponent, though he has been too much accustomed
+ to lead an applauding and acquiescing majority to be good at
+ speaking to a hostile audience. Thiers says that the rejection of
+ Rouher will be a good thing for his own health and repose, as he
+ should have found it very fatiguing to have to answer the great
+ Imperialist orator.
+
+ The hurry with which the new duties were rushed through
+ the Assembly on Saturday is disquieting. Thiers and Jules Favre
+ protest, however, that they are determined to do nothing irregular
+ regarding the Commercial Treaties. The Swiss Minister tells me his
+ Government is determined to insist upon the strict execution of
+ the Swiss Treaty, without admitting any alteration of the tariffs,
+ but then the Swiss Treaty does not expire for five or six years. I
+ take care to give no opinion as to what we shall or shall not do.
+ Thiers talked again last night of conferring with me soon about the
+ details of the changes. I am not very anxious that he should do so,
+ as confusion is much more likely than anything else to arise from
+ carrying on the discussion in both places at once.
+
+ Half my time is taken up with the affairs of the unfortunate
+ English prisoners. It is necessary to be cautious, for the French
+ Authorities are extremely touchy on the subject. There does not
+ appear to be any danger of their being executed, as fortunately
+ they are a very insignificant and unimportant set of insurgents,
+ if insurgents they were; but they are kept a long time without
+ examination, and some do run the risk of being shipped off to New
+ Caledonia.
+
+The Comte de Chambord, having effectually destroyed the chances of
+his own party for the time being, now disappeared from the scene, and
+nothing more was heard of him or his White Flag for a considerable
+period.
+
+The summer of 1871 did not pass without the old question of voting in
+the House of Lords cropping up again. In July, Lord Lyons received
+an intimation from the Liberal Whip that his vote was wanted on the
+following day, accompanied by a letter from Lord Granville in the same
+sense. He declined to come, on the same ground as formerly, viz. that
+he considered it advisable that a diplomatist should keep aloof from
+home politics, and also because he was extremely reluctant to give
+votes on questions of which he had little knowledge. The particular
+question involved was presumably a vote of censure on the Government in
+connection with the Army Purchase Bill, and he seems to have taken it
+for granted that Lord Granville would make no objection. A letter from
+the latter showed that he was mistaken.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Foreign Office, July 17, 1871.
+
+ I cannot agree with the principle you lay down--Lord Stuart,
+ my father, the late Lord Cowley, and Lord Normanby when Ambassador
+ at Paris used to vote when specially summoned. So did Lord Cowley,
+ although he served under successive Governments. So did Lord
+ Westmoreland and others. I find no recommendation of your principle
+ in the report of the Committee of the House of Commons, and
+ although Lord Derby may have given evidence in favour of it, his
+ father gave practical proof in several instances that he entirely
+ disagreed with it.
+
+ A Foreign Government can hardly believe in the confidential
+ relations of this Government and her Ambassador, if the latter
+ being a Peer abstains from supporting them when a vote of want of
+ confidence, or one amounting to it, is proposed against them.
+
+ Clarendon brought before the Cabinet your disinclination to
+ vote on the question of the Irish Church. They unanimously decided
+ that we had a claim upon you, and you were good enough to consent,
+ stating the grounds you mention in your letter of yesterday.
+
+ It is of course too late for any practical result to our
+ controversy as regards to-night, but I hope you will consider
+ that I have a claim on you for the future, when your vote is of
+ importance. I shall never ask you unnecessarily to come over.
+
+An intimation of this kind from an official chief could not well be
+disregarded, but the reply to Lord Granville's letter is conclusive in
+its arguments.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Paris, July 27, 1871.
+
+ Your letter of the 17th about my voting in the House of Lords
+ goes farther than Lord Clarendon did on the previous occasion.
+ Lord Clarendon originally acquiesced in my not voting on the Irish
+ Church Bill, and when he subsequently begged me to come over,
+ unless I objected to the Bill, he founded his request principally
+ upon a strong opinion of Mr. Gladstone's that it was the duty of
+ a peer not to abstain from voting, and that every vote was of
+ consequence. On this ground he expressed a hope that I should come
+ over unless I was opposed to the Bill.
+
+ Of my predecessors, the only one who was in a position
+ resembling mine, was the present Lord Cowley; and certainly he will
+ always be a high authority with me.
+
+ I have been for more than thirty years, and I still am,
+ devoted to my own profession, and I am sure that if I can be of
+ any use in my generation, and do myself any credit, it must be
+ as a diplomatist. I have worked my way up in the regular course
+ of the profession, and have served under successive Governments,
+ both before and since I became a peer, without any reference to
+ home politics. In fact, I received my original appointment to the
+ service from Lord Palmerston; I was made paid attache by Lord
+ Aberdeen; I was sent to Rome by Lord Russell; to Washington by Lord
+ Malmesbury; to Constantinople by Lord Russell; and finally to Paris
+ by Lord Derby. The appointment was given to me in the ordinary way
+ of advancement in my profession, and I was told afterwards by Lord
+ Clarendon that my being wholly unconnected with any party at home
+ had been considered to be a recommendation. I have myself always
+ thought that a regular diplomatist could only impair his efficiency
+ by taking part in home politics, and I have throughout acted upon
+ this conviction. During the thirteen years or thereabouts which
+ have elapsed since I succeeded to my father's peerage, I have given
+ only one vote in the House of Lords; the question, the Irish Church
+ vote, was one on which there really did seem to be a possibility
+ that the decision might turn upon one vote; and the question, as it
+ stood before the House, was hardly a party question.
+
+ In addition to all this, I must say that while I have a very
+ great reluctance to give blind votes, I do not wish to be diverted
+ from my diplomatic duties by having to attend to home questions;
+ also, I would rather give my whole energies to carrying out the
+ instructions of the Government abroad, without having continually
+ to consult my conscience about voting in the House of Lords.
+
+ I did not intend to have given you the trouble of reading
+ a long answer to your letter, but I have just received another
+ summons from Lord Bessborough. I hope, however, you will not press
+ me to come over to vote on Monday. You were at all events good
+ enough to say that you should never ask me to come unnecessarily;
+ but if, after considering my reasons, you insist upon my coming, I
+ must of course defer to your opinion and do what you desire.
+
+It is difficult to believe that Lord Granville, who was one of the
+most amiable and considerate of men, was acting otherwise than under
+pressure in thus endeavouring to utilize an Ambassador as a party hack.
+His arguments certainly do not bear much investigation. If a foreign
+government could not feel any confidence in an Ambassador who failed to
+support his party by a vote in Parliament, what confidence could they
+possibly feel in him if his party were out of office, and he continued
+at his post under the orders of political opponents? If the Clarendon
+Cabinet really decided that they had a claim upon diplomatists as party
+men it only showed that they were conspicuously wanting in judgment and
+a prey to that dementia which occasionally seizes upon British statesmen
+when a division is impending. That state of mind is intelligible when
+a division in the House of Commons is concerned, but what passes
+comprehension is that pressure should be put upon members of the House
+of Lords to vote, whose abstention is obviously desirable, whilst scores
+of obscure peers are left unmolested. One peer's vote was as good as
+another's in 1871, just as it is now; but in the division on the vote of
+censure on the Army Purchase Bill only 244 peers voted out of a House
+containing about double that number.
+
+Before long the question of the prolongation of Thiers's powers for a
+fixed period became the chief topic of interest. He was infinitely the
+most important personage in France, and a large number of members were
+desirous of placing him more or less in the position of a constitutional
+sovereign, and obliging him to take a Ministry from the majority in
+the Assembly. The majority in the Assembly not unnaturally thought
+that their ideas ought to prevail in the Government, and they resented
+being constantly threatened with the withdrawal of this indispensable
+man, an action which, it was thought, would amount to little short of a
+revolution. What they wanted, therefore, was to bestow a higher title
+upon him than Chief of the Executive Power, which would exclude him from
+coming in person to the Assembly; and it was only the difficulty of
+finding some one to take his place, and the desire to get the Germans
+out of the Paris forts that kept them quiet. Like many other eminent
+persons considered to be indispensable, Thiers now began to give out
+that he really desired to retire into private life, and that it was
+only the country which insisted upon his staying in office, while as a
+matter of fact, he was by no means as indifferent to power as he fancied
+himself to be. In the Chamber he damaged his reputation to some extent
+by displays of temper and threats of resignation, but there was never
+much doubt as to the prolongation of his powers.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Aug. 25, 1871.
+
+ Thiers quitted the Tribune in a pet yesterday, and the whole
+ series of events in the Assembly has very much lowered his credit.
+ In the one thing in which he was thought to be pre-eminent, the
+ art of managing a deliberative body, he completely failed: and his
+ first threatening to resign, and then coming back and half giving
+ in, has very much damaged him. Nevertheless the general opinion
+ is that the prolongation of his powers will pass, upon his making
+ it a condition, as a vote of confidence, of his remaining. But it
+ is difficult to believe, even if it be passed by a considerable
+ majority, that things can go on smoothly between him and the
+ Assembly very long. If any party had a leader and courage, it might
+ do almost anything in France at this moment.
+
+ Arnim[2] is expected on Saturday. I knew him years ago at
+ Rome. I doubt his being a conciliatory negotiator. The French
+ believe that Bismarck is so anxious to obtain commercial advantages
+ for Alsace, that he will give them great things in return. He
+ is supposed to wish, in the first place, to conciliate his new
+ subjects; and, in the second, to divert for a time from Germany
+ the torrent of Alsatian manufactures which would pour in if the
+ outlets into France were stopped up. The French hope to get the
+ Paris forts evacuated in return for a continuance of the free
+ entrance of Alsatian goods into France until the 1st of January,
+ and they even speculate upon getting the Prussians to evacuate
+ Champagne, and content themselves with keeping the army, which was
+ to have occupied it, inside the German frontier, the French paying
+ the expenses, as if it were still in France. All this to be given
+ in return for a prolongation of commercial privileges for Alsace.
+ It would be ungenerous of 'most favoured nations' to claim similar
+ privileges.
+
+ Thiers was too full of the events of the afternoon in the
+ Assembly to talk about the Commercial Treaty. I don't believe he
+ has brought the Committee round to his duties on raw materials.
+
+At the end of August, the Assembly by a very large majority passed a
+bill conferring upon Thiers the title of President of the Republic and
+confirmed his powers for the duration of the existing Assembly, adopting
+at the same time a vote of confidence in him personally. The result
+of these proceedings was that the attempt to make a step towards the
+definite establishment of a Republic and to place Thiers as President
+for a term of years in a position independent of the Assembly, failed.
+The bill asserted what the Left had always denied, viz. the constituent
+power of the Assembly, and declared that the President was responsible
+to it. So far, it expressed the sentiments of the moderate men, and the
+minority was composed of extreme Legitimists and extreme Republicans. It
+also proved that Thiers was still held to be the indispensable man.
+
+The Assembly, which had adjourned after the passing of the
+above-mentioned bill, met again in December, and was supposed to be
+more Conservative than ever, owing to the fear created by Radical
+progress in the country. Thiers's Presidential Message did not afford
+much satisfaction to the extreme partisans on either side, and it was
+evident that he did not desire any prompt solution of the Constitutional
+question, preferring to leave himself free, and not to be forced into
+taking any premature decision. As for the Legitimist, Orleanist, and
+Moderate Republican groups, their vacillation tended only to the
+advantage of two parties, the Bonapartists and the Red Republicans.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 26. 1871.
+
+ The New Year will open gloomily for France. The Germans appear
+ to be alarmed, or at all events irritated, by Thiers's military
+ boasts and military preparations. The boasts are certainly unwise,
+ and preparations or anything else which encourages the French
+ to expect to get off paying the three milliards are extremely
+ imprudent. The Germans mean to have their money and keep the
+ territory they have taken, and they say that they had better have
+ it out with France now that she is weak, than wait till she has
+ got strong again. The irritation of the French against the Germans
+ seems to grow, and the Germans are angry with the French for not
+ loving them, which after the conditions of peace, to say nothing of
+ the events of the war, seems somewhat unreasonable.
+
+ Thiers so far holds his own, and no party seems willing to
+ displace him, while no party agrees with him. The one thing in
+ which men of all parties seem to agree is in abusing Thiers, and
+ I must say that a good deal of the abuse is exceedingly unjust.
+ But with the members of the Assembly in this inflammable state of
+ feeling towards him, an unexpected spark may at any moment make
+ them flare up and turn him out almost before they are aware of
+ it. The general idea is that the Assembly would appoint the Duc
+ d'Aumale to succeed him; the acceptance of the Duc d'Aumale by
+ the country would depend upon the amount of vigour he showed in
+ putting down illegal opposition by force. There are members of the
+ Assembly who wish to declare that in case of Thiers's abdication
+ or dethronement, the President of the Assembly is to exercise the
+ Executive Power. This is with a view of bringing forward Grevy, who
+ is an honourable, moderate man, but an old thoroughbred Republican.
+ The immediate event people are looking forward to with interest
+ and anxiety is the election of a deputy for Paris on the 7th of
+ next month. No one will be surprised if a Red is returned, in
+ consequence of the men of order declining to vote. The Legitimists
+ and the Orleanists seem to be at daggers drawn again.
+
+ Arnim says that Bismarck's fierce despatch was partly intended
+ to strengthen Thiers's hands in resisting violence against the
+ Germans. If this is so, the ferocity went too far beyond the mark
+ to be successful, great as the provocation on the French side was.
+
+ I will write a mild disclaimer of the accuracy of Jules
+ Favre's accounts of his communications with me. There is no _malus
+ animus_, I think, in them. My Russian and Italian colleagues are
+ very much annoyed by the language he attributes to them.
+
+The fierce despatch referred was a harsh communication from Bismarck
+complaining of the recent acquittal of some Frenchmen who had
+assassinated German soldiers of the army of occupation.
+
+At the close of 1871, the Bonapartist Party, although scarcely
+represented in the Assembly, appeared to be that which caused the
+Government the most anxiety. That party had undoubtedly made progress
+in the country; it held out the hope of a vigorous and determined
+maintenance of public order, and a vast number of Frenchmen were so much
+out of heart, so wearied and disgusted by the results of the attempts
+at political liberty, and so much afraid of the triumph of the Commune,
+that they were prepared to sacrifice anything in order to be assured of
+peace and tranquillity. The peasants, shopkeepers, and even many of the
+workmen in the towns, sighed for the material prosperity of the Empire.
+They believed that the Emperor had been betrayed by his Ministers and
+Generals, and were willing to excuse his personal share even in the
+capitulation of Sedan. If more confidence could have been felt in his
+health and personal energy, the advocates of a restoration of the Empire
+would have been still more numerous. As it was, a great mass of the
+ignorant and the timid were in favour of it, and it was the opinion
+of so impartial an observer as the British Ambassador, that if a free
+vote could have been taken under universal suffrage a majority would
+probably have been obtained for the re-establishment upon the throne of
+Napoleon III. If the Imperialists could by any means have seized upon
+the executive Government and so directed the operations of a plebiscite,
+there was little doubt as to their securing the usual millions of votes
+under that process. With them, as with the other parties, the difficulty
+lay in bringing about such a crisis as would enable them to act, and the
+Emperor himself was disinclined to take any adventurous step.
+
+The Legitimists had the advantage of holding to a definite principle,
+but it was a principle which carried little weight in the country in
+general. Their chief, the Comte de Chambord, had shown himself to be so
+impracticable, that it really seemed doubtful whether he wished to mount
+the throne, and the party had more members in the existing Assembly than
+it was likely to obtain if a fresh general election took place; added
+to which it had quarrelled with the Orleanists, a union with whom was
+essential to the attainment of any practical end.
+
+The Orleanists were weakened by their dissensions with the Legitimists
+and discouraged by what they considered the want of energy and
+enterprise of the Princes of the family. The members of the Orleans
+party suffered from the want of a definite principle, and consisted
+chiefly of educated and enlightened men who held to Constitutional
+Monarchy and Parliamentary Government; in reality they were a
+fluctuating body willing to accept any Government giving a promise of
+order and political liberty.
+
+The moderate Republicans included in their ranks many honest and
+respected men, but they had to contend with the extreme unpopularity of
+the Government of National Defence in which they had formed the chief
+part, and although the existing Government was nominally based upon
+their principles, they did not appear to be gaining ground. The extreme
+Republicans endeavoured to make up by violence what they wanted in
+numerical strength, and as they saw no prospect of obtaining office in
+a regular manner, founded their hopes upon seizing power at a critical
+moment with the help of the Paris mob.
+
+Amidst this collection of parties stood Thiers's Government, supported
+heartily by none, but accepted by all. By skilful management, by
+yielding where resistance appeared hopeless, and by obtaining votes
+sometimes from one side of the Assembly, and sometimes from the other,
+Thiers had carried many points to which he attached importance, and
+had never yet found himself in a minority. His Government was avowedly
+a temporary expedient, resting upon a compromise between all parties,
+or rather upon the adjournment of all constitutional questions. To the
+monarchical parties which formed the majority of the Assembly, Thiers's
+apparent adoption of the Republican system rendered him especially
+obnoxious. On the other hand, the Republicans were dissatisfied because,
+the whole weight of the Government was not unscrupulously used for the
+purpose of establishing a Republic permanently, with or without the
+consent of the people.
+
+On the centralization of the administration, on military organization,
+on finance, and on other matters, Thiers's personal views were widely
+different from those generally prevalent in the Assembly, and there was
+plenty of censure and criticism of him in private; but no one party saw
+its way to ensuring its own triumph, and all were weighed down by the
+necessity of maintaining endurable relations with Germany. In forming
+such relations, Thiers had shown great skill and obtained considerable
+success in his arduous task. Bismarck, in imposing the hardest possible
+conditions of peace, had acted avowedly on the principle that it was
+hopeless to conciliate France, and that the only security for Germany
+lay in weakening her as much as possible. This policy having been
+carried out, the German public and the German press appeared to be quite
+surprised that France was slow to be reconciled to her conquerors,
+and even to doubt whether already France was not too strong for their
+safety. The apparent recovery of the French finances may well have
+surprised them disagreeably, but Thiers was not over careful to avoid
+increasing their distrust. His intention to create a larger army than
+France had ever maintained before, and his frequent praises of the army
+he already possessed, was not reassuring to them. It was, therefore,
+not altogether surprising that they should have felt some doubts as to
+the consequences of finding themselves confronted by an immense army,
+when they called upon France to pay the remaining three milliards in
+1874. Nevertheless the German Government had expressed its confidence in
+Thiers, and it would have been almost impossible for any new Government
+to have placed matters on as tolerable a footing.
+
+All things considered, therefore, it seemed not improbable that the
+existing Government might last for some time, although its life was
+somewhat precarious, since it was liable to be upset by commotions
+and conspiracies, and having no existence apart from Thiers, its
+duration was bound to depend on the health and strength of a man nearly
+seventy-four years old.
+
+In January, 1872, Thiers, in consequence of a dispute in the Chamber
+over the question of a tax on raw materials, tendered his resignation,
+but was persuaded with some difficulty to reconsider it. 'I have never
+known the French so depressed and so out of heart about their internal
+affairs,' wrote Lord Lyons. 'They don't believe Thiers can go on
+much longer, and they see nothing but confusion if he is turned out.
+The Legitimists and Orleanists are now trying for fusion. They are
+attempting to draw up a constitution on which they can all agree, and
+which, when drawn up, is to be offered to the Comte de Chambord, and if
+refused by him, then to the Comte de Paris. I hear they have not yet
+been able to come to an understanding on the first article. It all tends
+to raise the Bonapartists. Many people expect to hear any morning of a
+coup by which Thiers and the Assembly will be deposed, and an _appel au
+peuple_, made to end in a restoration of the Empire.' Probably it was
+the knowledge of a Bonapartist reaction in the country that led Thiers
+to make a singularly foolish complaint against an alleged military
+demonstration in England in favour of the ex-Emperor.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 9, 1872.
+
+ M. Thiers said to me yesterday at Versailles that he had
+ been told that a general of the name of Wood had marched 6000 of
+ Her Majesty's troops to Chislehurst to be reviewed by the Emperor
+ Napoleon.
+
+ M. Thiers went on to say that no one could appreciate more
+ highly than he did the noble and generous hospitality which England
+ extended to political exiles, and that he had indeed profited by
+ it in his own person. He admired also the jealousy with which the
+ English nation regarded all attempts from abroad to interfere with
+ the free exercise of this hospitality. He should never complain
+ of due respect being shown to a Sovereign Family in adversity. But
+ he thought that there was some limit to be observed in the matter.
+ For instance, he himself, while on the best terms with the reigning
+ dynasty in Spain, still always treated the Queen Isabella, who was
+ in France, with great respect and deference. Nevertheless, when Her
+ Majesty had expressed a desire to go to live at Pau, he had felt it
+ to be his duty to ask her very courteously to select a residence at
+ a greater distance from the frontier of Spain. In this, as in all
+ matters, he felt that consideration for the exiles must be tempered
+ by a due respect for the recognized Government of their country.
+ Now if the Emperor Napoleon should choose to be present at a review
+ of British troops, there could be no objection to his being treated
+ with all the courtesy due to a head which had worn a crown. It was,
+ however, a different thing to march troops to his residence to hold
+ a review there in his honour.
+
+Thiers had not taken the trouble to substantiate his ridiculous
+complaint, and his action was an instance of the extreme gullibility
+of even the most intelligent French statesmen, where foreign countries
+are concerned, and so perturbed was the French Government at the idea
+of a Bonapartist restoration, that according to Captain Hotham, British
+Consul at Calais, two gunboats, the _Cuvier_ and _Faon_, were at that
+time actually employed in patrolling the coast between St. Malo and
+Dunkirk with a view to preventing a possible landing of the Emperor
+Napoleon. A little later, the Duc de Broglie, French Ambassador in
+London, made a tactless remonstrance to Lord Granville with regard to
+the presence of the Emperor and Empress at Buckingham Palace, on the
+occasion of a National Thanksgiving held to celebrate the recovery of
+the Prince of Wales from a dangerous illness.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Foreign Office, March 1, 1872.
+
+ The Duc de Broglie told me to-day that he had been rather
+ surprised when he heard of the Emperor and Empress having been at
+ Buckingham Palace on so public an occasion as that of last Tuesday,
+ that I had not mentioned it to him on Monday afternoon, when we had
+ had a long conversation. It would have enabled him to write to M.
+ de Remusat,[3] and thus have prevented any of the effect which a
+ sudden announcement in the papers might create in France.
+
+ I told him that I had not been consulted and did not know the
+ fact of the invitation when I saw him, and that if I had, I should
+ probably have mentioned it to him, although not a subject about
+ which I should have written.
+
+ I should have explained to him that it was an act of courtesy
+ of the Queen to those with whom she had been on friendly relations,
+ and that it was analogous to many acts of courtesy shown by the
+ Queen to the Orleanist Princes.
+
+ He laid stress on the publicity of the occasion, and on the
+ few opportunities which he, as Ambassador, had of seeing the Queen,
+ of which he made no complaint; but it made any attentions to the
+ Emperor on public occasions more marked. He was afraid that the
+ announcement would produce considerable effect, not upon statesmen,
+ but upon the press in France.
+
+ I repeated that the admission of the Emperor and Empress had
+ no political significance, but had been in pursuance with the
+ long-established habit of the Queen to show personal courtesy
+ to Foreign Princes with whom she had been formerly on friendly
+ relations.
+
+The fall of the Finance Minister, Pouyer Quertier, in the spring had
+given rise to hopes that the French commercial policy would become more
+liberal, but the letters quoted below show how powerless were the
+arguments of the British Government and how completely wasted upon the
+French Ministers were the lamentations of the British free traders,
+and their prognostications of ruin to those who were not sufficiently
+enlightened to adopt their policy.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, March 5, 1872.
+
+ I suppose Pouyer Quertier is really out, but we see so many
+ changes from hour to hour in resolutions here, that I shall not
+ report it officially until his successor is gazetted. We cannot
+ have a more Protectionist successor; but, after all, no one is so
+ bigoted a Protectionist as Thiers himself.
+
+ Nevertheless the change of Minister will give a chance or an
+ excuse for a change of policy to some extent. I think that with a
+ view to this some stronger expression of displeasure, or rather
+ perhaps of regret than we have hitherto ventured upon, might have
+ a good effect. The new Minister and perhaps even Thiers himself
+ might be struck by a report from Broglie that you had put strongly
+ before him the impossibility, whatever efforts the Government might
+ make, of preventing public opinion in England becoming hostile to
+ France if the present commercial policy is persisted in. It is in
+ fact plain that there is no probability of France obtaining the
+ concessions from the Treaty Powers, on which Thiers professed to
+ reckon. The result already is that, whatever may have been the
+ intention, the Mercantile Marine Law is in practice a blow which
+ falls on England, and not on other European Powers. Unless the
+ French Government means to give us a real most favoured nation
+ clause, the result of denouncing our treaty will be to place us,
+ when it expires, at a special disadvantage as compared with other
+ nations. And what it now asks us to effect by negotiation, is to
+ hasten the moment at which it can accomplish this. It is quite idle
+ to talk of special friendship for us, when its measures practically
+ treat us much worse than they do the Germans. M. de Remusat and
+ some other people are fond of saying that it is quite impossible
+ that France could bear to see two nations so friendly as Belgium
+ and England placed exceptionally in a position inferior to Germany.
+ But France seems to bear this with great equanimity so far as our
+ merchant navy is concerned.
+
+ The demand we have made to be exempted from the _surtaxes de
+ pavillon_ under our most favoured nation clause would give the
+ French Government a means of remedying the injustice _if it wished
+ to do so_. At any rate some strong expressions of discontent on
+ our part might increase the disinclination of the Assembly and
+ some members of the Government to insist on imposing the duties on
+ the raw materials. It would be very convenient if there were some
+ retaliatory measures to which we could resort, without injuring
+ ourselves or departing from our own Free Trade principles. The
+ French Government grossly abuses, in order to influence the
+ Assembly, our assurances of unimpaired good will, and reluctance
+ to retaliate; and so, in my opinion, is preparing the way for the
+ real diminution of good will which its success in carrying its
+ protectionist measures, to our special injury, must produce in the
+ end.
+
+ The present Government of France does not gain strength; far
+ from it. The Imperialists are gaining strength, as people become
+ more and more afraid of the Reds, and feel less and less confidence
+ in the power either of Thiers, or the Comte de Chambord, or the
+ Comte de Paris, to keep them down. The end will probably be brought
+ about by some accident when it is least expected. It would not be
+ wise to leave out of the calculation of possibilities, the chance
+ of Thiers's Government dragging on for some time yet, and it would
+ be very difficult to predict what will succeed it. At present the
+ Legitimists and Orleanists seem to have lost, and to be daily
+ losing prestige, and naturally enough, to be bringing down with
+ them the Assembly in which they are or were a majority.
+
+ Perhaps I ought to say that the despatch which I send you
+ to-day about the sojourn of our Royal Family in the South of
+ France applies exclusively to them. Everybody knows or ought to
+ know that affairs are uncertain in France, but I should not think
+ it necessary or proper to warn private people against coming to
+ France or staying there. The conspicuous position of members
+ of the Royal Family increase the risk of their being placed in
+ awkward circumstances, and circumstances which would be of little
+ consequence in the case of private people, would be very serious
+ and embarrassing if they affected members of the Royal Family of
+ England.
+
+The last passage referred to a stay at Nice contemplated by the Prince
+of Wales. In the event of any change of Government, it was always feared
+that disorders would take place in the southern towns of France.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, March 14, 1872.
+
+ The commercial disputes with the French Government which, as
+ you know, I always apprehended, are coming thick upon us. I foresaw
+ what was coming and begged Thiers, Remusat and other members of
+ the Government over and over again to guard against vexations in
+ the execution of the Treaty while it lasted. I make little doubt,
+ notwithstanding, that all these violent and unfair proceedings are
+ prompted, not checked, from Paris.
+
+ The Spaniards have found out the only way to deal with the
+ Protectionist spirit here. The slightest hint at retaliation would
+ have such an effect in the Assembly as to stop the onward career of
+ illiberality. As things now are, the extortioners have the game in
+ their own hands. They levy what duty they please, and pay just as
+ much or as little attention as may suit them, to our remonstrances.
+ It is a very disagreeable affair for one who, like myself, is
+ really anxious that there should be good feeling between the two
+ countries. We are in a fix. On the one hand, we cannot, without
+ injuring ourselves and abandoning our principles, retaliate; and
+ on the other hand, while they feel sure we shall do no more than
+ remonstrate, the Protectionist officials will care very little.
+ If indeed the general opinion is to be relied upon, the present
+ Government and its chief may come down with a crash at any moment,
+ but I don't know whether a change would benefit us commercially.
+
+Lord Lyons, like Lord Granville and other English public men and
+officials of the day, was a Free Trader, as has already been stated.
+But it would be difficult for the most ardent Protectionist to make
+out a stronger case against the helplessness of a Free Trade policy
+when negotiating with a foreign Government than is disclosed in these
+letters, and there are any number of others all in the same strain. All
+the protestations of goodwill, of sympathy, and benefit to the human
+race, etc., were, and presumably are still, a pure waste of time when
+addressed to a country about to frame a tariff in accordance with its
+own interests, unless the threat of retaliation is used in order to
+retain some bargaining power, as apparently the Spaniards had already
+discovered.
+
+It has already been stated that Thiers's plans of military
+re-organization and his somewhat imprudent language had caused some
+agitation in Germany, and when the German Ambassador, Count Arnim,
+returned to his post at Paris in the spring of 1872, it was freely
+rumoured that he was the bearer of remarkably unpleasant communications.
+These apprehensions turned out to be exaggerated, and Thiers in
+conversation always assumed a lamb-like attitude of peace. He denied
+that the Germans had addressed any representations to him, said that all
+suspicions against him were grossly unjust, that it would be absolute
+madness for France to think of going to war, and that, for his part,
+the keystone of all his foreign policy was peace. As for his army
+reform schemes, he was a much misunderstood man. He was undoubtedly
+reorganizing the military forces of France, and it was his duty to place
+them upon a respectable footing, and so provide a guarantee for peace.
+It was, however, quite false to say that he was arming, for that term
+implied that he was making preparations for war, and that he was putting
+the army into a condition to pass at once from a state of peace to a
+state of war. He was doing nothing of the sort; on the contrary, his
+efforts were directed to obtaining the evacuation of the territory, by
+providing for the payment of the war indemnity to Germany, and it could
+hardly be supposed that if he were meditating a renewal of the contest,
+he would begin by making over three milliards to her.
+
+From Arnim's language, it appeared that the German public was irritated
+and alarmed at the perpetual harping of the French upon the word
+'Revenge,' and that the German military men (the _militaires_ who were
+always so convenient to Bismarck for purposes of argument) conceived
+that the best guarantee for peace would be to keep their soldiers as
+long as possible within a few days' march of Paris.
+
+The German fears were, no doubt, greatly exaggerated, but if they
+existed at all they were largely due to Thiers's own language, who,
+while not talking indeed of immediate revenge, was fond of boasting of
+the strength and efficiency of the French army, and even of affirming
+that it was at that very moment equal to cope with the Germans. That he
+was conscious of having created suspicion may be inferred from the fact
+that when the Prince of Wales passed through Paris on his way from Nice
+to Germany, he begged H.R.H. to use his influence at the Court of Berlin
+to impress upon the Emperor and all who were of importance there, that
+the French Government, and the President himself in particular, desired
+peace above all things, and were resolved to maintain it. A letter from
+the British Ambassador at Berlin throws some light upon the prevalent
+German feeling.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Mr. Odo Russell[4] to Lord Lyons._
+
+ British Embassy, Berlin, April 27, 1872.
+
+ Since your letter of the 9th inst. reached me feelings have
+ changed in Berlin.
+
+ Thiers's Army bill and Speech have irritated the Emperor,
+ Bismarck and indeed everybody.
+
+ The Generals tell the Emperor it would be better to fight
+ France before she is ready than after; but Bismarck, who scorns the
+ Generals, advises the Emperor to fight France _morally_ through
+ Rome and the Catholic alliances against United Germany.
+
+ Although he denies it, Bismarck probably caused those violent
+ articles against Thiers to appear in the English newspapers, and he
+ tells everybody that Thiers has lost his esteem and may lose his
+ support. The next grievance they are getting up against him is that
+ he is supposed to have made offers through Le Flo to Russia against
+ Germany.
+
+ In short, from having liked him and praised him and wished for
+ him, they are now tired of him and think him a traitor because he
+ tries to reform the French Army on too large a scale!
+
+ Gontaut[5] does not appear to do anything beyond play the
+ agreeable, which he does perfectly, and every one likes him. But
+ it is said that _Agents_, financial Agents I presume, are employed
+ by Thiers to communicate through Jewish Bankers here indirectly
+ with Bismarck. Through these agents Thiers is supposed to propose
+ arrangements for an early payment of the 3 milliards and an early
+ withdrawal of the German troops of occupation,--the payment
+ to be effected by foreign loans and the guarantee of European
+ Bankers,--in paper not in gold. Bismarck has not yet pronounced
+ definitely, but the Emperor William won't hear of shortening the
+ occupation of France. Indeed, he regrets he cannot by Treaty leave
+ his soldiers longer still as a guarantee of peace while he lives,
+ for he is most anxious to die at peace with all the world.
+
+ So that nothing is done and nothing will be done before Arnim
+ returns to Paris. He has no sailing orders yet and seems well
+ amused here.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Mr. Odo Russell._
+
+ Paris, May 7, 1872.
+
+ Many thanks for your interesting letter.
+
+ Arnim's account of public opinion at Berlin entirely confirms
+ that which you give, only he says Bismarck would be personally
+ willing to come to an arrangement with France for payment of the
+ milliards and the evacuation of the territory, but that he will not
+ run any risk of injuring his own position by opposing either Moltke
+ or public opinion on this point.
+
+ I don't think the Germans need the least fear the French
+ attacking them for many years to come. The notion of coming now
+ to destroy France utterly, in order to prevent her ever in the
+ dim future being able to revenge herself, seems simply atrocious.
+ The French are so foolish in their boasts, and the Germans so
+ thin-skinned, that I am afraid of mischief.
+
+ I should doubt Bismarck's being wise in setting himself in
+ open hostility to the Vatican. The favour of the Holy See is seldom
+ of any practical use, so far as obtaining acts in its favour, to a
+ Protestant or even to a Roman Catholic Government; but the simple
+ fact of being notoriously in antagonism to it, brings a vast amount
+ of opposition and ill-will on a Government that has Catholic
+ subjects. The fear of this country's being able at this moment
+ to work the Catholic element in Germany or elsewhere against the
+ German Emperor appears to me to be chimerical.
+
+ I wish the Germans would get their milliards as fast as they
+ can, and go: then Europe might settle down, and they need not be
+ alarmed about French vengeance, or grudge the French the poor
+ consolation of talking about it.
+
+ Arnim was a good deal struck by the decline in Thiers's
+ vigour, since he took leave of him before his journey to Rome, but
+ he saw Thiers some days ago, when the little President was at his
+ worst.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Mr. Odo Russell to Lord Lyons._
+
+ British Embassy, Berlin, May 11, 1872.
+
+ I have nothing new to say about the relations of France and
+ Germany, but my friends here seem so alarmed at the idea that
+ France cannot pay the much longed for three milliards, that if
+ Thiers really does pay them, all the rest will be forgiven and
+ forgotten, and the withdrawal of the German troops will then be
+ impatiently called for. Like yourself I write the impressions of
+ the moment and am not answerable for future changes of public
+ opinion. Clearly the thing to be desired for the peace of the world
+ is the payment by France and the withdrawal by Germany, after which
+ a normal state of things can be hoped for--not before.
+
+ The Pope, to my mind, has made a mistake in declining to
+ receive Hohenlohe. He ought to have accepted and in return sent a
+ Nuncio to Berlin, thereby selling Bismarck, and controlling his
+ German Bishops and the Doellinger movement.
+
+ Bismarck is going away on leave to Varzin. He is so irritable
+ and nervous that he can do no good here at present, and rest is
+ essential to him.
+
+ Your letter of the 7th is most useful to me, many thanks for
+ it. I shall not fail to keep you as well informed as I can.
+
+In reality, the Germans made little difficulty about the arrangements
+for the payment of the indemnity and evacuation of French territory, and
+early in July Thiers was able to state confidently that he felt certain
+of being able to pay the whole of the indemnity by March, 1874, and
+that he had only obtained an additional year's grace in order to guard
+against accidents.
+
+A curious incident which occurred in July, 1872, showed how, if
+sufficient ingenuity be employed, a trivial personal question may
+be turned to important political use. The Comte de Vogue, French
+Ambassador at Constantinople, who possessed little or no diplomatic
+experience, before proceeding on leave from his post, had an audience
+of the Sultan. The Sultan received him standing, and began to talk,
+when Vogue interrupted His Majesty, and begged to be allowed to sit
+down, as other Ambassadors had been accustomed to do, according to him,
+on similar occasions. What the Sultan actually did at the moment was
+not disclosed, but he took dire offence, and telegrams began to pour
+in upon the Turkish Ambassador at Paris desiring him to represent to
+the French Government that if Vogue came back his position would be
+very unpleasant--intimating in fact that his return to Constantinople
+must be prevented. The French Foreign Minister, however, refused this
+satisfaction to the Sultan, and the Turkish Ambassador in his perplexity
+sought the advice of Lord Lyons, who preached conciliation, and urged
+that, at all events, no steps ought to be taken until Vogue had arrived
+at Paris, and was able to give his version of the incident. The French,
+naturally enough, were at that moment peculiarly susceptible on all
+such matters, and more reluctant to make a concession than if they
+were still on their former pinnacle of grandeur at Constantinople,
+although Vogue was clearly in the wrong, for Lord Lyons admitted that
+he had himself never been asked to sit. The importance of the incident
+consisted in the fact that it gave an opportunity of cultivating the
+goodwill of Russia, as the traditional enemy of Turkey. No Frenchman
+had ever lost sight of the hope that some day or other an ally against
+Germany might be found in Russia, and there were not wanting signs of a
+reciprocal feeling on the part of the latter. It had, for instance, been
+the subject of much remark, that the Russian Ambassador at Paris, Prince
+Orloff, had recently been making immense efforts to become popular
+with all classes of the French: Legitimists, Orleanists, Imperialists,
+Republicans, and especially newspaper writers of all shades of politics.
+As it was well known that neither Prince nor Princess Orloff were really
+fond of society, these efforts were almost overdone, but nevertheless
+they met with a hearty response everywhere, from Thiers downwards,
+for all Frenchmen were eagerly hoping for a quarrel between Russia
+and Germany, and were ready to throw themselves into the arms of the
+former in that hope. Russia, on her side, was clearly not unwilling to
+cultivate a friendship which cost nothing, and might conceivably be of
+considerable profit.
+
+On November 5 the new Anglo-French Commercial Treaty was signed,
+indignant British Free Traders striving to console themselves with the
+thought that France would soon discover the error of her ways and cease
+to lag behind the rest of the civilized world in her economic heresy.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 12, 1872.
+
+ I saw Thiers on Friday after I wrote to you on that day; and
+ I dined with him on Saturday. He looked remarkably well, and was
+ in high spirits and in great good humour, as he ought to be, with
+ us. He spoke, as indeed he always does, as if he felt quite sure
+ that he should have his own way with the Assembly in all things.
+ As regards the organic measures, he talked as if the fight would
+ be entirely with the Right; but both sections of the Left have
+ declared against organic changes to be made by this Assembly. I
+ suppose, however, Thiers is pretty sure to get his own powers
+ prolonged for four years certain, and this is what he cares about.
+
+ I do not, however, find in my Austrian, German, and Russian
+ colleagues so unqualified an acquiescence in Thiers remaining
+ in power as they professed before I went away. It is said that
+ the three Emperors at Berlin were alarmed at the prospect of the
+ definitive establishment of any Republic, and still more so at
+ the apparent tendency of M. Thiers's policy to leave the country
+ to drift into a Red Republic, whenever he quitted the scene.
+ However this may be, there is certainly a change in the language
+ of their Representatives here, not very marked, but nevertheless
+ quite perceptible. Orloff in particular talks as if an immediate
+ Imperialist restoration were not only desirable but probable. If he
+ really thinks it probable, he is almost alone in the opinion.
+
+ The Prince de Joinville, who came to see me yesterday,
+ said that he had been a great deal about in the country, and
+ that he found everywhere an absolute indifference to persons
+ and dynasties, and a simple cry for any Government which would
+ efficiently protect property. He thought that Thiers would be
+ supported for this reason, but that whatever institutions might
+ be nominally established, they would last only as long as Thiers
+ himself did, and that afterwards everything would be in question,
+ and the country probably divide itself into two great parties,
+ Conservatives and Reds, between whom there would be a fierce
+ struggle notwithstanding the great numerical superiority of the
+ former.
+
+In the absence of exciting internal topics, the year closed with a
+slight sensation provided by Gramont, who, it might have been supposed,
+would have preferred not to court further notoriety. Count Beust had
+recently asserted that he had warned France against expecting help
+from Austria in the event of a war with Prussia. Gramont replied
+by publishing a letter in which the following statement occurred.
+'L'Autriche considere la cause de la France comme la sienne, et
+contribuera au succes de ses armes dans les limites du possible.'
+This quotation was supposed to be taken from a letter from Beust to
+Metternich, dated July 20, 1870 (the day after the declaration of war),
+and left by Metternich with Gramont, who took a copy and returned the
+original. Metternich was believed to have shown the letter also to the
+Emperor Napoleon and to Ollivier. The letter was represented as going on
+to say that the neutrality proclaimed by Austria was merely a blind to
+conceal her armaments, and that she was only waiting till the advance of
+winter rendered it impossible for Russia to concentrate her forces.
+
+It was generally believed that there was plenty of evidence that an
+offensive and defensive alliance was in course of negotiation between
+France and Austria in 1869, though no treaty was signed, and the record
+appears to have consisted in letters exchanged between the two Emperors,
+but as Gramont had nothing more than a copy of a letter from Beust to
+Metternich his evidence was legally defective, whatever its moral
+value, and it was questionable whether as an ex-Minister he had any
+right to disclose such secrets.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 31, 1872.
+
+ Gramont's further revelations confirm what I told you in my
+ letter of the 24th. The question is becoming tiresome. I conceive
+ there is no doubt that Beust at Vienna, and Metternich here,
+ fanned the flame of French discontent after Sadowa, with a view
+ to avenging themselves when Austria and France should be ready,
+ and circumstances favourable. I think also that Gramont came back
+ from Vienna full of Beust's warlike ideas, and very well inclined
+ to carry them out. What exchange of letters may have taken place
+ between the two Emperors, or what record of any kind there may be
+ of engagements between the two countries to help one another, it is
+ more difficult to say.
+
+ The assertion is that after war had been declared, Austria
+ engaged to move on the 15th September. Others say that she also
+ required that France should have an army in Baden.
+
+ This is not inconsistent with her having dissuaded France from
+ war in July, 1870, when she knew positively it would be premature
+ for herself, and probably had some suspicion that France was also
+ not really prepared.
+
+Early in January, 1873, the Emperor Napoleon died at Chiselhurst. The
+view of Thiers was that this event would render the Bonapartists, for
+the time, more turbulent and less dangerous. He believed that the
+Emperor's personal influence had been used to quiet the impatience
+of his followers, while, on the other hand, his death removed the
+only member of the family who was popular enough in France to be a
+formidable candidate. Thiers's childish susceptibility with regard to
+the Bonapartists showed itself in his expressed hope that the Emperor's
+death would be followed by the disappearance of the public sympathy in
+England with the family in its misfortunes.
+
+The opinions of Thiers seem to have been generally prevalent. The
+Emperor was remarkably kind and courteous to all who approached him; he
+was a firm friend; not, as a rule, an implacable enemy, and he inspired
+no small number of people with a warm attachment to him personally. He
+was also generally popular, and the glittering prosperity of the early
+part of his reign was attributed by a large part of the common people
+to his own genius and merits, while they were prone to consider that
+its disastrous close was due to treason. No other member of the family
+excited feelings of the same kind, and in France a cause was always so
+largely identified with an individual that there was no doubt that the
+hold of the Imperialists upon the country was largely weakened by the
+loss of their chief.
+
+It is perhaps worth noting that Lord Lyons, although it was notoriously
+difficult to extract any such opinions from him, did in after years
+admit reluctantly to me, that although he liked Napoleon III.
+personally, he had always put a low estimate upon his capacity.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Jan. 31, 1873.
+
+ I cannot say that the political atmosphere grows clearer. The
+ Right are in their hearts as anxious as ever to depose Thiers.
+ They believe as firmly as ever that if he makes the new elections,
+ he will have a Chamber, not only of Republicans, but of very
+ advanced Republicans. They see that all their little endeavours to
+ restrain him and to establish ministerial responsibility will have
+ no political effect. The death of the Emperor has not strengthened
+ Thiers's position with regard to the Right. On the contrary,
+ they are less disposed to bear with him since the removal of the
+ candidate for the Throne of whom they were most afraid, and from
+ whom they justly thought that Thiers would make every effort to
+ shield them. They are consequently, even more than they usually
+ are, employed in casting about for something to put in Thiers's
+ place. The Fusion is again 'almost' made, and MacMahon is again
+ talked of as ready to take the Government during the transition
+ from the Republic to the King.
+
+ Orloff, the Russian Ambassador, propounded to me to-day a plan
+ of his own for preventing conflicts between Russia and England
+ in Central Asia. So far as I understood it, it was that England
+ and Russia should enter into a strict alliance, should encourage
+ and protect, by force of arms, commerce between their Asiatic
+ Dominions, and unite them at once by a railroad. He said there
+ was a Russian company already formed which desired to connect the
+ Russian railway system with the Anglo-Indian railways. He told me
+ that Bruennow was always writing that war between England and Russia
+ was imminent and that England was preparing for it. If Bruennow's
+ vaticinations are believed, they may perhaps have a not unwholesome
+ effect upon the Russian Government.
+
+Prince Orloff seems to have had in contemplation that Trans-Persian
+Railway which has met with the approval of the Russian and British
+Governments at the present day. The Russian advance in Central Asia
+in 1872 and 1873 had been the subject of various perfectly futile
+representations on the part of Her Majesty's Government, but Baron
+Bruennow must have been a singularly credulous diplomatist if he really
+believed that we were making preparations for a war with Russia or any
+one else.
+
+If Orloff with prophetic insight foresaw a Trans-Persian Railway, Thiers
+might be acclaimed as being the first person to suggest the project of
+the Triple Entente between England, France, and Russia. Strangely enough
+it was the affairs of Spain that put this notion into his head, the idea
+prevalent in France being that Germany was bent on making that country a
+dangerous neighbour to France, and bestowing a Hohenzollern prince upon
+her as sovereign. The prospect of an 'Iberic Union,' which was being
+discussed at the time, was considered to be exceptionally threatening to
+France, and Thiers had had quite enough of united states on the French
+frontier.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, March 4, 1873.
+
+ M. Thiers spoke to me last night very confidentially about
+ Spain and Portugal. The Spanish question was, he said, becoming so
+ serious that it could hardly be considered an internal question.
+ Among other things, the independence of Portugal was at stake. Now,
+ in his opinion, the best chance of avoiding a collision between the
+ Powers of Europe would be that England, France, and Russia should
+ come to an understanding on the subject. He did not think that
+ there would be any difficulty in effecting such an understanding;
+ and indeed he had reason to believe that Russia was at this moment
+ particularly well disposed to act in concert with England. He was
+ far from being so absurd as to propose a new Holy Alliance; indeed,
+ he desired to avoid all show and ostentation--indeed all publicity.
+ He simply wished that, without any parade, the three Powers he had
+ named should concert measures in order to avert events which might
+ imperil the peace of Europe. After some further conversation, he
+ observed that it would be impossible to avert a collision, if the
+ Peninsula were formed into one Iberic state with a Hohenzollern for
+ a monarch.
+
+ I did not invite M. Thiers to state more definitely in what
+ form he proposed that the understanding between France, Russia, and
+ England should be effected, or what combined action he proposed
+ they should adopt. I thought indeed that it would be very dangerous
+ for France to enter into any sort of an alliance with Foreign
+ Powers against Germany at this moment, and that the smallest result
+ might be to delay the evacuation of French territory. Nor indeed
+ did I know that there was any evidence that Germany was actively
+ pursuing designs in Spain in such a way and to such a degree,
+ as would render it proper or advantageous to try the hazardous
+ experiment of undertaking to settle a European question without
+ her, not to say in spite of her.
+
+ I consequently only listened to what M. Thiers said. He
+ concluded by telling me to treat his idea as most strictly
+ confidential and to confide it only to your ear in a whisper.
+
+ As regards the state of Spain, M. Thiers said that he believed
+ the Federal Party was after all the party of order; that at all
+ events it was predominant in all the outer circumference of
+ Spain; that the Unitarians existed only in Madrid and the central
+ provinces, and that the North was Carlist or Federal. This being
+ the case, his advice to the Government of Madrid had been to make
+ concessions to the Federals. He did not think that, if properly
+ managed, their pretensions would go much beyond what was called in
+ France 'decentralisation administrative.'
+
+ The view of the Federals being the party of order in Spain
+ was new to me, but M. Thiers was beset by a host of deputies and I
+ could not continue the conversation.
+
+A letter from Lord Odo Russell[6] to Lord Lyons admirably defines
+the attitude of Germany, and is an exceptionally lucid summary of
+Bismarckian policy in general.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ British Embassy, Berlin, March 14, 1873.
+
+ Thanks for yours of the 4th instant.
+
+ As regards Spain, Thiers, and Bismarck I cannot add anything
+ more definite or more precise. Bismarck and the Emperor William
+ are so far satisfied that the Republic will make room for the
+ Alphonsists so that they can afford to wait and look on.
+
+ What Bismarck intends for Spain later, no one can guess, but
+ clearly nothing favourable or agreeable to France.
+
+ The two great objects of Bismarck's policy are:
+
+ (1) The supremacy of Germany in Europe and of the German race
+ in the world.
+
+ (2) The neutralization of the influence and power of the Latin
+ race in France and elsewhere.
+
+ To obtain these objects he will go any lengths while he lives,
+ so that we must be prepared for surprises in the future.
+
+ A change has come over the Emperor and his military advisers
+ in regard to the evacuation of French territory, as you have seen
+ by his speech on opening the German Parliament.
+
+ His Majesty is now prepared to withdraw his garrison as soon
+ as the fifth and last milliard shall have been paid by Paris and
+ received at Berlin.
+
+ So that if it is true that Thiers proposes to pay the fifth
+ milliard in monthly instalments of 250,000,000 fs. beginning from
+ the 1st of June, the evacuation might be expected in October and
+ France be relieved of her nightmare.
+
+ This I look upon as a most desirable object. It appears to
+ me that the re-establishment of the future balance of power in
+ Europe on a general peace footing, is _the_ thing Diplomacy should
+ work for, and that nothing can be done so long as the Germans have
+ not got their French gold, and the French got rid of their German
+ soldiers.
+
+ The Germans, as you know, look upon the war of revenge as
+ unavoidable and are making immense preparations for it.
+
+ Germany is in reality a great camp ready to break up for any
+ war at a week's notice with a million of men.
+
+ We are out of favour with the Germans for preferring the old
+ French alliance to a new German one, as our commercial policy is
+ said to prove, and this impression has been lately confirmed by
+ Thiers's _expose des motifs_.
+
+ Thiers is again out of favour at Berlin, because the Russian
+ Government has warned the German Government that Thiers is working
+ to draw Russia into the Anglo-French Alliance contrary to their
+ wishes. I believe myself that the alliance or understanding between
+ Russia and Germany, Gortschakoff and Bismarck is real, intimate, and
+ sincere; and that they have agreed to preserve Austria so long as
+ she obeys and serves them, but woe to Austria if ever she attempts
+ to be independent!
+
+ Then the German and Slav elements she is composed of, will be
+ made to gravitate towards their natural centres, leaving Hungary
+ and her dependencies as a semi-oriental vassal of Germany and
+ Russia. However, those are things of the future, at present I can
+ think of nothing but the crisis at home and the deep regret I feel
+ at losing my kind benefactor Lord Granville as a chief. My only
+ consolation is that he will the sooner return to power as our
+ Premier, for he is clearly the man of the future.
+
+ I hope you will write again occasionally.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord O. Russell._
+
+ Paris, April 8, 1873.
+
+ Many thanks for your most interesting letter of the 14th. I
+ entirely agree with you that the one object of diplomacy should be
+ to re-establish the balance of power in Europe on a peace footing.
+ The payment of the indemnity and the departure of the German troops
+ from France are of course necessary to the commencement of anything
+ like a normal state of things. The French all more or less brood
+ over the hope of vengeance, and the Germans give them credit for
+ being even more bent upon revenge than they really are. So Germany
+ keeps up an enormous army, and France strains every nerve to raise
+ one; and what can diplomatists do?
+
+ In Germany they seem to attach a great deal more than due
+ importance to the Commercial Treaty, as a sign of a tendency
+ towards a renewal of the Anglo-French Alliance. But then the
+ Germans have always been more angry with us for not helping to blot
+ France out of Europe than the French have been with us for not
+ helping them out of the scrape they got into by their own fault.
+ Germans and French are to my mind alike unreasonable, but we only
+ suffer the ordinary fate of neutrals.
+
+ Thiers professes to have no thought of forming any alliance at
+ present; and to consider that it would be absurd of France to try
+ for more at this moment than to ward off great questions, and live
+ as harmoniously as she can with all Foreign Powers, without showing
+ a preference to any. This is no doubt the wise and sensible policy.
+ Thiers certainly acts upon it so far as England is concerned. Does
+ he also act upon it as regards Russia? I cannot say. I think there
+ is a little coquetry between him and the Russians.
+
+Lord Granville appears to have sent through the Duchesse de Galliera
+a private message warning Thiers of the dangers of his advances to
+Russia; but the latter asserted that although the French Ambassador at
+St. Petersburg had been directed to maintain the most cordial relations
+with the Russian Government, matters had not gone further than that, and
+that he had made no communications which he should object to Germany
+knowing of. Thiers's tenure of power was, however, destined shortly to
+come to an end. On May 24, the veteran who had rendered such invaluable
+services to the country was defeated by a combination of opponents, and
+Marshal MacMahon became President of the Republic in his stead. The
+change of Government was received quietly by the country; the elaborate
+precautions which had been taken in case of disorder proved superfluous,
+and the funds rose on the assumption that the Marshal was to prove to
+be the new saviour of society. MacMahon, who had reluctantly accepted
+the honour thrust upon him, was generally regarded as a French General
+Monk, but which of the three pretenders was to be his Charles the Second
+remained a matter of complete uncertainty. The fickle crowd hastened to
+prostrate itself before the rising sun, and the first reception held by
+the new President at Versailles constituted a veritable triumph; swarms
+of people of all sorts attending, particularly those members of smart
+society who had long deserted the salons of the Prefecture. Amongst the
+throng were particularly noticeable the Duc d'Aumale and his brothers,
+wearing uniform and the red ribands which they had never been known to
+display before. All looked smooth and tranquil, as it usually did at
+the beginning; but the Government so far had not done anything beyond
+changing Prefects and Procureurs. The political situation, for the time
+being, might be summed up in the phrase that the French preferred to
+have at their head a man _qui monte a cheval_, rather than a man _qui
+monte a la tribune_.
+
+Although the dismissal of Thiers savoured of ingratitude, it was not
+altogether unfortunate for him that he had quitted office at that
+particular moment, for little doubt was felt that, with or without any
+error of policy on his own part, the country was gradually drifting
+towards communism. At any rate, he could compare with just pride the
+state in which he left France to the state in which he found her.
+Although the last German soldier had not yet left French soil, the
+credit of the liberation of the country was due to him, and by his
+financial operations, successful beyond all expectations, he had not
+only paid off four milliards, but provided the funds for discharging
+the fifth, and so admirably conducted the negotiations that the German
+Government was willing to withdraw the rest of the occupying force.
+
+The fall of Thiers caused searchings of heart at Berlin, and a
+conversation with Count Arnim, the German Ambassador at Paris, in June
+showed that the German Government regarded MacMahon with anything but
+favour. Arnim stated that displeasure had been felt at Berlin, both
+at language held by the Marshal before his appointment, and at his
+neglect in his former position to act with proper courtesy towards the
+Emperor's Ambassador in France. The German Government did not doubt that
+the remainder of the indemnity would be paid, but Thiers indulged less
+than other Frenchmen in hostile feelings towards Germany, and he and a
+few of the people about him seemed to be the only Frenchmen who could
+bring themselves to act with propriety and civility in their relations
+with Germans. In fact, Thiers's foreign policy had been wise and
+conciliatory, but as for his internal policy, he, Count Arnim, avowed
+that he entirely concurred in the opinion that it would have thrown the
+country in a short time into the hands of the Red Republicans.
+
+The unfortunate Arnim was apparently at this time unconscious of his
+impending doom, although, as the following interesting letter from Lord
+Odo Russell to Lord Lyons shows, his fate had been sealed months before.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _British Embassy, Berlin, Jan. 18, 1873._
+
+ What I have to say to-day grieves me to the soul, because it
+ goes against my excellent friend and landlord Harry Arnim.
+
+ Said friend, it is said, could not resist the temptation of
+ turning an honest penny in the great War Indemnity Loan at Paris,
+ and the Jew Banker he employed, called Hanseman, let it out to
+ Bismarck, who could not understand how Arnim was rich enough to buy
+ estates in Silesia and houses in Berlin.
+
+ Now Bismarck, who is tired of Arnim, and thinks him a rising
+ rival, will make use of this discovery with the Emperor whenever he
+ wants to upset Arnim and send a new man to Paris.
+
+ He thinks him a rising rival because Arnim went to Baden
+ last autumn and advised the Emperor, behind Bismarck's back, to
+ go in for an Orleanist Monarchy and drop Thiers, in opposition to
+ Bismarck's policy, who wishes to drop all Pretenders and uphold
+ Thiers as long as he lives.
+
+ Besides which Arnim hinted at a readiness to take office at
+ home if Bismarck came to grief.
+
+ The Emperor is fond of Arnim and listened with complacency and
+ told Bismarck when he returned from Varzin,--Bismarck has vowed
+ revenge! I have not written all this home because it would serve
+ no purpose yet,--but it may be useful to you as a peep behind the
+ curtain. Meanwhile Bismarck has appointed one of his _secret_
+ agents as Commercial Secretary to the Paris Embassy to watch Arnim.
+ His name is Lindau and as he is a very able man and an old friend
+ of mine, I have given him a letter to you. He might become useful
+ some day.
+
+ Let me add _in confidence_ that he corresponds privately and
+ secretly with Bismarck behind Arnim's back.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+It will be observed that the views expressed by Arnim to Lord Lyons in
+June are not altogether consistent with those attributed to him in the
+above letter, but Lord Odo Russell's opinion that his implacable chief
+would crush him at the first opportunity was only too well justified
+before long.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 1: June, 1871.]
+
+[Footnote 2: German Ambassador at Paris.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Foreign Minister in succession to M. Jules Favre.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Subsequently Lord Ampthill.]
+
+[Footnote 5: French Ambassador at Berlin.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Formerly Mr. Odo Russell.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+MARSHAL MACMAHON'S PRESIDENCY
+
+(1873-1875)
+
+
+The new French Government had been received with great favour by
+the upper classes, while the remainder of the population remained
+indifferent, but the Marshal was credited with the wish to place the
+Comte de Chambord on the throne, and the language of his entourage was
+strongly Legitimist, auguries being drawn from a frequent remark of the
+Marechale, who was supposed to dislike her position: _nous ne sommes pas
+a notre place!_
+
+As the confused political situation began to clear, it became evident
+that everything depended upon the Comte de Chambord himself, and if he
+could be brought to adopt anything like a reasonable attitude, it was
+generally felt that there would be a large majority in his favour in the
+Assembly. The historic White Flag manifesto issued from Salzburg at the
+end of October effectually ruined the Legitimist cause.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Oct. 31, 1873.
+
+ The Royalists were counting up new adhesions and expecting a
+ letter from the Comte de Chambord which was to be read from the
+ tribune at the last moment and rally the waiters upon Providence
+ and the waverers to them, when, to their utter consternation,
+ the actual letter arrived, and fell like a shell with a violent
+ explosion in the midst of them.
+
+ I don't know what they are to do. All plans for making the
+ Comte de Paris or the Duc d'Aumale Regent will be voted against
+ by the present Legitimists, unless the Comte de Chambord approves
+ them. It is very doubtful whether any explanation could do away
+ with the impression the letter will have produced throughout the
+ country, which was already averse from the idea of the Legitimist
+ King.
+
+ The maintenance of MacMahon and the present Ministry seems the
+ best mode of postponing trouble, but it cannot do much more than
+ postpone.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 3, 1873.
+
+ If the Chamber met to-morrow, I suppose it would vote the
+ prolongation of MacMahon's powers; and though no one can answer
+ for what a day or an hour may bring forth, I suppose this is what
+ must be done. It is said that the Marshal himself insists upon a
+ term of six years, if not ten. This is rather hard to understand,
+ if, as I believed, he really wished to be out of the thing, and I
+ doubt its adding practically to the stability of his Government.
+ On the other hand, the Conservatives want to have the prolongation
+ voted in such a way as to make it apparent that MacMahon is _their_
+ President. It would not suit them that he should be elected
+ unanimously, or nearly so, as he perhaps might be. This would put
+ him, they think, in a position too like that which Thiers held. The
+ preposterous notion of making a Lieutenant General of the Kingdom
+ to govern in the name of a King of full age and in possession of
+ all his faculties, who would undoubtedly repudiate and denounce
+ his representative, has been put an end to by the refusal of the
+ Princes of Orleans, one and all, it is affirmed, to accept the post.
+
+ Thiers told me the day before yesterday that he did not
+ intend to oppose the Government this session, and that we might
+ count on a quiet winter. We shall see.
+
+ The Legitimists are furious with their King, as well they
+ may be. How long this may last, one cannot say, but the numbers
+ of those who adore him _quand meme_, as a sort of fetish, have
+ certainly fallen off.
+
+MacMahon had been as much disappointed with the Chambord manifesto as
+the ultra-Legitimists themselves, and had looked forward to retiring
+from a position which he found distasteful; but as no king was
+available, and he was looked upon as the only guarantee for order,
+obviously the best course was to secure the prolongation of his powers
+for as long a period as possible. After many long and stormy discussions
+MacMahon was declared President of the Republic for seven years, and a
+committee of thirty was appointed to consider the Constitutional Laws.
+This result was so far satisfactory to the Right, that it enabled them
+to retire from the dangerous position in which they were placed by
+the attempt to put the Comte de Chambord on the throne, but it failed
+to establish a durable Government, and the whole period of MacMahon's
+Presidency was marked by a ceaseless struggle with his Republican
+opponents, which only terminated with his fall four years later.
+
+The anxieties of French Ministers were, however, not confined to
+internal difficulties. Although the fact was concealed as much as
+possible, the anti-Ultramontane campaign of Bismarck created serious
+alarm in the beginning of 1874, and in that year may be said to have
+originated the long series of panics, well or ill founded, which have
+prevailed in France ever since. MacMahon in conversation did not scruple
+to express his fear of a country which, according to him, could
+place 800,000 men on the Rhine in less than seventeen days, and made
+the interesting confession that the French military authorities had
+never credited the famous reports of Colonel Stoffel[7] as to Prussian
+military efficiency. The Foreign Minister, the Duc Decazes, expressed
+the strongest apprehensions.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Jan. 17, 1874.
+
+ The fall of France has never, I think, been brought so
+ forcibly home to me, as when I listened yesterday to the humble
+ deprecation which Decazes was obliged to make with regard to
+ Bismarck's threats, in the same room in which I had so often heard
+ the high language with which the Imperial Minister used to speak of
+ the affairs of Europe. One can only hope that Odo may be right in
+ thinking that Bismarck's menaces may subside, when he has carried
+ his Army Bill at home. But may not his eagerness in his contest
+ with the Ultramontanes continue and carry him on to language and
+ even to measures against France from which it may be difficult for
+ him to draw back? and of course there is a limit to the submission
+ of the French Government, however disastrous it may know the
+ consequences of resistance to be. It is difficult to persecute
+ any religion in these days, but it is impossible for the French
+ Government to set itself in violent opposition to the predominant
+ religion in France. I do not know what means we may have of getting
+ pacific and moderate counsels listened to at Berlin, but I do
+ not think the weakness of France a sufficient safeguard to other
+ countries against the perils of the present state of things to the
+ peace of Europe. It may be very easy to bully and to crush France,
+ but will it be possible to do this without raising a storm in other
+ quarters?
+
+What Bismarck wanted was that the French Government should attack the
+French bishops; and in order to conciliate him, a circular was issued
+by the Minister of the Interior remonstrating with them on the nature
+of the language in which their pastoral addresses were couched. The
+well-known clerical newspaper the _Univers_ was suppressed, and although
+every effort was made to disguise the various acts of subserviency
+resorted to, it was perfectly well known to what cause they were due,
+and it was not surprising that the French writhed under the necessity
+of submitting to such dictation. In view of the military weakness
+of France, however, it was useless to think of resistance, the Duc
+d'Aumale, who commanded the most vulnerable district, having reported
+confidentially that there were neither fortresses nor an army which
+would have any chance of repelling a German invasion; added to which,
+owing to considerations of economy, the conscription was six months in
+arrear.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Odo Russell._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 3, 1874.
+
+ The French want above all things to keep the peace, or, to put
+ it otherwise, to escape being attacked by Germany in their present
+ defenceless state. What, in your opinion, should they do? Of course
+ the temptation to the unprincipled war party in Germany to attack
+ them while they are unable to defend themselves, is very great;
+ and that party must know that a war this year would be much less
+ hazardous than one next year, and so on, as each year passes.
+
+ The next question I want your advice upon is what, if
+ anything, can other Powers, and particularly England, do to help to
+ preserve peace? This is a question peculiarly within your province,
+ as the one thing to be considered in answering it, is the effect
+ that anything we do may have at Berlin.
+
+ I am not very hopeful, but I think the chances of peace will
+ be very much increased if we can tide over this year 1874.
+
+ I can see no consolation for a fresh war. I suppose Bismarck
+ would be ready to buy the neutrality of Russia with Constantinople,
+ and that France will give Russia _anything_ even for a little help.
+
+ The Emperor Alexander has told General Le Flo[8] at St.
+ Petersburg that there will not be war. Do you attach much
+ importance to this?
+
+ You will call this a _questionnaire_ rather than a letter, but
+ if you have anything to catechise me upon in return, I will answer
+ to the best of my ability.
+
+ The Lyttons' are, as you may suppose, a very great pleasure to
+ me, and they have had a great success here.
+
+No one was better fitted than Lord Odo Russell, who was a _persona
+grata_ with Bismarck, to answer these queries. The Emperor Alexander had
+been very emphatic in assuring General Le Flo on several occasions that
+there would be no war, but Lord Odo was in all probability quite correct
+in his opinion that this was no real safeguard.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Odo Russell to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Berlin, Feb. 20, 1874.
+
+ I was glad after a long interval to see your handwriting
+ again, and doubly glad to find you inclined to renew our
+ correspondence. You ask: _Firstly_, What in my opinion should the
+ French do to escape being attacked by Germany in their present
+ defenceless state?
+
+ In my opinion nothing can save them _if_ Bismarck is
+ determined to fight them again; but then, is it France or is it
+ Austria he is preparing to annihilate? In Bismarck's opinion,
+ France, to avoid a conflict with him, should gag her press,
+ imprison her bishops, quarrel with Rome, refrain from making
+ an army or from seeking alliances with other Powers all out of
+ deference to Germany.
+
+ _Secondly._ What can other Powers, and particularly England,
+ do to help to preserve peace?
+
+ A Coalition is impossible; advice or interference adds to
+ Bismarck's excuses for going to war, so the only course Governments
+ can follow is to let him do as he pleases and submit to the
+ consequences, until he dies.
+
+ _Thirdly._ Do I attach any importance to the Emperor of
+ Russia's pacific assurances?
+
+ None whatever, because Bismarck is prepared to buy his
+ co-operation with anything he pleases in the East.
+
+ Bismarck is now master of the situation at home and abroad.
+ The Emperor, the Ministers, the Army, the Press, and the National
+ majority in Parliament are instruments in his hands, whilst abroad
+ he can so bribe the great Powers as to prevent a coalition and make
+ them subservient to his policy. Now, his policy, as you know, is
+ to mediatize the minor States of Germany and to annex the German
+ Provinces of Austria, so as to make one great centralized Power
+ of the German-speaking portions of Europe. To accomplish this he
+ may require another war, but it may be with Austria and not with
+ France, which he now puts forward to keep up the war spirit of the
+ Germans and to remind Europe of his powers. Besides which he has to
+ pass the unpopular Army Bill and War Budget which he failed in last
+ summer.
+
+ His anti-Roman policy will serve him to pick a quarrel with
+ any Power he pleases by declaring that he has discovered an
+ anti-German conspiracy among the clergy of the country he wishes to
+ fight.
+
+ Such is the situation, but it does not follow that we shall
+ have war before another year or two are over or more, nor need we
+ have war _if_ Bismarck can carry out his plans without it.
+
+ At present the tone of Bismarck and Buelow is quite pacific,
+ and I notice a great desire for the co-operation of England in
+ maintaining the peace of Europe generally.
+
+Lord Lyons's own opinions were in exact agreement with Lord Odo
+Russell's, and the general uncertainty as to Bismarck's intentions
+continued to preoccupy both the French and the English Governments,
+although the Emperor of Russia persisted in assuring General Le Flo that
+there would be no war, and it was assumed in some quarters that the
+German Emperor disapproved of the Bismarckian policy.
+
+The general election in England at the beginning of 1874, resulting in
+the return of the Conservative party to power, placed Lord Derby again
+at the Foreign Office in the room of Lord Granville, and the long letter
+which follows was presumably intended to enlighten him on the subject of
+French politics generally. It is, at all events, a concise review of the
+situation.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Feb. 24, 1874.
+
+ I thank you cordially for your letter of yesterday, and I
+ resume with very peculiar satisfaction my diplomatic correspondence
+ with you. I wish the subject of it was as pleasant to me as is the
+ fact of its renewal; but I cannot help being more than usually
+ anxious about the prospects of Europe and of France in particular.
+ This spring and summer are the especially critical seasons for
+ France. She will be for a long time to come far too weak to indulge
+ in aggression, except indeed as a secondary ally of some stronger
+ Power, but even next year, she will not be in the absolutely
+ helpless condition which is at this moment so strong a temptation
+ to national hatreds, and to the military thirst for gold and glory
+ which prevails with a party in Germany. I am afraid the peace of
+ Europe depends entirely upon the view Bismarck may take of the
+ easiest means of bringing all German-speaking nations under one
+ rule. The wolf can always find reasons for quarrelling with the
+ lamb, and as Bismarck himself told Odo Russell, he has had a good
+ deal of experience of this kind of thing. The French lamb will not
+ be skittish, and indeed will hardly venture to bleat, for some
+ time. For my own part, I am constantly on the watch to forestall
+ questions which may make difficulties between France and any other
+ country; for if Bismarck wants war, it would suit him to be able to
+ appear to be only taking his part in a quarrel already made.
+
+ Italy is the most dangerous neighbour from this point of
+ view, and the presence of the _Orenoque_ at Civita Vecchia is the
+ ticklish point. It is a very delicate matter to touch; for if the
+ question came very prominently into notice, it might raise one of
+ the storms in the press of all countries, which are so often the
+ precursors of evil times. The ship is supposed to be at Civita
+ Vecchia to give the Pope the means of leaving Italy, if he wishes
+ to do so; and I suppose the Vatican might relieve the French of
+ embarrassment by saying that she is not wanted. In fact, if the
+ Italian Government intended to prevent the Pope's going away, they
+ would of course stop him before he got to Civita Vecchia, and if
+ they abstained (as would no doubt be the case) from interfering
+ with his movements, he could get a ship to depart in, whenever he
+ pleased.
+
+ I do not know that there is any ill-feeling in Switzerland
+ towards France, but the Ultramontane disputes give Bismarck a lever
+ to work with.
+
+ I believe the French Government have completely drawn in their
+ horns about the Armenian Patriarch question and the Protectorate of
+ the Latin Christians in the East, since Bismarck appeared on the
+ field at Constantinople.
+
+ In looking out for small beginnings of troubles, I have
+ thought of Tunis. I suppose we may lay aside all apprehension of
+ attempts of France to change the frontier or to bring the Regency
+ into more complete dependency upon her, at the present moment. I
+ find by a despatch from Mr. Wood, that the German commodore, in his
+ conversation with the Bey, insisted particularly upon the interests
+ of German subjects being put upon as good a footing as those of the
+ subjects of any other country.
+
+ I think Decazes takes the humiliating position in which
+ France, and he as her Foreign Minister, are placed, with more
+ equanimity and temper than most Frenchmen would; and so long as
+ the present, or any other Government, not absolutely unreasonable,
+ is at the head of affairs, France will be prudent in her foreign
+ relations.
+
+ Of Marshal MacMahon's seven years' lease of power, only three
+ months have elapsed; a time too short to give much foundation for
+ conjecture as to its probable duration. Both he himself and his
+ Ministers take opportunities of declaring that its continuance
+ is above discussion, and that they will maintain it against all
+ comers. There are two things against it. First, the extreme
+ difficulty of giving it anything like the appearance of permanence
+ and stability which would rally to it that great majority of
+ Frenchmen who are ready at all times to worship the powers that
+ be, if only they look as if they were likely to continue to be.
+ Secondly, there is the character of the Marshal himself. He is
+ honest and a brave soldier, but he does not take such a part in
+ affairs as would increase his personal prestige. The danger,
+ in fact, is that by degrees he may come to be looked upon as a
+ _nullite!_
+
+ The Imperialists are agitating themselves and spending money,
+ as if they were meditating an immediate coup. The wiser heads
+ counsel patience, but the old horses, who sorely miss the pampering
+ they had under the Empire, are getting very hungry, and are afraid
+ that they themselves may die before the grass has grown.
+
+ The fear of an Imperialist attempt has in some degree brought
+ back to the Government the support of the Legitimists, and in fact
+ the Comte de Chambord has quarrelled with his own party. The Fusion
+ has put an end to the Orleanist Party, as a party for placing
+ the Comte de Paris on the throne; but the question of appointing
+ the Duc d'Aumale Vice-President, in order to have some one ready
+ to succeed MacMahon in case of need, is seriously considered. I
+ suppose, however, that MacMahon would look upon this as destructive
+ of the arrangements between him and the Assembly. And then the
+ whole system depends upon the maintenance by hook or by crook of
+ a majority, which has not yet ceased to melt away, as seats become
+ vacant and new elections take place.
+
+The Duc de Bisaccia, the new French Ambassador in London, even at his
+first interview with Lord Derby, did not scruple to avow that he felt
+quite certain that the Republican form of government would not last, and
+he went on to assert that Bismarck's head had been turned by success,
+and that he aimed at nothing less than the conquest of Europe, being
+quite indifferent either to the views of his Imperial Master, or of the
+Crown Prince. Whatever the prospects of the Republic, the prospects of
+Bisaccia's own party (Legitimist) were indisputably gloomy, for the
+prevailing sentiment in France at the time was hostility to the White
+Flag and to the clerical and aristocratic influences of which it was
+held to be the emblem. The great majority of the people were Republican,
+and the most numerous party after the Republican was the Imperial, but
+the Presidency of Marshal MacMahon was acquiesced in, for the moment,
+by all parties, because it was believed to be capable of preserving
+order, because it left the question of the definitive government of the
+country still undecided, and because no party saw its way to securing
+the pre-dominence of its own ideas.
+
+The existing state of things was accounted for by the history of the
+establishment of the seven-years Presidency.
+
+When the Orleans Princes tendered their allegiance to the Comte de
+Chambord in the previous autumn, the fusion, so long talked of, was
+complete, and it was supposed that a Parliamentary Monarchy with the
+Tricolour Flag, might be established under the legitimate head of
+the Bourbons; but the Comte de Chambord struck a fatal blow to these
+hopes by his celebrated letter, and the Conservatives felt that there
+was no time to be lost in setting up a Government having some sort of
+stability. The plan which they adopted was that of conferring power
+upon Marshal MacMahon for a fixed and long period. Had a short period
+been proposed, it would have been agreed to almost unanimously; but
+this was not their object. They wished it to be apparent to the country
+that the Marshal was specially the President of the Conservative
+majority: they asked for a term of ten years: obtained seven, and
+secured from the Marshal a declaration of adherence to their views. The
+slight modification of the Ministry which ensued, resulted in placing
+the Government more completely in the hands of the party pledged to a
+monarchical form of Government, and the Ministry thus reconstituted, set
+itself to the task of resisting the progress of Radicalism and Communism
+in the country.
+
+But the suspicion of favouring the White Flag clung to the Government,
+and although the latter, following the example of the Empire, had
+installed their partisans in office, as mayors, etc., by thousands
+throughout the country, the candidates supported by the Government had,
+in almost every instance, found themselves at the bottom of the poll
+when elections took place; and the results showed that a large accession
+of votes had been received by the Republican and Imperialist parties. Of
+these the former had gained most, but the latter possessed a backing in
+the country which was inadequately represented by their numbers in the
+Assembly.
+
+It should, however, be added that there did not appear on any side a
+disposition to embarrass the Government by factious or bitter opposition
+with regard to the three departments, Finance, War, and Foreign Affairs,
+in which the practical interests of the country were most deeply
+involved. The financial policy of M. Magne[9] was generally supported;
+and with regard to votes for the Army and Navy, the Government had
+rather to resist a pressure to increase the expenditure on these heads,
+than to urge the necessity of considerable supplies.
+
+In the conduct of foreign affairs, the defenceless state of France had
+made the avoidance of an attack from Germany the one overwhelming care
+of the Government. To effect this object, to give Germany no pretext for
+a quarrel, and to make submission to the behests of Bismarck as little
+galling and in appearance as little humiliating as possible, had been
+the constant occupation of the Foreign Minister. In this effort he was
+seconded by the Assembly, and indeed every one in and out of that body,
+except a few clerical and Legitimist bigots, felt it to be a patriotic
+duty to abstain from embarrassing the Government in its relations with
+foreign Powers. Another reassuring feature in the situation was, that
+there were no symptoms of attempts to resist by force the authority of
+the Assembly, as no party seemed likely to venture to oppose by force
+a Government which disposed of the army; and the army in 1874 showed
+no prediction for any particular candidate for the throne sufficiently
+strong to overcome its habitual obedience to the Constitutional
+Government, whatever that Government might be.
+
+As an instance of the dictation practised by Bismarck towards France in
+foreign affairs, it may be mentioned that in January, 1874,[10] Count
+Arnim formally announced to the Duc Decazes that the German Government
+would not tolerate the assumption by France of the suzerainty of Tunis,
+or of a Protectorate over that country. To this Decazes humbly replied
+that there had never been the least question of anything of the kind--a
+statement which can scarcely be described as accurate.
+
+Whether Bismarck entertained any designs with regard to Tunis is not
+known, but it was in this year that Germany began to show some signs
+of interest in the Philippines and other places supposed to be of
+some colonial value. The following extract from a letter written on
+the subject by the late Lord Lytton, who was at the time Secretary
+of Embassy at Paris, is a striking instance of rare and remarkable
+political prescience.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lytton to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Paris, Oct. 27, 1874.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Odo's impression (communicated to you) that Bismarck does
+ not want colonies rather surprises me. It seems to me a perfectly
+ natural and quite inevitable ambition on the part of a Power so
+ strong as Germany not to remain an inland state a moment longer
+ than it can help, but to get to the sea, and to extend its seaboard
+ in all possible directions. Is there any case on record of an
+ inland state suddenly attaining to the military supremacy of Europe
+ without endeavouring by means of its military strength and prestige
+ to develop its maritime power? But you can't be a Maritime Power
+ without colonies, for if you have ships you must have places to
+ send them to, work for them to do, and a marine Exercier-Platz
+ for training seamen. That is why I have always thought that the
+ English school of politicians which advocates getting rid of our
+ colonies as profitless encumbrances, ought (to be consistent) to
+ advocate the simultaneous suppression of our navy. Lord Derby says
+ that though Germany may probably cherish such an ambition, she
+ will have as much seaboard as she can practically want as long
+ as she retains possession of the Duchies. But that is not a very
+ convenient commercial seaboard, and I confess I can't help doubting
+ the absence of all desire for more and better outlets to the
+ sea, so long as her military power and prestige remain unbroken.
+ Anyhow, there seems to be now a pretty general instinct throughout
+ Europe, and even in America, that a policy of maritime and colonial
+ development must be the natural result of Germany's present
+ position: and such instincts, being those of self-preservation, are
+ generally, I think, what Dizzy calls 'unerring' ones.
+
+A letter from Lord Odo Russell written about this period throws a
+curious light upon Bismarck's imaginary grievances, and the difficulties
+which he was prepared to raise upon the slightest provocation. Probably
+no Minister of modern times ever uttered so many complaints, threatened
+so often to resign, and yet wielded such absolute power.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord O. Russell to Lord Derby._
+
+ Berlin, Nov. 9, 1874.
+
+ I found Prince Bismarck in one of his confidential moods
+ the other day, and he indulged me in a long talk about his own
+ interests, past, present, and prospective.
+
+ Among many other things, he said that his life had been
+ strangely divided into phases or periods of twelve years each.
+
+ Born in 1815, he had left home when he was twelve years old to
+ begin his studies. At 24 he inherited his small patrimony and his
+ father's debts, and entered upon the life and duties of a country
+ gentleman. At 36 (1851) his diplomatic career began, and he was
+ sent to Frankfort, Vienna, St. Petersburg and Paris. At 48 (1863)
+ he was recalled to form the present Administration, which in twelve
+ years had carried on three wars and made the German Empire. He was
+ now 60 and worn out with the responsibilities and anxieties of
+ office, and he was resolved to enter upon a new phase (of 12 years
+ he hoped) by resigning and retiring into private life--a resolution
+ he begged I would keep to myself for the present.
+
+ I said I could well understand his wish for rest, but I did
+ not believe the Emperor or the country would allow him to indulge
+ in it, as he was well enough and strong enough to govern Germany
+ for many years to come.
+
+ He replied that he felt quite strong enough to govern Germany,
+ but not to be governed himself any longer by the Emperor, whose
+ obstinacy and narrow mindedness were more than he could bear.
+
+ I said I had often heard him complain of his Court duties
+ before, but it appeared to me that he always carried his points,
+ and that after some resistance the Emperor gave way in the end and
+ followed his advice.
+
+ He replied that it was that very struggle with his Imperial
+ Master that had worn him out and that he no longer felt strong
+ enough to carry on after sixty. He then related to me a series of
+ very curious anecdotes illustrating his struggles with the Crown,
+ and what he called the want of confidence and ingratitude of the
+ Emperor.
+
+ I asked him whether anything had lately occurred calculated to
+ increase his wish for rest.
+
+ He said that his present difference with the Emperor related
+ to the new army organization. The Emperor and his generals thought
+ the sole object of the German Empire was to turn the nation into an
+ army for the greater glory of the House of Hohenzollern; whilst he
+ held that there must be some limit to the heavy strain of military
+ obligations the Crown was ever anxious to impose on the people.
+
+ I asked whether he was alluding to the Landsturm Bill, which
+ placed every German from the age of 16 to 42 at the disposal of the
+ War Department.
+
+ He replied that he did not exactly allude to that, but there
+ were other measures in contemplation, elaborated in the Emperor's
+ military Cabinet, he could not give his sanction to, and which
+ would consequently lead to another painful struggle. He considered
+ that his great task had been completed in 1870 to 1872, and that he
+ could now retire and leave the internal organization of Germany to
+ other hands. The Crown Prince, he thought, might possibly govern
+ on more Constitutional principles than his father, who, born
+ in the last century, had not yet been able to realize what the
+ duties of a Constitutional Sovereign were, and thought himself as
+ King of Prussia above the Constitution, as the Emperor Sigismund
+ thought himself above grammar when he wrote bad Latin. A danger
+ to which the Crown Prince would be exposed as Sovereign was his
+ love for intrigue and backstairs influence--'some one or other
+ always concealed behind the door or curtain.' The Prince was not as
+ straightforward as he appeared, and he suffered from the weakness
+ of obstinacy and the obstinacy of weakness due to unbounded conceit
+ and self-confidence--but at the same time he meant well.
+
+ After a good deal more talk about his family, his property,
+ and his longing for country life and pursuits, we parted.
+
+ Without attaching undue importance to Prince Bismarck's
+ oft-repeated threat of resignation, I do not suppose he would go
+ out of his way to tell me and others so, without intention. My
+ impression is that he wants to obtain something or other from the
+ Emperor which he can make conditional on remaining in office, well
+ knowing that His Majesty cannot do without him. Besides which,
+ his retirement from office would have the appearance of a defeat,
+ consequent on his failure to coerce the Pope and his legions. He is
+ not the man to admit a defeat while he lives. Time will show what
+ more he wants to satisfy his gigantic ambition.
+
+The fear of war with Germany had died away temporarily in the summer,
+and the various political parties in France were free to continue their
+struggles and to reduce the situation to almost unexampled confusion.
+The motives of the Comte de Chambord and his followers were too remote
+for ordinary human understanding, and their object appeared to be to
+bring about a crisis and a dissolution of the Assembly on the most
+disadvantageous terms to themselves. Moderate Republicans were looking
+to the Duc d'Aumale as a safeguard against the Imperialists on the one
+hand, and the Reds on the other. Republicans of various shades, and the
+Reds in particular, were coquetting with Prince Napoleon, and he with
+them. Most men and most parties appeared to have particular objects,
+which they hated with a hatred more intense than their love for the
+object of their affections. Thiers, it was believed, would have rather
+seen anything, even a restoration of the Empire, than have the Duc de
+Broglie and the Orleanists in power. Notwithstanding the fusion, the
+Legitimists would have probably preferred Gambetta (or some one still
+more extreme) than an Orleans Prince--and so on.
+
+'I cannot make head or tail of French internal politics,' Lord Derby
+wrote, at the end of the year, 'and presume that most Frenchmen are in
+the same condition. It looks as if nobody could see their way till the
+present Assembly is dissolved and a new one elected.'
+
+The beginning of the new year was signalized in Paris by the appearance
+of the Lord Mayor of London, who had been invited to attend the opening
+of the new Opera House. That functionary has always been invested in
+French popular opinion with semi-fabulous attributes, and he seems to
+have risen to the level of the occasion. 'The Lord Mayor,' wrote the
+unimpressionable Lord Lyons, 'is astonishing the Parisians with his
+sword, mace, trumpeters, and State coaches. So far, however, I think the
+disposition here is to be pleased with it all, and I keep no countenance
+and do what I have to do with becoming gravity.' A little later,
+however, he was constrained to add:--
+
+ I am afraid the Lord Mayor's head has been turned by the
+ fuss which was made with him here, for he seems to have made a
+ very foolish speech on his return to England. Strange to say the
+ Parisians continued to be amused and pleased with his pomps and
+ vanities to the end, although the narrow limits between the sublime
+ and the ridiculous were always on the point of being over passed.
+ I abstained from going to the banquets given to him, or by him,
+ except a private dinner at the Elysee; but I had him to dinner
+ here, and, I think, sent him away pleased with the Embassy, which
+ it is always as well to do, and if so, I have reaped the reward of
+ my diplomatic command over my risible muscles.
+
+It was not perhaps surprising that the Lord Mayor should have been
+thrown off his intellectual balance, for the honours accorded to him
+far surpassed those paid to ordinary mortals and resembled rather those
+habitually reserved for crowned heads. When he visited the opera the
+ex-Imperial box was reserved for his use; the audience rose at his
+entry, and the orchestra played the English National Anthem. Twice he
+dined with the President of the Republic; the Prefect of the Seine gave
+a banquet in his honour; so did the authorities at Boulogne; and to
+crown all, the Tribunal of Commerce struck a medal in commemoration of
+his visit.
+
+The one thing that was fairly clear in French politics, besides
+abhorrence of the White Flag, was the gradual progress of Bonapartism
+which was beginning to frighten Conservatives as well as Republicans,
+and the Bonapartists themselves were inclined to regret having helped
+to turn Thiers out of office, because the army was becoming more and
+more anti-Republican, and it would be much easier to turn it against a
+civilian than against its natural head, a Marshal of France.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Jan. 26, 1875.
+
+ Bonapartism is still in the ascendant, and certainly the
+ Assembly is doing everything to give weight to the assertion that
+ France is unfit for Parliamentary Government. No one believes in
+ a moderate Republic, as a self-supporting institution unconnected
+ with some particular individual. The 'Conservative Republic'
+ was devised for M. Thiers. The Septennate Republic, if it be a
+ Republic, would be scouted if MacMahon were not at the head of
+ it. The Comte de Chambord is impossible. The Orleanists have cast
+ in their lot with his, and besides, the Government they represent
+ being constitutional or Parliamentary, is exactly what is most
+ out of favour, with the exception of the White Flag. As I have
+ said all along, the dispute is between a very advanced Republic
+ and the Empire, and _confugiendum est ad imperium_ is becoming
+ more and more the cry of those who dread Communism. Those who have
+ personal reasons for fearing the Empire are already taking their
+ precautions. Friends of the Orleans Princes are believed to have
+ seriously conferred (not with the knowledge or consent of the
+ Princes themselves, so far as I have heard) with the Bonaparte
+ leaders, in order to ascertain what the Orleans family would
+ have to expect if the Prince Imperial returned. At any rate the
+ Bonapartist papers have been insinuating that they would be allowed
+ to stay in France and keep their property; and these insinuations
+ are of course intended to relieve tender Orleanist consciences of
+ scruples in coming round to the Imperial cause.
+
+ The officers in the army are becoming more and more averse
+ from all idea of a permanent Republic. They would willingly wait to
+ the end of MacMahon's time, but they are beginning to talk of the
+ possibility of his being so much disgusted by the way in which he
+ is worried by the Assembly, as to throw the Presidency up.
+
+ In short France is at this moment in a fear of Bonapartism.
+ It may, and very probably will, subside this time, but it differs
+ from most intermittent fevers in this, that the attacks recur at
+ shorter and shorter intervals, and increase instead of diminish in
+ intensity.
+
+Fear of the Imperialists drove Conservatives into voting with Gambetta
+and other advanced Republicans; a ministerial crisis took place; the
+Assembly gave contradictory decisions and generally discredited itself,
+and the confusion grew so great that it seemed impossible to unravel it.
+
+ 'I have spent three afternoons at Versailles,' wrote Lord
+ Lyons on February 26th, 'and have seen a Constitution made there.
+ I have seen also such a confusion of parties and principles as I
+ hope never to witness again. I found Decazes, Broglie, and a great
+ number of Right Centre deputies at the MacMahons' last evening.
+ They all, and particularly Decazes, looked to me very unhappy,
+ and indeed they did not affect to be at all satisfied with the
+ occurrences in the Assembly. Like the horse in the fable who
+ invited the man to get on his back, the Right Centre have let the
+ Left get on their backs to attack Bonapartism, and don't know how
+ to shake them off again.'
+
+The ceaseless struggles between the various political parties in France,
+which were of little interest to the outside world, were temporarily
+interrupted in the spring of 1875 by the war scare which so greatly
+agitated Europe at the time, but which subsequently became an almost
+annual phenomenon. Unfortunately, Lord Lyons was in England during
+the greater portion of this critical period, and there are wanting,
+consequently, documents which might have thrown light upon what has
+always been a somewhat mysterious episode, but it would appear that the
+symptoms of alarm on the part of the French first showed themselves
+about March 11. On that day the Duc Decazes drew the attention of the
+British Ambassador to three incidents which ought to engage the serious
+attention of those Governments who were desirous of maintaining peace
+in Europe. These were the threatening representation made by the German
+Minister at Brussels to the Belgian Government respecting the language
+and conduct of the Ultramontane Party in that country; the pointed
+communication to the French Government of this representation; and the
+prohibition of the export of horses from Germany. Prince Bismarck,
+said Decazes, seemed to become more and more inclined to revive old
+grievances and to require of foreign countries the exercise of an
+unreasonable and impossible control over the prelates and even over
+the lay members of the Roman Catholic Church, and as for the decree
+forbidding the export of horses, it was so inexplicable that it could
+only add to uneasiness. It might be easy for England, and for some other
+nations, to regard these things calmly, but to France they constituted
+a serious and immediate peril. In spite of the steps taken during the
+past year to conciliate Germany on the subject of the Bishop's charges,
+the German Government had never officially intimated that it considered
+the question to be closed, and Count Arnim had used the significant
+expression to him, that it was only closed 'so far as any question
+between you and us can ever be looked upon as closed.' He believed that
+it was only owing to the influence of other Powers, and of England in
+particular, that the danger had been averted in 1874; and he now hoped
+that the same influence would be exerted in the same way. Decazes added
+a somewhat surprising piece of information which had been imparted to
+him in January, 1874, by Prince Orloff, the Russian Ambassador, viz.
+that in that month an order to occupy Nancy had absolutely been issued
+by the German Government to its troops, and that there were strong
+grounds for believing that this order has been rescinded chiefly owing
+to influence exerted at Berlin by Russia. So far as is known, there is
+no corroboration of this story, and it would appear that Prince Orloff
+was so anxious to convince France of the goodwill of Russia that he
+thought it advisable to drag England into the question, but it was not
+surprising that France should be sensitively alive to the danger she
+incurred, if Bismarck, irritated by his Ultramontane difficulties,
+should choose to throw the blame upon the Roman Catholics of other
+countries, or should resort to quarrels with foreign nations as a means
+of diverting public opinion in Germany from inconvenient questions at
+home.
+
+Prince Hohenlohe, the new German Ambassador, who also saw Lord Lyons on
+the same day, volunteered no opinion upon the representation to Belgium
+which had excited so much perturbation, but remarked with regard to the
+exportation of horses that the 'agriculturists might have been alarmed
+by the prospect of a drain of horses for foreign countries. He had no
+reason to suppose that purchases of horses had been made in Germany by
+the French Government for military purposes; but he had heard that a
+considerable number had lately been brought there for the Paris fiacres.'
+
+It will not have escaped notice that the German Government--or rather
+Bismarck--was fortunate in always having excellent reasons available,
+either for not complying with inconvenient requests, or for explaining
+away disquieting symptoms; thus, in 1870, the insuperable difficulty to
+disarmament was the King of Prussia; during the peace negotiations, all
+harsh conditions were due to _les militaires_, and in 1875 the German
+agriculturists and the Paris cabs were responsible for any uneasiness
+that might be felt temporarily.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, March 16, 1875.
+
+ I saw Decazes last night and found him in a greater state of
+ alarm about the intentions of Germany than anything specific he
+ told me seemed to warrant. The retirement of Bismarck to Varzin
+ will not reassure the French, because they remember that he was
+ there when the war broke out in 1870.
+
+ There is observable here, and not least among the Russians, a
+ sort of impression that there is to be a movement of some kind in
+ the East.
+
+ In short, there is a great deal of vague uneasiness and fear
+ that peace is in danger.
+
+ The German Embassy here has certainly been taking great pains
+ to put it about that the prohibition to export horses has been
+ decreed solely from economical, and not from military motives.
+ That Embassy keeps up very close relations with the _Times_
+ correspondent[11] here, and his subordinates. Of course the trouble
+ it has taken has increased instead of allaying alarm. Decazes
+ constantly harps on the string of the influence of England at
+ Berlin, and the consolation it affords him to feel sure that it is
+ exercised quietly on the side of peace. The position is a painful
+ one. Without particular friendships and alliances, France is
+ absolutely at the mercy of Germany, and if she tries to form such
+ friendships and alliances, she may bring the wrath of the great
+ Chancellor down upon her instantly.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Derby to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Foreign Office, March 16, 1875.
+
+ I do not know and cannot conjecture the cause of Decazes's
+ anxiety. Nothing has passed or is passing in any part of Europe to
+ justify alarm as to an early disturbance of general peace. But I
+ hear of a similar feeling of uneasiness at Berlin; and the Russian
+ Government is credited with designs as to the nature of which no
+ two persons agree. Until we hear more, I shall be inclined to set
+ down all these rumours of wars to the time of year, and to the
+ absence of any exciting questions (so far as foreign relations are
+ concerned) to occupy men's minds.
+
+ I may tell you confidentially that Bismarck has given us
+ through Odo Russell a serious warning against the unfriendly
+ feelings of the Russian Government towards England. He may be only
+ trying to stir up jealousy, a game which he often plays, or he may
+ be sincere. I take his hint as one not to be slighted, yet not
+ infallibly trusted. Gortschakoff is no doubt much disgusted about
+ the Conference; the Czar also to some extent; and probably they
+ both feel that they had miscalculated the effect of the Russian
+ marriage on English policy. But beyond this I know no cause of
+ quarrel. Dead calm for the moment. I cannot conceive any reason why
+ you should not take your leave when you wish it. Paris is always
+ within reach if anything new turns up.
+
+It is obvious from the above that neither Lord Derby nor Lord Lyons felt
+any very serious apprehensions, and the latter was permitted to go home
+on leave at the beginning of April. On April 10, Lord Odo Russell wrote
+to Lord Derby:--
+
+ Bismarck is at his old tricks again--alarming the Germans
+ through the officious Press, and intimating that the French are
+ going to attack them, and that Austria and Italy are conspiring
+ in favour of the Pope, etc. Now he has succeeded in making the
+ Emperor and the Crown Prince believe that France is meditating an
+ invasion of Germany through Belgium! And, not knowing any better,
+ they are in despair and have ordered the War Department to make
+ ready for defence. This crisis will blow over like so many others,
+ but Bismarck's sensational policy is very wearisome at times. Half
+ the Diplomatic Body have been here since yesterday to tell me that
+ war was imminent, and when I seek to calm their nerves and disprove
+ their anticipations, they think that I am thoroughly bamboozled by
+ Bismarck.
+
+In the middle of April there appeared in the _Berlin Post_ the
+celebrated article entitled: 'Is War in Sight?' and as it was well known
+that such articles were not written except under official inspiration,
+something akin to a real panic took place, more especially when other
+German papers began to write in a similar strain. Letters from Mr.
+Adams, who had been left as Charge d'Affaires at Paris, show the
+pitiable condition of terror to which the French Government was reduced,
+and the efforts made by Decazes to obtain British support. Decazes urged
+that England ought to take an active part in protesting against the
+new theory that one nation was justified in falling upon another for
+no other reason than that the latter might possibly prove troublesome
+in the future. He said that he had protested to the German Ambassador
+against the attitude of the German Government, after all the assurances
+that it had received from the French Government, and added that if war
+took place in August, as he feared, he should advise MacMahon to retire
+with his army beyond the Loire without firing a shot and wait there
+'until the justice of Europe should speak out in favour of France.' The
+idea of openly identifying England with the French cause did not commend
+itself apparently to Mr. Disraeli.
+
+ 'I had a rather long conversation about French politics with
+ Mr. Disraeli,' Lord Lyons wrote to Mr. Adams on April 21st, 'and I
+ found him thoroughly well up in the subject. He wishes to encourage
+ confidence and goodwill on the part of France towards England,
+ but sees the danger to France herself of any such appearance of a
+ special and separate understanding as would arouse the jealousy of
+ Bismarck.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ 'With a little variation in the illustrations, Decazes's
+ language to you was just what he used to me before I left Paris.
+ Germany can, I suppose, overrun France whenever she pleases, a
+ fortnight after she determines to do so; and no one can tell how
+ suddenly she may come to this determination. Whether Decazes is
+ wise in perpetually crying "wolf" I cannot say. He is naturally
+ anxious to keep Europe on the alert, but I am not sure that the
+ repetition of these cries does not produce the contrary effect.'
+
+During the second half of April the tension began to diminish, but Lord
+Odo Russell, who was certainly no alarmist, felt convinced that, so long
+as Bismarck remained in office, the peace of Europe was in jeopardy,
+for his power had now become absolute, and neither the Emperor nor the
+Crown Prince were capable of withstanding him. Writing on April 24, he
+remarks: 'The prospect of another war fills me with horror and disgust,
+and if Bismarck lives a few years longer I do not see how it can be
+prevented. The Emperor's powers of resistance are over; he does what
+Bismarck wishes, and the Crown Prince, peace-loving as he is, has not
+sufficient independence of character to resist Bismarck's all-powerful
+mind and will.'
+
+A few days later the Belgian Minister at Berlin reported to Lord Odo
+Russell an alarming communication made to him by Count Moltke.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord O. Russell to Lord Derby._
+
+ Berlin, May 1, 1875.
+
+ Since writing to you to-day, at this late hour my Belgian
+ colleague Baron Nothomb has called to tell me that he had a long
+ conversation with Moltke yesterday fully confirming what is said
+ in my despatch. Moltke added that, much as he hated war, he did
+ not see how Germany could avoid it _next year_, unless the Great
+ Powers 'coalesced' to persuade France to reduce her armaments to a
+ reasonable peace establishment.
+
+ Then Nothomb told me that Bismarck had sent Buelow to him with
+ the following confidential message: 'Tell your King to get his army
+ ready for defence, because Belgium may be invaded by France sooner
+ than we expect.'
+
+ This message Nothomb writes to Brussels to-day. He is under
+ an impression that in the event of war, Bismarck intends to occupy
+ Belgium, as Frederick the Great occupied Saxony when he suspected
+ Maria Theresa of wanting to take her revenge for the loss of
+ Silesia. This is curious, and you will probably hear more about it
+ from Brussels. I write in haste for the Messenger.
+
+The evident desire of Bismarck to fasten a quarrel upon France aroused
+the indignation of Lord Derby, who realized that the intervention of
+Russia was the best method of preventing it.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Derby to Lord O. Russell._
+
+ Foreign Office, May 3, 1875.
+
+ You seem reassured as to the immediate prospect, and the panic
+ in Paris has subsided, but great uneasiness remains. Lumley[12]
+ writes to me that the state of things seems to him most critical,
+ and the language which you report as held by Moltke is unpleasant
+ enough. Muenster[13] has not called for the last few days: when last
+ I saw him, his language about French armaments tallied exactly
+ with that which you and others report as being held by German
+ representatives throughout Europe.
+
+ Is there no hope of Russian interference to maintain peace?
+ It cannot be the interest of Russia to have France destroyed and
+ Germany omnipotent. If the Czar were to say that a new war must not
+ take place, and that he would not allow it, Bismarck would hardly
+ undertake to fight Russia and France combined. I see little other
+ prospect of averting mischief, and if it begins, where is it to end?
+
+ Even here, and notwithstanding the sympathy felt in the
+ main for the Protestant German Empire, the outrageous injustice
+ of picking a quarrel with France, because she does not choose to
+ remain disarmed, would produce its effect. There would be a great
+ revulsion of feeling; not unlike that which took place when the
+ first Napoleon had begun to show his real character and objects.
+ The English public knows little about foreign concerns, but it does
+ understand that hitting a man when he is down is not fair play, and
+ I think in the rest of Europe fear and jealousy of the predominant
+ Power would give France many adherents.
+
+ I do what I can to point this out in a quiet and friendly way;
+ but without being sanguine.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ May 4. The conversation about Belgium in the House of Lords
+ last night led to no result. I think I see a growing feeling,
+ indicated by the language of the press, that the German demands are
+ not necessarily unreasonable, and that we should at least hear more
+ of the case before pronouncing judgment.
+
+ To judge by the reports which Nothomb sends to his own
+ Government, he has been thoroughly frightened, and is ready to
+ advise unconditional acceptance of German proposals. Is he disposed
+ to be an alarmist? Or has Bismarck established a personal hold over
+ him?
+
+ We are quiet at this office, busy in Parliament; the Session
+ threatens to be long, but it will not be eventful.
+
+On May 6, Lord Odo Russell reported that Count Schouvaloff, the Russian
+Ambassador in London, had just arrived at Berlin from St. Petersburg,
+and was the bearer of important tidings.
+
+ The good news he brought respecting our relations with Russia
+ filled me with delight after the dark allusions made to me here
+ at Court and by the Chancellor during the winter. As regards
+ Germany and the war rumours, Count Schouvaloff gave me the most
+ satisfactory and welcome news that the Emperor of Russia is coming
+ to Berlin on Monday next, will insist on the maintenance of peace
+ in Europe, even at the cost of a rupture with Germany, and that he
+ can reckon on the support of Austria in doing so.
+
+ How Bismarck will meet the humiliating blow of being told by
+ his allies, Russia and Austria, that he must keep the peace with
+ France, when he has proclaimed to the world that France is ready to
+ take her revenge, it is difficult to foretell. But we must not be
+ surprised if it hastens on the outburst it is intended to prevent.
+ I hope not, and do not expect it, but I shall not be surprised if
+ it does, because Austria has really joined Russia. She has become
+ an obstacle in the way of German development, which Bismarck will
+ try to remove.
+
+It had, of course, been the object of Bismarck to sow dissension between
+England and Russia, and he had taken elaborate pains to convince
+the British Government that Russia was animated by the most hostile
+feelings. Consequently the extremely frank and friendly sentiments
+expressed by Count Schouvaloff were in the nature of an agreeable
+surprise, but the effusion of the Russian Envoy was so great that he
+seems to have slightly overdone the part.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord O. Russell to Lord Derby._
+
+ Berlin, May 8, 1875.
+
+ I did not report Schouvaloff's conversation because he was
+ going to tell you all he had to say in great detail as soon as he
+ reached London. His frankness is fascinating, but on reflection it
+ does not inspire absolute confidence. I feel at first inclined to
+ believe all he says; but when I think it over, it appears too good
+ to be true.
+
+ If all he represents himself to have said to Bismarck about
+ the power of Russia to coerce Germany under certain circumstances
+ be strictly true, Bismarck would scarcely want him to succeed
+ Gortschakoff, as he does, if he did not feel that he could make a
+ tool of him (Schouvaloff).
+
+ According to Schouvaloff, the Czar and Gortschakoff are
+ to tell Bismarck next week that a new war must not take place,
+ and that if he does not submit and agree, Russia, with the
+ concurrence of Austria, is prepared to side with France to render
+ war impossible. In all probability, their conferences will end
+ in mutual assurances of peace and good will, and we shall hear
+ no more of war rumours and French armaments until those of
+ Germany are ready; and as Bismarck is a match both for the Czar
+ and Gortschakoff, I shall not be surprised to hear that he has
+ persuaded them to let him have his own way in the end. But this is
+ mere conjecture; we shall know more about it all a week hence.
+
+ The whole of Bismarck's policy now tends to produce a
+ coalition of the peaceful Powers against Germany, and his Church
+ policy, to produce dissensions in Germany and arrest the progress
+ of unification. It is therefore evident that he seeks a conflict
+ for purposes of his own.
+
+ I may be wrong, but I cannot but think that he wants to
+ mediatize the smaller German Powers and weaken Austria so as to
+ render her alliance useless to Russia, France, and Italy.
+
+ If I understand Schouvaloff correctly, Bismarck endeavoured to
+ set Russia against us, as he attempted to set us against Russia,
+ and he seemed to expect that Bismarck would make Gortschakoff
+ various offers in return for Russian co-operation or neutrality.
+ Indeed, he insinuated that he thought Bismarck a little out of his
+ mind at times.
+
+ The importance of the Czar's language and attitude at Berlin
+ is so great that I look forward with anxious interest to the
+ results of next week's conferences. For my part I have been careful
+ to hold the language you tell me you hold at home on these matters
+ in a friendly spirit to Germany and in the interest of European
+ Peace.
+
+On the same date (May 8), the Emperor Alexander and Prince Gortschakoff
+started on the journey to Berlin from which so much was anticipated,
+and the British Government addressed a despatch to Lord Odo Russell
+which was also circulated at Paris, Vienna, St. Petersburg, and
+Rome, instructing him to use all his power to put an end to the
+misunderstanding which had arisen between France and Germany. It is
+worthy of note that when this despatch was communicated to the Austrian
+Government, that Government alone declined to instruct their Ambassador
+at Berlin in the sense desired, on the ground that it would irritate
+Bismarck.
+
+The Emperor Alexander and Gortschakoff arrived at Berlin on May 10,
+and the question of peace or war must have been decided with extreme
+rapidity, for Lord Odo Russell dined with Bismarck on that night, and
+the latter took the opportunity to express his thanks 'for the very
+friendly offer, which he highly appreciated, as a proof of good will
+and confidence on the part of Her Majesty's Government.' At the same
+time he expressed some naive surprise at the offer, maintaining that
+all his efforts tended in the direction of peace; that the war rumours
+were the work of the stockjobbers and the press, and that France and
+Germany were on excellent terms! Under the circumstances, it is highly
+creditable to Lord Odo Russell that he received this communication with
+becoming gravity.
+
+Gortschakoff who made his appearance after the dinner professed great
+satisfaction at Bismarck's language; but in conversation with Lord
+Odo Russell on the following day (May 11), Bismarck spoke with much
+irritation of Gortschakoff's intervention, which he attributed to senile
+vanity, and stated that he had refused Gortschakoff's request for a
+categorical promise not to go to war, because such a promise would have
+implied the existence of an intention which he repudiated.
+
+On May 12, Gortschakoff sent a telegram to St. Petersburg which gave
+dire offence: _La paix est assuree:_ and the Emperor of Russia requested
+Lord Odo to inform Her Majesty's Government that he felt certain of the
+maintenance of peace. Bismarck, secretly furious at the frustration of
+his plans, outwardly betrayed no ill-humour and put a good face upon his
+failure.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord O. Russell to Lord Derby._
+
+ Berlin, May 15, 1875.
+
+ Although Bismarck is as civil, confidential, and amiable
+ to me as ever, I fancy that he must be frantic at our combined
+ action with Russia in favour of peace, which took him by surprise.
+ However that matters little, and he will get over it, as he wishes
+ to keep well with us. But he will seek an opportunity of paying
+ out Gortschakoff for having come the Peacemaker and Dictator over
+ Germany again.
+
+ For my part, I was delighted at the course pursued by Her
+ Majesty's Government and at the instructions you sent me, which I
+ feel sure will do good, both at home and abroad.
+
+ The old Emperor William, whose bodily health is wonderful, but
+ whose mental powers are declining, will have been surprised and
+ grieved at the Queen writing to the Czar instead of to himself.
+ Bismarck thinks it is due to an intrigue of the Empress Augusta
+ to spite him. His hatred and abuse of the Empress is a perfect
+ mania. The Crown Prince sent for me to talk the incident over. He
+ asked many questions, but was himself reserved, beyond deploring
+ Bismarck's nervous state and policy which had been the cause of
+ such useless alarm. He asked whether I saw any likely successor to
+ Bismarck if his health broke down. I said plenty would be found
+ in Germany when there was a demand for them, which Bismarck's
+ popularity at present excluded. The Prince, though reserved, was
+ very cordial and very anxious for information.
+
+ Your conversation with Schouvaloff is word for word what he
+ said to me. I note one mistake on his part. He spoke with certainty
+ of Austrian co-operation, which failed us at the last moment.
+
+ I was much impressed by the warmth and eloquence of the
+ Czar's utterances of friendship for England. He seemed really
+ to feel deeply what he said, and to wish with all his heart for
+ an alliance with us. Gortschakoff was less ardent: it is not in
+ his nature; but he was persuasive and consistent in his friendly
+ assurances. Schouvaloff's attitude and language will show whether
+ my impressions are correct or not.
+
+ Muenster's assurances to you in regard to the German army are
+ quite correct, I believe; only it is better prepared for war than
+ any other army in the world, and at ten days' notice. But when
+ Bismarck tells him to lament the alarm he has created himself, and
+ to ascribe it to Ultramontane influences in the press, Muenster must
+ feel rather ashamed of his master.
+
+ We may certainly reckon on peace for this year. Next year
+ peace must depend on the state of Bismarck's combinations for
+ the completion of his task--the unification of Germany--Russia
+ permitting. He left for Varzin this morning, which will do him
+ good; but he returns on the 27th instant to receive the King and
+ Queen of Sweden who stay three days in Berlin.
+
+ I did not mention in my official report that the Czar asked
+ me to tell him frankly, if I was at liberty to do so, whether I
+ thought Bismarck had designs on Austria. I told him what the wishes
+ of the National Party were, and what they expected of Bismarck
+ their leader, and that I believed he contemplated weakening Austria
+ to strengthen Germany. The Czar thanked me and said that although
+ suspicion had been suggested to him from many sides, he could not
+ get himself to believe in so much perfidy.
+
+Such then in brief is the story of the great war scare of 1875, a tale
+which has been told by many writers with embellishments suggested by
+either Anglophil or Russophil proclivities. Which of the two countries,
+England or Russia, contributed most towards the preservation of peace
+will probably always remain a subject of discussion, but Bismarck at
+all events never forgave Gortschakoff his vainglorious telegram, and
+he used afterwards to maintain that, whereas the English had 'behaved
+like gentlemen,' the conduct of the Russian Government came under a
+distinctly opposite category. It is a remarkable fact that in spite
+of the indisputable evidence furnished not only by the foregoing
+correspondence, but from other sources, Bismarck subsequently had the
+hardihood to assert that the war scare of 1875 was a myth invented
+partly by Decazes for stockjobbing purposes and partly by the
+Ultramontane press--even the English press being according to his
+assertions under Ultramontane influence. In the authoritative work
+'Bismarck: his Reflections and Reminiscences' it is lightly dismissed
+as an elaborate fiction. 'So far was I from entertaining any such idea
+at the time, or afterwards, that I would rather have resigned than
+lent a hand in picking a quarrel which would have had no other motive
+than preventing France from recovering her breath and her strength.'
+Busch, in his better-known narrative, is also discreetly reticent on
+the subject, and the only reference to it occurs in some notes dictated
+to him by Bismarck in 1879. 'As far back as 1874 the threads of the
+Gortschakoff-Jomini policy are to be found in the foreign press--oglings
+and advances towards an intimacy between Russia and France of _la
+revanche_. The rejection of these addresses is due rather to France
+than to Russia. This policy does not appear to have originated with the
+Emperor Alexander. It culminated in the period 1875-77, when the rumour
+was circulated that Gortschakoff had saved France from us, and when he
+began one of his circular despatches with the words, _Maintenant la
+paix est assuree_. You remember Blowitz's report in the _Times_. Read
+it again and mention the matter. His account was correct, except when
+he spoke of an anti-French military party in Prussia. No such party
+existed.'
+
+It is instructive to compare with these passages the statements made in
+the 'Memoirs and Letters of Sir Robert Morier.'
+
+The crisis was definitely passed when Lord Lyons returned to Paris,
+and he found the French overflowing with gratitude for the exertions
+of Her Majesty's Government in favour of peace. Both Marshal MacMahon
+and the Duc Decazes were profuse in their expressions, and the latter,
+in particular, said that he attached immense importance to the fact
+that the same sentiments in favour of peace had been expressed
+simultaneously at Berlin by England and Russia. At the same time, while
+much encouraged at the thought that the danger of an attack from Germany
+had been averted, he affirmed very positively that he should not on
+this account relax his endeavours to avoid giving umbrage to the German
+Government. On its being pointed out to him that it was obvious that
+the vast and increasing sums which figured in the Budget of the French
+War Department had produced in Germany a very general impression that
+France was preparing for an immediate retaliatory war, he gave the
+somewhat unconvincing assurance that a vote for clothing the reserve
+would be struck out, but would be replaced by a supplementary vote
+introduced in the winter, when a vote for clothing might seem 'natural
+and unimportant.' According to Decazes, both the Emperor of Russia and
+Gortschakoff had, on more than one occasion, used language which showed
+that they viewed with satisfaction the efforts of France to restore her
+military power, and he endeavoured to impress upon the Ambassador that
+Holland first, and then Belgium, were next to France most in danger from
+German ambition. Finally, he pointed out with great satisfaction that
+Russia had not lent an ear to the offers which had, he presumed, been
+made to her at Berlin, to forward any ambitious views she might have in
+the East, and he said that he considered this particularly important,
+because it removed the only obstacle which might have interfered
+with a cordial co-operation, on the part of the British and Russian
+Governments, for the preservation of the peace of Europe. Whether any
+such offers were made or refused is not known, but as the next few years
+were to show, Decazes's conclusion was about as faulty a one as could
+well be imagined.
+
+ 'As regards public opinion in this country,' said Lord Lyons.
+ 'I find no diminution of the conviction that at the present moment
+ a war with Germany would be fatal to France, and that very many
+ years must elapse before France will be able to undertake such
+ a war with any prospect of success. All Frenchmen are earnestly
+ desirous that their army should be as speedily as possible placed
+ upon such a footing as to give them some security against attack,
+ and some influence in the world--but few look forward to there
+ being a time when they can contend with Germany, unless they have a
+ powerful ally to fight beside them in the field.
+
+ 'In the meantime I must confess that the gratitude towards
+ England, which I hear expressed by men of all parties, far exceeds
+ anything that I could have expected. On the one hand it shows
+ perhaps the greatness of the terror from which the French have just
+ been relieved; but on the other, it is, I think, an indication of a
+ sincere disposition to accept heartily and ungrudgingly any proof
+ of good will from England.'
+
+The insurrection in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which broke out in the
+summer of 1875, and the Turkish bankruptcy which followed a little
+later, provided the French with fresh cause for apprehension, as it
+was realized that the Eastern Question was once again reopened, and
+that any differences that might arise between England and Russia would
+be to the disadvantage of France. The French, who now saw the hand of
+Bismarck in everything, believed that he had a plan of sending the
+Austrian army into the Herzegovina, and the Russian army into some other
+part of Turkey, with a view to sending the German army into France, and
+much as the Government would have liked to have done something for the
+French bondholders, and at the same time to have recovered some of the
+influence formerly enjoyed at Constantinople, it was afraid to take any
+action which might irritate the omnipotent chancellor. Perhaps this
+was just as well, as far as England was concerned. The project of a
+European Conference at Constantinople, which had been already mooted,
+did not appear in any way to be conducive to British interests. Austria
+and Russia were not in agreement as to the policy to be pursued. The
+former had every reason to fear a Slav development on the frontier.
+On the other hand, the Emperor of Russia could not, even if he wished
+it, afford to disregard the feeling of the Russians in favour of
+their fellows in race and in religion. Both Andrassy and Gortschakoff
+foreseeing that neither could obtain a solution entirely acceptable to
+opinion in his own country, desired apparently to throw a part of the
+responsibility on a European Conference. But in such a Conference Russia
+would be supreme. France and Germany would bid against each other for
+her favour. Austria would be afraid to set herself against her, and if
+England had any different views, she would always be outvoted.
+
+Attention was shortly, however, diverted to another quarter. On November
+17, Lord Derby learnt that it was absolutely necessary for the Khedive
+to procure between three and four millions sterling before the end of
+the month, and that he was preparing to sell his Suez Canal Shares.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Derby to Lord Lyons._
+
+ 10, Downing Street, Whitehall, Nov. 17, 1875.
+
+ I am not quite easy in my mind about a story I hear, to the
+ effect that the Khedive is negotiating with a French Company for
+ the sale of his interest in the Suez Canal. If the telegram has not
+ been sent to you officially, I will enclose it. Now his bias has
+ always hitherto been against the pretensions of Lesseps, and he has
+ been of use to us in keeping that rather irrepressible gentleman in
+ order. If he withdraws from the concern, and a French Company takes
+ his place in it, our position will be very unfavourably altered.
+ Have you heard anything of the negotiations in question? I really
+ think the matter very serious, and it is one of which the English
+ public will fully understand the importance.
+
+ I think I am not violating any confidence in enclosing to you
+ for your personal use only an extract from Odo Russell's letter to
+ me received on Monday which seems to throw light on the situation.
+ I can add to it nothing in the way of comment.
+
+ Your information as to the position of the French Government
+ is satisfactory. It looks as if the worst of their troubles were
+ over.
+
+ P.S.--Since I began this note I have received further details,
+ which I send you, and, I may add in strict confidence that we are
+ prepared ourselves to take over the Viceroy's interest, if it
+ cannot be kept out of French hands by other means.
+
+ I find Lord Odo's letter is with the Prime Minister, so the
+ extract I promised must wait till next messenger.
+
+The result of Lord Lyons's inquiries, which had to be made very
+discreetly, so as not to create suspicion, was the discovery that the
+Khedive was actively negotiating with a French Company, but it was
+believed that he wanted to mortgage, and not to sell the shares. Lord
+Derby's next letter to Lord Lyons shows how reluctantly he took action.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Nov. 19, 1875.
+
+ From General Stanton's[14] telegrams it appears that the
+ Khedive has no intention of selling his interest in the Suez Canal,
+ though he may be obliged to mortgage it for a time. He has promised
+ to give us notice, if, from any cause, he should change his mind,
+ and to give us the option of purchase.
+
+ I sincerely hope we may not be driven to that expedient. The
+ acquisition would be a bad one financially, and the affair might
+ involve us in disagreeable correspondence both with France and
+ the Porte. But there is a strong feeling here about not letting
+ the Canal go still more exclusively into French hands, and as we
+ contribute nearly four-fifths of the traffic, it cannot be said
+ that this jealousy is unreasonable. There are intrigues of all
+ sorts going on at Cairo, but I think we may reckon on the Khedive
+ being true to us, if not tempted too strongly. I rely on you to
+ tell me all you hear on the subject.
+
+The memorandum of Lord Odo Russell referred to by Lord Derby is a lucid
+exposition of the European situation at the time and of Bismarck's
+attitude with regard to the other Powers, more especially Russia.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Berlin, Nov. 12, 1875.
+
+ Buelow is loquacious and straightforward on most subjects; but
+ his reticence on Oriental affairs is remarkable. I have repeatedly
+ tried the experiment of talking over what the newspapers say, to
+ draw him out, but he becomes silent and embarrassed, and seeks to
+ change the subject, and when questioned, replies that he has not
+ lately received any information from Constantinople.
+
+ I have in consequence tried to find out through confidential
+ sources what it all means, and putting two and two together, I
+ make out that Bismarck feels uncertain of Russia, and does not
+ wish to be committed too soon. Since Gortschakoff assumed the post
+ of peacemaker between France and Germany, Bismarck has failed to
+ re-establish confidential relations with Russia. In regard to
+ Oriental affairs, Gortschakoff, instead of being satisfied to act
+ with his German and Austrian allies exclusively, has sought to
+ keep up an equally balanced understanding with England, France and
+ Italy: from which Bismarck suspects that Gortschakoff does not mean
+ to let him have his own way and wishes to control Germany through
+ the united action and agreement of the other European Powers. This
+ does not suit his book, and above all, he fears that Russia wishes
+ to keep on good terms with England and France; which would, in his
+ opinion, neutralize the exclusive action of the three Northern
+ Powers, over which he hoped to establish his own influence to the
+ exclusion of all other Governments. By lending his assistance to
+ Russia in the East, he calculated on Russian neutrality in regard
+ to his own plans, as was the case during the late war with France.
+
+ The joint action of Russia and England last May, in the
+ interest of peace, took him by surprise, destroyed his fondest
+ calculations, and left him isolated and disappointed to reflect
+ on the possibility of a peace coalition against Germany, which he
+ could not break up without the certainty of Russian neutrality
+ or assistance. He feels that Gortschakoff has abandoned him for
+ the time being, that he has lost the confidence of the Emperor
+ Alexander, and that while they live, there is but little hope of
+ a change of policy in Russia, favourable to his plans--viz. the
+ breaking up of Austria and the neutralization of the minor German
+ sovereignties.
+
+ Bismarck reckoned much on his friend Schouvaloff, but
+ Schouvaloff turned traitor last May, and is less German in England
+ than he was in Russia, which Bismarck cynically attributed to the
+ influence of wine and women.
+
+ Now Bismarck, I am told, affects honest indignation at the
+ manner in which Russia is deceiving and misleading Austria in
+ regard to Turkey; but in what that consists, I do not yet clearly
+ understand.
+
+ When he returns to Berlin he may possibly speak to me on these
+ subjects, and I should be glad to know whether there is anything in
+ particular which you may wish me to say, or not to say.
+
+ On the whole the present situation of affairs seems to me
+ favourable to the maintenance of peace.
+
+ Of course we must be prepared for an occupation of some
+ portions of European Turkey by Austria and Russia, but that need
+ not necessarily lead to war.
+
+ I have also endeavoured to find out what the views of
+ the National Party in regard to the East really are, and I
+ find that the breaking up of European Turkey would be received
+ with satisfaction, for the Turk has no friends in Germany. The
+ German provinces of Austria are looked upon as the natural and
+ inevitable inheritance, sooner or later, of the German Empire,
+ for which Austria might be compensated in Turkey, with or without
+ Constantinople. Some people talk wildly of giving Constantinople
+ to Greece, as less likely to be objected to by the Western Powers.
+ But even Russia might take possession of Constantinople without
+ objection on the part of Germany. Anything calculated to break the
+ influence of France in the East, which is still thought to be too
+ great, would be popular in Germany, and more especially if the
+ interests of the Latin Church could be injured by it.
+
+ England may have Egypt if she likes. Germany will graciously
+ not object.
+
+ Since May it has become manifest that Russia has the power
+ to hamper the movements of Germany and arrest her progress
+ effectually, and that Germany can undertake nothing new without
+ the passive consent of Russia. This power must be so intolerable
+ to Bismarck that he is sure to exercise all his skill in drawing
+ Russia out of the combined arms of the Great Powers, back into
+ his own exclusive embrace. This, a difference between Russia and
+ Austria about Turkey, might enable him to achieve.
+
+ Bismarck's endeavours last winter to make us suspicious of
+ Russia, and _vice versa_, are now fully explained. His failure must
+ add to the general irritation he suffers from.
+
+ The situation will become clearer when he returns to Berlin in
+ the course of the winter.
+
+Lord Odo Russell's view of the situation tallied with what Gortschakoff
+had said to Decazes, Thiers, and other people at Vevey, earlier in the
+year. The preservation of peace seemed, therefore, to rest largely on
+Russia, and it was unfortunate that the Eastern Question presented
+itself in a form which certainly favoured Bismarck's efforts to create
+differences between Russia and Austria, and between Russia and England.
+
+Further inquiries in Paris with regard to the Khedive's action seemed to
+confirm the view that he was seeking to mortgage the shares, but to whom
+they were to be mortgaged was unknown. On November 27, there arrived
+through Lord Tenterden, Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office, the
+intelligence that Her Majesty's Government had bought the shares.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Tenterden to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Foreign Office, Nov. 25, 1875.
+
+ Lord Derby is ill and at home. I am not sure therefore whether
+ he is writing to you to-night to tell you about the Suez Canal.
+ General Stanton telegraphed that Lesseps (supposed to be backed
+ by French Government) was offering four millions sterling (fr.
+ 100,000,000) for the Khedive's shares, but that the Khedive would
+ sell them to England for the same sum. Thereupon he was instructed
+ to offer this amount, and the Khedive accepted this morning. The
+ contract was signed to-day, as we have just heard by telegram.
+ Messrs. Rothschild advance the money on the security of the shares,
+ L1,000,000 in December, and the rest by instalments, the Khedive
+ to pay 5 per cent. on the shares while they remain without bearing
+ interest (the interest being hypothecated for the next twenty
+ years).
+
+ Her Majesty's Government are to apply to Parliament to take
+ the bargain off the Rothschilds' hands.
+
+ Practically, therefore, subject to Parliament's assent, Her
+ Majesty's Government have bought the shares.
+
+ I am writing in the greatest hurry but the above is a correct
+ outline of the case.
+
+ I suppose the French will make an ugly face.
+
+ P.S. It has all been kept very secret so far, so pray be
+ supposed to be ignorant till Lord Derby tells you.
+
+The action of Her Majesty's Government was taken none too soon, for
+as Lord Lyons reported, the shares very nearly fell into the hands of
+the French. On November 26 the purchase of the shares was publicly
+announced, and on the following day Lord Derby had an interview with the
+French Ambassador on the subject.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Derby to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Foreign Office, Nov. 27, 1875.
+
+ I have seen d'Harcourt. He came to hear what I could tell him
+ about the Suez affair, and I told him the whole story exactly as it
+ is.
+
+ He says that there will be some soreness in France, and I am
+ afraid he is right. You know the facts, and I need not therefore
+ repeat them. The points which I dwelt on were these:
+
+ We did not wish that the Khedive would sell, nor was there on
+ our part the slightest desire to alter the _status quo_. But we
+ could not help his selling, and as he had decided on doing so, we
+ took the only effectual steps to prevent the possibility of the
+ shares falling into hands whose possession of them might not be
+ favourable to our interests. The suddenness of the whole affair was
+ not our doing. If we had delayed, other purchasers would have come
+ forward. We had to take the opportunity as it offered itself or
+ lose it altogether.
+
+ It is not in the power of the British Government to act
+ as Continental Governments can, through third parties--banks,
+ financial companies, and the like. What we do, we must do openly,
+ and in our own names, so that Parliament may judge of the whole
+ transaction. This I said in answer to a remark made by d'Harcourt,
+ that the act would have had less political significance if done
+ through some company, or otherwise, and not directly in the name of
+ the State.
+
+ We hold even now a minority of the canal shares. The question
+ for us is not one of establishing an exclusive interest, but of
+ preventing an exclusive interest from being established as against
+ us.
+
+ I have always expressed my opinion that the best arrangement
+ for all the world would be the placing of the Canal under an
+ International Commission, like that of the Danube; and I think so
+ still. I knew, I said, that the French Government were not prepared
+ to entertain any such idea, and I therefore did not put it forward;
+ but if France and other Governments altered their way of thinking,
+ I did not think any difficulties would be made by England.
+
+ M. d'Harcourt expressed some fear, or at least thought that
+ some would be felt, lest the Khedive should be unable to pay his
+ promised L200,000 a year, and we in consequence should use some
+ means to coerce him, which would practically establish England in
+ authority in Egypt. I assured him that nothing was further from our
+ thoughts. We wanted the passage through Egypt as free for ourselves
+ as for the rest of the world, and we wanted nothing more.
+
+The purchase of the Suez Canal shares has always been surrounded
+with much glamour and mystery, but in reality it seems to have been
+a perfectly straightforward and business-like proceeding, to which
+no reasonable objection could be taken. So far from being a profound
+political _coup_ long calculated in advance, the action of Her
+Majesty's Government was totally unpremeditated, and as far as Lord
+Derby was concerned, it was undertaken with reluctance, and under the
+conviction that England was making a bad bargain. So little confidence
+did Lord Derby feel, and so averse was he from incurring any further
+responsibility in Egypt, that he unhesitatingly declined a new
+proposal of the Khedive that he should sell to the British Government
+his contingent interest in the profits of the Suez Canal above five
+per cent., and informed the French of the fact. The British public,
+which warmly approved the transaction, seems to have been a better
+judge of the Foreign Secretary's action than he was himself. The four
+millions' worth of shares acquired by the British Government represented
+nine-twentieths of the entire amount, and it is interesting to compare
+these figures with the estimate put upon the value of the Canal by
+Lesseps. On July 11, 1874, the latter called upon Lord Lyons and said
+that two persons from England had sounded him about the sale of the
+Canal; one a member of the English branch of the Rothschild family, and
+the other a Baron Emile d'Erlanger, a well-known banker living in Paris.
+
+ The Rothschild was no doubt Nathaniel,[15] M.P. for Aylesbury,
+ who was here in the beginning of June. Lesseps said that on being
+ pressed by him to state a sum, for which the Canal might be
+ purchased, he had said a milliard (L40,000,000) and he declared
+ that although this sum had startled even a Rothschild, it was only
+ a fair one. His object with me seemed to be to give the impression
+ that the shareholders would not sell the Canal for any sum.[16]
+
+Although the French could hardly be expected to approve of the action
+of the British Government, which, if it had occurred some years earlier,
+would have caused a storm of indignation, they were, under existing
+circumstances, forced to accept it with tolerable equanimity, as it was
+of no use to add a coolness with England to their other difficulties;
+and, in addition, they gained a great deal by the rise which took place
+in Canal shares and Egyptian securities. Lesseps professed himself to
+be delighted and Bismarck sent a message to say that the policy adopted
+by Her Majesty's Government had met with the support of the German
+Government.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 7: French Military Attache at Berlin before the war of 1870.]
+
+[Footnote 8: French Ambassador at St. Petersburg.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Finance Minister.]
+
+[Footnote 10: Lord Lyons to Lord Granville, Jan. 16, 1874.]
+
+[Footnote 11: Blowitz.]
+
+[Footnote 12: British Minister at Brussels.]
+
+[Footnote 13: German Ambassador at London.]
+
+[Footnote 14: British Consul-General at Cairo.]
+
+[Footnote 15: Now Lord Rothschild.]
+
+[Footnote 16: Lord Lyons to Lord Derby, July 11, 1874.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+THE EASTERN QUESTION
+
+(1876-1878)
+
+
+In January, 1876, the gradual spread of the insurrection in Turkey
+led to the concoction by the three Imperial Powers of the so-called
+'Andrassy Note,' and the great question was whether England would
+consent to take part in its presentation, in view of her traditional
+attitude towards Turkey. Lord Derby, in a letter to Lord Lyons, stated
+that Bismarck was very anxious that we should do so, and explained that
+although 'one can trust none of these Governments, it is as well to give
+them credit for acting honestly until the reverse is proved,' and he was
+therefore in favour of such a course himself. In a letter[17] addressed
+to Mr. Disraeli, asking for his views on the subject, Lord Derby
+remarked that: "It is too late to stand on the dignity and independence
+of the Sultan; a Sovereign who can neither keep the peace at home, nor
+pay his debts, must expect to submit to some disagreeable consequences."
+Lord Lyons, on being consulted, concurred with Lord Derby's views.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, Jan. 14, 1876.
+
+ I hardly see how England is to avoid supporting the Andrassy
+ Note. If we stand aloof we shall stand alone. If our secession
+ produces no effect and the Turks still accept, we shall be in
+ the same foolish position France was in 1840; with this serious
+ inconvenience, that if the Andrassy plan fails in pacifying the
+ Herzegovina, we shall be blamed for the failure, as having caused
+ it by breaking up the unanimity of Europe. If the Turks do not
+ accept, they will be ready enough to throw the responsibility upon
+ us, and to call upon us to get them out of the scrape into which
+ they will get with the other Powers. I think that by consenting we
+ should leave the Powers least excuse for attacking Turkey, or at
+ all events, least excuse for pushing on without consulting us. I
+ should not be for qualifying our support too much, for, if we do,
+ the failure of the plan, which is in my opinion more than probable,
+ will still be attributed to us, and a support, given as it were
+ against our will, and restricted to the least possible amount, will
+ be treated very much as opposition. I say all this because you ask
+ me to tell you what I think: but there are two important elements
+ for forming an opinion which I lack. I mean a knowledge of public
+ opinion in England, and a knowledge of the real feelings of the
+ three Empires towards each other.
+
+ The despatch from Odo Russell looks as if Bismarck was
+ preparing for the possibility of a quarrel with Russia. Ever since
+ 1870 he has been very naturally trying to turn every opportunity
+ of dividing England from France to account. But since you joined
+ Russia in insisting upon peace last year, and still more since
+ the purchase of the Suez Canal shares, he has no doubt formed a
+ higher opinion of England, and conceived the idea that she still
+ has the will and the means to play a foremost part in European
+ politics. Like everybody else, he feels sure that if there is a
+ quarrel between Russia and Germany, France will side with Russia.
+ In order to prevent his enemy being all powerful at sea, he must
+ have the English fleet not merely neutral, but on his side. The
+ only advantage he can offer to England is support on the Eastern
+ Question, and it is on this question that he would have the best
+ chance of embroiling her with Russia. What part he means Austria to
+ play, I find it more difficult to guess. That he intends some day,
+ and by some means, to annex German Austria to the German Empire I
+ make no doubt, but I suppose he is in no hurry to add so large a
+ Roman Catholic and Southern population to the electors of the Diet
+ of the Empire.
+
+ The worst service we could render France at present would
+ be to set up a separate understanding with her in opposition to
+ Germany.
+
+The French Government was desperately anxious that England should not
+separate herself from the other Powers, partly from fear that such
+action would cause European complications, and partly because it was
+particularly desirous of getting credit with Russia for having brought
+English opinion round to Russian views. Her Majesty's Government finally
+decided to join in the Andrassy Note, although it would appear from Lord
+Derby's language, that the Cabinet were not unanimous on the question.
+
+Meanwhile French internal politics remained in the same confused and
+unsatisfactory state which had prevailed for so long. The divisions
+amongst the Conservatives had made Monarchical Government in any form
+impossible, and yet they refused to acquiesce, even temporarily, in the
+moderate form of Republic which had been established, and seemed bent
+upon doing all they could to exchange their King Log for a King Stork
+in the shape of a Red Republic. The elections which took place in the
+beginning of the year 1876 resulted in large Republican majorities both
+in the Senate and in the Chamber, and in the case of the former, this
+result was singularly unfortunate for Marshal MacMahon, as it deprived
+him of the power of forcing a dissolution. A letter from Lord Lyons to
+the Prince of Wales, who was on his way back from India, summarizes the
+French internal situation.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Paris, March 7, 1876.
+
+ I cannot give your Royal Highness a very satisfactory
+ account of French politics, although I do not take so gloomy a
+ view of them as many Frenchmen do. The large number of advanced
+ Republicans in the new Chamber of Deputies, the not inconsiderable
+ number of Ultra-Radicals, and the complete defeat of the Moderate
+ Conservatives in the Elections not unnaturally frighten the upper
+ classes of Frenchmen. But in fact so many of the members are quite
+ new men, that one cannot foresee how parties will group themselves.
+ The Chambers meet to-morrow, and in about a month's time it will
+ be possible to form an opinion as to how things are likely to go.
+ So long as Marshal MacMahon is at the head of the State and of the
+ army, there can be no fear of any serious disturbance of material
+ order; and if he is at the same time firm and conciliatory with the
+ new Chamber, and willing to take a Ministry from the more moderate
+ members of the majority, he will very probably be rewarded by
+ finding how tame demagogues can become in office. I understand the
+ Marshal insists upon having Ministers of War and Foreign Affairs
+ whom he knows and in whom he has confidence, but that he is willing
+ to let the other Departments be filled by men taken in the ordinary
+ way from the majority.
+
+ So far we have not this year been disturbed, as we were
+ last spring, by rumours of war, and agriculture and commerce are
+ flourishing in France, and the revenue goes on increasing.
+
+ Of the Egyptian Financial Question Your Royal Highness
+ will learn all particulars on the spot. Neither that, nor the
+ Herzegovina question are settled at this moment, but we must hope
+ that they are on the eve of being settled.
+
+One of the new features in the French political situation was the
+recovery by Gambetta of his former influence, and as he was now a person
+of considerable influence, Sheffield was utilized for the purpose of
+eliciting his views. The late Mr. George Sheffield, who acted as Lord
+Lyons's private secretary for over twenty years, was a well-known
+figure in the political and social world of Paris, and included in
+his acquaintance most people both there and in London who were worth
+knowing. Not only did he enjoy much personal popularity, but as he was
+known to be completely in Lord Lyons's confidence, he was the recipient
+of much confidential information, and generally believed to be a model
+of discretion. One of his peculiarities was that, in spite of much
+practice, he spoke very imperfect French with an atrocious accent, but
+this circumstance never appeared to prejudice him in any way, and it
+may incidentally be noted that the possession of what is called a good
+French accent is a much overrated accomplishment in France itself.
+Frenchmen rarely wish to listen; they desire to talk themselves and
+to be listened to; to them, as a rule, a foreigner is a foreigner and
+nothing more, and whether he speaks French well or ill, they seldom
+notice and rarely care.
+
+Gambetta, having secured a listener in the person of Sheffield, was no
+doubt delighted to expound his views on the situation. First of all,
+speaking on the subject of Bonapartist successes at the elections, he
+said that Bonapartism would die out as soon as it was realized that a
+moderate Republic was firmly established. He expressed great delight at
+the fall of Thiers (Thiers had once described him as a _fou furieux_),
+and said that under him no real self-acting Republic could ever have
+been formed, that it would have fallen to pieces at his death, and
+indeed that the best thing Thiers could do for the Republic would be to
+die. For Marshal MacMahon's entourage he had a great dislike, but for
+the Marshal himself much respect, and he aspired to be Prime Minister
+under him--a post to which he considered that he was fully entitled,
+but which the Decazes, Broglie, the Marshal's secretaries and the
+Marechale and her friends would do their best to prevent him obtaining.
+He professed confidence in being able to keep the extreme Radicals in
+order; said that the Red Flag was as obnoxious to him as the White Flag;
+that he was not inclined to grant a general amnesty to the Communists,
+and that he would not agree to the re-establishment of the National
+Guard. He also professed himself to be in favour of Free Trade, and
+asserted that the commercial Treaty concluded by Napoleon III. accounted
+for many of the Bonapartist successes.
+
+Gambetta's aspiration of serving under the Marshal was never fulfilled,
+the above-mentioned entourage being presumably too strong for him; but
+the upper classes in France continued to look forward to the future
+with undiminished apprehension. French capital, reversing the present
+process, began to pour steadily into England, and it was stated that the
+rich Radicals were not the last in sending their money abroad.
+
+ 'Marshal MacMahon's position,' wrote Lord Lyons at the end
+ of March, 'does not improve. He has so little political knowledge
+ or ability that, as events have shown, he exercises little or no
+ personal influence in politics. There is also a jealousy springing
+ up with regard to Emmanuel d'Harcourt and other people about him
+ who are supposed to direct his political conduct. The officers
+ now at the head of the army would follow the Marshal very far in
+ any Conservative direction, but it may be questioned whether they
+ would submit patiently to being placed under a Radical Minister
+ of War--Gambetta for instance. It is the Marshal's political
+ intelligence that is doubted. No one has a word to say against his
+ disinterestedness, his honour, or his courage.'
+
+Marshal MacMahon, a simple and amiable soldier, who knew nothing about
+politics, was credited with an overwhelming admiration for the capacity
+of his private secretary, Emmanuel d'Harcourt. Upon one occasion, the
+question of applying for the extradition of a criminal who had fled to
+America was being discussed in his presence. 'Well,' said the Marshal,
+'we must telegraph at once to San Francisco.' 'Pardon, M. le Marechal,'
+interposed d'Harcourt, 'Washington, not San Francisco, is the capital of
+the United States.' The Marshal was so astounded at the profundity of
+his private secretary's knowledge that he was only able to ejaculate:
+'_Ce diable d'Harcourt! il sait tout!_'
+
+Many stories were told of his engaging simplicity of character, of
+which the following will serve as an instance. Upon one occasion he was
+inspecting a military academy, and was informed that there was present
+a young Arab chieftain of distinguished lineage to whom it would be
+desirable to address some words of encouragement. The young man was
+brought up, whereupon the following brief colloquy ensued:--
+
+ Marshal: '_Ah! c'est vous qui etes le negre?_'
+
+ Arab Chief: '_Oui, M. le Marechal._'
+
+ Marshal: '_Eh bien, mon garcon, continuez!_'
+
+By a curious combination of circumstances, Marshal MacMahon, with his
+inadequate political and intellectual equipment, was still able for some
+time to fill the place of a constitutional sovereign, and virtually the
+French were living under a constitutional Monarchy, with an Executive
+possessing large powers, rather than under a Republic. This state of
+things, however, could not last for long, and it seemed as if the choice
+lay between the youthful Prince Imperial and the establishment of a
+really Radical Republic.
+
+In one respect the French had every reason to congratulate themselves,
+namely, upon the re-organization of their army, and some of the
+political consequences which were likely to result from this increased
+and increasing military strength are pointed out in the following letter.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, Sept. 26, 1876.
+
+ As soon as General Conolly finishes his visits to the Autumn
+ Manoeuvres and makes his reports, it may perhaps be desirable for
+ me to send you some observations on the political consequences of
+ the great progress the French Army is making. All the officers of
+ Foreign Armies and the English officers especially who have been
+ out with the French troops this autumn, seem to agree in regarding
+ the improvement as being undoubted and very considerable. In short,
+ it may not unreasonably be expected that in about three years from
+ this time, the French Army will be in such a state, that France
+ will count for as much or nearly as much, in the balance of power
+ in Europe, as she did before 1870.
+
+ The different phases of public opinion since the peace of
+ 1871 may be described as follows. At first, rage and mortification
+ produced a wild and unreasoning cry for revenge. This was followed
+ by a depression almost amounting to despair. In this state of
+ things the rumours of an intended attack by Germany in 1875
+ produced nearly a panic. Since that time hope and confidence have
+ gradually returned. The general sentiment now is that France is
+ safely 'biding her time.'
+
+ Under the influence of this sentiment, the French acquiesce
+ patiently in the present apparent eclipse of French power; they
+ disapprove of any attempt on the part of the Government to put
+ itself prominently forward in European politics; they desire to
+ preserve peace and tranquillity in Europe at almost any price; they
+ wish to disarm suspicion, and to be allowed three or four years
+ more to recruit their strength. Their policy consequently is to
+ adjourn as far as possible all questions.
+
+ Their ultimate object in all they do, is to recover their lost
+ Provinces; but however confident they may be of recovering in a
+ few years their old position in the world, I do not believe that
+ they contemplate, as the immediate result, an attack upon Germany.
+ I do not think that they at all foresee a time at which they could
+ run the risk of making such an attack singlehanded. What they do
+ intend, is to put forward with vigour their own views with regard
+ to the numerous questions they now leave more or less in abeyance,
+ and to contract if possible foreign alliances on equal terms.
+
+ One of the questions with regard to which they will be
+ disposed to change their tone very considerably will be that of
+ Egypt.
+
+ Another may possibly be that of the Newfoundland Fisheries, if
+ we do not succeed in effecting some sort of settlement of it in the
+ meantime.
+
+ A third may be the extension of their possessions in Cochin
+ China, and of their protectorate of Annam.
+
+ With regard to alliances, that which they will first seek
+ will no doubt be the alliance of Russia, and in a case of great
+ emergency, they would make great sacrifices of Western interests to
+ obtain it.
+
+ They will desire to keep on good terms with England, so far
+ at all events as to avoid throwing her into the arms of Germany,
+ but as they are not likely to conceive hopes of obtaining effectual
+ assistance from England towards recovering Alsace and Lorraine,
+ they will not be so eager for an English as a Russian alliance.
+
+ Another contingency to be kept in view is that a new President
+ or a new Dynasty, desirous of consolidating themselves by a little
+ military glory, may be led to direct an attack upon whatever
+ quarter it may be easiest to do so.
+
+ I will not however go on with mere speculations of this kind.
+ Of the truth of the conclusions to which I have come, I entertain
+ very little doubt. In two or three years France will not be in the
+ same accommodating frame of mind in which she is now, and will
+ have very much more powerful means than she has now of enforcing
+ attention to her wishes. All questions therefore in which the
+ influence of France is hostile, should be settled as quickly as
+ possible. The restoration of the strength of France may be found
+ useful in redressing the balance of power, but, anyhow, it should
+ be taken into account in all political calculations.
+
+It was not long before these anticipations were justified, but for the
+present, relations between England and France remained on a friendly
+footing, no doubt much to Bismarck's displeasure, who, at this period,
+was continually urging us to take Egypt and not to do anything else.
+As a matter of fact, if we had seized Egypt in 1876, it would not have
+had the immediate effect of embroiling us with France. On the contrary,
+all those who had a pecuniary interest in Egypt thought that they would
+gain by our taking possession of the county, while the great majority
+of Frenchmen looked upon the thing as inevitable, and thought it better
+to put a good face upon the matter. Any contradiction of the supposed
+English designs upon Egypt, however sincere and positive, met with no
+credence at all.
+
+There is an instructive extract on the subject, contained in a letter of
+Lord Derby of December 6, 1876.
+
+ It is evidently useless to say that we don't want Egypt and
+ don't intend to take it: we must leave our friends to be convinced
+ by the event. I have no doubt that everybody out of France would
+ be glad that we should seize the country. Russia would like it, as
+ making us an accomplice in her plans. Germany would like it still
+ more, as ensuring our being on uncomfortable terms with France
+ for some years to come. Italy would see in it a precedent and a
+ justification for seizing Tunis; Spain, the same, in regard to
+ Morocco. But you may be assured that we have no such designs and
+ are not going to run into adventures of this kind.
+
+There can be no possible doubt as to Lord Derby's sincerity; indeed,
+he was so constitutionally averse from an adventurous foreign policy,
+that a year or two later, Lord Salisbury said of his ex-colleague
+that he could never have brought himself to annex the Isle of Man. It
+is interesting to note that, in the above forecast of international
+brigandage, Tunis and not Tripoli was allotted to Italy, the designs of
+France in the former direction not apparently being suspected.
+
+Before the end of 1876 the experiment of trying to work the institutions
+of a Constitutional Monarchy in France under an elective chief
+magistrate had very nearly come to a deadlock. The Left were determined
+to get real power into their hands and not to allow themselves to be
+thwarted by the conservative tendencies of the Marshal and his personal
+friends. On the one hand, the Marshal stoutly maintained that he would
+have Ministers of his own choice in the Departments of War and Foreign
+Affairs, whereas the Left, so long as they had a majority in the
+Chamber of Deputies, were, under Constitutional Government, clearly
+entitled to decide the matter. But the question was complicated, because
+the Marshal, as well as the Ministers, was in a position to resort
+to resignation of office, and a severe Ministerial crisis ensued.
+Ultimately, the Marshal succeeded in keeping his Minister of War and
+his Minister for Foreign Affairs, but he was forced to accept, as Prime
+Minister, M. Jules Simon. The latter, although an able and conciliatory
+man, had been a member of the Revolutionary Government of National
+Defence, and having been forced to yield so far to his opponents, it
+seemed not improbable that the Marshal before long would be obliged to
+have recourse to Gambetta himself. Gambetta, as has been shown, had
+lately become much more moderate in his views, but in the opinion of
+many people he still represented the Red Spectre, and it was believed
+that his assumption of office would mean Communism, Socialism, equal
+division of property, judges appointed by election for short periods,
+the prohibition of marriage, and the suppression of religion. The
+desire of the Bonapartists was that the Government should fall into
+the hands of the extreme Left, in the hope that the people, from fear
+of the above contingencies, would clamour for the Empire; but what
+was more remarkable was, that many Orleanists as well as moderate and
+timid Conservatives wished to drive the Marshal to a dissolution in
+the hope of a reaction. There could have been no better proof of their
+short-sightedness and incapacity, for the mass of the electors were not
+in the least likely to make fine distinctions, and if really afraid of
+the Republic would certainly vote for nothing short of the Empire.
+
+The Conference which had assembled at Constantinople in the autumn in
+the hope of settling the Eastern Question, with Lord Salisbury as one of
+the British representatives, broke up in January, 1877, and it became
+clear that war between Russia and Turkey was unavoidable. Lord Derby,
+who was the reverse of sanguine by temperament, had never entertained
+any hopes of its success, and was quite determined that, whatever
+happened, there should be no British intervention. 'I am amused,' he
+wrote to Lord Odo Russell,[18] 'by your description of the Russo-German
+suspicions entertained against us; these fellows make us act as they
+would act in our place. They can neither deal straightforwardly
+themselves, nor give anybody else credit for doing so.
+
+'If you are asked what steps England is going to take next, your true
+answer should be "none." We shall wait, say little, and pledge ourselves
+to nothing.'
+
+The break up of the Conference filled the French with alarm.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 5, 1877.
+
+ It is believed here that Bismarck is determined to produce at
+ least such a scare as he did two years ago, if not to do more. The
+ idea provokes some anger, but more fear. Nevertheless, the danger
+ is greater now than it was last time; for although France is very
+ far from being ready for even a defensive war, she does feel so
+ much stronger than she did in 1875, as not to be willing to bear
+ quite as much from Germany as she would have borne then.
+
+ The impressions prevalent here are:
+
+ That Bismarck is very much disappointed by the result of the
+ Constantinople Conference, which he had hoped would have ended by
+ setting all Europe by the ears.
+
+ That he is very much irritated by the cordiality which existed
+ between the English, French, and Russian Plenipotentiaries, and by
+ the considerable part taken by Chaudordy in the proceedings.
+
+ That he is very much annoyed by the number of Socialist votes
+ given in the recent German elections, and is eager to destroy Paris
+ as the hotbed of socialism.
+
+ That he wants a cry to make the Germans pay their taxes
+ willingly.
+
+ That he looks with an evil eye upon the material prosperity of
+ France.
+
+ That he considers the Exhibition of 1878 as a sort of defiance
+ of Germany, and is ready to go great lengths to prevent its taking
+ place.
+
+ These are French views, not mine; but I do agree with the
+ conclusion which the greater and the wiser part of the French
+ nation draw from them: namely that it behoves France to be more
+ than ever prudent and cautious, and more than ever careful not to
+ give Germany any pretext for a quarrel.
+
+ France is certainly not at all likely to oppose Russia in
+ anything that country may undertake in the East; but she is still
+ less likely to give her any military assistance there. She might
+ not be able to resist the bait, if Russia held it out, of an
+ offensive and defensive alliance against Germany, but in that
+ case she would more than ever want her own forces on this side of
+ Germany. This contingency, however, is too improbable to be worth
+ considering.
+
+ It is quite true that France has a large force on her Eastern
+ Frontier, and that she is hard at work there, but considering the
+ difficulty of guarding that frontier, such as it has been left by
+ the Treaty of 1871, her objects may well be supposed to be purely
+ defensive.
+
+ Lord Salisbury is to arrive this evening and to go on to
+ London without stopping.
+
+It is interesting to note that Lord Salisbury, while at Constantinople,
+formed a very poor opinion of the capacity of Sultan Abdul Hamid--an
+opinion which he must have had occasion to revise later on. 'Salisbury
+reports ill of the new Sultan; calls him a poor weak creature, from whom
+no help is to be expected. But his judgment is the result of a single
+interview.' So wrote Lord Derby to Lord Odo Russell.
+
+The French representative, Chaudordy, had been very active; his zeal
+had alarmed his own countrymen, and was supposed to have aroused
+the indignation of Bismarck, but one of the singular features of
+the Constantinople Conference seems to have been the action of the
+representatives of the small Powers such as Spain, Belgium, and Holland,
+who did their utmost, and not entirely without effect, to spirit the
+Turks up to resistance. In March there was much coming and going at
+Paris on the part of Ignatieff and Schouvaloff, who were thought to be
+endeavouring to secure what Russia wanted without war, and the former
+proceeded on a special mission to London, but the negotiations with the
+Turks broke down, and war was declared before the end of April. Letters
+from Lord Derby describing the state of feeling in England dwell upon
+the action of Gladstone, who, according to Schouvaloff, 'was much more
+Russian than the Russian Government,' and whose language was, 'only
+suited to a Panslavonic Society.'
+
+The outbreak of the war between Russia and Turkey was extremely
+distasteful to the French for various reasons. They were convinced that
+it had been instigated by Bismarck, and that it would result in the
+overwhelming preponderance of Germany on the continent, and were equally
+convinced that it would lead to a great extension of English influence
+in the Mediterranean including an occupation of Egypt; consequently,
+Decazes, who was anything but a straightforward politician, and anxious
+beyond everything to hunt with the Russian hounds, and run with the
+English hare, was constantly expressing fears that if an English
+force was sent to the East, the opportunity would at once be seized
+by Bismarck for falling upon France. A congenial opportunity for this
+intriguer arose over the question whether Egypt should be called upon to
+render pecuniary and military assistance to Turkey, and an unsuccessful
+attempt was made to persuade the Khedive that if he refused to comply,
+he would be protected. By these means Decazes would have secured the
+treble advantage of making himself agreeable to Russia, of pleasing the
+French bondholders, and, to a certain degree, of thwarting England in
+Egypt. Unluckily for him, the scheme miscarried; but in spite of ardent
+professions of neutrality, he contrived to render services to Russia
+which were of some considerable service.
+
+He used his influence to obtain a loan for her in Paris; his agents in
+Egypt supported the Russian threats to blockade the Suez Canal, and
+the effect of the Franco-Russian understanding was to force Germany to
+make greater sacrifices in order to retain the friendship of Russia by
+furthering Russian policy in the East. One of the methods by which the
+Germans sought to ingratiate themselves with Russia took the remarkable
+form of insisting (as the British Ambassador at Constantinople pointed
+out) that Russian subjects who remained in Turkey during the war, should
+not only be entitled to remain there undisturbed, but permitted to enjoy
+all the privileges of the capitulations, this being apparently the
+German conception of neutrality.
+
+The double game which Decazes was playing was not, however, popular in
+France. It was felt that his intrigues with Russia tended to throw
+England into the arms of Germany, and his enemies asserted that he
+was too fond of speculation to be a thoroughly satisfactory Minister.
+However, an internal political crisis of an exceptionally important
+nature in May diverted French attention from all foreign questions for
+the time being.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, May 16, 1877.
+
+ The Marshal has been getting more and more uncomfortable about
+ M. Jules Simon's giving way in the Chamber of Deputies to the more
+ advanced Left, and now, as you will have learnt from my telegrams,
+ he has turned him out. It is believed that if matters came to
+ extremities, the Marshal will bring out a thoroughly reactionary
+ Ministry which he has _in petto_. The Duc de Broglie, Prime
+ Minister, General Ducrot, Minister of War, and so on. This would
+ necessitate a dissolution, for which the consent of the Senate
+ would be necessary. But it is very doubtful whether the country is
+ ripe for anything of the kind, and whether the result might not be
+ the return of a still more radical Chamber than the present; and
+ then either the Marshal must retire and hand the Government over to
+ Gambetta or some one still more advanced in opinion, or make a real
+ _coup d'etat_ by means of the army.
+
+ However he will no doubt try to form a Ministry rather more
+ Conservative than the last and still able to get on somehow with
+ the present Chamber of Deputies; but this will be difficult.
+
+ One of the Marshal's grounds of dissatisfaction with M. Jules
+ Simon was that he would not, or could not, get from the Chamber
+ powers which would enable the Government to restrain the press from
+ attacking Germany in the dangerous manner in which it has written
+ against that country lately.
+
+The action of the Marshal in turning out Jules Simon, who was supported
+by a majority in a recently elected Chamber, and replacing him by the
+Duc de Broglie, who was extremely unpopular, might well be described
+as a very strong measure. Decazes, who was supposed to be in the plot,
+remained in office, and there was therefore not much probability of a
+change in foreign policy; but it was evident that there were now only
+two real parties in France--the Republicans and the Bonapartists. The
+possible restoration of the Empire filled with dismay Lord Derby, who
+considered that the last six years had witnessed a great purification
+both of public and private life in France, and that if the French were
+going back to a 'Government of adventurers, adventuresses, and priests,'
+it would be a grave misfortune for Europe; and he was most anxious to
+let it be known that there was no sympathy in England for Bonapartist
+intrigues.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, May 18, 1877.
+
+ There are of course among the Right, many who, wisely or
+ unwisely, rejoice that Marshal MacMahon has broken with the Left,
+ but there is hardly any one who does not think the moment ill
+ chosen, the reasons assigned insufficient, and the mode adopted
+ unskilful. Decazes is represented, or misrepresented, as having
+ been at the bottom of the whole thing.
+
+ He came up to me last night, and asked if I had not something
+ to say to him about the sentiments he had expressed to me with
+ regard to the dangers to English interests in Western Europe. He
+ also expressed anxiety to know how the question of the wine duties
+ was getting on in England. He is, I suppose, anxious to have
+ something to show that he is successful in cultivating intimate
+ relations with England.
+
+ While he seems so desirous of frightening us about Holland,
+ he shows no inclination to admit that we have any interests at
+ all in the East. In fact his plan seems to be to involve us in a
+ quarrel with Germany, while he keeps safely aloof: to curry favour
+ with Russia by taking to himself the credit of keeping our forces
+ out of the East; to prevent any increase of our power in the
+ Mediterranean, and to be well with us, but, if possible, better
+ still with Russia. Still, on the whole, I am glad he remains in.
+ I should not have been sorry to have Broglie himself as Minister
+ for Foreign Affairs, but we might have a much more embarrassing
+ Minister than Decazes, and he is easy going and conciliatory in
+ most matters. Only we must not be surprised if he repeats to
+ Russia, and Russia repeats to Germany, anything likely to impair
+ our relations with Germany.
+
+ The other Ministers would almost seem to have been chosen
+ for the express purpose of defying the majority of the Chamber.
+ Broglie, of whom I have a high opinion, is especially unpopular.
+ I suppose the notion has been to put as far as possible
+ representatives of all shades of the Right into the Cabinet, in
+ order to be able to form a coalition strong enough to obtain a vote
+ in the Senate for dissolution. It is not certain that such a vote
+ could be carried, the Conservative majority in the Senate being
+ only 2 or 3 on ordinary occasions.
+
+Decazes took advantage of the occasion actually to suggest a secret
+alliance with England for the protection of Holland and Belgium, and
+stated that if it were ever signed, he should communicate to no single
+person except the Marshal himself. It is hardly credible that he could
+have been in earnest in making this suggestion, for not only are Foreign
+Secretaries not in the habit of making secret treaties unknown to their
+chiefs and colleagues, but Lord Derby was the last person who would be
+likely to enter into an enterprise of this description. In the meanwhile
+Bismarck, as an impartial friend, was warning Lord Odo Russell that
+Decazes was only waiting for an opportunity to throw England over, in
+order to prove his devotion to Russia, and there was little doubt as to
+which alliance he would prefer if he could have his choice.
+
+Exercising his right, Marshal MacMahon prorogued the Chambers, and it
+being foreseen that there would be a general election in the autumn, his
+Government set to work at once in preparing for the fight by getting
+rid of as many Republican functionaries as possible, in accordance with
+well-established custom.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, May 25, 1877.
+
+ Neither the private history of the dismissal of Jules Simon,
+ nor the attitude of the successful party, is calculated to give one
+ good hope for the future.
+
+ The Marshal is supposed to have been mainly influenced by M.
+ de St. Paul, a Bonapartist and intimate friend of his, of whom
+ he sees a great deal; by Monsignor Dupanloup, Bishop of Orleans;
+ by the aides-de-camp and people about him, and (it is whispered)
+ by Madame la Marechale. Fourtou may have been in the plot, but I
+ believe Broglie was taken by surprise. Decazes wanted to get rid
+ of Jules Simon and Martel, but to put temporarily in their places
+ some members of the Left, who would have got on for a time with
+ the Chamber. Jules Simon had proved a complete failure as Prime
+ Minister; he had neither the confidence of the Marshal nor even
+ that of the Cabinet, and he had lost all influence in the Chamber.
+ He would very soon have fallen of himself if he had been left alone.
+
+ The language of the Right tends to accredit the supposition
+ which will be most fatal to them in the country. They speak and
+ act as if the question was one between the aristocracy and the
+ canaille. In fact they wound the sentiment of equality which is
+ the strongest political and social sentiment in France, and
+ consequently the present crisis is beginning to be looked upon as
+ the last struggle of the old society against the new.
+
+ As regards the great question as to what is to be done when
+ the Marshal finds himself finally defeated by the Chamber, the
+ party now triumphant talk of the use of military force. The Marshal
+ has often declared to his friends that nothing shall induce him to
+ resort to an extralegal use of force, but the wilder spirits of the
+ party say that if the Marshal will not use the army, a general will
+ be found with less scruple, and they hint at Ducrot. But this would
+ be falling into the most fatal of all systems, that of military
+ _pronunciamentos_. The Marshal himself might do a great deal with
+ the army, and would probably keep it together, but it does not
+ by any means follow that any one general seizing power in Paris
+ would be submitted to by the rest. It is believed that even now,
+ General Berthaut, the Minister of War, was with difficulty induced
+ to remain in office, and yielded only to the Marshal's special
+ request, on condition that he should be relieved in the autumn.
+
+ It is however to be hoped that all this talk about military
+ _coups d'etat_ is simply talk; and that we shall get out of this
+ difficulty quietly at last. In the meantime the upper ten thousand
+ in Paris are indulging themselves in all sorts of illusions, and
+ the Paris shopkeepers are dreaming of the restoration of a Court
+ and of a great expenditure on luxuries.
+
+The Chambers met again in June, and although the country was perfectly
+quiet, the scenes which took place in the Chamber of Deputies were a
+sufficient indication of the fury with which the politicians regarded
+each other. The violent and disorderly conduct was chiefly on the side
+of the Right, there being a certain number of Bonapartists who provoked
+disturbances with the object of discrediting Parliamentary Government as
+much as possible.
+
+On the other hand even the moderate men on the Left began to talk
+of revolutionary measures to be adopted when they got back into
+power again, such as the suspension of the irremovability of judges,
+the impeachment of Ministers, and the dissolution of religious
+congregations. On June 22, the dissolution was voted by the Senate
+by a majority of twenty. It was decided that the elections should be
+held in three months' time, and both parties made their preparations
+for an uncompromising fight, Marshal MacMahon beginning the campaign
+with an order of the day to the army which smacked disagreeably of a
+_coup d'etat_, not to say a _pronunciamento_. Subsequently, having been
+assured of the support of the Comte de Chambord--a somewhat questionable
+advantage--he proceeded on an electoral tour in the South.
+
+The general election took place in October, and resulted in the crushing
+defeat of the Marshal and his Ministers in spite of the labours of
+prefects, magistrates, mayors, policemen, and priests, who had all been
+temporarily converted into electioneering agents. The exasperation of
+parties reached an almost unprecedented point, and Decazes admitted
+that the country was in a state of moral civil war. The partisans of
+the Government talked of a second dissolution, of proclaiming a state
+of siege during the new elections and conducting them with even more
+administrative vigour than the last. The Republicans announced their
+determination to annul the elections of all the official candidates and
+to impeach the Ministers and even the Marshal himself, if he did not
+retire or name a Ministry having their confidence. As for the Marshal
+himself, he found little support at this crisis from the monarchical
+parties, except on the part of the Orleanists, who saw that he must
+be kept in at all hazards; but the Orleanists had recognized that
+France, for the moment at least, was Republican, and their press owned
+openly that to persist in Personal Government instead of reverting to
+Constitutional Government was to march to certain disaster. The Marshal,
+in fact, found himself confronted with two alternatives: either he must
+accept Gambetta's demand to submit or resign; or he must run the risk of
+getting rid of his difficulties by means of a _coup d'etat_.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, Oct. 26, 1877.
+
+ The prospect does not grow clearer, though I see, or at all
+ events like to fancy I see, a cooling down of the fury which
+ prevailed a week ago.
+
+ The Marshal is supposed to be a man of one idea, and his one
+ idea at the present moment is said to be that he is bound to remain
+ at his post.
+
+ This idea might lead him to name a Ministry from the majority,
+ but then he would have to dismiss all the Fourtou prefects, whom he
+ solemnly promised to stand by.
+
+ On the other hand, the idea might carry him on to a _coup
+ d'etat_.
+
+ The plan devised by his opponents, and indeed by some of his
+ friends, for getting him out of the scrape, is that the Senate
+ should refuse to support him in extreme measures, and that he
+ should then declare (which would indeed be true) that he had never
+ promised to stay in opposition to both branches of the Legislature.
+
+ Communications which have been going on between the Elysee
+ and the Duc d'Audiffret Pasquier, the President of the Senate, are
+ said to have shown that the Senate cannot be depended upon either
+ to vote a second dissolution, or to carry on the Government in
+ conjunction with the Marshal, and without the Chamber of Deputies.
+
+ I register as rumours, strongly requiring confirmation, that
+ the Marshal has summoned the Chasseurs d'Afrique to reinforce the
+ garrison of Paris; that in consequence of disagreements between
+ Grevy and Gambetta, the Republicans offer the Presidency of the
+ Republic to General Chanzy, the Governor-General of Algeria; that
+ the more moderate Liberals have hopes of bringing in the Duc
+ d'Aumale as President, if MacMahon should actually retire.
+
+ As the population is disarmed and there is no National Guard,
+ there can be no need to increase the numbers of the garrison of
+ Paris. If any fresh troops were really brought up, it would be from
+ mistrust of the spirit of those already here.
+
+ Gambetta must have departed very far from his usual political
+ tact, if he has set up claims in opposition to Grevy. Grevy would
+ be quite alarming enough, and to establish the doctrine that the
+ President must be a general would bring France to the level of a
+ South American Republic.
+
+ It would be a curious result of an election, in which the
+ Orleans or Right Centre Party has met with a signal defeat, that an
+ Orleans Prince should be placed at the head of the State.
+
+The proper course for the Marshal to have adopted was to have accepted
+the position of a Constitutional President; to have appointed a
+Ministry which would have obtained a majority in the Chamber; and to
+have restrained it from excesses by the exercise of his legitimate
+authority, and by means of the power of the Senate. Instead of this,
+however, he first attempted to form a Ministry of the same colour as
+the old one; then tried to meet the Chamber with his old Ministers, and
+finally fell back upon perfectly unknown people who carried no weight
+at all, and who professed to represent no party. To this Ministry the
+Chamber refused to pay any attention, and after many threats in the
+Elysee organs to violate all laws; to collect and spend money without
+the sanction of Parliament, to suppress newspapers, and to proclaim
+a state of siege, the Marshal surrendered ignominiously in December,
+and accepted a Ministry in which M. Dufaure was President of the
+Council, and M. Waddington, Minister for Foreign Affairs. Thus, what
+should have been a natural and proper consequence of the elections was
+converted into an humiliating defeat, and there had been such a series
+of solemn declarations, none of them adhered to, that all confidence
+in the Marshal had disappeared. Of the more important members of the
+new Government, M. Dufaure was a lawyer with Conservative leanings. M.
+Waddington, who had been educated at Rugby and Cambridge, was intimate
+with Lord Lyons and the Embassy generally, but it was doubtful whether
+his connection with England would prove an advantage, as he might
+find it necessary to demonstrate that he was not too English. M. Leon
+Say, the Minister of Finance, was supposed to be a Free Trader; and
+M. de Freycinet, who was destined to take part in many subsequent
+administrations, had been Gambetta's Under-Secretary of State for War,
+and was looked upon as Gambetta's representative in the Cabinet.
+
+On December 17, MacMahon gave Lord Lyons his version of the history of
+the crisis.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Dec. 18, 1877.
+
+ I went to the weekly evening party at the Elysee last
+ Saturday. The Marshal took me aside, saying: 'I want to tell you
+ why I did it.' He proceeded to tell me that he had been led to
+ remain in office and make a Parliamentary Ministry, by a warning he
+ had received from abroad that if he retired, or if he established
+ a clerical Ministry, war would be the inevitable consequence.
+
+ So far the Marshal: what follows may be mere gossip.
+
+ On the afternoon of December 12, the Marshal had quite
+ determined _d'aller jusqu'au bout_; either to obtain from the
+ Senate a dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, or to give in his
+ resignation. He was in consultation with General Rochebouet, who
+ was at the time Prime Minister, about drawing up a message in this
+ sense, when a letter was brought in, the bearer of which sent in
+ a message begging that the Marshal would receive him at once. The
+ letter was either written by the German Emperor, or at all events
+ it convinced the Marshal that the bearer was sent to give him a
+ message direct from His Imperial Majesty. The Marshal accordingly
+ received him alone, and he said he was a Prussian officer who had
+ been sent by the Emperor to entreat the Marshal to remain at the
+ head of the Republic, at all risks, and on any conditions; and
+ not to establish a Government which could be represented as being
+ clerical. The message is said to have represented that the Emperor
+ himself was most anxious for peace, but that he should not be able
+ to restrain 'other people,' if a clerical or a radical Government
+ were allowed to be established in France.
+
+ This sounds so like gossip that I should hardly have thought
+ it worth while to repeat it, if it had not tallied rather curiously
+ with the statement the Marshal himself volunteered to make to me
+ about his motives.
+
+ The 'other people' are supposed to be neither more nor
+ less than one other person--Prince Bismarck--and the message is
+ represented as having been sent by the Emperor William without the
+ knowledge of the Chancellor, or of the German Ambassador here.
+
+ Prince Bismarck's enemies, and they are of course numerous
+ enough here, like to argue from appearances that he has quite lost
+ the confidence of the Emperor, and some of them, who profess to
+ have peculiar means of obtaining information, say that he made
+ three conditions with the Emperor, as those on which alone he could
+ continue to serve him. 1st, that he should have _carte blanche_ in
+ the Government; 2nd, that the Empress should reside at Coblentz
+ or Baden rather than at Berlin; and 3rd, that certain people, of
+ whom he gave a list, should be removed from Court. As a natural
+ consequence, Bismarck's illness is attributed to his not having
+ obtained the consent of his Imperial Master to his conditions; and
+ it is said that he will not recover until his terms are complied
+ with. This story of the conditions appears to me to be a very
+ outrageous one, and I am quite unable to say whether there is any
+ admixture of truth in it. Those who recount it, love to draw from
+ it prognostications of the fall of the Great Chancellor.
+
+Whether the story of the Marshal's mysterious visitor was true or not,
+his defeat marked a decisive epoch in French internal politics; the
+Republic was now firmly established and cannot be said to have been in
+any dangers since, unless the vagaries of the impostor Boulanger be
+excepted.
+
+Ever since the beginning of the war between Russia and Turkey, Lord
+Derby had continually asserted that it was practically no concern
+of ours, and that he was quite determined not to be drawn into any
+intervention whatsoever. But as the Turkish resistance collapsed, and
+as it became more and more evident that there was nothing to prevent
+the Russians from exacting any terms they chose, unless some form of
+intervention took place, Her Majesty's Government decided to call
+Parliament together. Lord Derby was anxious to explain that this action
+had no sinister significance.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Derby to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Dec. 21, 1877.
+
+ You are not unlikely to be asked the meaning of Parliament
+ being called together earlier than usual. The explanation is
+ simple. We see a growing excitement on the question of the war; we
+ are menaced by an agitation friendly but troublesome, having for
+ object to drive us into war, and with a counter movement on the
+ other side. We think that much useless talk will be stopped; the
+ real opinion of the country be tested, and the Ministry relieved
+ from the annoyance of perpetual criticism which it cannot reply
+ to, if every peer and M.P. can say what he has got to say at
+ Westminster, rather than at a county dinner or borough meeting.
+
+ Those who have confidence in us will not be sorry to hear our
+ views explained by ourselves; those who have not, will have no
+ further opportunity of talking mysteriously about the country being
+ committed to this, that, or the other, without Parliament having a
+ voice in the matter. For it is clear that if we meant to act on our
+ own responsibility, and leave Parliament no choice except to ratify
+ or to condemn what we had done, we should not shorten by one-half
+ the interval that remains during which only such action is possible.
+
+ It is possible that there may be in France some renewal of
+ suspicions as to English designs on Egypt. If so, you may dispel
+ them by the most decided language you can use. We want nothing and
+ will take nothing from Egypt except what we have already, and what
+ other Powers share equally with us. We shall continue to work in
+ harmony with the French, and hope and expect the same from them.
+
+Lord Derby was the most cautious and unenterprising of men, and he
+already perhaps felt some suspicions as to the soundness of his
+colleagues in the Cabinet; but the assurance to be given to the French
+Government with regard to Egypt seems, on the face of it, somewhat
+gratuitous, if not rash. The situation in Turkey might have resulted in
+our being forced to go to Egypt at short notice, and only five years
+later he, Lord Derby, found himself a member of a Liberal Government
+which had been forced to adopt that very course.
+
+When the British Parliament met in January, the war was already
+practically ended, and the commissioners were treating for an armistice
+and for the preliminaries of peace. The Queen's Speech announced that
+although neither the Russians nor the Turks had infringed the conditions
+on which the neutrality of England depended, it might be necessary
+to ask for money and to take precautions, and on January 23, the
+Mediterranean fleet was ordered to pass the Dardanelles and to proceed
+to Constantinople. This action brought about the resignation of both
+Lord Derby and Lord Carnarvon, but upon the countermanding of the order
+to the fleet, Lord Derby resumed office. On January 28, the basis of the
+peace negotiations having been communicated, the Government asked for
+a vote of six millions, and in consequence of alarming intelligence,
+received from Mr. Layard the British Ambassador at Constantinople, the
+fleet was again ordered definitely to proceed to that city. Political
+excitement reached its climax, and light-hearted Jingoes, quite
+incapable of realizing the inadequacy of British military resources,
+proclaimed their readiness to fight any possible adversary.
+
+If it eventually became necessary for England to take active steps to
+secure her interests in the East, it was quite clear that no assistance
+whatever could be expected from France. M. Waddington took an early
+opportunity to assure Lord Lyons most emphatically that France wanted
+nothing for herself, and that she desired no acquisition of territory
+either in the Mediterranean or elsewhere; but whilst he disclaimed any
+desire of this nature, he showed in a most unmistakeable manner that
+an occupation of Egypt by England would create a bitter feeling in
+France which would long impair the friendly relations between the two
+countries. Speaking most confidentially, M. Waddington said that it was
+all important to France that England and Russia should not be involved
+in hostilities, and that France should not be left _tete-a-tete_ with
+Prince Bismarck, whether the latter played the part of an enemy or a
+tempter. In fact, the French Government, like its predecessor, was
+disquieted by a notion that Bismarck intended to propose to France
+some arrangement respecting Belgium and Holland, which would dismember
+those States, assigning of course to Germany the lion's share of the
+spoils, and it seemed to be apprehended that France would be called
+upon to choose between acquiescing in such an arrangement or incurring
+the active enmity of Germany. The fear of the French that they might
+become involved was so strong that Waddington was alarmed even at the
+idea of committing his Government to the British declaration as to
+the invalidity of treaties concluded without the participation of the
+Powers; but, in spite of this timorous spirit, and although the Treaty
+of San Stefano was not signed until March 3, Lord Derby informed Lord
+Lyons on February 2, that, the support of Austria having been obtained,
+Her Majesty's Government were determined to secure a Conference, and
+it was hoped that Italy and France would also exercise at least a
+benevolent neutrality. The uncertainty of the position was shown in Lord
+Derby's language with regard to Constantinople. 'I hardly know what will
+happen if the Russians insist on showing themselves at Constantinople.
+It is not a case we could make a _casus belli_ of, but I think it would
+in that case be desirable that the Neutral Powers should be present
+too--that is their fleets--both as a demonstration, and to keep order
+if necessary. The war being over, such a proceeding could not be
+misconstrued, as it certainly would have been before. All this, however,
+is uncertain.'
+
+Judging by subsequent experiences, Lord Derby would have spent a
+long time in securing the presence of the International fleets at
+Constantinople, and would have experienced still more trouble in
+persuading them to take any action. The Russians fortunately stopped
+short of Constantinople, and a Conference being now a practical
+certainty, Lord Lyons was invited to act as the British representative.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Derby to Lord Lyons._
+
+ February 6, 1878.
+
+ The Conference will probably come off, and it may come off
+ soon, though there is a chance of delay from differences as to the
+ place of meeting.
+
+ I find the feeling of the Cabinet unanimous, and I fully share
+ it, that you are the fittest person to attend the Conference on
+ our behalf. Indeed, I know of no one in whom I should have equal
+ confidence for a duty of that kind. Nothing has been said to the
+ Queen, but I have no doubt of Her Majesty's consent.
+
+ May I ask you if, considering the importance and difficulty
+ of the work, you will be prepared to sacrifice your personal
+ convenience so far as to accept the office if offered? I fear the
+ sacrifice will be considerable, but let up hope that the result
+ will repay your trouble.
+
+To most people, an invitation of this character, conveyed in so
+flattering a manner, would have had an irresistible attraction; but Lord
+Lyons was one of those persons to whom notoriety was indifferent, if not
+obnoxious, and who much preferred to confine himself to doing his own
+business in a practical and unostentatious spirit. He, however, felt it
+his duty to accept, hoping vainly all the time that the Conference would
+never take place at all.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 8, 1878.
+
+ I wish to offer you my best thanks for your letter of the day
+ before yesterday. Your proposal to appoint me to represent England
+ at the Conference is very flattering in itself, and nothing could
+ be more gratifying than the terms in which it is made.
+
+ You were so kind as to speak of the sacrifice of my personal
+ convenience, but that consideration I will set entirely aside.
+ There are feelings of much greater weight which make me shrink from
+ the task, and it appears to me to be a task peculiarly difficult,
+ and one of which the result is, to say the least, extremely
+ doubtful. I may say, too, without any affectation of modesty, that
+ I do not think myself well qualified for it.
+
+ Still these are after all personal considerations which I
+ ought not to allow to interfere with any public duty which I may be
+ called upon to discharge. If therefore the Queen and the Government
+ should determine upon entrusting this mission to me, I should
+ undertake it heartily and zealously, and do my best to justify
+ their confidence.
+
+ Of course nothing can be settled until we know the rank and
+ number of the Plenipotentiaries of other Powers, the place of
+ meeting, and other particulars, which may have a material influence
+ in the selection of the Representative or Representatives of Her
+ Majesty.
+
+ If however the progress of events should ultimately lead to my
+ being chosen, I should be very grateful if you would allow me the
+ opportunity of conferring with you upon various matters, before any
+ definite arrangements are made. There is one to which I attach so
+ much importance that I will mention it at once. I trust that you
+ will allow me to choose myself the staff to accompany me on the
+ occasion. My efficiency and comfort would depend mainly on this.
+
+Apart from a disinclination to leave his own work, Lord Lyons probably
+considered that the outlook for England at a Conference was by no
+means reassuring. The issue of the Conference really depended upon the
+military position in which England and Austria would apparently stand,
+should the Conference itself break up _re infecta_, and at the end of
+February the English position looked to be none too favourable, for
+it depended upon the fleet having access to the Black Sea. If we were
+able to stop the Russian communications by sea, the Russians would be
+at the mercy of Austria by land, supposing Andrassy's boasts to be
+well founded; but we had no absolute security against the Russians
+occupying Gallipoli at any moment, and no semblance of a security of
+their not occupying the Black Sea exit of the Bosphorus, for the Turks
+were at their mercy, and, as pointed out by Mr. Layard, they were quite
+capable of making any arrangement with Russia, since they considered
+that they had been betrayed and abandoned by England. Neither, it might
+be added, was there any security that Austria would stand firm, for
+there was always the chance of her being bought off with Bosnia and the
+Herzegovina.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Derby._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 26, 1878.
+
+ As to the Conference itself all seems more than ever in doubt.
+ Unless the Austrians are determined to go to war and are visibly
+ ready, and unless we are equally determined and equally ready on
+ our side, and unless the Russians are convinced of this, there can
+ be no chance of their making any concessions. Then, what will the
+ Austrians want? To bolster up the Turks, to waste energy in trying
+ to place under them again this or that district delivered by the
+ Russians, would be a very losing game. There must, I suppose,
+ be some new Principality or Principalities. If anything like a
+ national feeling and a national Government can be established in
+ them, their danger will be from Russia, and Russia will become
+ their natural enemy, unless they are thrown into her arms by a
+ hostility on the part of Austria, which will make them feel that
+ Russia alone is their defence against Turkey. Then there are the
+ Straits, and the difficulty of placing the Turks, or whoever is
+ to hold them, in a position to guard them against a Russian _coup
+ de main_ at least. Ignatieff seems to be already working the
+ connection between Egypt and the Porte, with a view to getting
+ money out of Egypt for Russia. I am inclined to think that the more
+ radically Egypt is severed from the Porte, and the less our free
+ action with regard to it is hampered by collective guarantees or
+ collective Protectorates the safer we shall be.
+
+The correctness of these views has since been amply demonstrated by the
+history of the Balkan States. The opinion about Egypt, however, was
+probably not at all to the taste of Lord Derby, who appeared to rejoice
+in divided responsibility.
+
+Lord Lyons himself was summoned to London early in March in order to
+confer with the Government respecting his procedure at Berlin, and
+judging from his letters to various correspondents, the course which Her
+Majesty's Government proposed to adopt was in a state of considerable
+uncertainty. It was, however, a source of much satisfaction to him that
+he would have the co-operation of Lord Odo Russell, who was an intimate
+friend, and in whose judgment he felt complete confidence. He also got
+his way about his staff, which was to include amongst others, Malet,
+Sheffield, and Mr. (now Sir William) Barrington.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Odo Russell._
+
+ London, March 13, 1878.
+
+ My only comfort about this awful Congress or Conference is
+ that you will be my partner in it. I hope, if it does come off
+ after all, that we may get over it without doing harm to our
+ country or to ourselves. I wanted them to set me aside and take
+ advantage of the transfer to Berlin to put it into your hands;
+ and I still think this would be the best plan; but they say that
+ after their announcement of my appointment to Parliament, they
+ cannot cancel it. Sir Robert Peel has moved a resolution that I am
+ not a fit person to represent England at the Conference. I shall
+ console myself if he carries it. He grounds his motion upon 'my
+ well-known opinions.' I suppose he takes my opinions from a wholly
+ unauthorized and incorrect account of them which appeared in a
+ letter in the _Daily Telegraph_ yesterday. Some people suppose he
+ wrote the letter himself in order to have a peg to hang his motion
+ on. I don't think your difficulties at the Conference will arise
+ from strong preconceived opinions of mine. I shall try and get our
+ instructions made as precise as possible. Could you give me some
+ hints as to the particular points which should be decided before we
+ begin? You will know how far certain solutions in our sense will be
+ feasible or not. It is worse than useless that we should be told to
+ aim at impossibilities, and have to yield: though there may be of
+ course conditions, which if not admitted, will render it necessary
+ for us to retire from the Conference altogether.
+
+ I am sure you will be the greatest help and comfort to me, and
+ I hope I may be a help to you. Please tell me anything you wish me
+ to do or say here.
+
+Lord Odo Russell appears to have been equally in the dark as to the
+intended policy of Her Majesty's Government.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Odo Russell to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Berlin, March 16, 1878.
+
+ The feelings you express concerning the Conference are so
+ entirely my own that I need say no more, and only hope that Lord
+ Derby will give you a better qualified assistant than I can be with
+ regard to Oriental Affairs, of which I do not really know enough to
+ be of any use to you or to the country, beside such authorities as
+ Ignatieff, Lobanoff, Calice, Radowitz, Busch, etc., etc.
+
+ You ask if I could give you some hints as to the particular
+ points which should be decided before you begin.
+
+ I would do so with the greatest pleasure, if I only knew what
+ the policy of Her Majesty's Government is likely to be in Congress.
+ All I know about it at present is contained in Lord Derby's
+ despatch of May 6, and as far as Constantinople and the Straits are
+ concerned, I fancy Russia will be conciliatory.
+
+ You ask further how far certain solutions in our sense will be
+ feasible or not.
+
+ I wish I could answer your question, but can only beg of
+ you to tell me first whether we accept the consequences of our
+ neutrality, or whether we contest them: whether we are going
+ to reject the Turko-Russian Treaty, as we rejected the Berlin
+ Memorandum, or whether we are going to accept now what we refused
+ then.
+
+ Russia is now in possession of Turkey. Germany supports Russia.
+
+ France and Italy have no wish to quarrel with Russia or
+ Germany, and will not offer any serious opposition to the
+ Turko-Russian Treaty.
+
+ Austria may object to two things: the proposed limits of
+ Bulgaria, and the prolonged occupation of Russian troops.
+
+ If Russia is well disposed, she will consent to a smaller
+ Bulgaria and to a shorter occupation.
+
+ If she doesn't, Austria must choose between a diplomatic
+ defeat, a compromise, or war to turn Russia out of Bulgaria.
+ Bismarck will exert all his personal influence in favour of a
+ compromise to keep the three Emperors' Alliance together before
+ Europe in Conference assembled.
+
+ The annexation of Armenia and the war indemnity are questions
+ which Russia will scarcely consent to submit to the Congress at all.
+
+ What then is our attitude to be? Please let me know as soon as
+ you can, and I will do my best to answer your questions.
+
+ If we go in for Greek interests we shall have the cordial
+ support of Germany and Austria, I think--but Greek interests are
+ in direct opposition to Turkish interests, if I am not greatly
+ mistaken.
+
+ On hearing of your appointment I wrote to you to congratulate
+ myself and to beg of you to grant us the happiness of taking up
+ your quarters at the Embassy, and also to advise you to bring a
+ numerous and efficient staff, as I have not hands enough at Berlin
+ for an emergency.
+
+The letters of Lord Odo Russell at this period show that he was
+completely in the dark as to the intentions of Her Majesty's Government,
+and that he was quite unable to get any answer as to what was to be
+their policy with regard to the Treaty of San Stefano. He himself was
+convinced that the three Empires had already settled what the result of
+the Congress was to be, and that they simply intended to communicate it
+to Greece, Roumania, and other Powers for whom they wished to manifest
+their contempt, such as France and England, _a prendre ou a laisser_.
+Under these circumstances, it became doubtful whether it was worth
+while for England to go into a Conference at all and court unnecessary
+humiliation, serious as the responsibility would be if such a course
+were decided upon.
+
+There can be no doubt that much of the prevailing uncertainty was due to
+Lord Derby, who with great difficulty had contrived to keep pace with
+his more enterprising colleagues, and whose over-cautious temperament
+had prevented the adoption of any really definite policy. But Lord
+Derby, unable to stand the shock of seeing a few thousand Indian troops
+sent to the Mediterranean, resigned office on March 28, and the advent
+of Lord Salisbury at the Foreign Office marked a new departure in
+British Foreign Policy.
+
+Lord Salisbury's circular of April 1, 1878, was intended to show that
+the Treaty of San Stefano threatened the interests of Europe, and
+that the whole, and not parts of it, as proposed by Russia, should be
+submitted to the Congress. It pointed out that the creation of a big
+Bulgaria, stretching over the greater part of the Balkan Peninsula,
+and with ports on the Black Sea and the AEgean, would give Russia a
+predominant influence; that the proposed annexations in Asia Minor would
+give Russia control over political and commercial conditions in that
+region, and that the exaction of an indemnity which it was impossible
+for Turkey to provide, would enable Russia either to exact further
+cessions of territory or to impose any other conditions which might be
+thought advisable. The logic was sound, and at all events Lord Salisbury
+succeeded in producing a definite British policy, which his predecessor
+had signally failed to do.
+
+When Lord Lyons returned to Paris at the beginning of April the question
+of whether there was to be a Congress or not was still in suspense.
+French opinion was rather more in favour of England on the Eastern
+Question than had been expected, but there was no sign of anything more
+than passive sympathy, and Waddington, who was particularly sensitive
+on the subject, intimated, not obscurely, that the good will of France
+depended upon England not acting independently of her in Egypt. It
+looked, in fact, as if England would be left to bell the cat, although
+Lord Salisbury's circular, as was generally admitted, had immensely
+raised British prestige on the continent. The suspicion felt in France
+as to Russian intentions was shown by the failure of agents of the
+Russian Government to negotiate a loan at Paris for thirty millions
+sterling, and Lord Salisbury's letters in the early part of April show
+that, while there were symptoms of yielding in Europe, there appeared to
+be no prospect of those concessions with regard to Asia Minor to which
+Her Majesty's Government attached great importance.
+
+On the whole, the French Government was apparently anxious to act as
+far as possible with England, without committing itself too much, since
+the idea of a Russian naval station in the Mediterranean was highly
+obnoxious; but Waddington was hampered, amongst other causes, by the
+proceedings of Gambetta, who was disporting himself in some of the
+European capitals with the object of forming, or appearing to form,
+relations with foreign statesmen, which would enable him to put forward
+a claim to become eventually Minister for Foreign Affairs. Waddington
+always in private repudiated responsibility for what Gambetta said
+or did, but the latter was now so important a personage that it was
+necessary to keep on good terms with him and to submit to a patronage
+which must have been irksome to French Ministers.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Foreign Office, April 24, 1878.
+
+ The negotiations for the simultaneous withdrawal of the fleet
+ and army from Constantinople proceed very slowly. We are making
+ no difficulties, but the Russians cannot make up their minds about
+ details, and are probably trying to screw some concessions out of
+ the luckless Turks. I shall be very glad to see the arrangement
+ succeed, because our fleet is doing no possible good there at this
+ moment. Whatever value it had, disappeared as soon as the peace was
+ signed. But as the Russians seem to be afraid of it, we must make
+ the most of it. Possibly, in their secret hearts, they entertain
+ very much the same opinion as to the position of their armies.
+
+ The general negotiations do not improve. Russia gives me the
+ impression of a Government desperately anxious for peace, and
+ driven on by some fate towards war. Andrassy undoubtedly means to
+ have Bosnia; but whether he will be satisfied with that I am not
+ so certain. It is a possible policy for him to throw the Danube
+ over altogether; to secure an outlet for his produce by a railway
+ to Salonika, and to accept a simultaneous extension southward in
+ parallel lines of Austrian and Russian possession--whether in the
+ form of actual territory, or of vassal states. In that case, he
+ will throw us over, and his course will be easy enough if he can
+ square the Hungarians. But that may be a difficulty. Do you gather
+ any information about his objects?
+
+ Is it your impression--as it is mine--that the French are
+ supremely anxious to push us into war?
+
+Lord Lyons's reply to these inquiries gives the reasons why the French
+views with regard to an Anglo-Russian conflict had undergone an
+alteration.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Paris, April 26, 1878.
+
+ I owe you many thanks for your letter of the day before
+ yesterday.
+
+ You ask me whether it is my impression that the French are
+ extremely anxious to push us into war.
+
+ Confidence in their returning military strength, and the
+ apparent success of their endeavours to conciliate Germany have
+ calmed their fears of Bismarck. They are no longer nervously
+ desirous that the forces of England should be kept in the west,
+ as a necessary check upon the great Chancellor's supposed designs
+ upon Holland, upon Belgium, or upon France herself. On the other
+ hand, they have given up counting upon Russia as an ally against
+ Germany, and have abandoned Decazes's policy of courting her and
+ espousing her interests. The result of all this is that they are
+ willing enough that the main force of England should be employed at
+ a distance from home.
+
+ They have been reassured about Egypt, and they think that if
+ England is engaged in hostilities with Russia, she will be less
+ disposed and less able to interfere with France or to separate from
+ her in Egyptian affairs. They have lost their great fear, which was
+ that England, instead of opposing Russia, would seek a compensation
+ for herself in the annexation of Egypt. Thus another of the reasons
+ which made them desire that England should abstain from all action
+ has disappeared.
+
+ There are, moreover, the patriots, who look far ahead, who do
+ positively desire that England should go to war with Russia. Their
+ calculation is that Austria and Italy would sooner or later be
+ drawn into the war on the English side, and that then, Germany and
+ Russia being isolated, France might join the rest of Europe against
+ them, and recover Alsace and Lorraine. These are said to be the
+ views of Gambetta and his friends.
+
+ There is, however, one feeling which pervades the great
+ mass of Frenchmen. They wish England to take the chestnuts out
+ of the fire for them. They are quite determined not to go to war
+ themselves for anything less than Alsace and Lorraine, but they do
+ wish to exclude Russia from the Mediterranean, and they are very
+ willing that the danger and the burthen of effecting this should be
+ incurred by England.
+
+ With these views their newspapers go on patting us on the
+ back, and may continue to do so, as long as we seem to be ready to
+ act alone; but they would change their note, if they saw any risk
+ of France being drawn into the war with us, until _after_ Austria
+ and Italy had joined us.
+
+ I know of nothing to confirm Odo Russell's information that
+ in return for the consent of Germany and Russia to exclude Egypt,
+ etc., from the deliberations of the Congress, Waddington engaged to
+ support Germany and Russia in everything else. What appeared on the
+ surface was that this exclusion was made openly by France a _sine
+ qua non_ of her attending the Congress, that she communicated the
+ condition simultaneously to all the Powers, and did not at all ask
+ for the assent to it as a concession. If there is only Bismarckian
+ authority for the bargain stated to have been made by Waddington
+ with Germany and Russia, I think it _merite confirmation_. The one
+ object of Bismarck seems always to be to sow dissensions between
+ France and any other Power that she may seem to be approaching.
+
+ Notwithstanding the Comte de St. Vallier's assertion to Odo
+ Russell, Mr. Adams is quite certain that it was M. de St. Vallier
+ himself who reported to Mr. Waddington that Odo had communicated
+ to the Emperor William, Prince Bismarck, etc., a telegram from Mr.
+ Adams on the subject of the sympathies of France with England.
+ In fact Mr. Waddington who is an old schoolfellow and friend of
+ Mr. Adams, read to him parts of the private letter from M. de St.
+ Vallier in which the report was contained, and indeed one of the
+ phrases he cited from the letter was _le telegramme Adams_ as the
+ source of the communication made by Odo Russell.
+
+ The Prince of Wales arrived this morning and I have been all
+ the afternoon at the Exhibition with him, which obliges me to write
+ in such haste, that I cannot be brief.
+
+ I have just seen Hobart Pasha, who goes on to England
+ to-morrow morning and will try to see you.
+
+ I doubt whether Waddington or the Austrian Ambassador here get
+ any information about Andrassy's real views and objects.
+
+ The Russians seem to be hard at work trying to make the
+ execution of the Treaty of San Stefano a _fait accompli_. _Beati
+ possidentes._
+
+Lord Salisbury's suspicions as to the pressure being put upon the
+unfortunate Turks by the Russians were confirmed by an interesting
+letter from Mr. Layard to Lord Lyons, in which the much-denounced Abdul
+Hamid appears in quite a new light.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Constantinople, May 1, 1878.
+
+ I am not surprised that Waddington should care nothing about
+ Armenia. The question is a purely English one, but to us a vital
+ one. The Treaty of San Stefano puts the whole of Asia Minor
+ virtually at the mercy of Russia and insures her influence over
+ Mesopotamia and perhaps ultimately over Syria, which would probably
+ not be pleasant to the French. This immense addition to the power
+ of Russia in Asia, and the command that she obtains, if the Treaty
+ be carried out, of routes to India and Central Asia, is a matter
+ of serious import to England. But probably there is no European
+ Power which does not envy us the possession of India, and would
+ not secretly rejoice at the prospect of our losing it. I believe
+ this feeling to be particularly strong with Frenchmen. But if we
+ intend to preserve our Empire as it now is, we must be prepared to
+ deal with this question of Russian aggrandisement in Asia Minor and
+ drive them back. Our only way of doing so, is by making use of the
+ Mussulman population. The idea of an autonomous Christian Armenia
+ to form a barrier to Russian advance is one of those absurdities
+ which are cropping up daily amongst our sentimental politicians,
+ who know nothing of the matters upon which they pretend to lay down
+ the law.
+
+ The Grand Duke Nicholas, before going, made an ultimate
+ attempt to bully the Sultan into surrendering Shumla, Varna and
+ Batoum; but His Majesty held firm and His Imperial Highness failed
+ to get a promise out of him on the subject. It is curious that
+ whilst our ignorant and unscrupulous newspaper correspondents are
+ systematically writing down the Sultan and denouncing him as a poor
+ weak creature incapable of having an opinion of his own, he has
+ shown far more firmness than any of his Ministers. Had it not been
+ for him, it is highly probable that the ironclads would have been
+ given over to the Russians, and more than probable that the Grand
+ Duke would have been allowed to occupy Buyuk Dere and the entrance
+ to the Bosphorus. The Russians threaten to seize Varna, Shumla
+ and Batoum by force, but I much doubt whether they will venture
+ to do so, as right is not on their side. Shumla and Varna are not
+ to be given up to Russia, but to the Bulgarian Principality when
+ constituted: and the arrangements for the final settlement of the
+ Russian frontier in Asia are to be made within six months of the
+ conclusion of the 'definitive' not the 'preliminary' Treaty.
+
+ I am anxiously waiting to hear whether the simultaneous
+ withdrawal of our fleet and the Russian forces can be arranged. It
+ is of the utmost importance to the Turks to get the Russians away
+ from San Stefano, but I cannot understand how the Russians could
+ consent to give up so advantageous a position, unless they found
+ that if they remained there they would be exposed to considerable
+ danger from a joint attack by the English fleet and the Turkish
+ forces.
+
+Layard, who was a fighting diplomatist, and possessed the rare quality
+of knowing what he wanted, had long chafed at the irresolute action
+of the British Government, and was all in favour of making a resolute
+stand against Russian aggression. Throughout the war, he had continually
+complained of the apathy and indecision of the British Cabinet, and
+attributed these deficiencies to divided counsels and to the advanced
+age of Lord Beaconsfield. Now, with Lord Salisbury installed at the
+Foreign Office, he plucked up hope again.
+
+ 'Salisbury,' he wrote to Lord Lyons, 'seems to know what he
+ wants--which is a great contrast to his predecessor. If he is firm,
+ we shall, I think, triumph in the end, and remove a great danger
+ from Europe and ourselves. Were it not for that double-dealing,
+ untrustworthy fellow Andrassy, we might perhaps accomplish all
+ that we require without war. Andrassy's proceedings give rise to a
+ strong suspicion that the secret understanding between the three
+ Emperors still exists. The Sultan is persuaded of it, and I have
+ found that his instinct in such matters is usually right.'
+
+On May 11, Lord Salisbury wrote to Lord Lyons saying that Count Muenster
+(German Ambassador in London) had assured him that the object upon
+which the French were bent in the Mediterranean was Tunis. 'Do you
+hear anything of the sort?' he asked Lord Lyons, and added the highly
+important statement: 'It is of course an extension of French territory
+and influence of which we should not have the slightest jealousy or
+fear. But I am not assuming in any way that the Porte would wish to give
+it up. I should only like to have your opinion how far France would wish
+to have it.'
+
+To this Lord Lyons replied:--
+
+ Ever since I can remember, the Italians have suspected the
+ French, and the French have suspected the Italians of designs upon
+ Tunis. Bismarck's mention of it at this moment is probably only
+ one of his usual devices to sow distrust of France. I have never
+ found that the acquisition of Tunis recommended itself to French
+ imagination, and I don't believe it would be taken as anything like
+ a set-off against English acquisitions in Egypt or Syria. I believe
+ our principal interest in Tunis arises from its being a source
+ of supply of provisions to Malta. When Decazes wished to set us
+ against the supposed Italian designs upon it, he used to talk of
+ its being dangerous to us to have Malta in a vice between Sicily
+ and an Italian Tunis, but it never seemed to me that the peril was
+ very clear.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ England is very popular here at this moment, and the Prince of
+ Wales's visit has been a principal cause of this, but the French
+ have no intention to fight with us or for us. They back us up in
+ asserting the sanctity of Treaties, and they certainly desire that
+ the _status quo_ may be maintained in the Mediterranean, until
+ France is a little stronger.
+
+It will be remembered that only a few years earlier the German
+Government had informed the French Government through Count Arnim that
+it would not tolerate the establishment of anything in the nature of
+a French Protectorate in Tunis; so that if the French were now really
+entertaining any designs of that nature, it was pretty obvious that it
+could only be the result of a hint from Berlin. The question of Tunis,
+however, was shortly overshadowed by greater issues. On May 16, Lord
+Salisbury transmitted to Paris a long document which formed the basis
+of the so-called Anglo-Turkish Convention. The proposals embodied
+subsequently in the convention were contained in a private letter to
+Mr. Layard, dated May 10, and the latter was directed not to proceed
+with the negotiations until further instructions were received, as the
+necessity for the convention depended upon the nature of the reply which
+Count Schouvaloff was to bring back from St. Petersburg. Whatever may
+have been said at the time in denunciation of the occupation of Cyprus
+and the Asia Minor Protectorate, it can hardly be denied that Lord
+Salisbury had a good case logically, as is shown by the following letter.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ May 22, 1878.
+
+ Until I see Schouvaloff to-morrow I shall know little of the
+ probabilities of our acting on that private letter to Layard of
+ last week, of which I sent you a copy. If, however, we do so, it
+ seems to me that we have a very good logical case--Is logic any use
+ in diplomacy?--against any objections the French may raise.
+
+ By the Tripartite Treaty of April 25, 1856, we had a right to
+ call on them to help us in restraining Russia from appropriating
+ Turkish territory. They have loudly and constantly asserted that
+ no military action is to be expected on their part. In Europe we
+ can meet the consequences of that desertion by the help of Austria,
+ Greece, the Rhodope mountaineers and others. But in Asia we are
+ abandoned wholly to ourselves. The French have left us to face and
+ guard against the consequences of that Russian encroachment which
+ they undertook to join with us in resisting. Does it lie in their
+ mouth, if we say that such encroachments, if persisted in, require
+ special precautions? that we cannot turn the Russians out by
+ ourselves, and that abandoned by our ally, who should have made the
+ task easy to us, we have no choice except to mount guard over the
+ endangered territory and take up the positions requisite for doing
+ so with effect? I do not see what answer the French would have.
+
+ But you will probably reply that my reasoning is idle trouble,
+ because logic is of _no_ use in diplomacy.
+
+The French would have had no real cause for complaint if they had
+discovered the contents of the proposed Anglo-Turkish Convention, for
+as Lord Salisbury had already pointed out, he had been careful 'to turn
+the eyes of desire away from Syria,' the only portion of Asia Minor in
+which France was interested; but Waddington had been making declarations
+against any of the Powers helping themselves to Turkish territory, and
+although these declarations were meant only to apply to Bosnia and
+Herzegovina, he would probably have used much the same language if he
+had learnt that England was thinking of occupying any portion of the
+Turkish Empire. Logic may not be of much use in diplomacy, but it is
+of still less use in influencing public opinion, and an appeal to the
+Tripartite Treaty, after it had been set aside so long, would have come
+rather late in the day. As, however, the necessity for providing for
+British interests and British safety in Asia was indisputable, Lord
+Salisbury was justified in contending that those Powers who disliked the
+only methods which were within our reach, should give us such help as
+would enable us to dispense with them.
+
+Upon the return of Schouvaloff from St. Petersburg, it turned out,
+as Lord Salisbury had anticipated, that Russia was prepared to make
+concessions in Europe, but scarcely any in Asia. Layard was, therefore,
+directed to negotiate the Anglo-Turkish Convention.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Foreign Office, May 29, 1878.
+
+ I send you two memoranda, or rather two separate versions
+ of the same paper, which will explain fully the nature of the
+ propositions which Schouvaloff brought back to me, and the extent
+ to which we have been able to accept his proposals. The upshot of
+ the matter has been that the Czar yields substantially all we want
+ in Bulgaria and as to the Greek provinces, but sticks to his text
+ as to Montenegro, Bessarabia, and the Armenian conquests, except
+ Bayazid.
+
+ I have informed Schouvaloff that against these Asiatic
+ acquisitions it will be necessary for us to take precautions; and
+ while taking from him a formal engagement that Russia will not
+ extend her position in Turkey in Asia, we shall ourselves give to
+ Turkey a guarantee to the same effect. We shall accept these terms
+ as soon as he receives from St. Petersburg authority to take them
+ in the redaction on which we have ultimately agreed. At the same
+ time we have taken our measures to secure ourselves against the
+ consequences of the Asiatic advance. Layard received on Saturday
+ telegraphic directions in the sense of the private letter which I
+ addressed to him a fortnight ago, and of which I sent you a copy,
+ and with great vigour and skill he procured the signature of an
+ agreement on Sunday last. We do not intend that this fact shall be
+ made public until the Congress, as the agreement is made wholly
+ conditional on the retention of Batoum and Kars. But whether we
+ shall succeed in these good intentions remains to be seen. Our past
+ performances in that line do not justify any very sanguine hope.
+
+ As there seems no chance of the Porte ceding Bosnia, and as
+ it is necessary to keep Austria with us in the Congress, we have
+ offered to support her in any proposal she makes in Congress on the
+ subject of Bosnia, if she will support us in questions concerning
+ the limits of occupation and organization of Bulgaria. It is not
+ necessary to tell Waddington this, but, as we have advanced a step
+ since he last asked us the question, it is important to avoid
+ language inconsistent with it.
+
+One cannot help suspecting Lord Salisbury's sense of humour as being
+responsible for the stipulation, that, if the Russians abandoned to the
+Turks their conquests from them in Asia Minor, the occupation of Cyprus
+should come to an end and the Anglo-Turkish Convention become null
+and void. On the following day (May 30), the so-called Anglo-Russian
+agreement was signed, and the enterprising Mr. Marvin, who had been
+temporarily employed at the Foreign Office on the cheap, handed it over
+to the _Globe_ newspaper, thus creating a political sensation of the
+first order.
+
+The agreement with Russia being now completed, and an invitation to the
+Congress in suitable terms having been accepted, Lord Beaconsfield and
+Lord Salisbury decided to go to Berlin themselves, instead of sending
+Lord Lyons.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ June 5, 1878.
+
+ I feel that I owe you many apologies for my rudeness in not
+ writing to you on Saturday night to announce to you the decision
+ of the Cabinet--and to thank you for the very kind and cordial
+ way you had placed yourself at our disposition in the spring to
+ perform what was a very ugly duty. The Cabinet was rushed to the
+ decision which it took, partly by the consideration to which you
+ advert, that the threads of the last two months' negociations were
+ more completely in our hands than by any process of communication
+ they could be in yours--but also by the fact that we have dangerous
+ questions looming at Paris--and we cannot afford to have you absent
+ from your post.
+
+ My excuse for my negligence is the prosaic one that I had
+ not a moment of time. The agonies of a man who has to finish a
+ difficult negociation, and at the same time to entertain four
+ royalties in a country house can be better imagined than described.
+
+ The Convention at Constantinople has been signed with
+ expression of lively gratitude on the Sultan's part. I am sorry
+ that your impressions of the mood in which the French are likely
+ to receive the news when published, are still so gloomy. However,
+ we must hope for the best. We have assembled a powerful fleet at
+ Portsmouth and we shall have six or seven first-rate ironclads to
+ do what may be necessary in the Mediterranean, besides smaller
+ ships. And our relations with Bismarck are particularly good. So I
+ hope our friends at Paris will confine themselves to epigram.
+
+ If we can, we shall keep the matter secret till we get at
+ Congress to the part of the Treaty of San Stefano (Art. XIX) which
+ concerns the Asiatic annexations. I do not know whether d'Harcourt
+ has any inkling, but ever since his return from Paris his manner
+ has changed.
+
+Lord Lyons hailed the decision of Lords Beaconsfield and Salisbury as a
+'deliverance from a nightmare which had weighed upon him since March,'
+and found a sympathizer in Lord Odo Russell, who had never expected
+much good from the Congress if the Three Emperors' League was revived,
+and who doubted whether the British public would be contented with an
+amended San Stefano Treaty. The probable action of Waddington, who
+was to be the French representative at Berlin, is foreshadowed in the
+following letter.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, June 4, 1878.
+
+ I am very glad that you and Lord Beaconsfield have determined
+ to go yourselves to the Congress. The matters to be treated are too
+ grave to be left to subordinates, and they could hardly be treated
+ properly by any one who had not had a minute acquaintance day by
+ day with the recent communications with Russia and Austria.
+
+ Waddington will, I think, be a satisfactory colleague in some
+ respects, but in others I am afraid you will have difficulties with
+ him. His English blood and his English education tell both ways.
+ On the one hand, he is more straightforward than most Frenchmen;
+ he understands and shares many English feelings, and he sees the
+ force of English arguments, or perhaps I should rather say, of
+ arguments put forward in an English way. But, on the other hand, he
+ feels strongly the necessity of guarding against the tendency in
+ France to suspect him of an English bias. He will be disposed to
+ join in resistance to exaggerated Russian pretensions with regard
+ to Roumelia and the Danube. His personal sentiments are strongly
+ in favour of Greece. He has a certain sympathy with Christian as
+ against Mussulman, but he does not carry this to an immoderate or
+ unpractical extent. There is, however, one point on which you may
+ find him very stiff. He is most strongly opposed to any change in
+ the relative position of the Great Powers in the Mediterranean,
+ and he would, I am afraid, be quite as unwilling to see England
+ extend her influence in that sea, as he would be to see Russia do
+ so. It is in order to prevent any alteration in the _statu quo_ in
+ the Mediterranean, more than from any other reason, that he has
+ made the participation of France in the Congress conditional on
+ the exclusion of all questions not directly arising out of the war
+ between Russia and Turkey, and has positively mentioned Syria and
+ Egypt as countries to be excluded from the discussion. He would
+ not perhaps be disinclined to let these questions come up, if he
+ thought he should obtain the support of other Powers in resisting
+ any change made outside of the Congress.
+
+ At any rate, public feeling in France would probably be too
+ strong to allow him to acquiesce in any redistribution of territory
+ or influence in favour of England. But I expressed my opinion on
+ this point so fully to you and Lord Beaconsfield in the interview I
+ had with you just before I left England, that I have nothing more
+ to say about it. The horrible event[19] which took place at Berlin
+ the day before yesterday has, however, thrown so strong a light
+ upon one phase of French opinion, that I feel bound to direct your
+ attention to it. It seems very shocking that while the Emperor
+ William is suffering from the wounds so wickedly inflicted, people
+ here should be speculating upon the consequences of their being
+ fatal, but so it is. The French believe that the maintenance of
+ the present military system in Germany depends upon the Emperor
+ William, and that even if His Majesty's successor had the same
+ determination as His Majesty himself to keep it up, public opinion
+ in the country would make it impossible for him to do so. What
+ foundation there may be for this supposition, I do not pretend to
+ determine; but that it influences the French is certain. Anything
+ which makes them believe the life of the Emperor to be precarious,
+ diminishes the restraint which the fear of Germany imposes upon
+ them, and renders them more stiff in asserting their own views and
+ pretensions, and less averse from contemplating the possibility of
+ supporting them by more than words.
+
+ There are, in my opinion, strong arguments to be brought in
+ favour of our taking measures to be in a position to resist Russia
+ by our own means, if other Powers will give us no help in doing
+ so; but as you said in a former letter, logic is perhaps not of
+ much use in diplomacy, and seems to me to be of still less use
+ in influencing public opinion. I doubt our logic doing much to
+ reconcile the French to our exercising a separate protection over
+ Turkey in Asia, or occupying a Turkish island in the Mediterranean.
+ I am afraid you will think I have become more nervous than
+ ever, and more prone to the common error among diplomatists of
+ exaggerating the importance of the country in which they are
+ themselves stationed, but anyhow I have not seen any reason to
+ change my views as to the feelings prevalent in France.
+
+ The Parliamentary session at Versailles is about to close.
+ Thanks to the Exhibition, it has been a very tranquil one, but we
+ must be on the look-out for squalls when the Chamber meets again
+ in the autumn. Gambetta has hitherto restrained his followers from
+ opposing the Ministry, and from proposing radical measures, but it
+ is doubtful whether he will be able, even if willing, to restrain
+ them after the end of the Exhibition. Some unexpected incident
+ might even produce a crisis before. At any rate the elections of
+ a portion of the Senate, which will take place early next year,
+ may remove the check which the Conservative majority in that House
+ has hitherto put upon the Chamber of Deputies. The Marshal does
+ not talk of making any more attempts at resisting the will of the
+ majority, but I understand that he does not talk very seriously of
+ retiring as soon as the election is over.
+
+ It may perhaps be worth while to mention that Waddington finds
+ the influence of Gambetta over the Government very irksome, and is
+ not fond of having it alluded to.
+
+The Congress met at Berlin in the middle of June, and the awkward
+question of whether Waddington should be informed of the Anglo-Turkish
+Convention or not was debated. Lord Lyons knew perfectly well that the
+French would be furious when they heard of it, and that the greater the
+surprise, the greater would be their indignation. The lines laid down
+for Waddington's guidance at the Congress were that France desired:
+
+1. Peace.
+
+2. Neutrality.
+
+3. The necessity of the consent of all the Powers to any modifications
+of the Treaties.
+
+4. The exclusion of Egypt, Syria, the Holy Places, and other topics
+foreign to the Russo-Turkish War.
+
+These points were certainly not favourable to England receiving any
+support from France in defending her menaced interests in Asia Minor,
+as the absolute neutrality of France was the point most insisted upon.
+In fact France was so obviously anxious to stand aloof, that one
+suggestion was made that she should be asked to co-operate with us in
+Asia Minor on the assumption that such co-operation was sure to be
+refused. This, however, was considered to be too hazardous a course,
+and it was eventually decided to say nothing to Waddington for the time
+being, lest he should make the Anglo-Turkish Convention an excuse for
+not attending the Congress at all. The secret, unlike the Anglo-Russian
+agreement, seems to have been well kept, and cannot have been known to
+the Russians, or they would have utilized it for the purpose of sowing
+discord between the British and French representatives. Finally, on July
+6, Lord Salisbury told the whole story to Waddington in a private letter.
+
+In this letter Lord Salisbury pointed out that, as far as the Russian
+annexations in Asia Minor were concerned, we were in a completely
+isolated condition, since Austria was only willing to take part in
+restoring the Porte to a certain independence in Europe, while France
+had clearly intimated that she had no intention of engaging in war for
+the purpose of maintaining the stipulations of the Treaty of 1856. The
+result was that England was compelled to act alone, as her interests
+were too great to allow the _status quo_ in Asia Minor to be completely
+destroyed, and consequently the onerous obligation of a defensive
+alliance with Turkey had been undertaken in order to provide against
+future Russian annexations beyond the frontier assigned under the
+present negotiations at Berlin. As this engagement could not be carried
+out from such a distance as Malta, the Sultan had made over Cyprus to
+England during such period as the defensive alliance might last. The
+conditional nature of the Convention, and the restraint shown by Her
+Majesty's Government in rejecting more tempting and advantageous offers
+are dealt with in the following passages.
+
+ We have entered into an agreement which is now embodied in a
+ formal Convention at Constantinople, that whenever the Russians
+ shall, for whatever reason, return to their Asiatic frontier as
+ it existed before the last war, we will immediately evacuate
+ the island; and that intermediately we will annually pay the
+ Sultan whatever is ascertained to be the surplus of revenue over
+ expenditure.
+
+ I am telling Your Excellency no secret when I say that we have
+ been very earnestly pressed, by advisers of no mean authority, to
+ occupy Egypt--or at least to take the borders of the Suez Canal.
+ Such an operation might have been very suitable for our interests
+ and would have presented no material difficulties.
+
+ No policy of this kind however was entertained by Her
+ Majesty's Government. We had received an intimation from the French
+ Government that any such proceeding would be very unwelcome to the
+ French people, and we could not but feel the reasonableness of
+ their objection under existing circumstances.
+
+ We have therefore turned a deaf ear to all suggestions of that
+ kind.
+
+ We have been likewise recommended to occupy some port on the
+ coast of Syria, such as Alexandretta, but we felt that, however
+ carefully guarded, such a proceeding might, in the present
+ condition of opinion with respect to the Ottoman Empire, be
+ construed as indicating an intention to acquire territory on the
+ mainland of Western Asia; and we did not desire to be suspected
+ of designs which will be wholly absent from our thoughts. We have
+ therefore preferred to accept from the Sultan the provisional
+ occupation of a position less advantageous indeed, but still
+ sufficient for the purpose, and not exposed to the inconveniences
+ I have mentioned. How long we shall stay there I cannot tell. But
+ I think there is just ground of hope that the Russians will find
+ in a short time that the territory they have acquired is costly
+ and unproductive; that the chances of making it a stepping-stone
+ to further conquests is cut off, and that they will abandon it as
+ a useless acquisition. In that case our _raison d'etre_ at Cyprus
+ will be gone and we shall retire.
+
+ I have adopted this form of conveying the matter to you, as
+ the Convention being entirely within the Treaty competence of
+ the two Powers, requires no official communication. But it would
+ have been inconsistent with the feelings of friendship existing
+ between our two countries, and with my gratitude for your courteous
+ procedure towards me personally, to have allowed you to hear it
+ first from any other source.
+
+There can be little doubt as to the identity of the 'advisers of no
+mean authority,' for Bismarck had been urging upon England for some
+time the occupation of Egypt, obviously with the main intention of
+creating discord with France, and Her Majesty's Government deserved all
+the credit claimed by Lord Salisbury for resisting these overtures. It
+is, however, somewhat difficult to follow Lord Salisbury's reasonings
+for preferring Cyprus to Alexandretta. It was plain that the occupation
+of either of these places would cause irritation, and as subsequent
+events have shown, Cyprus has never been of much use to us, and besides
+being crushed under the burden of the tribute annually paid to the
+Turkish Government, is inhabited chiefly by Greeks who do not appear to
+thoroughly appreciate British rule. Alexandretta, on the other hand,
+might, under our control, have developed into a highly important seaport
+and become the starting-place for the Bagdad railway; whereas, as a
+matter of fact, it has now practically passed into the hands of the
+Germans.
+
+M. Waddington did not remain long in sole possession of his exclusive
+information, for on July 8, the Anglo-Turkish Convention was made
+known to the world, and the general impression produced was that Lords
+Beaconsfield and Salisbury had effected a brilliant _coup_. In France,
+however, the news caused quite unjustifiable indignation, and the
+prudent Lord Lyons telegraphed to Lord Salisbury on July 10, advising
+him to get the final acts of the Congress signed as quickly as possible,
+lest Waddington should be directed to come away without putting his name
+to anything.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, July 12, 1878.
+
+ Your telegram of last night was a great relief to me, but I
+ shall not feel quite happy till I hear that all is actually signed.
+ I am happy to find that Gambetta and the Ministerial Parties, who
+ are violent on the subject of the Convention, are not having things
+ all their own way in the press. No newspaper can be said to defend
+ England altogether, but the more sensible papers are against any
+ active opposition on the part of France. Gambetta and Waddington
+ are not friends, and Gambetta will no doubt attack Waddington and
+ try to upset him. This may lead to serious difficulties in France.
+
+ It is no use to shut one's eyes to the fact that at this
+ moment, there is a great and general irritation in France against
+ England. It is too soon to foresee what turn public opinion will
+ take eventually, but at the present moment, we must not forget to
+ take this irritation into account in our dealings with this country.
+
+The general feeling was so unsatisfactory, that he felt compelled to
+write to Mr. Knollys[20] urging that the Prince of Wales, who was acting
+as President of the British Section of the International Exhibition,
+should postpone a contemplated visit to Paris, and enclosing articles
+in the press of an abominable character directed against His Royal
+Highness. Irritation over the Anglo-Turkish Convention was not confined
+to one party, but existed in every class from the _haute societe_
+downwards. The Conservatives and their press utilized it as a means
+of attacking the Republic, complained of the effacement of France,
+and asserted that she had been duped by her former ally, while the
+Republican opposition, headed by Gambetta, charged Waddington with
+having made a shameful surrender to England.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, July 16, 1878.
+
+ The first explosion of French wrath, on the appearance of
+ the Convention of the 4th of June, was even more violent than I
+ anticipated. It was well that you had the Minister for Foreign
+ Affairs under _your_ influence, and at a distance from that of
+ the excited spirits here. Now the first force of the eruption is
+ spent and the lava cooled down. I am afraid only on the surface,
+ but any way, it must be the surface which cools first. At all
+ events the strong language is in great measure abandoned. In the
+ first place, as no one now recommends any immediate action on the
+ part of France, the French are beginning to see that they cut a
+ sorry figure by barking without biting. In the second place, they
+ conceive that the alliance of the Three Empires is as close as
+ ever, and they think that if they quarrel with England, they will
+ be giving a triumph to Bismarck and find themselves face to face
+ with him without any friend on their side. Lastly, I would fain
+ hope that some of them are beginning to take a really reasonable
+ view of things, and to see that we had absolutely nothing left for
+ it, but to act for ourselves, as they would not or could not help
+ us.
+
+ Still we shall have some trouble with them, and shall probably
+ find them for some time suspicious, jealous, and hard to deal with.
+
+ Egypt may be our first difficulty. With or without a hint
+ from home, French agents there will be seeking to trip us up. It
+ seems to me that our task there will be a delicate one. On the one
+ hand, it will no doubt be desirable to soothe French vanity as far
+ as possible; but, on the other hand, anything like a defeat or a
+ retreat in Egypt, might very much impair the prestige which the
+ position which we have taken with regard to Asia has given us.
+ I wish Rivers Wilson had already been installed as Minister of
+ Finance when the Convention of the 4th June was made public.
+
+ Another ticklish question is that of the Newfoundland
+ Fisheries. I am very anxious to know what, if anything, passed
+ between you and Waddington on the subject at Berlin. The present
+ moment does not seem a very happy one for resuming negotiations,
+ and at all events it might be well to keep the matter, if possible,
+ in the calm atmosphere of London, and at a distance from the heat
+ of the political weather here.
+
+ I have been indirectly in communication with Gambetta, and
+ have reason to hope he is being brought, or is coming of himself,
+ round about the Convention. What I am immediately afraid of is
+ his nevertheless trying to upset Waddington. I should regret
+ Waddington's fall on all grounds, and it would be extremely awkward
+ to have a successor in the office brought in on the pretext that
+ Waddington had not been stiff enough with regard to England. The
+ candidates for his place are said to be Freycinet, the present
+ Minister of Public Works, who was Gambetta's Sub-Minister for War
+ in 1870 and 1871; M. Duclerc, one of the Vice-Presidents of the
+ Senate, who passes for a moderate man, but who has no knowledge of
+ foreign affairs, and Gambetta himself. I suppose, however, Gambetta
+ would be an impossibility with the Marshal, and that he himself
+ would feel that he was compromising his prospect of greater things
+ hereafter, by taking a subordinate office now.
+
+M. Waddington, upon his return from Berlin, realizing doubtless that his
+position had been shaken, though from no fault of his own, intimated
+his intention of writing a despatch in which Her Majesty's Government
+would be called upon to give to the French certain assurances with
+regard to Egypt and Tunis. As it was desirable that this request should
+not be made in too peremptory a manner, he was exhorted to make his
+communication in such a way as would make it easy for Her Majesty's
+Government to return a cordial answer. The difficulty about giving the
+assurances was pointed out by Lord Salisbury.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Foreign Office, July 20, 1878.
+
+ What M. Waddington said to you is very much what he said to me
+ at Berlin, though the lurid touches about war have been filled in
+ afterwards.
+
+ The precise answer to be given to his promised despatch must
+ of course depend very much on the terms in which it is framed. But
+ he may be certain that we shall answer it not only with the desire
+ of cultivating to the utmost possible extent our good relations
+ with France, but also with the aim of making his own personal task
+ more easy, as far as it is in our power to contribute to that
+ result.
+
+ The matter to which he has called your attention, as he did
+ ours at Berlin, was difficult to make the subject of binding
+ assurances, because the contingencies under which those assurances
+ would receive a practical application are difficult to foresee.
+
+ If France occupied Tunis to-morrow, we should not even
+ remonstrate. But to promise that publicly would be a little
+ difficult, because we must avoid giving away other people's
+ property without their consent, and also because it is no business
+ of ours to pronounce beforehand on the considerations which Italy
+ would probably advance upon that subject. In the same way, with
+ respect to Egypt, we have stated distinctly more than once that we
+ do not entertain any intention of occupying it; and that statement
+ we are perfectly willing to renew. But, having done that, and
+ having expressed our anxiety to work with France in Egypt, we
+ have said as much as would be seemly or possible. We can hardly
+ pledge the Khedive as to what he means to do, without in reality
+ assuming a voice in his concerns which we do not, according to any
+ international right, possess.
+
+ These considerations make me rather anxious that M. Waddington
+ in his proposed despatch should avoid putting categorical questions
+ which we might not be able to answer precisely as he wishes,
+ and yet which we could not avoid answering without seeming to
+ exhibit precisely that coolness which he very properly and justly
+ deprecates, and any appearance of which we are as anxious as he is
+ to avoid. I think that his despatch--if I might suggest it--would
+ more properly take the form of a statement, in general terms, of
+ the territorial points on the African coast in which France takes
+ an interest, leaving us to make such assurances as we think we can
+ properly give, and which we will certainly make as cordial as we
+ can.
+
+ To French influence in Egypt we do not offer any objection;
+ and we have never taken any step calculated to oust it. But any
+ detailed engagements as to questions of administration could
+ not be taken without imprudence; for each step must be taken as
+ the necessity for it arises. The two great points are to keep
+ the Khedive on the throne, and to get the financial obligations
+ satisfied. For these objects, the two countries will, I hope,
+ co-operate heartily.
+
+ I am a little anxious as to the form he gives his despatch,
+ for if he makes it too peremptory, he may produce that very
+ appearance of estrangement which it is our common object to avoid.
+
+ I will write to you more fully about the Newfoundland
+ Fisheries when I have had time to study the papers. My
+ conversations with him have put me fully in possession of the
+ French case. I am not so certain that I know all the points of the
+ English case.
+
+An opportunity fortunately occurred of conciliating one personage who
+might have given a great deal of trouble, and afforded an instance of
+the influence which can occasionally be brought to bear upon advanced
+democrats when judiciously applied.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, July 21, 1878.
+
+ The Prince of Wales leaves Paris for London to-night. As his
+ arrival at Paris to attend the English concerts at the Exhibition
+ had been publicly announced, I did not think that it would be
+ advisable that it should be postponed, but I have been a little
+ nervous about it. So far however there has been no contretemps, and
+ the visit has been politically useful.
+
+ The Prince invited Gambetta to breakfast with him yesterday.
+ It was His Royal Highness's own idea, but I thought it judicious.
+ I have not the least doubt that if the Prince of Wales had not
+ been civil to Gambetta, the Russian Embassy would have asked any
+ Grand Duke who came here to show him particular attention, in order
+ to bring him over to Russia. The success of such a manoeuvre has I
+ think been effectually guarded against.
+
+ Gambetta appears to have spoken to the Prince strongly in
+ favour of an alliance between France and England--to have declared
+ himself more or less reconciled to the Convention of June 4th--and
+ to have spoken in the most disparaging terms, not so much of the
+ Foreign Policy of Russia, as of the institutions, the Government,
+ and the administration of that country. I hear from other quarters
+ that Gambetta was extremely pleased with the interview. I am
+ assured also that the Prince of Wales acquitted himself with great
+ skill. The Prince thought, and so did I, that it was better that
+ I should not be at the breakfast. The Embassy was represented by
+ Sheffield. The occasion of the invitation to Gambetta was his
+ having been very obliging and useful in matters connected with the
+ Exhibition.
+
+ To-day Waddington met the Prince of Wales at luncheon at the
+ Embassy.
+
+ So far, then, things look well, but I am assured the calm
+ does not extend far below the surface. Gambetta has the southern
+ temperament, and his language is a good deal influenced by the
+ impression of the moment. He has postponed, but he has not really
+ given up, his attack on Waddington. He will still, if he continues
+ in his present mood, try to turn him out in October, when the
+ Chambers reassemble.
+
+ The thing which would have most effect in reconciling the
+ French to our acquisition and protectorate, would be to make them
+ practically advantageous to the holders of Turkish and Egyptian
+ Bonds.
+
+When M. Waddington eventually presented his despatch, or rather
+despatches, for there were two, they were apparently found
+unobjectionable in tone; but on the ground that the one referring to
+Tunis was not 'couched in more diplomatic language,' it was suggested to
+him that he should rewrite it in language more suitable for publication
+subsequently; this he declined to do, but promised not to publish it at
+all. The chief object presumably of these communications was: in the
+first place to obtain assurances from England with regard to Egypt,
+and in the second place to make Lord Salisbury's statement about Tunis
+appear as an invitation to the French to appropriate that country. M.
+Waddington, quite naturally, did not wish it to be thought that he had
+come back empty handed from Berlin at a time when the Great Christian
+Powers were helping themselves liberally at the Turk's expense.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ July 24, 1878.
+
+ Waddington's two despatches were left with me yesterday. They
+ are very friendly in tone and will not, I think, be difficult to
+ answer. The answers however must be delayed some days, as the
+ Cabinet does not meet till Saturday.
+
+ Intermediately, I demur a little to the quotations that he
+ makes from my conversation. The general tenor is quite accurate,
+ but his vivacious French by no means renders the tone of my
+ communication, and what is of more importance, to the rights and
+ claims of other Powers, Turkey and Italy especially. What I told
+ him was that if a state of things should arise in which there was
+ no other obstacle to his occupying Tunis but our objection, that
+ objection would not be made. I made the observation for the purpose
+ of showing him that we had no Mediterranean aspirations--and did
+ not desire to disturb the balance of power in that sea. Our eyes
+ were bent wholly on the East. But he makes me talk of Tunis and
+ Carthage as if they had been my own personal property and I was
+ making him a liberal wedding present.
+
+ I do not know whether he will be inclined to put his
+ quotations from my conversations into a more general form. I think
+ it will save the possibility of misunderstanding later; and will
+ also dispense with the necessity of a correction on my part, as he
+ has reported the general drift and terms of my observations with
+ perfect fidelity.
+
+The reception of the Anglo-Turkish Convention in France may be said to
+have been the first of a series of difficulties which unfortunately
+impaired the relations between France and England during many years,
+but which have now happily almost entirely disappeared. The irritation
+aroused in France was completely unjustified, and almost incapable of
+explanation, unless the secrecy which surrounded the negotiation of the
+Convention may be considered an adequate cause. No French interests were
+prejudicially affected; and the maintenance of secrecy really relieved
+France from a considerable difficulty, for a premature disclosure might
+have prevented the participation of France in the Congress; but oddly
+enough, the Anglo-Turkish Convention appeared to be the only matter
+relating to the Congress in which the French took any interest, and
+so much indignation did some patriots show that it was even seriously
+suggested that by way of inflicting a surprise upon England, France
+should seize Chios, or Rhodes, or Crete. In fact, at one time, Crete
+appeared to possess considerably greater attractions than Tunis, in
+spite of the latter's proximity to Algeria.
+
+Probably the real explanation of this display of temper was that the
+French felt their strength to be returning, and were in no mood to
+put up with what they erroneously considered to be a slight, whether
+intentional or unintentional.
+
+One frantic jeremiad from Constantinople over the Treaty of Berlin may
+be quoted before the subject is dismissed. Layard, who had been already
+greatly scandalized by the publication of the Anglo-Russian agreement,
+wrote:--
+
+ What do you think of the Treaty of Berlin? It appears to
+ me that if ever an apple of discord was thrown amongst nations,
+ this is the one. I see in it the elements of future wars and
+ disorders without number, and an upsetting of all the principles
+ of justice and right which have hitherto governed the relations
+ and intercourse of states. Force and fraud have triumphed, and
+ when Turkey has been completely destroyed and cut up under the new
+ system, it will probably be applied with similar successful results
+ to other countries. Russia has gained, with the assistance of
+ Germany, all and more than she wanted, and the interests of England
+ and of other Powers were sacrificed in order to enable Bismarck
+ to recruit his beery stomach by drinking some mineral waters.
+ It is all very well to sit round a green table and to cut up an
+ Empire on a map. It is a very different thing to put what has been
+ so easily settled into execution. I anticipate no end of trouble
+ and bloodshed for years to come in this unhappy country. We have
+ not yet recovered here from the effect of the publication of the
+ unfortunate memorandum which so completely destroyed the great and
+ commanding position that we had acquired.
+
+There is not much here about Peace with Honour.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 17: Jan. 7, 1876.]
+
+[Footnote 18: Jan. 24, 1877.]
+
+[Footnote 19: Nobiling's attempt to assassinate the German Emperor.]
+
+[Footnote 20: Now Viscount Knollys.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+M. GREVY'S PRESIDENCY
+
+(1878-1879)
+
+
+The event in 1878 which aroused more interest in France than the Berlin
+Congress or anything else, was the holding of the great Exhibition
+in Paris, which not only demonstrated to the world the recovery of
+France from the disasters of 1870-71, but had the beneficial effect
+of improving Anglo-French relations. It was universally acknowledged
+that nothing had contributed more to the success of the Exhibition
+than the hearty co-operation given from first to last by England, and
+in this connection the services rendered by the Prince of Wales were
+of conspicuous value. His Royal Highness had come to Paris early in
+the year to press forward the preparations of the British section; he
+was present at each important phase of the Exhibition; he attended
+unremittingly at the office of the British Royal Commission, and was
+assiduous in transacting business there with the French Exhibition
+authorities as well as with the British and Colonial Commissioners and
+exhibitors. These visible proofs of the Prince's interest in their great
+undertaking were by no means lost upon the French, and the judgment and
+tact which he displayed, whenever opportunities arose for impressing
+upon the French people the cordial feeling entertained by himself and
+by his country towards France, produced an excellent political effect.
+
+The Exhibition naturally threw upon the Embassy an immense amount of
+extra labour, consisting largely of social work, and one of the most
+brilliant social functions of the year was a ball at the British Embassy
+attended by the Prince and Princess of Wales, at which the various
+hostile sections of the French political world met, on that occasion
+only, in temporary harmony.
+
+The general success of the Exhibition and the prominence of English
+participation inspired Queen Victoria with the desire to pay a very
+private visit to Paris, accompanied by Princess Beatrice and a small
+suite, towards the beginning of August. So anxious was she to maintain
+secrecy that the only person in England to whom her intention was
+confided, was Lord Beaconsfield, and Lord Lyons was enjoined not to say
+a word about it to any one, but to inform her confidentially whether she
+could visit the Exhibition without being mobbed; whether the heat was
+likely to be intense; and whether there was any danger to be apprehended
+from Socialists--the term Socialist doubtless including, in the Royal
+vocabulary, Anarchists, Terrorists, and Revolutionaries in general.
+Incidentally, too, she expressed a wish to hear the Ambassador's opinion
+of the Treaty of Berlin.
+
+Lord Lyons answered the first queries satisfactorily, but it was
+characteristic of him that, even to his sovereign, he declined to commit
+himself to an opinion on the policy of his official chief. 'Lord Lyons
+was always of opinion that Your Majesty's Representative at the Congress
+should be a Cabinet Minister, and he rejoiced very much when he heard
+that Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury had been appointed. He has no
+detailed or authentic information of the proceedings of the Congress,
+but so far as he can judge at present, he has every hope that the
+results will be satisfactory to Your Majesty.'
+
+A long series of letters followed, and after much hesitation, the
+Queen finally abandoned her intention, the prospect of hot weather
+apparently proving to be too great a deterrent. One singular incident in
+the correspondence, which was conducted with much secrecy, was that a
+letter from Lord Lyons went all the way to New York before reaching its
+destination at Balmoral--an error for which some one presumably suffered.
+
+During the autumn and winter of 1878, constant discussions took
+place between the English and French Governments on the subject of
+questions connected with Egypt and Tunis, and it was again thought
+at one time that a French _coup_ was in contemplation as a reply to
+the Anglo-Turkish Convention. The New Year was signalized by the
+denunciation of the Commercial Treaty. In announcing this intelligence,
+Lord Lyons said that his only surprise was that the existing Treaty had
+lasted so long, and that he did not consider it advisable to make any
+attempt to conceal annoyance about it. The treaty of 1860 had been made
+from political motives, and our best chance of being decently treated
+commercially lay in the dislike of the French to placing themselves on
+bad terms with us. 'This is the policy Gambetta avows. As for any Free
+Trade feeling in France, that is absolutely a broken reed for us to lean
+upon.'
+
+In January, 1879, senatorial elections took place which resulted in
+large Republican gains, and it seemed probable that the existing
+Moderate Ministry might not last much longer. It was generally expected
+that when the Chambers met, there would be a great struggle on the
+part of the advanced Left for all the lucrative and important posts,
+and there were the usual fears of mob rule which prevailed whenever
+a partial or entire change of Ministry was imminent. The prospect
+of losing Waddington as Foreign Minister drew from Lord Salisbury a
+characteristic expression of regret: 'I suppose M. Waddington is likely
+to be a transitory phenomenon, if the papers are to be believed. I am
+sorry for it; for he suits us much better than some converted Legitimist
+with an historic name, whose policy I suppose will be a compound of
+Louis XIV. and 1791.'
+
+Waddington was not to go yet, however, and Lord Lyons complained that
+he made his life a burden to him in connection with the proceedings
+of the British Consul General at Tunis--an aged official who did not
+view the spirited French policy there with any friendly eye, and whose
+removal the French Government ardently desired. As a general massacre of
+aged official innocents was contemplated shortly by the British Foreign
+Office, a somewhat ignominious compromise was offered in the shape of
+an early retirement of this particular official under an age limit. The
+French intentions with regard to Tunis had by this time become quite
+evident, and the unfortunate Bey found it extremely difficult to prevent
+excuses being found for active intervention in the shape of naval
+demonstrations and so forth; it being well known that Marshal MacMahon
+and other military men were extremely eager to annex the country at the
+first opportunity.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, Jan. 14, 1879.
+
+ I should be very sorry to do anything disagreeable to the
+ French with regard to Tunis. It is the place about which they are
+ most susceptible at this moment, and the irritation they would feel
+ at any interference with them there, would overpower, at all events
+ for the time, all considerations of the general advantages of being
+ well with England.
+
+ When I said that I saw no reason for hiding any displeasure we
+ might feel at the denunciation of the Commercial Treaties and at
+ the manner in which it was done, I meant that we should not abstain
+ from direct expressions of dissatisfaction at the thing itself.
+
+ My notion is that if we take it too quietly, the
+ Protectionists will be able to make the Chambers believe that they
+ can do what they like about the Tariff, and need not fear any
+ resentment from England. I think that if it can be managed, it
+ will be advisable to put it out of the power of the ministers to
+ say that the denunciation has been well received by the English
+ Government, and has produced no bad impression upon it. In order to
+ effect this, I should be glad that something unmistakable on the
+ point should be said in a written communication. If, as I suppose,
+ Montebello's[21] answer to your note declares that the intention
+ is to denounce the Treaties one and all, then the rejoinder which
+ you must make in order to _prendre acte_ of the denunciation
+ would afford a natural opportunity of expressing annoyance and
+ apprehension. This is what was in my mind when I wrote.
+
+ There are many members in the Chamber who would deprecate
+ anything likely to produce coolness between France and England,
+ and it is not desirable to leave the Protectionists the means
+ of asserting that there is no danger that a restrictive tariff
+ would do this. But the feeling is a vague one, and it would be
+ weakened by endeavours to define it sharply, or to appeal to it too
+ pointedly.
+
+ Gambetta holds that the true policy of France is to cultivate
+ the friendship of England and not to loosen the tie of France upon
+ her by instructions injurious to her commerce. He is in particular
+ very much afraid of the feeling in favour of the Empire which would
+ be revived in the wine-growing districts, if under the Republic the
+ English wine duties became less favourable to French wines.
+
+ The game of the Protectionists is to put the duties in the
+ general tariff as high as they dare, without provoking retaliation;
+ and the general tariff once passed, to declare that it is the
+ latest expression of the will of the country, and that the
+ Government has no right to relax it by treaty, unless by way of
+ barter, in return for great concessions made to France.
+
+ In the mean time matters may possibly in some measure
+ be modified, as regards commercial policy by changes in the
+ Government, but the modification in this respect would scarcely be
+ very great.
+
+ The 'groups,' as they are called, of the Left have been
+ endeavouring to get the ministers to negotiate with them before
+ the Chambers met. They want, now the Chambers have met, to reduce
+ the Ministers to absolute dependence on Parliamentary Committees.
+ The Ministers are acting properly and constitutionally. They
+ decline to be dictated to by groups and committees, and they intend
+ to announce their programme from the Tribune, and to call for a
+ vote of confidence or want of confidence, from both Chambers.
+ Waddington, when I saw him yesterday, was very confident of
+ success. They have found it necessary to sacrifice the Minister
+ of War, who, among other defects was entirely inefficient in the
+ Tribune, but Waddington did not anticipate any other changes in the
+ Cabinet. He said that Gambetta had promised the Government his full
+ and cordial support.
+
+ To pass from Paris, or rather from Versailles to
+ Constantinople, I will give you for what it may be worth, a story
+ which has been brought to the Embassy by a person who has sometimes
+ shown himself to be well informed with regard to what is passing
+ at the Porte. He affirms that a compact has been made between
+ Khaireddin and Osman Pashas to dethrone Sultan Abdul Hamid and set
+ aside the Othman family altogether as effete and half insane. This
+ being done, a member of a family established at Konia is, according
+ to my informant, to be declared Sultan.
+
+ I have often heard of the Konia family as having a sort of
+ pretention to the throne, as descending from Seljuk Sultans or some
+ other dynasty overthrown by Othman or his successors.
+
+ Abdul Hamid does not generally leave his Grand Viziers in
+ office long enough for them to be able to mature a 'conspiracy
+ against him.'
+
+In January a prolonged struggle took place between the Ministry and the
+Left, chiefly over the burning question of Government officials, and
+the alleged unwillingness to introduce really Republican measures; and
+before the end of the month Marshal MacMahon and his Prime Minister,
+M. Dufaure tendered their resignations. It was well known that the
+Marshal was anxious to take this course, and he followed the advice of
+his friends in choosing, as his reason for resigning, his inability
+to concur in a measure which deprived some officers of high rank of
+their military commands. When, therefore, he was confronted with the
+alternative of signing the decree removing his old companions in arms,
+or of resigning himself, he replied that Ministers would have to look
+out for another President, and M. Grevy, a comparatively moderate
+Liberal, was elected in his place by a large majority. The 'transitory
+phenomenon,' M. Waddington, however, remained in office and indeed
+became head of a new Administration, but it was felt that this
+arrangement was merely temporary. Power had really passed into the hands
+of Gambetta, and although he contented himself, for the time being, with
+the Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies, there was nothing to prevent
+him from establishing himself in office, whenever he should think that
+the opportune moment had arrived; since, unlike the Speakership in
+England, the Presidency of the Chamber is looked upon in France as the
+road to the highest Ministerial rank.
+
+In consequence of the election of a new President of the Republic in
+the person of M. Grevy, the question arose as to whether the Foreign
+Representatives should receive fresh credentials, and the action of
+Prince Bismarck in this connection caused fresh discord amongst leading
+French politicians. When M. Waddington was at Berlin, he had made a
+very favourable impression upon the Chancellor, and as he himself
+subsequently informed me, Bismarck had taken great pains to be civil
+to him, and to manifest that especial confidence which takes the form
+of abusing other people--notably Prince Gortschakoff. He now took the
+opportunity to inform M. Waddington that he entertained such remarkable
+esteem for him, that he had advised the Emperor to dispense with any new
+letter of credence, a proceeding which infuriated Gambetta and disposed
+him to upset Waddington at an early date. 'Altogether there seems an
+impression,' wrote Lord Lyons, 'that the new Ministry will not last
+long. Gambetta does not like either Grevy or Waddington. Waddington has
+yet to show that he has the staff of a Prime Minister in him. He has
+not hitherto been a very ready or a very effective speaker. He is
+even said to have a slight English accent in speaking French. I don't
+believe any one ever perceived this who did not know beforehand that he
+had had an English education. But this English education certainly has
+had the effect of preventing him having exactly French modes of thought
+and French ways, and thus he is not always completely in tune with the
+feelings of his hearers in Parliament.'
+
+[Illustration: _J Russell & Sons, Phot._
+
+_William Henry Waddington_
+
+LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD]
+
+It was a common charge made against the late M. Waddington by his
+opponents that he spoke French with an English, and English with a
+French accent. As a matter of fact, he was a perfect specimen of a
+bilinguist, and would have passed as a native of either nation.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Feb. 11, 1879.
+
+ Fournier's[22] vagaries are becoming very dangerous, but we
+ are in a state of anarchy here. The Ministry is composed in general
+ of men of respectable character and respectable abilities; but
+ there is no one of them who has hitherto obtained any great hold
+ on the Chambers or on the country. Their proper game would be to
+ try and form a Liberal-Conservative party of the Centre Gauche,
+ the Centre Droit, and the Gauche Republicaine, with whose support
+ and that of the country at large, they might keep the Ultra Reds
+ in check. Hitherto they have not shown that there is stuff enough
+ in them for this, but then they have hardly had a chance. They
+ have made a weak compromise on the Amnesty Question, but if they
+ get a good majority on that question, they might start afresh and
+ show what is in them. So far they are looked upon by most people
+ as warming pans for Gambetta and his followers: and I have been
+ assured that some of the French Representatives abroad do not
+ hesitate to communicate with Gambetta behind Waddington's back.
+
+ I must confess that, contrary to my wont, I am rather gloomy
+ about the state of things here. The relaxation of the efficiency
+ of the police is undeniable. This was one of the symptoms of the
+ decay of the Empire. The Gendarmerie is being tampered with. Recent
+ measures seem to increase the opportunities for disturbances, and
+ diminish the means of dealing with them. I do not see where, in
+ the present Government, resistance to disorder is to come from in
+ an emergency. But I will not croak. Waddington and his colleagues
+ may steady themselves in office and restore authority yet, but they
+ have not much time to lose.
+
+ Waddington would be the safest Minister we could have in
+ Eastern Affairs, if he made his subordinates abroad obey him.
+ Gambetta might be more friendly in commercial matters and more
+ ready to be an active ally in the East, but he would expect a
+ recompense in the West, and might be a dangerous friend who would
+ require careful 'watching.'
+
+Poor M. Waddington's prospects were not improved by a trivial but
+untoward incident in the Chamber. In the course of one of his first
+speeches as Prime Minister 'a great deal of laughter is said to have
+been produced by his dropping some of the sheets of his written speech
+over the edge of the Tribune, and having to wait till they were picked
+up'--an incident which serves to show the more generous spirit of the
+British politician, since a recent Prime Minister was in the habit of
+delivering soul-stirring orations by the same method, without evoking
+any disrespectful criticism on the part of his opponents.
+
+Towards the end of February a crisis in Egypt rendered it necessary for
+the British and French Governments to have recourse to joint action for
+the purpose of protecting their interests.
+
+As the result of a Commission of Inquiry in 1878, the Khedive Ismail,
+who had long boasted that Egypt was practically a European state,
+accepted the position of a Constitutional Ruler, with Nubar Pasha as
+his Prime Minister, Mr. Rivers Wilson[23] as Minister of Finance, and a
+Frenchman, M. de Blignieres, as Minister of Public Works. It was in the
+highest degree improbable that a man of his intriguing and ambitious
+character would submit permanently to any such restraint, and before
+long he succeeded in working upon the disaffection of those persons
+whose privileges were threatened or affected by European control, to
+such an extent that, by organizing a military riot, he was able to force
+Nubar Pasha to resign on February 20, 1879. At the same time he demanded
+much greater powers for himself, including the right to preside over the
+Cabinet, and to have all measures submitted to his approval--demands
+which were strongly resisted by his European Ministers, who invoked the
+support of their Governments.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 21, 1879.
+
+ I have just received your telegram announcing your concurrence
+ in Waddington's draft instructions to Cairo, and I shall
+ communicate it to him forthwith.
+
+ Waddington seemed quite firm on the point of not allowing
+ the Khedive to resume his personal power, and would no doubt be
+ ready to join in any practical steps for that purpose; but in
+ the meantime it may be feared that His Highness is consolidating
+ his resumption of power. Waddington looks upon the whole affair
+ as a simple manoevre of the Khedive to upset the new system of
+ government. It does not in fact seem likely that so arrant a
+ coward would have risked his own precious person, if he had not
+ had a pretty good understanding with the rioters. Public opinion
+ in France would, I think, support Waddington in taking strong
+ measures. There does not seem to be any one but Nubar of position
+ enough to be a Prime Minister of any independence; Waddington
+ seemed fully aware that if the Khedive is present at the council of
+ Ministers, no Egyptian Minister will open his lips.
+
+ Godeaux telegraphed last night that order having been
+ restored, the presence of a ship of war at Alexandria might not be
+ necessary, but Waddington thought on the contrary that it would
+ be 'essential in order to produce a salutary impression on the
+ Khedive, and keep him in some check.'
+
+Nubar Pasha was regarded as English and anti-French, and his fall was,
+therefore, received at Paris with some degree of complacency; but the
+feeling was not sufficiently strong to make the Government hold out
+against his restoration to office, should that be considered necessary
+for the purpose of checking the Khedive, and the tendency was to make
+no suggestions and to wait for the lead of England, it being understood
+that both Governments were resolved not to consent to any change of the
+political system in Egypt.
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ March 1, 1879.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ As to Egypt, I gather from your telegram to-day that
+ Waddington looks on our message to Vivian[24] as in the nature of
+ an ultimatum, and he is puzzled what we are to do next if it should
+ be rejected. We do not in the least look on it as an ultimatum, and
+ it is not so phrased. We may well receive either from the Khedive
+ or the Agents some alternative proposal which may be discussed,
+ and perhaps hammered into an acceptable arrangement at least for
+ a time. But in any case our position cannot be worse here than if
+ we had acquiesced at once in the results of the conspiracy against
+ Nubar; while the chances are that it will enable us to arrive at
+ some plan for partially curbing the Khedive, which at all events
+ shall partially disguise the check we have undoubtedly received.
+ The causes are obscure. It is evident there has been imprudence. I
+ wish I could be quite satisfied there has been perfect loyalty.
+
+Writing a day or two later, Lord Salisbury explained that he was in some
+difficulty, as Mr. Vivian and Mr. Rivers Wilson held different opinions.
+The former wanted to conciliate the Khedive by not forcing upon him the
+restoration of Nubar, while Mr. Rivers Wilson strongly insisted upon his
+return. Lord Salisbury himself was inclined to the latter course because
+'otherwise the Khedive will be like a horse who has succeeded in beating
+his rider, and will never be safe for that rider to mount again,' but
+eventually decided against it. From the following letter it looks as
+if the retirement of the hapless British Representative at Tunis was
+intended as a peace offering to the cause of Anglo-French joint action
+in Egypt.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ March 6, 1879.
+
+ It is better always to get the credit of one's good actions,
+ which are naturally few. Will you kindly tell M. Waddington in the
+ most unofficial way in the world that----having returned himself as
+ 67 years of age (he entered the service 55 years ago, and therefore
+ must have begun his public labours at a precocious age) we have
+ suppressed the Consulate General of Tunis, and that there will
+ henceforth be a man on reduced salary, a consul or agent, after the
+ close of this month.
+
+ I think the French will find difficulties enough with Italy if
+ they ever try to increase their influence in Tunis; but that is no
+ affair of ours. We have hot water enough elsewhere without desiring
+ to boil any in Tunis.
+
+ One good turn deserves another, and I hope Waddington will
+ feel himself bound to keep his agents from Anglophobia in Turkey.
+
+ The Egyptian compromise will do very well for the time. It
+ seems doubtful whether Nubar is worth anything now. An Oriental
+ does not easily pluck up a spirit when he has once been beaten, and
+ Nubar is reported to have told friends in England that he knew that
+ whenever the Khedive had done with him there was a cup of coffee
+ waiting for him.
+
+The compromise referred to took the form of a new Egyptian Ministry
+containing the two English and French representatives, and nominally
+presided over by the Khedive's eldest son, Prince Tewfik. The
+experiment, however, of trying to keep a Ministry in office in spite of
+the opposition of the chief of the State did not last long, for in April
+the irrepressible Khedive dismissed his Ministers and installed Cherif
+Pasha as Prime Minister. This spirited action caused M. Waddington
+much perplexity, as he did not believe that French public opinion
+would allow him to take a slap in the face quietly from the Khedive.
+The French bondholders were too influential to think of throwing them
+over, and then there was the Credit Foncier, a more or less Government
+establishment, which no French Government could allow to come to grief.
+There was a keen desire to maintain the concert between England and
+France on Egyptian affairs, but if the bondholders suspected that
+England was likely to be lukewarm on their behalf, there was a strong
+probability that the French Government might be forced to act alone
+in the enforcement of French claims. Lord Salisbury on his side was
+naturally reluctant to be identified with the bondholders' cause.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ April 10, 1879.
+
+ I see by your telegrams which have arrived to-day that M.
+ Waddington suggests as a means of coercion against the Khedive that
+ MM. Rothschild should refuse to pay him the balance of the loan.
+ Mr. Rivers Wilson had made the same suggestion to the Baron. But
+ the latter, in a message sent yesterday through his son, repudiated
+ any idea of such a proceeding as dishonourable, and attributed the
+ suggestion to momentary excitement.
+
+ With respect to the second idea, the only question is whether
+ the Sultan will ever summon up courage to take such a step, and
+ if he does, whether he can enforce it. If it can be done quite
+ smoothly, _perhaps_ it would be the best course; but I speak with
+ some doubt.
+
+ It may be quite tolerable and even agreeable to the French
+ Government to go into partnership with the bondholders; or rather
+ to act as sheriffs' officer for them. But to us it is a new and
+ very embarrassing sensation. Egypt never can prosper so long as
+ some 25 per cent. of her revenue goes in paying interest on her
+ debt. We have no wish to part company with France: still less do we
+ mean that France should acquire in Egypt any special ascendency;
+ but subject to these two considerations I should be glad to be free
+ of the companionship of the bondholders.
+
+M. Waddington's 'second idea' evidently referred to the deposing of the
+Khedive by means of the Sultan; but his difficulty lay in the old French
+jealousy of the Porte exercising influence over the internal affairs
+of Egypt, and during the reign of Sultan Abdul Aziz the consequence of
+that influence had certainly been a constant drain of money from Cairo
+to Constantinople. One suggestion was that the Sultan should summon the
+Khedive to come to Constantinople to do homage, a ceremony which he
+had never yet performed, and a refusal to obey would have made him a
+rebel in the Sultan's eyes; but the objection to this course was that
+the Khedive might, if he went, take large sums of money with him and so
+propitiate his suzerain.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ April 16, 1879.
+
+ Waddington's policy is not very intelligible. I suppose it
+ is a compromise between a sense of the danger of doing anything
+ strong, and of the necessity of satisfying the Credit Foncier.
+ In the despatch which you will receive we have done our best to
+ accommodate ourselves to Waddington's view, without taking up a
+ wholly untenable position.
+
+ There is one thing which it is necessary not to forget, though
+ I could not mention it in the despatch. We have very different
+ audiences to please; and though we may agree upon the actual
+ intimation to be given to the Khedive and the Sultan respectively,
+ the argument leading up to those communications cannot in both
+ cases be precisely the same. We must lay stress on separate points,
+ and the argument derived from the Khedive's application for a
+ European Minister must be treated differently by the two Powers,
+ as the circumstances were not similar. We should therefore avoid
+ identic notes, though we may make a concerted representation.
+
+ The communication to the Porte had better be indiscreetly
+ communicated to the Khedive's agent there, who is an intelligent
+ man. It may only result in producing a very heavy payment to the
+ Porte. But that, under existing circumstances, will itself be of
+ advantage.
+
+ I suppose that Waddington means to upset the Ottoman Bank
+ project as a retort for the failure of Tocqueville's.
+
+ What does he think of Martino's share in the recent Egyptian
+ crisis? Italy is likely to be a plague to all of us.
+
+In France there was a violent party, more or less supported by Gambetta,
+which desired to send some energetic Agent to Egypt who would bully
+the Khedive successfully. Unfortunately, such energetic agents were
+extremely likely to quarrel with their British colleagues, whereas M.
+Waddington, who was peaceably disposed, wished to appoint quiet and
+unobtrusive representatives who would work harmoniously, and implicitly
+follow their instructions. There was, however, some excuse for the men
+of action, as a very well-founded suspicion prevailed in Paris that the
+Russians, and even the Germans, were busy at Rome inciting the Italians
+to make trouble for England and France at Cairo. Moreover, Gambetta and
+his friends believed, probably with reason, that the Khedive would never
+have gone so far in defying England and France if he had not felt that
+he was backed up by other Powers, as well as by Italy.
+
+Mr. Vivian, the British agent in Cairo, who had been summoned to London,
+returned to his post at the end of April bearing a note, the gist of
+which was, that the two Governments, in view of the iniquities of the
+Khedive, 'reserved to themselves an entire liberty of appreciation
+and action in defending their interests in Egypt, and in seeking
+the arrangements best calculated to secure the good government and
+prosperity of the country.' In other words, the Khedive was warned that
+he had better be careful; but there was, so far, no hint of deposition.
+
+In Lord Salisbury's letter to Lord Lyons, enclosing a copy of the above
+note, there is an interesting personal opinion on the question of
+governing Orientals by Europeans. 'With all these Oriental populations I
+suspect that the _role_ of Europeans should in the main be confined to
+positions of criticism and control. They can only govern after absolute
+conquest, and then expensively. The difficulty of governing without
+conquest is, of course, enormously increased when two nationalities have
+to be provided for, and two Governments to be consulted.'
+
+The period following the return of Mr. Vivian to his post was marked
+by a violent and entirely unreasonable campaign against England in the
+French press, it being thought, for some unknown reason, that France had
+been abandoned, and M. Waddington took the somewhat unusual course of
+sending a message to Lord Salisbury through Mr. Rivers Wilson, instead
+of communicating in the ordinary manner.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ May 21, 1879.
+
+ On Monday Rivers Wilson sent me word that he had a message
+ to deliver to me from Waddington. Accordingly I asked him to come
+ and see me yesterday to deliver it. It was to the effect that
+ Waddington was willing and anxious to move the Porte to dethrone
+ the Khedive, if England would join in this step. I represented
+ that there were three difficulties. The Sultan might not assent:
+ if he did, the Khedive might not yield. If the latter did yield,
+ the successor might be either feeble or bad, and we should be
+ called upon to support him in one case, and replace him in the
+ other. To the first objection Wilson replied that Waddington had no
+ apprehensions as to the Sultan's consent; to the second he (Wilson)
+ and every person who knew Egypt well, did not doubt that the moment
+ a Firman was issued, the Khedive would fall; as to the third, he
+ could only say that Prince Tewfik was a compendium of the cardinal
+ virtues.
+
+ If Waddington did not communicate his proposal to you, I am
+ obliged to consider what possible motive he could have had for
+ taking this circuitous route, unless he meant to disavow the offer
+ later on. If he says nothing to you about it, it may be worth while
+ to sound him.
+
+ If there were no France in the way, I should be disposed to
+ give no reply to the Khedive's note we received by the last mail,
+ or at least only to say that since the dismissal of the English
+ Minister, the Khedive's finance had become so hopelessly tangled,
+ partly owing to his extravagance, partly to the conflict with
+ other Powers into which the decree of April 22nd has brought him,
+ that we must reserve our judgment with respect to all questions
+ of financial control till the position of affairs had become
+ more intelligible. I think that on some such plea as that we
+ might stand by and look on for a few months till the Khedive
+ has knocked himself to pieces, which he inevitably will do. The
+ fiscal condition is now so hopeless that I am rather grateful to
+ the Khedive for refusing to put it into the hands of an English
+ Minister. I doubt whether any European can now undertake it
+ without discredit, until the country has gone into liquidation.
+ The disproportion between the debt and the revenue--joined to
+ the difficulties which have now been raised by the action of the
+ courts and the attitude of the other Powers, makes effective or
+ even humane government hopeless till there has been a bankruptcy.
+ But then that would not suit a purely Bourse policy like that of
+ France. We must take notice of this difference of the French view,
+ and we may have to modify our policy accordingly; for we cannot
+ allow France to go on alone, and we will not part company with her
+ if we can possibly help it. But in this state of our relative views
+ and wishes, it is already for us to wait, and for her to propose.
+ If left alone, our disposition would be to find an excuse for
+ waiting, and if we move it will be because France is urging us. We
+ should therefore naturally wait till France made a proposal to us,
+ and should be inclined to cross-examine her as to what will be
+ her next move after that, in the various contingencies which may
+ result from the course they propose. I think, however, you might
+ open communications by mentioning, quite unofficially, how much
+ pain the articles in the _Republique Francaise_ and the _Debuts_
+ have given us. To ordinary papers we should of course have paid no
+ attention; but one of them is, or was till very recently, edited
+ by a gentleman in the French Foreign Office; the other is in part
+ the property of a Minister. We are utterly unable to understand on
+ what foundation the reproaches rest that we have shown reserves
+ and hesitations in the pursuit of the joint Egyptian policy. On
+ the contrary, if we had occupied towards France the position which
+ Servia occupies towards Russia, our compliance could hardly have
+ been more exact. But this outbreak of causeless wrath justifies us
+ in asking what France wants, and what she complains of.
+
+ You will of course say as much of this, or as much more as
+ you may think wise. But it may be as well to show that we are
+ not insensible to this attempt to work Parliament against us
+ by revelations or communications on matters which the French
+ Government themselves have charged us to treat as confidential.
+
+The attacks on England in the French press were not inspired, as Lord
+Salisbury supposed, by the French Foreign Office, but by Gambetta, who
+desired a strong policy in Egypt and seized the opportunity to fall upon
+Waddington. The latter, however, by this time had made up his mind as to
+what should be done.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, May 22, 1879.
+
+ As you will have seen by my telegram, what Waddington said
+ to me yesterday was, that there appeared to him to be only two
+ alternatives with regard to the Egyptian question--to depose the
+ Khedive or to establish a Control. He talked a good deal more
+ about the Control than the deposition; but when I asked him if
+ this meant that the Control was the alternative he preferred, he
+ declined to express any preference for the one or the other. If we
+ are to wait until he has devised measures (and this is what he told
+ me he was about) for establishing an efficacious control we need
+ not fear being called upon to act in a hurry. I quite agree with
+ you that we cannot let France go on alone in Egypt; for if we do,
+ she may go lengths which will produce something a great deal more
+ dangerous than a mere coolness between us. French power and French
+ feeling are very different from what they were some years ago,
+ when the French would have let us do almost anything we chose in
+ Egypt, if we would have taken care of the interests of the French
+ bondholders.
+
+Nothing can be plainer than Lord Salisbury's desire to act in concert
+with France, and to have regard to French interests in Egypt, but the
+constant attacks made upon British policy and the persistent hostility
+of French agents, not only in Egypt, but elsewhere, rendered the task
+anything but easy. Gambetta's hostility was partly due to the fact that
+he was an enthusiastic Phil-Hellene, and considered that not enough was
+being done for Greece in the way of procuring for her accessions of
+territory at the expense of Turkey. It is as well to point out that,
+whereas the Turks had been compelled to cede territory to States with
+which they had been at war, they were at this time being pressed to cede
+territory to Greece because that Power had remained at peace.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ June 6, 1879.
+
+ The recent course of the French newspapers which have the
+ credit of being inspired by Gambetta and Leon Say is certainly a
+ puzzle. Looking over the course of negotiations between us and
+ Waddington on Egypt, I should find it very difficult to say which
+ of the two Governments had pulled the other on, and which had
+ dragged the other back. As far as any important negotiations go,
+ I should say that we had been a shade more in favour of active
+ measures than the other side. The two newspapers in question
+ are evidently well informed; and therefore their assumption
+ that we have prevented the French from acting must be put on
+ for a purpose; what purpose it is difficult to say. The most
+ obvious solution--bearing in mind the English friendships of the
+ two statesmen concerned--is that the whole movement is meant
+ to operate on English internal politics, and not on European
+ politics at all: and this view is supported by the use which has
+ actually been made of the controversy here. The incident is common
+ enough in diplomatic history: but it has always been bitterly
+ resented by the Government which is the subject of that species
+ of attack. But in this case there is some doubt as to how far
+ Waddington is implicated. Nothing is more difficult to deal with
+ than a 'Marionette Government,' because the marionettes are not
+ responsible, and you cannot get at the man who pulls the strings.
+ There is one spot in the diplomatic battlefield--almost the only
+ one--where we have been exposed to risk, and have consequently
+ been anxious--the Balkan Peninsula: and on this we have been
+ systematically opposed by France. Ring, Coutouly and Fournier have
+ played us every kind of trick. But all the time, nothing could
+ have been more unexceptionable than Waddington's language and
+ instructions. So it is with this newspaper warfare. The secondary
+ agents, who are popularly supposed to act from inspiration are
+ undisguisedly hostile. Waddington's demeanour all the time is
+ imperturbably friendly. Is it helplessness, or bad faith? The
+ question is one of considerable practical importance: for if we are
+ to measure the co-operation of France by the action of Fournier and
+ Gambetta, we shall do wisely to retire, gently but effectually,
+ from a perilous partnership. And it is impossible to ignore this
+ aspect of the case in considering the precise line to be pursued in
+ the two pending questions of Greece and Egypt.
+
+ Our object in Egypt, ever since we promised some four years
+ ago not to take it, is to see that our own interests are not
+ injured and that French interests receive adequate, but not
+ excessive consideration. If, however, Gambetta means mischief, it
+ may be wise for us to seek the protection of English interests
+ only, and leave the French to take care of themselves. This would
+ be done by pushing forward the other Powers. Their interference
+ would be fatal to Egyptian solvency, and consequently to
+ French bondholders. But it would be as fatal a bar to French
+ preponderance as the plan of duplicating all appointments, and
+ as none of these great Powers are naval, we could look after
+ the Canal just as easily if they were masters in Egypt, as
+ under the present Anglo-French system. If the French are really
+ friends, the Anglo-French system may be maintained in spite of
+ many inconveniences in order to cement that friendship. But if
+ Gambetta and Fournier are to be taken as the directing force in
+ French politics, the Anglo-French system is merely a make-believe,
+ and will only draw us into a succession of crises in which we
+ shall probably be outwitted. This dilemma merits very careful
+ consideration. Greece is a less important and more transitory
+ affair. In order to avoid division in the Congress we went rather
+ further than we thought quite wise; and we have no wish to go
+ further still. Of course, abstractedly, it would be much better
+ that all the Hellenic populations should be under a Hellenic ruler.
+ But Turkey is still a fact of which account must be taken; and the
+ danger of Turkey resisting is very serious. The fact that Greece
+ has not won this territory as prize of war, nor earned it as the
+ consideration of any service done, but is to gain it merely by her
+ skill in singing diplomatic dithyrambics, appears to irritate the
+ Turks intensely. It is not our present policy to adopt a course
+ which shall induce the Sultan to listen to the Russian proposals
+ which are so freely placed before him. We would not therefore,
+ in any case, take a leading part in pressing the cession on him.
+ But we doubt extremely the wisdom of exciting anew the Moslem
+ fanaticism, by demanding a town to which the Albanians attach so
+ much importance as Janina. However, in this question we should
+ have been a good deal influenced by the wishes of France, if we
+ could have thought that by exalting the influence of Fournier we
+ were strengthening a friend. But can we do so?
+
+There was, in reality, no foundation for Lord Salisbury's suspicions
+that Gambetta and his allies were seeking to interfere in British
+internal politics. The objectionable articles were written under an
+erroneous impression that France had been outwitted, and that Mr.
+Vivian, in pursuance of secret instructions from his Government, was
+working for the failure of the joint Anglo-French administration in
+Egypt and for the establishment of exclusive British influence. But as
+the attacks in the French press mainly took the form of abusing England
+for not agreeing to energetic proposals made by the French Government,
+it was a legitimate grievance against M. Waddington that he never took
+any steps whatever to contradict this perfectly baseless accusation.
+As for the conduct of French agents who were continually intriguing
+against their English colleagues, it is probable that M. Waddington was
+able to exercise little or no control over them, and it has already
+been mentioned that some of them were in the habit of corresponding
+directly with Gambetta behind the back of their official chief. Lord
+Lyons, who naturally was anxious to make things as easy for the French
+as possible, recommended that the vanity and susceptibility of French
+diplomatists abroad and of the public at home, should be studied as
+much as possible, since there was a universal feeling that France was
+now too strong to play a secondary part anywhere, and that sacrifices
+on our part were preferable to allowing her to throw herself into the
+arms of Russia. Lord Salisbury therefore persevered in the difficult
+task of endeavouring to co-operate cordially with the French Government,
+and M. Waddington applied himself to elaborating the scheme of Dual
+Control which was eventually adopted. Meanwhile it had become apparent
+that, in order to obtain anything like a successful result, the Khedive
+Ismail must be got rid of somehow, a course which was urged not only by
+Gambetta, but by the French Agent at Cairo. Joint efforts were made by
+the French and British Agents to induce him to abdicate in favour of
+Prince Tewfik, which were seconded by the representations of Germany
+and Austria; but these were of no avail, and the Gordian knot was
+not cut until the Sultan suddenly intervened on June 26. On that day
+a telegram arrived from Constantinople, deposing Ismail by Imperial
+Irade, and conferring the Government of Egypt upon his eldest son Prince
+Tewfik, who was at once proclaimed Khedive without any disturbance of
+tranquillity.
+
+The action of the Sultan was not only sudden but unexpected, and Lord
+Salisbury at once took steps to assure the French Government that it was
+not due to the instigation of Her Majesty's Government.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ June 26, 1879.
+
+ Pray assure M. Waddington that the Turkish move reported
+ to-day does not proceed in any way from our suggestion. We have
+ only urged in the very strongest terms that the Sultan should not
+ interfere with what we were doing in Cairo. But the Sultan seems to
+ have been perfectly resolved to have a finger in the pie; and as he
+ was not allowed to interfere to save the Khedive, he indemnified
+ himself by interfering to upset him.
+
+ I am not specially in love with the Firman of 1873, which
+ I see the Sultan has revoked. But I am afraid it will annoy
+ Waddington, and therefore I am anxious he should be well convinced
+ we had no hand in it.
+
+ Now it is done, the wisest course we can take is to accept it,
+ and devote our energies to procuring any new Firman that may be
+ necessary to the present state of Egyptian finances. I don't think
+ it will be any great evil if their power of raising armaments is
+ limited. But on all this I should like to have Waddington's opinion.
+
+M. Waddington was a sensible man, and therefore there was no difficulty
+in convincing him that England was not responsible for the Sultan's
+action; but French opinion generally was incredulous, and it was
+believed that the deposition of Ismail was the result of the rivalry at
+Constantinople between the French and British Ambassadors. The latter
+was unjustly suspected of a desire to reduce Egypt to the condition
+of a Turkish Pashalic, and it was obvious that the revocation of the
+Firman indicated the intention of the Sultan to reassert his influence
+over Egypt in a manner which French policy had consistently opposed.
+Although, therefore, the Sultan's action had delivered both England
+and France from a highly embarrassing situation, and had been taken
+at a most opportune moment, it was considered advisable, instead of
+expressing gratitude, to criticise adversely the form of the Imperial
+Irade, and to insist upon the issue of another.
+
+What was, however, of really more essential importance than the somewhat
+remote fear of Turkish interference was the question of how the Dual
+Control was to be effectively established.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ July 7, 1879.
+
+ Our perplexity as to the effect of the Firman has received
+ a rather comical solution. No such Firman exists. An 'Irade' is
+ merely the Sultan's signature; and that was only given to the
+ telegraphic message deposing Ismail. So that the revocation of the
+ Firman of 1873 has not taken place, and the discussion as to the
+ exact meaning of such a revocation seems to be premature. All that
+ we now have to do is to prevent, if we can, any Firman at all being
+ issued to Tewfik, and then every one will be happy.
+
+ Tewfik is resolved to begin the Liquidation at once; and if
+ it be true that interest is rolling up at the rate of L80,000 a
+ month, there is good cause for his desire to hurry it. But the
+ Controllers will hardly be enough. We want to have some hold over
+ the government of Egypt, though we do not want to assume any
+ overt responsibility. The great object seems to me to be to have
+ representatives inside the offices who shall be able to report
+ what the Government are doing to the Agents, and shall be able to
+ give advice to the Government in accordance with the instructions
+ of the Agents. If you have a European Minister, the Agent must
+ be suppressed. I despair of making two talented Englishmen work
+ side by side, without subordinating one to the other; and if we
+ must choose between Agent and Minister as a vehicle of English
+ influence, the former seems to me the easier to work with. He is
+ not quasi-independent, and therefore will obey orders. He occupies
+ a recognized and traditional position and therefore excites no
+ jealousy either among Moslems or other Christian Powers; and he
+ cannot be dismissed; and if his advice is not taken, or applied
+ badly, the country he serves is not in the eyes of the world
+ primarily responsible. The case on the other side is that the
+ European Minister has more power. But has he? What power did Wilson
+ enjoy? The only power Europeans can enjoy at Cairo rests on the
+ fear which their Governments may happen to inspire, and this fear
+ will operate as strongly through an Agent as through a Minister.
+ We do not put European Ministers even into the Governments of
+ dependent Indian Provinces: and there we have, what we cannot have
+ in Egypt for a long time, 'bayonets to sit upon.'
+
+ We have made the mistake in Egypt and elsewhere, of
+ underrating the vitality of the Moslem feeling. I am afraid M.
+ Waddington is doing so with respect to Greece.
+
+Another letter deals further with the question of Control, and contains
+some interesting reflections on moral influence.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ July 15, 1879.
+
+ I am very much of the opinion that the Control should take
+ the form of inspection. It is the only form of Control likely to
+ be effective. Actual authority we cannot exercise. We tried to do
+ it through the European Ministers, but when the stress came, the
+ disbanded officers proved to us that two pairs of arms are not much
+ use against two thousand. The only form of Control we have is that
+ which is called moral influence--which in practice is a combination
+ of menace, objurgation, and worry. In this we are still supreme
+ and have many modes of applying it--diplomatic notes, consular
+ interviews, newspapers, blue books. We must devote ourselves to the
+ perfecting of this weapon. And, obviously, the first condition of
+ its use is complete knowledge of what is going in.
+
+ The exchange, therefore, of nominal authority for real
+ inspectionship is a step in the right direction. It is facing
+ facts. We must exert ourselves to open to these inspectors every
+ avenue of information; and we must have a certain number of
+ sub-inspectors paid by Egypt, who shall travel about, collecting
+ information. It is essential, of course, that these last should
+ know the language.
+
+ The division of the jurisdiction of the two inspectors is
+ a serious puzzle. Upper and Lower Egypt certainly will not do,
+ unless we have Lower Egypt. I had thought of a North and South
+ division--the Nile--starting at Damietta. But I know Vivian does
+ not like this; moreover I see difficulties about handing over
+ Alexandria to the French.
+
+ Waddington's proposal for a rotatory jurisdiction sounds odd.
+ What would he think of it as applied to any other department of
+ life--Ambassadors, Bishops, or Ministers? I suppose the frequency
+ of what they call a 'Prefectoral Movement' in France has put it
+ into his head.
+
+ Would it be possible to fuse them into a board, giving them
+ a native colleague to be chosen by themselves, and then decide
+ by majority? I have spoken to Baring[25] about the Commission of
+ Liquidation. I doubt his accepting the Control, though I think he
+ would the Liquidation.
+
+ As to the Firman, we are agreed as to the limitation of
+ armaments. I should be glad to see loans forbidden altogether.
+ To an Oriental ruler they are like firewater to the Red Indians.
+ I should be glad to see a declaration that the Powers would not
+ recognize or encourage the payment of any loan contracted by the
+ Egyptian Government after this date. They are not wanted to meet
+ any present stress; but the fellaheen are already loaded with quite
+ as heavy a weight as they can bear.
+
+The question of appointing the Controllers and deciding what their
+functions were to be, gave rise to more difficulties, caused by the
+obvious desire of many Frenchmen to get the Egyptian finances entirely
+into French hands. Ultimately Major Baring and M. de Blignieres
+were appointed, but their powers were not formally defined until
+November. By the decree of November 15, 1879, it was laid down that
+the Controllers should have full rights of inquiring into all branches
+of the administration; the rank of Ministers and seats in the Cabinet,
+although restricted to making suggestions; the power of appointing and
+dismissing subordinate officials; and it was further enacted that they
+were irremovable without the consent of their respective Governments. By
+this action the British and the French Governments practically assumed
+the responsibility of Government, and for some time to come Egypt ceased
+to give trouble.
+
+In the month of June, 1879, an event had occurred which was of profound
+importance to all political parties in France. The Prince Imperial
+had perished in Zululand, and with him had vanished the hopes of a
+resuscitated Empire. The tragedy of the Prince's death is heightened
+by the fact that it was only owing to an unfortunate misunderstanding
+that he was ever allowed to accompany the expedition. On March 1,
+Lord Salisbury writing to Lord Lyons stated that the departure of the
+Prince Imperial was: _'a mal entendu_ which we are unable to understand
+even here. The Government had very distinctly negatived it, but in
+consequence of some misapprehensions, our orders were not attended to
+by the military men, and he received encouragement which could not
+afterwards be withdrawn. If you think Waddington is at all sore on the
+matter, you are authorized to explain this fully to him. But I rather
+expect to hear from you that no importance is attached by the French
+Government to what has taken place.'
+
+Two days later he again wrote:--
+
+ I am very sorry to hear that so painful an impression was
+ created in Paris. We have never been able to discover exactly
+ how it was done, or why our already clearly expressed objection
+ was disregarded. He was of course at liberty to go, and people
+ who ought to have known better were at liberty to write private
+ letters and go to railway stations. Of course nothing official has
+ been done, but the border line between official and private has
+ been very closely trenched upon. However, all we can do now is to
+ express our sincere regret.
+
+At Lord Lyons's next interview with M. Waddington, the latter asked (not
+in a complaining manner) how the Prince's expedition to Zululand had
+been brought about, and was told in reply that the Prince had settled it
+himself through personal friends and that Her Majesty's Government had
+by no means approved of it. President Grevy alluded to the matter in the
+course of a conversation with the Prince of Wales, who happened to be in
+Paris, and also expressed no disapproval; in fact, he went so far as to
+remark: _qu'il avait tres bien fait_. Thus the principal personages in
+France evidently did not consider the matter of much importance; but,
+on the other hand, the Republican press showed considerable irritation,
+which, under the circumstances, was perhaps not entirely unnatural, as
+it did not seem credible that the Prince could have started without the
+approval of the British Government. When the news of his death arrived,
+it was felt that, for the time being at all events, Bonapartism had been
+practically crushed out of existence.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, June 20, 1879.
+
+ In hearing of the sad end of the short life of the Prince
+ Imperial, one's first thought is for the Empress, whose bitter cup
+ of sorrows is now full.
+
+ The immediate political result is the utter disorganization
+ of the Imperial Party. It was far from strong, but still it was
+ the most efficacious element of opposition to the Republicans, and
+ they will now have things still more their own way. The Fleurys,
+ Rouhers, and the old Imperial following can never hope to live to
+ recover from the blow. I suppose Prince Napoleon will hardly put
+ himself forward in the position of a pretender to the Imperial
+ Crown, and he would have no party with him if he did. In the
+ more remote future his eldest son may prove a more formidable
+ candidate than poor Prince Louis could have been. He is said to be
+ a remarkably clever, attractive youth, and a thorough Bonaparte
+ in appearance. No hereditary responsibility for Sedan can be cast
+ upon him; he is undoubtedly of the Bonaparte race, and he has been
+ brought up in France. For the present, however, Prince Louis's
+ melancholy death is a decided accession to Republican strength.
+
+The death of the Prince excited the sympathies of all classes in France
+with the stricken Empress, but when in July, preparations were being
+made for the funeral in England, the bitterness of French party politics
+displayed itself in that hostility which, carried beyond the grave, it
+is the least possible to condone.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, July 10, 1879.
+
+ The susceptibility the French Government is showing about
+ the funeral of the Prince Imperial is neither wise nor dignified.
+ If ever there was an occasion on which political animosities
+ might be left in abeyance, surely this is one. The death of the
+ Prince Imperial has put an end to many hopes and aspirations,
+ and has inclined numerous adherents of the family to acquiesce
+ in the present state of things. It is certainly not politic to
+ require of people in this frame of mind an overt manifestation
+ of heartlessness and ingratitude to the dynasty which has had so
+ mournful an end. The ceremony so manifestly relates to the past
+ and not to the future that there can be no reasonable objection
+ to allowing the old adherents of the family, whether Marshals and
+ Generals, or merely civilians to go over to attend it. I fancy
+ that Grevy himself and the Republicans _de la vieille_ cannot get
+ over, even on such an occasion as this, their old hostility to the
+ Empire.
+
+These almost incredibly vindictive feelings again manifested themselves
+when a proposal was made that a monument to the unfortunate Prince
+should be placed in Westminster Abbey. M. Waddington, who must have
+been heartily ashamed of the part he was forced to play, remonstrated
+privately against the project, and intimated to Lord Lyons that he
+thought of writing to Dean Stanley, whom he happened to know, and of
+urging him not to consent to it.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ July 22, 1879.
+
+ I think, on the whole, I had better not answer your despatch
+ officially about the Prince Imperial's statue; but you can tell
+ Waddington unofficially as much of the following as you may
+ think useful. As soon as I got it, I communicated with the Prime
+ Minister, who sent to the Dean of Westminster. The Dean, when the
+ message reached him, had already forwarded to all the newspapers
+ a letter which you have read in the issues of this morning. On
+ reading it we came to the conclusion that the matter had gone too
+ far to be recalled.
+
+ On historical considerations the Dean proposes to put the
+ monument into Henry the Seventh's chapel, and for that purpose,
+ undoubtedly, the Queen's permission must be obtained. But as
+ regards the Abbey in general he is absolutely supreme. He might
+ put up a statue of Nana Sahib, if he chose. So we must decline to
+ accept any responsibility for his proceedings. As he has publicly
+ made the announcement that it is his intention, if not interfered
+ with, to give the requisite permission, it is clearly impossible
+ for us to 'apply pressure' to induce him to give way. The motive
+ for doing so would have to be confessed and would cause much
+ misapprehension.
+
+ I have expressed a wish to see the inscription before it is
+ put up, and I have no doubt I shall be allowed to do so. I think I
+ can assure M. Waddington that there is not the slightest danger of
+ anything about Napoleon IV. being contained in it.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The monument was never erected, the project meeting with much opposition
+in Parliament as calculated to offend the susceptibilities of the French
+Government.
+
+It must be admitted that the circumstances surrounding the death of this
+unfortunate Prince reflect discredit, though in an unequal degree, upon
+both the French and the British Governments. If the French Government
+showed a petty and vindictive spirit totally unworthy of a great and
+powerful nation, the misunderstanding which enabled the Prince to go
+to South Africa; his vague and indefinite status with respect to the
+expeditionary force; the equally vague conditions attaching to his
+relations with Captain Carey, which were partly responsible for his
+death; the unhappy suggestion of the Abbey monument; the helpless
+attitude of the Government in the face of an enterprising ecclesiastic;
+and the subsequent unseemly discussion in the House of Commons, are
+eloquent of slipshod and careless methods which are discreditable to
+British administration and constitute a somewhat humiliating page in the
+national history.
+
+The autumn of 1879 was marked by the conclusion of the Austro-German
+alliance, hailed at the time by Lord Salisbury as 'glad tidings of
+great joy,' and destined profoundly to influence European politics for
+many years to come. In spite of assurances given by Bismarck himself,
+by Andrassy, and by Haymerle, this new grouping of two first-class
+military Powers caused much perturbation at Paris, which was certainly
+not allayed by Lord Salisbury's benediction, and provided convenient
+material for an attack upon the tottering Waddington administration.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 14, 1879.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ As to French internal politics, the most striking feature is
+ the somewhat vague but almost universal feeling of uneasiness about
+ the future which pervades France. It is impossible not to see that
+ this feeling has increased even during the few weeks that have
+ elapsed since I went away on leave in August. I suppose that the
+ immediate fear is that the Waddington Ministry will be succeeded by
+ one more Radical, and that thus, step by step, the Ultra-Reds will
+ get the Government into their hands.
+
+ When I first saw Waddington on my return, he was in good
+ spirits, thinking that the threatened attacks upon him about
+ the amnesty, the Government, and especially the diplomatic
+ appointments, had blown over. Now, however, he is menaced with
+ an interpellation on the Austro-German understanding. This
+ understanding is, of course, extremely unpalatable to the French,
+ and among them the general belief is that it binds Austria to
+ assist Germany, in case of need, to defend Alsace and Lorraine
+ against France. Waddington has the most positive assurances from
+ Bismarck, Andrassy and Haymerle that there is nothing against
+ France in it, but this is not enough to reassure the cavillers.
+ The intention seems to be to reproach Waddington with this
+ understanding generally, as indicating the failure of his Foreign
+ Policy, and in particular to blame him for having an Ambassador at
+ Vienna who neither prevented, nor found it out, and an Ambassador
+ in London who did not make the French policy on the subject
+ properly understood by the English Government. It seems that
+ it is intended to argue that you would not have spoken of the
+ understanding in the terms you used at Manchester, if you had
+ known the painful impression it had made in France.
+
+ There are two opinions in France on the Foreign Policy to be
+ now adopted. Perhaps the general, unreflecting public are inclined
+ to throw themselves into the arms of Russia. The wise heads (and
+ there is some reason to hope that Gambetta may be among them) look
+ rather to England, and are willing to conciliate her by supporting
+ her views in the East. It may be worth while to take this feeling
+ into account, and perhaps with that view rather to put forward the
+ reinstatement of Khaireddin and Midhat as the objects in view, than
+ exclusively English appointments.
+
+It seems to be a more or less established rule that when an English
+Foreign Secretary makes a speech, Ambassadors should write and expatiate
+upon the admirable effect which has been produced abroad, and Lord
+Lyons's comment upon Lord Salisbury's Manchester speech approaches more
+nearly to criticism than appears elsewhere in his correspondence. The
+charge of ignorance brought against the French Ambassador at Vienna
+was probably quite correct, but the British Embassy at Vienna must
+have been in the same case, for the existence of the Austro-German
+alliance was first discovered by that extremely able public servant,
+the late Sir Joseph Crowe, K.C.M.G.[26] As for the alleged inaction of
+the French Ambassador at London, that official was a retired admiral,
+whom apparently Waddington seldom seems to have consulted, and over
+whose unconscious head business was habitually transacted by the French
+Foreign Office.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 21, 1879.
+
+ We are within a week of the opening of the session, but the
+ situation has not become more clear. Gambetta and Waddington have
+ a personal dislike to each other, and no doubt Gambetta would be
+ glad to oust Waddington, and to put in his place some new Minister
+ for Foreign Affairs, such as the Marquis de Noailles, with some
+ creature of his own, such as Spueller as adlatus or Under Secretary
+ of State. But then Gambetta would find it difficult to do this
+ without bringing about such a break up of the Ministry as would
+ raise the question of his own taking office. But if those who ought
+ to know him well judge aright, he does not wish to come into power
+ until he sees his way to doing something very great--in fact to
+ getting back Alsace and Lorraine.
+
+ Gambetta professes to be strongly in favour of the English
+ Alliance, and for that and for other reasons, to make a liberal
+ treaty of commerce with us. I do not, however, imagine that his
+ ideas of a liberal treaty go beyond maintaining, or nearly so, the
+ tariffs as they stand in the existing Anglo-French Treaties.
+
+ I imagine he has thought of going to England himself whenever
+ he has a good opportunity, not with a view to putting himself into
+ the hands of Sir Charles Dilke and taking part in any Ultra-Radical
+ demonstration, but rather with a desire of conciliating the
+ moderate public opinion in England, and showing that he has no
+ desire to promote a Republican Propaganda abroad. He seems to have
+ a decidedly friendly feeling towards the present English Ministry.
+
+ I have heard that the Russian Grand Dukes had been led by
+ General Chanzy to expect a much more warm and cordial reception at
+ Paris than they actually met with, and that consequently they were
+ by no means pleased.
+
+ Waddington seems to be as little prepared to go into the
+ Newfoundland question as he was two months ago. The impression
+ he makes upon me is the same that he made upon you. The Navy
+ Department keep him in awe of them and prevent his acting upon the
+ reasonable views he expressed to you at Berlin.
+
+The various difficulties in all parts of the world which were before
+long to trouble Anglo-French relations for many years, had now
+begun to manifest themselves in such places as Newfoundland, Tahiti,
+Reunion, the Gambia, and elsewhere. All these troublesome questions
+fell under the Marine Department, and their accumulation was productive
+of an irritation which hampered M. Waddington, whose position was
+also weakened by a rabid demand made upon the Ministry for Government
+appointments. In fact it was difficult to see how any French Ministry
+could last, if the American system of a fresh division of the spoils
+was to take place whenever a change occurred. In America the Executive
+is safe for four years, but in France, directly the places had been
+distributed, the disappointed combined to overthrow the unhappy
+Ministers responsible for the distribution.
+
+Meanwhile his most formidable opponent, the ex-Democrat, Gambetta, had
+assumed the _role_ of a grand seigneur, and gave sumptuous Parliamentary
+banquets which were pronounced by the highest gastronomic authorities to
+be exquisite in every respect. He contemplated a visit to London, and it
+is somewhat surprising to learn that the Democrat showed a very obvious
+prepossession in favour of the English Conservative Party.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 12, 1879.
+
+ Gambetta has heard with very great satisfaction that you and
+ Lord Beaconsfield would be very glad of the opportunity of seeing
+ him, which will be afforded if he carries into effect his idea
+ of going to England. He feels that it would be essential that
+ he should not make himself the guest or place himself under the
+ special guidance of any political person on one side or the other.
+ He would probably go to an hotel. As to the time of his visit,
+ he does not seem to have formed any definite plan. It seems to be
+ connected in his mind with the Treaty of Commerce, and he seems
+ inclined to secure himself a good reception by contributing first
+ to making a favourable Treaty of Commerce. I suppose he and his
+ countrymen would consider a Treaty simply renewing the arrangements
+ of 1860 as very favourable to us. He absolutely repudiates all
+ notion of anything like Republican propagandism. He has a strong
+ bias in favour of the Conservatives in England. His sympathies are
+ with an active Foreign Policy, and he has a grudge against the
+ Liberals because they did not come to the assistance of France in
+ the Franco-German war. He seems to follow English home politics
+ very carefully. He wishes England and France to act together in
+ the East, but considers that things have got into a horrid mess at
+ Constantinople, and expresses regret that the French and English
+ Embassies there do not pull more together.
+
+ I think one of his objects in going to England would be to
+ show people in France that he is considered a person of sufficient
+ importance to be admitted into the society of people of rank and
+ station in aristocratic England.
+
+ He has also no doubt the higher object of making France and
+ himself popular in England, so as to avert all risk of England's
+ joining the Austro-German Alliance to the detriment of France.
+
+ The danger would be that he would form too great expectations
+ of obtaining a positive alliance with England, and that if we did
+ not come up to his expectations in this respect, he might in his
+ disappointment, turn to Russia. But from this point of view, the
+ most dangerous thing would be to _froisser_ his susceptibility by
+ showing any coldness beforehand about his visit.
+
+ He undertakes to let us know whenever he comes to any
+ resolution about going to England.
+
+From the above letter it will be seen how much importance was attached
+to Gambetta's views, and how desirable it was considered to secure his
+goodwill; but apparently the visit to London from which so much was
+expected, never took place--perhaps because his English Conservative
+friends were shortly afterwards turned out of office.
+
+The threatened attack upon the Waddington administration took the
+form of a vote of want of confidence which was moved in the month of
+December, but successfully rejected. The Ministerial success, however,
+was of a somewhat fictitious nature, as the Left Groups when united,
+outnumbered the Right, and the Government was, therefore, liable
+to be turned out by a combination. M. Waddington himself professed
+satisfaction, and affirmed with pride that he had been congratulated
+upon his majority by the British Government; while from Berlin, Vienna,
+and even from St. Petersburg, where he was not in favour, assurances had
+been received of the satisfaction felt at the prospect of his continuing
+in office. The result, too, of the vote enabled him to carry out an
+intention he had long had in his mind, of abandoning the Presidency of
+the Council, and of retaining the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs.
+His own wish was to see M. Leon Say Prime Minister, but as that was out
+of the question, he favoured the appointment of M. de Freycinet, who, in
+addition to other qualifications, possessed the confidence of Gambetta,
+and would therefore render it difficult for the latter to attack the
+Government. The proposed transformation of the Ministry, however, was
+found difficult to effect, chiefly owing to the animosity of Gambetta
+against Waddington; the former being credited with the intention of
+upsetting any Ministry in which the latter remained. Gambetta was in
+fact pursuing a systematic dog-in-the-manger policy which was little
+to his credit, for while continually attacking and threatening the
+Government he was unwilling to take office himself, with the Chamber
+then in existence, since he realized that the Ultra-Radicals were trying
+to force him into a position in which he would have either to accept
+responsibility or to abandon the leadership of the Republican Party.
+The object, in short, of Clemenceau and the extreme party was to use
+Gambetta up in order to make room eventually for themselves. Neither
+President Grevy or Freycinet showed any accommodating spirit with
+regard to Waddington's plans, and when Freycinet laid down conditions
+which were unacceptable, the President tried to persuade Waddington to
+remain on as Prime Minister; but Waddington's position had been further
+impaired by imprudent representation on the part of President Grevy
+and others, that he was highly acceptable to Bismarck as a Minister,
+and Waddington admitted openly himself that he was wanting in the
+qualifications of a French Parliamentary leader. Consequently the upshot
+of it all was that he resigned, and Freycinet was allowed to form a new
+administration on his own terms. 'I part with Waddington with great
+regret,' wrote Lord Lyons. 'He had the greatest of all recommendations,
+that you could believe him, and feel sure of him.' These regrets were
+shared by Lord Salisbury. 'I am very sorry for the loss of Waddington.
+It was a luxury to have a French Minister who worked on principles
+intelligible to the English mind.'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 30, 1879.
+
+ With the new Ministry I suppose Gambetta's reign is to begin.
+ The Cabinet was almost ostensibly formed by him. He did not, and
+ probably could not, put in any of the chief men of his own party.
+ They are kept, or keep themselves, in reserve to come into power
+ with Gambetta himself. The present Ministers are personally to a
+ certain extent Moderate, and altogether, so far as they are known,
+ mediocre. Freycinet is said to have some inclination to assert
+ independence, but he has not hitherto rebelled against his old
+ master Gambetta.
+
+ The man who appears to have lost most reputation in the affair
+ is President Grevy. He knows well enough that it is Gambetta's
+ intention to supplant him, but he has allowed himself to be
+ circumvented with his eyes open, from lack of resolution and lack
+ of energy, and has apparently let his rival obtain complete control
+ of the Government.
+
+ I do not suppose that we shall see at present any marked
+ change in the Foreign Policy of the French Government. Freycinet
+ knows nothing whatever of Foreign Affairs. Gambetta has strong
+ general notions, but seems more inclined to insist upon disposing
+ of the patronage of the Foreign Office than to go into the details
+ of the business. At home I suppose the first measure will be a
+ wholesale redistribution of places. _Aux situations nouvelles,
+ il faut des hommes nouveaux_, was the principle proclaimed by
+ Clemenceau. Beust[27] turns the phrase round and says: _Aux hommes
+ nouveaux il faut des situations._
+
+ At all events the centre Gauche is dead, and with it the
+ Thiers' policy, which was to preserve as far as possible the
+ institutions, the laws and the administrative system in France,
+ with the simple change of having an elective President, instead
+ of an hereditary sovereign at the head. The policy could not last
+ long unless it was directed by a really able energetic President.
+ France is now about to try real democratic and republican
+ government, and it will be a dangerous experiment in a country like
+ this. It would be a still more dangerous experiment if the old
+ warlike spirit had survived in the people. Happily for peace, they
+ are more intent upon making and enjoying money than upon obtaining
+ military glory, or even upon recovering their lost provinces.
+ Gambetta will try for the recovery of the Provinces if he preserves
+ his energies and fortune seems to give him a chance.
+
+ I have just seen Pothuau[28] who seems very indignant at his
+ place in London having been offered to Waddington, and declares
+ that he has no intention of giving it up.
+
+Lord Lyons was destined to witness many more changes of Government in
+France before his final departure; most of them accurately described by
+the hackneyed phrase: _Plus cela change, plus c'est la meme chose._
+
+A letter from Major Baring written at the close of the year is worth
+quoting as evidence of the improved and hopeful condition of Egypt,
+and also of the harmony prevailing at the time between the English and
+French Controllers.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Major Baring to Lord Lyons_.
+
+ Cairo, Dec. 29, 1879.
+
+ You may like to hear what I think of the state of things here,
+ so I venture to write this line.
+
+ There is a very decided improvement. Since I have been
+ connected with Egyptian affairs I never remember matters going so
+ smoothly. I like what I see of the Khedive, and I see a great deal
+ of him, for he frequently presides at the Council, and besides this
+ I often go to see him on business. Riaz's head is rather turned by
+ the decorations he has received, but he is very well disposed and
+ will always follow our advice, if we insist. He is oppressed with
+ the fear that Nubar will return to office; as, without doubt, he
+ will sooner or later; but it is not at all to be desired that he
+ should return just yet. What we want is _time_. If we can get along
+ for six months, or better, a year, without any considerable change
+ I really believe that the financial crisis which has now lasted so
+ long may be brought to a close.
+
+ Cherif and the Turks made overtures to Nubar the other day,
+ but he was wise enough to decline so unnatural a coalition.
+
+ Before long our financial scheme will be ready to launch, and
+ if, as I hope, it is accepted, the Commission of Liquidation will
+ no longer be necessary. This is perhaps the best solution of the
+ matter.
+
+ We shall reduce Unified to 4 per cent, and leave Preference
+ alone.
+
+ Blignieres is behaving most loyally in everything which
+ concerns English interests. The Khedive and his Ministers have, I
+ think, got over the prejudice they entertained against him.
+
+M. de Freycinet took over the Foreign Office as well as the Presidency
+of the Council; as has already been stated, he was quite ignorant of
+all foreign questions, and was also looked upon as less reliable than
+M. Waddington. The first official interview with him, however, produced
+a favourable impression, all the more because he did not let out a
+flood of common-places about devotion to England, and so forth; but the
+important question was to know what line Gambetta was inclined to take
+in Foreign Policy, and Sheffield was deputed to find out.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, Jan. 17, 1880.
+
+ Gambetta has expressed confidentially to Sheffield to-day his
+ views as to the Foreign Policy of France; with the intention of
+ course that they should be communicated to me only in the strictest
+ privacy.
+
+ He considered that the Austro-German Alliance had been made
+ against France; that it entered into Prince Bismarck's calculations
+ that it might throw France into the arms of Russia, but that His
+ Highness thought that there would be more than a compensation for
+ this if in consequence of it England were completely detached from
+ France. Gambetta declared that France had not fallen into this trap
+ and would not fall into it--that she would never make an alliance
+ with Russia, but that if Russia were attacked by Germany, France
+ would have to take care of her own safety. He had information which
+ convinced him that there was no foundation for the assertions that
+ Russian troops were being massed on the frontier of Germany, and
+ he believed that these rumours were spread from Berlin to afford a
+ pretext for an attack on Russia, to be made so suddenly as to be
+ successful at once and to enable Germany to turn towards France
+ without any fear of Russia in her rear.
+
+ In order to disconcert this plan Gambetta thought it highly
+ important that a good understanding should be established between
+ England and Russia both with regard to Turkey and to India. He
+ held that it was the interest of France to urge in every way the
+ Russian Government to come to such an understanding with England.
+ He looked upon the state of things at Constantinople as very
+ bad, and attributed it to the disagreements between the French
+ and English Ambassadors; while in order to promote the accord
+ which he wished to see between England and Russia he desired that
+ the best feeling should exist between the French and English
+ Representatives at Constantinople. It was evident, however, from
+ what he said that any complaint against Fournier by England would
+ be met by counter-complaints on the part of France against Layard.
+ If Fournier resigned, Tissot the French Minister at Athens would be
+ Gambetta's candidate for the Embassy in Turkey.
+
+ Gambetta denied most positively that there was any truth
+ whatever in the rumours that he had been in communication with
+ Bismarck about the restoration of Lorraine to France or anything
+ of the kind. As to the insinuation that it was proposed that
+ while Lorraine should be restored, France should receive a slice
+ of Belgium in compensation for Alsace, Gambetta said that it
+ was plain that this could only have been put about to produce
+ ill-will between England and France. After the Benedetti affair, no
+ Frenchman in his senses would enter into secret arrangements with
+ Bismarck about Belgium, and the French Republic had certainly no
+ desire under any circumstances to despoil its neighbours.
+
+ Gambetta expressed a desire that a liberal Treaty of Commerce
+ should be made with England and he was eloquent on the importance
+ of a close and cordial union between the two countries.
+
+ Gambetta impressed upon Sheffield that he was speaking to him
+ simply as a friend, and quite privately. I think it is interesting
+ and important to know what sentiments he expresses in this way:
+ but, of course, if he was quoted, or if what he said was allowed to
+ transpire, he would feel bitterly towards us and at once put an end
+ to all communications of the kind. His tone appears to have been
+ quite that of a man who felt that he would have the power to carry
+ into effect the policy he recommended in this country.
+
+ Freycinet has just been to see me, but I did not find him
+ equally communicative on the general Foreign Policy of France.
+
+As Freycinet was occupied at that moment, _more Gallico_, in clearing
+the old officials out of the Foreign Office, and as he admittedly
+possessed little knowledge himself, his reticence under the
+circumstances was not surprising; but, so far as could be gathered, it
+was the intention of the new Ministry to follow the prudent course of
+their predecessors, a profession of faith evidently intended especially
+for Berlin. As regards the so-called Eastern Question, interest had
+temporarily shifted from Egypt to Greece, and the various Powers were
+endeavouring without much success to negotiate the cession of Turkish
+territory to that country. The usual spring war scare had taken a
+different shape, and, without any foundation whatever, Bismarck was
+credited with the extraordinary intention of suddenly falling upon
+Russia, while a coolness had sprung up between the French and Russian
+Governments owing to the refusal of the former to surrender the Nihilist
+Hartmann, who was implicated in an attempt to wreck a train in which the
+Russian Emperor was travelling.
+
+This refusal annoyed the Emperor so much that he withdrew his
+Ambassador, Prince Orloff, from Paris, the French consoling themselves
+with the thought that if they lost the favour of the Russian Emperor
+they would, on the other hand, ingratiate themselves with Bismarck.
+
+Upon the Greek Frontier question, which in consequence of an English
+proposal had been referred to an International Commission, there was,
+for some unknown reason, a disposition to blame the British Government.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Sir H. Layard._
+
+ Paris, March 19, 1880.
+
+ The withdrawal of Orloff, on account of the refusal of the
+ French Government to give up Hartmann, is of course the topic of
+ the day here. The form adopted is that which was used when normal
+ relations between Russia and the Pope were suspended some years
+ ago. The Emperor Alexander is, I understand, very angry; but I do
+ not know how long this _mouvement d'humeur_ will hold out against
+ the obvious political interest which both Russia and France have in
+ not being on bad terms with each other. There was a strong feeling
+ on the Left of the Chamber against giving Hartmann up, and as to
+ foreign relations, I suppose the French set pleasing Bismarck
+ against displeasing the European Alexander.
+
+ Freycinet is decidedly against the admission of Turkey to the
+ Greek Frontier Commission. It might have been politic to admit her,
+ though I don't see how she could have been asked to engage to be
+ bound by the votes of the majority.
+
+ I think things in the East are indeed looking serious. How
+ Turkey is to be kept going, in spite of herself, much longer,
+ passes my comprehension. I should be sorry to make a fourth in an
+ alliance between France, Russia and Turkey. If France and Russia
+ did unite for any serious purpose, I should think the last thing
+ they would wish would be to tie such a clog as Turkey to their
+ wheels. If there is any truth in the proverb, _Quem deus vult
+ perdere si_, etc., I am afraid that there can be very little doubt
+ that the ruin of Abdul Hamid is in the hands of Allah.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 21: French Secretary of Embassy at London.]
+
+[Footnote 22: French Ambassador at Constantinople.]
+
+[Footnote 23: Sir Charles Rivers Wilson, G.C.M.G.]
+
+[Footnote 24: H.B.M. Agent and Consul General at Cairo.]
+
+[Footnote 25: Now Earl of Cromer.]
+
+[Footnote 26: At that period British Consul-General at Duesseldorf.]
+
+[Footnote 27: Austrian Ambassador at Paris.]
+
+[Footnote 28: French Ambassador at London.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+THE REVIVAL OF FRANCE
+
+(1880-1881)
+
+
+The General Election in England which took place in March, 1880,
+resulted not only in the rout of the Conservative Party, but in the
+reversal of the Foreign Policy of Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury,
+and necessitated the withdrawal of Sir Henry Layard from Constantinople,
+while Lord Lytton, whose Afghan policy had been furiously denounced by
+the Liberal Party, sent in his resignation. It is worthy of note that
+Lord Lyons, whom no one could accuse of Jingo tendencies, and whose
+opinion was certainly a very much better one than that of most of Lord
+Lytton's critics, was emphatically in favour of the latter's Afghan
+policy. Writing to Lady Lytton on January 8, 1879, he had expressed
+himself as follows:--
+
+ I have never had the least misgiving about Lytton's policy
+ with regard to Afghanistan, and I was always sure it would be
+ wisely carried into execution. I am only too thankful that we
+ have a spirited Viceroy. You can hardly form an idea of the
+ advantage our reputation has derived, all over Europe, from the
+ Afghan campaign, and you have seen enough of diplomacy to know how
+ much success in all questions of Foreign Policy depends upon the
+ prestige of the country one represents.
+
+Sir Henry Layard had incurred even greater execration than Lord Lytton
+in the eyes of the Liberal Party, because he was considered to have
+been deeply committed to what was described as the Pro-Turkish policy
+of the Conservative Government, although his inexpiable offence
+seems to have consisted chiefly in strenuous and unavailing efforts
+to induce the Turks to put their house in order. During his stay at
+Constantinople he had been greatly hampered by the consistent opposition
+of his French colleague, M. Fournier, whose great object it appeared
+to be to thwart English action whenever opportunity occurred. The
+French Government, which professed great anxiety to act in harmony with
+England, upon ascertaining that Sir Henry Layard was to be replaced by
+Mr. Goschen,[29] withdrew Fournier and appointed M. Tissot in his place.
+
+A change in the French Embassy in London was also imminent, and the
+circumstances attending the appointment of a new Ambassador were not
+devoid of humour.
+
+Admiral Pothuau, the Ambassador under the Waddington regime, had been
+forced to retire, probably much against his inclination, and it was
+considered that M. Leon Say would make an excellent representative, more
+especially as he passed as that _rara avis_, a French Free Trader; but
+M. Say shortly after accepting the appointment was elected President
+of the Senate, and therefore forced to resign. To find a satisfactory
+successor was apparently not so simple a matter as might have been
+assumed. Nothing could have been more correct than M. de Freycinet's
+ideal of a French Ambassador in London: 'a man possessing the full
+confidence and sharing the sentiments of his Government; not so much of
+a politician as to be thinking more of establishing his own political
+position at home than of following his instructions: a man who would
+stay long at the post, and desire to stay there; who would form personal
+friendships with English Statesmen, and improve good relations and
+soften asperities by personal influence. A man calculated to take a part
+in a society like that of London, and who would not be out of place at a
+Court--a man who would have a wife with the same qualities--finally, a
+man not unaccustomed to diplomatic business and diligent and accurate in
+transacting it.' When, however, the question passed from the abstract to
+the concrete, M. de Freycinet's ideas ceased to flow so freely, and he
+seemed utterly at a loss to find the ideal being which his imagination
+had sketched, although he mentioned M. Challemel Lacour--as a man who
+would not do. In spite, however, of M. Challemel Lacour being in M.
+de Freycinet's opinion a man 'who would not do,' it was evident that
+he had a powerful backing, for an emissary from the French Foreign
+Office shortly made his appearance at the Embassy and intimated in
+so many words that the appointment of M. Challemel Lacour would be
+agreeable to Gambetta. That no doubt was a considerable advantage, but
+M. Challemel Lacour by no means corresponded to M. de Freycinet's ideal
+representative, being a man of unconciliatory character and particularly
+notorious on account of a speech which he had once made, in which,
+alluding to political opponents, he had used the words _Fusillez moi ces
+gens la!_ an expression which was continually being quoted against him.
+In the meanwhile, however, M. de Freycinet had had an inspiration, and
+sent for Lord Lyons to tell him that he had discovered just the right
+man for the place. Unfortunately, this personage was married to a lady
+whose antecedents were not considered to be satisfactory, and it became
+necessary to intimate that under the circumstances the appointment would
+not be favourably received in England.
+
+ 'Freycinet was dreadfully put out,' wrote Lord Lyons, 'when he
+ found that the appointment was impossible. He complained chiefly
+ of Leon Say for having brought him into the difficulty, by first
+ accepting the London Embassy and then standing for the Presidency
+ of the Senate.
+
+ 'Leon Say's picture of the lady is about as much like what she
+ was when I last saw her a few years ago, as Challemel Lacour is
+ like Freycinet's ideal of a French Ambassador in London.'
+
+The appointment of M. Challemel Lacour was persisted in, and gave rise
+to some very disagreeable discussions in the House of Commons. Doubtless
+much of the abuse of M. Challemel Lacour was undeserved, but whatever
+his political capacity, he was not remarkable for urbanity.
+
+On the occasion of a big official dinner at the Paris Embassy, when
+requested to take in the absolutely unexceptionable and agreeable wife
+of one of his principal ministerial colleagues, he replied with an
+emphatic '_Jamais!_' which precluded any further discussion.
+
+The question of diplomatic appointments recalls the fact that it was
+about this time that my connection with Lord Lyons first began, through
+becoming a member of his staff, and that it may be appropriate to say
+something about his habits and personal characteristics.
+
+Lord Lyons, who was then more than sixty years of age, was a big,
+heavily built man, whose appearance in no respect suggested the
+diplomatist of fiction, and who rather resembled the conventional
+British squire as depicted by Leech; and the chief characteristic of his
+somewhat homely features was a small piercing eye which nothing seemed
+to escape, from the most unimportant clerical error to a minute detail
+in a lady's dress. As compared with the ordinary English diplomatist,
+his knowledge of foreign languages, without being exceptional, was
+thoroughly adequate. He, of course, spoke French with perfect facility,
+and it is probable that he wrote it with greater correctness than many
+Frenchmen, having a complete mastery both of the grammar and of all
+the complicated expressions which are made use of in correspondence.
+He was also equally at home in Italian; had a knowledge of German,
+and was well acquainted with modern Greek. In addition, he was a fair
+classical scholar, and a peculiarly retentive memory enabled him,
+unlike most people, to remember much of what he had read. His manner,
+at first sight, seemed somewhat alarming, and he was altogether a
+person with whom no one would have felt disposed to take a liberty,
+but the alarming impression, which was solely due to shyness, wore off
+with closer acquaintance as the natural kindliness of his disposition
+revealed itself, and one of the excellent traits in his character was,
+that he never formed a favourable or unfavourable opinion of any one
+in a hurry, but invariably waited for the test of time. The result
+was, in almost every case, that the more he saw of people the more
+he liked them and the more reluctant he became to part with men who
+had been associated with him for any length of time. The position
+which he occupied in British diplomacy during the twenty years which
+he spent at Paris may, without exaggeration be described as unique.
+No other man stood on quite the same footing, though it would be idle
+to deny that there were some who were perhaps more brilliant. But the
+implicit confidence which successive Foreign Secretaries placed in Lord
+Lyons's judgment was based upon the knowledge that his opinions were
+sound, unprejudiced, disinterested, and only formed after the most
+conscientious investigations. 'I never volunteer advice,' he used to
+remark, and it was perhaps for that very reason that his opinion was
+so frequently sought by the Foreign Office. In fact so much importance
+was attached to his views that he was occasionally asked to give his
+opinion upon subjects of which he had no knowledge whatever, ranging
+from the defence of Canada to the minimum dress allowance required
+by the wife of a British Ambassador at Paris. As he had no intention
+of seeking a consort himself, and as he had no intention, either, of
+resigning his post, the latter inquiry (which was made in 1870) appears
+somewhat superfluous; but, it may be worth noting, that as the result of
+conscientious researches, he reported that L1000 a year was considered
+to be necessary.
+
+As to his merits as a chief, every one who had ever been associated
+with him was of the same opinion, and it was generally held at the
+Foreign Office that service under him at the Paris Embassy was a
+liberal education in itself. It may be doubted, however, whether his
+capacity and love of work were not to some extent a disadvantage to
+his subordinates, since his industry was so great that it left them
+comparatively little responsible work to do. At the Paris Embassy the
+ordinary routine work is probably greater than at any other Embassy
+with the exception of Constantinople, but there was scarcely anything,
+however trivial, which he did not attend to himself. It is believed
+in some quarters that an Ambassador leads a dignified, luxurious and
+comparatively unoccupied life, but that was emphatically not the case
+with Lord Lyons. He rose early and began the day by carefully studying
+the more serious French newspapers; the whole of the time up to luncheon
+was spent in writing or reading despatches, or attending to the various
+small questions which were continually occurring. In the afternoon he
+worked again until about 3 or 4 p.m., and then usually went to see
+the French Foreign Minister or paid official calls in connection with
+current business. Upon his return he worked again until dinner unless
+interrupted by visitors, who were often of a tedious and uninteresting
+type, and it not infrequently happened that telegrams would arrive at a
+comparatively late hour of the night which it was necessary to deal with
+immediately. All correspondence which arrived at the Embassy, no matter
+from how insignificant a source, was attended to by him personally,
+and elaborate directions given with regard to the replies, which were
+invariably sent with the least possible delay. His industry was only
+equalled by an almost preternatural caution, which showed itself in
+a variety of ways. The reluctance to give advice has already been
+noticed, but his excessive caution showed itself not only in writing,
+but in conversation, and even amongst intimates he rarely expressed
+opinions on men or things which it would have been unsafe to quote in
+public, although his conversation was marked by much dry and original
+humour of that elusive character which cannot be described on paper. It
+was practically impossible to catch him napping. 'The Juarez (Mexican
+Revolutionary) Minister having left his card upon me without any
+official designation, I have returned a card also without an official
+designation,' he wrote from Washington in 1859. His reticence during the
+prolonged _Trent_ crisis has already been commented upon. 'I received
+by the last mail,' he wrote to Sir Henry Elliot in 1867, 'a letter from
+Hussein Khan, containing nothing but complimentary expressions. Not
+wishing to be outdone in civility, I have written a reply in the same
+strain. It has, however, occurred to me as just possible that Hussein
+Khan may desire to appear to be in correspondence with me for some
+particular object, and that there may be something which has occurred
+since I saw him, which might render it advisable that he should not be
+in correspondence with me. Accordingly I send my letter herewith open
+to you. If you see any reason, however slight, for not forwarding it,
+please destroy it, and take an opportunity of telling Hussein Khan that
+I asked you to thank him for his letter to me.' It will be remembered
+that even Queen Victoria was unable to draw him successfully on the
+subject of the Treaty of Berlin. Similar instances might be quoted
+indefinitely, and as an illustration of his caution in private life it
+may be mentioned that he never stirred a yard outside the house without
+a passport. A man of this temperament was not likely to make mistakes,
+and it is a remarkable fact that throughout a correspondence extending
+over something like forty years, there is not to be found a single
+expression in any official communication addressed to him which could by
+any stretch of the imagination be described as a censure or even as a
+criticism of his proceedings.
+
+As for the pleasures of the world, they hardly seemed to exist for him,
+but the ordinary human weaknesses, which were chiefly non-existent in
+his case, he regarded with an indulgent and even benevolent eye. He
+used to repeat with much glee that the chief entry upon his _dossier_
+at the Paris Prefecture de Police consisted of the words: _On ne lui
+connait pas de vice_, and this concise statement may be said to have
+been literally true. He had never been in debt, never gambled, never
+quarrelled, never, as far as was known, ever been in love, although it
+was a mistake to suppose that the opposite sex possessed no attractions
+for him. Nor did he possess the resources available to the ordinary man,
+for he cared nothing for sport, had probably never played a game in his
+life, and detested exercise and outdoor life. The surprising thing was
+that he contrived to keep his health, as although a total abstainer,
+he was a large eater, and never took the slightest exercise. In fact,
+during the last five or six years of his life he probably never walked
+further than the English Church in the Rue d'Aguesseau, which was within
+a hundred yards of the Embassy. 'Abstinence and exercise,' he used to
+say, 'were the only two things that disagreed with him.'
+
+The natural shyness of his disposition prevented him from deriving much
+real enjoyment from what is generally described as society, but all the
+social duties of an Ambassador were discharged in a manner which evoked
+universal approval. The entertainments at the Embassy consisted chiefly
+of dinners, which were remarkable for their excellence, and invitations
+to which were highly prized by all sections of French society. Nothing,
+in fact, could exceed the dignity or the faultless taste of the Embassy
+arrangements, and not only were Lord Lyons's entertainments renowned,
+but his horses and carriages were, even in Paris, noticeably amongst
+the very best, it being one of his strongest convictions that the
+British representative should always make an imposing appearance. But
+his hospitality was no matter of mere show; every night the unmarried
+secretaries were asked to dine with him unless otherwise engaged; and it
+was upon these occasions that he used to appear at his best; obviously
+finding more pleasure in their society than in that of any one else with
+the exception of his own relatives. Affection, indeed, for his relatives
+was one of his most marked characteristics, and it is highly probable
+that his devotion to his sister, the Duchess of Norfolk, and to her sons
+and daughters, was one of the causes of his not marrying; anyhow there
+was no further question of marrying after the failure of the determined
+attempt made upon him by an exalted personage, which has already been
+mentioned.
+
+His temper was singularly equable, and during his long stay in Paris
+it was said that upon two occasions only was he known to have broken
+out; once, when at a review at Longchamps, the Diplomatic Corps were
+allotted an inferior position, and once upon an occasion when his
+coachman appeared wearing trousers instead of top boots and breeches.
+These ebullitions were due to the fact that he attached enormous
+importance to all the outward signs of official representation, and
+strongly resented anything which bore in any degree the nature of a
+slight. In his capacity as a private individual he was the most modest
+and unostentatious of men, and it is recorded, as an instance of his
+shyness, that he once passed a week at Woburn without ever leaving the
+precincts of the garden, because he was so much embarrassed by the
+salutations of an adjacent lodge keeper.
+
+It might have been supposed that a man of this unimaginative and
+eminently judicial character would have failed to secure the regard
+of his subordinates, however highly he might be esteemed by Cabinets
+and Foreign Secretaries. As a matter of fact, probably no chief ever
+enjoyed greater popularity, which was due to a variety of causes. He
+was essentially a kind-hearted man, his correspondence abounds with
+instances of help given to persons who had been in his employment in
+any capacity, however humble; of opportune assistance rendered to
+other persons who had been unlucky in their public careers, and of
+recommendations of men whose services appeared to deserve recognition.
+And in spite of his apparently detached nature, he took the warmest
+interest in all those who were connected with him officially, and
+invariably showed the utmost consideration, not only for their feelings,
+but for their personal convenience. Thus, unlike some distinguished
+diplomatists, one of his great objects was to save his staff unnecessary
+work; he never put obstacles in the way of persons desiring leave, and
+every afternoon at the earliest possible moment, in order to release
+the Chancery, he used to send across the welcome written message: 'I
+have nothing more for to-day,' although that by no means signified that
+his own labours were concluded. Hardworking himself, he expected his
+secretaries and attaches to do their share, and it was only when they
+conspicuously failed, that he showed any sign of severity. During his
+long career it fell to his lot to administer many reprimands, but these
+were invariably so just and unavoidable, that the culprits seldom,
+if ever, felt any sense of resentment, and he always made a point of
+obliterating as soon as possible, any disagreeable incident of this
+nature. The consequence was that he had no enemies, and no one who was
+ever associated with him, has, so far as is known, ever had anything
+but good to say of him. Another excellent feature in his character was
+that he always made the best of his subordinates instead of searching
+for their weak points; however unpromising the material, he generally
+succeeded in effecting a marked improvement, and whenever any one who
+had been with him left for another post, he never failed to draw special
+attention to such good qualities as he appeared to possess with the view
+of assisting him in his future career. Perhaps I may be pardoned for
+interposing a personal testimonial, upon the occasion of a temporary
+transfer to Berne, which may serve as an example amongst many others.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Paris, May 15, 1883.
+
+ MY DEAR ADAMS,[30]
+
+ I have settled that Legh is to be at Berne on the 28th, and I
+ hope you will like him. He is clever and well informed, though some
+ people think he does not look it.
+
+It need scarcely be added that many of the communications of this
+nature are of a more elaborate character, and refer to persons who now
+occupy distinguished positions in the British Diplomatic Service. As
+Lord Lyons grew older he became more and more reluctant to part with men
+whom he knew well, and it was pathetic to witness the obvious sorrow
+which he felt at their departure.
+
+Paris has always been the most coveted post on the Continent, and in
+addition to the social attractions of the place, the Embassy enjoyed
+the reputation of carrying on its business in an efficient manner
+chiefly owing to the qualities of the Ambassador. The reputation was
+well deserved, and I can only recall one serious _lache_, not devoid,
+however, of humour, as to which I was unjustly alleged to be the
+culprit. At a moment when critical negotiations respecting intervention
+in Egypt were proceeding with the French Government, a member of the
+Embassy had an extremely confidential conversation with an important
+French Cabinet Minister, in the course of which the Minister criticized
+in very uncomplimentary terms his Ministerial colleagues, and the
+conversation was immediately embodied in a confidential despatch to
+the British Foreign Office. The following morning a much agitated
+Chef de Cabinet appeared at the Chancery, bearing the despatch, and
+announced that he 'thought that some mistake had occurred, as the
+despatch had been received by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs.'
+To the general consternation, it now became evident that the despatch,
+instead of being placed in the Foreign Office bag, had found its way
+into a lithographed envelope addressed to the _Ministre des Affaires
+Etrangeres_, and the whole horrid mystery was laid bare. The question
+arose whether Lord Lyons should be told or not; the arguments of fear
+prevailed; the French Minister behaved in an honourable manner and kept
+silence, and Lord Lyons, fortunately for all concerned, never heard
+of an incident which he would have looked upon as little short of a
+calamity.
+
+The only possible criticism that could be brought against Lord Lyons
+as an Ambassador would be that he led too narrow a life, and moved in
+too restricted a circle. Day after day and week after week he led the
+same existence; even his holidays were laid out on the same mechanical
+principle; every year he left his post, much about the same date, took
+the waters at some spa, and then proceeded on a round of visits in
+England, chiefly at the country houses of the governing families, such
+as Knowsley, Chatsworth, Woburn, and Hatfield, but always including
+a prolonged stay with his relatives at Arundel. He was essentially a
+diplomatist of the old type, consorting entirely in Paris with the
+official classes, the Faubourg, and the Haute Finance; keeping the
+press at arm's length, avoiding everything which did not come within
+the scope of his duties, and confining himself strictly to his own
+business. The modern developments of diplomacy; the use of the press,
+the hasty missions of amateur diplomatists, the gushing speeches which
+are apparently now considered to be obligatory upon the professional
+diplomatist--all this would have been hateful and perhaps impossible to
+a man who could boast that he had spent five years in America without
+making a speech or taking a drink. But in an impartial survey of the
+twenty-eight years which Lord Lyons spent at Washington, Constantinople,
+and Paris, it would be rash to assert that any other man would, under
+similar circumstances, have retained to an equal extent the confidence
+of successive British Governments and the esteem and friendship of
+the long series of Foreign Ministers with whom he was called upon to
+negotiate questions often of the most vital importance.[31]
+
+The main interest in foreign politics in the summer of 1880 lay in
+the Balkan Peninsula. Mr. Goschen had been sent out to Constantinople
+in the place of Sir Henry Layard, and Her Majesty's Government were
+endeavouring energetically to force the Porte to carry out the
+provisions of the Treaty of Berlin with regard to the rectification of
+the Montenegrin and Greek frontiers. The Greek Frontier Question made
+little way, and the Gladstone Government in their diplomatic campaign on
+behalf of the Greeks met with little encouragement or support from the
+other Powers, not even excepting France, who had always been the leading
+advocate of Greek claims. When M. de Freycinet was asked what he was
+prepared to do if the Turks resolved to defy the Conference which was
+then sitting, nothing more satisfactory could be got out of him than:
+_nous marcherons avec vous_, or _nous ne marcherons pas sans vous_, and
+to the question whether he would go far if necessary, he only made the
+cryptic reply, _peut-etre bien_. The British Government were hankering
+after a naval demonstration, and it was disheartening to work with so
+pusillanimous a comrade.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, June 21, 1880.
+
+ In answer to your private and personal letter of the day
+ before yesterday, I may say that I am not much afraid of the
+ French not being willing to go as far as we are willing to go in
+ coercing the Turks, if they set Europe at defiance about the Greek
+ Frontier. Freycinet seems to shrink from the idea that actual
+ coercion may be required, but his only distinct limit to the action
+ of France is that she will not do more than England.
+
+ I myself very much doubt whether the Turks will yield anything
+ to naval or other demonstrations, unless they are quite sure that
+ these demonstrations are the prelude to the actual use of force,
+ and it will not be easy to get them to believe this, unless we are
+ ourselves quite sure that that is what we mean.
+
+ Supposing we pushed demonstrations to the point of forcing
+ the Dardanelles, and sending the allied fleets to Constantinople,
+ we might produce a revolution, without obtaining the cession of
+ the territory to Greece. If the populations are in parts really
+ unwilling, the central government may be truly unable to compel
+ them to give in.
+
+ Supposing the Greek troops (_par impossible_) be defeated
+ either by the Turkish troops or by recalcitrant Albanians, the
+ ships of the Powers might not be able to do much to get them out of
+ the scrape.
+
+ I am very far from meaning to say, in answer to your question
+ as to the mildest and safest form of coercion, that it would
+ consist in moving troops to occupy the territory. To do so would
+ be neither mild nor safe, nor easy to arrange. But I am afraid
+ we shall find that in the end the treatment must be topical, and
+ that if the Greeks cannot take possession for themselves, we shall
+ hardly be able to obtain it for them by pressure exercised at
+ Constantinople only.
+
+ A rendezvous of the fleets at Corfu might have a good effect
+ on the Albanians, and perhaps increase the chance of the Greeks not
+ being seriously resisted.
+
+ I see Goschen suggests that the decision of the Conference
+ should be announced to the Porte by an identic note. I think a
+ collective note would have more effect and be more appropriate.
+
+The Turks, however dense they may be in other respects, are usually
+intelligent enough to perceive whether the Powers are in earnest or not,
+and as no Government except the British felt much enthusiasm for either
+the Greek or the Montenegrin cause, they showed no signs of giving way.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, July 2, 1880.
+
+ I am afraid it does not look as if the Turks were going to
+ yield to the moral force of United Europe. Leon Say and Montebello
+ seem to hold even less resolute language to you than Freycinet
+ does to me. Did the King of Greece understand Gambetta to say
+ that France, with or without the co-operation of other Powers,
+ would support Greece with troops? Freycinet will no doubt do
+ whatever Gambetta tells him, but one of the inconveniences of the
+ power behind the Government greater than the Government, is that
+ Gambetta does not talk as cautiously as he would if he felt direct
+ responsibility. No power except Russia seems to be willing to bell
+ the cat. France seems to be the only one that has in abundance the
+ three elements--men, ships, and money. Freycinet always says he
+ will do anything with us, but nothing alone, and does not seem much
+ more willing than Austria to look the chance of having to use force
+ in the face.
+
+ I do not see much prospect of an immediate diplomatic lull,
+ and I very much want one because it is of importance to my health
+ (at least the doctors say so) to get away, but I conclude that I
+ ought not to shrink from going through the national Festival of the
+ 14th July, and that I should do what is to be done at least as well
+ as any of my colleagues.
+
+Reviews, it may be said, were functions which he abhorred beyond all
+others.
+
+The King of Greece was in Paris at the time, vainly trying to stir up
+Gambetta to come to his assistance, although Gambetta in conversation
+with Sheffield expressed strong opinions as to the desirability
+of France and England acting energetically in concert, and even
+professed himself in favour of their making a joint demonstration
+at Constantinople, and landing troops there if necessary. Upon the
+same occasion he betrayed his gross ignorance of English politics by
+lamenting that Lord Beaconsfield had not postponed the dissolution until
+the autumn, 'when he would have been certain of success.'
+
+Freycinet, however, remained deaf to Lord Granville's appeals, even when
+the latter reproached him with the humiliating position in which France
+would be placed by abandoning a question which she had made her own, and
+when the British Government proposed a naval demonstration in favour of
+the Prince of Montenegro, made all sorts of excuses for evading it if
+possible.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, July 13, 1880.
+
+ I was more displeased than disappointed by the refusal of
+ the French to join in the naval demonstration in favour of the
+ Prince of Montenegro. They always try to act with Germany and
+ have a horror of sending away a ship or a man unless Germany does
+ the same: such is their confidence in the friendship they profess
+ to believe in, that they want always to be ready at the shortest
+ notice to attack their friend or to defend themselves from him.
+ They are also, no doubt, jealous of any separate help to Montenegro
+ which does not explicitly pledge the Powers to action in the Greek
+ Question also.
+
+ I quite agree with you that separate threats from the
+ French to the Porte about Greece (however incorrect their acting
+ separately may be) are more likely to do good than harm. One Power
+ in earnest would frighten the Porte more than the six, if the
+ Porte were convinced that the five others would not restrain the
+ energetic one.
+
+During the next three months the Sultan, single handed, conducted a
+campaign against the six Great Powers, which, as will be seen, nearly
+ended in success; and it must, in fairness, be admitted that there was
+a good deal to be said from the Turkish point of view. The Powers were
+engaged in endeavouring to force the Porte to comply with conditions
+directly or indirectly resulting from the provisions of the Treaty of
+Berlin. But no steps whatever were taken, or ever have been taken, to
+force other States to comply with stipulations which appeared to be
+disagreeable to them. The right of the Sultan, which had been secured to
+him under the Treaty, to occupy Eastern Roumelia, remained in reality
+an empty phrase: the Bulgarian fortresses which were to have been
+demolished, remained untouched, the tribute due from Bulgaria remained
+unpaid, and there was no indication of an intention to reinstate the
+unfortunate Mussulmans who, as the result of the war, had been driven
+away from their homes, and had been despoiled of their property by
+their new Christian masters. Neither could it be justly maintained
+that, in agreeing to a rectification of the Greek frontier at Berlin,
+the Turks had recognized the right of the Greeks to annex a territory
+equal in extent to half of the Greek Kingdom. Added to this, were the
+difficulty and the humiliation involved in surrendering against their
+will, a large number of Mussulman subjects. The difficulty had in fact
+proved insurmountable in the case of Montenegro, and the Albanians
+who were in the first instance allotted to Montenegro offered so
+successful a resistance that the original plan was abandoned, and after
+much negotiation, the Porte accepted 'in principle' the cession of the
+Dulcigno district as an alternative. But the concession of anything 'in
+principle' by the Turks, usually means something quite different from
+the usual interpretation of that expression, and the Sultan succeeded
+in organizing a highly successful so-called Albanian League, and ably
+supported by a resourceful local Pasha, contrived by various expedients
+to delay the surrender of Dulcigno for so long that it began to look
+as if it would never take place at all. Finally, the resources of
+diplomacy becoming exhausted, a policy of coercion was decided upon, and
+an international fleet assembled off the coast of Albania in the month
+of September, under the command of Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour.[32]
+Each power signed a declaration of disinterestedness and a pledge not to
+acquire territory, but the hollow nature of this imposing manifestation
+was betrayed by a provision that no troops were to be landed, and the
+Sultan, who probably had some inkling of the situation, still refused
+to give way. A bombardment of Dulcigno would presumably have left him
+philosophically indifferent.
+
+As the Dulcigno demonstration did not appear likely to produce any
+satisfactory result, the British Government decided upon the hazardous
+step of proposing the seizure of Smyrna, that being considered the most
+efficacious means of coercing the Turks and of preventing the concert of
+the Great Powers from becoming the laughing stock of Europe. This step
+was evidently taken chiefly at the instigation of Mr. Gladstone, and the
+letters of Lord Granville bear witness to the extreme anxiety which
+he felt as to the result. No encouragement whatever was received from
+France; the timorous Freycinet having in the meanwhile been succeeded at
+the Foreign Office by the equally timorous Barthelemy St. Hilaire, an
+aged survival of the Louis Philippe period.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Oct. 4, 1880.
+
+ Barthelemy St. Hilaire's answer about the Greek Frontier does
+ not look as if we should receive any energetic help from France
+ towards obtaining the settlement of that or any other question
+ in the East. The answer was all ready cut and dried, and the
+ declaration as to France sticking to the Concert, but not taking
+ any initiative, had been made before to my colleagues. A more
+ experienced diplomatist would have acknowledged more elaborately
+ your courtesy in offering to communicate first with France, before
+ addressing the other cabinets on the Greek Frontier affair.
+
+ The fact is that the present Cabinet is still more frightened
+ than the last by the disapproval which has been manifested by
+ all parties in France of even the little that has already been
+ done. With regard to this, M. St. Hilaire made a remark to me
+ yesterday which seems to be true enough. France, he said, has quite
+ recovered her financial strength, and in great measure her military
+ strength, but the _moral_ of the people is not yet _releve_.
+ They are horribly afraid of another war and consequently utterly
+ averse from anything like a risky or energetic policy. Another
+ popular sentiment, which is extremely inconvenient just now, is the
+ feeling that France made the Crimean War _pour les beaux yeux de
+ l'Angleterre_ and had better not repeat the experiment. Altogether
+ I am afraid France will be a trouble, not a help to us, and I am a
+ good deal put out about it.
+
+ Barthelemy St. Hilaire talked to me a long time about
+ Gambetta, with whom he described himself as very intimate. He
+ described Gambetta as having a naturally generous nature, as being
+ somewhat impulsive and incautious, but at the same time somewhat
+ 'Genoese.' He said that if I took opportunities of associating with
+ him, I should find his character an interesting study. The study
+ will not be a new one to me, and I am not sure that too apparent an
+ intimacy between me and Gambetta would be viewed without jealousy.
+
+M. Jules Ferry, the new Prime Minister, was no more amenable than his
+colleague.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Oct. 8, 1880.
+
+ As to the French agreeing to the Smyrna proposal, I cannot
+ prognosticate favourably. I had a long conversation yesterday
+ with Jules Ferry, the Prime Minister. I seemed to make some
+ impression by urging that to break up the European Concert now
+ would be to keep the questions open, with all their inconveniences
+ and all their dangers, for an indefinite time. He also admitted
+ the many advantages of the Smyrna plan, and was quite unable to
+ suggest any other course of action so likely to bring the Sultan
+ to reason without inconvenient consequences. But he perpetually
+ reverted to the argument that it would be going too near war to be
+ admissible under the French Constitution, and that the Chambers
+ on that account would call the Ministers severely to task. The
+ argument from the Constitution seems to me almost absurd, but it
+ is constantly used already in the press, and will no doubt be used
+ hereafter in the Chambers. The fact is that Jules Ferry and his
+ colleagues are horribly afraid of the effect which they believe any
+ action on their part would produce on public opinion and on the
+ Chamber.
+
+ I have seen B. St. Hilaire this afternoon. I went over with
+ him the same ground I had gone over with Jules Ferry yesterday, but
+ with much the same result. He told me that the question had been
+ discussed in the Cabinet this morning and was to be discussed in
+ another Cabinet to-morrow. Perhaps they would not like to stay out
+ in the cold if Germany and Austria came in, but I am afraid they
+ will certainly not say 'yes,' though they may say 'no' before those
+ Powers have given their answer. They seem to argue from the delay
+ of the German Government, that Bismarck is against the proposal.
+ Orloff, my Russian colleague, tells me that he is strongly urging
+ the French to agree. Beust and Radowitz (the German) talk as if
+ they themselves thought well of the Smyrna plan, but say they have
+ heard nothing from their Governments.
+
+ I spoke to B. St. Hilaire about your reasons for communicating
+ first with him about the Greek Question, and he sent with effusion
+ the message of thanks which he ought to have sent at first.
+
+ Choiseul is applying with vigour the _epuration_ system to
+ the Foreign Office and the Diplomatic Service. He seems to have
+ dismissed some very good men in both. Des Michels is one of his
+ victims, and to-day he has decapitated the head of the Commercial
+ Department.
+
+ I think it better not to communicate at present the draft
+ instructions to the Admiral. They would, I think, be seized upon as
+ arguments that the occupation of Smyrna would be an act of war.
+
+Her Majesty's Government were in effect in a very bad mess. The Smyrna
+proposal had received no real support from any Power. Bismarck had
+announced that the so-called Eastern Question was not worth the bones
+of a Pomeranian Grenadier, and nothing was to be expected from him.
+The same thing applied to Austria; neither Italy nor Russia were to be
+relied upon, and France was unwilling and unenterprising. No wonder
+that Lord Granville felt singularly uncomfortable: the Concert of
+Europe, as he expressed it, had 'gone to the devil,' no one was going to
+help him, and unless within a few days the Turks yielded, the British
+Government would be confronted with the alternatives of seizing Smyrna
+single handed or of confessing defeat and abandoning the contest. Lord
+Granville himself was in favour of the latter course, as being logical,
+and the natural consequence of the action of the other Powers, who would
+neither agree to the English proposals nor propose anything themselves.
+Mr. Gladstone, on the other hand, was apparently all for going on and
+acting as the mandatory of Europe, and as he usually got his way, it
+is possible that this dangerous course might have been adopted; but in
+the very nick of time, just at the moment when the situation looked
+to be at its worst, the Sultan suddenly gave way and announced that
+Dulcigno should be handed over to the Montenegrins. What brought about
+this sudden decision has always remained more or less of a mystery, but
+there is no proof that the proposed seizure of Smyrna (which would have
+probably inconvenienced European interests quite as much as the Sultan)
+was the deciding factor. According to the late Lord Goschen, who was in
+as good a position to know the real facts as any one else, the sudden
+surrender of the Sultan was caused by a Havas Agency telegram from
+Paris; but the contents of this communication have never been divulged,
+and Lord Goschen himself never ascertained what they were. The surrender
+of Dulcigno, which took place in November, terminated the crisis and
+enabled the Gladstone Government to claim a striking if lucky success
+for their own particular sample of spirited Foreign Policy.
+
+In the year 1880 the relations between the Liberal Government and
+the Irish Nationalists were the reverse of cordial, and a good many
+inquiries used to come from the Foreign Office respecting alleged Irish
+plots and conspiracies at Paris with requests that the French police
+authorities should be asked to give their assistance. These requests
+Lord Lyons was in the habit of discouraging as much as possible,
+partly from an ingrained dislike to being involved in any secret and
+equivocal transactions, and partly because he knew that if the French
+police gave their assistance in tracking down Irish conspirators, they
+would certainly expect reciprocity in regard to Bonapartists and other
+opponents of the existing system of Government at that time residing
+in England. For these reasons he always urged that the English police
+authorities should communicate direct with the French police authorities
+without using the Embassy as an intermediary. But the efforts of the
+Gladstone Government were not confined to endeavouring to check Irish
+plot by means of the police, and an attempt was made to restrain the
+turbulent bishops and priests engaged in the Home Rule agitation by
+applying pressure upon them from Rome. The credit of this expedient
+seems to have been chiefly due to the active and enterprising cleric,
+Monsignor Czacki, who was acting as Nuncio at Paris, and who appears
+to have conceived the idea that if the Pope could be persuaded to
+intervene on the side of the British Government, it might be possible
+to re-establish regular diplomatic relations between England and the
+Papacy. As far back as December, 1879, Monsignor Czacki had made certain
+overtures, but they met with no attention from Lord Salisbury.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, June 18, 1880.
+
+ Last October a very quiet, not to say dull, old Italian
+ prelate was succeeded here as Papal Nuncio by a very active,
+ talkative and agreeable Pole, Monsignor Czacki.
+
+ At the beginning of December Monsignor Czacki came to me and
+ told me that he had received a letter from Ireland accompanied by,
+ or referring to, letters from very important people, among which
+ was, he said, one from you. He had in consequence written to the
+ Pope, and the Pope had written to the Irish Bishops to exhort them
+ to do all in their power to restrain their flocks from taking
+ part in violent or seditious proceedings. Monsignor Czacki asked
+ me whether the state of affairs in Ireland was at the moment so
+ serious as to render it advisable that the Pope should repeat these
+ exhortations to the Irish Bishops. I made a somewhat banal answer
+ to the effect that though there were no grounds for feeling alarm
+ as to the ultimate issue of what was going on, there was good
+ reason that those who possessed influence there should use it for
+ the prevention of crime and outrage, and also of turbulence and
+ disorder.
+
+ I reported what has passed in a private letter to Lord
+ Salisbury, but I received no answer from him, and I heard no more
+ of the matter till yesterday.
+
+ Yesterday, however, Monsignor Czacki came to see me and
+ showed me a letter he had received a few days before from Lord
+ Emly. The letter said that previous intervention had produced the
+ best results, that several Bishops had denounced the agitation in
+ the strongest terms, but that unfortunately the Socialists were
+ publicly supported by various Bishops. It mentioned that the Roman
+ Catholic Bishop of Meath, and the Roman Catholic Archbishop of
+ Cashel had manifested their sympathy with Mr. Parnell, and that the
+ Roman Catholic Bishop of Kilmore had himself recommended Mr. Biggar
+ to the electors as a candidate. The letter begged Monsignor Czacki
+ to intervene again, but it made the request only from Lord Emly
+ himself, without any allusion to you or to any other person, as
+ being cognizant of it.
+
+ Monsignor Czacki said that he entirely sympathized with the
+ views of the writer and intended to send the letter to Rome; and he
+ proceeded to ask me whether I would authorize him to say that he
+ had shown it to me and that he sent it with my approval.
+
+ It seemed to me that this would be bringing the thing much too
+ near Her Majesty's Government for it to be right for me to assent
+ to it without knowing your wishes.
+
+ I confess this mode of communicating with the Vatican does
+ not commend itself to my judgment, and that it seems to me that it
+ might lead to awkwardness and interfere with better means you have
+ of communicating with the Pope, if you wish to communicate with
+ His Holiness at all. At the same time I was not absolutely sure
+ that you might not think there might be some convenience in having
+ this channel open. I did not therefore rebuff Monsignor Czacki, but
+ without giving any hint that I should refer to you, said simply
+ that I would think about what he had said.
+
+ He is very fond of enlarging academically upon the advantages
+ England would derive from entering into regular diplomatic
+ relations with the Holy See, or if that were impossible, from
+ re-establishing an unofficial agent at Rome.
+
+ You will gather from all this that Monsignor Czacki is not
+ altogether disinclined to be busy.
+
+The energetic Nuncio returned to the subject at the close of the year.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Dec. 31, 1880.
+
+ You may remember that in June last I gave you in a private
+ letter a long account of a conversation which Monsignor Czacki, the
+ Papal Nuncio here, had volunteered to have with me on Irish affairs.
+
+ Monsignor Czacki came to see me three days ago, and enlarged
+ on the great advantage to the cause of order and tranquillity in
+ Ireland it would be for the Pope to pronounce an authoritative
+ condemnation of the wicked acts perpetrated in that country. He
+ hinted that the Pope had been misled by some of the Irish Bishops
+ who had recently been at Rome, and he dwelt on the inconvenience
+ which arose from the British Government's having no channel of its
+ own through which to communicate direct with His Holiness.
+
+ On the last occasion Monsignor Czacki offered to be himself
+ a channel of communication. He did not repeat this offer, but
+ his object in what he had said appeared to be to lead up again
+ to the question of the establishment of regular diplomatic
+ relations between England and the Vatican, or if that could not be
+ immediately, then to the return to Rome of an unofficial agent, in
+ the same position that was occupied by Odo Russell, and before him,
+ by me. He told me he spoke entirely of his own accord, but that he
+ was sure that Pope Leo XIII. would most willingly receive even an
+ unofficial agent.
+
+ Monsignor Czacki is a very great talker, which makes it easy
+ to say very little in answer to him, and I took full advantage of
+ the facility for being conveniently silent which this afforded me.
+
+ The impression he left upon me was that for some reason or
+ other the authorities at the Vatican decidedly wish to have some
+ sort of agent there, from whom they could receive information
+ respecting the views of the British Government upon the accuracy of
+ which they could fully rely.
+
+ I don't think that if it had depended on me I should have
+ discontinued the unofficial agent, awkward as the position had been
+ made by the presence of the Italian Government and of a regular
+ British Embassy. But to establish one now would be a question of
+ far greater difficulty than to have kept one going.
+
+Whether influenced by Monsignor Czacki or not, Her Majesty's Government
+sent Mr. Errington, a Liberal Member of Parliament, to Rome in an
+ambiguous capacity which was loudly denounced in the House of Commons
+both by Home Rulers and by fervent Protestants, and in the course
+of one of the discussions on the subject, Mr. Gladstone informed an
+astonished audience that there was all the difference in the world
+between an Agent and an 'Agente.'
+
+The French Municipal Elections which took place in January, 1881,
+produced a reassuring impression throughout the country, as both the
+extreme parties were decisively defeated, and the effect was largely
+to increase the power and influence of Gambetta, who was now in the
+enviable position of being able to make or unmake Ministries, and who
+at the opening of the Chambers made a kind of 'speech from the throne'
+which considerably perturbed the uninspiring President Grevy.
+
+Everything that Gambetta now said was of importance, and his views on
+the European situation were ascertained in the usual manner through
+Sheffield.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Feb. 8, 1881.
+
+ Gambetta asked Sheffield to breakfast on Saturday, and as
+ usual talked freely to him.
+
+ He appeared to think that the three Emperors had come to
+ an understanding with each other, and that whatever might be
+ their plans, it was certain that they would not be beneficial
+ to French interests. According to him, it was with the Emperors
+ not a question of the position of their Empires, but of their
+ own individual positions. They were opposed to liberal views and
+ liberal institutions. They were intent upon doing whatever would be
+ most hurtful to the prestige and success of the Republic in France.
+ They were, in fact, reconstituting the Holy Alliance.
+
+ At this moment France was unfortunately powerless. Until the
+ General Election had taken place, her destinies must be at the
+ mercy of any old women who were employed as stopgaps in ephemeral
+ ministries. Since Barthelemy St. Hilaire had been in office he had
+ only seen him once. He knew nothing or next to nothing of what went
+ on at the Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, and what little he did
+ know, he disapproved. 'Que voulez vous,' he said: 'nobody will do
+ anything to commit himself in any way, pending the uncertainty of
+ the elections.'
+
+ He seemed well informed about Egyptian affairs. He praised
+ Malet and said de Ring was entirely in the wrong in his quarrel
+ with de Blignieres, which was very injurious to the calm direction
+ of Egyptian affairs. He expressed an intention to urge the
+ immediate recall of de Ring.
+
+ I mark this letter private because we should get into a great
+ scrape and close a very convenient channel of communication if
+ Gambetta found that he was quoted or that his sayings transpired in
+ any way.
+
+The interest of the year 1881 lies in the fact that it makes a fresh
+departure in French foreign policy and the abandonment of the retiring
+and timorous attitude which had prevailed ever since the war with
+Germany. The first State to experience the inconvenience of this new
+development was Tunis, and early in the year it became evident that
+a very acute Tunis question was imminent. The trouble began over a
+large property known as the Enfida Estate. This property was sold to
+an important French financial association, but upon the sale becoming
+known, a certain Mr. Levy, a Maltese British subject, put in a claim of
+pre-emption under Tunisian Law, and it was believed by the French that
+he had been instigated by the Italians, and was merely utilized by them
+as a convenient means of obstructing French enterprise. The dispute over
+the Enfida Estate rose to such proportions that a French ironclad, the
+_Friedland_, was sent to Tunis in February, and the British Government,
+who were bound to make a show of defending the interests of Mr. Levy,
+in spite of his dubious position, followed suit with H.M.S. _Thunderer_.
+Both vessels were soon withdrawn, but before long it was generally
+believed that a French invasion of the country was contemplated.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 25, 1881.
+
+ The French public are getting very cross about Tunis.
+ Reasonable people see that we cannot allow our own subject to be
+ bullied, but the French in general do not distinguish between
+ the Enfida case and the Tunisian questions regarding predominant
+ influence, Italy, and so forth. Drummond Wolff's question last
+ night was very mischievous. It was his own party which gave the
+ assurances at Berlin which have made Tunis so very delicate a
+ matter between the French and us, and which dispose the French to
+ allege that the present Government is less friendly to them about
+ that country than the late. Anyhow, Tunis is the point on which
+ above all others the French are susceptible and irritable; and
+ the Italians, and, however unconsciously, our own Consul too, I
+ am afraid, are always stirring up awkward questions on the spot.
+ I should be heartily glad to be rid of the Enfida question in any
+ creditable manner. I so strongly suspect that Levy is simply put
+ forward by the Tunisians for their own gain, and supported by the
+ local enemies of goodwill between France and England, in order
+ to make mischief, that I only wish we could wash our hands of
+ the whole affair. There seems to me to be no evidence that he is
+ a _bona fide_ purchaser on his own account. Tunis is the really
+ ticklish point in our relations with France.
+
+The Enfida Estate case was not only unsatisfactory on account of Mr.
+Levy not being a very desirable _protege_, but because it enabled
+the French to manufacture a grievance against the Bey, and gave the
+Italians an opportunity to encourage that unfortunate potentate in the
+belief that he would receive foreign support in the event of French
+aggression.
+
+The intentions of the French Government were disclosed before long.
+Shortly after the wretched Bey had protested against a memorial
+containing a long list of alleged French grievances against the
+Government of Tunis, M. Jules Ferry, on the ever convenient plea of the
+necessity of chastising hostile frontier tribes, asked for votes of
+credit for both the army and the navy, which were unanimously agreed to.
+Before the expedition actually started, the French agent at Tunis, M.
+Roustan, visited the Bey and informed him that the French preparations
+were intended to protect him against the Sultan of Turkey, who desired
+to convert Tunis into a Turkish Pashalic, and that, under these
+circumstances, it was very desirable that Tunis should be placed under
+a French Protectorate. It was quite in vain that the unhappy Bey urged
+that he had no reason to suspect the Sultan of any such intention and
+that he had not the slightest desire for a French Protectorate; he was
+informed that he was not the best judge of his own interest, and that
+French troops would shortly enter his country to chastise the Kroumirs,
+a race of whom nobody had yet heard, but who apparently constituted a
+serious menace to the French Republic.
+
+The obvious design of the French drew from Lord Granville an opinion
+that they could not be allowed to seize upon Tunis without the consent
+of Turkey, and the permission of other Powers; but to this opinion not
+much attention seems to have been paid.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ April 5, 1881.
+
+ I have thought it necessary to instruct you to inquire into
+ the state of affairs at Tunis. You are not likely to do so in an
+ unnecessarily offensive manner.
+
+ I am told that the French are determined to establish their
+ Protectorate. This will be very awkward at the moment.
+
+ Pray look as mysterious as you can, as to what might be our
+ attitude.
+
+ We do not wish to follow the example of the foolish opposition
+ made to Algiers, but the French cannot be allowed to seize Tunis
+ without the consent of Turkey and communication with the rest of
+ Europe.
+
+ The Italians wish us to move vigorously in the matter; the
+ Italian Government seems alarmed at the excitement of their chamber.
+
+It was all very well to say that the 'French cannot be allowed to seize
+Tunis,' but when a big European Power decides to pounce upon a weak and
+decaying Oriental State, it is not of the slightest use to employ such
+language if merely moral suasion is contemplated. The recent action
+of the Italian Government with regard to Tripoli[33] was the exact
+repetition of French action with regard to Tunis, and remonstrances were
+of no more avail in one case than in the other. The Bey sent piteous
+protests and appeals for justice to all the Great Powers, but as Italy,
+the only Power which really objected, was not prepared to fight, his
+lamentations fell upon deaf ears. Meanwhile, in an attempt to justify
+their bare-faced aggression, the French Government apparently handed to
+M. Blowitz, the _Times_ correspondent at Paris, a despatch from Lord
+Salisbury written in 1878, which it had been agreed should be treated as
+confidential, and it was intimated in the press that further private
+and confidential communications would appear in a forthcoming Yellow
+Book. This produced a very justifiable remonstrance from Lord Salisbury.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Hatfield, April 24, 1881.
+
+ I am not sure that I am not irregular in addressing to you any
+ communication on public affairs. But I think I have been told that
+ a certain license is accorded to disembodied Foreign Secretaries,
+ of haunting the scenes of their former misdeeds.
+
+ My cause of writing is this. My eye caught a statement in one
+ or two English papers that St. Hilaire intended to print in the
+ forthcoming Yellow Book, Waddington's first despatch to d'Harcourt
+ on coming back from Berlin. I had a dim recollection that it was
+ undiplomatically phrased and had been withdrawn: but I could
+ remember no more.
+
+ Is it not rather a strong measure for a Government to withdraw
+ a despatch to which objection is taken at the time, when it might
+ be answered, and then to publish it three years later, when the
+ materials for answering it no longer exist? However, perhaps I am
+ wrong in assuming that the newspaper report is correct.
+
+Lord Salisbury was quite correct in his recollection, and the intention
+of publishing the despatch referred to was not carried out, but various
+attempts were made to fix upon him the responsibility for French action
+in Tunis.
+
+Lord Granville, although he confessed to disliking the process, had to
+content himself with ineffectual barking.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ April 22, 1881.
+
+ You will not like a despatch I send you, and I am rather sorry
+ to send it. But I do not see how we are to give France _carte
+ blanche_.
+
+ I dislike barking without biting, but if the result of not
+ barking (in contradistinction to all that was done under Louis
+ Philippe and Napoleon, when English remonstrances certainly stopped
+ the French) is the annexation of Tunis, or the creation of the
+ great port of Bizerta impregnable by naval force and neutralizing
+ Malta, we should look rather foolish.
+
+ Notwithstanding the present Chauvinism about Tunis, it would
+ not be a sweetmeat for the French to have England, Italy and the
+ Arabs inside and outside Algeria against her.
+
+ It is as well that she should not imagine that this is
+ perfectly impossible.
+
+ But, of course, I wish to ruffle her as little as possible,
+ and nobody will wrap up the warning of our doctrine as to the
+ Ottoman Empire better than you will.
+
+Undeterred by Lord Granville's just remonstrances and equally undeterred
+by the Sultan's assertion of his suzerainty claims, the French entered
+Tunis and occupied the capital on May 11, after little more than a
+mere promenade. On the following day the Treaty of the Bardo, which
+practically established a French Protectorate over the country, was
+extorted from the Bey, and declarations by the French Government made it
+clear that no intervention, direct or indirect, would be tolerated.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, May 13, 1881.
+
+ Barthelemy St. Hilaire certainly foreshadowed the Tunisian
+ Treaty accurately when he said that it would very much resemble a
+ Protectorate. It is so like one that it would be difficult to point
+ out a difference. The guaranteeing the execution of the Treaties of
+ the European Powers is sufficiently impertinent. As in all these
+ French expeditions, there is a vast amount of dirty pecuniary
+ stockjobbing interests at the bottom, which have been the real
+ motive power.
+
+ The whole affair is of very bad augury. It will inspire the
+ French Public with a love of resorting to high-handed proceedings
+ which can be indulged in without any real risk. Gambetta said to
+ Dilke that his Cherbourg speech was the first glass of wine given
+ to the Convalescent France, good for her but somewhat startling to
+ her system. This Tunis expedition is the second. The patient has
+ swallowed it so complacently that she may soon wish for another,
+ and perhaps a stronger stimulant. They got Bismarck's leave for
+ this, and it will perhaps be a long time before they do anything
+ of the kind without his leave. But then he will be sure to push
+ them on to any undertakings which will occupy their minds and their
+ forces, and tend to put them on bad terms with other Powers. And
+ this is disquieting, for there are not wanting all over the globe
+ places and questions in which the French might make themselves very
+ inconvenient and disagreeable to us, and might, if encouraged by
+ Bismarck, come at last to a downright quarrel with us.
+
+ Add to this the state of feeling in the English manufacturing
+ districts which is likely to be produced by the Commercial
+ proceedings of the French, and their virulent Protectionism, and
+ the prospect looks gloomy enough.
+
+The actual proceedings of the French in Tunis were in reality of less
+importance as regards England than the spirit which they betrayed, for
+their reception by the French public indicated a state of feeling which
+might have dangerous consequences. The preparations for the expedition
+were not considered by impartial critics as particularly creditable
+to the skill or efficiency of the French military administration, and
+there had been nothing like serious fighting in the short campaign. The
+question had simply been one of bullying a defenceless ruler, and of
+carrying on a high-handed policy in the face of Europe. Nevertheless
+the whole affair was hailed with almost unanimous delight by the French
+people. Nor, apparently, was this delight diminished by the reflection
+that the expedition had not been undertaken without the approval and
+encouragement of the German Government, and that the favour had been
+acknowledged with almost humiliating gratitude.
+
+Gambetta had represented that his object was to emancipate France
+from the humiliation of having to consult Bismarck confidentially
+beforehand upon every step she took, but this humiliating precaution was
+certainly not neglected in the case of Tunis, and if there had been the
+slightest suspicion that the expedition would have involved France in
+any difficulty with Germany, public opinion would at once have declared
+against it. From the German point of view this was satisfactory enough,
+but scarcely reassuring as far as other Powers were concerned.
+
+The French had shown that they rejoiced in any high-handed proceedings
+which did not bring them into collision with Germany, and whilst it was
+not improbable that their rulers would seek popularity by gratifying
+this feeling, it seemed not unlikely that the policy pursued by
+Germany with regard to the Tunis expedition would be persevered in. To
+disseminate the forces of France and to divert the minds of the French
+from Alsace and Lorraine by encouraging them to undertake distant
+enterprises for the gratification of their vanity, was an obvious means
+of increasing the safety of Germany, and the more such enterprises
+tended to alienate from France the sympathies of other Powers, the more
+they would contribute to the security of Germany. Unfortunately there
+were scattered over the globe, numerous islands and other territories,
+the annexation of which by France might be prejudicial to English
+material interests or objectionable to English feeling; and there were,
+moreover, various countries in which the undue extension of French
+influence might be dangerous to England, and where France, if tempted
+or encouraged to resort to arbitrary proceedings, might, without
+deliberately intending it, become involved in a downright quarrel with
+England. These considerations made it desirable that especial caution
+should be exercised in the case of Egypt. The effect of the Tunis
+expedition upon Egypt had been twofold. On the one hand, it increased
+Egyptian suspicions of the insincerity and rapacity of European Powers;
+on the other hand, it increased the reputation of France in Egypt at the
+expense of the other Powers and of England in particular, and diminished
+any confidence in being effectively protected from French encroachments.
+The lesson of the Tunis expedition was obvious; it would clearly be
+folly, either by withholding the tribute or by any other step to weaken
+the connexion of Egypt with the Porte, for the French Government had
+taken elaborate pains to show that in dealing with Tunis it was dealing
+with an independent Power. This contention had naturally been resisted
+by the Porte, and there was little difficulty in proving that suzerainty
+had been effectually established by a Firman of 1871. But the Sultan of
+Turkey, who in the past had enjoyed the possession of more suzerainties
+than any other potentate, had seldom derived anything but embarrassment
+from this particular attribute, and in the case of Tunis it proved
+to be singularly inconvenient. Encountering no opposition from other
+Powers, the French flouted the claims of Abdul Hamid, and in order to
+signify their new position, announced that the French representative
+would thenceforth take charge of all foreign questions. In spite,
+however, of the flexibility of the European conscience with regard to
+the general principle of the Sultan's suzerainty, it was recognized
+that under certain circumstances that principle must be conscientiously
+upheld; and it was, therefore, intimated, more or less directly to the
+French Government, that although the Sultan's suzerainty in Tunis was a
+negligible quantity, the situation in Tripoli was quite different, and
+so, in a far greater degree, was that of Egypt.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, June 17, 1881.
+
+ It is most true that the danger of bad relations between us
+ and the French arises from their proceedings not ours, and that
+ this makes the great difficulty in meeting it.
+
+ The change of their position with regard to Bismarck is
+ another great difficulty. A little while ago dread of Germany
+ made them unwilling to send a regiment or a ship to a distance
+ from France, but since the Tunis affair, they have gone into the
+ trap he has set for them with their eyes open. They feel sure of
+ his support and encouragement in any distant enterprises, and the
+ surer of it in proportion to the hostility which such enterprises
+ may provoke in England and Italy. They thus find a cheap way of
+ gratifying their vanity, and of advancing some of their apparent
+ interests. This coquetting with Bismarck does, moreover, divert
+ their thoughts from Alsace and Lorraine.
+
+ I don't think it would be prudent to make any special advances
+ to Gambetta at this moment. We might not please him and we should
+ very probably offend Grevy and Barthelemy St. Hilaire, and so
+ interfere with the practical treatment of present questions, such
+ as the Commercial Treaty, the West Coast of Africa, Newfoundland,
+ etc.
+
+ The anomalous position of the French in Tunis, and the
+ proceedings of Roustan[34] there, will keep up irritation in
+ England and Italy--and I suppose the French, annuente Bismarck,
+ will cut the Gordian knot, sooner or later, by annexing it. They
+ ought in consequence to acquiesce in some improvement of the
+ position of England in Egypt, but this is dangerous ground.
+
+The overbearing attitude of the French officials in Tunis caused
+considerable irritation in England, and something akin to exasperation
+in Italy. The Italians, had they felt strong enough to do so, would have
+resisted the French pretensions by force, but being without an ally at
+the time, had to content themselves with violent ebullitions in the
+press. The ill-feeling between the two countries was marked by serious
+riots at Marseilles and other towns in the South of France.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, June 24, 1881.
+
+ I did my best to impress upon B. St. Hilaire yesterday that
+ there was real bitterness of feeling among the public in England,
+ and that if the French Government and its agents persisted in a
+ series of irritating measures, the consequences might be very
+ inconvenient. The French had got all they could want, I said, and
+ I could not help wondering that it did not strike them that their
+ policy should now be to let the new system settle down quietly,
+ to avoid occasions of controversy about it, and in short, to let
+ Tunis be as little heard of as possible at present. It was an ill
+ return, I observed, for the great patience and friendliness shown
+ by our Government, to be perpetually springing upon them surprises
+ unpalatable to English public opinion. He professed to _abonder
+ dans mon sens_. I entreated him to keep his subordinates in order.
+
+ The French seem to have an unpleasant business in Western
+ Algeria, and there is beginning to be an outcry against the
+ military and civil management of the troubles there.
+
+ Good feeling between French and Italians will not be promoted
+ by late events at Marseilles. The feelings of the French towards
+ the Italians there are like those of the American workman towards
+ the Chinese at San Francisco, or of the Irish towards the negroes
+ at New York. There are said to be more than 50,000 Italians at
+ Marseilles, and they are apt to use their knives.
+
+ There are symptoms of a growing antagonism between Jules Ferry
+ and Gambetta, signs of the feeling between the Elysee and the
+ Palais Bourbon.
+
+After all, the Tunis expedition turned out to be a rather more
+troublesome affair than had appeared probable at first. At the end of
+June insurrections broke out at Sfax and other places, necessitating the
+recall of French troops who had been sent back to France; bombardments,
+and other severe measures of repression. The insurrection spread into
+Algiers on the western side, and on the eastern side the disturbances
+created the possibility of a violation of the frontier of Tripoli by the
+French troops.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, July 5, 1881.
+
+ Retribution has come quickly upon the French for their
+ hypocritical seizure of Tunis. The Arabs seem to be upon them
+ in all directions. Although this serves them right, it is, I
+ think, much to be regretted for political reasons, independently
+ of the suffering it causes to un-offending Europeans of various
+ nationalities in Africa.
+
+ If the French have to send a large force to Tunis, they will
+ very probably, formally as well as virtually, annex the Regency.
+ Tripoli will then stand exactly in the same relation to them
+ that Tunis did before the assumption of the Protectorate. After
+ Tripoli would come Egypt; but happily there is, I believe, a very
+ impracticable desert tract between them.
+
+ How great must be the complacency of those who desire to
+ occupy French troops in distant countries, and to involve France in
+ difficulties with other Powers.
+
+If the action of the French in seizing Tunis was hypocritical, the
+contention that the case of Tripoli stood on an entirely different
+footing was equally unconvincing. The real truth, of course, was that,
+with the exception of the Italians, no one really objected to the French
+going to Tunis. They went there, under distinctly false professions,
+announcing that the expedition was intended solely to punish refractory
+tribes, and that the occupation was merely temporary. The disclosure
+of their real objects naturally caused irritation in England as well
+as in Italy, but all hostile criticism was met by the assertion of the
+Liberal Government that Lord Salisbury had himself invited the French
+to take Tunis at the time of the Berlin Congress. The French themselves
+were careful to represent that they had only followed Lord Salisbury's
+advice, and Lord Granville, in defence of his own policy, always
+maintained that the phrase attributed to Lord Salisbury, _Carthage ne
+doit pas rester aux barbares_, had cut the ground from beneath his
+feet, and rendered remonstrance useless. But to make Lord Salisbury
+responsible for this act of flagrant immorality seems, in the face of
+such evidence as is available, unjustifiable. All that he had done was
+to intimate that he had heard that the French were extremely anxious
+to go to Tunis; that if they did so, British interests would not be
+endangered, and that he should consequently look on with indifference.
+When M. Waddington, in 1878, construed this opinion as an invitation to
+France to appropriate Tunis, Lord Salisbury felt bound to remonstrate,
+and he wrote to Lord Lyons, as has been already shown. 'He (Waddington)
+makes me talk of Tunis and Carthage as if they had been my own personal
+property, and I was making him a liberal wedding present.' The real
+instigator of the Tunis expedition was not Lord Salisbury, but Bismarck.
+The latter, who was omnipotent in Europe at the time, could have stopped
+French action at any moment he pleased, but instead of doing so, he
+naturally encouraged an enterprise which was certain to lead eventually
+to difficulties between France, Italy, and England.
+
+While, however, it was convenient to overlook any French illegality
+with reference to Tunis and to its connection with the Turkish Empire,
+it would have been, as has already been shown, manifestly imprudent
+to allow Tripoli, which stood in a precisely similar position, to be
+menaced with a similar fate: besides which, Italy had already marked
+Tripoli down as her own prey. Accordingly the French Government were
+informed that 'in view of the unquestioned incorporation of Tripoli in
+the Turkish Empire, as well as its proximity to Egypt, Her Majesty's
+Government could not regard interference of whatever description on
+the part of the French Government in that province in the same manner
+as they viewed the recent occurrences at Tunis. That Her Majesty's
+Government should take this view of the question of Tripoli cannot, they
+feel assured, be a source of surprise to that of France, since they
+have, on all occasions when the question of the extension of French
+influence in the direction of Egypt has been under discussion, been
+perfectly frank in their explanations with the French Government on the
+subject.' In his reply to this communication, M. B. St. Hilaire (who
+had previously announced that to annex Tunis would be a great mistake),
+effusively stated that the French Government looked upon Tripoli as
+an integral part of the Ottoman Empire, over which it did not pretend
+to exercise a predominant or exclusive influence, and gave a formal
+denial to all rumours which attributed to France any designs upon that
+country. The British Government professed itself quite satisfied with
+these assurances, and the Porte, for once in a way, showed sufficient
+intelligence to make its suzerainty quite clear, by despatching troops
+to garrison the country, and by other precautionary measures. In
+consequence of these steps Tripoli remained immune from attack for
+another thirty-two years, and when, in 1912, the Italians, following
+the French example of 1881, fell suddenly upon it without any serious
+attempt at justification, they did not allege that they were attacking a
+semi or wholly-independent State, but declared war upon Turkey itself,
+and incidentally brought about the destruction of Turkish power in
+Europe. The future of Tripoli under Italian rule is still obscure, while
+the numerous prophecies of failure which attended the seizure of Tunis
+by the French have not been fulfilled, but in either case it would be
+difficult to justify the morality of the enterprise or to defend the
+policy of these two Great Christian Powers.
+
+The year 1881 witnessed the renewal of negotiations for a new Commercial
+Treaty between France and England, and in consequence of opinions
+expressed by M. Tirard, the French Minister of Commerce, it was
+determined to take the negotiations out of the hands of diplomatists.
+M. Tirard had declared that he believed that an understanding could be
+effected if the question could be freed from diplomatic dilatoriness,
+and that if he were brought face to face with a 'competent and
+well-disposed man,' the whole matter would be settled within a week
+by making a few mutual concessions. To meet these views, the late Sir
+Charles Dilke, M.P., was appointed principal British Commissioner with
+the late Sir Joseph Crowe, Sir Alfred Bateman, and other distinguished
+experts as his colleagues or assistants, but M. Tirard's prognostication
+turned out to be entirely incorrect. In spite of the great ability
+and indefatigable industry of Sir Charles Dilke and the other British
+Commissioners, the negotiations made a very unsatisfactory start,
+were constantly broken off, and were not even concluded by the end
+of the year, so that it must have been impressed upon M. Tirard that
+dilatoriness was not necessarily due to diplomacy. From the first, the
+negotiations were unpromising, for Free Trade had continually receded in
+France since the Empire, and the necessity of cultivating good political
+relations with England was evidently less in 1881 than it had been upon
+the last occasion.
+
+The representatives of the two nations met in London in June, and an
+inauspicious beginning was made by the French Commissioners repudiating
+the bases signed in 1880 by Lord Granville and M. Leon Say. By the
+middle of the month the breaking off of the negotiations was already
+being considered.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Sir C. Dilke, M.P._
+
+ Paris, June 14, 1881.
+
+ I received last evening your letter of the day before, asking
+ me whether I had anything to say on the policy of breaking off the
+ commercial negotiations when you get to work.
+
+ I don't think we should lose sight of the fact that there will
+ in all probability be a thorough change of Government in France in
+ the autumn. We might _perhaps_ get a decent treaty from the new
+ Government if they found the negotiations in progress. It might
+ not be so easy to get negotiations reopened if they had once been
+ broken off, and the French had become accustomed to the idea of
+ having the general tariff applied to British goods.
+
+ Politically, it would, I think, be a great pity to begin
+ ill with the new Government, and I don't think we could possibly
+ begin well, in the state of feeling which would be produced in
+ this country, and still more I suppose in England, by a commercial
+ rupture.
+
+ The majority of the French would be very glad that the general
+ tariff, or still higher duties, should be enforced against English
+ goods, but they would none the less be irritated by our breaking
+ with them.
+
+ I confess, too, that I am alarmed, perhaps without sufficient
+ reason, at the effect which may be produced both at home and abroad
+ by the cry in England for retaliation.
+
+ My own plan would be, for the present, to pursue the
+ negotiation as seriously and as steadily as is compatible with
+ not committing ourselves to any decidedly objectionable duties so
+ definitely as to be hampered in subsequent negotiations if we find
+ the new Government more fairly disposed towards us.
+
+ If there was ever any possibility of concluding a Treaty in
+ time for it to be passed by the Chambers this Session, there is
+ certainly none now. Gambetta wanted to get the question out of the
+ way before the elections; but even if the Treaty were signed, I
+ don't think the Chambers could be induced to consider it under
+ present circumstances. Nor would they, I should think, pass a bill
+ to prolong the existing Treaties.
+
+ To my mind, our most prudent course would be to let the new
+ Chambers find the negotiations going on when they meet in the
+ autumn. I don't of course mean that you should go on sitting every
+ week from this time to the autumn: it would suffice that there
+ should not be any adjournment _sine die_, and that we should not
+ give any ground for an assertion that we are not really willing to
+ conclude even a moderately fair treaty.
+
+Lord Lyons, as has already been stated, was, like almost every British
+official of the time, a firm and almost bigoted Free Trader; and it
+is possible that his alarm at the prospect of retaliation was caused
+by the appearance of the Fair Trade League; that harbinger of Tariff
+Reform to which somewhat inadequate justice has been rendered by its
+imitators. But it is surprising to learn of these qualms, when he is
+found predicting that the smaller countries who were willing and able to
+retaliate on French goods, would obtain better terms than England. The
+very different spirit in which the smaller States approached commercial
+questions with France is shown in the following instructive account of
+the views of the Swiss Minister at Paris, M. Kern.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Sir C. Dilke._
+
+ Paris, June 25, 1881.
+
+ Last evening, after my letter to you of yesterday had gone, I
+ met Kern, who told me that in the course of the day he had had an
+ interview with M. Tirard, and also one with M. Gambetta. He had,
+ he said, declared most distinctly to both, first, that Switzerland
+ would not sign a Treaty placing her in a less advantageous
+ commercial position than that now existing; and secondly, that
+ if the general tariff were applied to Swiss goods, French goods
+ would be forthwith subjected to duties of precisely the same amount
+ in Switzerland. He had, he said, somewhat surprised M. Tirard by
+ informing him that the Swiss Government had power to impose such
+ duties at once, without waiting for legislative sanction.
+
+ The impression left upon Kern's mind by the two interviews
+ was, that as hard a bargain as possible would be driven by France,
+ but that in the end they would rather make moderate treaties than
+ no treaties at all, if they saw that this was the only alternative.
+
+ He is going to Berne to confer with his Government, and he
+ says that he is sure they will approve and confirm his language to
+ Tirard and Gambetta.
+
+ After these interviews, Kern was very positive that the French
+ Government were making a great fight to justify themselves to the
+ Chambers, but that if the Powers, and particularly England, were
+ firm, the French would yield rather than incur the political and
+ other inconveniences of not making any treaty at all.
+
+ I am not so sure as he seemed to be of this, but I think that
+ the French are alive to the political inconveniences of breaking
+ with England altogether; and it might therefore be worthy of your
+ consideration, whether, when you go back to the Articles you
+ reserved in the Tariff, you should not make a last effort to see
+ whether the French cannot be brought to consent to a Treaty which
+ would be better commercially than no Tariff Treaty at all. It might
+ interfere with whatever chance of success such an effort might
+ have, for the French to feel beforehand that they could get out of
+ the political difficulty by signing a simple Most Favoured Nation
+ Treaty.
+
+ Nevertheless I am not shaken in my opinion that it would be
+ advisable for you to sign a Most Favoured Nation Treaty, if better
+ may not be, before you break up the Commission, or adjourn it for
+ any long time.
+
+ Commercially we had better make sure at once of sharing the
+ concessions which may be made to other Powers under threats of
+ retaliation.
+
+ Politically we should, I think, find it most disadvantageous
+ to have even the appearance of being on bad terms with France.
+
+The British Government apparently still entertained the illusion
+that there were real French Free Traders. M. Challemel Lacour was
+the chief French Commissioner and Lord Granville welcomed him as a
+brother Free Trader. His brother Free Trader said it was true that he
+was _Libre-Echangiste_, but he was _Libre-Echangiste Francais_, and
+recognized the necessity of paying due consideration to the interests of
+native industries. To this chilling response, Lord Granville was forced
+to retort that he must venture to doubt whether a _Libre-Echangiste
+Francais_, in His Excellency's acceptation of the term, was not what
+in England was called a Protectionist. M. Waddington had once stated
+that he was a Free Trader 'bar cotton,' and whenever the French Radical
+Parliamentary candidates, who were then perambulating the country in
+view of an approaching general election, were asked whether they were
+Free Traders or not, they replied in the affirmative, but qualified by
+a reserve in favour of French industries which would be ruined by Free
+Trade. As a matter of fact, the spirit of Protection was becoming more
+and more ingrained in the French people, and the best chance of getting
+a reasonable Commercial Treaty lay in the hope that an election would
+bring Gambetta into power.
+
+The London negotiations which had been temporarily suspended were
+resumed at Paris in the autumn, and continued during the remainder of
+the year; but interest was diverted from commercial matters to the
+events which were occurring in Egypt and their probable effect upon
+Anglo-French relations.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 29: Subsequently Viscount Goschen.]
+
+[Footnote 30: Sir Francis Adams, Minister at Berne.]
+
+[Footnote 31: See Appendix by Mrs. Wilfrid Ward, "Lord Lyons in Private
+Life."]
+
+[Footnote 32: Afterwards Lord Alcester.]
+
+[Footnote 33: 1911.]
+
+[Footnote 34: French Consul-General at Tunis.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+ARABI'S REBELLION
+
+(1881-1882)
+
+
+In September, 1881, the long-drawn-out Egyptian crisis culminated in the
+military _coup d'etat_ of Arabi and the colonels, which resulted in the
+dismissal of the Ministry and the practical establishment in Egypt of a
+military dictatorship. From that moment European intervention, in some
+form, became inevitable, and it was the object of the British Government
+to continue to adhere honestly and consistently to the policy of working
+in conjunction with France, and to avoid carefully as long as possible
+any action which might necessitate the employment of force.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Sept. 30, 1881.
+
+ The article in the _Times_ has produced an anti-English
+ explosion on the subject of Egypt, and was certainly well
+ calculated to do so.
+
+ For my part, I think the best thing to be done is to take an
+ opportunity of distinctly manifesting at Cairo the continuance of
+ the Anglo-French understanding.
+
+ If we let either the Egyptians or Foreign Powers suppose they
+ can upset that, we shall not be able to maintain the English and
+ French Controllers, and if they disappear, the financial prosperity
+ will disappear with them, and we shall have the bondholders,
+ French and English, on our backs again.
+
+ If we let in other Foreign Powers, and at the same time try
+ to establish English predominance, we shall have those Powers
+ coalescing with France against us.
+
+ A split with us would very probably lead to France throwing
+ herself into the arms of Bismarck, and he would encourage all
+ her ambitious aims out of Europe, and, in particular, those
+ the prosecution of which would widen the breach between her
+ and England: or, in other words, be especially annoying and
+ inconvenient to us.
+
+ I hope things are so far calming down in Egypt, that we may
+ not be called upon to take any special measures this time; and
+ the best hope of avoiding them in future seems to be in making it
+ understood that England and France united will resist attempts to
+ overthrow the existing system.
+
+ I am all against letting the Turks thrust the smallest finger
+ into the pie. At this moment the French would never consent, and
+ would consider our bringing in the Turks a specially unfriendly
+ act, with a view to their Tunisian affairs. The less they merit any
+ consideration from us, the more sore they will be at not receiving
+ it. Besides which, where the Turkish hoof has trod, no grass grows,
+ and woe to the finances of any country with which the Turk can
+ meddle.
+
+ Of course, in what I have said about Egypt I have confined
+ myself to the present and the immediate future.
+
+The chances of being able to avoid active intervention were in reality
+non-existent; for temporizing measures taken in conjunction with France
+could not put off for ever the day when, moral pressure having been
+found insufficient, armed force would necessarily have to be employed.
+When that day arrived, the probability was that France would want to
+send troops in conjunction with ours, and our consent to that course
+might involve us in war with France in a very short time. If we had the
+courage to tell the French that our interests were paramount in Egypt,
+and that therefore all other European Powers must be kept out, then we
+must be prepared to back our words with force, and everything therefore
+pointed to the naval superiority of England in the Mediterranean as
+being our paramount necessity. With real naval superiority in the
+Mediterranean we were practically able to make the French do our
+bidding, if we chose. We had the power to shut up their navy in French
+ports, to stop their communications with Africa, to render powerless
+two millions of French soldiers, and to demolish Bismarck's schemes
+of elbowing us out of the Mediterranean. Such was the happy position
+which we enjoyed in 1881, and it was a great contrast to that which
+we occupy at the present day; but it did not tend towards promoting
+goodwill between the two nations, and Lord Lyons constantly urged
+that some joint understanding should be arrived at, in the event of
+another military outbreak in Egypt. The situation had been complicated
+by the despatch of a Turkish mission, and the general impression in
+France was that Arabi and the colonels would shortly be engaged in a
+conspiracy to dethrone the Khedive and to restore something like the old
+_regime_ in the country. A positive declaration from the English and
+French Governments that they would not tolerate the overthrow of the
+Khedive and the established system might have effected much if it was
+felt that the two Governments would interfere by force, if necessary,
+rather than permit it; but this would not be felt or believed unless
+the two Governments had really come to an understanding and had agreed
+upon details; and when it came to discussing details the question
+at once presented difficulties. These difficulties were not lessened
+by a French Ministerial crisis in the autumn, as a crisis usually
+produced a fit of petty Chauvinism, such an encouragement to Consuls
+in the East to _porter haut le drapeau de la France_, the bullying of
+local authorities, and a demand for the extortion of monopolies and
+concessions for French speculators.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 4, 1881.
+
+ The Treaty of Commerce and Egypt will probably be the two
+ first questions we shall have to discuss with the new Government.
+
+ The Commercial negotiations seem to me to have been brought
+ exactly to the right point. Having obtained the three months
+ prolongation, we have resumed the negotiation on the day fixed, and
+ have continued it _bona fide_; and it now stands over in a manner
+ which will enable us to see in due time whether or no we can make a
+ treaty with the new Government.
+
+ As regards Egypt, the opinion gains ground here that at the
+ bottom of the agitation there is (or soon will be) a plot to
+ dethrone Tewfik and put Halim in his place as a 'National': _i.e._
+ anti-European, anti-French, and anti-English Control, Khedive. I
+ understand that de Blignieres represented strongly to Gambetta that
+ the only way to produce quiet in Egypt and counteract intrigues
+ in favour of Halim at Yildiz Kiosk is for England and France to
+ declare positively at Cairo and Constantinople that they will not
+ stand it, but will resolutely support Tewfik and the existing state
+ of things. I do not know how far Gambetta assented to this, but I
+ am told he did not dissent from it.
+
+The result of much political manoeuvring was that in November, 1881,
+Gambetta was forced to take office and to exchange the irresponsible
+power which he had hitherto wielded in the background for Ministerial
+responsibility. As frequently occurs in similar cases, when the great
+mystery man was dragged out into the light of open day, his appearance
+was somewhat disappointing. His Administration, with one exception
+only, was composed entirely of men belonging to his own immediate
+following, and contained no one of any weight beside himself. Gambetta
+took the Foreign Office as well as the Presidency of the Council, and
+on the principle that _il vaut toujours mieux avoir affaire a Dieu qu'a
+ses anges_, this was an advantage, although it was believed that he
+entertained so great an admiration for Bismarck, that, following the
+latter's example, he would probably hand over the foreign diplomatist to
+an under secretary. The first impressions produced by the new Ministry
+were not favourable.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 18, 1881.
+
+ I don't think the present Ministry is so far at all a success.
+ Among other inconveniences arising from the appointment of men of
+ so little personal importance is that there is no one in Gambetta's
+ party who does not think that he ought to have been a Minister;
+ or, in other words, who acquiesces in the superiority of any of
+ those chosen. The fact that Leon Say and Freycinet were offered
+ portfolios, but would not accept them on Gambetta's terms, tells
+ against the selection ultimately made. Gambetta's personal genius
+ must make up for all deficiencies. He appears to have a talent
+ in particular for parliamentary tactics, especially for making
+ the right move on the spur of the moment. I doubt his having
+ deep-matured plans. So far as I can see, he lives _au jour le jour_
+ like ordinary men.
+
+ I had a long visit yesterday from Spueller, but we did not get
+ much beyond generalities. Gambetta and I have exchanged visits, but
+ have not met.
+
+ I do not hazard conjectures on commercial matters, as Dilke
+ will ascertain to-morrow exactly how the land lies. ... As a
+ diplomatist, I cannot but feel that there is convenience in being a
+ bachelor just now.
+
+The last sentence does not refer to the fact that he had just been
+created a Viscount, but to the somewhat peculiar domestic circumstances
+attaching to certain members of the new Government.
+
+It had been assumed that Gambetta's accession to office would be
+marked by a more vigorous foreign policy, especially in the direction
+of acquiring fresh territories in distant regions; but this was not
+justified by his own language or bearing, and at his first interview
+with the Ambassador he abstained from pompous common-places about
+preferring England to all the rest of the world, and desiring peace at
+any price, which was looked upon as a good sign. At the same time, there
+was, in his speeches about Tunis and the Mediterranean, a slight flavour
+of Chauvinism which would not have excited remark before 1870, but which
+would not have appeared in 1880, and would certainly not have been
+applauded in 1881, unless it had become generally known that Bismarck
+had sanctioned and encouraged French enterprises away from the continent
+of Europe.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 6, 1881.
+
+ Gambetta gave the Diplomatic Body an excellent dinner last
+ Saturday, and played his part as host very successfully.
+
+ What may be at the bottom of his heart, nothing has yet shown.
+
+ The change which has come over the relations between France
+ and Germany opens to him the door for a comparatively safe yet
+ ambitious Foreign Policy. Will he resist the temptation?
+
+ During the years which immediately followed the war, the
+ feeling of France towards Germany was composed of furious hatred
+ and of mortal dread. The line taken, consciously or unconsciously,
+ by Germany tended to add bitterness to this feeling. She interfered
+ dictatorially with France even in internal matters. Her object
+ seemed to be not only to impede the restoration of French strength
+ and wealth, but to prevent the French recovering even prestige
+ anywhere. She was, or affected to be, convinced that a war of
+ revenge on the part of France was imminent. She was believed by
+ the French to be angry at their showing so much vitality and to be
+ preparing to give them the _coup de grace_.
+
+ At this moment, however, neither France nor Germany appears
+ to apprehend an attack or to be prepared to make one. Each appears
+ to consider the other too strong to be attacked with impunity.
+ Certainly Gambetta would not find the nation in heart to follow him
+ in defying Germany. If therefore his policy or his passions incline
+ him to do something striking to flatter the national vanity, how
+ is he to find the means? The Tunis affair has given Bismarck an
+ opportunity of showing him. It has enabled the Chancellor to
+ convince the French that they will have the countenance of Germany
+ in any enterprise in which they may engage out of Europe.
+
+ How far this may be part of a great plan of Bismarck's
+ to secure German supremacy in Europe by pushing Austria into
+ the Levant, Russia into Asia, and France into Africa and the
+ Mediterranean, and by shutting up England in her own islands, we
+ need not inquire. In any case it must suit Prince Bismarck to see
+ France making acquisitions of territory or influence, which weaken
+ her military force in Europe, throw burthens on her finances, and
+ make ill blood between her and other Powers.
+
+ Unhappily if Gambetta is so short-sighted as to give in to
+ temptation of this kind, difficult questions are, more than with
+ any other Power, likely to arise with England, who is in contact
+ with France all over the world and especially in the Mediterranean.
+
+ I hope better things, and I am not at all willing to despair
+ of a thorough good understanding between France and England which
+ would avert danger from both, and enable both to do good to all the
+ world. Still one cannot but be anxious at this moment. Egypt may be
+ the ticklish point.
+
+The Parliamentary skill of Gambetta was seen to advantage during the
+short winter session, and compared favourably with the want of tact and
+vigour which had been displayed by his predecessors. He even obtained a
+success in the Senate, where he had not expected to find any sympathy
+at all, and some of the more sensible Conservatives became disposed to
+support him, more from fear of what might result if he fell than from
+personal attachment. Some of his appointments, however, aroused alarm,
+and he perturbed Lord Lyons by bestowing upon a journalist a most
+important post in the Foreign Office.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 30, 1881.
+
+ I will not despair, but I am feeling very great anxiety
+ about the Commercial Treaty. I am afraid that on this side of the
+ Channel, much more than in England, the failure of the negotiations
+ would have a most undesirable political effect. In France and on
+ the Continent generally, it would be taken as a sure indication of
+ a coolness between the two Governments. Gambetta would be taunted
+ by the Opposition with having alienated England (Italy having been
+ alienated before). Gambetta's supporters in the press and elsewhere
+ would try to throw the blame upon England, the English press would
+ retort upon France, and a very unpleasant state of feeling would be
+ the result.
+
+ Gambetta has astounded people by appointing a flashy newspaper
+ writer, of no particular principles, to the post of Political
+ Director in the Foreign Office. The Political Director is almost
+ the most important person in the office, as he drafts all the
+ political despatches and notes. I hope the communications to the
+ foreign ambassadors are not to be in the style of 'smart' newspaper
+ articles. I confess that when I saw the appointment in the _Journal
+ Officiel_, it did not occur to me that the man could be the same
+ Weiss who had been writing in the _Figaro_.
+
+The friendly disposition of Gambetta towards England has already been
+noted, and beyond a certain tendency in his speeches towards Chauvinism,
+there was nothing in his conduct calculated to arouse alarm, but
+nevertheless a critical moment in Anglo-French relations appeared to
+be approaching at the beginning of 1882. The Government of France had
+passed into the hands of a Minister far more influential, more able,
+and more ambitious than any man who had taken part in public affairs
+since the retirement of Thiers, and the time was at hand when that
+Minister must decide on the line of policy to be followed with regard
+to Foreign Powers. The character and temperament of Gambetta naturally
+disposed him to endeavour to make his Foreign Policy more vigorous,
+more successful and more striking than that of his predecessors, and
+with that object he would probably take one of two courses. Either
+he would aim at emancipating France from her existing confidential
+servility towards Germany; or, despairing of that, he would continue the
+existing relations with Bismarck, and thus ensure the latter's willing
+acquiescence in aggressive proceedings on the part of France beyond the
+limits of Europe.
+
+In order to shake off the German yoke, Gambetta evidently considered
+it essential that he should be able to place himself on distinctly
+friendly and intimate terms with England, and if he failed in this, the
+probability was that he would be obliged to revert to the patronage
+which was felt to be so irksome. But the change which had come over
+the relations between France and Germany opened the door to a foreign
+policy which was comparatively safe and easy, and yet did not present
+the disadvantage of being unambitious. The period which immediately
+followed the war of 1870, was, as has already been pointed out, marked
+by a feeling in France towards Germany of fierce hatred combined with
+extreme fear, and German policy, whether consciously or unconsciously,
+tended to embitter this feeling. Germany interfered dictatorially and
+ostentatiously even in French internal affairs, and the object seemed
+to be not only to crush the reviving strength of France, but to prevent
+her recovering anywhere, or in any matter, the smallest portion of her
+lost _prestige_. The German Government professed to believe that a war
+of revenge was meditated, and was credited with the intention of finally
+destroying France before the latter should be sufficiently recuperated
+to resume the struggle.
+
+But with the lapse of time, a change of policy, and, to a certain
+extent, a change of feeling had taken place on both sides. Neither
+country was in any immediate apprehension of an attack from the other. A
+somewhat ostentatious interchange of courtesy had been substituted for
+their former reserve, and Bismarck had seized the opportunity of the
+invasion of Tunis to let the French understand that they would have the
+countenance of Germany in enterprises undertaken by them out of Europe.
+Apart from all far-reaching schemes for securing German supremacy in
+Europe, it was obviously in the interests of Germany that France should
+engage in enterprises and make acquisitions which dispersed her armies,
+disorganized her finances and created ill feeling with other Powers.
+
+Gambetta was much too intelligent a man not to see through this policy,
+but the temptation to direct the energies of France into the Colonial,
+rather than the continental direction, might prove too strong for him
+if he despaired of gaining credit for his Government in another way.
+Unhappily, in such a case, with no Power were difficulties so likely to
+arise as with England, which was more or less in contact with France in
+all parts of the world, and especially in the Mediterranean. Nor could
+it be forgotten that in the speeches lately delivered on the subject of
+Tunis, Gambetta had made strong appeals to national pride with regard to
+French possessions and interests beyond the seas.
+
+Still there was no reason to suppose that the so-called Colonial Policy
+was Gambetta's first choice. He was known to chafe under the practical
+subservience of France to Germany, and to feel deeply humiliated by it.
+At the bottom of his heart he cherished an ardent desire to recover
+the lost provinces, but he knew that neither the military strength of
+France nor the spirit of the people would warrant his attempting this
+within any assignable period. He did, however, aim at freeing the French
+Government from the sort of occult control which Germany had recently
+exercised over it, and at improving the position of France as a Great
+Power. He desired to present the Government over which he presided
+to France and to Europe as taking a dignified and important part in
+international questions, and feeling that these objects could best be
+attained by a real and visible friendship with England, he was evidently
+disposed to treat pending questions with a view to maintaining and
+manifesting a cordial understanding.
+
+The two most important questions of the moment were, of course, Egypt
+and the Commercial Treaty.
+
+As regards Egypt, there was so far complete unity between the two
+Governments--the strain having not yet arrived--but the conclusion of
+a Commercial Treaty appeared to be a more arduous affair. Gambetta
+was apparently ready to go as far towards making an acceptable Treaty
+as was possible without risking a defeat in the Chambers. But if the
+negotiations were to fail, he would probably despair of keeping up good
+feeling towards England in France. He would conceive that the failure
+would discredit him in the eyes of France and of Europe; that it would
+convey to foreign Governments an impression, which he could not remove,
+of there being a coolness between France and England, and that it would
+oblige him to seek for his Foreign Policy some other basis than union
+with England.
+
+Perhaps the fear that unsuccessful commercial negotiations would convert
+Gambetta into a foe was partly due to a communication from Sir Charles
+Dilke announcing that a commercial ultimatum was about to be hurled at
+the French Government. This communication is extremely instructive from
+the English Parliamentary point of view, for it recommended that in
+despatches the word 'bargain' should be carefully avoided, 'as it would
+strengthen the reciprocity argument.' In other words, although wine
+duties were to be utilized for the purpose of bargaining, the fact was
+not to be disclosed lest it might be construed as a departure from the
+sacred principles of Free Trade.
+
+Attention was, however, quickly diverted from the Commercial Treaty
+to Egypt. On January 8, the British and French Governments presented
+the so-called Dual Note, in which they declared their intention of
+'warding off by their united efforts all causes of external or internal
+complications, which might menace the _regime_ established in Egypt.'
+The Dual Note was by no means as successful as had been hoped, and it is
+clear that Gambetta was in favour of more decided and independent action
+than the British Cabinet. Within a few days Lord Granville was already
+writing to Lord Lyons and asking him whether it would not be advisable
+for England and France to ask permission from the Powers to appear as
+mandatories of Europe.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Jan. 17, 1882.
+
+ The news from Egypt is certainly not reassuring, and the
+ _mauvais quart d'heure_ may arrive at any moment.
+
+ M. Gambetta would probably desire joint intervention; the
+ objections to this are immense: I need not recapitulate them all to
+ you.
+
+ Single occupation, by England or by France, still more so.
+
+ I am not quite sure that Turkish occupation under proper
+ conditions and control by France and England, although a great
+ evil, would not be less bad than the three alternatives I have
+ mentioned. But it is not only bad in itself, but it would be
+ strongly opposed by the French, although it would be supported
+ by the German Powers. In these circumstances, an observation of
+ Malet's struck me as having some force. Talking of the intentions
+ of some of the other Powers to have their part in the question, he
+ said it would not be so objectionable, if they consented to allow
+ the English and French to be the mandatories.
+
+ The idea seemed to me to be worth considering, and I spoke to
+ Tenterden and Rivers Wilson (but to no one else) and requested them
+ to draw up a memorandum as to how this could be carried out. I send
+ you an extract, and I should like to have your opinion on it before
+ I submit it even to Gladstone as a possibility.
+
+ Gambetta of course would not like it. But his difficulty is as
+ great as ours if he were to understand that we will not agree to
+ joint occupation. There would be nothing humiliating to France if
+ the proposal was freely consented to by both countries and jointly
+ offered to Egypt.
+
+ For us it would only be acting on the Concert of Europe
+ principle, about which we have been making such a fuss.
+
+This somewhat half-hearted proposal met with no approval from Lord
+Lyons, who expressed his objections in more decisive terms than were
+usual with him.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Jan. 19, 1882.
+
+ In your letter of the day before yesterday you ask me for
+ my opinion on a suggestion as to admitting other Powers to take
+ part in the Egyptian Question, on the supposition that France and
+ England should be their mandatories.
+
+ This would, _ipso facto_, be the abandonment of the
+ exceptional position which England and France have taken up in
+ Egypt. Whether this position can be, or ought to be, maintained for
+ a long time, is a question which I will not stop to examine.
+
+ That a proposal to abandon it, at this moment, would have a
+ very bad effect on our relations with France, does not, I think,
+ admit of a doubt. It would be taken as an abandonment of our
+ intention to give up, in the face of Europe, all special intimacy
+ with the French Government. It would give rise to suspicions
+ that we were trying to use the other Powers for the purpose of
+ ousting France from Egypt. The union of England and France on the
+ Egyptian Question is the principal symbol of there being a good
+ understanding between them, and to this symbol the French attach no
+ little importance.
+
+ I don't know that the designation of mandatories of Europe
+ would mend the matter. The other Powers would not commission
+ England and France to decide by themselves what measures should
+ be recommended for Egypt. They might depute England and France
+ to enforce the decisions of Europe, but this would only bring us
+ back to the joint intervention of the two Powers in a particularly
+ awkward and unmanageable form.
+
+ Practically, it would, I think, be found much more difficult
+ for us to keep well with France, if the other Powers were also to
+ have a voice in details. Hitherto England and France have managed
+ to come to an agreement with each other on the questions that have
+ arisen. It might be made more difficult for them invariably to side
+ with each other against other Powers. Political considerations as
+ to affairs distinct from Egypt might come into play. Setting aside
+ a natural and not improper jealousy on the part of each, lest its
+ associate should obtain separate and undue influence, the interests
+ of England and France in Egypt are very much the same. The main
+ interest of some Governments, and in particular that of the Porte,
+ might be antagonistic to cordiality between the two Western Powers.
+
+ A Commission appointed now to deal with questions relating to
+ the government and administration of Egypt would be a different
+ matter from the Commissions of 1878 and 1880.
+
+ In the first place, it seems probable that the Sultan would
+ protest strongly against it, and that he would do so whether or
+ no there were Turkish members of it appointed by him. His Majesty
+ might possibly acquiesce under strong pressure from all the Powers,
+ but would all the Powers put such pressure on him? In all matters
+ bearing upon the relations between the Porte and Egypt, it must, I
+ am afraid, be taken into consideration that neither France singly,
+ nor England singly, nor the two acting together, are likely at the
+ present time to exercise predominant influence at Constantinople;
+ and that, on the other hand, the Power which does exercise
+ predominant influence there shows no disposition to jeopardize that
+ influence by giving unpalatable advice, and is not supposed to have
+ any desire to promote cordiality between England and France.
+
+ Moreover, we have to consider not only the Sultan and the
+ Khedive, but the mutinous officers and the so-called National Party
+ in Egypt. From a telegram which Gambetta showed me yesterday,
+ it would appear that Arabi had expressed some idea of appealing
+ against England and France to the Great Powers collectively. But
+ would he and his party, whose watchword seems to be 'Egypt for
+ the Egyptians,' submit passively to the installation of a Foreign
+ Commission to settle all the important national questions? Would
+ they acquiesce in the subsequent enforcement of the decision of the
+ Commission?
+
+ The Commission might certainly sit at Alexandria, and it
+ might perhaps have the support afforded by the presence of an
+ Anglo-French squadron, or an International squadron. In either
+ case, would the squadron be provided with men to be landed in
+ case of need, and would the Commission be authorized to call for
+ the assistance and protection of a force to be put on shore? If
+ this were so, it might be merely a small beginning which might
+ ultimately render intervention in arms on a larger scale inevitable.
+
+ On the other hand, if the presence of the squadron were to
+ be merely a naval demonstration, would the fact of its being more
+ or less representative of all the Great Powers give it much more
+ weight than if it were made on behalf of England and France alone?
+ Would it, in either case, be safe to trust to the moral effect
+ of its being sufficient, and to its not rendering further action
+ imperative?
+
+ Gambetta seems to hope that firm and decided language, used
+ collectively now by France and England, may ward off a crisis.
+ If there be any chance of warding off a necessity for action, it
+ no doubt lies in this; but I suppose that with Gambetta the wish
+ is father to the thought. On the one hand, in face of the present
+ unpopularity of the Tunis expedition, it would be very awkward for
+ him to have to send another French force to Africa at the present
+ moment. But, on the other hand, he could not confront the mass of
+ enraged bondholders if he abandoned their interests; and public
+ opinion here, which is very sensitive about Egypt, would not
+ tolerate his letting France be openly set at naught in that country.
+
+ It is needless to add that the French Government would
+ bitterly resent it, if any hint were given to a third Power,
+ without their having been previously consulted, if there is any
+ idea on our part of withdrawing from our separate understanding
+ with them, and merging Egypt in the general Eastern Question. If
+ they were ever brought to consent to calling in the other Powers,
+ they would not readily forgive having their hands forced in the
+ matter.
+
+ For my own part, I would certainly, as regards Egypt, rather
+ have to deal with France only than with four or five more Powers.
+
+There can be no shadow of doubt that Lord Lyons's view was the correct
+one, but Lord Granville and Mr. Gladstone (no other member of the
+Cabinet is mentioned) seem to have hankered after the Concert of Europe,
+probably in consequence of the stroke of luck at Dulcigno.
+
+ 'Your very powerful letter,' Lord Granville wrote on January
+ 21, 'is gone to Gladstone. It is not easy to find an answer to all
+ your arguments. The question is whether there are not stronger
+ arguments against any other course. I think it is likely that I
+ shall write to you to ask you to speak to Gambetta.
+
+ 'On the imminence of the crisis: the importance of perfect
+ union between England and France: our strong objection to intervene
+ alone--giving as reasons:--opposition of Egyptians; of Turkey;
+ jealousy of Europe; responsibility of governing a country of
+ Orientals without adequate means and under adverse circumstances;
+ presumption that France would object as much to our sole occupation
+ as we should object to theirs.
+
+ 'Have carefully considered joint occupation; some of the
+ objections to sole occupation lessened, but others most seriously
+ aggravated.
+
+ 'Deprecate Turkish intervention, but think it a lesser evil
+ than the two to which I have alluded, giving some reasons.
+
+ 'Then propose the European element, as sketched out in my
+ private letter.
+
+ 'Any concessions to Europe after any demonstrations on the
+ part of the German powers and Italy would place us in a false
+ position; but if made spontaneously and jointly by France and
+ England, would not have that inconvenience.
+
+ 'Please reflect upon the way such arguments might best be put,
+ but let me have all your opinions upon it.
+
+ 'Such able letters as your last are very valuable.'
+
+Another letter written on the same day asks for advice as to what should
+be done 'if the crisis arrives, as is probable, in a week.' It was very
+evident that the Cabinet had no definite plan of their own, and were
+only too glad of the opportunity of consulting some one whose opinion
+was worth having.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, January 22, 1882.
+
+ I have received this morning your two letters of yesterday
+ about Egypt; and I have reconsidered the letters from me of the
+ 19th to which they are answers.
+
+ There exists at this moment one new difficulty, the
+ uncertainty whether Gambetta will still be in office this day week.
+
+ I do not, however, find in this circumstance any reason to
+ modify the views expressed in my long letter.
+
+ Whoever may be in office here at the time, if we proposed to
+ call in the other Powers, we should be held (to use Commercial
+ Treaty slang) to have 'denounced' our good understanding with
+ France. We should be reproached with deserting our comrade at the
+ critical moment, and I am seriously afraid that for a long time
+ the feeling in France towards England would be bitter, and the
+ relations of the French Government towards the English Government
+ more than cold.
+
+ In my communication to the French Government respecting Egypt,
+ there are some topics in particular which would require delicate
+ handling.
+
+ First of these, I should mention Turkish intervention. This
+ has been a subject of difference between France and England for
+ half a century, and the French have a traditional feeling on
+ the subject at all times. But at this moment they (rightly or
+ wrongly) think it a matter of vital importance to them with regard
+ to Algeria and Tunis, and they would go very great lengths to
+ resist the introduction of the Turkish Troops into Egypt, or the
+ increase of Turkish influence there. They always suspect us of
+ hankering after Turkish support against them, not reflecting that
+ our influence at Constantinople is not so predominant as when they
+ supported Mehemet Ali against the Porte and England.
+
+ Another topic on which the French might be sensitive would be
+ the question of governing a country of Orientals. This is a matter
+ on which I feel strongly myself, but it would need to be dealt with
+ very cautiously, or the French would see in it a sneer against
+ their own shortcomings in Tunis and even in Algeria.
+
+ The objections to joint dual occupation are strong, but almost
+ any statement of them would apply with equal force, or more, to
+ joint sextuple occupation, or to the occupation by two Powers as
+ mandatories of the rest.
+
+ Malet, I see, telegraphs that the Chamber would, he thinks,
+ listen to the united Great Powers, but would not listen to England
+ and France alone.
+
+ Admitting that Malet is right (and he generally is right),
+ there always remains the difficulty as to putting this cumbersome
+ six-wheeled waggon into motion in any reasonable time.
+
+ And this brings me to the question in your second letter, what
+ course should I recommend, if the crisis, as is probable, arises in
+ a week.
+
+ It seems to me that in that case either things must be let
+ 'slide,' or England and France must take some step together,
+ without waiting for the other Powers.
+
+All the anxious speculations which had taken place with regard to
+Gambetta's future foreign policy turned out to be quite unnecessary, for
+on January 27, after little more than two months of office, he resigned,
+having been defeated, like any ordinary political mediocrity, on a
+question of domestic interest. His place was taken by M. de Freycinet,
+who succeeded in forming a respectable Ministry, but whose policy with
+regard to Egypt was as vague and undecided as that of the British
+Government, and whose views with regard to a Commercial Treaty were
+supposed to be identical with those of his predecessor.
+
+Advantage was taken of the change by Lord Granville to again urge the
+substitution of the Concert of Europe for purely Anglo-French control in
+Egypt, and Freycinet showed himself much more amenable than Gambetta.
+As far as can be gathered, the attitude of both Governments was the
+reverse of heroic; the British Government was anxious to hand over its
+responsibility to other parties, and the French Government was not
+disposed to take any initiative at all. The French were, in fact,
+waiting for England to make a suggestion, and while perhaps ready to act
+in conjunction, wished that the responsibility of whatever proceedings
+were adopted in common, should rest primarily, if not exclusively, upon
+England. The Tunis enterprise had proved to be so much more troublesome
+and expensive than had been expected, that the Government shrank from
+becoming involved in anything of the same nature in Egypt. But the
+condition of affairs in Egypt was such that even the timid Freycinet
+Government might find its hand forced. An insult to a French functionary
+might produce an outbreak of Chauvinism which would force the Government
+to send a force to avenge it, and Gambetta would certainly have had a
+force ready for a contingency of this kind.
+
+Nubar Pasha was in Paris at the time, and his views on the Egyptian
+situation were not without interest.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, March 7, 1882.
+
+ I do not find the least diminution of the French opposition to
+ Turkish intervention in Egypt, even if it were only moral.
+
+ Nubar has been here for some months, and often comes to see
+ me. His first object in life seems to be to get Blignieres out
+ of Egypt, and his second to get Tewfik deposed. I conclude that
+ he thinks that both are obstacles to his own return to power.
+ His language is, that the dictation of the English and French
+ Controllers in Egypt was more than any country could bear; that the
+ present state of things is much better; office and power being in
+ the same hands; that Arabi Bey and his compeers will do very well
+ if they are properly managed, and that two quiet, conciliatory
+ (perhaps we should read imbecile) Controllers would keep everything
+ straight. I think he inclines to the moral intervention of the
+ Sultan. He seems to be intriguing with Germany. He had an interview
+ with Freycinet, to whom, according to his own account, he held the
+ language I have described above. He talks more ably than any one
+ else about Egypt, but always with a view to his own interests.
+
+Any one who ever conversed with the late Nubar Pasha could not fail to
+be impressed with his ability, but like many other able Orientals, he
+was a consummate intriguer, and probably the predominant feeling in his
+mind was a desire to be reinstated in power. It should be explained
+that, at this time, Arabi was already practically at the head of the
+Government, although only occupying the post of Minister of War, and
+that M. de Blignieres was still French Controller. M. de Blignieres,
+however, resigned his post on March 12, and an open letter[35] from him
+to M. Clemenceau threw a lurid light on the tortuous and inexplicable
+course of French policy in Egypt.
+
+ 'Lorsqu'il (Cherif Pasha) a du quitter le pouvoir; lorsque j'ai
+ compris que les chefs du parti militaire, qui l'avaient renverse,
+ pouvaient compter sur la bienveillance de notre gouvernement,
+ ce jour-la, ne me faisant aucune illusion sur les consequences
+ necessaires de cette politique nouvelle, j'ai resigne mes
+ fonctions.'
+
+If, therefore, M. de Blignieres was correct, the French were playing
+a double game; ostensibly acting in concert with England against the
+Nationalist agitation in Egypt, while secretly encouraging Arabi and his
+friends to persevere in their efforts. In one respect, however, they
+were consistent, namely in their opposition to Turkish intervention, and
+the traditional French opposition to Turkish influence in Egypt was
+accentuated in consequence of the recent events in Tunis and Algeria.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, April 4, 1882.
+
+ You will have seen by the despatches I sent you by post
+ yesterday that Freycinet has at last put the dots on his i's, and
+ distinctly proposed that Tewfik shall be deposed and Halim put
+ in his place. I cannot say I take to the idea. As you said to
+ Tissot, there might be some good in it if Halim had great moral and
+ intellectual qualities. But I don't see that we have any reason
+ to suppose he has such qualities. Nor indeed, if he had, do I see
+ how his mere appointment would at once set things straight in
+ Egypt. The removal of Ismail was a great blow to the prestige of
+ the Khediviate, and it would require a genius to re-establish its
+ authority, if another deposition takes place in so short a time.
+ I do not understand how Freycinet reconciles his present idea
+ with his objection to Turkish interference. If the Khedive is in
+ daily fear of being deposed by the Sultan, there will be abject
+ submission to Yildiz Kiosk and a constant flow of backsheesh to the
+ Porte.
+
+ Halim no doubt promises the French that he will be their man,
+ and if he becomes so, they may go great lengths to support him; but
+ how will this suit us? And how long will it be before it leads to
+ something very like armed intervention of the French in support of
+ him?
+
+ Then it seems to me that to depose Tewfik would be something
+ very like treachery, after the dual declaration made to him in
+ January.
+
+ It seems to me that the things to aim at should be: to keep
+ Tewfik; to give him some strength against military dictation, and
+ to preserve the Anglo-French Control, which means a reasonable
+ financial administration, and gives us at any rate some means of
+ knowing what the Egyptians (perhaps I ought to add) what the French
+ are about.
+
+The immoral proposal to depose Tewfik met with no encouragement from
+Her Majesty's Government, as was only to be expected, and the only
+conclusion to be drawn from the equivocal language of M. de Freycinet
+was that he felt armed intervention to be inevitable, but wanted the
+proposal to come from England. He tried to persuade Lord Lyons to
+propose a plan of his own which should be put forward privately, but
+this met with no approval at all. '"Private and between ourselves
+conversations," between Ambassadors and Foreign Ministers generally
+cause mischief.'
+
+As the situation in Egypt continued to get worse, the British Government
+was forced to take some action, and accordingly suggested that three
+generals, French, English, and Turkish, should be sent to Egypt 'to
+restore discipline to the Egyptian army.' As it was not proposed that
+these generals should employ anything but moral force, it is difficult
+to see how they could have succeeded, but Lord Granville appears to have
+considered that it would obviate armed interference, and the French
+Government having no plan of their own were presumably ready to accept
+almost anything, but caused considerable embarrassment by asking for a
+pledge that Turkish intervention by force of arms, in any circumstances,
+would not be tolerated. What Freycinet wanted, in fact, was to be able
+to declare to the Chamber that England and France were agreed not to
+allow armed Ottoman intervention.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, May 5, 1882.
+
+ Freycinet asked me just now to let him speak to me 'privately
+ and academically' about intervention in Egypt. He said his great
+ objection to Turkish intervention was that as matters now stand,
+ it would take place for a vague and indefinite object: that thus
+ it would be impossible to fix the exact time at which that object
+ would be accomplished, and that thus the Turks would have pretexts
+ for prolonging it indefinitely, for mixing themselves up in the
+ administration, for laying their hands on the Treasury, and what
+ not.
+
+ If the intervention was simply for installing a new Khedive,
+ his objections would be less. This would be a single definite
+ sovereign act of the Sultan. It might be accomplished in a week or
+ ten days, and the Ottoman troops would have no pretext for staying,
+ or for interfering in the administration. He should not object to a
+ Turkish, French, and English fleet going to Egypt to support some
+ single definite act of this kind, nor even, speaking solely for
+ himself personally, to Turkish troops being landed.
+
+ After some questioning from me, he said that, for a single
+ definite object, he personally might even prefer a Turkish
+ intervention, but that for any such vague purpose as supporting
+ Tewfik and restoring order, he thought Turkish intervention
+ absolutely inadmissible. If anything of that kind was to be
+ attempted, Anglo-French seemed to him the least open to objection.
+ Italian seemed to him to be worse than Turkish.
+
+ His idea was that we should set on foot some Government that
+ could stand by itself. Under Tewfik no such Government would in his
+ opinion be ever possible. He had no predilection for any particular
+ individual as Khedive: all he wanted was to have some reasonably
+ efficient man at the head of the Government.
+
+ He begged me to consider all this as strictly confidential,
+ personal, private, and academic; and he said that except in a
+ conversation of this character, he could not even have mentioned
+ the possibility of France consenting under any conceivable
+ circumstances to Turkish intervention; for he was by no means sure
+ that it would ever be agreed to by his colleagues or borne by
+ public opinion.
+
+The 'confidential, personal, private, and academic' character of M. de
+Freycinet's conversation was, of course, merely intended to conceal
+his own vacillation and fear of having to communicate to the Chambers
+any announcement that he had sanctioned Turkish intervention in any
+shape whatever. A little later, however, he nerved himself to make a
+proposal that there should be a joint Anglo-French Naval Demonstration
+off Alexandria. An allied squadron consequently proceeded to that
+port, and its appearance produced a temporary panic in the ranks of
+the Nationalists; the latter, however, speedily recovered when it was
+realized that there were no troops on board, and that the Sultan, far
+from approving of the demonstration, had protested against it. The
+ultimatum of the allies was practically rejected, and Arabi, who had
+been compelled to resign, was reinstated in office nominally as Minister
+of War, in reality as dictator. To make Freycinet's position still
+worse, he got into difficulties in the Chamber.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, May 26, 1882.
+
+ The explosion has come, and if the irritation that prevails
+ in Paris to-day continues, Freycinet will be out of office, or
+ will, _per fas et nefas_, back out of his proposal that Turkish
+ intervention may be resorted to in Egypt. His Chauvin speech in the
+ Chamber about French preponderance, and what not, is now of course
+ turned against him.
+
+ There is an impression here that in order to keep Gambetta out
+ of office, Bismarck may help Freycinet to eat his words.
+
+ I am afraid that now, whether Freycinet stays in or goes out,
+ it will be next to impossible to have any comfortable understanding
+ with France about intervention in Egypt.
+
+ Even supposing all the other Powers cordially united with
+ us, to repeat the experiment of 1840 would be dangerous, and would
+ produce a scarcely ever to be remedied coldness (to call it by a
+ mild name) between us and France.
+
+ Then I share all Dufferin's misgivings as to the possibility
+ of either controlling the Turks if they set foot in Egypt, or of
+ ever getting them out. I have also a very strong fear of my own as
+ to the mischief they would do to the country. Even if they went
+ with the acquiescence of France, I think we should be constantly in
+ hot water with the French as long as they stayed.
+
+ If Gambetta comes in he will no doubt again propose joint
+ Anglo-French intervention. Unless the Porte is backed up very
+ strongly indeed, he will very likely make its intervention in Egypt
+ something like a _casus belli_ with Turkey--or in fact do as the
+ French did with regard to Tunis--declare that he will oppose by
+ force the despatch of Turkish troops to Egypt.
+
+The Anglo-French Naval Demonstration had been intended as a compromise
+between the two Governments over the question of Turkish intervention,
+but when it was seen to be useless, it was agreed that the Sultan should
+be asked to send a Special Commission to Cairo, and communications were
+made to the other Powers with a view to convoking a European Conference
+on Egypt; M. de Freycinet, who had for three months opposed the English
+proposal for Turkish intervention, suddenly discovering that there was
+no danger about it, if requested jointly by England and France. The
+Turkish Commission which proceeded to Egypt was not more successful in
+restoring order than the Anglo-French Naval Demonstration. It consisted
+of three persons; one of whom, Dervish Pasha, was instructed to support
+the Khedive and to threaten the Nationalist leaders; the second
+Commissioner was instructed to support Arabi and his associates; and
+the duty of the third Commissioner was to spy upon his two colleagues.
+In order to make everything quite safe, the latter was accompanied by a
+fourth official, whose duty it was to spy upon him, and it was perhaps
+owing to these over-elaborated precautions that the mission proved to be
+a complete failure.
+
+On June 11, the massacre at Alexandria took place, and armed
+intervention became more and more inevitable, but some Governments still
+entertained the hope that diplomacy might yet be successful, and the
+Conference assembled at Constantinople towards the end of the month.
+The chief advantage of the Conference was that it disclosed the views
+of the various Great Powers, and the conditions which were to govern
+the despatch of Turkish troops to Egypt were of so engrossing a nature
+that they were still being discussed when the battle of Tel-el-Kebir
+was fought two months subsequently, and the victorious British troops
+entered Cairo.
+
+The vacillations and dilatoriness of M. de Freycinet irritated even the
+easy-going Lord Granville, who complained of having twice been put in
+a hole by him, and was justifiably anxious as to how he could defend
+his Egyptian policy successfully in Parliament if the French Government
+could not be relied upon for any consistent line of action. But while
+admitting that nearly everything had gone wrong up till now, and that
+the failure of the Sultan's Special Mission made the outlook still more
+gloomy, he consoled himself with the reflection (which was shortly
+afterwards shown in one respect to be quite erroneous) that, 'we have
+avoided a rupture with France, a rupture with Europe, and a possible
+war.' Within a few weeks, the error of this last assumption was to be
+conclusively established.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, June 20, 1882.
+
+ I do not hope much from the Conference: certainly I have very
+ little expectation of its forwarding the strong measures which the
+ Alexandria massacres seem to me to call for imperatively.
+
+ I think Germany will be very little inclined to urge the
+ despatch of Turkish troops. Bismarck's great object appears to be
+ to keep Freycinet in, and he fears, not without some reason, that
+ when the first Turkish soldier sets his foot in Egypt, Freycinet
+ will fall at Paris.
+
+ The Freycinet Ministry would probably be succeeded by a
+ Cabinet in which Gambetta would not actually have a seat, but
+ over which he would exercise very great influence. Bismarck very
+ probably exaggerates the strength of that influence and looks for
+ more direct hostility to Germany than it would really provoke. But
+ he is perhaps right in thinking that, under Gambetta's influence,
+ France would coquet with the Anti-German party in Russia, and would
+ lose no opportunity of fostering enmity to Germany whenever she
+ could find an opening for doing so. At all events, it would be
+ impossible for Germany to feel as much at her ease as she does now,
+ if Gambetta were the virtual director of French policy.
+
+ Freycinet's strength lies partly in the disinclination of the
+ nation for anything like what it calls adventures, but mainly in
+ the dread which the present Chamber has of Gambetta, the Scrutin de
+ Liste and a dissolution.
+
+ Meanwhile general dissatisfaction with the whole state of
+ things, and despondency do not diminish. People who looked to
+ Gambetta as the man to set things straight are directing their eyes
+ to other quarters, and there is even a sort of revival of Orleanism.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ A few hours after this letter reaches you, you will in
+ all probability receive from me by telegraph the French answer to
+ the proposal to them to concert measures with us for the protection
+ of the Suez Canal. I don't think Freycinet likes the idea of
+ anything which may tend towards sending French troops to Egypt.
+ He seems to me to want to lean on the Conference in the hope that
+ by so doing, he may be able to stand quite still. Strange to say,
+ the Chamber and the public seem to be in the same mood. They like
+ to think that it is more upon England than upon them that the
+ discredit of putting up with the Alexandria massacre and the recent
+ patch up in Egypt would fall. Their present pusillanimity seems so
+ unnatural that I cannot think it will last. Gambetta will rouse
+ them from it, if he has the chance.
+
+They are full of suspicions of designs on our part to seize the Suez
+Canal with or without the assistance or connivance of Turkey. You will
+see by a telegram I have just sent, that Freycinet has asked me a
+question about this. I imagine the French would object very much less to
+our acting entirely alone than to our acting in any way with the Porte.
+
+The Sultan seems to tell de Noailles all kinds of stories against
+England and Dufferin. It is not, however, from Freycinet that I hear
+this.
+
+In Lord Lyons's opinion, the French, at this stage, were quite prepared
+for England acting alone in Egypt, but he considered that it was most
+important to be very frank with them, to afford them every opportunity
+of joining us, but to do it in such a way that other Powers should not
+be given too much time in which to raise objections.
+
+It was not apparently until June 27, 1882, that the British Government
+seriously considered the probability of having to employ 'material
+force' in Egypt, whether alone or in concert with other Powers; but
+in consequence of the danger of the situation and of the necessity of
+acting quickly, they then applied to the War Office for information as
+to what forces were available for an expedition. In view of our alleged
+military capacity at the present time, it is of interest to learn what
+the War Office was prepared to do thirty-one years ago. The military
+authorities stated that they were prepared to embark within twenty-four
+hours, 3500 infantry, and 500 garrison artillerymen, with a small siege
+train, from Malta and Gibraltar, with necessary camp equipage and
+reserves of food and ammunition. These troops could be conveyed in the
+ships of the Channel Squadron now in the Mediterranean. A force of about
+12,000 fighting men, complete in infantry, cavalry, and field artillery,
+with forty-eight field guns, was also available, to embark from England.
+The first 5000 of the infantry could sail within a week, and the whole
+force could leave England in a fortnight from the date of the order,
+with complete supplies for an army in the field. The force from England
+would be made up partially by the First Class Army Reserve, and a
+Brigade was also available to be sent from Bombay to Suez. Such was the
+purport of a most confidential communication to Lord Granville from the
+War Office, dated June 27, 1882.
+
+On July 11, the bombardment of Alexandria by the British fleet took
+place; the departure of the French ships marking, in an unmistakeable
+form, the refusal of the French Government to incur further
+responsibility, and foreshadowing the permanent renunciation of the old
+French position in Egypt.
+
+The news of the Alexandria bombardment, which, owing to the absence
+of troops for landing, could hardly be described as a very effective
+operation, was received without much excitement in Paris, and Freycinet
+stated that the Chamber would certainly not have sanctioned the
+co-operation of the French fleet. The main point on which sensitiveness
+was shown was the Suez Canal. The French seemed disposed to resent any
+landing of English troops alone at Port Said, and to insist, if not
+on joining with us, on sending a 'lateral' expedition of their own.
+It was important, therefore, that they should be given a _bona fide_
+invitation to join in anything we might determine to do, and the French
+were accordingly invited by Lord Granville to concert measures at once
+for the protection of the canal; questions of detail being left to
+the Conference at Constantinople. Upon the whole the bombardment of
+Alexandria had tended to improve rather than to impair Anglo-French
+relations, and the chief danger seemed to lie in the projected Turkish
+intervention, which would alienate public opinion and provoke strong
+opposition from Gambetta and his followers. Extraordinary French Naval
+Credits were voted and Lord Granville appears to have thought that joint
+action was secured after all, at least as far as the Canal was concerned.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ July 19, 1882.
+
+ I wish you and ourselves joy of the renewed _entente
+ cordiale_. It will not be popular in many quarters here, but it is
+ an immense national advantage, and ought to relieve us from many
+ dangers.
+
+ I am not in the least jealous of the dual action in the Canal,
+ though I should prefer its being triangular. But I own I dread it,
+ if we are obliged, as is probable, to intervene in Egypt itself.
+
+ I hope they do not think we are pressing them too fast. I
+ believe the Cabinet will settle to send 15,000 men to Malta. If so,
+ I will let you know.
+
+ Remember I am always grateful for suggestions and criticisms.
+ I hear Bismarck is really ill and cannot sleep at night. The
+ preparation of his own financial measures does not act as an
+ anodyne.
+
+ I am told that the debate in the Commons last night did us
+ good and not harm. I suppose we shall have a more formidable one in
+ the Lords.
+
+ It is rumoured that the Peers will pass the Second Reading of
+ the Arrears Bill, and mutilate it in Committee.
+
+The voting of the extraordinary French Naval Credits, which had caused
+it to be supposed that the French Government intended to take some
+decided action, was soon shown to mean nothing at all. Freycinet, whose
+position had been much shaken, was in the uncomfortable situation of
+being blamed by the Chamber for doing too much and denounced in the
+Senate for not doing enough. On July 19, an important debate took place
+in the Chamber, during which Gambetta, with his accustomed eloquence,
+adjured the Government to adhere to the English alliance at all costs,
+and urged that to quarrel with England would be the most fatal of
+mistakes. The Credits asked for were agreed to, and the Government
+obtained a large majority; but when Freycinet appeared in support of his
+modest proposals before the Senate, he was obliged to admit that the
+Conference at Constantinople had refused to entrust France and England
+with a Mandate, and that in consequence of this refusal the French
+Government would leave England to act alone, and would confine their own
+action to the protection of the Suez Canal. A fresh credit amounting to
+about L350,000 was asked for with this object, but met with formidable
+opposition.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, July 26, 1882.
+
+ When I saw Freycinet this afternoon he seemed in absolute
+ despair. There are two modes of escape which are supposed to be
+ still open.
+
+ Though the majority of the Chamber are strongly opposed to
+ military intervention in Egypt, they may still hesitate to turn
+ Freycinet out, lest by showing it to be impossible to make their
+ own existence compatible with anything like a stable Government in
+ France, they may bring about a dissolution.
+
+ It is said that they are casting about for some means of
+ refusing the Credit and yet not turning out Freycinet; and the
+ second device, which might enable Freycinet to stay in, is the
+ singularly undignified one of his playing into their hand, by
+ declaring that he does not make the Credit a Cabinet question, and
+ that if it be refused, he will bow to the will of the Chamber and
+ withdraw from the protection of the Canal.
+
+ So long as it is undeniable that we have _bona fide_ invited
+ and pressed France to take part in all our operations in Egypt, I
+ shall not break my heart if she chooses to decline to do so.
+
+ I believe that Freycinet would have been in a better plight
+ if he had taken a decided course either way; if he had distinctly
+ refused all intervention, or if he had boldly joined England in all
+ her operations.
+
+On July 29, the question of voting the fresh Credit was brought forward
+in the Chamber and made one of confidence in the Ministry. Every one
+by this time was much alarmed at the prospect of France being dragged
+into some vague and desperate adventure; the Credit was refused by an
+overwhelming majority; Freycinet resigned office, and France definitely
+retired from the scene of action.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, July 30, 1882.
+
+ Among the innumerable Ministerial crises which I have seen
+ here, I do not recollect one in which there has been so much
+ uncertainty as to who would be the new Prime Minister.
+
+ Grevy, in conformity with his own views, and with those of
+ the great majority of the Chamber and indeed of the country, is
+ trying to form an absolutely non-intervention Cabinet. But such a
+ Cabinet might have difficulties with the Senate. Leon Say and Jules
+ Ferry, the most able members of the late Ministry, were for full
+ intervention and the English Alliance.
+
+ Freycinet very unwisely began with a perfectly idle dispute
+ with Gambetta as to whether the English Government would, or would
+ not, have consented to armed intervention with France only, if
+ Gambetta had remained in power. Gambetta did not speak yesterday,
+ but he and his followers voted against Freycinet.
+
+ Hohenlohe seemed, I hear, dreadfully put out by the result of
+ the division yesterday. It was Bismarck's communication which gave
+ Freycinet the _coup de grace_. Hohenlohe had evidently hoped that
+ it would save him, by giving him an excuse for withdrawing the Bill.
+
+ I was very much disappointed to hear from Freycinet that
+ Russia had gone back to the Conference. I hoped her retirement
+ would have given us a good opportunity of freeing ourselves from
+ that cumbrous clog.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Aug. 1, 1882.
+
+ All is still uncertain as to who the new French Ministers
+ will be. Grevy is doing his best to keep Freycinet, and Hohenlohe
+ is working in the same direction, which is not wise. Hitherto
+ Freycinet has positively declined, but he is a man who sometimes
+ changes his mind. He will be in an extraordinarily false position
+ if he does come back. Grevy may, perhaps, manage to appoint a
+ warming-pan sort of Ministry, just to keep the offices warm during
+ the recess and to make room for something more serious in October.
+
+ The French are in very good disposition towards us at this
+ moment. The way to keep them so will be to endeavour to make their
+ present position comfortable to them, without being humiliating,
+ and, above all, not to crow over them, as part of our press seems
+ too much inclined to do. Their fleet, next to our own, is the most
+ important factor in the Mediterranean question. We can do as well
+ or better, without any aid from France or other countries, but we
+ ought to have the field to ourselves.
+
+ I wish we were well rid of that dangerous Conference. I had
+ a sort of hope that just now it might have a sort of use, as a
+ means of letting the other Powers talk while we were acting. But in
+ fact, as worked by Bismarck and by the Turks under his direction,
+ it seems merely to supply the machinery for formally placing us in
+ opposition to the so-called European Concert, and for embarrassing
+ France. I think the French would be glad to be delivered from it.
+
+ Public opinion in France is at this moment friendly to us, but
+ it is in a very susceptible state.
+
+A new Ministry was in course of time formed under M. Duclerc, one of
+the many uninteresting mediocrities who have governed France during the
+last forty years, and a sort of formula was agreed upon that there was
+no 'solution of continuity in the Entente,' which was not intended to
+commit the French to anything in particular.
+
+A vast amount has been written respecting the events in Egypt in 1882;
+much of it by persons who occupied responsible and important positions
+at the time; but the reasons for the inaction and eventual retirement
+of the French have never been clearly explained. Probably the French
+themselves would be unable to give a satisfactory explanation, and
+would attribute their inglorious attitude to the Freycinet Government,
+which did not know its own mind. But it may be assumed that a variety
+of reasons were responsible for the French refusal of co-operation with
+England. Had the invitation been received some months earlier, it would
+probably have been accepted with enthusiasm; but the Tunis expedition,
+which had opened with so much success and enthusiasm, had proved a much
+more troublesome and unsatisfactory business than had been anticipated,
+and had created a decided disinclination for further enterprises in
+North Africa. In the second place, the difficulties of an Egyptian
+campaign were greatly over-estimated; the French calculation was that
+no less than 60,000 men would be necessary, and the ordinary French
+Minister would not venture to allow so many men to leave the country.
+Lastly, the French were quite unable, rightly or wrongly, to get it out
+of their minds that they were being deliberately led into a trap by
+Bismarck, and this by itself was sufficient to daunt a Government of the
+Freycinet type.
+
+France having now definitely declined, the British invitation was
+transferred to Italy.
+
+ 'We have asked the Italians to join us,' Lord Granville wrote
+ on July 27, 'but we have not pressed them. They also will try to
+ _se faire prier_, and will be too late. I told Menabrea I could not
+ delay operations.
+
+ 'I hope they will decline, but I myself was not very hot for
+ even the offer. But the balance of argument seemed to be in favour
+ of it, and you did not raise any objection to it.
+
+ 'Please explain that the _Times_ is entirely off the track as
+ to our wish for a protectorate.'
+
+The refusal of the Italians was welcome and not unexpected, and as
+no other Power was in the least inclined to co-operate, the British
+Government was able to set about the task of smashing Arabi with a clear
+conscience, in its own way, and unhampered by allies; for the Turks, who
+had agreed to send troops, protracted the negotiations with regard to
+their employment to such an extent, that the campaign was finished long
+before an agreement was arrived at.
+
+Lord Cromer in his well-known work 'Modern Egypt,' has exposed with
+much skill and lucidity the futile nature of many of the proposals
+put forward by the British and French Governments during the period
+that they were acting together. But the really remarkable fact is,
+that each Government succeeded in bringing about the result which it
+least desired. The policy of the British Government was governed by a
+sincere, if mistaken, determination not to be dragged into assuming
+sole responsibility for Egypt, and in particular to avoid the necessity
+of military occupation. The efforts of the French Government were
+chiefly directed towards the prevention of Turkey or any other Power
+establishing its predominant influence in Egypt, and that French policy
+should have unconsciously and involuntarily thrust England into this
+unsought and unwelcome position is one of the real ironies of recent
+history.
+
+Perhaps the most fortunate event for England during the crisis which
+preceded the Egyptian expedition was the fall of Gambetta early in the
+year. Had that statesman remained in office he would certainly have
+never consented to remain a supine and indifferent spectator; he would
+undoubtedly have insisted on France taking an active part: a joint
+expedition would have taken place, and the sequel might have followed
+the Schleswig-Holstein precedent.
+
+It was hardly to be expected that the skill and rapidity with which the
+campaign against Arabi was conducted would evoke much enthusiasm in
+France, nor could the French reasonably expect that upon the restoration
+of peace and order the old state of things would be renewed. Before the
+end of October Lord Granville informed the French Ambassador in London
+that the Control would not be restored; and when the French Government
+objected, on the ground that such an alteration must be submitted to the
+Powers, it was pointed out the matter was one for the Khedive to decide
+himself. In order to soothe wounded French feelings various compromises
+in the shape of posts in the Egyptian administration were offered in
+vain.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 3, 1882.
+
+ I thought it simpler and better to let Duclerc have a copy of
+ your despatch, as you had no objection to my doing so. He has not
+ yet given any sign of life since he received it.
+
+ The argument that the Financial Adviser will have only a small
+ position in Egypt, or at all events a less important position than
+ the Controllers, cuts both ways here. Duclerc's line is to say that
+ we are making a distinction without any real difference: that in
+ practice the adviser will have all and more than all the powers of
+ the Controllers; and that thus virtually France is to be deprived
+ of her share in the Control without receiving, even nominally, any
+ compensation.
+
+ A complaint of a very different kind is made by the 'Haute
+ Finance.' They say that the only real compensation which could be
+ given to France, if she is to be ousted from the Control, would
+ be the establishment, under the auspices and responsibility of
+ England, of such a strong practical supervision of the Egyptian
+ Administration as would make the regular payment of the Debt
+ and the maintenance of the commercial and other interests of
+ foreigners secure. They pretend that the proposed establishment
+ of the Financial Adviser is in form injurious to the dignity of
+ France, while in substance it does not sufficiently provide for the
+ control by any one of the Egyptian Government. These seem to be the
+ opinions of a very influential body here. It is quite consistent
+ with them that Dufferin's mission should be looked on with favour
+ by those who hold them.
+
+ Clemenceau's views seem to be confined to himself.
+
+ The thing most favourable to our coming to an understanding
+ with France, is the very general belief among Frenchmen that
+ Bismarck is egging indirectly both England and France on to a
+ quarrel.
+
+ In the meantime the alarm caused by the anarchists is enough
+ to keep the minds of the great majority of the French fixed
+ on their own internal affairs. People are sending away their
+ securities and other valuables to foreign countries. I suppose an
+ absolute outbreak in force enough to resist the Government, if the
+ Government be resolute, is not to be expected. But there may be
+ explosions of dynamite here and there, and the employment of the
+ other new-fangled means of creating panic which the French seem to
+ be inclined to adopt from the Russians.
+
+ The competition of America and other causes are producing
+ a curious change in the French peasantry, and a change not
+ favourable to peace and order. The tenacity with which the very
+ small proprietors have hitherto clung to their land is visibly
+ diminishing. They now offer their land for sale to an extent
+ hitherto quite unprecedented. They say that they can get better
+ interest by putting the price of the land into the funds or other
+ speculations, and can thus lead a pleasant life, instead of
+ slaving from morning to night to get a bare subsistence out of
+ their fields. The tendency of all this is to reduce the numbers
+ of the hitherto ultra-Conservative laborious class, and to fill
+ the towns more and more with idle and very often disappointed and
+ discontented speculators, who form a material ready to the hand of
+ anarchists.
+
+The letters from Lord Granville show that although the British
+Government had embarked most unwillingly upon the Egyptian enterprise,
+and viewed additional responsibility with so much horror that some
+members of the Cabinet were even opposed to the office of Financial
+Adviser to the Egyptian Government being given to an Englishman, yet
+that the Cabinet was at all events unanimously against the maintenance
+of the Control, and of the old dual arrangements. The French Government,
+with an entire absence of logic and common sense, was quite indisposed
+to recognize the complete change in the situation which had taken place,
+and continued to claim that England and France should remain on an
+equality as regarded themselves, and in a superior position as far as
+the other Powers were concerned. The difficulty lay in discovering some
+means of satisfying French vanity without yielding on the essential
+point of equality, and efforts to ascertain what would be considered
+satisfactory did not meet with much success.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 14, 1882.
+
+ I tried to make Duclerc see yesterday that the practical way
+ towards obtaining some satisfaction for French _amour-propre_ was
+ to enter upon the discussion of details as to the Boards in Egypt.
+ I went as far as I could without running the risk of provoking
+ lofty language, which might have been an obstacle to moderate
+ arrangements hereafter.
+
+ However, at the moment Duclerc did not go back from his old
+ grounds. He does not insist upon a literal re-establishment of
+ the Control, but he does claim a virtual return to the _status quo
+ ante_, and he interprets that status as equality between England
+ and France and superiority of the two jointly over other Powers.
+
+ The single Financial Councillor pleases no one here. As
+ he must of course be an Englishman, the sticklers for French
+ _gloriole_ declare that whether his functions be great or small,
+ he will simply be a symbol of English supremacy and French
+ decadency. To the _haute_ and _petite finance_, the mode of his
+ appointment and the smallness of his powers seem an additional
+ cause of complaint, as not giving sufficient security for a proper
+ administration of the finances of Egypt. I shall be very anxious to
+ hear how it all strikes Dufferin.
+
+ In fact, at the present moment, the French are too uneasy
+ about their internal affairs to pay much attention to Egypt. But
+ they may fire up if any special event comes to irritate them. It
+ is more, however, future lasting ill will than violence at the
+ moment which I apprehend. If we leave them bitterly discontented
+ with arrangements in Egypt, I hardly see when we shall be able to
+ withdraw our troops and still maintain the influence which is a
+ necessity to us.
+
+The idea that the British occupation of Egypt was anything more than
+a temporary expedient does not seem to have been considered a serious
+possibility by any English Minister so far. Partly by luck, partly
+by the skill of Sir Garnet Wolseley and Lord Dufferin, we had found
+ourselves in possession of Egypt, unhampered by association with any
+European Power or with the Turks; but for a time it looked as if the
+brilliant results achieved were to be thrown away because the British
+Government had no clear idea what its policy was to be. Fortunately for
+all concerned, the step was taken of sending Lord Dufferin on a special
+mission to Cairo, and unlike most special missions of more recent date,
+the experiment proved a complete success, and quickly destroyed the
+mischievous delusion entertained by a section of English politicians
+that an evacuation of Egypt was possible at any early date. This
+delusion had never been shared by the French, who naturally judged the
+action of others in the light in which they themselves would have acted
+under similar circumstances, and who made little effort to conceal their
+annoyance.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 1, 1882.
+
+ I don't succeed in making Duclerc _coulant_ about Egypt. He
+ rather implied that it was not from Tissot that he had heard that
+ you were going to send him a favourable communication, and that you
+ were thinking of sending an expert to discuss details. He did not,
+ however, say who it was that told him. Perhaps d'Aunay may have had
+ something to do with it. Duclerc went on to hint at there being two
+ currents in the English Cabinet, one more favourable to the French
+ than the other, but I declined to listen to this. He talked as if
+ he had some special source of information as to your intentions and
+ sentiments. He seemed to take to the idea of a discussion between
+ experts.
+
+ He was amiable about Madagascar, but we shall see what
+ his written answer will be. He represented himself as having
+ overwhelmed the Ambassadors with kindness, and then as having
+ broken off the negotiation on the point of the leases being for 99
+ years.
+
+ In the meantime prospects at home do not brighten. Railroads
+ and other public works have been begun, with very little system, in
+ all kinds of places to please Deputies and their constituents. The
+ Government dare not stop them for fear of what the workmen would do
+ if large numbers of them found themselves out of work. To go on,
+ is ruinous to the finances. There must be a limit to the floating
+ debt. The Government are again negotiating with the railway
+ companies. People are beginning to talk of Saviours of Society.
+ The names most mentioned are those of General Chanzy and the Duc
+ d'Aumale. Gambetta would have been everybody's man, if he had never
+ been Minister. However, I don't think that we are very near any
+ violent change.
+
+ Grevy is certainly not brisk, but he may grow old without
+ things coming to an early catastrophe.
+
+ There is a not unaccredited rumour that it was in wresting
+ the revolver from a female hand that Gambetta got wounded. The
+ bulletins at the office of the _Republique Francaise_ are that he
+ is going on as well as possible.
+
+The last paragraph refers to the wounding of Gambetta by a pistol shot.
+The accident (which terminated fatally) occurred at his villa outside
+Paris, and was surrounded by a mystery which has never been dispelled,
+but it may be assumed that a lady really was involved.
+
+The allusion to Madagascar relates to the mission despatched by the
+Queen of the Hovas to Europe in the autumn in the vain hope of coming to
+some agreement with the French Government, which had raised questions
+ominously resembling those which had, in the previous year, formed
+the prelude to the Tunis expedition. The Hovas, like the Kroumirs,
+constituted 'a serious danger' to the French Republic, and demands were
+put forward which involved general French rights over the whole of
+Madagascar, and a protectorate over the northwest coast. The unhappy
+Hova envoys proceeded from Paris to London, but met with little
+encouragement there, and before long a semi-official announcement
+was made in which the stereotyped statement, with which small and
+defenceless states are so painfully familiar, appeared: 'The Cabinet is
+resolved to enforce the respect of the rights and interests of France
+in Madagascar, and orders in conformity with the situation have,
+therefore, been sent to the Commander of the French naval station.'
+Signs of the same ominous activity were also beginning to manifest
+themselves in Tonquin; and the only compensating factor was that
+Madagascar and Tonquin served to distract a certain amount of French
+attention from Egypt, although the tone of the press, and especially of
+the _Republique Francaise_, the organ of Gambetta, became increasingly
+hostile to England.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 19, 1882.
+
+ There are reports afloat that Gambetta's cure is not going
+ on as steadily as it ought. At all events there is no change for
+ the better in the tone of the _Republique Francaise_ respecting
+ England in Egypt. I don't like the idea of having the French there
+ in bitter opposition to all we do. It may make it very difficult
+ for us with safety to ourselves to give any large measure of
+ independence to the Egyptian Government. At all events, the less we
+ are able to sacrifice to satisfy French _amour-propre_, the more we
+ must do to give security to legitimate French material interests by
+ providing for a really good honest financial administration. If the
+ French take the protection of their material interests exclusively
+ into their own hands, they may go very great lengths indeed to
+ protect them, if they are seriously threatened; and, besides, the
+ pretext that the credit, property or persons of Frenchmen are
+ threatened, will always be at hand to sanction interference.
+
+ At present it looks as if the Duclerc Government would be
+ glad to back out of its expeditions to Tonquin, etc., etc. The
+ proceedings of the Hova Ambassadors and their supporters in England
+ may make it difficult for the French Government to be as reasonable
+ as it might otherwise wish to be about Madagascar.
+
+ The prevalent feeling of depression and uneasiness about
+ the general condition of France does not seem to diminish. There
+ seems to be a profound distrust of the abilities, if not of the
+ intentions, of the men who so rapidly succeed one another in
+ office, and no one seems to know where to turn for something better.
+
+It was somewhat unfortunate that French aggression in Tonquin and
+Madagascar was unconsciously stimulated by the English press. 'The
+English press is driving the French public wild on the subject of
+Tonquin, Madagascar, and other beyond sea questions, which the
+Government would probably have been glad enough to back out of if they
+had been let alone.'[36]
+
+Until the end of the year private negotiations continued between Lord
+Granville and the French Government with reference to the abolition of
+the Control with completely unsuccessful results.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 26, 1882.
+
+ I hear, not from himself, that Duclerc's present intention
+ is to make a very strong protest if we abolish Control without
+ coming to a previous understanding with France; and that our making
+ our own Control, or that of Europe in general, over the Egyptian
+ finances weak, would not mollify him. On the contrary, he would try
+ to make a point of what he would call our abandonment of French
+ material interests--and deduce from it an argument that France is
+ bound to protect them herself. While we are absolutely at two with
+ France, we shall find it very difficult to relax our material hold
+ on Egypt. Egypt for the Egyptians is only too likely to become
+ Egypt for the French.
+
+ Gambetta's illness seems to have rather strengthened his
+ position. The anxiety of his opponents in the press to make out
+ that he is worse than is really the case and the disgusting
+ statements they have in consequence put forward, have served to
+ impress on friends and foes his importance. According to the best
+ information I have been able to get, he is not at this moment
+ seriously ill, though his recovery is too slow to be satisfactory.
+
+ Confidence and tranquillity do not appear to revive in France,
+ and the disappearance of Gambetta would increase uneasiness. People
+ do not exactly know what they are afraid of, but there is a general
+ vague uneasiness. Perhaps the most definite cause of fears or hopes
+ is the intrigue in which certain officers of the army are said to
+ be engaged with a view of putting the Duc d'Aumale at the head of
+ the state.
+
+The childish frame of mind in which the French Government of the day
+considered the question of the Control may be judged from the fact that
+Duclerc in private conversation had admitted in the autumn that, if
+for form's sake, the _status quo ante_ could be restored for only five
+minutes, he would agree subsequently to its immediate abolition. In
+December, however, he was in a more intractable mood, and, at the end
+of the year, Lord Granville found it necessary to break off all private
+negotiations on the subject, observing that it was very painful and
+disadvantageous to be on bad terms with the French, but that it was, at
+the least, equally disadvantageous to them.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 35: 'Egypt and the Egyptian Question,' Sir D. Mackenzie
+Wallace.]
+
+[Footnote 36: Lyons to Granville.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+ANGLOPHOBIA
+
+(1883-1885)
+
+
+The first day of 1883 was signalized by the announcement of the death of
+Gambetta, and those who were present at the Elysee on the occasion of
+President Grevy's New Year's Day reception will remember the singularly
+embarrassed demeanour of that uninteresting personage; an embarrassment
+which might have been accounted for on various grounds. Gambetta's
+death was followed in a day or two by that of General Chanzy, an event
+which caused consternation amongst the Monarchical and Conservative
+parties, as he was looked upon as the only man capable of stopping the
+too rapid progress of the Republican car. It was doubtless with the
+view of anticipating other pretenders, that Prince Napoleon seized the
+opportunity to issue a Proclamation denouncing the Republic, which
+resulted in his immediate incarceration in the Conciergerie.
+
+For some months there had existed in France a feeling of uneasiness
+and of distrust in the maintenance of orderly government, and this
+feeling was greatly increased by the double loss of Gambetta and Chanzy.
+Gambetta was the only man in the Republican party whose ability and
+popularity were sufficient to induce the country to acquiesce in his
+wielding great power, and who was believed to have the will and the
+courage to exercise that power energetically in case of need. Chanzy
+was looked upon as the only man whose military reputation and influence
+qualified him to keep the army united and to use it with effect, in the
+case of grave political troubles.
+
+As for the President of the Republic, M. Grevy, his energy and influence
+continued to diminish; the Chamber of Deputies was becoming more and
+more discredited, and the professedly anarchical parties were certainly
+increasing in violence, and apparently in numbers and influence as well.
+The public generally, even amongst the lower orders, showed few signs
+of great attachment to the Republican Government. That Government had
+not augmented their material prosperity, had not raised their social
+position, and had not realized their dreams of absolute equality with,
+or rather of predominance over, the rich and the educated. Every form
+of Monarchical Government was repugnant to them, but nevertheless a
+moderate Republic excited no enthusiasm whatsoever. The upper classes
+were alarmed and discontented; they did not believe that their property
+was secure, and they considered the work of administration was
+deplorably carried on by the various obscure Ministers who succeeded
+each other so rapidly in office; their religious feelings were daily
+shocked, while bad harvests, bad trade, and an unpromising financial
+situation added to the general feeling of dissatisfaction.
+
+On the other hand, the 'spirited Colonial Policy,' which was now so much
+in evidence, did little to counterbalance this feeling, and the attempts
+which had been made to pander to the national vanity by the overbearing
+policy adopted towards Madagascar; the extension of French predominance
+in Tunis; annexations on the Congo; and the consolidation of the French
+Protectorate over Tonquin and Annam, had met with little success. The
+disquieting fact from the English point of view was that ill-feeling
+towards England, chiefly with regard to Egypt, had risen to a high
+pitch, and that each successive step taken by the British Government,
+and each declaration made by it, seemed only to increase the irritation.
+It was in this direction that, Lord Lyons feared, attempts would be made
+to divert public discontent by those who might be in power; and the
+procedure of the new French Government certainly justified the fear.
+The position which the French Government took up, was that of defending
+French influence and French interests in Egypt by its own independent
+means. It declared that by the abolition of the Control, a deep wound
+had been inflicted upon French dignity, while the principal security
+for the regular payment of the sums due in regard to the loans had been
+taken away. It did not hesitate to declare that any tampering with
+the Law of Liquidation, or with the lands and revenues pledged to the
+loans; or any failure to provide for the charges on the loans, would
+be regarded as a breach of international obligations on the part of
+Egypt, which would warrant the active interference of France. It hardly
+made any pretence of concealing its intention to work against English
+influence in Egypt by every means in its power, and unfortunately it was
+evident that in this anti-English policy it could reckon on the support
+of public opinion.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Jan. 9, 1883.
+
+ Blowitz's[37] intelligence certainly comes from the French
+ Foreign Office, sometimes, I dare say, directly, but often only
+ through the _Temps_. The _Temps_ is published the afternoon before
+ the day on which it is dated, and some hours before Blowitz's
+ letter goes to the _Times_. Blowitz's letter always goes by
+ telegraph, the _Times_ having the exclusive use of a line for some
+ hours every night.
+
+ It seems that Ferry will succeed Gambetta in the leadership
+ of the largest portion of the Republican party. I do not think he
+ is hostile to Duclerc, but if he attains to anything at all near
+ to Gambetta's position, Duclerc will only hold office during his
+ sufferance. Probably neither would be willing to serve under the
+ other.
+
+ If, as seems likely, the death of Gambetta leads to the
+ decay of the spirit of revenge upon Germany, this will (as I
+ have said before) increase the danger of all other Powers from
+ the restlessness of France, and will in particular increase our
+ difficulties in Egypt. If any modification of the arrangement of
+ the Law of Liquidation is proposed or any other step taken which
+ can give France a pretext for interfering in defence of French
+ interests, we may have trouble. If we leave a door open for French
+ intrusion, France may get so far in, that her _amour-propre_ may
+ force her to push on at all risks.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Jan. 16, 1883.
+
+ Prince Napoleon's Proclamation and his arrest have put all
+ other things out of people's heads here for the moment. He was
+ arrested, very roughly I understand, at 3 o'clock, as he drove up
+ to his own door in the Avenue d'Autin, and his papers were examined
+ and seized in the usual way on such occasions. There is not so
+ far any appearance of his having anything behind to back up the
+ Proclamation. It is said that he has rendered himself liable to
+ very severe penalties as a conspirator against the State. What
+ seems to be more generally expected is that the law enabling the
+ Government to exile the members of any family that has reigned in
+ France will be revived. If it is to be the beginning of political
+ proscriptions, in however mild a form, it will be a calamity and
+ perhaps a prelude to revolutionary times and ways.
+
+ The only good I can see in it is that it may divert attention
+ here from Egypt, for the French were getting excessively cross with
+ us on that subject. I should not have been surprised if Duclerc's
+ Declaration and Yellow Book had been much more unfriendly than they
+ are. The Declaration was, it seems, received with icy coldness in
+ the Chamber. It is creditable to Duclerc that he did not fish for a
+ cheer by a Chauvin wind up, as Freycinet used to do. But if Duclerc
+ had been popular and had been thought to be firm in the saddle, he
+ would have met with a better reception.
+
+Prince Napoleon's Proclamation did not in reality cause any great
+commotion or alarm, as it was obvious that he had no backing of
+importance; but it served as an excuse to introduce a preposterous
+Exclusion Bill directed against the members of all ex-reigning families.
+This measure created great indignation amongst the French Conservatives,
+more especially the provision which deprived the Princes of their
+Commissions in the army, and in consequence of modifications which were
+introduced. Duclerc and his colleagues resigned office, giving place to
+an ephemeral Cabinet under M. Fallieres, subsequently President of the
+Republic.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Feb. 2, 1883.
+
+ Everything is at sixes and sevens here, and no one knows
+ to whom to turn in the absolute dearth of any man of decided
+ superiority since the death of Gambetta. It is curious that he
+ should come to be regretted as the mainstay of Conservatism.
+
+ I send you by the messenger a despatch from Villiers[38]
+ which seems to me to give a very clear and correct account of
+ the state of feeling in the French Army. I don't think it at all
+ overrates the dissatisfaction that exists among the officers. For
+ my own part I do not believe there is any organized movement,
+ Legitimist, Orleanist, or Bonapartist, actually in preparation
+ at this moment. But I do see that confidence in the duration of
+ the present institutions is diminishing, and that, as a cause or
+ a consequence, dissatisfaction and disquietude are increasing.
+ Something subversive may happen with very little warning beforehand.
+
+ Barring accidents, the probabilities seem to be that the
+ present Ministry may last about ten days, and that then Jules
+ Ferry may come in for some months and _apres lui le deluge_.
+ Challemel Lacour is talked of as Minister for Foreign Affairs. As a
+ diplomatist you know him better than I do. The little social (so to
+ call it) intercourse I have had with him has been pleasant enough,
+ but he has the reputation of being irritable and cross-grained.
+
+ The proceedings against the Princes are bad enough in
+ themselves, and they are of evil augury. The Reds having once
+ tasted blood, may become ravenous for more, and who can say where
+ they may look for the next victims?
+
+ Notwithstanding the critical state of home affairs, the
+ French papers find room occasionally for bitter articles against
+ us about Egypt. The great point to attend to, in order to prevent
+ the smouldering irritations bursting into a blaze, seems to be to
+ avoid touching the Law of Liquidation, or the administrations of
+ the Daira and Domains. Any alteration, however great an improvement
+ it might be in reality, would give rise to unlimited suspicion and
+ dissatisfaction here.
+
+The Prince of Wales had intended visiting Paris about this period, but
+in consequence of the violent feelings aroused by the Exclusion Bill
+and of the bitterness of the extremists against constituted dynasties,
+he was advised to keep away.
+
+ Their newspapers would have no scruple in attacking any
+ personage, however exalted, whom they believed to be opposed to
+ their deplorable bill. Indeed, the more exalted the personage,
+ and the more entitled to respect, the greater might be their
+ scurrility. Nothing can be more lamentable than all this, and I
+ am obliged to add that the general feeling towards England is not
+ particularly cordial. Taking everything into consideration, I have,
+ though very reluctantly, come to the conclusion that it is my duty
+ to report to Your Royal Highness that I cannot feel quite sure that
+ if you were at Paris something unpleasant might not happen, or that
+ at least very improper language might not be used by a portion of
+ the press; and I cannot conceal from Your Royal Highness that the
+ present moment is far from an opportune one for a visit.[39]
+
+The increasing bad feeling produced a complaint from Lord Granville,
+who considered that 'it is hard upon me, that being probably, of all
+English public men, the one who for various reasons is most attached to
+France, we should always have such difficult moments to pass when I am
+in office.'
+
+After all the fuss that had been made about Prince Napoleon's
+Proclamation, it came as a distinct anti-climax that his arrest was
+discovered to be illegal. He was accordingly released, and nothing more
+was heard of him; meanwhile it was generally believed that General
+Billot, the late Minister of War in the Duclerc Government, had actually
+made all preparations for a _pronunciamento_ in favour of the Duc
+d'Aumale, and that his project was only foiled on account of the want
+of enterprise shown by the Orleans princes themselves. General Billot
+was superseded by a certain General Thibaudin, who was considered to be
+especially well adapted for the purpose of carrying out the dirty work
+in connection with the dismissal of the Princes from the army.
+
+After a period of much uncertainty, during which for more than a month
+there was no one at the French Foreign Office to whom the Foreign
+Diplomatists could speak on foreign affairs, or even any subordinate who
+could express an opinion or give an instruction, M. Fallieres was got
+rid of, and a new administration was formed under M. Jules Ferry, M.
+Challemel Lacour becoming Foreign Minister.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 20, 1883.
+
+ I suppose Ferry must have made his Ministry by to-morrow or
+ the next day. I will not bore you with the innumerable conjectures
+ as to who his colleagues will be. It is said Thibaudin is to be
+ kept as Minister of War, long enough at all events to take the
+ measures against the Princes which a more respectable general would
+ shrink from.
+
+ I only hope the new Ministry will not try to divert public
+ attention from home difficulties by a 'spirited' Foreign or
+ Colonial Policy. Egypt is always a source of trouble ready to their
+ hand, if they want to produce excitement. I think the great thing
+ is to avoid touching the Law of Liquidation or the administration
+ of the securities for the loans; in short, to avoid giving them
+ any pretext for saying that the material interests of France are
+ injured, and the guarantee she held weakened. But it is premature
+ to speculate on these matters in ignorance of who the incoming
+ Ministers may be and what policy they will adopt.
+
+The urbane M. Challemel Lacour, in his new capacity as Foreign Minister,
+was not likely to begin by making gushing protestations of deep
+affection for England, but Lord Lyons was disposed to consider this a
+hopeful symptom. 'I know by long experience that ardent professions
+of love for England on the part of an incoming Minister are not to be
+trusted to as good signs.' Mr. Gladstone was in Paris at the time and
+paid visits to the President, Challemel Lacour, and Jules Ferry; but
+much to the relief of the Ambassador, he avoided the subjects of Egypt
+and of Commercial Treaties, and no harm was done.
+
+The Ferry administration possessed the advantage of attracting a better
+class of French politician than had lately been the case, and M.
+Waddington now reappeared upon the scene.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ March 6, 1883.
+
+ Jules Ferry appears to have hinted to Waddington that he would
+ be offered the Embassy in London, if he voted with the Government
+ on the interpellation in the Senate on the Decree putting the
+ Orleans Princes _en non-activite_. The Embassy at Vienna has, I
+ understand, been actually offered to and refused by him. He would
+ not, under any circumstances, take any Embassy but London, and
+ moreover he would in no case serve a Government of which Thibaudin
+ was a member.
+
+ Waddington asked Rivers Wilson if he could not suggest some
+ offer which might be made to France in order to place her once
+ more in cordial union with England in Egypt. There is, moreover,
+ a notice in the Havas, purporting to come from London, but very
+ likely put in more or less on authority here, to the effect that
+ France cannot, and England ought to, take the initiative of
+ proposing something. I entirely agree with you that the matter had
+ better lie still for the moment. I suppose you don't want to make
+ any such concession to France as would satisfy her, and certainly
+ matters would not be mended by our making another unsuccessful
+ proposal. I hope Waddington spoke entirely on his own hook and
+ not in concert with Challemel Lacour. It would be intolerable
+ if Challemel Lacour tried the system of indirect irresponsible
+ communications, the delight of Duclerc, which produced so much
+ annoyance and inconvenience, and in fact rendered any real
+ understanding impossible.
+
+ Jules Ferry is believed to be contemplating a conversion of
+ the 5 per cents. If he makes the attempt, it will bind him over
+ to keep things quiet abroad and at home, in order to secure the
+ success of the operation.
+
+ It is very provoking that the French should have put down the
+ New Hebrides among the places to which to transport their relapsed
+ criminals.
+
+Lord Granville, who owned that he had nothing to propose about Egypt,
+even if he wished to do so, was not at all enthusiastic at the prospect
+of Waddington coming to London, 'I am not particularly anxious to
+have Waddington instead of Tissot, he would be burning to distinguish
+himself, and very _agissant_.' Lord Granville's fears of Waddington's
+activity were founded upon the fact that he had been selected as the
+French Representative at the Coronation at Moscow, and that, therefore,
+he would find it impossible to settle down quietly at the London Embassy
+without burning to distinguish himself, after 'flourishing about Europe.'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, March 23, 1883.
+
+ It is whispered, at least by Waddington's friends, that it is
+ intended that his special Embassy to Russia shall be a prelude to
+ his becoming regular Ambassador in London: that the idea is that he
+ shall offer a Commercial Treaty to us; that he shall by this means
+ enlist the support of some members of Parliament and influential
+ manufacturers in England, and that then he shall obtain concessions
+ for us about Egypt, on the plea that, without such concessions,
+ the Chambers could not be brought to ratify a Commercial Treaty
+ favourable to us. The statements in the newspapers about the
+ assumption of Commercial negotiations between England and France
+ are stated to be _ballons d'essai_ to see how the wind sets with
+ regard to such a policy.
+
+ I just give you all this for what it may be worth. I doubt
+ very much whether formal negotiations or a stirring French
+ Ambassador in London would be likely to lead just now to cordiality
+ between France and England. The French could hardly do anything
+ that would satisfy us about trade, and we should find it very
+ difficult to do anything that would satisfy them about Egypt. My
+ hope would rather be that we might glide back into cordiality by
+ avoiding critical questions.
+
+ In talking to me about his Embassy to Russia, Waddington
+ mentioned, amongst its advantages, that it would bring him into
+ contact with important personages of various countries, and he said
+ he should probably visit Berlin and Vienna on his way home.
+
+With Challemel Lacour at the Foreign Office there did not appear to
+be much prospect of 'gliding back into cordiality,' judging by the
+following account of an interview between him and some members of the
+Rothschild family who were frequently employed as intermediaries between
+the two Governments.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, March 30, 1883.
+
+ Alphonse de Rothschild and his cousin Sir Nathaniel came to
+ see me yesterday and told me that they had had an interview with
+ Challemel Lacour on the subject of the proposed sale of the Domain
+ Lands in Egypt. They told me that they found Challemel Lacour
+ extremely sore about the whole Egyptian Question. He appears to
+ have distinctly refused to forward in any way the sale of the
+ Domain and to have alleged as his reason that he would not help to
+ do away with any board of management in which a Frenchman still had
+ a seat; that this would tend to diminish the number of Frenchmen
+ holding influential positions in Egypt, while his object was to
+ increase, or at all events, to maintain the existing number. As
+ indeed might have been foreseen, he was very far from desiring
+ to facilitate any financial or other arrangements required by
+ England. We shall no doubt find the French very inconvenient
+ and embarrassing in Egypt at every turn. I hope they will not
+ be dangerous, unless some disregard of positive international
+ engagements affecting French interests gives the Chauvinists the
+ pretext they are looking out for, and drives the sensible men into
+ a corner, in face of their public declarations and of popular
+ irritation.
+
+ I understand Louise Michel has been arrested. The Government
+ may gain ground by showing vigour, but unless it finds means of
+ convincing the officers in the army that it will secure their
+ position against the Radical endeavours to undermine it, things may
+ end in that fatal solution, a military _pronunciamento_.
+
+The arrest of Louise Michel had taken place as the result of one of the
+numerous riots which occurred at Paris in the spring of 1883; they were
+not of much importance, but possessed some significance as being the
+first appearance of disturbances in the streets since the suppression of
+the Commune, and were due largely to the distress caused by bad trade,
+and to artificially stimulated expenditure on building, and other modes
+of finding employment. The result of the latter expedient was to raise
+the price of labour artificially and consequently to drive manufactures
+to other places, thus creating unemployment in Paris itself. In
+connection with these disturbances there was one singular peculiarity
+in the attitude of the so-called Conservative classes. Not only the
+Royalist and Imperial parties, but a considerable number of the richer
+people who were without any strong political bias, sympathized rather
+with the people in the streets than with the Government. The upper
+classes were, in fact, so dissatisfied with the existing state of things
+that they appeared willing to run the risk of seeing the Republican
+Government discredited and ultimately overthrown by popular tumult.
+
+The following letter is an admirable illustration of the spirit in
+which the French viewed all English action in Egypt. Lord Dufferin,
+in the course of a despatch, had spoken in most appreciative terms of
+the friendly attitude adopted towards him by M. de Raindre, the French
+Agent and Consul-General at Cairo, and the British Government naturally
+supposed that it would be agreeable to the French Government if the
+despatch were communicated to them. Lord Lyons, however, who was much
+better acquainted with French opinion, thought otherwise.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, May 15, 1883.
+
+ I am rather frightened by the praises given by Dufferin in his
+ despatch of April 29th to the 'very correct and loyal attitude of
+ M. de Raindre, the French Agent and Consul-General, and of all the
+ French officials in Egypt.' If this despatch came to the knowledge
+ of the French Government or the French public, it might do de
+ Raindre a serious injury, and lead to the immediate substitution
+ for him of an Agent whose attitude would be more correct in the
+ French sense. I am afraid also that the claim Dufferin makes
+ to have considered the interests of the French in the Egyptian
+ service, however true it is, would provoke a howl of contradiction.
+
+ I do not mean to imply that Raindre's conduct has been at
+ variance with his instructions. I don't think it is the policy
+ of the French Government at this moment to get up irritating
+ discussions with us on small everyday matters, either in Egypt or
+ in other parts of the world. The French Foreign Office seems to
+ me to be, on the contrary, more conciliatory than usual in its
+ answers respecting such matters. I mark this with satisfaction
+ because I hope that in this way, provided we can avoid irritating
+ controversies, we may return insensibly to satisfactory relations.
+ But we are far enough from such relations in reality at this
+ moment. Challemel Lacour is not given, as you know, to talk about
+ general diplomatic policy, but others do not hesitate to let us
+ understand that while they are civil about small matters, they are
+ only biding their time till an opportunity comes of opposing us in
+ effect with great ones.
+
+The course of affairs in Tonquin had not tended to restore the French
+to good humour by providing a compensation for their eclipse in Egypt,
+and the attempt to indulge in Chauvinism on the cheap had turned out
+to be a costly and unsatisfactory experiment. Had it not been for the
+provocations of the foreign press, it is possible that the spirited
+Colonial Policy with regard to Tonquin, Madagascar, etc., would have
+been abandoned quietly; but it was found intolerable to endure the daily
+administration of threats, ridicule, and supercilious advice showered
+from abroad. As it was, these expeditions did serve one useful purpose,
+namely, that of temporarily diverting attention from Egypt.
+
+The reputation of the French Republic was not enhanced by a most
+discreditable incident which occurred at Paris in the autumn. The young
+King of Spain who had been visiting some of the European capitals,
+arrived at Paris on September 29, shortly after having been created
+by the German Emperor an Honorary Colonel of an Uhlan regiment at
+Strasbourg. On the strength of this honorary distinction he was met by
+a howling mob, which proceeded to demonstrate its patriotism by insults
+such as have seldom been offered to any foreign potentate, and for which
+the President of the Republic was forced to make an apology on the
+following day.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Oct. 5, 1883.
+
+ I do not remember any moment at which affairs here have
+ appeared to me so gloomy. The more I learn of the proceedings of
+ the French authorities, no less than those of the mob, the more
+ unpardonable do they appear. I have never felt the same repugnance
+ (and I have had my trials in this way) to the people with whom I
+ have to deal. It is a comfort to contrast the bearing of the King
+ of Spain with that of His Majesty's so called hosts. Jules Ferry
+ himself appears to have behaved decorously. I will forbear from
+ speculating on the ultimate effect of this deplorable affair on
+ French institutions. So far as I can see, Ferry and Wilson both
+ calculate on obtaining the advantage in a battle in the Chambers,
+ if they put off the fight till the session opens on the 23rd. In
+ the meantime, decency (if decency were at all taken into account
+ here at this moment) would seem to require that Thibaudin should
+ resign or be dismissed.
+
+ Our own political questions with the French Government do
+ not seem in a much more hopeful state than the general political
+ condition of things here.
+
+Not content with having by carelessness allowed the King of Spain to be
+insulted, the French Government prevented a correct and complete report
+of President Grevy's apology from being published in the _Journal
+Officiel_, this action being on a par with the whole disgraceful
+proceedings. As, however, the only alternative to the existing
+Government appeared to be a thoroughgoing Intransigeant Cabinet, and
+there was no telling what the latter might do both at home and abroad,
+it was hoped that Jules Ferry and his colleagues would succeed in
+holding their own.
+
+In the autumn, Challemel Lacour, who had become unpopular owing to the
+unsatisfactory campaign in Tonquin, resigned office, and his place at
+the Foreign Office was taken by Jules Ferry himself. Towards the end of
+November there arrived the news of Hicks Pasha's disaster in the Soudan,
+and although this event was not by any means unwelcome to the French,
+the chances of a speedy termination of the British occupation of Egypt
+naturally grew more remote.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 23, 1883.
+
+ I suppose there can be no hope that the disaster which has
+ overwhelmed Hicks's army is less serious than is reported. It seems
+ to be a grievous misfortune which has come at a most inopportune
+ moment for us. It is far from causing sorrow to our friends here.
+
+ I quite understand your not being keen to arbitrate between
+ France and China, and I don't think the French will be willing to
+ accept the arbitration of anybody. What they understand by our good
+ offices, is that we should help them to carry all their points
+ against the Chinese. It is supposed that the Committee will press
+ on the Government a larger vote for Tonquin than the Government has
+ asked for.
+
+ In the mean time things at home are looking gloomy in
+ France. There is likely to be a stagnation of trade and generally
+ much distress during the winter. People of all classes are
+ getting irritable, and seem to seek to vent their irritation on
+ foreign Powers. Add to this that the depression and pusillanimity
+ which followed 1870-1871, seem to be giving place to the former
+ overweening opinion of the strength of France and consequently to
+ Chauvinism.
+
+ I wrote a despatch to you by the last messenger as to the
+ effect the lowering the wine duties for Spain would have here. I
+ am never quite at ease when I think of our holding Most Favoured
+ Nation treatment at the pleasure of the French. The lowest class
+ who are gaining power are certainly not Free Traders.
+
+In consequence of the Soudan disaster the Egyptian Government became
+anxious to call in the Turks to their assistance, and this project
+excited a strong feeling in France against the admission of the Sultan's
+troops, or of any Turkish fighting men into Egypt, to take part in the
+defence against the Mahdi, that feeling being founded on the old ground
+of danger to the French position in Tunis and Algeria. But, for the same
+reason, the French were disposed to throw a heavy responsibility upon
+England for taking precautions that the Mahdi should be effectually
+stopped somewhere or other. Everything, in fact, that England did in
+Egypt was wrong in French eyes, and there was a fresh outburst over an
+arrangement made between Lesseps and the English shipowners with regard
+to the Suez Canal.
+
+In January, 1884, the British Government decided definitely upon the
+evacuation of the Soudan, and Gordon was despatched to carry out the
+operation.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Jan. 19, 1884.
+
+ I do not know that in the main any marked change in public
+ opinion in France about Egypt has taken place since I wrote ten
+ days ago; but as the state of things there remains unchanged
+ for the better or becomes changed for the worse, excitement and
+ reproaches against England increase. A catastrophe with regard to
+ the garrison of Khartoum or that of Sinkat, or any massacre of
+ Europeans, would probably produce a violent outcry against us, of a
+ much more intense character than the present general upbraiding as
+ to our allowing the advance of the Soudan towards civilization to
+ be stopped, and the slave trade to be revived.
+
+ I am told confidentially that Barrere, the French Agent at
+ Cairo, writes to urge his Government to decide upon some distinct
+ line of policy, in view of the present crisis. His own idea
+ would seem to be to ingratiate himself with the Egyptians at the
+ expense of the English, to lead them to attribute all the present
+ misfortunes to England and to teach them to look to France for
+ ultimate deliverance from them. I hear that he rates Baring's
+ ability very highly, but writes very disparagingly of the other
+ Englishmen in office in Egypt. One of his topics in decrying
+ England is said to be the sum charged by her on the Egyptian
+ Treasury for the occupying troops. He is said not to be averse to
+ touching the Law of Liquidation, because he conceives that, if this
+ is done, France will get her finger into the pie again.
+
+ Tonquin is, at this moment, secondary to Egypt in interest
+ here, but the French are getting impatient for news from Admiral
+ Courbet.
+
+ Nothing particularly critical has yet taken place in the
+ Chamber.
+
+Lord Granville's reply seems to show that General Gordon was almost as
+great an optimist as himself.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Jan. 19, 1884.
+
+ Many thanks for your important private letter about Egypt. The
+ information may be of use to Baring.
+
+ Barrere is a very clever fellow, and has persuaded Baring that
+ he is very friendly.
+
+ Gordon went off yesterday, in a very good humour, determined
+ to help us in carrying out our policy of evacuation in the best
+ manner.
+
+ He is wonderfully optimistic, with a great contempt for the
+ Mahdi and disbelief in Arab fanaticism or love of real fighting. He
+ is not much afraid of a massacre. I trust he may be right.
+
+A fresh disaster in the Soudan--Baker Pasha's defeat--encouraged the
+idea that these reverses were symptoms of weakness on the part of
+England, and gave France a reason for desiring to interfere, and a
+_locus standi_ for asserting a claim to do so.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, March 11, 1884.
+
+ The large majority obtained by the Government against the
+ coalition of the extreme Right and the extreme Left on Paul Bert's
+ extravagant proposals relative to the salaries of schoolmasters and
+ schoolmistresses, has strengthened their hands and has given some
+ confidence to the Union Republicaine Party, on which they mainly
+ rely. They also succeeded in defeating a very mischievous motion
+ made by Clemenceau in the Committee of 44 to send a deputation to
+ Anzin in order to inquire into, or more properly to foment the
+ troubles in the Anzin coal districts. Nevertheless, the state of
+ the country and of Paris in particular is far from comfortable.
+ The distress of the workmen, and the folly and unreasonableness of
+ their demands and expectations are on the increase. I send you by
+ this messenger a good despatch by Crowe[40] on the violent cry for
+ protection from the competition of foreign workmen as well as that
+ of foreign goods, which has been one of the consequences.
+
+ I am afraid all this does not tend to make the Government
+ more conciliatory on foreign affairs. They are hourly expecting
+ to hear of the fall of Bac-Ninh, and if they are quite successful
+ there, they are only too likely to turn their thoughts to getting
+ a little glory out of the Egyptian question, as well as out of the
+ Madagascar, Congo, and other matters in which they are more or less
+ opposed to England.
+
+ So far as we are concerned, the effect the reconciliation
+ between Russia and Germany has had upon the French is not good.
+ So long as they had any hopes of a quarrel between Germany and
+ Russia, they felt bound to reserve their strength in order to take
+ advantage of it, and to cultivate good relations with other Powers,
+ in order to secure at least their non-interference. Now they have
+ given up the hope of a break between Russia and Germany, and are
+ at the same time confident that all the Continental Powers are
+ determined on peace. They think therefore that they may expect to
+ be _tete-a-tete_ with us and to be free to act as suits them in
+ affairs in which we are concerned.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ March 12, 1884.
+
+ Your letters are most interesting, though not comforting. The
+ difficulty of keeping on friendly terms with France is not to be
+ underrated.
+
+ I await with almost equal interest the news which we shall
+ probably get this evening from [illegible] and that which I suppose
+ will come in a few days from Bac-Ninh.
+
+ I am afraid victory will make the French Government very
+ difficult to deal with; on the other hand, a defeat, which is not
+ likely, will make the Chinese intolerable.
+
+ Our own troubles, especially in the Soudan, are great. If
+ things could settle there, I am confident that Egypt would soon
+ recover the state in which she was before Hicks's defeat, and this
+ notwithstanding all the intrigues which are going on there.
+
+ Bismarck says he shall give us no trouble about the Law of
+ Liquidation, but that other nations will. What will be the best way
+ of approaching the French Government when we have made up our own
+ minds?
+
+ As to protection, it will create a very angry feeling here.
+ It will ruin the French and it will make us the monopolists of the
+ neutral markets of the world so long as we can keep at peace.
+
+ The Egyptian blister has diverted public attention from Merv.
+ The question was treated in excellent speeches in the Lords, but
+ the debate was dull and flat.
+
+ We do not make you a very handsome present in Mohrenheim. He
+ is like a diplomatist on the stage.
+
+Baron Mohrenheim, a diplomatist of a very conventional type, had just
+been transferred to Paris from the Russian Embassy in London, and was
+generally credited with strong anti-English sentiments.
+
+On the question of the financial condition of Egypt, the British
+Government finally decided to propose a European Conference, and the
+decision was communicated to the French Government. As was only to be
+expected, the English proposal produced a conflict of opinion in France.
+Some approved of calling in Europe generally, but others denounced the
+proposal as a new proof of the treachery of England, who, according
+to them, was bound to treat with France alone, and called loudly upon
+the French Government to refuse to go into a Conference on equal terms
+with other Powers. All seemed to think, however, that the moment had
+come for France to reassume a position equal with that of England, if
+not superior to it. The attitude of the French Government itself was
+more moderate. Jules Ferry accepted the Conference 'in principle,'
+and endeavoured to show that two absolutely false notions prevailed
+in England which seemed to be the great obstacles to an understanding
+between the two countries. One was that if the English withdrew their
+troops from Egypt, France would send hers in; the other, that France
+sought to re-establish the Control.
+
+The position in which Gordon now found himself in Khartoum began to
+cause Her Majesty's Government serious misgivings, and many expedients
+were suggested for relieving Ministers from their embarrassment. Amongst
+them appears a serio-comic proposition from the Baron de Billing, a
+well-known figure in Anglo-French society.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, May 4, 1884.
+
+ I send you copies of a letter written to me by Baron de
+ Billing yesterday and of a memo annexed to it. I don't know what
+ you will think of the offer to rescue Gordon which they contain,
+ but I deem it right to lay it before you. Billing made it to me
+ verbally yesterday, and I begged him to put it in writing. The
+ inclosed papers are the result.
+
+ Billing did not tell me who the persons were by whom the
+ rescue was to be effected, but I understand that they were Arab
+ Sheikhs or something of that kind. Apparently they are in Paris,
+ for he professed to go to consult them before he sent me the memo.
+
+ He says you have known him from a boy.
+
+ '_Il se porte garant de l'honorabilite des personnes en jeu._'
+ For my part '_Je ne me porte garant de rien_' in the matter.
+
+ Billing insisted much on the importance of his receiving a
+ speedy answer.
+
+ MEMO.
+
+ '_Gordon Pasha sera remis aux autorites egyptiennes ou
+ anglaises a un des ports de la Mer Rouge ou aux avant-postes de
+ l'armee anglo-egyptienne moyennant:_
+
+ 1 deg.. _le paiement immediat par Lord Lyons d'une somme de deux
+ mille livres sterling a une personne designee par le Baron de
+ Billing, ancien charge d'affaires de France a Munich, Tunis et
+ Stockholm._
+
+ 2 deg.. _Le versement d'une somme de 48,000 livres sterling au
+ credit du Baron de Billing chez Messrs. Coutts, ses banquiers
+ ordinaires, le jour meme ou parviendra a Londres la nouvelle
+ officielle de la remise de Gordon Pasha entre les mains des
+ autorites anglo-egyptiennes._
+
+ _N.B._--1 deg.. _Un compte detaille sera rendu a Lord Lyons de
+ l'emploi des deux milles livres sterling immediatement exigibles._
+
+ 2 deg. _Gordon Pasha devra prendre l'engagement ecrit de quitter
+ sur le champ l'Egypte et de s'en tenir eloigne pendant une periode
+ de 10 ans._ (_Je crois qu'il sera possible de faire modifier cette
+ derniere pretention qui semble bien peu pratique._)
+
+ _Le Baron de Billing se porte garant vis-a-vis de Lord Lyons
+ de l'honorabilite des personnes en jeu, et il ajoute que vu son
+ experience de l'Afrique, il croit a de serieuses chances de succes._
+
+ _Un permis de sejour en blanc pour l'Egypte sera remis au
+ Baron de Billing pour un Musulman a designer par lui._'
+
+ (_Tres important._)
+
+In spite of Lord Granville's life-long acquaintance with the Baron, the
+proposal (which bears a striking resemblance to some of the incidents
+in the Dreyfus case) was declined, and nothing more was heard of him in
+connection with the rescue of Gordon.
+
+The French military operations in the Far East were terminated
+temporarily by a Treaty with China, concluded in May, under which the
+Protectorate of France over Tonquin and Annam was recognized, and there
+was some uncertainty at first as to how the commercial terms would
+be interpreted. When the Prince of Wales, who was then in Paris,
+called upon President Grevy, the latter dilated effusively upon the
+satisfaction which all nations must feel at the new opening of trade to
+them in Tonquin and Annam. On the other hand, the _Temps_, a newspaper
+of considerable authority, talked of the _ouverture au commerce
+exclusif de la France des Provinces de l'Empire celeste limitrophes de
+nos possessions de l'Indo-Chine_. 'I have observed,' Lord Lyons wrote
+sadly, 'no symptoms lately in France of anything like a decently liberal
+commercial spirit.' Nor when M. Jules Ferry was congratulated upon the
+Tonquin settlement, did that statesman let fall any hint of an intention
+to open to the rest of the world the commercial advantages which France
+had secured for herself. In fact, the chief result of the French success
+in Tonquin seemed to be, that, having at all events, got rid temporarily
+of this difficulty, a more unconciliatory line of policy than ever would
+be adopted as far as Egypt was concerned.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, May 27, 1884.
+
+ You may have observed that, contrary to my usual habit, I
+ have been sending you lately a great many extracts from French
+ newspapers. My reason is of a very painful kind. I have thought it
+ necessary to give you specimens of the ill will towards England,
+ the suspicions of her, and the irritability respecting her which
+ seem to become more and more prevalent here. To these unpleasant
+ symptoms I might add that exclusive and illiberal commercial views
+ and extreme Protectionist ideas are in the ascendant: and that thus
+ the spirited Colonial Policy now in vogue, becomes a danger instead
+ of an advantage to foreign commerce, which it might be if it opened
+ new areas to the trade of all nations.
+
+ The Ferry Government is wafted along by the pleasant breezes
+ from Tonquin, but they must be on the look out for squalls as they
+ near the revision of the Constitution and the discussion of the
+ Budget of 1885.
+
+ The _Gaulois_ is hardly looked upon here as a serious paper,
+ but the calumnies upon Sir J. Drummond Hay which it professes
+ to have derived from a report made, I suppose _viva voce_, by
+ Ordega[41] to Ferry, are too bad. Menabrea says that the Italian
+ Minister at Tangier is a man of herculean strength and fierce
+ temper, and that he is as likely as not to wring Ordega's neck if
+ he catches him. _Libre a lui de le faire._
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ May 28, 1884.
+
+ We must be very clumsy to invite so much indignation in France
+ and at the same time to run the risk of being turned out next month
+ for being so subservient to her.
+
+ Waddington seems in earnest to bring about a good
+ understanding, but our press, over which the Government has
+ absolutely no control, will be most offensive, until the vote of
+ censure against the Conference, which is almost sure to be brought
+ on, is decided one way or the other.
+
+ It will require all Salisbury's want of caution to try to come
+ in upon a quarrel with all Europe upon the Egyptian question.
+
+The Egyptian policy of the Gladstone Government, subsequently to the
+successful campaign of 1882, never met with much favour in any quarter
+in England, but it was not surprising, on the whole, that Lord Granville
+should be pained by French hostility, since nothing whatever had been
+done to warrant it. Had we behaved ill to France, there might have been
+a chance of returning to favour by altering our procedure; as it was,
+there was no reasonable ground of offence whatever, and therefore the
+prospect of restoring friendly relations appeared to be all the more
+remote.
+
+Lord Hartington, then a prominent member of the Gladstone Government,
+was in Paris at the beginning of June, and Lord Granville seems to have
+been much alarmed as to the language which he might use with reference
+to Egypt in conversation with French Ministers. Lord Hartington was
+probably not in the least desirous of conversing with French Ministers
+upon Egypt or upon any other subject, and wished to go _incognito_, 'as
+he was constantly in the habit of doing;' but it was represented to him
+that unless he called upon Jules Ferry it would be believed that he was
+engaged upon a secret mission, and Lord Lyons was therefore asked to
+give him some preliminary coaching.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, June 3, 1884.
+
+ I sent Lord Hartington your letter yesterday, and I had a long
+ visit from him in the afternoon.
+
+ As matters stand, what seems to me most to be dreaded with a
+ view to our relations with France is a vote of the House of Commons
+ censuring an arrangement made by Her Majesty's Government with the
+ French Government. Such a vote, and the debate by which it would be
+ preceded, would, I cannot but fear, have a truly lamentable effect.
+
+ I understand that Jules Ferry is having a memorandum on the
+ Finances of Egypt drawn up by Blignieres, and that it will dispute
+ the accuracy of Mr. Childers's information and represent that the
+ Finances were in a flourishing condition, and that there were
+ surpluses even during Arabi's rebellion, up to the time at which
+ England took the thing in hand. The memorandum will probably deny
+ there being any necessity for reducing the interest of the debt, if
+ the Finances be properly managed.
+
+ I do not know whether such a reason will be assigned to us,
+ but in fact it seems that the French object to any large loans
+ being guaranteed by England, on account of the lien, so to speak,
+ which it would give England upon Egypt. The French would prefer a
+ simple fresh issue of Unified stock.
+
+ In the meantime, the French bondholders are bestirring
+ themselves and protesting against any arrangement being made
+ without their being consulted.
+
+ Jules Ferry, however, himself thinks little of any other
+ consideration in comparison with the political success which it
+ would be to him to give France again a political footing in Egypt,
+ and as a means to this, to get a time fixed for the departure of
+ our troops. I do not think he is afraid of much disapproval here
+ of his counter-concession--the engagement that French troops shall
+ not enter Egypt, either on the departure of the English troops or
+ afterwards. Unless the engagement were very formally made and very
+ peculiarly and stringently worded, it would be felt here that it
+ did not amount to much. For though it would preclude the occupation
+ of Egypt by the French to preserve order and promote reforms in the
+ same way we occupy the country now, it would not be interpreted
+ here as preventing France using force to avenge an insult or
+ protect distinct French interests in cases which would constitute a
+ _casus belli_ as regarded any ordinary country.
+
+ I do not quite understand the exact position in which stands
+ the suggestion that the Financial question should be first
+ settled by England with the several Powers separately, and then a
+ conference be held for a day or two only to ratify what had already
+ been settled. Does this afford an opening for purely financial
+ negotiations, and admit of dropping the French political proposals
+ which appear to be so unpopular in England? I believe Jules Ferry
+ is in some tribulation about the difficulties his proposals have
+ met with in England, and is half inclined to be sorry he made them
+ so strong, though I doubt whether Waddington has made him fully
+ aware of the violence of the opposition they encounter in England.
+
+ Generally speaking, I am very unhappy about the growing
+ ill-will between France and England which exists on both sides
+ of the Channel. It is not that I suppose that France has any
+ deliberate intention of going to war with us. But the two nations
+ come into contact in every part of the world. In every part of it
+ questions arise which, in the present state of feeling, excite
+ mutual suspicion and irritation. Who can say, when and where, in
+ this state of things, some local events may not produce a serious
+ quarrel, or some high-handed proceedings of hot-headed officials
+ occasion an actual collision?
+
+The variety and number of questions upon which Lord Lyons was requested
+to pronounce an opinion have already been commented upon; now he was
+asked to consider the effect of a hypothetical vote of the House of
+Commons.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Trentham, June 4, 1884.
+
+ Many thanks for your important and pregnant letter. I quite
+ agree that the relations between England and France will be
+ disagreeable if the House of Commons rejects our proposals; but
+ this, though possible, is not so probable as Hartington thinks.
+
+ The M.P.'s neither desire a Salisbury administration; still
+ less a dissolution.
+
+ But how will our relations be, if we previously break off
+ with France? and what can you suggest for the settlement of the
+ financial difficulties of Egypt, if we obtain no sanction for a
+ change of the Law of Liquidation?
+
+ Do you think that the House of Commons would allow us to take
+ the whole debt upon ourselves, in order to save the bondholders? I
+ should be really grateful for your suggestions on this last point.
+
+From the above letter it is plain that Her Majesty's Government had no
+definite Egyptian policy, and were merely stumbling along concerned
+only, as frequently happens with British Cabinets, with the possible
+result of a division in the House of Commons. The only evidence of
+policy was a strong inclination to evade responsibility; to hand it over
+to a collection of Powers; and to fritter away such advantages as had
+been so hardly won, in the hopeless attempt to recover the goodwill of
+the French Government.
+
+Lord Lyons's reply was to the effect that nothing would have a worse
+effect than a bitter debate in the House of Commons followed by the
+censure of terms agreed upon by the French and English Governments. But
+as there was no doubt whatever that the French Government intended to
+take advantage of the Conference to place France in the same position in
+Egypt as that which she formerly held, a firm policy on the part of Her
+Majesty's Government might have a better effect than an over-yielding
+one.
+
+The Egyptian Conference met in London at the end of June and continued
+its sterile discussions for upwards of a month before finally breaking
+up, while the tone of the French press grew more and more hostile, and
+anything in the nature of a concession on the subject of the interest of
+the debt or on any other matter affecting French material interest was
+denounced in the fiercest terms. Even the craven British proposals with
+regard to the limitation of the military occupation were treated with
+contempt, and no person came in for greater abuse than M. Waddington,
+who was now established as Ambassador in London, and was constantly
+denounced for subservience to England, solely because he owned an
+English name.
+
+The Conference broke up in August, and the Cabinet, which was now being
+continually denounced on all sides for its feeble and procrastinating
+policy, decided upon despatching Lord Northbrook on a special mission
+to Cairo. Before Lord Northbrook started he had a long interview with
+Lord Lyons, who did his best to impress upon him the views, interests,
+and susceptibilities of France, and the great importance of not running
+counter to them if possible.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Oct. 17, 1884.
+
+ I opened my first conversation with Ferry, the day after my
+ return, with a message from you as to your desire to be on good
+ terms, and to avoid unpleasantness in treating matters between
+ the two countries all over the world. I enlarged upon this theme,
+ and made it as plain to him as I could, without letting the
+ conversation degenerate into recrimination, that if France were
+ perpetually irritating us, we on our side had the means, and should
+ not always be able to abstain from using them, of making ourselves
+ very disagreeable too. The subject was treated in the most friendly
+ way by me, and Ferry was profuse in his acknowledgments to you, and
+ in assurances; but I should have been glad if I could have brought
+ him to more practical advances towards intimacy and good fellowship
+ than I was able to do. However, the conversation may perhaps have
+ done some good.
+
+ As regards the Congo Conference, I came away with the
+ impression that there is more or less a tacit, if not very
+ explicit, understanding between France and Germany, in addition to
+ what appears in the Yellow Book; and that this understanding may
+ prove inconvenient to us.
+
+ The session has not opened very favourably for the Government.
+ The Finance Minister's hocus-pocus expedients for balancing the
+ Budget have been unanimously rejected by the Budget Committee. The
+ recent 'glories' in Tonquin hardly outweigh in public estimation
+ the growing expenses of the operations there and in China. Ferry
+ told me he disliked the protective duties on cattle and corn, but
+ that the Government could not altogether resist them, though it
+ would endeavour to make them as moderate as possible. Rouvier,
+ the new Minister of Commerce, is less Protectionist than his
+ predecessor, Herisson; but I have no confidence in the so-called
+ Free Trade principles of any Frenchman. Duties on manufactures
+ are sure to follow in the wake of duties on food, and I can never
+ forget that we hold our Most Favoured Nation treatment only at the
+ good pleasure of the French Government. The proceedings of the
+ Lyonnais are socialist and revolutionary, and a great impetus has
+ been given to Socialism by the journeyings during the recess of the
+ sub-committees of the General Committee appointed by the Chamber
+ of Deputies to inquire into the distress of the working classes.
+ Nevertheless the chances still seem to be that the Ferry Ministry
+ will weather the storms of the autumn session.
+
+ Ferry complained bitterly of the English press. He said in
+ particular that the irritating lecturing tone of the _Times_ goaded
+ the French to madness; though he himself observed that it used the
+ same tone towards the Government of its own country. I said that
+ the press on both sides of the Channel seemed to work as if for the
+ express purpose of producing ill-will between the two countries;
+ but that certainly the English Government had no power to restrain
+ it. A good understanding between the two Governments and friendly
+ proceedings on their parts to each other, would in time act upon
+ public opinion; and saying this, I preached a little more on the
+ text of the importance of the French Government's not making itself
+ unnecessarily disagreeable.
+
+Her Majesty's Government were at this time involved in domestic as well
+as external difficulties, and Lord Granville's reply to the foregoing
+letter contained a renewal of the old importunity to come over and vote
+in the House of Lords on a party question. It is quite obvious that
+Lord Granville was impelled to do so by Gladstone, and the typical
+Gladstonian reasoning is shown in the argument that Lord Lyons ought to
+vote, because being an Ambassador he was a non-party man; whereas on
+previous occasions his vote had been applied for, because he distinctly
+ranked as a party man in the Whip's list.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Walmer, Oct. 18, 1884.
+
+ Gladstone writes to me earnestly, but I think reasonably,
+ respecting your vote at the present important crisis.
+
+ He says that you must be aware of the estimate we hold of your
+ judgment and independence. But to save the House of Lords from a
+ tempest which must strain and may wreck it, some Tory Lords will
+ be moved to vote for the Franchise Bill, and he asks why the same
+ motive should not operate upon men like our Ambassadors, who he
+ believes are of no party.
+
+ I own I think that the same majority, or possibly a larger one
+ in the Lords, would be a great disaster.
+
+ If the Liberal Party take up hostility to the House of Lords
+ itself as its leading question--whether led by Gladstone himself,
+ or not,--and with a leader of the Lords who is personally in favour
+ of getting a larger career of power and utility for himself in the
+ Commons, it is difficult not to foresee the result.
+
+ With regard to immediate politics, supposing Salisbury
+ succeeds in forcing a dissolution, and with the help of the Irish
+ turns us out, what chance is there of his not being turned out in
+ six months by nearly the same process?
+
+ The Waddingtons came here to luncheon. I guessed that they
+ funked being reported as being here. He was very civil, and his
+ talk was not altogether unpromising.
+
+No one with the slightest practical acquaintance with politics could
+possibly be taken in by the Gladstonian phrase about the 'estimate of
+your judgment and independence.' Ministers when urging their docile
+supporters either in the Lords or the Commons to support a party
+measure, are not in the habit of boasting that some eminent person,
+whether an Ambassador or not, is going to give a silent vote in their
+favour, and even if they did, it would not produce the slightest effect.
+One peer's vote is as good as another's, and in the division list an
+Ambassador counts no higher than the most obscure of backwoodsmen.
+
+Anglo-French relations were not improved by the occurrences in the
+Far East, where the French, in consequence of the Tonquin expedition,
+had drifted into war with China. The Chinese fleet, composed of small
+obsolete vessels, was destroyed at Foochow by the heavily armed French
+ships in August; but as the Chinese Government showed no signs of
+yielding, the French Admiral, Courbet, was ordered to seize part of
+the island of Formosa, where valuable coal mines were known to exist.
+In order to effect his object, Admiral Courbet, with a magnificent
+disregard of all neutral Powers, proclaimed a paper blockade of Formosa,
+which naturally provoked a protestation on the part of the British
+Government. During the remainder of the year hostilities between France
+and China continued, although from time to time recurrence to the
+friendly offices of Her Majesty's Government was suggested but found
+impracticable.
+
+Egypt, however, remained the centre of interest, and the prospects of
+any amicable arrangement appeared to recede further into the distance.
+Upon the return of Lord Northbrook, the new proposals of Her Majesty's
+Government were put before the French Government.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 26, 1884.
+
+ I suppose Waddington's private statement to me that we must
+ not expect an answer to our Egyptian proposals before the end of
+ the year was intended to imply that we _should_ get an answer about
+ that time.
+
+ I pressed Ferry strongly on the subject the day before
+ yesterday. He assured me that he had studied our papers and was
+ occupying himself without intermission on the subject, but I could
+ not bring him to book as to the exact time we might look for an
+ answer, nor could I extract from him any hint as to what the answer
+ was to be.
+
+ I am afraid that the draft of it has gone, or is going, to
+ Berlin, and I augur anything but good from this. It seems to
+ me that without being driven to anything of the kind by German
+ interests, Bismarck has lately taken a sort of malicious pleasure
+ in treating matters in a way calculated to embarrass and discredit
+ us.
+
+ You may be quite sure that I shall leave no stone unturned
+ to get an answer as soon as possible. I don't think threats of
+ Tunisifying Egypt, or of bankruptcy, or other strong measures,
+ would tell upon the French. They would not believe that we
+ should have recourse to such measures, in face of the opposition
+ of France, Germany, Austria, and Russia, even if we had the
+ thoroughgoing support of Italy. I should hesitate to bring matters
+ to a point at which we could only execute our threats by a very
+ large display of military and naval force, or back out of them.
+ The best card in our hand, and it is not a high trump, is the
+ reluctance of the French to be thrown irretrievably into the
+ clutches of Bismarck by a distinct quarrel with us.
+
+ Ferry seemed grateful to you for the way in which you
+ sounded him through Waddington about new proposals from China,
+ but he appears to think that any eagerness on his part to receive
+ new proposals would be looked upon by the Chinese as a sign of
+ weakness, and short of absolutely giving in on the part of China,
+ an _action d'eclat_ on the part of the French forces would answer
+ best for him with the Chambers.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 30, 1884.
+
+ I put your letter myself into Errington's hand this
+ morning.[42] He starts for Italy this evening.
+
+ You will see by the despatch I send with this that Ferry
+ promises an answer on the Egyptian Finances on the 15th of next
+ month, and that he intends to make counter-proposals. I cried out
+ at his mentioning so distant a date as the 15th, but he would not
+ name a nearer one. If, as I cannot but surmise, he is consulting
+ Berlin, I fear that neither speed nor conciliation to us will be
+ recommended from that quarter. I confess I cannot think of any
+ threat which would be likely to mend matters. The French would
+ probably rejoice at any crisis which might array distinctly against
+ us the three Emperors, as well as this Republic. I doubt the
+ Tonquin affair being very much of a safeguard. I should feel safer
+ if France were not getting into the habit of sending out distant
+ expeditions.
+
+ I report officially this evening Ferry's language about the
+ new Chinese proposals. The Chambers were all in favour of an
+ _action d'eclat_. I don't think Ferry could face them with another
+ doubtful negotiation on his hands which would suspend military
+ action. At any rate he does not seem to wish to hear anything of
+ Chinese proposals, short of actual surrender.
+
+At the beginning of 1885 Her Majesty's Government were confronted
+with the unpleasant fact, that whereas hitherto they had only had
+French opposition to reckon with in respect to Egypt, Bismarck had
+now engineered a European combination against them in consequence of
+dissatisfaction at the English attitude towards his colonial policy.
+The English financial proposals, more especially those which suggested
+that the interest on the debt should be reduced, and the Anglo-French
+Administration of the Daira and Domain Lands should be abolished, were
+denounced in unmeasured terms in France. Nor did it seem easy to devise
+any efficacious means either of reconciling the French to the proposals
+or of putting pressure on them. The time for putting pressure on France
+was past; earlier in the day, a representation that a refusal to consent
+to measures necessary for the well being and good administration of
+Egypt would oblige the British Government to take the country formally
+under their protection, after the fashion of Tunis, would have met with
+little opposition; but now France might go to any extremities to resist
+such an arrangement, feeling sure that in so doing she would have the
+support of Germany, Austria, and Russia. Under these circumstances the
+prospect of a financial crisis, or even of bankruptcy, produced little
+alarm, because it was felt that the support of the three Empires would
+be forthcoming in demanding that the Egyptian financial administration
+should be placed under the joint control of the Powers; and it was in
+fact only too probable that the intractability of the French Government
+would increase in proportion with the support obtained from Germany and
+the Powers which followed the German lead.
+
+It was hardly credible that the patronage of Germany was acceptable to
+the French public or entirely satisfactory to the French Government,
+as the danger, not to say the humiliation, of falling altogether into
+the hands of Bismarck, could not quite be lost sight of. The French
+Government no doubt had two objects in view; the first, to make use
+of the support of Germany and the Powers, in order to guard French
+pecuniary interests, and to improve as far as possible the political
+position of France in Egypt; the second, to avoid severing themselves
+so entirely from England as to be left wholly at the mercy of Germany.
+Unfortunately for England the second object appeared to be the one to
+which the lesser importance was attached.
+
+In short, the probabilities were, that unless we succeeded in coming to
+some arrangement with France, we should find arrayed against us all the
+European Powers, except Italy, the position in which we were placed at
+the moment, in consequence of the expedition to Khartoum, having been
+taken into account in calculating the means at our disposal to withstand
+such a coalition. It should be mentioned that the friendship of Italy
+had been purchased by an arrangement under which she was to take
+possession of Massowah and the adjacent coast.
+
+The French counter-proposals respecting Egyptian Finance were
+communicated in the middle of January.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Jan. 20, 1885.
+
+ I earnestly hope that a settlement of the Egyptian Financial
+ Question may be the result of the Cabinet to-day. That question
+ seems to me to have a disastrous effect on our foreign relations
+ everywhere.
+
+ Bismarck and Ferry are _jouant au plus fin_ with each other at
+ our expense. Each seems to think that he can use the other to help
+ in thwarting us, without risk to himself. But Bismarck has the best
+ of the game. He occupies the French thoughts, and to some extent
+ their forces, at a distance from Europe: he keeps up irritation
+ between them and us, and some of the acquisitions he encourages
+ them to make (Tonquin for instance) will in all probability
+ be a permanent cause of weakness to them. At the same time he
+ neutralizes opposition from us to his childish colonial schemes,
+ which I cannot help suspecting are founded as much on what, for
+ want of a better word, I must call spite against us, as on any
+ real expectation of advantage to Germany. Ferry hopes, by means of
+ Bismarck and the Powers who follow Bismarck's lead, to carry his
+ immediate points in regard to Egypt and other parts of the world,
+ and so increase his reputation at home for the moment; and he
+ trusts to his skill to enable him to stop before he has so entirely
+ alienated us as to be quite at Bismarck's mercy. It is the natural
+ disposition of almost all Europe to side against us, as matters
+ stand, on the Egyptian Financial Question, which makes this pretty
+ game possible.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 3, 1885.
+
+ I am provoked by Ferry's tardiness in sending Waddington the
+ instructions to proceed with the Egyptian Finances Question. He
+ has evidently been waiting for the approval of Berlin. I am more
+ than ever impatient to get this question disposed of. One, and not
+ the least of my reasons, is the desire to get rid of this habit of
+ referring every moment to Bismarck.
+
+ The Tonquin and China affairs seem to get more perplexing
+ and more expensive to the French in men and money every day. It
+ seems very doubtful that Ferry will get the _action d'eclat_ he is
+ looking for there, in time for the election; and if he do not, it
+ may go hard with him in the new Chamber.
+
+ The _Gaulois_ announces that a great Anglo-French meeting is
+ to be held in Paris in the month of March, at which a resolution
+ is to be voted that England and France must remain united in the
+ interests of liberty in Europe. According to the _Gaulois_, 'Mr.
+ Cremer, secretaire general de la Workmen's Peace Association,' is
+ in communication about it with M. Clemenceau, who is to organise
+ the meeting in conjunction with Mr. Burns, _Membre de la Chambre
+ des Communes_, who would come to Paris with a delegation of English
+ workmen. If there be any truth in the story, the object of the
+ French promoters of this demonstration is probably to embarrass the
+ Ferry Government.
+
+The Mr. Burns referred to was presumably the present President of the
+Local Government Board, but the description of him as an M.P. was
+premature.
+
+Negotiations between the French and English Governments over the
+financial proposals were resumed, and eventually some sort of
+arrangement was arrived at, but in the meanwhile all interest had been
+transferred to the Soudan. The battle of Abou Klea took place on January
+19, and on February 5 there arrived the news of the fall of Khartoum
+and death of Gordon. The French were not wanting in appreciation of
+the gallantry shown by the British troops, but were prodigal of gloomy
+forebodings with regard to the future prospects of the expeditions.
+Prominent amongst these prophets of evil were Lesseps and Jules Ferry.
+Lesseps (on the strength of having once been on a tour in the Soudan
+with the ex-Khedive) considered that an attempt to advance would be
+madness, and that the army was in great danger of being surrounded.
+He thought that the only prudent course would be to concentrate the
+forces and keep them behind walls and entrenchments until the autumn.
+But even then he did not see how the army could ever get away if it
+were stoutly opposed by the Arabs, as the scarcity of water and other
+difficulties would make the Berber-Suakim route impracticable; and in
+short he was convinced that the only practical plan was to come to
+terms with the Mahdi, and that the only means of making terms with the
+Madhi would be to reinstate Ismail as Khedive and utilize his influence.
+This surprising conclusion was due to the fact that Lesseps had for a
+long time been exerting himself in every possible way to bring about the
+restoration of Ismail.
+
+M. Jules Ferry was also full of condolences upon the British position in
+the Soudan, but was, at the same time, not at all enthusiastic about the
+French position in the Far East. He admitted that the troops in Tonquin
+were sickly and that the climate was odious; that neither in Tonquin
+nor Formosa could any blow be struck which China would really feel, but
+that nevertheless 'in the interests of civilization as represented in
+those parts by France and England, it was necessary to deal a stunning
+blow (_coup foudroyant_) at the huge Empire of China.' This might be
+effected by landing an attacking force in China proper, or by blockading
+the ports, but either of these methods would involve great difficulties
+with other Powers, and the only thing that remained to be done was
+to dismember the Empire. Once China was broken up into three or four
+provinces she would become comparatively harmless. M. Jules Ferry's
+views were expressed after a dinner at the Embassy, and Lord Lyons in
+reporting the conversation remarked that his wine must be more heady
+than he imagined.
+
+Before long, however, a crisis in another part of the world temporarily
+distracted attention from Egypt and brought home to every thinking
+person the indefinite and multifarious responsibilities of British rule,
+as well as the singularly inadequate military resources available.
+Prominent British statesmen had long derided the absurdity of supposing
+that England and Russia could ever become involved in disputes in
+Central Asia, but, profiting by our embarrassments in Egypt, the
+Russian Government had adopted so aggressive a policy, that even the
+peace-loving Gladstone Government found itself on the brink of a
+collision before the end of February. This critical situation and the
+possibility of a conflict between England and Russia, far from giving
+satisfaction to the French, afforded them just cause for anxiety.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, March 13, 1885.
+
+ The critical state of things between England and Russia has
+ come more home to the French mind during the last few days, and
+ is looked upon with increased alarm. Whatever may be Bismarck's
+ feelings and plans, the French cannot help feeling that it would
+ be a great danger to them for him to be without counterpoise in
+ Europe. Those who believe that they see far ahead, declare that
+ Bismarck's ultimate object is Holland, and that Belgium, or a part
+ of Belgium, is to be given to France as a compensation for the
+ annexation of Holland to Germany. To this end they conceive that
+ Bismarck has aimed at embroiling Russia with England, so that the
+ one may paralyse the other; at separating England and France, and
+ at setting up an alliance between France and Germany. It is to
+ be hoped that many Frenchmen would shrink from taking part in an
+ iniquity which would be equalled only by the partition of Poland.
+ It is to be supposed that none can be so blind as not to see that
+ Bismarck will never make a territorial arrangement which would
+ increase the relative strength of France as compared with that of
+ Germany. It can hardly be doubted that Bismarck must be well aware
+ that so far from the gift of Belgium reconciling the French to the
+ loss of Alsace and Lorraine, any additional power that gift might
+ confer upon them would certainly be used, on the first opportunity,
+ for the recovery of the two lost Provinces.
+
+ To people who incline to more simple and obvious explanations
+ of political conduct, Bismarck himself seems to be rather old to
+ indulge in any hope of executing schemes of this kind. Moreover,
+ the character of the Emperor would in all probability prevent his
+ sanctioning such proceedings, while His Majesty's death would,
+ in all probability, greatly diminish, if not put an end to,
+ Bismarck's influence. Bismarck may in fact be working in order to
+ attain smaller and more immediate objects, and to gratify personal
+ feelings.
+
+ However all this may be, the French decidedly wish to prevent
+ a rupture between England and Russia. They do not relish the
+ effect upon the position of Bismarck in Europe which would be
+ the consequence of France herself, England and Russia, being all
+ hampered by being engaged in wars in the extreme East.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ March 14, 1885.
+
+ I doubt the Russians going quite to extremes, but the risk is
+ great.
+
+ Bismarck is behaving as ill as possible--after the mission of
+ peace and a complete making up, creating difficulties at the last
+ moment about Egyptian finances, concerning which he promised that
+ no objections would be raised by Germany, if France and England
+ were agreed. It is supposed to be with a view to getting a decree
+ against us at Cairo before the settlement.
+
+The military preparations for a possible struggle with Russia were
+typical of the manner in which British statesmen occasionally prepare
+for the worst. In order to strike terror into a Power which could
+dispose of millions of soldiers, two army corps of 25,000 men each
+were ordered to be mobilized in India, and as 'a time of emergency had
+arrived,' it was announced that the first-class army reserve and militia
+reserve would be called out; their total numbers amounting to the
+stupendous figure of about 70,000 men. By these steps it was hoped that
+the greatest military Power in the world would be overawed.
+
+From one embarrassment Her Majesty's Government were fortunately
+relieved, the basis of an arrangement with France having been arrived
+at with regard to Egyptian Finance. Mr. Gladstone, with whom Lord Lyons
+had been requested to communicate direct, wrote expressing his relief,
+but was obviously far more concerned to demonstrate the turpitude of his
+political opponents.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Mr. Gladstone to Lord Lyons._
+
+ 10, Downing St., March 21, 1885.
+
+ When you so kindly wrote to me about Egyptian Finance, I did
+ not reply. Not because I was insensible or forgetful, but because
+ the unsatisfactory condition of the question made it so difficult.
+ Now, thank God, we are through, as far as Foreign Powers are
+ concerned; and we have thus far escaped from a position the most
+ hopeless and helpless that it is possible to conceive.
+
+ It remains a subject of regret, and of some surprise, that
+ the Opposition are pressing for time before we take the vote, in
+ a manner quite unusual, with almost a certainty of bankruptcy and
+ financial chaos in Egypt, and the likelihood of consequences more
+ than financial if we comply; and all this, as far as we can make
+ out, because of the disorganized condition of the Tory party. It
+ seems that the mutinous followers have exacted this condition from
+ their leaders, as some reparation for the agreement about the Seats
+ Bill, and for their other offences.
+
+ To be defeated on the agreement would be _most_ convenient
+ for the Government (for me priceless) but somewhat ruinous or
+ mischievous, I think, to all the rest of the world.
+
+ We must of course hold our ground.
+
+The rooted belief of Ministers that their continuance in office is
+absolutely essential to the welfare of the universe as well as to that
+of the British Empire is, of course, a well-known phenomenon which has
+manifested itself in more recent times in the case of both political
+parties. In 1885 the difficulties of the Gladstone Government continued
+to grow, and it was fortunate for Lord Granville's peace of mind that he
+was an optimist by nature.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ March 25, 1885.
+
+ The incorrigible Turk has not yet sent instructions to
+ Musurus. We have tried the most serious threats, which Musurus
+ believes will be successful.
+
+ But if we do not take care, we shall soon be at war with the
+ Mahdi, with Turkey, and with the Russians.
+
+ I do not know how the latter question will finish. Being of
+ a sanguine disposition, I hope for the best. We are determined to
+ take a firm stand.
+
+ Do you believe that the French have many tricks in hand for
+ the Suez Canal Commission?
+
+Early in April there arrived the news of the fight at Penjdeh, where,
+to use Gladstone's own expression, the attack of the Russians upon
+the Afghans 'bore the appearance of an unprovoked aggression.' A
+financial panic took place, consols fell 3 per cent., Russian stocks 9
+per cent., and for a short time the impression prevailed that war was
+inevitable. In the House of Commons, Mr. Gladstone made one of those
+eloquent statements which were so widely accepted by his followers as a
+satisfactory solution of any outstanding difficulty, but which failed to
+reassure the more intelligent; and even the optimistic Lord Granville
+felt some uncomfortable qualms.
+
+ 'It is too dreadful,' he wrote on April 10th, 'jumping from
+ one nightmare into another.
+
+ 'Once at war with Russia we shall be obliged to toady Germany,
+ France, and Turkey.
+
+ 'But I cannot believe that it will come to war. It cannot be
+ a good move of the Russians to have created a blood feud with the
+ Afghans.
+
+ 'Not having a genius for war, I do not know how we are
+ effectively to carry it on against Russia, although it is not off
+ the cards that it may break her up.'
+
+Probably Lord Granville was not singular in his inability to see how a
+war on land was to be effectively carried on against Russia.
+
+In the meanwhile the French were not without their own foreign troubles.
+M. Jules Ferry had spoken of the necessity of inflicting a _coup
+foudroyant_. The _coup foudroyant_ fell in a totally unexpected fashion
+upon his own head, in the shape of a defeat of the French forces at
+Lang-Son. The news of the reverse arrived in Paris on March 25, and
+created so absurd a panic and so strong a feeling against Spirited
+Colonial Policy that Jules Ferry at once bowed to the storm and resigned
+on the 31st. He had been in office for the unprecedented period of two
+years and one month, which alone was sufficient cause for disappearance;
+nor could it be said that his administration had been colourless, for he
+had passed an important Education Bill, established the Protectorate of
+France in Tunis, and annexed Tonquin and Madagascar.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, March 31, 1885.
+
+ Ferry was certainly at work quietly with negotiations for
+ peace with China, and no doubt he calculated on playing it as a
+ high trump at the Elections; and a great card it would have been
+ for him, for the war in Tonquin is extremely unpopular. The reverse
+ at Lang-Son has changed all this; the extreme Right have always
+ had a special hatred of Ferry on account of the suppression of the
+ religious communities, and Clemenceau and the extreme Left have
+ become bitterly hostile to him personally. Not many of his own
+ party cared to stick to him when their own popularity would have
+ been risked by doing so. And, besides, he had been in office for
+ two years; a very unusually long period of late, and people were
+ tired of him.
+
+ Freycinet is now trying to form a Cabinet. It is not certain
+ that he will succeed, and if he does succeed, it is very doubtful
+ whether his Cabinet will last. His idea seems to be to take into it
+ Republicans of all shades, not excluding deep Red. The Republicans
+ have been rather startled by the progress, far from great though
+ it has been, of the Conservatives and Monarchists (Orleanist and
+ Imperialist) in the constituencies; and the notion seems to be that
+ the importance to them of resisting this, may keep them together
+ and prevent them quarrelling with each other, at all events until
+ after the Elections. But anyway, each change of Ministry produces
+ a further step towards the Left, and there is a foundation for the
+ fear that there may be socialist legislation against property and
+ proprietors, and that the Government may by degrees throw away all
+ the means of resisting anarchy.
+
+ Freycinet's own tendencies would be towards peace. Now there
+ is nothing but flame and fury against the Chinese, but considering
+ the general unpopularity of the war this may to a certain extent
+ subside. He would, I think, desire to be on good terms with all
+ countries. He would hardly be so subservient to Bismarck as Ferry
+ had lately become. It so happens that personally he and I are
+ particularly good friends.
+
+Towards the end of April the British Government asked for a credit
+of eleven millions, and the eloquence of Mr. Gladstone worked his
+faithful followers up to a belief in verbiage which is almost pathetic.
+'Gladstone's magnificent speech had a great effect here,' wrote Lord
+Granville. 'It will hasten the _denouement_ one way or the other in
+Russia.
+
+'I understand that the Emperor is decidedly pacific; but he believes his
+father lost himself from want of firmness, that he himself is determined
+to be firm, and that the particular firmness which appeals to him, is
+not that which goes against the wishes of his army.'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, May 1, 1885.
+
+ A war between England and Russia is much dreaded by the
+ French. They fear that it would leave Bismarck without any
+ counterpoise in Europe. Any influence they may have will no doubt
+ be exercised in favour of peace, but their influence at this moment
+ does not count very much. I do not know that they would have any
+ strong sympathy with Russia if hostilities broke out, but such a
+ feeling would be produced by anything which irritated them with us
+ on account of Egyptian or other matters. Anyhow we must be prepared
+ to find them exacting and susceptible.
+
+ The consequences of the war as regards the money market here
+ would be disastrous; but it is believed they would be still more
+ disastrous at Berlin.
+
+ The dangerous point is considered here to be the notions of
+ military honour, of a peculiar kind, which prevail in the Russian
+ as much as, or more than, in other Continental armies.
+
+ These military notions in the armies do not at all require
+ that the rulers of the armies should keep their words to
+ foreigners, or abide by their international engagements; but they
+ do require that, right or wrong, the rulers should not allow the
+ _amour-propre_ of the army to be wounded. The Emperor of Russia
+ probably shares these feelings, and at any rate he would certainly
+ be afraid to run counter to them. Those here who profess to
+ understand Russia declare that she has no desire to take Herat or
+ to annex any part of Afghanistan. They think that the ultimate
+ object at which she is really aiming is to extend her possessions
+ to the Persian Gulf, and that she would be tractable enough about
+ the Afghan frontier, if that question were separated from military
+ honour, or rather vanity.
+
+ I met Freycinet and Herbette at dinner yesterday. They seemed
+ to be much relieved at having got rid of the _Bosphore Egyptien_
+ difficulty, and to be really much obliged to you for the help you
+ had given to them.
+
+The _Bosphore Egyptien_, a French newspaper in Cairo which continually
+attacked the British administration in Egypt with unparalleled
+malignity, had at length worn out the patience of Sir Evelyn Baring, and
+been temporarily suspended.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Granville._
+
+ Paris, May 15, 1885.
+
+ The symptoms apparent here indicate that Bismarck is busily
+ employed in getting up a European coalition against England on the
+ Egyptian question. He has very nearly succeeded, if not quite, in
+ isolating us in the Suez Canal Commission. He would seem to have
+ put great pressure for this purpose upon Italy, who was disposed to
+ side with us, and to have frightened or cajoled Holland and Spain.
+ With Russia and Austria he seems to have made a regular cabal. It
+ has required great tact and firmness on Pauncefote's part to have
+ resisted the endeavours to turn the Commission into a political
+ conference on the whole Egyptian question, and at the same time
+ to have avoided breaking it up prematurely. Another circumstance
+ which Bismarck is using as a lever against us, is the levying by
+ the Egyptian Government of the tax upon the coupon, before the
+ Financial Convention has been ratified by all the parties to it.
+
+ He has sent Courcel here from Berlin to seduce or terrify
+ the French Government, and is said to have charged him with large
+ offers relative to establishing an international administration in
+ Egypt, and assigning to France a preponderant influence in such an
+ administration. What the real offers may be, of course, I cannot
+ say, but I think the French are half afraid of them. Probably, like
+ all Bismarck's demonstrations in so-called support of France, they
+ contain the essential elements--the employing a considerable number
+ of French troops at a distance from France, and the promoting
+ ill-will between France and England.
+
+These suspicions as to Bismarck's motives were confirmed by Lord
+Rosebery, who at the time occupied a minor post in the Gladstone
+administration, and had lately paid a visit to Germany.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Granville to Lord Lyons._
+
+ May 30, 1885.
+
+ Rosebery has not yet written out the report (which Blowitz
+ saw), but he has given me a full account from his notes.
+
+ Bismarck acknowledged that he had been thwarting us in every
+ way; but at the last conversation (influenced, Rosebery thought,
+ by an unsatisfactory conversation with Courcel) he was much more
+ conciliatory.
+
+ He was exceedingly civil to Rosebery; hostile to Gladstone,
+ and especially to Derby.
+
+ He is a great man, but he sees through a great many
+ millstones.
+
+ The Emperor is certainly unwell. Rosebery is convinced that
+ Bismarck will retire for a time on his death.
+
+Judging from the material available, no statesman ever disliked so many
+persons as Bismarck, and the objects of his antipathy were not confined
+to his own sex. Busch's book and the works of other authors contain
+frequent references to the grievances which he entertained towards women
+who were alleged to have interfered with his policy, and, whether these
+charges were well founded or not, he made no secret of his animosity
+against even so important a personage as the Empress Augusta. In fact
+there can be little doubt that it was owing to the despotic influence
+exercised by the Chancellor that the Empress, who had had the misfortune
+to incur his displeasure, was forced to leave Berlin and to reside for a
+considerable period at Coblentz.
+
+Apparently the man who inspired him with the greatest aversion was
+Gortschakoff, but it is easy to understand that from the Bismarckian
+point of view, Mr. Gladstone and Lord Derby represented a singularly
+futile type of statesman. Lord Rosebery's prophecy with regard to his
+retirement was only partially correct. In private conversation, Bismarck
+is understood to have calculated upon three years of office under the
+present German Emperor; whereas he only succeeded in remaining for two,
+and his retirement was compulsory and not voluntary.
+
+One of the notable events in Paris in 1885 was the death of Victor Hugo.
+His funeral was made the occasion of a great ceremonial, and Queen
+Victoria, who was always much interested in functions of this nature,
+desired that she should be furnished with a special report. Any one
+who happened to have been a witness of the Victor Hugo funeral would
+corroborate the accuracy of the following account, which is probably in
+striking contrast to the word pictures of the newspaper correspondents
+of the time.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Paris, June 4, 1885.
+
+ Lord Lyons presents his humble duty to Your Majesty and
+ in obedience to Your Majesty's commands, proceeds to state the
+ impression made upon him by the funeral of Victor Hugo.
+
+ There was nothing striking, splendid or appropriate, either in
+ the monstrous catafalque erected under the Arc de Triomphe, or in
+ the trappings of the funeral. There was nothing mournful or solemn
+ in the demeanour of the people. The impressive part of the scene
+ consisted in the vast crowds from all parts of France and from many
+ other countries. As decorations of the scene, were the innumerable
+ wreaths, some conveyed in cars and some carried in the hands of
+ those who offered them.
+
+ The aspect was that of a vast assemblage of people gathered
+ together for some ordinary demonstration, or from curiosity. On
+ the other hand, perfect order was preserved. Both those who joined
+ in the procession and those who lined the streets through which it
+ passed, maintained the good humour and civility which are seldom
+ wanting to a Paris crowd. At some points attempts were made to
+ raise anarchical or socialistic cries, but met with no response.
+ The distance from the point of departure to the Arc de Triomphe is
+ about three miles by the route taken, which was through some of the
+ finest avenues of Paris. The procession began at 11 o'clock in the
+ morning and went on until after 4 in the afternoon.
+
+ The general impression left upon Lord Lyons by the day was one
+ of weariness and unconcern. The orderliness of the people was a
+ satisfactory symptom, but the total absence of strong feeling was
+ chilling, and the studied avoidance of any recognition of religion
+ did away with all solemnity.
+
+On June 12, the Gladstone Government, having been defeated during a
+Budget debate, resigned, and left to the Conservatives the ungrateful
+task of facing an accumulation of difficulties while in a minority in
+the House of Commons. Lord Salisbury took Lord Granville's place at the
+Foreign Office and the transfer was marked by a double compliment to
+Lord Lyons. Lord Granville, who was always extremely popular with all
+those with whom he was in any way connected, with habitual kindliness
+and generosity expressed his obligations to the Ambassador. 'An ordinary
+letter of farewell and of thanks would very inadequately express my
+feelings to you. I cannot say how much I have valued the loyal and
+important assistance you have given me in most difficult circumstances.'
+
+Lord Salisbury showed his appreciation by at once asking him to come
+over to England in order to discuss the general situation, and upon
+his return to Paris in July, he was able to report that the change of
+Government in England appeared to have had a beneficial effect upon
+Anglo-French relations. 'The statement you made in the House of Lords
+has made an excellent impression. Freycinet seems to be really disposed
+to abstain from endeavouring to thwart us or to raise difficulties for
+us with regard to Egyptian Finance. He also appears to be inclined to
+come to terms with us about Newfoundland and other matters.'
+
+'I think he is sincerely desirous to put the relations between the
+two countries on a good footing, but I cannot yet say that he will be
+willing to make sacrifices for this purpose.'
+
+As Freycinet, however, showed few symptoms of being willing to retire
+from the position he had taken up with regard to the eventual British
+evacuation of Egypt, and to the resumption by France of an influence
+equal with our own, his professions of friendship did not appear to be
+of much value. Some apprehension too was caused by the ostentatious
+announcements in the French press, that the numerous military forces in
+the Far East released in consequence of the conclusion of peace with
+China would return by the Suez Canal and would therefore be 'available
+for other purposes in the Mediterranean.' What was perhaps more
+encouraging, was the increasing distaste for Spirited Colonial Policy
+combined with renewed distrust of Bismarck's intentions.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, July 14, 1885.
+
+ I have been rejoiced by your telegram announcing that Germany,
+ Austria, and Italy agree to the issue of the Egyptian Loan Decree.
+ It looks as if you were on the eve of settling the question most
+ pressing in point of time (that of the money for Egypt), and I
+ hope it augurs well for the disposition generally of the German
+ Chancellor. The National Fete here puts a stop to all business for
+ to-day, but I shall see Freycinet about the issue of the Decree
+ to-morrow.
+
+ The debate on the Budget for 1886 elicited some curious
+ speeches in the Chamber of Deputies three days ago on the
+ 'Expeditions lointaines.' There was no difficulty in showing that
+ they had all cost more than they were worth. They were plainly held
+ by the Deputies to be unpopular in the country, and condemnation of
+ them is likely to be one of the election cries of the extreme Left.
+ But hardly any one seemed to see the way to bring them to an end.
+ In fact, it looked as if France had got into the groove which by a
+ fatality leads to annexation and conquest by strong and civilized
+ nations when they once begin to establish themselves amongst weak
+ and barbarous peoples. All this may delight Prince Bismarck,
+ whose avowed object is to find an outlet for what he calls French
+ vanity and restlessness, and a gulf to swallow up French troops
+ and treasures at a distance from Europe. From a certain point of
+ view this may not be without its advantages to other nations; but
+ it is not without danger to the good relations between France and
+ England--between whom awkward questions may arise all over the
+ world. In the present I am uneasy about Siam and more so about
+ Burmah. It is not a pleasant speculation to consider the change
+ which may be produced in no very remote future, in the condition
+ of our Indian Empire, if it be in contact with a great European
+ Power both on the north and on the east.
+
+In August, 1885, a prodigious outburst of Anglophobia occurred in Paris
+in consequence of mendacious statements published by Rochefort in his
+newspaper, charging the British military authorities in the Soudan
+with the assassination of a certain Olivier Pain. Olivier Pain was an
+ex-Communist and French journalist who had accompanied the Turks in
+the campaign of 1877, and who was reputed to be occasionally employed
+by the Turkish Government as a secret agent. In the spring of 1884,
+he had set off to join the Mahdi, and having completely disappeared
+from view, and being presumably dead, Rochefort took the opportunity
+to announce that Lord Wolseley had procured his death by offering a
+reward of fifty pounds for his head. The enterprise had been allotted to
+Major Kitchener[43]: 'un sinistre gredin nourri de psaumes et abreuve
+de whisky qui a eu le premier, l'idee de mettre a prix la tete de celui
+qu'il appelait "l'espion francais."'
+
+As, however, it was impossible to reach Lord Wolseley and the
+'sinistre gredin,' Rochefort urged that vengeance should be taken upon
+'l'Ambassadeur Lyons.' 'A partir d'aujourd'hui il est notre otage!
+Sa vieille peau est le gage de la satisfaction qui nous est due.'
+'L'Ambassadeur Lyons' was, however, also beyond reach, as he happened to
+be on leave, and it was, therefore, suggested that the few secretaries
+(of whom I was one), who were then in Paris, should be forthwith strung
+up to the lamp-posts in the Rue du Faubourg St. Honore. The astonishing
+thing was that these ravings were actually taken more or less seriously,
+and that for some time the French authorities found it necessary to
+protect the Embassy with numerous police detachments.
+
+It has always been one of the inscrutable mysteries that Rochefort,
+ever since the Commune, was allowed a toleration accorded to no one
+else, on the ground of his alleged exceptional wit and humour, whereas
+his effusions consisted almost entirely of gross personal abuse of the
+lowest type, levelled indiscriminately at prominent individuals of any
+description, and largely directed against England, whose hospitality he
+enjoyed during many years of exile.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 37: _Times_ correspondent in Paris.]
+
+[Footnote 38: Col. the Hon. George Villiers, Military Attache at Paris.]
+
+[Footnote 39: Lyons, Feb. 1883.]
+
+[Footnote 40: Sir Joseph Crowe, K.C.M.G., Commercial Attache at the
+Paris Embassy.]
+
+[Footnote 41: French Minister at Tangier.]
+
+[Footnote 42: Mr. G. Errington, M.P., had been despatched by Mr.
+Gladstone on a secret mission to the Vatican in connection with the Home
+Rule agitation.]
+
+[Footnote 43: Now Lord Kitchener.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+THE LAST YEAR'S WORK
+
+(1886-1887)
+
+
+The sudden and unexpected declaration in September of the Union of
+Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia which caused so much perturbation in
+Europe, and resulted in a war between Servia and Bulgaria, left the
+French quite indifferent; but the imminence of hostilities between
+England and Burmah provoked French ill-humour, which was all the
+more inexcusable because no protest had ever been made against
+French proceedings in Tonquin and Madagascar. The truth was that the
+Burmese resistance to the Indian Government was largely due to French
+encouragement. As far back as 1883 a Burmese Mission had arrived in
+Paris, and kept studiously aloof from the British Embassy; and although
+every opportunity had been taken to impress upon the French Government
+the peculiar relations between Burmah and British India, there was not
+the least doubt that the object of the Burmese had been to obtain from
+the French Government such a Treaty as would enable them to appeal
+to France in the event of their being involved in difficulties with
+England. How much encouragement they actually received is not known, but
+it was probably sufficient to effect their undoing.
+
+ The papers are abusing us about Burmah, and being quite
+ innocent of any aggression themselves in that part of the world,
+ are horrified at our holding our own there. Nevertheless, I hope
+ the Indian Government will finish the thing out of hand, for an
+ ugly state of feeling about it is growing up here.
+
+The rapidity with which the operations against Burmah were conducted
+left nothing to be desired. The campaign was over within a few weeks;
+on January 1, 1886, the annexation of Burmah was proclaimed, and the
+affairs of that country ceased to be of any further interest to the
+French Government.
+
+Lord Salisbury's tenure of the Foreign Office, which had been marked
+by so successful a policy that even Mr. Gladstone had expressed
+satisfaction, came to an end early in 1886, and he was succeeded by Lord
+Rosebery. 'The irony of events,' wrote the latter to Lord Lyons, 'has
+sent me to the Foreign Office, and one of the incidents of this which
+is most agreeable to me, is that it brings me into close relations with
+yourself.'
+
+Although the Paris press had circulated a ridiculous fiction that Lord
+Rosebery (presumably because he was personally acquainted with Bismarck)
+was anti-French by inclination, the change of Government in England was
+received in France with perfect equanimity, as had been the case in the
+previous autumn.
+
+The new Foreign Secretary, however, could not fail to be painfully
+impressed by the unsatisfactory feeling which obviously existed in
+France towards England, and found it difficult of explanation.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Rosebery to Lord Lyons._
+
+ March 3, 1886.
+
+ I am rather anxious about the attitude of the French. In
+ my short tenure of office they have brought up three or four
+ questions, all in the highest degree distasteful to us.
+
+ 1. The Consul at Suakim: as to which they say, with accuracy
+ which is disputed, that they had gone too far and could not
+ withdraw the appointment.
+
+ 2. Arbitration on the Somali coast troubles: as to which they
+ declare that Salisbury promised it, which Salisbury, I understand,
+ denies.
+
+ 3. The revival of the Suez Canal Commission.
+
+ 4. The announcement made to me by Waddington yesterday that
+ they should be obliged shortly to send a cargo of recidivists to
+ the Isle of Pines. I remonstrated strongly with him, and indeed
+ I cannot foresee all the consequences, should they carry their
+ intention into effect. One, however, I do clearly perceive, which
+ is that we should have to denounce the Postal Convention of 1856,
+ which gives the Messageries privileges in Australian ports, which
+ could not be sustained, and which the colonists would not for a
+ moment, under such circumstances, respect.
+
+ But these are details. What I want to point out is the
+ apparent animus displayed in these different proceedings. I shall
+ not mention them to my colleagues until I hear your view of them,
+ and anything you may be able to collect on the subject.
+
+ What does it all mean? These things did not occur during the
+ late Government? Are they directed against the new Administration?
+ I cannot view them as a chapter of accidents.
+
+ As for myself, I have entered upon this office with the most
+ sincere wish to be friendly with France. There can be no earthly
+ reason why we should not be so. It is a pity, therefore, that our
+ cordiality should be poisoned at its source.
+
+ I wish you would let me know what you think of all this. You
+ can pick up much directly, and perhaps even more indirectly, on
+ these points. Pray forgive the length of this letter.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery._
+
+ Paris, March 5, 1886.
+
+ I have naturally been on the watch since you came into office
+ for indications of the feelings of the French Government respecting
+ the change. In answer to your letter of the day before yesterday,
+ asking my opinion, I can only say that I think the French are quite
+ as well disposed towards the new Government as they were to the
+ late one--indeed, of the two, I should say better. We come so much
+ into contact with the French all over the globe that questions
+ more or less unpleasant are always arising in smaller or greater
+ numbers, according to circumstances; and French feeling is in a
+ chronic state of irritability about Egypt.
+
+ The four subjects you mention are certainly annoying, but I do
+ not believe that the French proceedings respecting them have been
+ actuated by any animus against the present English Ministry.
+
+ I shall be somewhat staggered in this opinion, however, if the
+ French Government proposes to substitute arbitration by any third
+ Power for the understanding that the Somali coast questions shall
+ be treated by friendly negotiations between the two Governments,
+ and that meanwhile the _status quo_ shall not be disturbed. With a
+ view to proceeding with the negotiation, M. Waddington proposed to
+ Lord Salisbury on Jan. 20th, and by a written note the next day,
+ that an inquiry should be made on the spot by two Commissioners,
+ one English and one French. Lord Salisbury received the verbal
+ proposal favourably, but did not at the moment give a definitive
+ answer.
+
+ The proposal to reassemble the Suez Canal Commission is simply
+ the renewal of a proposal made by M. Waddington to Lord Salisbury
+ at the beginning of January.
+
+ The most serious of the affairs you mention appears to me to
+ be the imminent despatch of a cargo of _recidivistes_ to the Isle
+ of Pines. I have seen from the beginning the importance of this
+ _recidiviste_ question as regards public feeling in Australia,
+ and there is hardly any question about which I have taken so much
+ trouble. I have attacked successive French Ministers upon it in
+ season and out of season, but I have never succeeded in obtaining
+ any promise that _recidivistes_ should not be sent to the Pacific.
+ As I reported to you, I remonstrated with Freycinet about the
+ intention actually to send off a batch, as soon as I became aware
+ of it. I did not perceive any difference in his manner or language
+ from what they had been when some other Ministers had been in
+ office in England, but my remonstrances were equally ineffectual. I
+ am glad you had an opportunity of speaking strongly to Waddington.
+ I see troubles ahead, for the Australians have before now
+ threatened to pass Dominion laws against French ships found to have
+ escaped convicts on board, which seem to go a good deal beyond
+ international usage, not to say law.
+
+ It is time, however, for me to wind up this long story. My
+ answer to your question is that I am far from thinking that there
+ is any _malus animus_ against Her Majesty's present Government on
+ the part of Freycinet and his Cabinet. Nor do I know that there is
+ more than the usual irritability towards England among the French
+ public; but still I feel strongly that it behoves us to tread
+ cautiously as well as firmly, when we are coming upon French ground.
+
+The spring of 1886 was noticeable for another Government onslaught
+upon such members of ex-reigning families as were then residing in
+France. Of these the most conspicuous were the Orleans Princes. There
+was nothing in their conduct to cause alarm to the Republic, as they
+confined themselves to taking part in social functions, at which they
+maintained a kind of semi-state, being always attended by ladies and
+gentlemen-in-waiting after the manner of recognized Royal personages.
+This innocent procedure was sufficient excuse to work up an agitation
+against them, and to introduce an Expulsion Bill.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery._
+
+ Paris, May 25, 1886.
+
+ The question of the day is the expulsion of the Princes. The
+ measure, if taken, will be quite unjustifiable, discreditable to
+ the Government, and, I should say, not at all injurious to the
+ cause of the victims. Considering the people and the institutions
+ with which they had to deal, the partisans of the Orleans Princes
+ have not been so prudent and correct as the Princes themselves.
+ They have gone about twitting the Republicans with weakness for
+ permitting the very mild demonstration made by the Royalists, and
+ declaring that such want of vigour was simply a sign of the decay
+ of the Republic.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ The general opinion is that the Expulsion Bill will pass in
+ its present, or even in an aggravated form, and that if it does,
+ the Government will proceed to expel the Comte de Paris at least,
+ if not the Duc de Chartres, and some others. On the other hand, it
+ is not expected that the Bill confiscating the property, real and
+ personal, of the Orleans and Bonapartes will be adopted.
+
+ Much anxiety is felt respecting Boulanger's goings on with
+ respect to the army. He seems to think of nothing but currying
+ favour with the lowest ranks in the service, and with the mob
+ outside. It is believed by many people that he would not act
+ vigorously, as Minister of War, against any disturbances, but would
+ try to turn them to account and set up for himself as dictator or
+ what not.
+
+ The financial situation is very bad, and if common scandal is
+ to be listened to, the very short duration of French Ministries is
+ having the effect of making most of the individual Ministers very
+ unscrupulous and very impatient to make hay during the very short
+ time that the sun shines.
+
+The above letter contains one of the first allusions to the enterprising
+impostor Boulanger, who very nearly succeeded in making history, and
+of whom much was to be heard for some considerable space of time. His
+popularity was due in great measure to the vague discontent which
+was then prevalent in France. People thought that they saw the same
+inefficiency in the Government, the same relaxation of authority, the
+same financial difficulties, and the same venality which marked the last
+days of the Second Empire. There seemed to be no individual, in or out
+of the Royal or Imperial Dynasties, capable of exciting any enthusiasm
+or of inspiring any confidence, and public feeling was in that state of
+lassitude and dissatisfaction which might give a reasonable chance for a
+bold stroke for power.
+
+The scandalous Expulsion Bill passed both Chambers, and the Princes took
+their departure.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery._
+
+ Paris, June 25, 1886.
+
+ The departure of the Comte de Paris from Eu has been
+ accompanied by many very sad circumstances, but I cannot help
+ thinking that his political position is improved by his expulsion.
+ His own partisans are much pleased at its having elicited from
+ him a distinct assertion of a claim to the throne, and of a
+ determination to work for the restoration of monarchy.
+
+ It is less easy to give an opinion on the position of the
+ Princes who have remained in France. It seems to be hardly
+ compatible with dignity and comfort, considering the unabated
+ hostility to them of the Reds, who seem generally to end in
+ overpowering all generous and conservative feelings in the Chambers
+ and in the Government.
+
+ Prince Napoleon and his son Prince Victor went off in opposite
+ directions, one to Geneva, the other to Brussels. The departure of
+ neither seems to have made much apparent sensation in Paris when
+ it took place, but I am far from certain that Prince Victor is not
+ really a more formidable opponent to the Republic than is the Comte
+ de Paris.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery._
+
+ Paris, July 2, 1886.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ The topic of the day here is the conduct of the Minister of
+ War, General Boulanger. He was supposed to be an Orleanist. Then
+ he went round to Clemenceau, and was put into Freycinet's Cabinet
+ as a representative of the Clemenceau party, which though not the
+ most Red in the Chamber, is more Red than the Freycinet section.
+ Since he has been in office Boulanger has lost no opportunity of
+ ingratiating himself with the Radicals, and he has been travelling
+ about the country making speeches, the object of which has
+ evidently been to gain personal popularity for himself without
+ regard to his colleagues.
+
+ He has also by degrees put creatures of his own into the
+ great military commands. A crisis was produced, during the last
+ few days, by his quarrelling with General Saussier, the military
+ Governor of Paris, and provoking him into resigning. He is also
+ said to have used strange language in the Council of Ministers. At
+ any rate, President Grevy and the Ministers seem to have thought
+ they would be more comfortable at Paris without having a satellite
+ of Boulanger as Governor, and they have insisted upon declining
+ Saussier's resignation. From the way people talk, one would think
+ that the questions were whether Boulanger is aiming at being a
+ Cromwell or a Monk, and if a Monk, which dynasty he will take up.
+
+ There is a good deal of alarm here about foreign affairs. The
+ reports of a large concentration of Russian troops in Bessarabia
+ are supposed to confirm other indications that Russia is meditating
+ a revenge for the check she has sustained with regard to Bulgaria.
+ This, it is supposed, must bring Austria into the field. Moreover,
+ Bismarck does not seem to be in an amiable mood towards France;
+ and with or without instigation from him, Germans talk as if war
+ was inevitable.
+
+ Then the Republic here has lasted sixteen years, and that is
+ about the time which it takes to make the French tired of a form of
+ Government. The Republic has not been successful financially, and
+ trade and agriculture are not prosperous, nor is the reputation of
+ the Republican administration high for purity or efficiency.
+
+ So there is plenty to croak about for those who are inclined
+ to croak.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery._
+
+ Paris, July 13, 1886.
+
+ The regular session of the French Chambers is to be closed the
+ day after to-morrow, and the Chambers are to spend to-morrow at
+ the Review at Longchamps, and I suppose to take part in the other
+ nuisances which makes Paris insupportable on a National Fete day.
+ I conclude the Chambers will come back in October for an extra
+ session as usual. In fact, they have not yet voted the Budget; or,
+ I had almost said, any useful measure. In Commercial matters and
+ indeed in everything relating to intercourse with other countries,
+ they have shown the narrowest and most exclusive spirit. Their
+ great feat has been the law for the persecution of the Princes,
+ which seems to be carried out as harshly as possible. I should
+ not have said that the literal wording of the law necessitated
+ or even justified the dismissal from the army of Princes who
+ already belonged to it, but I suppose that was the intention of
+ the legislators. The Duc d'Aumale's letter to the President is a
+ powerful document, but was sure to lead to his expulsion, and was
+ perhaps intended to have that effect.
+
+ Among people who ought to have good information from abroad,
+ the alarm as to a war this autumn seems stronger than among
+ the French politicians who confine themselves more closely to
+ considering French feeling at home. Certainly it comes round to
+ one in various ways from Germany that war is very generally
+ expected, or at all events talked of there. The accounts current
+ in Germany of supposed French provocations look as if there was
+ a party there trying to work up hostile feeling against France.
+ An alliance between France and Russia seems to be the bugbear. I
+ don't see symptoms at present of any war spirit in this country;
+ but of course a quarrel between Russia and Germany would be a great
+ temptation to French Chauvinism.
+
+The abhorred annual fete of July 14, 1886, possessed an interest which
+had been wanting previously, and has never since been renewed. This
+was due to the presence of a number of troops at the Longchamps Review
+who had just returned from Tonquin, and to the excitement caused by
+the first appearance of Boulanger at a big military display in Paris.
+Notwithstanding the inflated rubbish which was published the next day in
+the French press, there could not be the least doubt that the Tonquin
+troops were received without the slightest enthusiasm. In Paris the
+very word 'Tonquin' was hated; the country was associated with loss of
+life, and with heavy taxation, and nothing could have expressed more
+eloquently the disenchantment produced by a Spirited Colonial Policy,
+than the chilling reception accorded to these returned soldiers. The
+enthusiasm which should have been bestowed upon these humble instruments
+was lavished upon the charlatan who at that moment was the most
+prominent and popular figure in the eye of the French public.
+
+The military mountebank (aptly christened by Jules Ferry, 'a music
+hall St. Arnaud') had, with some foresight, provided himself with a
+high-actioned black circus horse, and those who were present on the
+occasion will never forget the moment when he advanced to salute the
+President, and other notabilities established in the official Tribune.
+Only a few days before, it was currently believed, he had terrified his
+ministerial colleagues by appearing at a Cabinet Council in uniform,
+and now as he pranced backwards or forwards on the circus horse and the
+public yelled their acclamations, President Grevy and the uninteresting
+crowd of bourgeois ministers and deputies who surrounded him, seemed
+visibly to quiver and flinch as shuddering memories of December 2 and
+other _coups d'etat_ obtruded themselves upon their recollections.
+
+From that day Boulanger became a dangerous man; the circus horse
+had done the trick; the general embodied in the public fancy the
+_clinquant_, for which the French had so long been sighing in secret;
+_l'homme qui monte a cheval_ in place of _l'homme qui monte a la
+tribune_, and for a long time he survived even that ridicule which in
+France is supposed to kill more effectively than elsewhere. Even when
+he engaged in a duel with an elderly and short-sighted civilian, M.
+Floquet, and was decisively worsted, he continued to remain a popular
+hero.
+
+Lord Rosebery, upon whom the unreasonable ill-feeling then constantly
+shown by the French towards England had made a painful impression,
+had realized in May that the Gladstone Government was doomed, and
+had wisely decided in consequence that a process of marking time
+was preferable to embarking upon anything in the nature of a heroic
+policy. Upon his retirement and the formation of a new administration,
+Lord Lyons experienced what was probably the greatest surprise of his
+life in the shape of the following letter from Lord Salisbury. In
+order to reinforce its arguments the late Lord Currie, then Permanent
+Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign Office, was sent over with it to
+Paris.
+
+[Illustration: _General Boulanger._
+
+LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD.]
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Confidential. July 26, 1886.
+
+ I accepted yesterday the Queen's commission to form a
+ Government. It is a task full of difficulties; and I would have
+ gladly seen Lord Hartington undertake it. This, however, he could
+ not be induced to do; and the duty falls upon me. One of my first
+ thoughts is to provide a Foreign Secretary for the new Government:
+ for I could not, with any hope of carrying it through successfully,
+ repeat the experiment of last summer by uniting the Foreign
+ Secretaryship with the Premiership.
+
+ There is no one possessing the experience and knowledge of
+ Foreign Affairs which you have, and no one whose appointment would
+ exercise so great a moral authority in Europe. And we certainly
+ have not in our political ranks any one who could claim a tithe of
+ the fitness for the office which every one would acknowledge in
+ your case. I earnestly hope the proposal may be not unacceptable to
+ you. If that should happily be the case, a great difficulty in our
+ way will have been most successfully removed.
+
+ As there is much to be said on the matter which it would be
+ too long to write, Currie has very kindly undertaken to take this
+ letter over and discuss the matter with you. We have talked it over
+ very fully.
+
+ If you should be in need of any interval of repose, I could
+ easily take the seals for a few weeks.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris. July 27, 1886.
+
+ Currie brought me your letter early this morning. In answer to
+ it I sent you at 11.30 a.m. the following telegram:--
+
+ 'I am very much gratified, and I am very grateful for the kind
+ consideration with which your proposal is accompanied, but my
+ age and the state of my health make it quite impossible for me to
+ undertake the office.'
+
+ I hope I need not assure you that I am fully sensible of the
+ kindness of your letter, and that if I cannot feel that I merit all
+ you say of me, I am at least grateful for your good opinion.
+
+ The truth is, that I could not now undertake new and laborious
+ duties with any confidence that I could discharge them efficiently.
+ I feel the need of rest, and I am not equal to beginning a new
+ life of hard work. I could not conscientiously assume the great
+ responsibility which would be thrown upon me.
+
+If the post of Foreign Secretary has ever been offered during the
+last hundred years to any other person outside the ranks of orthodox
+party politicians the secret has been well kept, and it might perhaps
+be suggested that few people would be found with sufficient strength
+of mind to decline so glittering a prize. Lord Lyons, however, as is
+sufficiently evident, found no difficulty in at once deciding upon the
+refusal of an offer which the ordinary mediocrity would have accepted
+with avidity. In the above letter he founded his refusal upon grounds
+of age and ill-health, and in private he used to express the opinion
+that after the age of forty a man's faculties began and continued to
+deteriorate. But it is not in the least likely that he would have
+accepted the honour which it was proposed to bestow upon him, at any
+period of his life. His extreme modesty and diffidence have already
+been dwelt upon, but a more valuable quality than these is a man's
+realization of his own limitations, and it is probable that Lord Lyons,
+by the exercise of his exceptionally impartial judgment, was able to
+form a more correct opinion as to his own potentialities than Lord
+Salisbury. A thorough and profound knowledge of foreign politics is
+not the sole necessary qualification of an English Foreign Secretary;
+had such been the case, Lord Lyons would have been an ideal occupant
+of the post; but in England, where the value of Ministers is gauged
+chiefly by the fallacious test of oratorical capacity, the Foreign
+Secretary is constantly obliged to make speeches in defence of or in
+explanation of his policy, and although the House of Lords is the
+most long-suffering and good-natured assembly in the world, it would
+have been no easy task for a man of sixty-nine, who had never put two
+sentences together in public, to suddenly appear in Parliament as the
+representative of one of the most important departments, to say nothing
+of public meetings, deputations, banquets, etc. It may also be doubted
+whether, in spite of his many admirable qualities, he was really adapted
+for the post. All his life, he had been merely an instrument--a highly
+efficient instrument--of the existing Government, and had received
+instructions, which had invariably been carried out with singular skill
+and intelligence. But the responsibility had not been his, and as
+Foreign Secretary the initiative as well as the responsibility which
+would have rested upon him might have imposed too formidable a strain
+upon one of so cautious a temperament. Taking into consideration these
+doubts, his advanced age, failing health, and the effect of depression
+caused by the recent death of his much loved sister, the Dowager Duchess
+of Norfolk, the refusal of the Foreign Office by Lord Lyons was only an
+additional instance of that robust common sense which was one of his
+most pronounced characteristics. Lord Rosebery, at all events, thought
+that he had decided wisely.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Rosebery to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Dalmeny, Aug. 10, 1886.
+
+ As my Foreign Office episode is at an end, I write a line of
+ good-bye, not as a Minister, but on the footing of what I hope I
+ may call friendship.
+
+ My six months' experience has led me to the conviction that
+ our relations with France are really more troublesome than with
+ any other Power. She is always wanting something of us which it is
+ impossible to give her, and she then says plaintively, 'You never
+ do anything for me.' She is quite oblivious of the fact that she
+ never loses the opportunity of playing us a trick. Witness the
+ secret expedition to the New Hebrides. Nothing would have induced
+ me to go on with any one of the negotiations with Waddington until
+ they had removed their troops from those islands. Whenever he asked
+ for an answer about anything, I always turned the conversation
+ round to that interesting spot.
+
+ With this conviction, therefore, it has been a great comfort
+ to feel that you were at Paris.
+
+ I am not surprised that you did not care about my succession!
+ It is a weary post.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery._
+
+ Heron's Ghyll, Uckfield, Aug. 17, 1886.
+
+ Your friendly letter has followed me here and has much
+ gratified me.
+
+ I think you must look back with great satisfaction to your
+ time at the Foreign Office. You have certainly won golden opinions
+ from your subordinates and from the world at large, which is
+ perhaps a less competent judge. My own official intercourse with
+ you was certainly both very pleasant to me and very satisfactory.
+
+ I attribute the difficulties with France more to the
+ inevitable consequences of our coming into contact with the French
+ in all parts of the world, than to any ill-will on either side,
+ although I do not pretend to say that the state of feeling is what
+ I could wish it to be.
+
+ Independently of any other considerations, I felt altogether
+ too old to undertake the Foreign Office. I was so convinced of
+ this, that I regarded it as what the French call an objection
+ _prejudicielle_ to entertaining the question at all.
+
+The post which Lord Lyons had declined was accepted by Lord Iddesleigh,
+who had just been removed from the House of Commons, and, as was only
+natural, it is evident that he was in the habit of consulting Lord
+Salisbury before taking any step of importance. In October, 1886, with
+the concurrence of Lord Salisbury, Lord Lyons was instructed to approach
+the French Government on the question of Egypt, and to explain the
+conditions under which it would be possible to terminate the British
+military occupation. There seems to be absolutely no doubt that Her
+Majesty's Government were perfectly sincere and honestly desirous of
+carrying out the promises that had been made at various times, and as
+subsequent history showed, it was the misguided opposition of France and
+Russia which was as much responsible as anything else for the permanent
+British occupation of Egypt.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh._
+
+ Paris, Oct. 22, 1886.
+
+ In my previous letter of to-day I have told you what M. de
+ Freycinet said to me about the Suez Canal Convention. I had a long
+ interview with him, but though I gave him plenty of opportunities,
+ he did not say one other word about Egypt. This being the case,
+ I thought it prudent to abstain, at all events at this first
+ interview, from saying anything on my side. So far then I have not
+ made known to him any part of the contents of your letter to Lord
+ Salisbury of the 18th or of his telegraphic answer.
+
+ The fact is, that from what I have made out since I came back
+ here, I am led to think that the French Government have now good
+ reason to doubt whether they would get Bismarck's support if they
+ raised the Egyptian question with a view to embarrass us. This
+ being the case, they are very much hesitating to do so, and are
+ on the look-out for signs of our impressions on the subject, and
+ would interpret any appearance of unusual anxiety on our part, or
+ any fresh offers of concessions from us, simply as indications
+ that we still thought Germany might join against us. If the French
+ Government are not pretty sure of help and sympathy from abroad,
+ they will probably not stir in the matter.
+
+ In the meantime, however, the press has been strongly excited,
+ probably by d'Aunay and Charmes. There is a very nasty article,
+ principally about the financial part of the Egyptian question, in
+ the _Debuts_ this morning.
+
+ I shall perhaps be able to see my way more clearly in a day or
+ two. In the meantime I am disposed to think the most prudent plan
+ will be to be reserved and firm about Egypt, but not to display
+ anxiety on the subject.
+
+The idea of Lord Salisbury, speaking generally, was that a somewhat
+distant date of evacuation should be foreshadowed; that if evacuation,
+as was fully intended, should be carried out, some return should be
+expected for the expenditure of British blood and treasure, and that
+the Suez Canal difficulty should be settled without further delay. He
+considered that the negotiations should be carried on with the Porte
+(Sir Henry Drummond Wolff had already been despatched on this mission),
+and that confidential communications should be made to France and
+Germany.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh._
+
+ Paris, Oct. 26, 1886.
+
+ I shall be very anxious to know what line Waddington took on
+ his return to his post, and particularly what, if anything, he said
+ about Egypt.
+
+ Freycinet is the man chiefly responsible for the refusal of
+ France to join in our expedition to Egypt, and this no doubt makes
+ him very anxious to gain for himself the credit of some striking
+ success in getting England out of that country. So far as I can
+ make out here, the attempts that have been made to get the Powers
+ to unite in calling for a general Conference upon Egyptian affairs
+ have not met with much success. If Bismarck decidedly opposes
+ attempts of this kind, they will no doubt be abandoned. The Press
+ continue to urge strong measures against our continuing in Egypt,
+ and is not measured in its language.
+
+ The autumn session is often fatal to French Ministers. I
+ recollect Gambetta's saying to me not long before his own fall:
+ '_En automne les feuilles tombent et les porte-feuilles aussi._'
+
+It is more than likely that the instructions which M. Waddington
+received about this period were of a disagreeable nature. A well-known
+French Ambassador once remarked to me some years later, that the London
+Embassy was no very desirable post from the French diplomatist's point
+of view. 'We are sent there with the mission of getting the English out
+of Egypt, and the thing cannot be done!'
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh._
+
+ Paris, Nov. 23, 1886.
+
+ Freycinet's aim seems to be to improve his own position in
+ the Chambers and in the country by obtaining our withdrawal from
+ Egypt, and of course the object cannot be attained unless he can
+ make it appear that the withdrawal is his doing. Hence his strong
+ desire that we should negotiate with him and his dislike to our
+ negotiating with Turkey or any other Power.
+
+ The crushing defeat of the Right in the elections in the
+ Department of the Nord is another proof of their blindness in
+ misusing the chance they had after the general election. They might
+ possibly have led gradually up to a restoration by giving strength
+ to Conservative principles and measures. They could only discredit
+ themselves by joining the extreme Radicals and attempting to
+ produce mischief and confusion.
+
+ The Germans are either very dilatory, or they have some
+ _arriere pensee_ about the Zanzibar affair. Yesterday afternoon
+ Muenster was still without any instructions to make the joint
+ invitation to the French.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 3, 1886.
+
+ You will see by my despatch that Freycinet has again attacked
+ me about Egypt. He wants the negotiation to go through him, and
+ if possible to be made with him, independently of the Turks, or
+ at least virtually in conjunction with us. I have not yet seen
+ any symptoms of his being anxious really to help us in Egyptian
+ matters; and I am not generally favourable to carrying on parallel
+ negotiations, or the same negotiation in different places. The
+ danger of informal conversations between Freycinet and me is that,
+ however cautious I may be, he may somehow or other find occasion
+ to quote me, as being more _coulant_ than you. At any rate, if I
+ had to talk to him it would be very necessary for you to tell me
+ very exactly how far I could go: and above all, that I should be
+ guarded from holding any language which might by any possibility be
+ embarrassing to the line circumstances might make it advisable for
+ Her Majesty's Government to take in Parliament afterwards.
+
+ I was long enough at Constantinople to see that no dependence
+ whatever was to be placed upon what the Porte told an Ambassador
+ about his colleagues. Still I cannot say that the Turkish
+ revelation about the communications the Porte affects to receive
+ from the French and Russian Ambassadors about Egypt and about us,
+ are, in the face of them, improbable. At any rate, our views must
+ be much nearer than those we now have to the French ideas, before
+ we shall get any real help from France at the Porte.
+
+ I write, as you know, in ignorance of Wolff's opinion, as he
+ did not stop here on his way home.
+
+ Freycinet's defeat in the Chamber this afternoon is serious
+ because it followed a strong speech from himself against the
+ _Sous-Prefet_ abolition, but he has wonderful skill in patching
+ things up.
+
+Freycinet in December was defeated by one of those combinations of
+Royalist and Radicals which were not uncommon in French politics, and
+although the absurdity of the situation was obvious to every one,
+insisted on placing his resignation and that of the Cabinet in President
+Grevy's hands. A change of Government was so useless that even those
+who had combined to overthrow Freycinet endeavoured to persuade him
+to reconsider his determination. He remained obdurate, however, and
+the President, casting about for a successor, pitched at first upon M.
+Floquet, a strong Radical who was particularly obnoxious to the Russian
+Government.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 7, 1886.
+
+ The chances seem to be in favour of Floquet being Prime
+ Minister. He is of the section of the Chamber called 'Gauche
+ radical,' that is to say, he falls just short of the most extreme
+ Left. Who would be his Minister for Foreign Affairs and what would
+ be his foreign policy I do not pretend to say. The incident in
+ his life most talked about is his having cried out, '_Vive la
+ Pologne!_' and used some expressions taken as disrespectful to
+ the late Emperor of Russia, when His Majesty was at the Palais de
+ Justice, on his visit to Paris during the Exhibition of 1867. The
+ Russian Ambassadors have, I believe, declined or avoided exchanging
+ courtesies with him when he has since been in situations, such
+ as that of _Prefet de la Seine_, and President of the Chamber of
+ Deputies, which have brought him into communication with the rest
+ of the diplomatic body. Russia at this moment is paying so much
+ court to France that she might perhaps get over this.
+
+ The Left of the Chamber have hitherto been opposed to the
+ Tonquin and Madagascar Expeditions and to an adventurous and
+ Chauvin policy altogether; but if in power they would probably go
+ in for pleasing the Chamber and the bulk of the people out of doors
+ even more unreservedly than Freycinet did.
+
+ I should have regretted Freycinet's fall more, if he had
+ not taken up the Egyptian question in the way he did. Our
+ communications with him on that subject were becoming very
+ uncomfortable. I am not very sanguine, however, about their being
+ more satisfactory with his successor.
+
+The notion, however, of having M. Floquet as Prime Minister frightened
+every one except the extreme Radicals so much that that gentleman was
+unable to form an administration, and the choice of the President
+ultimately fell upon a M. Goblet, who was Radical enough for most people
+and not much hampered by pledges and declarations. The office of Foreign
+Minister remained vacant, but, much to the relief of Lord Lyons, it was
+definitely refused by M. Duclerc. Lord Lyons had, by this time, had no
+less than twenty-one different French Foreign Ministers to deal with,
+and of these Duclerc was the one he liked least. No suitable person
+seemed to be available, and it was in vain that, one after the other
+French diplomatists were solicited to accept the office. At length a
+Foreign Minister was found in M. Flourens, a brother of the well-known
+Communist who was killed in 1871. M. Flourens was completely ignorant of
+everything concerning foreign affairs, and his appointment was perhaps
+an unconscious tribute to the English practice of putting civilians at
+the head of our naval and military administrations.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh._
+
+ Paris, Dec. 21, 1886.
+
+ I have not yet had the means of improving my acquaintance
+ with Flourens, but I expect to have some conversation with him
+ to-morrow. He had not a word to say about Bulgaria when I saw him
+ on Friday. He did not seem to have known anything about foreign
+ affairs before he took office, nor to expect to stay long enough in
+ office to become acquainted with them. Some people suppose that he
+ is to make way for the return of Freycinet as soon as the Budget is
+ passed. Anyway, the Goblet Ministry is only the Freycinet Ministry
+ over again without the strongest man, who was undoubtedly Freycinet
+ himself. When Parliament meets, things will be just as they were.
+ There will still be in the Chamber 180 Deputies on the Right,
+ ready to vote any way in order to make mischief and discredit the
+ Republic; about 100 Deputies on the extreme Left, intimidating the
+ Government and forcing it into extreme Radical measures, they being
+ able to count in all emergencies upon getting the vote of the Right
+ to turn out a Ministry; and lastly there will be 300 remaining
+ deputies, who cannot agree enough amongst themselves to form a
+ majority that can be relied upon, who do not at all like violent
+ radical measures, but who are too nervously afraid of unpopularity
+ to show resolution in opposing the extreme Left.
+
+ So far the Comte de Paris's declaration seems simply to have
+ made the ultra-Monarchists furiously angry, and not to have induced
+ any great part of the Right to think of taking the wise course it
+ recommends.
+
+ I do not see any outward signs here of the strained relations
+ between France and Germany and the imminent war between the two
+ countries which the _Standard_ announces. But it is true that among
+ the French themselves some suspicion and distrust of Boulanger's
+ aims are becoming more apparent.
+
+The hackneyed saying: _Plus cela change, plus c'est la meme chose_, was
+never more appropriate than in the case of the change from a Freycinet
+to a Goblet Government; one section of uninspiring ministers had merely
+given place to another, and no one in France seemed in any way the
+better for it.
+
+On New Year's Dav, 1887, President Grevy broke out into Latin in
+congratulating the Diplomatic Corps on the already long continuance
+of peace, but a more accurate view of the situation was expressed by
+a French newspaper in the sentence: 'Jamais annee nouvelle ne s'est
+ouverte au milieu d'autant de promesses de paix et de preparatifs de
+guerre que l'annee 1887.' 'I do not know,' wrote Lord Lyons, 'which is
+the nation which wishes for war. France certainly does not, she is, on
+the contrary, very much afraid of it. But one would feel more confidence
+in peace if there appeared less necessity in all countries to be
+perpetually giving pacific assurances. There are rumours of a defensive
+alliance between Russia and France. The bond of union between the two
+countries, if it exists, must be simply a common hatred of Germany.'
+
+At the beginning of the year 1887, the Germans professed to be in
+dread of an attack from France, while the French complained that they
+were threatened by Germany. In France it was believed that in August,
+1886, preparations had been actually made to mobilize the German army,
+and the language held by Boulanger was to the effect that the military
+power of France would be found to be very different to what it was in
+1870. Meanwhile an unsuccessful attempt had been made by those two old
+Parliamentary hands, Freycinet and Ferry, to get rid of Boulanger, who
+was now becoming to be considered as equally dangerous both in France
+and Germany.
+
+It was probably the apprehension caused by the presence of this
+adventurer, whose incapacity was as yet imperfectly realized, that was
+responsible for the state of tension and alarm which prevailed in France
+during January and February, 1887.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._[44]
+
+ Paris, Jan. 18, 1887.
+
+ I saw M. Grevy this morning, and found him, as it seemed to
+ me, really alarmed at the possibility of France being attacked
+ by Germany. The only overt act he spoke of, on the part of
+ Germany, was the increase of the strength of the German garrisons
+ in the neighbourhood of the French frontier. Grevy himself is
+ most peaceful, and quite sincerely so. His natural character and
+ temperament, and his interest too, tend that way. He would hardly
+ be able to hold his own as President in case of war, and there is
+ very little chance of France going to war as long as he is the head
+ of the State. Flourens also spoke to me of danger to France and
+ Germany when I saw him this afternoon.
+
+ I think the alarm of Grevy and Flourens was sincere, though I
+ do not share it myself at this moment.
+
+ In France there is no desire to go to war, and I doubt whether
+ she is able, or at all events fancies herself able, to cope with
+ Germany.
+
+ It is perhaps more difficult to keep her on good terms
+ with us. Egypt is a sore which will not heal. There was a nasty
+ discussion about Newfoundland Fisheries in the Senate yesterday. I
+ send you a full report officially. Happily, so far, it has not had
+ much echo in the public.
+
+Alarm with respect to Germany continued to grow, and was fed by private
+communications from Bismarck, who sent by unofficial agents messages
+to the effect that 'he was all for peace, but that it was impossible
+for him to stand the way that France was going on.' These messages came
+through Bleichroeder and members of the _haute finance_ in Paris, who
+expressed the opinion that if Boulanger remained in office, war with
+Germany was certain. The _haute finance_ is by no means invariably
+correct in its political judgment, but it seems highly probable that the
+war scares prevalent in 1887 were promulgated with the object of getting
+rid of the troublesome firebrand upon whom so much public attention was
+concentrated. The position of Boulanger, however, was a strong one, and
+to dislodge him was a work of no slight difficulty. Ever since the day
+when he had been taken into Freycinet's Cabinet he had contrived by
+adroit advertising to keep himself before the public, and to distinguish
+himself from his colleagues as exercising a separate and commanding
+influence in the Chambers and with the public. In the army he had
+managed to make himself feared by the higher officers and assiduously
+courted popularity with the rank and file. In the political world he
+had at first been regarded as being ultra democratic, but now excited
+suspicion by paying court to the Conservatives, and by endeavouring, not
+entirely without success, to obtain their good will.
+
+On the whole, there was a very general impression that he was ambitious,
+self-seeking, and thoroughly unscrupulous; but there were few means of
+forming an opinion as to what his special plans really were, if indeed
+he had formed any. Still he successfully flattered the belief of the
+French that they were fast emerging from the eclipse in which their
+military power and reputation were involved in 1870, and there were
+not wanting those who asserted that he was inclined to seek a war, in
+the hope of conducting it with success, and so establishing himself as
+a military dictator. Others, influenced by their wishes, indulged in
+the hope that he might be meditating a Monarchist restoration under an
+Orleanist or Bonapartist Dynasty. Unsubstantial and improbable as these
+suppositions may have been, it was plain that in the army and among the
+public at large there prevailed a vague notion that he might be the man
+of the future, a notion fostered by the absence of any one recognized in
+France as possessing conspicuous and commanding abilities, and by the
+craving for a real personality after a long succession of second-class
+politicians.
+
+The embarrassment with regard to Germany created by the presence of
+so disturbing an element in the Government as Boulanger did not,
+contrary to what might have been expected, tend to improve Anglo-French
+relations, and a letter from Lord Salisbury expresses in forcible
+terms his dissatisfaction at difficulties which seemed to have been
+gratuitously created.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Feb. 5, 1887.
+
+ The French are inexplicable. One would have thought that under
+ existing circumstances it was not necessary to _make_ enemies--that
+ there were enough provided for France by nature just now. But
+ she seems bent upon aggravating the patient beast of burden that
+ lives here by every insult and worry her ingenuity can devise. In
+ Newfoundland she has issued orders which, if faithfully executed,
+ must bring the French and English fleets into collision. At the
+ New Hebrides, in spite of repeated promises, she will not stir. In
+ Egypt she baulks a philanthropic change out of pure 'cussedness.'
+ In Morocco she is engaged in appropriating the territory by
+ instalments, threatening to reach Tangier at no distant date. And
+ now, just as we are entering on pacific negotiations, the French
+ Government sent orders to do precisely that which, a month ago,
+ Waddington promised they should not do, namely run up the French
+ flag at Dongorita.[45] It is very difficult to prevent oneself
+ from wishing for another Franco-German war to put a stop to this
+ incessant vexation.
+
+ We have protested earnestly about Dongorita, which has more
+ the air of a studied insult than any of the others. As to the
+ Newfoundland Fisheries, if they execute their threats, they render
+ the passage of a Bait Bill next year a matter of certainty. We
+ have strained the good will of the colonists very far in refusing
+ to allow it this year. The other matters will, I suppose, be the
+ subject of slow negotiations.
+
+ D'Herbette has made at Berlin more practical suggestions as to
+ naming a date for the annexation of Egypt than we have yet had from
+ the French Government. I hope the large majorities will persuade
+ the French that the national feeling is in this instance not in
+ favour of scuttle.
+
+All that Lord Lyons, who was always most anxious to make the best case
+he could for the French, was able to say in their defence, was that he
+hoped that it was an exceptionally dark moment, and that there must be a
+change shortly for the better.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 18, 1887.
+
+ The French seem to be more confident of peace and altogether
+ in better spirits than they were a few days ago, but I do not know
+ that they have any positive facts or distinct information to go
+ upon. The hopes of a certain number of them rest upon the belief
+ that the Goblet Ministry is likely to be upset as soon as the
+ Budget is finally disposed of, and that thus Boulanger will be got
+ rid of.
+
+ The newspaper accounts of Wolff's mission to Constantinople
+ have brought Egypt on the tapis again, and as anxiety about
+ Germany falls into the background, irritation against England
+ comes prominently forward. There are, however, some symptoms of
+ a return among wiser men to more prudent and reasonable views
+ respecting the relations of France towards England. These men are
+ alarmed especially respecting the hostility towards France which is
+ apparent in Italy, and they see the folly of making enemies on all
+ sides. If there should be a new Ministry it might possibly pursue
+ a policy more friendly towards England with regard to Egypt and
+ other matters. The Egyptian question would no doubt become less
+ difficult if a change should remove M. Charmes from the Foreign
+ Office and put into his place, as Political Director there, a man
+ less prejudiced about Egypt.
+
+ In the meantime much amusement has been caused by an escapade
+ of Madame Flourens. On Saturday last she called upon Countess Marie
+ Muenster, and found with her Count Hoyos, the Austrian Ambassador.
+ Madame Flourens announced loudly that her husband had resigned
+ the Foreign Office, because Boulanger had attempted, without his
+ knowledge, to send a letter direct to the Emperor of Russia by the
+ French Military Attache, who was to start for St. Petersburg.
+ Hoyos fetched Muenster himself out of an adjoining room, to hear the
+ story. Madame Flourens, it appeared, supposed that Flourens was on
+ the point of announcing his resignation to the Chamber of Deputies.
+ It turned out, however, that Flourens had made a scene with
+ Boulanger at the Council of Ministers, had gone away in a huff,
+ but had been subsequently calmed by M. Grevy and M. Goblet; no
+ letter to the Emperor had been sent, and the resignation had been
+ withdrawn. The story had of course spread all over the town. In
+ defiance of truth, a _communique_ contradicting it was inserted in
+ the _Agence Havas_, with no other effect than that of discrediting
+ the _communiques_ which the Government is apt to put into the Havas.
+
+There is so little mention of women in Lord Lyons's correspondence that
+Madame Flourens's indiscretion comes as a welcome relief, although in
+all probability it got the unfortunate Count Muenster into trouble with
+Bismarck, and afforded an excuse for fresh bullying. Count Muenster,
+who had been for many years Ambassador in London, where he had been
+extremely popular, found the transfer to Paris singularly unpleasant,
+more especially as in order to make things thoroughly uncomfortable for
+him, Bismarck had provided an entirely new Embassy Staff.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Feb. 19, 1887.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ We are thinking of renewing our negotiations with respect to
+ the Suez Canal in a serious spirit. But before we sign anything we
+ shall want some satisfaction about Dongorita and the New Hebrides,
+ and possibly about the Corvee.
+
+ I think it was very shabby of the French to open the Dongorita
+ affair upon us, just after we had made so material a concession
+ upon the subject of the bait in Newfoundland.
+
+ Waddington is gloomy and rather ill-tempered--either from the
+ fogs or the crisis. I have not had any further talk with him about
+ Egypt lately. I think he avoids the subject. Wolff tells me that
+ the French Charge d'Affaires at Constantinople is a mere creature
+ of Nelidoff's. Our negotiations are dragging on with little
+ prospect of success. We are willing to fix a distant date for our
+ leaving, if we receive a treaty power to go back whenever internal
+ or external security are threatened. The tone in which both France
+ and Turkey have received this proposal may be best expressed by the
+ colloquial phrase 'Damn their impudence!' I do not expect to carry
+ what I want at present, but before modifying these terms, I should
+ like to know what is going to happen in Europe.
+
+Sir Henry Drummond Wolff was at this time at Constantinople endeavouring
+to negotiate the Convention with regard to the evacuation of Egypt,
+and the French and Russian Embassies were actively engaged in the
+senseless opposition which eventually prevented the ratification of the
+Convention. The above letter from Lord Salisbury is an additional proof
+of the honest desire of the British Government to carry out the rash
+undertakings which had been given in the past.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, Feb. 25, 1887.
+
+ The general feeling here seems to be that war has been
+ escaped, but still there is a good deal of discontent against the
+ foreign policy of the Goblet Cabinet. It seems to be considered
+ that the understanding between Italy, Austria, and Germany is as
+ good as made, and that the result of it will be to put an end to
+ any fear of war between Russia and Austria. On the other hand, it
+ is thought that Russia will feel it too necessary to watch Germany
+ for it to be prudent of her to make an alliance with France, while
+ without the alliance of Russia, France of course cannot face
+ Germany, particularly as she has almost hostility to expect from
+ Italy and no great sympathy to look for from England. The policy
+ which has thus isolated France from the other Powers is seen to
+ have been a mistake, and there seems to be a disposition to throw
+ the blame on the Goblet Ministry. If the Goblet Ministry should
+ fall, it is not improbable that the new Government might take
+ the line of being conciliatory to the neighbouring countries and
+ to Italy and England in particular. I am not very sanguine about
+ this, but if in the meantime no irritating questions come to excite
+ public opinion against us, there may possibly be a chance that
+ a change of Ministry here would make our relations with France
+ smoother.
+
+ My hopes that a change towards England may be in contemplation
+ have perhaps been strengthened by a visit which I have just had
+ from a person wholly unconnected with the French Ministry who
+ evidently came to ascertain what were the particular points with
+ regard to which the relations between France and England might be
+ improved. I said that instead of thwarting us in our endeavours
+ to improve the condition of Egypt and put it in a state to stand
+ alone, the French might help us; and they could not expect
+ comfortable relations with us if they endeavoured to stir up other
+ Powers to make difficulties with us about Egypt. I mentioned also
+ the New Hebrides question, which most certainly ought and might
+ be settled at once. I alluded also to those various matters all
+ over the world which might be treated in a cordial and not in an
+ antagonistic spirit.
+
+ P.S.--I have strong reasons for thinking it very important
+ that Waddington should not have the least inkling of my having had
+ the above interview, or any communication of the kind.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ Feb. 26, 1887.
+
+ I will not mention to Waddington the interview which you have
+ had as to English grounds of complaint. I have not seen him for ten
+ days: he must have taken huff at something.
+
+ I think, as the French are coming to their senses, it might be
+ well to mention unofficially to Flourens that I am quite ready to
+ resume the negotiations about the Suez Canal; and that I have good
+ hope of bringing it to a successful issue, but that I am hindered
+ by the flag that is floating at Dongorita, and by the delay of the
+ French in performing their promises as regards the New Hebrides. We
+ are being a good deal reproached here, on account of our apparent
+ submission to this breach of faith. If these two matters are
+ corrected, I shall find it possible, and shall be very glad to
+ renew the Suez Canal discussion either at Paris or here.
+
+ I have seen Karolyi to-day--an unusual occurrence--and for the
+ first time have had the admission from him that a war with Russia
+ was not an impossible contingency.
+
+ The Russians are very quiet; and the negotiations about
+ Bulgaria do not really advance a bit.
+
+M. Flourens, in spite of his complete inexperience, seems to have
+realized the simple fact that it was not advisable to quarrel with
+England just at the moment when relations with Germany were in a
+critical condition; but unhappily the public did not appear to be in
+an accommodating mood. The statements published in the English press
+respecting the Drummond Wolff mission had caused great irritation,
+and what was perhaps more serious, had alarmed the French again
+about the security of the coupons. As long as they felt sure that
+the coupons would be paid regularly, and that there was no fear of
+future reduction, they were reasonably patient, unless some specially
+severe blow, such as a reduction of the numbers and salaries of French
+officials, as compared with English, was struck at their _amour propre_.
+Now, however, they were beset with the fear that, under what they
+considered to be English mismanagement, they were about to lose their
+money as well as their influence.
+
+In March the Goblet Ministry was already in difficulties, and it was
+believed that Freycinet was likely to return to power, although what the
+precise advantages were of these continual changes, no one was capable
+of explaining.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ March 8, 1887.
+
+ By taking credit to himself at the expense of his
+ predecessors, in the interpellation yesterday, Goblet has stirred
+ up the bile of a large party in the Chamber, and the determination
+ to turn his Cabinet out, if possible, has revived with fresh
+ vigour. It is supposed that the attempts will be made as soon as
+ the Corn Duties Bill is disposed of. It seems to be thought that,
+ if it succeeds, Freycinet must be Prime Minister; but there appears
+ to be a strong feeling against his having the Foreign Office again.
+ He is thought to have got France into uncomfortable relations with
+ many of his neighbours. In the treatment of the Egyptian question
+ he is believed to have sacrificed cordiality with England to a
+ desire to regain the popularity he had lost by the policy which
+ led to England's occupying her present position in Egypt; while
+ his attempt to get up an opposition to England on the part of the
+ European Powers and his worrying way of dealing himself with the
+ British Government about Egypt, are thought simply to have excited
+ public opinion on both sides of the Channel and to have provoked
+ ill will, without in the least improving the position of France.
+ There can be no doubt that Freycinet looked upon a success with
+ regard to Egypt as a personal necessity for himself, and was much
+ influenced in his policy towards England by this feeling.
+
+ It is apprehended that unless the _prestige_ of Boulanger is
+ put on high again by strong language from Germany, there will be no
+ difficulty in obtaining, as a matter of course, his fall, with the
+ rest of the Cabinet of which he is a part. M. Grevy is believed to
+ be very anxious to be rid of him.
+
+ I hear on good authority that the Russians have been trying
+ again, though without success, to come to a special understanding
+ with the French Government.
+
+To say that M. Grevy was very anxious to be rid of Boulanger was
+probably an understatement, for he could not conceivably have desired
+anything so ardently. But the 'Music Hall St. Arnaud' was by no means
+at the end of his tether, and had contrived to advertise himself by
+egregious conduct with regard to the Army Committee of the Chamber
+of Deputies. That Committee had drawn up a military Bill, based upon
+three years' service, and Boulanger, on the pretext that it was 'not
+sufficiently faithful to democratic principles,' had, without consulting
+any of his colleagues, written a letter condemning the provisions of
+the bill and proposing something quite different. This letter was
+thoughtfully communicated to the press before it reached the Committee,
+and the outraged members of the Committee as well as his colleagues
+were at last goaded into resistance. The Chamber condemned the attitude
+of the General towards the sacrosanct representatives of the nation;
+the General himself beat a hasty and prudent retreat under cover of an
+apology; the Moderate Republicans denounced him as a would-be dictator,
+and the Ultra-Radicals accused him of cowardice in consequence of his
+apology. Most men under the circumstances would have felt disposed to
+resign office, but in the case of Boulanger it was probably immaterial
+to him whether he was blamed or praised, so long as he could keep his
+name before the public.
+
+It was, and probably is still, a regulation in the British Diplomatic
+Service, that its members should retire at the age of seventy, and, as
+a rule, an Ambassador who had attained that age, usually considered
+himself fit to discharge his duties for a further period. Lord Lyons,
+however, was an exception. His seventieth birthday fell due in April,
+and a month beforehand he wrote to announce that he wished to resign.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, March 22, 1887.
+
+ Towards the end of the next month, the time will come when
+ I shall be superannuated, and I feel very strongly that it will
+ not come too soon. It will not be without a pang that I shall
+ find myself no longer a diplomatic servant of the Queen, who has
+ ever received my endeavours to obtain her approval with the most
+ generous indulgence. But the labour and responsibility of this post
+ are becoming too much for me, and I shall be anxious to be relieved
+ from them when the time fixed by the regulations arrives.
+
+ I need not assure you that I shall much regret the termination
+ of the official connexion with you from which I have derived so
+ much satisfaction.
+
+It may not unfairly be presumed that resignations of important official
+posts are habitually welcomed by Governments, as they not only remedy
+stagnation in the public service, but frequently provide opportunities
+for political patronage. It is plain, however, that the prospect of
+losing Lord Lyons was looked upon by Lord Salisbury as a genuine
+misfortune, and he did his best to induce him to reconsider his decision.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ March 26, 1887.
+
+ I have considered your letter of the 22nd, stating that you
+ felt very strongly that the time of your superannuation would not
+ come too soon; and though it was a matter of very deep regret to me
+ to receive such an announcement from you, it was not altogether a
+ matter of surprise; for I remembered the language you had used to
+ me when I tried to induce you to join us as Foreign Secretary last
+ July.
+
+ The loss which the Diplomatic Service will suffer by your
+ retirement will be profound, and, for the time, hardly possible to
+ repair. Your presence at Paris gave to the public mind a sense of
+ security which was the result of a long experience of your powers,
+ and which no one else is in a position to inspire.
+
+ In face of the expressions in your letter I feel as if I were
+ almost presuming in suggesting any alternative course of action.
+ But it struck me that possibly you might be willing to make your
+ official career terminate with the end of your current appointment,
+ rather than with the precise date of superannuation. The effect of
+ this would be to prolong your stay at Paris till next December.
+
+ My reasons from a public point of view will, I hope, strike
+ you at once. We are passing through a very anxious European crisis.
+ If any fateful decisions are taken this year, it will be within the
+ next three or four months. It will add very much to our anxiety to
+ know that the reins at Paris are in new hands, which have never
+ held them before. This mere fact may even be an element of danger.
+ The avalanche hangs so loosely, that any additional sensation or
+ uneasiness may displace it. If we could avoid a change till the
+ winter it would be a great public advantage, even if the change
+ should be inevitable.
+
+ I hope you will forgive me for having pressed this on you in
+ the interests of the public service. Whatever your decision may be,
+ I give you the warmest thanks for the kind and loyal support which
+ you have always given to the policy which it has been my duty to
+ carry out.
+
+An appeal of this kind from an official chief could not well be
+disregarded, setting aside the fact that but few officials can have
+experienced the compliment of being assured that their continued service
+was essential to the peace of Europe. With well justified misgivings,
+Lord Lyons therefore consented to remain on until the end of the year,
+knowing perfectly well that his physical energies were on the point of
+exhaustion.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, March 29, 1887.
+
+ I am deeply touched by your letter of the 26th, and I feel
+ that, after what you say in it, I should be extremely ungrateful if
+ I were not ready to sacrifice a great deal to meet your views.
+
+ For my own part I feel that the work and responsibility here
+ are an increasing strain both upon my mind and upon my bodily
+ health, and I am beset with misgivings lest, even in ordinary
+ times, I may be unable to discharge my duties with energy and
+ efficiency, and lest, in an emergency calling for much labour,
+ I may break down altogether. This being the case, it would
+ undoubtedly be a great relief and comfort to me to retire on
+ becoming superannuated towards the end of next month.
+
+ Begging you to take the misgivings into full consideration,
+ and to be sure that they have not been conceived without good
+ reason, and that they are strongly and very seriously felt by
+ me, I place myself in your hands. If after giving full weight to
+ them, you still think that it would be a satisfaction to you that
+ I should continue to hold this post till the winter, and that it
+ would be a great public advantage to avoid a change till that time,
+ I am ready to stay on, and trusting to your indulgence to do my
+ best.
+
+ I should, of course, look upon it as quite settled that in any
+ case I should retire at latest when my current appointment comes to
+ an end at the close of the present year.
+
+ If you wish me to hold on, I must ask you what, if any,
+ announcement respecting my retirement should be made. Up to this
+ time I have simply stated to people who have questioned me,
+ that nothing was definitely settled. I did not mention to any
+ one my intention to write my letter of the 22nd expressing to
+ you my wish to retire, nor have I made any one acquainted with
+ my having written it, except of course Sheffield, who, as my
+ private secretary, made a copy of it for me to keep. The question,
+ therefore, as to announcing my retirement remains intact.
+
+ I cannot conclude without once more saying how much I am
+ gratified by the appreciation of my services expressed in your
+ letter, and how truly I feel the kindness shown by it.
+
+The offer was accepted by Lord Salisbury in singularly flattering terms,
+Queen Victoria also expressing much satisfaction at the consent of the
+Ambassador to remain at his post. From Lord Salisbury's language, it
+might be inferred that he was in some doubt as to whether his own tenure
+of office was likely to be prolonged.
+
+ I have had no hesitation in availing myself of your kind
+ consent--though you seemed to doubt whether on reflection I should
+ do so. Of course I fully understand that you do not feel equal to
+ the amount of exertion which you would take in a more favourable
+ condition of health. But this circumstance will not detract
+ from the great value of your counsel and judgment, nor from the
+ authority which by so many years of experience you have acquired.
+
+ I quite understand that towards the close of the session of
+ Parliament you will require the holiday you have been accustomed
+ to take in recent years. I hope also to get to a bath at that
+ time--whether I am in office or not.
+
+Why Lord Salisbury should have spoken so doubtfully is not clear, unless
+instinct warned him of Miss Cass, who was the first to strike a blow
+at the Unionist administration. At the end of March there reappeared
+the mysterious emissary who has been already mentioned. There are no
+means of actually establishing his identity, but there can be little
+doubt that it was M. de Chaudordy, who represented the French Foreign
+Office at Tours and Bordeaux during the war. M. de Chaudordy had made
+friends with Lord Salisbury at the time of the Constantinople Conference
+in 1876, and he was, therefore, a suitable person to utilize for the
+purpose of making advances towards a better understanding between the
+two Governments.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, March 29, 1887.
+
+ In a private letter which I wrote to you on the 25th of last
+ month, I mentioned that I had received a visit from a person wholly
+ unconnected officially with the French Government, who appeared to
+ have come to ascertain what were the particular points with regard
+ to which the relations between the English and French Governments
+ might be improved. The same person has been to me again to-day,
+ and has only just left me. This time he did not conceal that it
+ was after being in communication with Flourens that he came. He
+ enlarged on the embarrassing and indeed dangerous position in which
+ France was placed by the adherence of Italy to the Austro-German
+ Alliance, and said that M. Flourens was ready to make almost any
+ sacrifice to secure the good will of England. I said that there
+ could be no great difficulty in this, if only France would abstain
+ from irritating opposition to us, and would settle promptly and
+ satisfactorily outstanding questions. My visitor answered that
+ Flourens conceived that he had sent conciliatory instructions
+ to Waddington which would settle these questions, and that both
+ Waddington and Florian[46] (who had come on leave) reported that
+ there was decidedly a _detente_ in the strain which had existed in
+ the Anglo-French relations. I said that I was delighted to hear it,
+ and that it showed how ready you were to welcome all conciliatory
+ overtures. My friend seemed on this occasion, as on the last, to
+ wish me to tell him some special thing which Flourens might do
+ to please you. I said that I should at any rate mention a thing
+ which he might do to avoid displeasing you. He might prevent the
+ French setting up an opposition to financial proposals in Egypt in
+ cases in which all the other Powers were ready to agree. My friend
+ spoke of Flourens's readiness to give to Russia on the Bulgarian
+ question advice which you might suggest, and he mentioned various
+ things which he thought M. Flourens might be ready to do to please
+ England. These things appeared to me to be rather too grand and
+ too vague in character to be very practical. I said, however, that
+ I would always bear in mind what he had told me of M. Flourens's
+ good dispositions, and would speak frankly and unreservedly to the
+ Minister whenever I could make a suggestion as to the means of
+ acting upon those dispositions in a manner to be satisfactory to
+ England.
+
+ The conclusions I drew from the conversation of Flourens's
+ friend were that the French are horribly afraid of our being led
+ to join the Italo-Austro-German Alliance, and that they have been
+ urged by Russia to exert themselves to prevent this. I do not
+ conceive that the French expect to induce us to join them against
+ the Germans and the German Alliance. What they want is to feel sure
+ that we shall not join the others against France and Russia.
+
+It is somewhat curious that M. Flourens, who was evidently desirous
+of establishing better relations with England, should have selected
+an unofficial person for communication, rather than approach the
+Ambassador himself; but perhaps, being quite ignorant of diplomatic
+usage, he considered it necessary to shroud his action in mystery.
+The Triple Alliance dated in reality from 1882, Italy having joined
+the Austro-German Alliance in that year; but a new Treaty had been
+signed in the month of February, 1887, and caused the French to feel a
+well-justified alarm. In fact, their position was anything but a happy
+one, for it was generally believed that the Emperor Alexander III. had
+resolved, since the abortive attempt on his life, that he would never
+ally himself with Revolutionists, and that he considered the French to
+be arch-Revolutionists. Perhaps this belief may have accounted in some
+measure for Flourens's amiable professions towards England.
+
+In the month of April there occurred one of those incidents which
+are the despair of peaceably minded politicians and the delight of
+sensational journalism and of adventurers of the Boulanger type. A
+certain M. Schnaebele, a French Commissaire de Police, was induced to
+cross the German frontier, and thereupon was arrested and imprisoned.
+The act had the appearance of provocation and naturally caused a
+prodigious uproar in France; Flourens endeavouring to settle the
+matter diplomatically and Boulanger seizing the opportunity to display
+patriotic truculence.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, April 26, 1887.
+
+ So far as one can judge at present the French are irritated
+ beyond measure by the arrest at Pagny, but generally they still
+ shrink from war. It will not, I conceive, be difficult for
+ Bismarck to keep at peace with them, if he really wishes to do so.
+ The danger is that they are persuaded that he is only looking out
+ for a pretext, and that however much they may now give way, he will
+ be bent upon humiliating them till they _must_ resent and resist.
+ I don't see that so far the German Government have treated the
+ Pagny affair as if they wished to make a quarrel of it. The German
+ _Charge d'Affaires_ has taken many messages from Berlin to Flourens
+ in the sense that if Schnaebele shall prove to have been arrested
+ on German soil, all satisfaction shall be given. But, then, in the
+ Press of the two countries a controversy is raging as to which side
+ of the frontier he was arrested on, and as to whether or no he was
+ inveigled over the frontier.
+
+ The French undoubtedly shrink from war, but they do not
+ shrink from it as much as they did ten years ago; and if the press
+ should get up a loud popular cry, there is no Government strength
+ to resist it. I conceive that at this moment the Government is
+ pacific, and that it does not believe the army to be yet ready.
+ But if, as is no doubt the case, the Germans also believe that the
+ French army is not as ready now as it will be two or three years
+ hence, they may be impatient to begin. In the mean time, so far
+ as I can make out, the Pagny affair is being treated by the two
+ Governments with each other, in correct form diplomatically, and
+ without any apparent willingness to embitter matters. I cannot say
+ as much for the press on either side, though there are symptoms of
+ prudence and caution in the moderate French papers.
+
+The Schnaebele incident was disposed of by his release from prison and
+transfer to another post at Lyons; but the agitation did not subside
+readily, and a bill brought in by Boulanger to mobilize an army corps
+caused much disquietude at the German Embassy. It was now generally
+known that Bismarck considered Boulanger a danger and desired his
+removal from the War Office; but the very knowledge of this feeling and
+the support accorded to him by the League of Patriots and other noisy
+organizations rendered this step all the more difficult.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, May 13, 1887.
+
+ I have not heard of any new incident between France and
+ Germany, but the suspicion and susceptibility with which the two
+ nations, and indeed the two Governments, regard each other, are
+ certainly not diminishing.
+
+ In France home politics are in so peculiar a state as to be
+ positively disquieting. The Budget Committee and the Ministry have
+ come to an open breach, and the Committee intend to propose to
+ the Chamber a resolution which apparently must, if carried, turn
+ out the Goblet Cabinet. This the Chamber would be willing enough
+ to do, if it could see its way to forming another Government. The
+ plan would be to form a Ministry with Freycinet as Prime Minister,
+ but not as Minister for Foreign Affairs, and without Boulanger.
+ But then they are afraid to try and upset Boulanger, while they
+ feel that to form a new Government and put Boulanger in it would
+ be, or might be, taken in Germany as a plain indication that they
+ are warlike at heart. It is an emergency in which the Chief of
+ the State should exert himself; but Grevy's caution has become
+ something very like lethargy. In the mean time they are letting
+ Boulanger grow up into a personage whose position may be a danger
+ to the Republic at home, even if it does not embroil the country
+ in a foreign war. The redeeming point in all this is that the
+ Government does seem to feel that it would not do to be upon bad
+ terms with England, and that it would be wise to be conciliatory
+ toward us.
+
+The Goblet Ministry soon found itself in hopeless difficulty over
+the Budget, and it was plain that another aimless change of men was
+inevitable. Goblet's Government had lasted for five months (inclusive
+of a prolonged recess), and the real question of interest was whether
+Boulanger was to be a member of the new Government or not. If he was
+included in it, it was apprehended that the suspicions of Germany would
+be aggravated; and on the other hand, it was doubtful whether any
+Government could be formed without him. An ultra-patriotic demonstration
+in Paris against German music, in the shape of Wagner's operas, was
+eloquent of the state of feeling between the two nations at the time,
+and the Government found that the only course open to them was to close
+the theatre where the obnoxious productions were to have appeared.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, May 20, 1887.
+
+ Freycinet appears to have agreed with Grevy to try and form a
+ Cabinet and to be hard at work at the task. Of course the question
+ is whether Boulanger is or is not to be in the new Cabinet? It was
+ believed this morning that Grevy and Freycinet had decided upon
+ offering to keep him as Minister of War. As the day has gone on,
+ however, the belief has gained ground that Freycinet has not found
+ colleagues willing to run the risk of war which the maintenance
+ of Boulanger would produce, and that he is to propose to Grevy a
+ Cabinet from which Boulanger is to be excluded. He is, however,
+ to make it an essential condition with Grevy that he is to have
+ the power to dissolve the Chamber of Deputies in his hands, as
+ without this power he does not feel able to form a Cabinet without
+ Boulanger, or indeed any Cabinet at all. In the mean time the
+ Reds are getting up in all directions addresses and petitions in
+ favour of Boulanger, with a view to forcing Grevy's and Freycinet's
+ hands and working on their fears. If Boulanger is got rid of, the
+ immediate danger of war will probably be escaped for the moment.
+ Boulanger's own character, and the position in which he has placed
+ himself, make him threatening to peace; and the opinion held of him
+ in Germany and the irritation felt against him there make him still
+ more dangerous.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, May 24, 1887.
+
+ The last news is supposed to be that Floquet, the President
+ of the Chamber, has undertaken the task of forming a Ministry,
+ and that he will keep many of the outgoing Ministers, Boulanger
+ included. The goings and comings at the Elysee; the singular
+ selections of men to be Prime Ministers, or quasi Prime Ministers,
+ and the apparent want of firmness and inability to exercise any
+ influence on the part of the President of the Republic, have
+ certainly not increased the reputation of M. Grevy. Floquet will,
+ I suppose, be unacceptable to Russia, for the Russians have always
+ ostentatiously kept up the show of resentment against him for the
+ cry, offensive to the Emperor Alexander II., which he raised when
+ that monarch visited the Palais de Justice during the Exhibition
+ of 1867. Boulanger has lately declared that he does not want to
+ continue to be Minister, but that if he is Minister, he will,
+ whatever Germany may say, continue his mobilization scheme, and not
+ relax in his preparations to resist an attack from Germany, and to
+ avert the necessity of submitting to humiliation.
+
+ I think, in fact, that things look very bad for France both
+ at home and abroad. I can only hope that as the phases of the
+ Ministerial crisis change from hour to hour, you may receive by
+ telegraph some more satisfactory news before you get this letter.
+
+In course of time a new Ministry was formed under M. Rouvier, and the
+important fact attaching to it was that Boulanger had been got rid of.
+Otherwise there was nothing much to distinguish the new Ministers from
+the old, and they seemed disposed to angle for popularity in the country
+much in the same way as Freycinet and Goblet.
+
+The object of removing Boulanger had been to reassure and placate
+Germany, but no sooner had this been done, than the Government appeared
+to feel alarmed at the danger of incurring unpopularity in the country,
+and hastily announced that the new Minister of War would continue to
+follow in the footsteps of his predecessor.
+
+Again, it had been understood that one of the objects of the new
+Government would be to put an end to the isolation of France by
+placing itself on more cordial terms with the neighbouring nations
+and especially with England; but what it appeared anxious to profess,
+was the intention of stoutly refusing to accept or even acquiesce
+in the Anglo-Turkish Convention respecting Egypt. All this, as Lord
+Lyons observed, might proceed in great measure from ignorance and
+inexperience, and might be mitigated by the knowledge of affairs and
+sense of responsibility which accompany office, but still it was
+disquieting: all the more disquieting, because the French Foreign
+Minister never failed to intimate that France would never be a party to
+an arrangement which would confer upon England an international right
+to re-occupy Egypt under certain circumstances after evacuation, whilst
+France was to be formally excluded from enjoying an equal right.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, July 12, 1887.
+
+ Baron Alphonse de Rothschild came to see me this afternoon,
+ and told me that the last accounts he had received from Berlin
+ caused him to feel more than usual alarm as to the feelings of
+ Prince Bismarck and of the Germans in general towards France. They
+ did not indeed imply that Germany was actually contemplating any
+ immediate declaration of war, but they did show that in Germany
+ war with France was regarded as a contingency that could not be
+ long postponed, and of which the postponement was not desirable
+ for German interests. The Germans did not seem to be prepared to
+ incur the opprobrium of Europe by attacking France without having
+ the appearance of a good reason for doing so, but they did seem to
+ be looking out impatiently for a plausible pretext for a rupture;
+ far from being sorry, they would be very glad if France would
+ furnish them with such a pretext. Prince Bismarck was evidently
+ not disposed to facilitate the task of M. Rouvier's Government,
+ notwithstanding the pledges it had given of its desire for peace
+ abroad, and the efforts it was making to promote moderation at home.
+
+ Baron de Rothschild had, he told me, seen M. Rouvier to-day
+ and made all this known to him. He had pointed out to him the
+ danger which arose from the sort of coalition against France of
+ the Powers of Europe, had dwelt on the importance of making almost
+ any sacrifice to break up this coalition, and had especially urged
+ the imprudence of allowing coldness, if not ill-will, to subsist
+ between France and England.
+
+ M. Rouvier had expressed an anxious desire to establish
+ cordial relations with England.
+
+ Baron de Rothschild had answered that the time had come
+ to show this by acts, and had strongly pressed M. Rouvier to
+ settle without any delay the outstanding questions which produced
+ irritation between the two countries. M. Rouvier had expressed his
+ intention to do so, and Baron de Rothschild had reason to believe
+ that this was also the desire and intention of M. Flourens.
+
+ I said that I heard this with great pleasure, and that
+ I had received with much satisfaction assurances to the same
+ effect respecting M. Flourens's sentiments, which had come to me
+ indirectly through various channels. I must, however, confess that
+ I had not found in M. Flourens himself any disposition to push
+ assurance to this effect beyond generalities. I had not seen any
+ strong practical instances of a desire on his part to give a speedy
+ and satisfactory solution to outstanding questions.
+
+ Baron de Rothschild observed that what he had said on this
+ point to M. Rouvier had appeared to make a considerable impression
+ on him.
+
+ I said that it so happened that I should in all probability
+ have the means of testing this almost immediately. I had in fact
+ only yesterday strongly urged M. Flourens to close a question, that
+ of the New Hebrides, which was creating suspicion and annoyance to
+ England and causing great inconvenience in consequence of the very
+ strong feeling about it which prevailed in the colonies. The two
+ Governments were entirely in accord in principle upon it, and in
+ fact it was only kept open by the pertinacity with which the French
+ Government delayed to take the formal step necessary for closing it.
+
+ Baron de Rothschild went on to tell me that in speaking of
+ the relations with England, M. Rouvier alluded to the convention
+ negotiated by Sir Drummond Wolff at Constantinople, and said that
+ he did not see why it should produce any lasting disagreement
+ between France and England. Whether it was ratified or not, France
+ might be as conciliatory as possible towards England in dealing
+ with the matter in future. In answer I suppose to a remark from
+ Baron de Rothschild, M. Rouvier would seem to have said that the
+ Comte de Montebello[47] appeared to have gone far beyond his
+ instructions in the language he had used to the Porte.
+
+ I asked Baron de Rothschild whether M. Rouvier had also
+ said that the Comte de Montebello had received any check or
+ discouragement from the Government at Paris.
+
+ Passing on from this, Baron de Rothschild told me that before
+ concluding the conversation, he had pointed out to M. Rouvier that
+ the great addition of strength which the Ministry had received
+ from the vote of the Chamber yesterday, would enable them to act
+ with more independence and vigour, and that they might now settle
+ questions with England, and establish good relations with her
+ without being under the constant fear of a check in the Chamber of
+ Deputies.
+
+ There can be no doubt that, in fact, the position of the
+ Rouvier Ministry has been immensely strengthened by the large vote
+ they obtained yesterday on the interpellation put forward against
+ them on the subject of Monarchical and Clerical intrigues. It is
+ earnestly to be hoped, for their own sakes, and for the sake of
+ France, that they will turn it to account in order to pursue a more
+ reasonable and conciliatory policy towards England, and to take
+ stronger and more effectual means of preserving order in Paris. The
+ riot at the Lyons railway station seems to have done Boulangism
+ harm even among the ultra-Radicals, and to have been the main cause
+ of Boulanger's having been thrown over by Radical speakers in the
+ Chamber yesterday. But it is a very dangerous thing to give the
+ Paris mob its head.
+
+M. Rouvier's friendly assurances with regard to England had, of course,
+been imparted to the Baron in order that they might be communicated
+to the British Embassy, but the action of the French Government
+appeared to have very little in common with them; nor was there any
+reason to assume that Montebello was exceeding his instructions in
+opposing at Constantinople the ratification of the Anglo-Turkish
+Convention with regard to Egypt. The egregious action which forced
+the Sultan to withhold his consent to the Convention, and thereby
+perpetuated the British occupation of Egypt, was not the result of the
+unauthorized proceedings of the French Ambassador, but the consequence
+of the deliberately considered joint policy of the French and Russian
+Governments. Incidentally, it may be pointed out that the fruitless
+attempt to negotiate the Convention was yet another convincing proof
+of the absolute honesty of British policy with regard to Egypt, and
+the following letter from Lord Salisbury shows no satisfaction at the
+frustration of Sir H. Drummond Wolff's mission.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons._
+
+ July 20, 1887.
+
+ I am afraid the temper of the French will not make the
+ settlement of the Egyptian question more easy. I do not now see how
+ we are to devise any middle terms that will satisfy them. We cannot
+ leave the Khedive to take his chance of foreign attack, or native
+ riot. The French refuse to let us exercise the necessary powers
+ of defence unless we do it by continuing our military occupation.
+ I see nothing for it but to sit still and drift awhile: a little
+ further on in the history of Europe the conditions may be changed,
+ and we may be able to get some agreement arrived at which will
+ justify evacuation. Till then we must simply refuse to evacuate.
+ Our relations with France are not pleasant at present. There are
+ five or six different places where we are at odds:--
+
+ 1. She has destroyed the Convention at Constantinople.
+
+ 2. She will allow no Press Law to pass.
+
+ 3. She is trying to back out of the arrangement on the Somali
+ coast.
+
+ 4. She still occupies the New Hebrides.
+
+ 5. She destroys our fishing tackle, etc.
+
+ 6. She is trying to elbow us out of at least two
+ unpronounceable places on the West Coast of Africa.
+
+ Can you wonder that there is, to my eyes, a silver lining even
+ to the great black cloud of a Franco-German War?
+
+On account of the tension existing between France and Germany, and
+of the agitation produced by the transfer of Boulanger to a command
+at Clermont-Ferrand, it was feared that the National Fete of July 14
+would be marked by serious disturbances; these fears were happily not
+realized, although Boulanger's departure from Paris a few days earlier
+had formed the pretext for a display of embarrassing Jingoism. The
+French Government were so apprehensive of an anti-German demonstration,
+that, although Count Muenster received the usual invitation to attend
+the Longchamps Review, M. Flourens privately begged him to absent
+himself, and the two German military attaches, instead of joining the
+War Minister's Staff in uniform, went to the Diplomatic Tribune in plain
+clothes.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ _Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury._
+
+ Paris, July 15, 1887.
+
+ The National Fete of yesterday passed off quietly enough.
+ There are said to have been cries in various places of 'Vive
+ Boulanger,' and 'A bas Grevy,' but nowhere was there anything which
+ assumed anything like the proportions of a demonstration. There do
+ not appear to have been any cries at all in the army.
+
+ The low French papers keep up a constant fire of scurrilous
+ language against the Germans and even against the Germany Embassy.
+ This sort of thing seems to be taken more seriously and to cause
+ more irritation in Germany than it would in most countries. Count
+ Muenster naturally enough did not come to the President's stand, to
+ which he and the other Ambassadors were as usual invited to see
+ the Review. The German military attaches did not go in uniform
+ with the staff of the Minister of War, but saw the Review from the
+ Diplomatic Tribune in plain clothes. In fact, ill will between
+ France and Germany seems to be on the increase. It looks as if the
+ Germans would really be glad to find a fair pretext for going to
+ war with France. On the other hand, Boulangism, which is now the
+ French term for Jingoism, spreads, especially amongst the reckless
+ Radicals and enemies of the present Ministry. And even among the
+ better classes, warlike language and, to some degree, a warlike
+ spirit grows up with a new generation, which has had no practical
+ acquaintance with war. Abject fear of the German armies is being
+ succeeded by overweening confidence in themselves.
+
+ The present Ministry seem to have been afraid of unpopularity
+ if they abandoned altogether Boulanger's absurd mobilization
+ scheme. The Germans seem to be taking this quietly. Perhaps they
+ look on with satisfaction at the French incurring an immense
+ expenditure for an experiment apparently without any practical use
+ from a military point of view. Perhaps they believe, as many people
+ do here, that the Chambers will never really vote the money.
+
+ It is supposed that the session will be over next week, and I
+ trust that then you will be disposed to receive an application from
+ me for leave. I am getting quite knocked up by the Paris summer,
+ and am in urgent need of rest and country air.
+
+The foregoing letter was one of the last communications received from
+Lord Lyons at Paris, and his official career practically terminated a
+few days later, when he left on leave, destined never to return to the
+post which he had so long occupied, for the unfavourable view which
+he held with regard to his physical condition was only too completely
+justified.
+
+He appears to have passed the months of August and September quietly
+with his near relatives in Sussex. Towards the end of October he
+must have learnt with some surprise that, whereas in March he had
+been most urgently begged by Lord Salisbury to remain at his post
+until the end of the year, a successor to him, in the person of Lord
+Lytton, had been appointed, and that there was no necessity for him to
+return to Paris. If he, as would have been the case with most people,
+really felt aggrieved at this change of circumstances, there is no
+trace of resentment shown in his correspondence. On the contrary, he
+warmly welcomed the new appointment, and at once set about making
+arrangements for his successor's convenience. On November 1, he made
+a formal application to be permitted to resign his appointment, was
+created an Earl, and the few remaining letters (the latest bearing the
+date of November 20) deal with business details, and unostentatious
+acts of kindness to various persons who had been in his service or
+otherwise connected with him. The very last of all was a characteristic
+communication to Sir Edwin Egerton, the Charge d'Affaires at Paris,
+respecting the payment of the fire insurance premium on the Embassy.
+
+The close of his life was destined to coincide dramatically with the
+close of his official career. Intellectually there were no signs of
+decay; but physically he was even more worn out than he realized
+himself. On November 28, whilst staying at Norfolk House, he was
+stricken with paralysis, and a week later he was dead, without having
+in the meanwhile recovered consciousness. Thus the end came at a moment
+singularly appropriate to his well ordered existence, and to no one
+could the time-honoured Latin epitaph have been applied with greater
+accuracy.
+
+In an earlier portion of this work some attempt has been made to
+portray Lord Lyons's personality and to explain the causes of his
+success as a diplomatist, but the best criterion of the man is to be
+found in his letters, which have been reproduced verbatim, and may be
+said to constitute a condensed record of the most interesting episodes
+in English diplomatic history during a space of nearly thirty years.
+Throughout this long series there is hardly to be found an unnecessary
+sentence or even a redundant epithet; there is a total absence of any
+straining after effect, of exaggeration, of personal animosity or
+predilection, or of any desire to gain his ends by intrigue or trickery.
+On the other hand, they are marked by profound mastery of detail, sound
+judgment, inexhaustible patience, an almost inhuman impartiality, and
+an obviously single-minded desire to do his best for his country as one
+of its most responsible representatives. Such, then, was the character
+of the man, and the general public is probably quite unconscious of the
+inestimable value to the country of officials of this particular type.
+
+It was Lord Lyons's fate twice to represent this country at most
+critical periods during wars, in the course of which, England, while
+desiring to observe the strictest neutrality, aroused the bitterest
+hostility on the part of the belligerents. In spite of untiring efforts
+he had the mortification of seeing the relations of England, first with
+the United States and then with France, gradually deteriorate, and never
+experienced the satisfaction, which no one would have appreciated more
+highly than himself, of seeing those unfriendly relations converted into
+the condition which now happily prevails; but it may be fairly said
+of him that no one ever laboured more assiduously and efficiently to
+promote peace and good will between England and her neighbours; that he
+never made either an enemy or apparently a mistake, and that no other
+diplomatist of his day enjoyed to an equal degree the confidence of
+his chiefs, and the regard of his subordinates. Overshadowed by more
+brilliant and interesting personalities, the unobtrusive services of
+Lord Lyons are unknown to the rising generation, and probably forgotten
+by many of those who have reached middle age; but in the opinion of
+the statesman who amongst living Englishmen is the most competent to
+judge, he was the greatest Ambassador who has represented this country
+in modern times, and by those whose privilege it was to serve under him,
+his memory will ever be held in affectionate remembrance.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 44: Lord Salisbury had taken over the Foreign Office upon the
+death of Lord Iddesleigh on January 12, 1887.]
+
+[Footnote 45: Dongorita. A town on the Somali coast.]
+
+[Footnote 46: Secretary of French Embassy at London.]
+
+[Footnote 47: French Ambassador at Constantinople.]
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+LORD LYONS IN PRIVATE LIFE.
+
+BY MRS. WILFRID WARD.
+
+
+It is not uncommon to find a seeming contradiction between the official
+and the private characters of the same individual. Extreme reserve, for
+instance, even an astonishing power of silence in conducting official
+work, may not indicate the same power of silence in private life, or the
+same reserve in the life of the affections. In Lord Lyons there was no
+such contrast, and no attempt to depict him could pretend to penetrate
+his extreme reserve as to his deeper feelings. This reticence on his
+part must severely limit any account of his _vie intime_. Moreover,
+curiously enough there is another difficulty in describing him which
+lies in quite an opposite direction. Lord Lyons had a keen sense of
+the ridiculous, and he loved the absolute relaxation of talking pure
+nonsense which, however amusing at the moment, would hardly bear the
+strain of repetition. Indeed, very little can be added to the history
+of the public life of a man so absolutely reticent as to his feelings,
+his thoughts, and his opinions, which he further concealed rather than
+revealed by an almost burlesque habit of talking nonsense among his
+intimates.
+
+It would be easy to give many instances of his gift for silence when he
+did not wish to be 'drawn' by his interlocutor. A little story told to
+me by the late Sir Edward Blount is a case in point.
+
+Sir Edward, waiting to see Lord Lyons at the Embassy, heard talking in
+the next room which lasted some time, and soon distinguished the voice
+of M. Blowitz. As soon as he was alone with Lord Lyons he said that he
+felt obliged to warn him that, if he had liked, he could have overheard
+his conversation with the journalist.
+
+'You might,' was the answer, 'have overheard what was said by M.
+Blowitz, but you could not have heard anything said by me for the good
+reason that I said nothing at all!'
+
+It was never known to anybody, as far as it is possible to ascertain,
+whether Lord Lyons had ever even contemplated marriage, though he
+certainly did not recommend celibacy. 'Matrimony,' he constantly used to
+repeat--slightly varying the phrase in his favourite _Rasselas_--'may
+have thorns, but celibacy has no roses.'
+
+There was at one moment, while he was attached to the Embassy at Rome,
+a rumour that he was engaged to be married. Hearing something of it he
+inquired of a lady friend whether she could tell him to whom he was
+supposed to be attached, and later on he discovered that she was herself
+the person in question!
+
+His nature was certainly lonely, and I believe from quite early in life
+he was conscious of suffering from loneliness. I have been told of a
+letter of his written from school in which this was quite clearly set
+forth. In later life he would never have expressed so much. What he felt
+and thought on any intimate question can, I think, only be inferred by
+his comments on life in general, or on the sorrows and joys of others.
+Once only I believe did he take any part in directly influencing the
+lives of young people in the critical question of marriage. The daughter
+of an old friend, with a courage in her confidence which seems to me
+almost phenomenal, told him the story of a mutual affection existing
+between her and a young man who did not seem to her parents to be a
+sufficiently good match. Lord Lyons listened with the utmost attention,
+and eventually interceded with his old friend, speaking of the terrible
+danger of causing irremediable pain to two young hearts, and was the
+means of making these young people happy. Was there, perhaps, in this
+action some reminiscence of a possible past happiness lost by himself?
+No one can even make the faintest surmise as to whether this was the
+case. He made no allusion to his own past when telling the story.
+
+Of his childhood I know little, but there is a toy preserved in the
+family that gives a curious and characteristic foretaste of what he
+was to become. It is a miniature escritoire fitted with pen and paper
+and seals, and also soap and towels, etc. All this was supposed to
+belong to the children's dog, who was promoted in their games to the
+position of an Ambassador, and described as 'His Excellency.' There are
+still existing despatches written to and by 'His Excellency' in the
+handwriting of the four children.
+
+I think he must have been too old to have joined in his sister Minna's
+bit of naughtiness when at Malta she put snuff in the guitar of a young
+exquisite who had provoked their mirth, and whose name was Benjamin
+Disraeli.
+
+He used to say that among his most vivid recollections of his boyhood
+while at Malta, was the unexpected return of his father and the fleet.
+The children had been deeply engaged in preparing theatricals which were
+postponed on account of their father's arrival. He remembered his guilty
+feeling that he ought to be glad, and that he was not glad at all!
+
+It was not at first intended that Bickerton Lyons should enter the
+diplomatic service; he began life in the navy. But Bickerton, unlike
+his brother Edmund, had no vocation for the sea. The sorrow of Edmund's
+loss, who died at Therapia, from a wound received when commanding his
+ship in the Sea of Azoph during the Crimean war, was a shadow that never
+passed from the lives of the other three. Bickerton was deeply attached
+to both his sisters and their families. Annie married Baron Wurtzburg,
+and Minna married Lord Fitzalan, afterwards Duke of Norfolk. Other
+relations with whom he was in close intimacy all his life were his aunt,
+Mrs. Pearson and her children, especially her daughters, Mrs. Lister
+Venables and Mrs. Little, who both survived him.
+
+All his life Lord Lyons was devoted to children, and especially so to
+the large family of the Duchess of Norfolk, with whom he was able to
+indulge his domestic tastes and his love of fun. He spent with them the
+greater part of every holiday, and in the last twenty-five years of his
+life they were frequently with him in Paris. My mother, Lady Victoria,
+the eldest of the family, married very young, and my aunt Minna, the
+second daughter, became a Carmelite nun. Mary, the eldest of the sisters
+who remained at home, was Lord Lyons's constant companion and secretary.
+I think she was the only person who did not experience the strong sense
+of his reserve which so impressed those who had to do with him even in
+everyday intercourse. In a very serious state of health which followed
+his work at Washington he depended greatly on the companionship of his
+nieces. I have been told that for months he could not raise his head,
+and the only thing he could do by himself was to play with glass balls
+on a solitaire board. During this interval in his career, before he
+accepted the Embassy at Constantinople, he had more leisure than usual
+for the society of his sister's family, but he had always been devoted
+to them when they were quite little children, and was once described as
+'an excellent nursery governess.' He said to his sister: 'I could never
+have married; it would not have been right, as I could never have loved
+my own children as much as I love yours.'
+
+Into this near association with him my sisters and I were more
+closely drawn after the death of our parents. We had lost our mother
+in the winter of 1870, and my father, James Hope-Scott, died in the
+spring of 1873. It was then that my grandmother took us to live with
+her at Arundel, and we were added to the large family party who had
+often stayed with him in Paris. My own earliest recollections of my
+great-uncle are tinged with an awe which no amount of time spent with
+him ever quite overcame; but it did not prevent great enjoyment of all
+the fun we had with him. He was certainly very indulgent to the younger
+members of the family circle, particularly my brother, who was some
+years younger than the rest of us, and this was especially the case when
+we were his guests.
+
+I think that what inspired awe was the immense strength of character,
+the reserved force, the severely controlled natural irritability. He
+had, too, a humorous vehemence of expression which seemed at times to be
+a safety valve to the forces he had under control, and was a reminder of
+their existence.
+
+I suppose that nothing could be imagined more stately and more regular
+than life at the Embassy in those days. The Ambassador himself lived
+in a routine of absolute regularity and extremely hard work. He got up
+at seven, had breakfast at eight, and was, I think, at work by nine
+o'clock. His very small leisure, when he was alone, was mostly spent
+in reading. And this was carefully classified in three divisions. In
+the morning he read history or science, in the evening, between tea and
+dinner, biography; while, for an hour before he went to bed he read
+novels. While in France he never left the Embassy. Once a year he did
+leave it for his annual holiday--generally spent in England. He used to
+boast how many nights in succession--I think in one year it amounted
+to over 300--he had slept in the same bed. Every afternoon when we
+were with him, he drove with my grandmother, generally in the Bois de
+Boulogne, and in the warm weather we always stopped at some _cafe_ for
+us children to have ices. He also took us to the circus once during each
+visit until, in later life, he became afraid of catching cold. He still
+occasionally went to the theatre, to which he had been much devoted as
+a younger man. We all dined downstairs, and he used to like my youngest
+sister and my brother to sit at a little table near the big one and have
+dessert. He insisted on this, and was rather pleased than otherwise at
+the scolding he received from an English friend for keeping them up
+so late. In later life he used to speak of the pretty picture the two
+children had made.
+
+I recollect the extraordinary general sense of importance as to
+his movements in those days, partly on account of their phenomenal
+regularity. I could not imagine him ever acting on impulse, even in the
+matter of going up or downstairs. I cannot picture him strolling into
+his own garden except at the fixed hour. This without intention added to
+the dignity of his life which seemed to move like a rather dreary state
+procession.
+
+I wonder if the servants who never saw him break through his routine,
+or lose one jot of his dignity, ever guessed at how shy he was of them,
+or suspected the rather wistful curiosity he felt about their lives.
+I think it was Pierre, the butler, who lived with his family in the
+_entresol_ between the two floors of reception rooms in the Embassy.
+Lord Lyons was much interested in their family life, and liked to
+speculate as to what went on there. One inconvenient result of his
+extreme shyness was that when he really wished to alter any detail as
+to the daily routine, he could not bring himself to impart his wishes
+to any of the servants. I have often heard him say how tired he was of
+the same breakfast which never varied in the least, and he would add
+that his Italian valet Giuseppe was so convinced that it was the only
+breakfast he liked that when he travelled, the man took incredible
+pains that the coffee, the eggs, the rolls, the marmalade, the two
+tangerine oranges in winter and the tiny basket of strawberries in
+summer, should not differ an iota from those served up every morning
+at the Embassy. But Lord Lyons could never summon up courage to speak
+to him on the subject. On certain days Pierre undertook Giuseppe's
+duties, and for many years Lord Lyons wished that Pierre would arrange
+his things as they were arranged by Giuseppe, but he never told him
+so. While he grumbled, he was amused at the situation and at himself.
+Indeed, his keen sense of the ridiculous and his endless enjoyment of
+nonsense explain a good deal of his life. He used to say that as he was
+too shy to look at the servants' faces, he had learnt to know them by
+their silk stockinged calves. When he dined alone he made an amusement
+of identifying the six or seven pairs of calves, and was proud of his
+success in this odd game of skill.
+
+I recall one ludicrous instance of his shyness with servants. It was
+his custom annually when he came to stay with us to shake hands with
+the old family nurse, and on one occasion, meeting her on the stairs,
+he leant across the banisters to perform the ceremony with such
+_empressement_ and effort that he broke one of the supports. He always
+afterwards alluded to the extraordinary emotion he had shown in this
+greeting. Nothing is so unaccountable as shyness, but it was curious
+that a man who had seen so much of public life and of society should
+have so much of it as he had. I remember once helping him to escape
+with, for him, astonishing speed across the garden of a country house,
+when a very agreeable woman, whom I believe he really liked, had come
+to call; he was as full of glee as if he were a boy running away from a
+school-master.
+
+[Illustration: THE BRITISH EMBASSY, PARIS.
+
+_F. Contet, Paris. Phot._]
+
+I don't think that in Paris he ever gave way to such impulses; they were
+the relaxation of a shy nature in the holidays.
+
+To return for one moment to Paris. He occasionally gave a big official
+dinner which I don't think he at all enjoyed, and of which we knew
+nothing. But he certainly enjoyed small gatherings, especially if they
+included old friends who were passing through Paris, although not one
+word of ordinary sentiment would probably pass his lips, nor would one
+of the day's arrangements be changed. He certainly enjoyed the society
+of his women friends, and I liked to watch him talking to Mrs. Augustus
+Craven, the author of the _Recit d'une Soeur_. Two characteristic
+sayings of his about the Cravens I remember. He was always pleased at
+showing his knowledge of the most orthodox and strict views of Roman
+affairs. He used to say that Mrs. Craven could never make amends for
+her conduct at the time of the Vatican Council--when her _salon_ was a
+centre for 'inopportunist' Bishops--unless she went back to Rome and
+gave 'Infallibilist tea-parties.'
+
+Mr. Augustus Craven, her husband, was intensely mysterious in manner,
+and Lord Lyons used to call him 'the General of the Jesuits.' Once, on
+meeting him in London, he asked him if his wife were with him. Mrs.
+Craven was staying with Lady Cowper, and Mr. Craven answered with
+solemn, slow and mysterious tones: 'She is at Wrest,' and my uncle said
+'Requiescat in Pace,' with equal solemnity.
+
+I think that with all his natural British prejudices he liked French
+people and their ways. He used to maintain that Frenchwomen were more
+domestic and kept earlier hours than Englishwomen. He certainly liked
+French cooking. He spoke once in tones of horror of an Englishman who
+had committed the monstrosity of putting pepper on young green peas--a
+crime of which a Frenchman was incapable.
+
+Many of his opinions, however, like Dr. Johnson's, were evoked by the
+spirit of contradiction, and it was chiefly with English people that I
+heard him talk about the French.
+
+In the holidays in England reading aloud was one of his chief pleasures.
+He read much poetry to us at one time, but later I think he had to
+give this up as it tired him. At Arundel he wrote his letters in the
+dressing-room opening out of his bedroom. We used to sit there waiting
+for him before the appointed time, making drawings in red ink, of which
+there was always a large supply, when he would make a mock solemn
+entrance, as of a stiff professor. We were allowed to scribble during
+the reading, but, woe betide us! if we showed any inattention. He read
+'Marmion,' Southey's 'Thalaba,' and, I think, 'The Curse of Kehama,'
+also much of Byron, the 'Siege of Corinth,' with especial enjoyment. He
+knew many pages of Byron by heart, and we used to get him to repeat any
+amount while out walking. 'Rejected Addresses,' 'Bombastes Furioso,'
+'The Rape of the Lock' were also among the many things he liked to
+recite. I wish I could remember half the things he read or repeated
+to us. I am sure there was no Tennyson, and certainly no Browning. He
+used to jeer at the obscurity of both the Brownings, and to mutter such
+phrases as the 'thundering white silence' of Mrs. Browning with intense
+scorn. I think he may have met the Brownings when he was in Rome. He saw
+a good deal of Fanny and Adelaide Kemble at that time. He liked Adelaide
+much the best of the two, and used to quote with delight a saying of
+hers as to the Brownings. When she was told of the birth of their son
+she exclaimed: 'There are now then not one incomprehensible, or two
+incomprehensibles, but three incomprehensibles!'
+
+He was always amused at the Kemble grand manner. He used to imitate the
+dramatic utterance with which Fanny Kemble frightened a young waiter
+who had brought her some beer. 'I asked for _water_, boy; you bring me
+_beer_!'
+
+At that same time he knew Sir Frederick Leighton, and they once had a
+pillow fight! Who could imagine that pillow fight who only knew him as
+Ambassador in Paris? He always spoke as if he had enjoyed life in Rome;
+he was devoted to the theatre, and he had much congenial society. He
+used to say, too, that Pius IX. was the most agreeable sovereign with
+whom he ever had diplomatic relations.
+
+Lord Lyons's literary tastes were not those of the present generation.
+He declared that he only liked verse that rhymed and music with a tune.
+He loved the sonorous sound of Byron as he loved the solemn cadence of
+Latin verse. All the time the love of absurdity was never far off. He
+would suddenly imitate the action of a schoolboy repeating Latin verse,
+first with his arms and then with his feet! A stout, very dignified
+elderly man, in some path in the garden, punctuating the verse with the
+action of his feet, is sufficiently surprising. Occasionally he would
+have the oddest freaks of this kind, and I remember an afternoon when he
+took a whim of pretending to be imbecile; he made the most extraordinary
+faces, and not a word of sense could be got from him.
+
+Once in a steamer on the lake of Lucerne he insisted on his nieces
+joining him in impersonating a typical family of English tourists
+out for their holiday. He was the _paterfamilias_, one niece was his
+wife, another the German governess, a third his child. In the middle
+of the performance he found that he was being regarded with surprise
+and curiosity by some English society friends whose acquaintance with
+him had hitherto been exclusively in the character of a very dignified
+ambassador.
+
+My aunt, Mary Howard, used to read aloud to him by the hour, and we all
+enjoyed these times immensely. It would be difficult to say how often we
+had 'Pickwick,' 'Cranford,' 'Rasselas,' 'The Rose and the Ring,' and
+'Mrs. Boss's Niece.' I have never met anybody outside that circle who
+ever even heard of 'Mrs. Boss's Niece;' it is a serious loss. To quote
+at all appropriately from any of his favourites was to be exceedingly
+in his good books for the rest of the day. Like the late Lord Salisbury
+he delighted in Miss Yonge; he could not have too many pairs of twins,
+or too large a family circle to read about. He loved the analysis of
+domestic life, and would have been ready to canonise any really and
+genuinely unselfish character. Detective stories were a great joy. 'The
+House on the Marsh,' and 'Called Back,' were among the most successful.
+He used to prolong discussion as to the solution of the mystery, and
+would even knock at our doors very late at night if he thought he had
+identified the murderer, and mutter in dramatic undertones, 'So-an-so
+was the man who did it.' But the detective story was never read before
+dinner, and to look into the book meanwhile was a crime. Anybody who
+peeped to see the end of a novel 'deserved to be dragged to death by
+wild horses.' And there must be no skipping. Only descriptions of
+scenery--to which he had the strongest objection--might be left out.
+
+The annual holiday was, for the most part, spent with the Duchess of
+Norfolk at Arundel, and later at Heron's Ghyll. Sometimes he went to
+Germany to take the waters, in company with his eldest sister, Baroness
+Wurtzburg. When in England he always paid a certain number of country
+house visits. These generally included Knowsley and Woburn. The visits
+that were paid every year, I think without exception, were those to
+Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and to an old schoolfellow--Major Trower,
+who had been with him at Winchester. Major Trower was one of four old
+Wykehamists who remained close friends. The other two had died some time
+before. I think the visit to Raby was annual. He specially enjoyed the
+society of the Duchess of Cleveland and of Lady Mary Hope. He was at
+Raby in the September before he died, and I believe that was the last
+visit he ever paid. The famous visitors' book there always amused him,
+and he was fond of quoting from it. One of his own contributions I
+remember was written with mock modesty. He took from Lockhart's Spanish
+ballads the lines:--
+
+ ''Twere better to be silent before such a crowd of folk,
+ Than utter words as meaningless as he did when he spoke.'
+
+His recollections of the society of his youth in these houses had some
+amusing details. I think it was at the Duchess of Bedford's that there
+was a Christmas tree, off which each young man visitor was given a piece
+of flowered silk for a waistcoat. Early next morning, at Mr. Lyons's
+suggestion, one of the young men, provided with a list of the names and
+addresses of the tailors employed by the others, went up to London and
+brought back all the waistcoats made up in time to be worn at dinner
+that evening. He used to speak with some amusement of the ungraciousness
+of Rogers, the poet, whom he met at the Derbys'. On one occasion Rogers
+had lost his spectacles, and Mr. Lyons went a long way in the big house
+to find them. Rogers who was drinking tea took the spectacles, but did
+not thank him, and, a moment later, when he heard Mr. Lyons refusing
+sugar, he observed to the company: 'That young man, having nothing else
+to be proud of, is proud of not having sugar with his tea!'
+
+I don't suppose that he talked much as a young man, and probably he
+followed the rule he always preached, that young men should speak
+'little but often.'
+
+Among the few serious sayings to be quoted from him was that the great
+axiom in diplomacy was 'Never do anything to-day that can be put off
+till to-morrow.'
+
+In speaking of Leo XIII. and his successful policy with Bismarck, he
+said: 'Those very clever men succeed by doing what no one expects. My
+success has been made by always doing what was expected of me. I always
+did the safe thing.'
+
+In conversation he enjoyed a Johnsonian style of repartee. One retort of
+his had an excellent practical result. He acted as a special constable
+in London during the Chartist Riots. Hearing a woman in the dense crowd
+cry out, 'Let me faint, let me faint,' he turned to her at once, and
+said: 'Pray do, madam,' whereupon she recovered immediately.
+
+Soon after the Berlin Conference when the Disraeli party were making the
+most of the accession of Crete, a visitor at the Embassy, gushing over
+its charms concluded with the assertion that Crete was the loveliest
+island in the world. Whereupon Mr. William Barrington (now Sir William
+Barrington) said drily: 'Have you seen all the others?' This amused
+Lord Lyons immensely, and some years afterwards when a young lady who
+was and is still famous for her powers of conversation had talked at
+him for some time, he adopted the same method. After a good many other
+sweeping assertions she said of some work that had just come out: 'It is
+the best written book that has appeared this century.' 'Ah,' he said,
+'have you read all the others?' Being alone with her soon afterwards I
+was not surprised at her inquiring of me dubiously whether I liked my
+great-uncle.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+It need hardly be said that, in the matter of his personal religion,
+Lord Lyons was very reticent. He was absolutely regular in his
+attendance at the Sunday service in Paris and in England. He was very
+fond of the singing of English hymns.
+
+He never had any sympathy with the ritualist party in the Church of
+England, and was inclined to be sarcastic as to those whom he designated
+'Puseyites,' as was then the custom.
+
+One who knew him very well told me that for a time he was somewhat
+unsettled in the matter of definite religious belief. There is also
+evidence that in middle life the idea of joining the Catholic Church
+had been present to him as a possibility. As far as can be known it
+was during the last summer of his life that he began to consider the
+question practically. It is not surprising that Lord Lyons, when he
+took the matter up, showed the same characteristics in its regard that
+he had shown in any serious question throughout his life, namely, the
+greatest thoroughness and care in studying the Catholic religion and
+in carrying out its practical side, reserve as to deep sentiment, not
+without humorous touches which were intensely characteristic. Newman's
+works formed the chief part of his study during those summer months.
+A letter written in that August says of him, 'He is always reading
+Newman.' It was not until shortly before his death that he spoke on the
+matter to any of the family. A note in the writing of his secretary and
+intimate friend--Mr. George Sheffield--says that he spoke of it six
+weeks before his death. Lord Lyons had known Bishop Butt for many years
+when he was parish priest at Arundel, and it was to him that he applied
+for advice. He studied the Penny Catechism most carefully, learning the
+answers by heart, like a child. He began to fulfil the practices of a
+Catholic with great regularity. He went to Mass daily at ten o'clock,
+and adopted little habits of self-denial and showed greater liberality
+in almsgiving. The last honour he ever received was the offer of an
+earldom on his retiring from the Paris Embassy. He suggested to Dr. Butt
+that it would be a good act of mortification to refuse this honour, but
+the Bishop would not advise him to do so. He began, against his usual
+custom, to give money to crossing-sweepers or beggars in the streets,
+and I am told by my aunt, Lady Phillippa Stewart, that, after returning
+from my wedding, he said to her: 'Is it not customary after an event
+of this kind to give money in alms?' He then suggested that he should
+make some offering to the hospitals and asked her to write out the
+names of those she thought would be the most suitable. It was about
+ten days before my marriage in November, 1887, that I first heard of
+his intentions. I learnt it in a fashion very characteristic of him. I
+was not staying in the house, but I had been dining with him when he
+remarked casually: 'Really, my austerities are becoming alarming. I have
+given up soup for dinner and jam for breakfast.' This struck me as a
+novel proceeding, as I knew his fondness for jam and that the ordinary
+routine of dinner beginning with a clear soup was a fixed ceremonial
+with him. That night I questioned my aunt, who told me that he had been
+for some weeks preparing to join the Church. It was at this time that
+he said to one of the family: 'I am now ready to be received as soon
+as the Bishop likes.' He also characteristically consulted his nephew,
+the Duke of Norfolk, as to whether he ought to inform Lord Salisbury of
+his intention of becoming a Catholic. He did not, during these weeks,
+know that he was in any danger. The last time I saw my great uncle was
+at my wedding. He had a stroke about ten days afterwards, and to all
+appearance became unconscious. Dr. Butt, knowing what his intentions had
+been, had no hesitation in giving him conditional Baptism and Extreme
+Unction. I was at the funeral at Arundel, and saw the coffin lowered
+into the vault in the Fitzalan Chapel, where his sister Minna had been
+placed two and a half years earlier.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+I feel most strongly as I conclude these very imperfect notes, how
+entirely Lord Lyons belonged to a generation of Englishmen now long
+passed away. The force of will, the power of self-devotion, the dignity,
+the reticence, the minute regularity, the sense of order, the degree
+of submission to authority and the undoubting assertion of his own
+authority towards others--all were elements in a strong personality.
+There are, no doubt, strong men now, but their strength is of a
+different kind. Englishmen to-day are obliged to be more expansive
+and unreserved. No fixed routine can be followed now as then; no man
+can so guard his own life and his own personality from the public
+eye. Lord Lyons was not of the type that makes the successful servant
+of the democracy. Fidelity, reticence, self-effacement, are not the
+characteristics that are prominent in the popular idea of the strong man
+to-day. But no one who knew Lord Lyons can doubt that those qualities
+were in him a great part of his strength. He was and must always be to
+those who knew him very much of an enigma, and it certainly would not
+have been his own wish that any great effort should be made to interpret
+his inner life to the world at large.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+ Aali Pasha, i. 146, 150, 151, 155, 161, 166, 167, 172;
+ and the Paris Conference, i. 153.
+
+ Abdul Aziz, Sultan of Turkey, i. 151, ii. 175;
+ effort for Navy, i. 152;
+ dismisses Fuad Pasha, i. 155;
+ unpopularity of, i. 161, 163;
+ visit to France, i. 169, 170;
+ to England, i. 171, 173.
+
+ Abdul Hamid, ii. 108, 208;
+ policy of, ii. 137;
+ reported conspiracy against, ii. 167;
+ suzerainty in Tunis, ii. 246;
+ overthrow of, i. 168.
+
+ Aberdeen, Lord, ii. 11.
+
+ Abolition proclamation, i. 93.
+
+ Abou Klea, battle of, ii. 343.
+
+ Adams, Mr., U.S. Minister in London, i. 38, 43, 59, 63, 71, 72, 98, 99.
+
+ Adams, Sir Francis, charge d'affaires at Paris, ii. 72;
+ telegram on Anglo-French sympathies, ii. 136;
+ Minister at Berne, ii. 220.
+
+ Adrianople, railway to Constantinople, i. 176.
+
+ Aehrenthal, Count, i. 342.
+
+ Afghanistan, Lytton's policy in, ii. 209;
+ attacked by Russia, ii. 348, 352.
+
+ Africa, west coast, ii. 409.
+
+ _Alabama_ incident, i. 97, 98, 99, 105, 300;
+ question revived, i. 162, 189.
+
+ Alaska, bought by America, i. 168.
+
+ Albanian league, ii. 228.
+
+ Alderson, Capt., sent to report on army of the Potomac, i. 128, 129.
+
+ Alexander, Emperor of Russia, i. 187, 255, 273, 333, 354, ii. 52,
+ 54, 404;
+ visit to Berlin, ii. 76;
+ friendliness to England, ii. 80;
+ attempt on life of, ii. 207.
+
+ Alexandretta, ii. 150, 151.
+
+ Alexandria, ii. 172, 188, 273;
+ Anglo-French Naval Demonstration at, ii. 283;
+ massacre at, ii. 285;
+ bombardment of, ii. 288.
+
+ Algeria, position of French in, i. 199, 268, 271, 382, ii. 159, 249.
+
+ Alsace and Lorraine, question of cession, i. 321, 332, 334, 358,
+ 361, 369;
+ French hopes of recovery of, ii. 103, 135, 195, 197, 247, 346;
+ trade of, ii. 14.
+
+ America, army, i. 45, 47, 48, 79, 109;
+ methods of recruiting, i. 110, 116;
+ finance, i. 57;
+ slave trade, i. 20;
+ affairs in central, i. 13;
+ relations between North and South, i. 20, 29, 31;
+ relations with England, i. 12, 15, 16, 45, 46, 79, 129, 189.
+
+ American Civil War, i. 34, 343;
+ Blockade question, i. 33, 36, 37;
+ privateering, i. 42;
+ Confederate Government, i. 53;
+ Southern Confederacy, i. 31, 33, 34, 36;
+ position of Consuls, i. 83, 121;
+ Southern activity, i. 82, 83;
+ Revolutionary Party, i. 80;
+ proposed foreign intervention, i. 90, 91, 92, 96;
+ rising prices, i. 94;
+ vessel building in England, i. 101, 102;
+ position of foreigners during, i. 106-109;
+ seizure of British vessels, i. 100, 104, 105;
+ Irish in, i. 109, 114, 115;
+ Germans in, i. 115;
+ British officers sent to follow operations, i. 128;
+ M. Mercier on, i. 85.
+
+ Anarchical plots, i. 187.
+
+ Ancona district, Austrian troops in, i. 3.
+
+ Anderson, at Fort Sumter, i. 35.
+
+ Anderson, Mr., attache at Washington, i. 87.
+
+ Andrassy, Count, ii. 85;
+ and the Eastern Question, ii. 127, 134, 138;
+ and the Austro-German Alliance, ii. 194.
+
+ Andrassy Note, ii. 95.
+
+ Anglo-Russian Agreement, ii. 143, 160.
+
+ Anglo-Turkish Convention, ii. 140-142;
+ disclosed to Waddington, ii. 148;
+ made public, ii. 151;
+ irritation in France, ii. 152, 159, 163.
+
+ Annam, French in, ii. 103, 307, 327.
+
+ Anti-Slavery party in England, i. 118.
+
+ Antonelli, Cardinal, i. 3, 4, 184.
+
+ Anzin, ii. 323.
+
+ Arabi Bey, rebellion of, ii. 258, 273, 278;
+ Minister of War, ii. 279, 283;
+ campaign against, ii. 295, 296.
+
+ Arago, Emmanuel, succeeds Gambetta as Minister of War, i. 361.
+
+ Archibald, Consul, on the kidnapping of recruits, i. 112.
+
+ Arcolay pamphlet, i. 220.
+
+ Argyll, Duke and Duchess of, i. 41.
+
+ Armenia, ii. 131, 137;
+ patriarch question, ii. 55.
+
+ Army Purchase Bill, ii. 9, 12.
+
+ Arnim, Count, Minister at Rome, i. 347;
+ Ambassador at Paris, ii. 14, 16, 27, 30, 60, 68, 140;
+ and Thiers, ii. 31;
+ on French policy, ii. 45;
+ Bismarck's dislike of, ii. 46.
+
+ Arundel, Lyons at, i. 139, ii. 222, 418, 422, 428.
+
+ Ashman, Mr., i. 50.
+
+ Asia Minor, Russian policy in, i. 268, ii. 133, 137.
+
+ Athens, i. 149; Lyons attache at, i. 1.
+
+ Atlantic, coast defence, i. 40.
+
+ Augusta, Empress, Bismarck's dislike of, ii. 80, 354.
+
+ Aumale Duc d', ii. 2, 7, 16, 44, 48, 51, 56, 64, 311, 368.
+
+ d'Aunay, M., ii. 300, 376.
+
+ Austria, relations with Prussia, i. 186, 193, 202;
+ relations with France, ii. 35;
+ military power of, i. 268;
+ and the Eastern Question, ii. 85, 127;
+ in the Moldo-Wallachian Principalities, i. 153;
+ in the Ancona district, i. 3.
+
+ Austro-German Alliance, ii. 194, 199, 205, 398.
+
+ Austro-Prussian War, failure of French policy in, i. 177.
+
+ Azoph, Sea of, ii. 417.
+
+
+ Bac-ninh, ii. 324.
+
+ Baden, Grand Duchy of, and Confederation, i. 208, 266, 276, 285, 293;
+ French policy in, i. 190, ii. 36;
+ proposed neutrality, i. 302.
+
+ Bagdad railway, ii. 151.
+
+ Bahamas, the, i. 130.
+
+ Baker Pasha, defeat of, ii. 323.
+
+ Balkan Peninsula, ii. 223.
+
+ Bapaume, i. 355.
+
+ Bardo, Treaty of the, ii. 243.
+
+ Baring, Major (Earl of Cromer) in Egypt, ii. 189, 322, 352;
+ letter to Lyons, ii. 203;
+ and "Modern Egypt," ii. 295.
+
+ _Barracouta_, H.M.S., i. 100.
+
+ Barrere, M., ii. 322.
+
+ Barrington, Mr. (Sir William), ii. 128, 426.
+
+ Bateman, Sir Alfred, ii. 253.
+
+ Batoum, ii. 137, 138, 143.
+
+ Baucel, M., i. 228.
+
+ Bavaria, i. 193;
+ and Confederation, i. 266;
+ proposed neutrality, i. 302.
+
+ Bayazid, ii. 142.
+
+ Baynes, Admiral, i. 23.
+
+ Bazaine, General, i. 317, 320;
+ capitulation, i. 329.
+
+ Beaconsfield, Lord, ii. 144.
+
+ Beatrice, Princess, ii. 162.
+
+ Beauregard, General, i. 35.
+
+ Beaury, plot against Napoleon III., i. 285.
+
+ Bedford, Duchess of, ii. 425.
+
+ Belfort, i. 370, 374.
+
+ Belgium, Prince Napoleon on, i. 193;
+ French in, i. 211;
+ trade relations with France, ii. 25;
+ neutrality of, i. 298, 302;
+ foreign policy towards, i. 303, 355, ii. 113, 124, 206;
+ secret Treaty, i. 320, 340;
+ in Constantinople Conference, ii. 109;
+ Bismarck's policy in, i. 254, ii. 74, 83, 345.
+
+ Belgium, King of, i. 212, 216.
+
+ Belgrade, Fortress of, i. 161;
+ evacuated by the Turks, i. 163.
+
+ Belligerent Rights, Exposition of French Jurists on, i. 44, 46, 50.
+
+ Benedetti, French Ambassador at Berlin, i. 293;
+ on Franco-Prussian situation, i. 299;
+ affront to, i. 300, ii. 206;
+ despatch from, i. 304;
+ meeting with King of Prussia at Ems, i. 305.
+
+ Benjamin, Mr., i. 122.
+
+ Berlin, Congress at, ii. 147.
+
+ _Berlin Post_, "Is War in Sight" article, ii. 72.
+
+ Berlin, Treaty of, i. 342, ii. 227;
+ Layard on, ii. 160.
+
+ Bermuda, i. 130.
+
+ Berne, ii. 256.
+
+ Bernstorff, Count, Prussian Ambassador in London, i. 196, 256, 259,
+ 260, 268, 293, 304, 309, 317, 323, 337;
+ on Belgian affairs, i. 218;
+ letter from Bismarck, i. 261.
+
+ Bert, M. Paul, ii. 323.
+
+ Berthaut, General, Minister of War, ii. 115.
+
+ Bessarabia, ii. 142, 367.
+
+ Bessborough, Lord, ii. 11.
+
+ Beust, Count, Austrian Minister, i. 162, 272, 314, 320; ii. 202, 231;
+ and the Belgian question, i. 229;
+ letter to Metternich, ii. 35.
+
+ Beyens, Baron, Belgian Minister, i. 213.
+
+ Biarritz, i. 197.
+
+ Biggar, Mr., ii. 234.
+
+ Billing, Baron de, plan to relieve Gordon, ii. 326.
+
+ Billot, General, ii. 311.
+
+ Bisaccia, Duc de, French Ambassador in London, ii. 57.
+
+ Bismarck, Prince, i. 162, 192, 387;
+ and Luxemburg railway affair, i. 168, 213;
+ and German Confederation, i. 247, 251, 276;
+ at Ems, i. 293;
+ and the Vatican, ii. 30, 68;
+ relations with Emperor, ii. 62, 120;
+ and disarmament negotiations, i. 254, 260-5, 270-3, 275, 278, 301;
+ foreign policy of, i. 179, 211, 214, 218, 314, 355, ii. 14, 29, 49,
+ 54, 70, 72, 74, 77, 82, 124, 205, 345, 358;
+ with regard to Austria, ii. 42;
+ and the Austro-German Alliance, ii. 194;
+ and Belgium, i. 303;
+ and the Eastern Question, ii. 90, 97, 231;
+ and Egypt, ii. 150, 297, 325, 338, 339, 352;
+ and France, ii. 16, 60, 136, 283, 286, 384;
+ during war, i. 314;
+ peace negotiations, i. 345, 348, 357, 361, 365, 370, 374, 380,
+ ii. 20, 30, 82;
+ and payment of indemnity, ii. 3;
+ colonial policy, ii. 60;
+ and French colonial schemes, ii. 244-5, 251, 259, 264, 268, 342;
+ and Russia, i. 338;
+ and Russo-Turkish War, ii. 109;
+ Suez Canal transaction, ii. 94;
+ and claims of Prussia in Tunis, i. 200;
+ and Favre, i. 316, 318, 321, 323, 324, 352;
+ interviews with Malet, i. 319;
+ with Thiers, i. 329, 331, 342, 353, 358;
+ French views of policy, ii. 107;
+ and Arnim, ii. 46;
+ and Boulanger, ii. 401;
+ and Clarendon, i. 250, 279;
+ and Gramont, i. 307;
+ and Count Muenster, ii. 388;
+ and Napoleon III., i. 221, 254, 333;
+ and Odo Russell, i. 338;
+ and Waddington, ii. 168;
+ on himself, ii. 61;
+ on French Press, i. 271-2;
+ and the German Press, i. 305;
+ power of, ii. 53, 73;
+ illness of, ii. 290.
+
+ "Bismarck, his Reflections and Reminiscences," quoted, i. 338.
+
+ Bizerta, ii. 243.
+
+ Black Sea Conference, i. 341, 350, 366;
+ clauses in Treaty of Paris, concerning, i. 337;
+ French policy in, i. 337, 339;
+ Russia policy in, ii. 127.
+
+ Blairgowrie, Lord Russell at, i. 119.
+
+ Blanqui, revolutionary leader, i. 385.
+
+ Bleichroeder, ii. 384.
+
+ Blignieres, M. de, ii. 171, 204;
+ in Egypt, ii. 189, 238, 261, 278;
+ resignation of, ii. 279;
+ on Egyptian finances, ii. 330.
+
+ Blockade, international law concerning, i. 97.
+
+ Blount, Sir Edward, ii. 415.
+
+ Blowitz, M., _Times_ correspondent, ii. 70, 241, 308, 416.
+
+ Blue Books, publication of, i. 101, 102, 300.
+
+ Boer War, i. 49;
+ pay of men in, i. 110.
+
+ Bonaparte, Prince Pierre, i. 244.
+
+ Bonapartist Party, policy of, i. 349, 356, 364, ii. 15, 17, 66, 106,
+ 191.
+
+ Bordeaux, i. 345, 349.
+
+ Bosnia, ii. 127, 134, 141, 143;
+ annexation of, i. 342;
+ insurrection in, ii. 84.
+
+ _Bosphore Egyptien_, suspended, ii. 352.
+
+ Boston, i. 73, 75;
+ harbour, i. 64.
+
+ Boulanger, General, ii. 121;
+ policy, ii. 367, 384, 385, 393, 403;
+ and the army, ii. 365, 383;
+ popularity of, ii. 366;
+ at Longchamps, ii. 369;
+ mobilization scheme, ii. 401, 411;
+ transferred to Clermont-Ferrand, ii. 409.
+
+ Bourbaki, General, i. 327, 354;
+ on the military situation, i. 327;
+ at Bourges, i. 348;
+ defeated, i. 359;
+ army not included in armistice, i. 360.
+
+ Bourges, Bourbaki at, i. 348.
+
+ Brassey, Mr., application for railway concession, i. 176.
+
+ Bray, Bavarian Minister, i. 302.
+
+ Brodie, attache at Washington, i. 87.
+
+ Broglie, Duc de, at Black Sea Conference, i. 341;
+ French Ambassador in London, ii. 22, 23, 24;
+ in French politics, ii. 64, 67, 100;
+ becomes Prime Minister, ii. 111;
+ unpopularity of, ii. 113.
+
+ Browning, Mr. and Mrs., ii. 422.
+
+ Bruce, Sir Frederick, i. 140, 141.
+
+ Bruennow, Baron, i. 186, ii. 38.
+
+ Buchanan, President (U.S.A.), i. 12, 19, 23, 29;
+ invitation to Prince of Wales, i. 25;
+ letter from Queen Victoria, i. 26.
+
+ Bucharest, i. 149.
+
+ Buffet, M., i. 282.
+
+ Bulgaria, i. 166-8, ii. 142, 143;
+ proposed limits of, ii. 130;
+ Union with Eastern Roumelia, ii. 360;
+ Russia in, ii. 367, 391, 399.
+
+ Bull's Run, Fight of, i. 47-50, 110.
+
+ Buelow, Count von, ii. 53, 74, 87.
+
+ Bulwer, Sir Henry, at the Constantinople Embassy, i. 145, 146;
+ opinion on a Turkish Navy, i. 152.
+
+ Bulwer, Lady, i. 146.
+
+ Bunch, Mr., British Consul at Charleston, i. 42, 51-53, 72, 94.
+
+ Burmah, ii. 358;
+ English in, ii. 360;
+ annexation of, ii. 361.
+
+ Burnley, Mr., Charge d'Affaires in Washington, i. 134, 136.
+
+ Burns, Mr., ii. 343.
+
+ Busch, M., ii. 130;
+ quoted, ii. 82, 344, 352.
+
+ Butt, Bishop, ii. 427.
+
+ Buyak Dere, ii. 138.
+
+
+ _Cagliari_ case, i. 8-11.
+
+ Cairo, intrigues at, ii. 87, 258;
+ British troops enter, ii. 285;
+ Northbrook mission to, ii. 332.
+
+ Calais, ii. 22.
+
+ Calcutta, i. 223.
+
+ Calice, Baron, ii. 130.
+
+ Cambridge, Duke of, i. 379.
+
+ Canada, i. 15, 119;
+ defences of, i. 40, 43, 49, 60, 72, 74, 80, 132, 134, 291;
+ despatch of troops to, i. 54;
+ Reciprocity Treaties, i. 17, 123.
+
+ _Caradoc_, the, i. 146.
+
+ Carafa, Signor, Neapolitan Foreign Minister, i. 9, 11.
+
+ Carey, Capt., ii. 194.
+
+ Carnarvon, Lord, resigns office, ii. 123.
+
+ Cass, Miss, ii. 398.
+
+ Cass, General, i. 12.
+
+ Cayenne, i. 243.
+
+ Ceylon, i. 223.
+
+ Chalons, i. 204;
+ French army at i. 307.
+
+ Chambord, Comte de, i. 364; ii. 2, 9, 18, 21, 25, 56, 57, 64, 66;
+ proclamation of, ii. 7;
+ White Flag manifesto, ii. 47.
+
+ Chanzy, General, at Le Mans, i. 348, 354, 359;
+ suggested President, ii. 118, 197;
+ death of, ii. 305.
+
+ Charles X. of France, i. 254.
+
+ Charleston, fighting at, i. 34, 51;
+ prices in, during war, i. 94.
+
+ Charmes, M., ii. 376, 387.
+
+ Chartres, Duc de, ii. 3, 365.
+
+ Chase, Mr., Secretary of Treasury, U.S., i. 43, 119.
+
+ Chasseurs d'Afrique, ii. 118.
+
+ Chatsworth, Lyons at, ii. 222.
+
+ Chattanooga, i. 120.
+
+ Chaudordy, Comte de, i. 325;
+ and the elections, i. 338;
+ policy at Tours, i. 339;
+ on the recognition of the Government, i. 357, 362;
+ on cession of territory, i. 329;
+ and Black Sea Conference, i. 366, 371;
+ at Constantinople Conference, ii. 109, 398.
+
+ Cherbourg, i. 303.
+
+ Cherif Pasha, ii. 174, 204.
+
+ Childers, Mr., ii. 330.
+
+ China, French Treaty with, ii. 327;
+ French war with, ii. 337.
+
+ Chios, ii. 159.
+
+ Chislehurst, Empress Eugenie at, i. 327;
+ reported review by Napoleon at, ii. 21;
+ death of Napoleon at, ii. 36.
+
+ Choiseul, ii. 231.
+
+ Christ Church, Oxford, Lord Lyons at, i. 1.
+
+ Christiania, i. 345.
+
+ Christians in Turkey, i. 160, 165, 167.
+
+ Civita Vecchia, i. 8, 180, ii. 55.
+
+ Claremont, Colonel, British military attache in Paris, i. 194, 196,
+ 245, 351, 377;
+ on French army, i. 281.
+
+ Clarendon, Lord, interest in Lyons, i. 6, 8, 174;
+ and the _Cagliari_ case, i. 9;
+ succeeds Lord Russell as Foreign Secretary, i. 149;
+ on Roumanian affairs, i. 156;
+ on Franco-Prussian relations, i. 201;
+ and Napoleon III., i. 203;
+ return to office, i. 205;
+ and proposed Turco-Greek Conference, i. 210;
+ on foreign affairs, i. 214, 216;
+ on French politics, i. 231, 237, 241;
+ on disarmament, i. 247, 251, 256, 301;
+ views on the plebiscite, i. 287;
+ on North American colonies, i. 292;
+ and party voting, ii. 11;
+ Bismarck's tribute to, i. 279;
+ death of, i. 294;
+ his private correspondence, i. 221;
+ letters to Lyons, i. 207, 215, 217, 225, 234, 236, 247, 259, 260,
+ 266, 276, 282, 287, 293;
+ letters to Loftus, i. 267, 251.
+
+ Clemenceau, M., ii. 201, 350;
+ open letter from de Blignieres to, ii. 279.
+
+ Clermont-Ferrand, ii. 409.
+
+ Cleveland, Duchess of, ii. 424.
+
+ Coasting trade with U.S.A., i. 17.
+
+ Cobden, on intervention in American Civil War, i. 92.
+
+ Cochin China, ii. 103.
+
+ Cologne, i. 193.
+
+ Commercial Treaties, Anglo-French negotiations, i. 239, 241, 243,
+ 245, 284, 368, 372; ii. 3, 7, 8, 14, 33, 43, 163, 165, 206, 252,
+ 261, 265, 269, 315.
+
+ Commune, termination of, i. 388.
+
+ Compiegne, i. 206.
+
+ Congo Conference, ii. 334.
+
+ Connecticut, i. 113.
+
+ Conolly, General, ii. 102.
+
+ Conscription Act, in U.S., i. 115.
+
+ Constantinople i. 5;
+ Embassy at, offered to Lyons, i. 144;
+ position of British ambassador at, i. 147;
+ intrigues, i. 149, 151;
+ discontent among Mussulmans, i. 167;
+ railway scheme, i. 176;
+ Russian policy in, ii. 52, 124;
+ Moustier's policy in, i. 206;
+ Conference at, ii. 106, 107, 108, 109, 398.
+
+ Corfu, ii. 224.
+
+ Cotton trade with America, i. 31, 88, 89;
+ during the war, i. 115, 118, 122.
+
+ Courbet, Admiral, ii. 322;
+ in Chinese war, ii. 337.
+
+ Courbevoie, i. 381.
+
+ Courcel, overtures from Bismarck, ii. 353.
+
+ Coutouly, M., ii. 182.
+
+ Couza, Prince, i. 149, 150, 157;
+ deposed, i. 153.
+
+ Cowley, Lord, i. 70, 225;
+ on Eastern question, i. 170;
+ on Ambassadors' votes, ii. 9;
+ visit to Napoleon, i. 197;
+ letter to Lord Lyons, i. 165.
+
+ Cowper, Lady, ii. 421.
+
+ Crampton, Sir John, i. 41, 42.
+
+ Craven, Mr. and Mrs. Augustus, ii. 421.
+
+ Cremer, Mr., ii. 342.
+
+ Crete, i. 148, 180, 300, ii. 159, 426;
+ insurrection in, i. 160, 163, 208;
+ proposed cession to Greece, i. 163, 206;
+ Omar Pasha sent to, i. 166;
+ settlement in Turco-Greek Conference, i. 210.
+
+ Cridland, Mr., i. 122.
+
+ Crimean war, allusions to, i. 4, 49, 129, 170, ii. 229, 417.
+
+ Cromer, Earl of. _See_ Baring.
+
+ Crowe, Sir Joseph, ii. 196, 253, 323.
+
+ Cuba, United States and, i. 13, 15.
+
+ _Curacoa_, H.M.S., i. 12.
+
+ Currie, Lord, ii. 371.
+
+ _Cuvier_, the, French gunboat, ii. 22.
+
+ _Cygnet_, H.M.S., i. 100.
+
+ Cyprus, ii. 143, 150, 151.
+
+ Czacki, Mgr., ii. 233.
+
+ Czarewitch, ill-will to Prussia, i. 255, 260.
+
+
+ _Daily Telegraph_, letter on Lyons' opinions, ii. 129.
+
+ Daira Land, administration of the, ii. 340.
+
+ Dallas, Mr., U.S. Minister in London, i. 18, 38.
+
+ Damietta, ii. 188.
+
+ Danube, Russian policy, ii. 145.
+
+ Dardanelles, the, i. 350, ii. 123, 224.
+
+ Daru, Count, i. 243, 247, 251, 256, 261, 282;
+ on disarmament, i. 258, 265, 274, 301;
+ on political situation in France, i. 244;
+ on Bismarck's policy, i. 257;
+ and the plebiscite, i. 289.
+
+ Davies, Jefferson, i. 89, 121, 123.
+
+ Dayton, Mr., i. 46.
+
+ _Debuts,_ anti-English articles in, ii. 180, 376.
+
+ Decazes, Duc, ii. 50;
+ French Foreign Minister, ii. 56;
+ and the suzerainty of Tunis, ii. 60;
+ and ministerial crisis, ii. 67;
+ on foreign affairs, ii. 68;
+ and the war scare, ii. 71, 83;
+ policy in Russo-Turkish war, ii. 109;
+ internal policy, ii. 90, 100, 112;
+ suggests secret treaty to England, ii. 113.
+
+ Declaration of Paris, allusions to, i. 38, 42.
+
+ Denmark, Bismarck and, i. 272, 278;
+ Danish War, i. 177;
+ position before Franco-Prussian War, i. 302;
+ and Russia, i. 355.
+
+ Derby, Earl of. _See_ Stanley.
+
+ Dervish Pasha, ii. 284.
+
+ Des Michels, M., ii. 231.
+
+ Dilke, Sir Charles, ii. 197;
+ and Anglo-French commercial negotiations, ii. 253, 263, 269;
+ his Cherbourg speech, ii. 244.
+
+ Disarmament negotiations, i. 246 _et seq._
+
+ Disraeli, Benjamin (Lord Beaconsfield), ii. 61;
+ quoted, ii. 138, 417;
+ on Franco-Prussian relations, i. 208;
+ on Anglo-French relations, ii. 73.
+
+ Dix, Maj.-General John A., Report to, on recruiting system, i. 112-3,
+ 131;
+ and raid of St. Albans, i. 135.
+
+ Doellinger movement, ii. 31.
+
+ Domain Land, administration in, ii. 340.
+
+ Dongorita, ii. 386, 388.
+
+ Douglas, Governor, i. 19, 43.
+
+ Dragoman system, Lyons dislike of, i. 146, 150, 175.
+
+ Dresden, Lyons attache at, i. 2.
+
+ Duclerc, M., ii. 154;
+ forms a Ministry, ii. 293;
+ refuses office of Foreign Minister, ii. 380.
+
+ Ducrot, General, ii. 111, 115.
+
+ Dufaure, M., in the National Assembly, i. 365;
+ President of the Council, ii. 119;
+ resigns office, ii. 167.
+
+ Dufferin, Lord, ii. 284, 287;
+ in Egypt, ii. 297, 299, 317.
+
+ Dulcigno, ii. 274;
+ demonstration at, ii. 228;
+ surrender of, ii. 232.
+
+ Dundas, Admiral, i. 5.
+
+ Dunkirk, ii. 22.
+
+ Dupanloup, Mgr., Bishop of Orleans, ii. 114.
+
+
+ Eastern Question, i. 221 _et seq._;
+ reopened, ii. 84, 89, 95;
+ Salisbury's circular on, ii. 132.
+
+ Edinburgh, Duke of, offer of throne of Spain to, i. 200.
+
+ Egerton, Sir Edwin, ii. 412.
+
+ Egypt, affairs of, ii. 128, 154, 163, 203;
+ crisis in, ii. 171;
+ controllers appointed, ii. 189;
+ question of independence, i. 240;
+ Dual Note presented, ii. 270;
+ proposed Foreign Commission, ii. 273;
+ Turkish Commission in, ii. 284;
+ Conference on situation, ii. 285, 333;
+ Italy refuses to join England in, ii. 293;
+ Loan Decree, ii. 357;
+ question of evacuation, ii. 389;
+ Anglo-Turkish Convention, ii. 405, 409;
+ financial affairs, ii. 330;
+ proposed Conference on, ii. 325;
+ French counter-proposals, ii. 341;
+ settlement of, ii. 347;
+ English policy in, ii. 89, 109, 123, 133, 139, 153, 187-9;
+ Anglo-French action in, ii. 182;
+ Anglo-French relations in, ii. 246, 258, 296, 302, 304, 375;
+ French policy in, ii. 103, 386;
+ fears of English annexation, ii. 135;
+ French retirement from, ii. 291, 293;
+ National Party in, ii. 273;
+ foreign interests in, ii. 104;
+ Derby's policy in, ii. 122.
+
+ Elliot, Sir Henry, ii. 216.
+
+ Elysee, the, New Year's reception at, ii. 305.
+
+ Emancipation of Slaves, i. 95.
+
+ Emly, Lord, letter to Czacki, ii. 234.
+
+ Ems, interviews at, i. 305;
+ visit of Emperor of Russia, i. 293.
+
+ Enfida estate dispute, ii. 238.
+
+ England, relations with the Papal Government, i. 4;
+ and the Neapolitan Government, i. 9;
+ and with U.S.A., i. 12;
+ and Belgian independence, i. 212;
+ commercial relations with France, i. 239, ii. 25.
+ (_See_ Commercial Treaties);
+ expenditure on armament, i. 278;
+ position in Franco-Prussian question, i. 203, 205, 314, 317;
+ and peace negotiations, i. 334;
+ military forces of, ii. 288;
+ military preparations in Central Asia, ii. 346;
+ press in, ii. 335.
+
+ Erlanger, Baron Emile d', ii. 93.
+
+ Errington, M.P., Mr. G., ii. 236;
+ secret mission to the Vatican, ii. 339.
+
+ Erskine, Mr., British Minister at Athens, i. 149.
+
+ Eugenie, Empress, on foreign affairs, i. 179, 180, 191;
+ visit to the East, i. 236, 239;
+ proposed visit to India, i. 222;
+ on Queen Victoria's postponed visit, i. 197;
+ on Spanish affairs, i. 205, 207;
+ and the war, i. 308, 309, 316;
+ on home affairs, i. 235, 245;
+ withdrawal from politics, i. 241;
+ press attacks on, i. 244;
+ a fugitive, i. 310;
+ at Chislehurst, i. 327, ii. 22;
+ Bismarck on, i. 271.
+
+ European Conference at Constantinople, ii. 85, 106;
+ at Berlin, ii. 125, 126, 147.
+
+ Exclusion Bill, ii. 309, 311.
+
+ Expulsion Bill, ii. 365, 366.
+
+
+ Fabrice, General von, i. 387, ii. 3.
+
+ Faidherbe, General, defeat at St. Quentin, i. 359.
+
+ Fair Trade League, ii. 255.
+
+ Fallieres, M., ii. 309, 312.
+
+ _Faon_, the, French gunboat, ii. 22.
+
+ Fashoda, i. 71.
+
+ Favre, Jules, Minister for Foreign Affairs, i. 313, 315, 332, 341,
+ 349, 356, 358, 361, 377, 381, 386, ii. 3, 16;
+ war policy, i. 310;
+ meeting with Bismarck, i. 316-324;
+ advises diplomatists to leave Paris, i. 322;
+ at Black Sea Conference, i. 350;
+ Bismarck refuses safe conduct to London, i. 353;
+ and peace negotiations, i. 360;
+ policy attacked, i. 362;
+ in the National Assembly, i. 368;
+ Lyons appreciation of, i. 359, 368.
+
+ Fazyl Pasha, and the Young Turk Party, i. 167.
+
+ Ferrieres, i. 321.
+
+ Ferry, M. Jules, i. 361;
+ Prime Minister, ii. 230;
+ policy in Tunis, ii. 240;
+ and Gambetta, ii. 249;
+ forms a Ministry, ii. 312;
+ at Foreign Office, ii. 320;
+ Egyptian policy, ii. 330, 338;
+ policy in China, ii. 339;
+ resignation of, ii. 349;
+ on Soudan affairs, ii. 344.
+
+ Fielding, Hon. Percy, i. 348.
+
+ Fire Island, kidnapped recruits at, i. 112.
+
+ Fitzmaurice, Lord, i. 316;
+ "Life of Granville," quoted, i. 342.
+
+ Flahault, M. de, i. 92.
+
+ Fleury, General, i. 217;
+ proposed Minister at Florence, i. 230;
+ and Russo-French Alliance, i. 273;
+ Lord Clarendon on, i. 231.
+
+ Floquet, M., ii. 404;
+ duel with Boulanger, ii. 370;
+ fails to form an administration, ii. 380.
+
+ Florence, i. 2;
+ Lyons appointed secretary of legation at, i. 6;
+ Lyons appointed Minister at, i. 11;
+ Fleury's mission to, i. 230.
+
+ Florian, Count, ii. 399.
+
+ Flourens, M. Gustave, organizes riot in Paris, i. 330.
+
+ Flourens, M., appointed Foreign Minister, ii. 381;
+ policy, ii. 398, 406.
+
+ Flourens, Mme., ii. 387.
+
+ Fontainebleau, i. 197, 375.
+
+ Foochow, Chinese fleet destroyed at, ii. 337.
+
+ Formosa, blockade of, ii. 337, 344.
+
+ Forsyth, Mr., i. 14.
+
+ Fort Issy, i. 382.
+
+ Fort Lafayette, i. 131.
+
+ Fort Sumter, i. 34, 50.
+
+ Fort Warren, i. 71, 74, 75.
+
+ Fournier, M., French Ambassador at Constantinople, ii. 169, 182, 205;
+ withdrawn from Constantinople, ii. 210.
+
+ Fourtou, M., ii. 114.
+
+ France, internal affairs, i. 190, 238, 280, ii. 105, 147, 164, 306,
+ 402;
+ republic declared, i. 237, 310;
+ Constitutional Government in, i. 283, 290;
+ Bismarck on, i. 271;
+ government of National Defence, i. 311, 336 _et seq._;
+ National Assembly, i. 363;
+ public v. monarchy in, i. 364;
+ elections in, i. 227, 360, ii. 97, 114, 116, 237, 363;
+ unrest among peasantry, ii. 297;
+ finances, i. 236, 358;
+ Protection v. Free Trade, ii. 321, 328, 335.
+ (_See_ Commercial Treaties);
+ press campaigns against England, ii. 178, 307, 310, 328, 333, 376;
+ anti-German attacks, ii. 411;
+ military power of, i. 257, 268, 369, ii. 59, 102, 356;
+ Lord Stanley on, i. 162;
+ Villiers' report, ii. 310;
+ and disarmament, i. 246, 258, 277;
+ navy of, ii. 59;
+ policy in U.S.A., i. 13, 42, 44, 46, 54, 67, 70, 77, 81;
+ in the Moldo-Wallachian Principalities, i. 153;
+ in Belgium, i. 211, 303;
+ in North Africa, i. 199;
+ in Eastern Question, ii. 134;
+ occupation of Rome, i. 3, 183-187;
+ proposes cession of Crete to Greece, i. 163.
+
+ Franco-Prussian War, apprehensions of, i. 185, 195;
+ war declared, i. 301;
+ causes of, i. 305;
+ panic in Paris, i. 306;
+ suggestion for armistice, i. 312, 314, 347;
+ Bourbaki on the military situation, i. 327;
+ peace party, i. 328;
+ suggestion for European Congress, i. 367;
+ suggested terms of Peace, i. 348;
+ armistice agreed on, i. 360;
+ preliminaries of Peace signed, i. 369;
+ harshness of conditions, i. 373;
+ Neutral Powers and, i. 371;
+ the war indemnity, i. 369, ii. 3, 29, 41, 45;
+ effects on the Embassy, i. 347.
+
+ Frankfort, i. 140, 236, 370.
+
+ Frederick William IV., King of Prussia, ii. 41, 62;
+ in the San Juan dispute, i. 19;
+ on German unity, i. 208, 247, 266;
+ and army, i. 207, 247-9, 252, 254-6, 348;
+ on disarmament, i. 266, 275, 277;
+ at Ems, i. 293, 305;
+ and Clarendon, i. 201, 204;
+ friendship for Arnim, ii. 46;
+ relations with Bismarck, ii. 54, 57, 62, 73, 120;
+ attempt to assassinate, ii. 146;
+ ill-health, ii. 80, 354.
+
+ Frederick William, Crown Prince of Prussia, on Franco-Prussian
+ relations, i. 207;
+ in the Franco-Prussian War, i. 309;
+ peaceful policy, i. 247;
+ English sympathies, i. 342, 343;
+ conversation with Odo Russell, ii. 80;
+ relations with Bismarck, ii. 57, 63, 74.
+
+ Free Trade, decline in France, i. 241, 245, 290, 372, ii. 3, 27, 163.
+ (_See_ Commercial Treaties and Protection);
+ Lyons on, i. 284, ii. 27.
+
+ Frere-Orban, M., visit to Paris, i. 219.
+
+ Freycinet, M. de, ii. 119, 154, 200, 350;
+ succeeds Waddington at Foreign Office, ii. 204;
+ his ideal ambassador, ii. 211;
+ refuses office in Gambetta Ministry, ii. 262;
+ forms Ministry, ii. 277;
+ retires from office, ii. 291, 378;
+ Egyptian policy, ii. 281-91, 356, 377, 392;
+ Eastern policy, ii. 223.
+
+ _Friedland_, the, sent to Tunis, ii. 238.
+
+ Fuad Pasha, Grand Vizier, on Turkish finance, i. 146;
+ and the Paris Conference, i. 153;
+ dismissal of, i. 155;
+ alluded to, i. 151, 155, 166, 167, 171.
+
+
+ Galliera, Duchess of, ii. 43.
+
+ Gallipoli, ii. 127.
+
+ Gallway, Colonel, sent to report on army of the Potomac, i. 128, 129.
+
+ Galt, Mr., Canadian Finance Minister, i. 60.
+
+ Gambetta, minister of war, i. 325-329, 336, 338, 345, 349, 351, 355,
+ 356, 358, 360;
+ resigns office, i. 361;
+ recovery of influence, ii. 98;
+ dispute with Grevy, ii. 118;
+ interview with Prince of Wales, ii. 156;
+ growth of power, ii. 168;
+ on foreign policy of France, ii. 205;
+ resignation of, ii. 277;
+ and Ferry, ii. 249;
+ administrative qualities, ii. 262;
+ fall from office, ii. 296;
+ shot, ii. 301;
+ death, ii. 305;
+ policy and views of, i. 362, 363, 365, 370, ii. 8, 64, 67, 99, 106,
+ 119, 133, 147, 166, 197, 198, 226, 237, 266;
+ Egyptian policy, ii. 177, 181, 261, 290;
+ St. Hilaire on, ii. 229.
+
+ Gambia, the, ii. 198.
+
+ Garibaldi, invades Papal States, i. 178;
+ embarrassing foreign policy, i. 177;
+ in Franco-Prussian war, i. 324.
+
+ _Gaulois_, on Sir J. Drummond Hay, ii. 329.
+
+ Genoa, i. 8.
+
+ Germany. _See also_ Prussia and Franco-German War;
+ Confederation question, i. 190, 192, 201, 204, 205, 207, 251, 266,
+ 276, 277, 343;
+ and need of seaboard, ii. 60;
+ relations with Russia, ii. 42, 324;
+ military power, i. 275, ii. 80, 356.
+
+ Gibraltar, i. 200, ii. 288.
+
+ Gladstone, on American struggle, i. 89;
+ on Belgian independence, i. 212, 214, 218;
+ on a peer's vote, i. 225, ii. 336;
+ and disarmament, i. 250, 259;
+ on the plebiscite, i. 283, 289, 290;
+ and the Hohenzollern candidature, i. 298;
+ on peace negotiations, i. 334;
+ Russian sympathies, ii. 109;
+ Eastern policy, ii. 228, 231;
+ Egyptian policy, ii. 274, 329;
+ visit to Paris, ii. 313;
+ Bismarck's dislike of, ii. 353, 354;
+ resigns office, ii. 356;
+ letters to Lyons, i. 334, ii. 347.
+
+ _Globe_, and the Anglo-Russian Agreement, ii. 143.
+
+ Goblet, M., Prime Minister of France, ii. 380;
+ foreign policy, ii. 389;
+ difficulties of, ii. 392.
+
+ Godeaux, M., ii. 172.
+
+ Gontaut, M. de, ii. 29.
+
+ Goodenough, Captain, i. 128.
+
+ Gordon, General, sent to Soudan, ii. 321, 343;
+ in Khartoum, ii. 326;
+ death of, ii. 343.
+
+ Gortschakoff, Prince, i. 181, 209, 248, 273, ii. 42, 77, 80, 85, 88,
+ 90;
+ Bismarck's abuse of, ii. 168.
+
+ Goschen, Mr. (afterward Viscount), at Constantinople, ii. 210, 223.
+
+ Gozze, Count, i. 6.
+
+ Gramont, Duc de, i. 289, 299, 302, 303, 340;
+ on the Hohenzollern candidature, i. 294;
+ and war, i. 307;
+ letter from Napoleon, i. 304;
+ Bismarck on, i. 320;
+ publishes letter of Beust, ii. 35, 36.
+
+ Grant, General, i. 133, 372.
+
+ Granville, Lord, at the Foreign Office, i. 294, 301, 343, 383;
+ policy in Franco-Prussian War, i. 313;
+ interview with Thiers, i. 316;
+ on revolution in Paris, i. 379;
+ Free Trade policy, ii. 27, 257;
+ Egyptian policy, ii. 274, 277;
+ succeeded by Lord Derby, ii. 54;
+ on the Eastern Question, ii. 231;
+ and Franco in Tunis, ii. 250;
+ on peers' voting, ii. 12;
+ on Waddington, ii. 314;
+ succeeded by Salisbury, ii. 356;
+ letters to Lyons, i. 294, 297, 317, 337, 340, 373, ii. 9, 23, 241,
+ 242, 270, 289, 323, 324, 329, 332, 346, 348, 353;
+ letter to Gladstone, ii. 274.
+
+ Great Lakes, fortification of, i. 60.
+
+ Greece, ii. 183;
+ financial immorality, i. 163;
+ increase of power, i. 164;
+ and Turkey, i. 166, 209, ii. 89;
+ and the Eastern question, i. 160, ii. 131, 223;
+ frontier question, i. 206, ii. 207, 227, 229.
+
+ Greece, King of, ii. 225.
+
+ Greeley, Mr. Horace, i. 96.
+
+ Green, Mr., at Bucharest, i. 149, 153, 158.
+
+ Grevy, M., i. 328;
+ in the National Assembly, i. 365, 368, ii. 16;
+ dispute with Gambetta, ii. 118;
+ becomes President, ii. 167;
+ loss of prestige, ii. 202;
+ and Boulanger, ii. 367, 393;
+ New Year's reception, ii. 305;
+ and peace policy, ii. 382, 383.
+
+ Grey, General, letter to Clarendon, i. 211.
+
+ Griffith, Mr., i. 28.
+
+ Grousset, Paschal, i. 383.
+
+
+ Halifax, i. 73, 74.
+
+ Halim, ii. 261;
+ proposed to make Khedive, ii. 280.
+
+ Hammond, Mr., Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, views and opinions
+ of, i. 63, 64, 77, 86, 294, 299;
+ letter to Lyons, i. 172.
+
+ Hauseman, ii. 46.
+
+ d'Harcourt, Emmanuel, ii. 91, 100, 144.
+
+ Harney, General. i. 19, 23.
+
+ Harper's Ferry, i. 20.
+
+ Hartington, Lord, ii. 330, 332, 371.
+
+ Hartmann, nihilist, ii. 207.
+
+ Hatfield, Lyons at, ii. 222.
+
+ Havannah, i. 54.
+
+ Hay, Sir J. Drummond, ii. 329.
+
+ Haymerle and the Austro-German Alliance, ii. 194.
+
+ Head, Sir Edmund, Governor-General of Canada, i. 39, 50.
+
+ Heneage, Mr., i. 132.
+
+ Herat, ii. 352.
+
+ Herbert, Sir Michael, i. 90.
+
+ Herbette, M. d', ii. 386.
+
+ Heron's Ghyll, Lyons at, ii. 424.
+
+ Herzegovina, ii. 141;
+ annexation of, i. 342;
+ insurrection in, ii. 84;
+ and the Andrassy Note, ii. 96, 127.
+
+ Hesse, i. 285.
+
+ Hicks Pasha, disaster in Soudan, ii. 320, 325.
+
+ Hobart Pasha, ii. 136.
+
+ Hohenlohe, Prince, ii. 31, 69, 292.
+
+ Hohenzollern, candidature for Spain, i. 294, 296, 305.
+
+ Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Prince Charles of, chosen Hereditary Prince
+ of Roumania, i. 155-157;
+ invested at Constantinople, i. 158.
+
+ Holland, i. 217;
+ and Luxembourg, i. 165, 168;
+ foreign designs on, i. 304, 355, ii. 83;
+ suggestions for protection of, ii. 113;
+ foreign relations, ii. 124;
+ in Constantinople Conference, ii. 109;
+ Bismarck's policy, ii. 345.
+
+ Hope, Sir James, i. 133.
+
+ Hope, Lady Mary, ii. 424.
+
+ Hope-Scott, James, ii. 418.
+
+ Hotham, Captain, ii. 22.
+
+ Hovas, Queen of the, ii. 301.
+
+ Howard, Lady Mary, ii. 418, 423.
+
+ Hoyos, Count, ii. 387.
+
+ Hudson, Sir James, note to the Sardinian Government, i. 10.
+
+ Hugo, Victor, i. 224, 363, 370, 371;
+ death and funeral, ii. 354.
+
+ Hungary, policy of Russia concerning, ii. 134.
+
+ Hussein Khan, ii. 216.
+
+
+ Iddesleigh, Lord, Foreign Secretary, ii. 375;
+ death of, ii. 383.
+
+ Ignatieff, General, Russian Minister at Constantinople, i. 148, 158;
+ mission to London, ii. 109;
+ foreign policy, ii. 128, 130.
+
+ Imperialists, policy of, ii. 56.
+
+ India, ii. 137, 205.
+
+ International Law on blockade, i. 97.
+
+ Irish emigrants in U.S.A., i. 15, 16, 25, 69;
+ liability to service, i. 109, 114, 115;
+ secret societies, i. 40.
+
+ Irish Church Bill, i. 224, ii. 10, 11.
+
+ Irish Nationalists, ii. 232.
+
+ Isabella, Queen, in France, ii. 22.
+
+ Ismail, Khedive, i. 221, 222, 239;
+ and Suez Canal Shares, ii. 85;
+ and Russo-Turkish War, ii. 110, 155, 171;
+ warning to, ii. 177;
+ deposed, ii. 185;
+ proposal to restore, ii. 344.
+
+ Italy, ii. 55;
+ neutral policy, i. 298, 302;
+ Bismarck on, i. 321;
+ Eastern policy, i. 164;
+ and Prussia, i. 178, 193;
+ and Savoy, i. 382;
+ policy in Tunis, ii. 240, 248.
+
+
+ Jahde, i. 228.
+
+ James river, America, i. 83.
+
+ Janina, ii. 183.
+
+ Jecker bonds, i. 218.
+
+ Jenner, Mr., i. 87.
+
+ Johnstone, Mr. Horace, i. 127.
+
+ Joinville, Prince de, ii. 3, 7, 34.
+
+ _Journal officiel_, i. 315, ii. 320.
+
+ Juarez, i. 13.
+
+
+ Karolyi, ii. 391.
+
+ Kars, ii. 143.
+
+ Kemble, Adelaide, ii. 422.
+
+ Kemble, Fanny, ii. 422.
+
+ Kennedy, i. 140.
+
+ Kentucky, i. 60.
+
+ Kern, M., Swiss Minister at Paris, ii. 255.
+
+ Khaireddin Pasha, ii. 167, 196.
+
+ Khartoum, ii. 322; Gordon in, ii. 326;
+ expedition to, ii. 341;
+ fall of, ii. 343.
+
+ Khedive. _See_ Ismail.
+
+ Kiel, i. 204.
+
+ Kitchener, Major (Lord), Rochefort's abuse of, ii. 358.
+
+ Klazko, Mgr., i. 272, 278, 294.
+
+ Knollys, Viscount, ii. 152.
+
+ Knowsley, Lyons at, ii. 222, 424.
+
+ Kroumirs, the, ii. 240, 301.
+
+
+ Lacour, M. Challemel, ii. 211, 257, 310;
+ becomes Foreign Minister, ii. 312;
+ on Egyptian question, ii. 316;
+ resignation of, ii. 320.
+
+ Lagarde, the Abbe, i. 385.
+
+ Land Bill (English), i. 294.
+
+ Landsturm Bill, ii. 62.
+
+ Lang-Son, French defeat at, ii. 349.
+
+ Lascelles, Sir Frank, i. 377.
+
+ La Tour d'Auvergne, La Prince de, i. 208, 233, 234, 240, 241, 308, 310.
+
+ La Valette, M. de, i. 206, 218, 223, 234, 242, 256, 261, 287, 298,
+ 300-303;
+ on home policy, i. 229;
+ and disarmament, i. 247;
+ on the Hohenzollern candidature, i. 295;
+ on political situation, i. 285.
+
+ Layard, Mr. (Sir Henry), i. 295, 347;
+ reports from Constantinople, ii. 123, 127;
+ the Anglo-Turkish Convention, ii. 140, 142, 143;
+ on Treaty of Berlin, ii. 160;
+ withdrawn from Constantinople, ii. 209;
+ letter to Lyons, ii. 137, 138.
+
+ League of Patriots, ii. 402.
+
+ Leboeuf, on France's readiness for war, i. 307.
+
+ Le Flo, General, ii. 29;
+ conversation with Alexander of Russia, ii. 52, 54.
+
+ Legh, Mr. (Lord Newton), ii. 220.
+
+ Legitimists, policy of, i. 228, 364, 368, ii. 15, 18, 25, 56;
+ and Comte de Chambord, ii. 7;
+ proposed fusion with Orleanists, ii. 21;
+ White Flag Manifesto, ii. 47.
+
+ Leighton, Sir Frederick, ii. 423.
+
+ Le Mans, Chanzy at, i. 348, 359.
+
+ Leo XIII., ii. 425.
+
+ Lesseps, M. de, ii. 86;
+ and Suez Canal Shares, ii. 90, 93, 321;
+ on Soudan expedition, ii. 343.
+
+ Levy, Mr., and the Enfida estate, ii. 238.
+
+ Lhuys, Drouyn de, i. 241.
+
+ _Liberte_, publishes secret negotiations, i. 301.
+
+ Lincoln, President Abraham, i. 29, 34, 47, 60, 65, 69, 81, 88, 93,
+ 98, 100, 115, 140;
+ issues proclamations of Emancipation, i. 95;
+ and the U.S. Army, i. 110.
+
+ Lindau, employed as secret agent by Bismarck, ii. 46.
+
+ Lindsay, Major-General, i. 129.
+
+ Lisbon, i. 144.
+
+ Little, Mrs., ii. 417.
+
+ Lobanoff, Prince, ii. 130.
+
+ Loftus, Lord Augustus, British Ambassador at Berlin, i. 250, 295;
+ despatches from, i. 218, 273, 276, 285, 293;
+ interview with Bismarck, i. 254, 261, 270, 275;
+ letters to Clarendon, i. 254, 270.
+
+ Longchamps, Reviews at, ii. 368, 369, 410.
+
+ Longworth, Mr., i. 161.
+
+ Lord Mayor, in Paris, ii. 64.
+
+ Lords, House of, Lyons vote in, i. 226, ii. 9, 336.
+
+ Lorraine. _See_ Alsace and Lorraine.
+
+ Louis XVI., i. 254.
+
+ Louis Philippe, i. 254.
+
+ Louis, Prince Imperial, ii. 102;
+ death of, ii. 190-193.
+
+ Lumley, British Minister at Brussels, ii. 75.
+
+ Luxembourg, report of cession to France, i. 165;
+ Prussia refuses consent to sell, i. 168;
+ conference in London, i. 169;
+ railway affair, i. 211, 257;
+ Commission in London, i. 219.
+
+ Lynch Law, i. 21.
+
+ Lyons, strength of garrisons at, i. 268, 349.
+
+ Lyons, Richard Bickerton Pemell, Lord, early life, i. 1;
+ succeeds to the peerage, i. 11;
+ Mission to Naples respecting _Cagliari_ case, i. 8-11;
+ appointed Minister at Florence, i. 11;
+ offer of the Washington Legation, i. 11;
+ with Prince of Wales in Canada, i. 25; a G.C.B., i. 76;
+ visits to Canada, i. 119, 134;
+ returns to London on account of ill-health, i. 89, 136;
+ resigns U.S. Legation, i. 139;
+ receives the degree of D.C.L., i. 144;
+ appointed to the Embassy at Constantinople, i. 144;
+ to Paris Embassy, i. 177;
+ removes with Embassy to Tours, i. 322;
+ to Bordeaux, i. 345;
+ returns to Paris, i. 375;
+ invited to represent England at Berlin Congress, ii. 125;
+ proffered resignation, ii. 394;
+ offer of Foreign Secretaryship, ii. 371;
+ termination of office, ii. 411;
+ created an earl, ii. 412;
+ death, ii. 412;
+ his personal characteristics, ii. 213-222, 412;
+ in private life, ii. 415.
+
+ Letters from Lyons--
+ to Lord Clarendon, i. 149, 152, 153, 206, 213, 219, 224, 227, 228,
+ 230, 233, 235, 239, 241, 244, 248, 256, 273, 280, 283, 285, 288,
+ 290.
+ to Earl Cowley, i. 154, 158, 174.
+ to Lord Derby, i. 156, ii. 54, 66, 95, 102, 107, 111, 112, 117,
+ 119, 127.
+ to Sir C. Dilke, ii. 254, 255.
+ to Lord Granville, i. 296, 299, 301, 303, 305, 308, 312, 315, 322,
+ 325, 329, 338, 350, 355, 356, 361, 365, 367, 371, 374, 376, 380,
+ 382, 385, 386, ii. 2, 7, 13, 15, 21, 24, 26, 34, 36, 37, 39, 47,
+ 48, 50, 223, 225, 226, 229, 230, 233, 235, 239, 243, 247, 248,
+ 249, 258, 261, 262, 263, 265, 271, 275, 278, 280, 281, 283, 286,
+ 292, 296, 298, 300, 302, 303, 308, 309, 312, 313, 314, 315, 317,
+ 319, 320, 321, 323, 326, 328, 330, 334, 338, 339, 341, 342, 345,
+ 350, 351, 352.
+ to Mr. Green, i. 158.
+ to Mr. Griffith, i. 28.
+ to Mr. Hammond, i. 127, 132, 309, 346.
+ to Sir Edmund Head, i. 39, 50.
+ to Lord Iddesleigh, ii. 375, 377, 378, 379, 381.
+ to Mr. Layard (Sir H.), i. 347, ii. 207.
+ to Captain Lyons, i. 5.
+ to Lady Lytton, ii. 209.
+ to Lord Malmesbury, i. 13, 14.
+ to Admiral Sir A. Milne, i. 104.
+ to Viscount Monck, i. 123.
+ to Duke of Newcastle, i. 28, 29.
+ to Lord Rosebery, ii. 363, 365, 366, 367, 368, 374.
+ to Lord John Russell, i. 17, 20, 21, 26, 30, 31, 36, 41, 42, 47, 55,
+ 57, 59, 65, 67, 71, 74, 82, 85, 88, 101, 102, 115, 120, 122, 128,
+ 136, 143, 145.
+ to Lord Odo Russell, ii. 30, 42, 51, 129.
+ to Lord Salisbury, ii. 134, 139, 145, 151, 152, 156, 165, 169, 171,
+ 180, 191, 192, 195, 196, 198, 202, 204, 357, 371, 383, 387, 388,
+ 389, 392, 394, 396, 398, 400, 402, 403, 404, 405, 410.
+ to Mr. Seward, i. 131, 140.
+ to Mr. Stuart, i. 139, 156.
+ to Lord Stanley (Earl Derby), i. 156, 159, 166, 179, 182, 186, 187,
+ 190, 197, 201, 203.
+ to Prince of Wales, ii. 98.
+
+ Lyons, Admiral Sir Edmund, first baron, i. 1.
+
+ Lyons, Captain Edmund, i. 5, ii. 417.
+
+ Lytton, Lord, ii. 52, 209;
+ succeeds Lyons at Paris Embassy, ii. 411;
+ letter to Lyons, ii. 60.
+
+
+ McClellan, General, i. 56, 57, 65, 89.
+
+ McHugh, Mr. James, i. 131.
+
+ McLane, Mr., i. 13, 14.
+
+ MacMahon, Marshal, i. 306, ii. 38;
+ succeeds Thiers as President, ii. 43;
+ and war scare, ii. 83;
+ policy of, ii. 56, 67, 97, 105, 111;
+ character, ii. 100;
+ Gambetta on, ii. 100;
+ election defeat, ii. 116;
+ resigns office, ii. 167.
+
+ MacMahon, Madame la Marechale, ii. 47, 114.
+
+ Madagascar, ii. 300, 301, 307, 318, 360, 380.
+
+ Magee, Mr., Consul at Mobile, i. 97, 121.
+
+ _Magicienne_, the, i. 100, 103.
+
+ Magne, M., finance minister, ii. 59.
+
+ Malet, Sir Edward, accompanies Lyons to the Washington Legation, i. 90;
+ on Lyons' work at, i. 137;
+ transferred to Lisbon, i. 140;
+ accompanies Lyons to Constantinople, i. 144;
+ to Paris, i. 177;
+ emissary to Bismarck, i. 318;
+ alluded to, i. 347, 377, 383, 387, ii. 128;
+ in Egypt, ii. 238, 271, 276;
+ letter to Lyons, i. 319.
+
+ Malmesbury, Lord, foreign secretary, i. 2, 8, ii. 11;
+ in the _Cagliari_ case, i. 10-14;
+ succeeded by Lord John Russell, i. 17.
+
+ Malta, i. 5, 146, ii. 139, 243, 288;
+ troops in, ii. 290;
+ Lyons' boyhood at, ii. 417.
+
+ Marne river, i. 345.
+
+ Marseilles, i. 349; riots at, ii. 248.
+
+ Martel, M., ii. 114.
+
+ Martin, Sir Theodore, i. 61.
+
+ Martino, ii. 177.
+
+ Marvin, Mr., ii. 143.
+
+ Mary, Grand Duchess, of Russia, i. 235.
+
+ Maryland, i. 60.
+
+ Mason, Mr., Confederate delegate to England, seized on board the
+ _Trent_, i. 54;
+ alluded to, i. 59, 60, 63, 74, 81;
+ failure of mission to Europe, i. 121.
+
+ Matamoros, i. 100, 104.
+
+ Mathilde, Princess, i. 223.
+
+ Mayence, i. 265.
+
+ Mazzinians, revolt of the, i. 9.
+
+ Mazzini, plot against Napoleon, i. 188.
+
+ Mediterranean, English power in, ii. 109, 113, 140, 200;
+ fleet ordered to Constantinople, ii. 123;
+ Indian troops in, ii. 132.
+
+ Mehmet Ali, ii. 276.
+
+ Menabrea, General, ii. 294;
+ on Sir J. Drummond Hay, ii. 329;
+ Ministry, i. 186.
+
+ Mentana, i. 178.
+
+ Mercantile Marine Law in France, ii. 24.
+
+ Mercier, M., French Minister in U.S.A., i. 32-34, 46, 66, 115, 156;
+ friendly relations with Lyons, i. 44, 54;
+ on _Trent_ case, i. 68, 70;
+ visits Confederate headquarters, i. 82;
+ on American Civil War, i. 82;
+ proposal of foreign intervention, i. 90, 96.
+
+ Merv, ii. 325.
+
+ Mesopotamia, Russian policy in, ii. 137.
+
+ Metternich, Prince, Austrian Ambassador in Paris, i. 287, 318, 338;
+ letter from Beust, ii. 35.
+
+ Metz, i. 304, 358;
+ French army at, i. 307, 321, 327;
+ capitulation of, i. 329, 351.
+
+ Mexico, United States policy in, i. 13, 15, 21;
+ expedition against, i. 70;
+ French in, i. 177, 218;
+ Emperor of, i. 133.
+
+ Michel, Louise, ii. 316.
+
+ Midhat Pasha, ii. 196.
+
+ Military attaches, i. 120.
+
+ Military efficiency, Lord Palmerston on, i. 48.
+
+ Militia regiments in U.S., i. 47, 50.
+
+ Milne, Admiral Sir A., i. 39, 52, 58, 59, 100, 104, 119.
+
+ Missouri, i. 60.
+
+ Mobile, i. 97, 121.
+
+ Mohrenheim, Baron, ii. 325.
+
+ Moldo-Wallachian Principalities, i. 148-150.
+
+ Moltke, General von, i. 354, 374, ii. 30;
+ on Germany's position in Europe, i. 196;
+ on Franco-Prussian relations, i. 201;
+ on relations with Russia, i. 202;
+ and Clarendon, i. 203;
+ and the war scare, ii. 74.
+
+ Monck, Lord, Governor-General of Canada, i. 60, 125, 126;
+ and Canadian defence, i. 132, 133.
+
+ _Moniteur_, article in, i. 159.
+
+ Monroe doctrine, i. 23.
+
+ Monson, Mr., attache at Washington, i. 87.
+
+ Montebello, M. de, ii. 165;
+ Eastern policy, ii. 225, 407.
+
+ Montenegro, ii. 142, 227;
+ surrender of Dulcigno to, ii. 232;
+ Prince of, ii. 226.
+
+ Montpensier, i. 294.
+
+ Moore, Mr., i. 122.
+
+ Morier, Sir Robert, quoted, i. 344, ii. 82.
+
+ Morocco, French policy in, ii. 386.
+
+ Morrill Tariff (U.S.), i. 57.
+
+ Moscow, coronation, ii. 314.
+
+ Mouchy, Duc de, i. 233.
+
+ Moustier, Marquis de, French Ambassador at Constantinople, i. 147,
+ 148, 153;
+ and Roumanian difficulty, i. 156, 158;
+ Eastern policy, i. 165, 186, 192;
+ and Prussia, i. 195;
+ succeeded by de la Valette, i. 206;
+ alluded to, i. 202, 203.
+
+ Muenster, Count, German Ambassador in London, ii. 75;
+ on the German army, ii. 80;
+ and French policy in Tunis, ii. 139;
+ at French Embassy, ii. 388, 410.
+
+ Muenster, Countess Marie, ii. 387.
+
+ Murat, Prince Joachim, i. 233.
+
+ Muscovite party, and Germany, i. 255.
+
+ Mussulmans, and the Roman Catholic Church, ii. 4;
+ population in Turkey, i. 161;
+ discontent among, i. 167;
+ position in Bulgaria, ii. 227.
+
+ Musurus Pasha, i. 152, 171, ii. 348.
+
+
+ Naples, i. 8, 146.
+
+ Napoleon III., Emperor of France, i. 8;
+ proposal of intervention in American Civil War, i. 92;
+ Pro-Russian sympathies, i. 165. 170;
+ foreign policy, i. 183, 187, 213, 215. 220, 238;
+ on foreign policy of Prussia, i. 192;
+ on Franco-Prussian situation, i. 203;
+ on Spanish affairs, i. 207;
+ love of Conferences, i. 209;
+ ill-health of, i. 236;
+ plot, against, i. 285;
+ position in France, i. 187, 197, 235;
+ home policy, i. 227-9, 232, 234, 237, 240, 250;
+ and Constitutional Government, i. 190, 274;
+ and the plebiscite, i. 280, 291;
+ disposition for peace, i.
+ 191, 296;
+ with the army, i. 307, 355;
+ question of restoration, ii. 17;
+ at Chislehurst, ii. 21;
+ death of, ii. 36;
+ Bismarck on, i. 254, 320, 333;
+ friendship for Clarendon, i. 201;
+ letter to Gramont, i. 304.
+
+ Napoleon, Prince, on the "Roman" question, i. 181;
+ on French foreign policy, i. 185;
+ on war with Germany, i. 191, 194, 203;
+ visit to Germany, i. 191;
+ Proclamation denouncing the Republic, ii. 305, 309;
+ arrest, ii. 308;
+ release, ii. 311;
+ expulsion from France, ii. 366;
+ alluded to, i. 235, ii. 2, 64, 191.
+
+ National Assembly, at Versailles, i. 373.
+
+ National Guards, defection of, i. 376;
+ at Courbevoie, i. 381.
+
+ Neapolitan troops, i. 9.
+
+ Nelidoff, M. de, ii. 389.
+
+ Newcastle, Duke of, Colonial Secretary, i. 24, 28, 29.
+
+ Newfoundland Fisheries, ii. 103, 153, 156, 197, 356, 384, 386.
+
+ Newfoundland, Governor of, on colonial questions, i. 292.
+
+ New Hampshire, i. 113.
+
+ New Hebrides, ii. 314, 374, 386, 388, 390, 407, 409.
+
+ New Orleans, i. 83; captured, i. 93.
+
+ New York, i. 111, 113, 115;
+ visit of Russian squadron to, i. 120.
+
+ Nice, ii. 26.
+
+ Nicholas, Grand Duke, ii. 137.
+
+ Niel, Marshal, orations by, i. 196.
+
+ Nigra, Italian minister in Paris, i. 186.
+
+ Noailles, Marquis de, ii. 197, 287.
+
+ Nobiling, attempt to assassinate German Emperor, ii. 146.
+
+ Noir, Victor, i. 244.
+
+ Norfolk, America, i. 83.
+
+ Norfolk, Duke of, i. 11, ii. 417.
+
+ Norfolk, Duchess of, i. 139, ii. 218, 373, 424.
+
+ Normanby, Lord, Minister at Florence, i. 7, 8, 87;
+ on Parliamentary voting, ii. 9.
+
+ Northbrook, Lord, mission to Cairo, ii. 332;
+ return to England, ii. 337.
+
+ North Carolina, revolt in, i. 35.
+
+ _North German Gazette_, articles in, i. 299, 305.
+
+ North Sea, Prussian fortifications on, i. 265.
+
+ Nothomb, Baron, ii. 74, 76.
+
+ Nubar Pasha, ii. 171, 204;
+ on Egyptian situation, ii. 278.
+
+ Nuncio, the, in Paris, i. 287-8, 387.
+
+
+ Oldenburg, Duke of, i. 266.
+
+ Ollivier, M. Emile, i. 240, ii. 35;
+ ministry of, i. 243;
+ policy of, i. 266;
+ and the plebiscite, i. 283, 284, 286;
+ on disarmament, i. 248, 283, 301;
+ resignation of, i. 307.
+
+ Omar Pasha, sent to Crete, i. 166.
+
+ Ordega, M., French Minister at Tangier, ii. 329.
+
+ _Orenoque_, at Civita Vecchia, ii. 55.
+
+ _Oreto_, the, i. 99.
+
+ Orleans, i. 336, 349.
+
+ Orleanists, i. 228, 349, 368, ii. 2, 15, 18, 21, 25, 56, 66, 106, 116;
+ Expulsion Bill, ii. 365, 366.
+
+ Orloff, Prince, Russian Ambassador at Paris, ii. 33, 34, 231;
+ policy in Central Asia, ii. 38;
+ conversation with Decazes, ii. 69;
+ withdrawn from Paris, ii. 207.
+
+ Osman Pasha, ii. 167.
+
+ Oxford, Lyons at, i. 1.
+
+
+ Pacific coast defence, i. 40.
+
+ Pagny, ii. 400.
+
+ Pain, Olivier, ii. 358.
+
+ Paladines, General d'Aurelle de, i. 336.
+
+ Palermo, i. 146.
+
+ Palikao, Count, i. 307.
+
+ Palmerston, Lord, on fight of Bull's Run, i. 48;
+ on foreign intervention in American Civil War, i. 92;
+ and Lyons, i. 144, ii. 11;
+ death of, i. 149 _n._
+
+ Papal government, i. 3, 4, 8, 184, ii. 31;
+ and Irish affairs, ii. 234-6.
+
+ Paris, Conference at, i. 153, 155;
+ Lyons appointed to the Embassy, i. 173, 177;
+ riots in, i. 286, 376, 386, ii. 316;
+ panic in, i. 306;
+ defences of, i. 317;
+ diplomatists leave, i. 322;
+ siege of, i. 348;
+ bombardment of, i. 356, 383;
+ military power in, i. 356;
+ Embassy returns to, i. 375;
+ Commune proclaimed, i. 379.
+
+ Paris Exhibition, ii. 161.
+
+ Paris, Treaty of, i. 337, 339.
+
+ Paris, Archbishop of, seized by Commune, i. 384;
+ killed, i. 386.
+
+ Paris, Comte de, ii. 8, 21, 25, 48, 56, 365, 366, 382.
+
+ Park, engineer on the _Cagliari_, i. 9.
+
+ Parnell, Mr., ii. 234.
+
+ Pasquier, Duc d'Audiffret, ii. 117.
+
+ Pau, ii. 22.
+
+ Pauncefote and Egyptian Commission, ii. 353.
+
+ Pearson, Mr., ii. 417.
+
+ Peel, Sir Robert, attack on Lyons, i. 324, ii. 129.
+
+ Penjdeh, fight at, ii. 348.
+
+ Persia, Shah of, visit to Berlin, ii. 354.
+
+ Persian Gulf, Russian policy in, ii. 352.
+
+ Peruvian Papers, i. 32.
+
+ _Peterhoff_, the, i. 100, 103.
+
+ Petre, Mr., i. 2.
+
+ Philippines, German interest in, ii. 60.
+
+ Picard, M., i. 358, 387.
+
+ Pines, Isle of, ii. 362, 364.
+
+ Pius IX., ii. 423.
+
+ Playfair, Colonel, i. 382.
+
+ Poland, French policy in, i. 177, ii. 345.
+
+ Polish Party, intrigues of, i. 272.
+
+ Ponza island, i. 9.
+
+ Portland, U.S.A., i. 81.
+
+ Portugal, independence threatened, ii. 39.
+
+ Postage, international, i. 211.
+
+ Pothuau, Admiral, French ambassador, ii. 203, 210.
+
+ Potomac, i. 59; army of the, i. 128.
+
+ Prague, Treaty of, i. 204.
+
+ Prince Consort, advice in _Trent_ case, i. 61, 77.
+
+ Prince Eugene Barracks, i. 286.
+
+ Protection in U.S.A., i. 18.
+
+ Protection, growth of, in France, i. 241, 243, 245, 284, ii. 3, 27,
+ 165, 244, 257.
+ _See also_ COMMERCIAL TREATIES.
+
+ Protestants in Papal dominions, i. 4.
+
+ Provincetown, i. 74.
+
+ Prussia (_see also_ Germany and Franco-German War), proposed
+ intervention in American Civil War, i. 91;
+ irritation against, in Paris, i. 165;
+ alliance with Italy, i. 178;
+ refuses consent to sell Luxembourg, i. 168;
+ relations with Austria, i. 186;
+ armament of, i. 192;
+ desire for peace, i. 201;
+ relations with Russia, i. 202;
+ question of disarmament, i. 246;
+ and Hohenzollern candidature in Spain, i. 294.
+
+
+ Quebec, i. 116, 133.
+
+ Quertier, M. Pouyer, ii. 23, 24.
+
+
+ Raby, ii. 424.
+
+ Radowitz, M., ii. 130, 231.
+
+ Rahming, i. 132.
+
+ Raindre, M. de, ii. 317.
+
+ Rastadt, Prussian troops at, i. 302.
+
+ Reciprocity Treaties, i. 17, 50, 74, 123.
+
+ Recruiting methods in American Civil War, i. 110, 133.
+
+ Redcliffe, Lord Stratford de, ii. 424;
+ letter to Lyons, i. 150.
+
+ Regnier, M., and General Bourbaki, i. 327.
+
+ Remusat, M. de, ii. 23, 25.
+
+ _Republique Francaise_, anti-English articles in, ii. 180, 302.
+
+ Reunion, ii. 198.
+
+ Rhenish Prussia, i. 193.
+
+ Rhodes, ii. 159.
+
+ Riaz Pasha, ii. 203.
+
+ Richmond, U.S.A., Confederate headquarters, i. 82, 93, 133.
+
+ Ring, M. de, ii. 182, 238.
+
+ Rio Grande, i. 100.
+
+ Ripley, General, i. 94.
+
+ Ripon, Lord, mission to Washington, i. 190.
+
+ Rochebouet, General, ii. 120.
+
+ Rochefort, M. de, i. 230, 244, 313, 358, 363.
+
+ Rogers, Mr., ii. 425.
+
+ Rome, i. 2.
+
+ "Roman question," i. 178, 182, 231.
+
+ Rosebery, Lord, visit to Bismarck, ii. 353;
+ at Foreign Office, ii. 361;
+ retires from office, ii. 371;
+ letters to Lyons, ii. 363, 374.
+
+ Rothschild, Baron Alphonse de, ii. 312, 315, 405.
+
+ Rothschild, Sir Nathaniel, ii. 93, 315.
+
+ Rothschild, Messrs., ii. 90, 175.
+
+ Rouher, M., i. 228, 233, 244, 285, ii. 8;
+ foreign policy, i. 178, 183, 184, 254;
+ resignation of, i. 234, 237.
+
+ Roumania, i. 155, 156, ii. 131.
+
+ Roumelia, ii. 145, 227, 360.
+
+ Roustan. M., French Agent at Tunis, ii. 240, 248.
+
+ Rouvier, M., ii. 335;
+ becomes President, ii. 404.
+
+ Russell, Lord John (Earl Russell), at Foreign Office, i. 17;
+ appoints Lyons attache at Rome, i. 2, ii. 11;
+ policy in U.S.A., i. 37, 38, 61, 76, 90, 101, 127;
+ dislike of Seward, i. 118, 123;
+ his appreciation of Lyons, i. 141;
+ offers Lyons Constantinople Embassy, i. 144, ii. 11;
+ succeeded by Clarendon, i. 149;
+ visit to Paris, i. 283, 284;
+ to Versailles, i. 345;
+ letters to Lyons, i. 19, 37, 52, 62, 64, 92, 98, 99, 118, 132, 141.
+
+ Russell, Odo (Lord Ampthill), on Roman question, i. 187;
+ meets Bismarck at Versailles, i. 339;
+ conversation with Bismarck, ii. 55;
+ on Bismarck's policy, ii. 60, 73, 87;
+ and the Constantinople Congress, ii. 145;
+ alluded to, ii. 71, 236, 345, 354;
+ letters to Derby, ii. 61, 72, 74, 77;
+ letters to Lyons, i. 184, ii. 29, 31, 40, 45, 52, 130;
+ despatch from, ii. 96.
+
+ Russell, W. H., quoted, i. 35.
+
+ Russia, policy in America, i. 91;
+ and the Treaty of Paris, i. 337;
+ foreign policy of, i. 354, ii. 33, 75, 76;
+ relations with Prussia, i. 202, 260, 268, ii. 42, 324;
+ and Denmark, i. 355;
+ policy in Turkey, i. 154, 159, 166, 209, 351;
+ in Eastern question, i. 164, 186, ii. 85;
+ in Asia, ii. 38, 345;
+ reputed ill-will to England, ii. 71;
+ military honour of, ii. 352.
+
+ Russo-Turkish War, ii. 109, 121.
+
+
+ Sackville, Lord, i. 41.
+
+ Sadowa, i. 185, 202, 301, ii. 36.
+
+ St. Albans (Amer.), raid of, i. 135.
+
+ St. Cloud, i. 197, 203, 208, 233.
+
+ St. Denis, i. 382.
+
+ St. Germain, i. 375.
+
+ St. Hilaire, M. Barthelemy, at Foreign Office, ii. 229, 213, 248.
+
+ St. Lawrence, i. 133.
+
+ St. Malo, i. 347, ii. 22.
+
+ St. Paul, M. de, ii. 114.
+
+ St. Petersburg, i. 162, 317.
+
+ St. Quentin, defeat of French at, i. 359.
+
+ St. Thomas, U.S. ships at, i. 104, 105.
+
+ St. Vallier, Comte de, ii. 136.
+
+ _St. Vincent_, deserters from, i. 111.
+
+ Salisbury, Lord, on Derby's foreign policy, ii. 105;
+ at Constantinople Conference, ii. 107, 108;
+ at the Foreign Office, ii. 132, 356;
+ on government of Orientals, ii. 178;
+ and Tunis, ii. 250;
+ and Mgr. Czacki, ii. 233, 234;
+ succeeded by Rosebery, ii. 361;
+ Layard on, ii. 138;
+ letters to Lyons, ii. 133, 140, 142, 144, 158, 172, 173, 175,
+ 176, 178, 180, 185, 187, 188, 190, 193, 242, 371, 386, 391,
+ 395, 409;
+ letter to Waddington, ii. 148.
+
+ Salzburg, ii. 47.
+
+ Sanford, Mr., i. 44.
+
+ _San Jacinto_, American warship, i. 54.
+
+ San Juan, disputed ownership of, i. 18, 23, 29, 30;
+ Company of Marines on, i. 43.
+
+ San Stefano, Treaty of, ii. 124, 131, 136, 137, 144.
+
+ Sapri, i. 9.
+
+ Sardinia, i. 8, 10.
+
+ Saumarez, Lord de, i. 377.
+
+ Saussier, General, ii. 367.
+
+ Savannah, i. 94.
+
+ Savoy, i. 382.
+
+ Saxony, i. 193.
+
+ Saxony, Crown Prince of, i. 387.
+
+ Say, M. Leon, Minister of Finance, ii. 119, 181, 200;
+ elected President of the Senate, ii. 210;
+ Eastern policy, ii. 225;
+ refuses office in Gambetta ministry, ii. 262.
+
+ Schnaebele, M., ii. 400, 401.
+
+ Schouvaloff, Count, Russian Ambassador in London, ii. 76, 80, 88,
+ 140, 142.
+
+ Schwarzenberg, Prince, i. 272.
+
+ Scotland, Papal Government's plans in, i. 4.
+
+ Scott, General, i. 19, 47, 64, 68.
+
+ Sedan, i. 351, ii. 17.
+
+ Seine, English merchant ships sunk in, i. 344;
+ Prefect of the, ii. 65.
+
+ Semmes, Captain, i. 105.
+
+ Servians and the Fortress of Belgrade, i. 161.
+
+ Seward, Mr., i. 29;
+ appointed Secretary of State, U.S.A., i. 30;
+ policy of, i. 31 _et seq._;
+ advocates annexation of Canada, i. 40;
+ in the _Trent_ case, i. 65 _et seq._;
+ friendly relations with England, i. 80;
+ on the war, i. 92;
+ and Conscription Act, i. 115;
+ proposes state visit to England, i. 117-9;
+ correspondence with, i. 121;
+ letter to Lyons, i. 141.
+
+ Seymour, Mr., i. 140.
+
+ Seymour, Admiral Sir Beauchamp (Lord Alcester), ii. 228.
+
+ Sfax, insurrections at, ii. 249.
+
+ Sheffield, Mr. George, Private Secretary to Lyons, i. 90, 136;
+ sent to Frankfort, i. 140;
+ accompanies Lyons to Constantinople, i. 144;
+ to Paris, i. 177, 347, 377, ii. 98, 128, 204, 397, 427;
+ conversations with Gambetta, ii. 226, 237.
+
+ "Shifting Scenes" quoted, i. 137.
+
+ Shumla, ii. 137, 138.
+
+ Siam, ii. 358.
+
+ Simon, M. Jules, i. 387;
+ Prime Minister, ii. 106;
+ turned out of office, ii. 111.
+
+ Sinkat, ii. 322.
+
+ Slave trade in America, i. 20, 34;
+ proclamations of Emancipation, i. 95.
+
+ Slave Trade Treaty, i. 85.
+
+ Slidell, Mr., Confederate delegate to England seized on board the
+ _Trent_, i. 54, 59, 60, 63, 74, 81;
+ failure of mission to Europe, i. 121;
+ Mr. Benjamin's letter to, i. 122.
+
+ Smyrna, proposed seizure of, ii. 228, 230.
+
+ Socialism in France, i. 280.
+
+ Somaliland coast troubles, ii. 362, 363, 409.
+
+ Soudan, Hicks Pasha's disaster, ii. 320, 321;
+ Baker Pasha's defeat, ii. 323;
+ affairs in, ii. 343.
+
+ Spain, internal affairs of, i. 200, 207, 221, ii. 39-41;
+ the Hohenzollern candidature, i. 294;
+ in Mexico, i. 70;
+ commercial relations with France, ii. 26;
+ in Constantinople Conference, ii. 109;
+ King of, mobbed in Paris, ii. 319.
+
+ Spueller, M., ii. 197, 263.
+
+ Stackelberg, on the Turco-Greek question, i. 206.
+
+ _Standard_, the, on Franco-German relations, ii. 382.
+
+ Stanley, Dean, ii. 193.
+
+ Stanley, Lord (Earl of Derby), becomes Foreign Secretary, i. 156_n._;
+ diplomatic views, i. 161;
+ on the Cretan quarrel, i. 163;
+ on the Luxembourg difficulty, i. 169;
+ offers Paris Embassy to Lyons, i. 173;
+ on the Roman question, i. 178, 181;
+ American policy, i. 188;
+ and Franco-Prussian situation, i. 195, 203;
+ succeeded by Clarendon, i. 206;
+ and Prussian disarmament, i. 246;
+ on Parliamentary vote, ii. 10, 11;
+ at the Foreign Office, ii. 54, 123;
+ resignation of, ii. 132;
+ foreign policy, ii. 105, 107;
+ in Egypt, ii. 104, 122;
+ in Russo-Turkish War, ii. 121;
+ in the Eastern Question, ii. 95, 125;
+ in French politics, ii. 64, 112;
+ and the Suez Canal Shares, ii. 93;
+ Bismarck's dislike of, ii. 353, 354;
+ letters to Lyons, i. 164, 168, 195, ii. 71, 86, 87, 91, 121, 125;
+ letter to Odo Russell, ii. 75.
+
+ Stanton, General, and the Suez Canal Shares, ii. 87, 90.
+
+ Staveley, Mr., letter to Lyons, i. 226.
+
+ Stewart, Lady Phillippa, ii. 427.
+
+ Stoeckl, M. de, Russian Minister in U.S.A., i. 32, 33.
+
+ Stoffel, Colonel, military reports of, ii. 50.
+
+ Strasburg, i. 321, 358.
+
+ Stuart, Lord, ii. 9.
+
+ Stuart, Mr., Charge d'affaires in Washington, i. 89, 92, 116.
+
+ Suakim, French consul at, ii. 362.
+
+ Suez Canal, i. 156, 221, 222;
+ Anglo-French relations in, ii. 287, 289, 321;
+ Commission, ii. 348, 352, 362, 363, 375, 388-91.
+
+ Suez Canal Shares, Khedive prepares to sell, ii. 85;
+ purchased by England, ii. 90, 96.
+
+ Sumner, Mr., i. 41, 85, 119, 120.
+
+ Sunderland. Rev. Dr., on the _Trent_ case, i. 76.
+
+ Sweden, King and Queen of, visit to Berlin, ii. 81.
+
+ Switzerland, i. 198, 363;
+ proposed Confederation with South German States, i. 204, 205;
+ and Savoy, i. 382;
+ Commercial Treaty, ii. 8;
+ Protectionist policy, ii. 255.
+
+ Syria, Russia in, ii. 137, 141.
+
+
+ Tahiti, ii. 198.
+
+ Tangier, ii. 386.
+
+ Tariff Bill, U.S.A., i. 50.
+
+ Tel-el-Kebir, ii. 285.
+
+ Tennessee, i. 85.
+
+ Tenterden, Lord, letter to Lyons, ii. 90;
+ on Egypt, ii. 271.
+
+ Tewfik, Prince, ii. 174;
+ proclaimed Khedive, ii. 185;
+ plot to dethrone, ii. 261;
+ proposal to depose, ii. 278, 280.
+
+ Texas, i. 31.
+
+ Therapia, ii. 417.
+
+ Thibaudin, General, ii. 312, 319.
+
+ Thiers, M., foreign policy, i. 185, 338, 347, 368, 373, 378,
+ ii. 19, 43;
+ and the political crisis, i. 282, 284;
+ on Napoleon III., i. 221, ii. 36;
+ interview with Lyons, i. 311;
+ mission to the Powers, i. 315, 317, 335;
+ on causes of the war, i. 316;
+ interview with Clarendon, i. 323;
+ interviews with Bismarck, i. 329, 331, 342, 353, 358;
+ peace efforts, i. 345, 347, 349, 369-71, ii. 29;
+ on the situation in Prussia, i. 332;
+ favours a republic, i. 362, 372;
+ in the National Assembly, i. 365, ii. 1;
+ commercial policy, i. 245, ii. 3, 5, 24;
+ made President, ii. 14;
+ tenders resignation, ii. 21;
+ and military re-organization, ii. 27, 29;
+ ill-health, ii. 31;
+ and the Triple Alliance, ii. 42;
+ succeeded by MacMahon, ii. 43;
+ home policy, ii. 34, 64, _et passim_;
+ Gambetta on, ii. 99.
+
+ Thile, Prussian Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, i. 305.
+
+ Thouvenel, M., i. 44, 63, 66, 67.
+
+ Three Emperors Alliance, ii. 131, 145, 237.
+
+ _Thunderer_, H.M.S., ii. 239.
+
+ _Times_, references to, ii. 258, 303, 335, 343, 358.
+
+ Tirard, M., Minister of Commerce, ii. 253.
+
+ Tissot, M., i. 350, ii. 205;
+ at Constantinople, ii. 210, 300.
+
+ Tonquin, French affairs in, ii. 302, 307, 318, 320, 322, 327, 334,
+ 337, 340, 342, 344, 350, 360, 369, 380.
+
+ Toulon, i. 349.
+
+ Tours, i. 315, 324, 345.
+
+ _Trent_ case, i. 29, 54-78, 101, 103.
+
+ Tripartite Treaty, ii. 141, 142.
+
+ Triple Entente foreseen by Thiers, ii. 39.
+
+ Tripoli, ii. 105; Italy in, ii. 251.
+
+ Trochu, General, i. 303, 307, 318, 345, 354, 358, 359, 361.
+
+ Trower, Major, ii. 424.
+
+ Troyes, i. 197.
+
+ Tuilleries, balls at the, i. 245, 288.
+
+ Tunis, i. 8, 221;
+ French position in, i. 199, ii. 55, 139, 154, 163, 164, 173, 238,
+ 350;
+ French Protectorate established, ii. 243;
+ proposed Commission at, i. 206;
+ Germany in, ii. 55;
+ Italy in, ii. 105, 139.
+
+ Tunis, Bey of, i. 148.
+
+ Turkey, financial affairs, i. 146, 149, _et seq._, ii. 208;
+ bankruptcy of, ii. 84;
+ navy of, i. 151;
+ condition in 1866, i. 159;
+ in Crete, i. 208;
+ in Egypt, ii. 272, 276, 281, 321;
+ policy of Russia in, i. 159, 166, 351;
+ Prussian opinion of, i. 193.
+
+ Turco-Greece affairs, i. 206, 209, 210.
+
+ Turkey, Sultan of, and Khedive Ismail, i. 221;
+ and French Ambassador, ii. 32.
+
+ Tuscany, i. 2, 7.
+
+
+ Ultramontane Party in Belgium, ii. 68.
+
+ Ultramontanes, Bismarck's contest with, ii. 49, 50, 55, 81.
+
+ United States Legation, represents Prussia in France, i. 308, 309.
+
+ _Univers_, the, ii. 51.
+
+
+ Vacoufs, question of secularization, i. 147.
+
+ Varna, ii. 137, 138.
+
+ Varzin, Bismarck at, i. 299, ii. 70.
+
+ Vattel, i. 64.
+
+ Venables, Mrs. Lister, ii. 417.
+
+ Versailles, diplomatic meetings at, i. 330, 337, 345, 358;
+ peace negotiations at, i. 368;
+ National Assembly established at, i. 373;
+ Government retires to, i. 376;
+ Thiers at, ii. 3, 21;
+ MacMahon at, ii. 44.
+
+ Vevey, ii. 90.
+
+ Victor Emmanuel (King of Italy), i. 178, 183, 201.
+
+ Victor, Prince, expulsion from France, ii. 366.
+
+ Victoria, Queen, letter to President Buchanan, i. 26;
+ and _Trent_ case, i. 61;
+ Sultan's wish to visit, i. 171;
+ reported plot against, i. 188;
+ visit to Paris, i. 197, 198;
+ on France in Belgium, i. 211;
+ and the Empress Eugenie, i. 222;
+ on Prussian disarmament, i. 250;
+ on French disarmament, i. 259;
+ and the Hohenzollern candidature i. 297;
+ and exiled royalties, ii. 23;
+ opening speech on Russo-Turkish war, ii. 123;
+ projected visit to Paris Exhibition, ii. 162;
+ and Lyons, i. 76, 144, ii. 354, 397.
+
+ Vienna, i. 140.
+
+ Villiers, Colonel the Hon. George, report on French army, ii. 310.
+
+ Vinoy, General, i. 345.
+
+ Virginia, i. 60, 85, 93.
+
+ Vivian, Mr., H.B.M. Agent at Cairo, ii. 172, 173, 177.
+
+ Vogue, Comte de, ii. 32.
+
+
+ Waddington, M., Minister for Foreign Affairs, ii. 119;
+ and foreign policy, ii. 123;
+ on Egyptian affairs, ii. 133, 171, 176, 180, 338, 389;
+ and Bismarck, ii. 168;
+ internal policy, ii. 147, 148, 195;
+ despatches, ii. 158;
+ resigns office, ii. 201;
+ a Free Trader, ii. 257;
+ and the Ferry Ministry, ii. 313;
+ Lyons on, ii. 145.
+
+ Wagner, opera in Paris, ii. 403.
+
+ Wales, Prince of (Edward VII.), visit to Canada, i. 24, 25;
+ visit to U.S.A., i. 27, 86, 117;
+ visits to Paris, i. 199; ii. 136, 139, 162, 328;
+ at Paris Exhibition, ii. 161;
+ proposed visit to South of France ii. 26;
+ visit to Paris abandoned, ii. 311;
+ and Thiers, ii. 29;
+ attacked in French press, ii. 152;
+ interview with Gambetta, ii. 156;
+ anti-Turkish opinions, i. 162.
+
+ Wales, Princess of (Queen Alexandra), i. 99, 199.
+
+ Walker, Colonel, British military attache at Berlin, i. 219, 372.
+
+ Walker, Mr., despatch to Lord Russell, i. 122.
+
+ Walpole, Lord, i. 6.
+
+ Warre, Mr., i. 14, 17, 87.
+
+ Washbourne, Mr., American Minister in Paris, i. 384.
+
+ Washington, Lyons appointed to Legation, i. 11;
+ Lyons at, i. 23;
+ society in, i. 87;
+ climate of, i. 119;
+ official figures of despatches to and from in 1864, i. 137;
+ work of the Chancery, i. 138.
+
+ Watt, engineer on the _Cagliari_, i. 9.
+
+ Weiss, appointment by Gambetta, ii. 266.
+
+ Welles, Mr., Secretary to U.S. Navy, i. 58, 101, 103, 119.
+
+ Werther, Prussian Ambassador at Paris, ii. 299.
+
+ West Indies, proposals for defence, i. 40.
+
+ Westminster Abbey, ii. 193.
+
+ Westmoreland, Lord, on Parliamentary vote, ii. 10.
+
+ Wheaton on international law, i. 40, 64.
+
+ White Flag manifesto, ii. 57, 58, 65, 66.
+
+ Wilhelmshoehe, i. 333.
+
+ Wilkes, Captain (of the _San Jacinto_), i. 58, 64, 100, 105.
+
+ Wilmington, Vigilance Committee at, i. 35.
+
+ Wilson, M. Daniel, on the Franco-Prussian war, i. 328.
+
+ Wilson, Sir C. Rivers, Minister of Finance in Egypt, ii. 153, 171,
+ 173, 175, 178, 188, 271, 313.
+
+ Winchester, Lyons at, i. 1.
+
+ Wistar, General, i. 112.
+
+ Woburn, Lyons at, ii. 219, 222, 424.
+
+ Wodehouse, Mr. Henry, i. 342, 377;
+ letter to Lyons, i. 343.
+
+ Wood, Mr., despatch from, ii. 55.
+
+ Wolff, Sir H. Drummond, question on Tunis, ii. 239;
+ mission to the Porte, ii. 376, 387, 389, 391, 407, 409.
+
+ Wolseley, Sir Garnet, in Egypt, i. 299, 358.
+
+ Wuertemberg and Confederation, i. 193, 266.
+
+ Wurtzburg, Baron, i. 11, ii. 417.
+
+ Wurtzburg, Baroness, ii. 424.
+
+
+ Young Turk Party, i. 167.
+
+
+ Zanzibar, ii. 378.
+
+ Zululand expedition, ii. 190.
+
+
+
+
+THE END
+
+
+
+
+ PRINTED BY
+ WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
+ LONDON AND BECCLES.
+
+ Telegrams:
+ "Scholarly, London." 41 and 43 Maddox Street,
+ Bond Street, London, W.
+ Telephone: _September, 1913._
+ No. 1883 Mayfair.
+
+ Mr. Edward Arnold's
+
+ AUTUMN
+ ANNOUNCEMENTS, 1913.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ LORD LYONS.
+
+ A Record of British Diplomacy.
+
+ By the Right Hon. LORD NEWTON.
+
+ _With Portraits. In Two Volumes._ =30s. net.=
+
+The late Lord Lyons was not only the most prominent but the most trusted
+English diplomatist of his day, and so great was the confidence felt in
+his ability that he was paid the unique compliment of being offered the
+post of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
+
+Lord Newton, who has now undertaken the task of preparing a memoir of
+him, enjoys the advantage of having served under him for five years at
+the Paris Embassy. The interest of this work lies, however, less in the
+personality of the Ambassador than in the highly important events in
+which he played so prominent a part.
+
+Lord Lyons was the British representative at Washington during
+the period of the Civil War; subsequently he was Ambassador at
+Constantinople for two years; and finally he spent twenty years--from
+1867 to 1887--as Ambassador at Paris. During the whole of this eventful
+period his advice was constantly sought by the Home Government upon
+every foreign question of importance, and his correspondence throws
+fresh light upon obscure passages in diplomatic history.
+
+In this book will be found hitherto unpublished information relating to
+such matters as the critical relations between England and the United
+States during the course of the Civil War; the political situation in
+France during the closing years of the Second Empire; the secret attempt
+made by the British Foreign Secretary to avert the Franco-German War,
+and the explanation of its failure; the internal and external policy
+of France during the early years of the Third Republic; the War Scare
+of 1875; the Congress of Berlin; the Egyptian Expedition; Anglo-French
+political relations, and many other matters of interest.
+
+The method selected by the writer has been to reproduce all important
+correspondence verbatim, and it may be confidently asserted that the
+student of foreign politics will find in this work a valuable record of
+modern diplomatic history.
+
+ LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD, 41 & 43 MADDOX STREET. W.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+
+ THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF
+ GEORGE WILLIAM FREDERICK,
+ FOURTH EARL OF CLARENDON.
+
+ By the Right Hon. Sir HERBERT MAXWELL, Bart.
+
+ _In Two Volumes. With Portraits. Demy 8vo._ =30s. net.=
+
+Born in the year 1800 and dying in 1870, Lord Clarendon lived through
+a period of social, political, and economic change more rapid probably
+than had been witnessed in any similar space of time in the previous
+history of mankind. It was his lot, moreover, to wield considerable
+influence over the course of affairs, inasmuch as his public service,
+extending over fifty years, caused him to be employed in a succession
+of highly responsible, and even critical, situations. British Minister
+at Madrid at the outbreak and during the course of the Carlist Civil
+War from 1833 to 1839, he was admitted into Lord Melbourne's Cabinet
+immediately upon returning to England in the latter year. He was Lord
+Lieutenant of Ireland throughout the memorable famine years, 1847-1852.
+Relieved of that arduous post, Lord Clarendon entered Lord Aberdeen's
+government in 1852 as Foreign Secretary, which office he retained
+through the Crimean War, and became responsible for the terms of the
+Treaty of Paris in 1856. On Lord Palmerston's death in 1865, he returned
+to the Foreign Office, and had to deal with the settlement of the
+"Alabama" claims.
+
+The annals of the first half of Queen Victoria's reign having been
+pretty thoroughly explored and dealt with by many competent writers, the
+chief interest in these pages will be found in Lord Clarendon's private
+correspondence, which has been well preserved, and has been entrusted to
+Sir Herbert Maxwell for the purpose of this memoir. Lord Clarendon was
+a fluent and diligent correspondent; Charles Greville and others among
+his contemporaries frequently expressed a hope that his letters should
+some day find their way into literature. Sir Arthur Helps, for instance,
+wrote as follows in _Macmillan's Magazine_: "Lord Clarendon was a man
+who indulged, notwithstanding his public labours, in an immense private
+correspondence. There were some persons to whom, I believe, he wrote
+daily, and perhaps in after years we shall be favoured--those of us
+who live to see it--with a correspondence which will enlighten us as
+to many of the principal topics of our own period." It is upon this
+correspondence that Sir Herbert Maxwell has chiefly relied in tracing
+the motives, principles, and conduct of one of the last Whig statesmen.
+Among the letters dealt with, and now published for the first time, are
+those from Lord Melbourne, Lord Palmerston, Lord Aberdeen, Lord Derby,
+M. Thiers, M. Guizot, the Emperor Louis Napoleon, etc., and many ladies.
+
+
+WILLIAM AUGUSTUS, DUKE OF CUMBERLAND, HIS EARLY LIFE AND TIMES,
+1721-1748.
+
+By the Hon. EVAN CHARTERIS,
+
+AUTHOR OF "AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND, 1744-1746."
+
+_With Plans and Illustrations._ =12s. 6d. net.= [_In preparation._
+
+Mr. Charteris has a good subject in "Butcher" Cumberland, not only on
+account of the historical and romantic interest of his background, but
+also by reason of the Duke's baneful reputation.
+
+In the present volume the author has carried the career of the Duke of
+Cumberland down to the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. The period includes
+the Duke's campaigns in Flanders against Marshal Saxe, the Battle of
+Culloden, and the measures taken for the suppression of the Jacobites in
+Scotland. Mr. Charteris has had the exceptional advantage of studying
+the Cumberland Papers at Windsor Castle, and it is largely by the aid
+of hitherto unpublished documents that he is now able to throw fresh
+light on a character which has been the subject of so much malevolent
+criticism. At the same time the volume deals with the social and
+political conditions among which Cumberland was called on to play so
+important a part in the life of the nation. These have been treated by
+the author with some fulness of detail. Cumberland, in spite of his
+foreign origin, was remarkably typical of the characteristics of the
+earlier Georgian period, and an endeavour has been made in the present
+volume to establish the link between the Duke and the politics, the
+morals, the aims, and the pursuits of the age in which he lived.
+
+
+MY ART AND MY FRIENDS.
+
+THE REMINISCENCES OF SIR F. H. COWEN.
+
+_With Portrait. Demy 8vo._ =10s. 6d. net.=
+
+In the course of a long and distinguished musical career, Sir Frederic
+Cowen has had opportunities of visiting many parts of the world, of
+meeting all the most eminent artists of the last half-century, and
+of amassing material for an extremely diverting volume of personal
+recollections. As a child he enjoyed the privilege of being embraced
+by the great Piccolomini; as a young man he toured with Trebelli,
+and became acquainted with the famous Rubinstein, with Buelow, and
+with Joachim. In later life he numbered such well-known musicians as
+Pachmann, Paderewski, Sir Arthur Sullivan, and the de Reszkes, among his
+friends. Nor was the circle of his intimates entirely confined to the
+world of music; he was on terms of the closest friendship with Corney
+Grain, with George Grossmith and Arthur Cecil; he capped the puns of
+Henry J. Byron and Sir Francis Burnand; he laughed at the practical
+jokes of Toole, at the caricatures which Phil May drew for him of
+his friends. To the public Sir Frederick Cowen is well known as the
+conductor of Covent Garden Promenade and Philharmonic Concerts, as the
+composer of such celebrated songs as "The Better Land" and "The Promise
+of Life," of "The Corsair" and "The Butterfly's Ball." In these pages
+he shows himself to be a keen but kindly student of human nature, who
+can describe the various experiences of his past life with a genial but
+humorous pen. The inexhaustible fund of anecdote from which he draws
+tends still further to enliven an amusing and lively volume.
+
+
+A CIVIL SERVANT IN BURMA.
+
+By Sir HERBERT THIRKELL WHITE, K.C.I.E.
+
+_With 16 Pages of Illustrations. Demy 8vo._ =12s. 6d. net.=
+
+Sir Herbert Thirkell White, who has but recently retired from the post
+of Lieutenant-Governor of Burma, which he filled with ability and
+distinction, has now written what he modestly calls a "plain story" of
+more than thirty years of official life in India. In this volume are
+narrated the experiences of an Indian Civilian who has devoted the best
+part of his existence to the service of the Empire, and is in a position
+to speak with assurance of the many complicated problems with which the
+white man in India is continually faced. Sir Herbert's acquaintance with
+Burma began in 1878; since then he has had every opportunity of judging
+the peculiar habits, customs, and characteristics of the native Burmese,
+and has been able to compile a valuable record of the impressions they
+have made upon his mind. It was his fate to hold official positions
+of increasing importance during the Viceroyalties of Lord Ripon, Lord
+Dufferin, and Lord Curzon; he was privileged to serve such distinguished
+chiefs as Sir Charles Bernard and Sir Charles Crosthwaite, and witnessed
+that pacification of Burma which the last-named Chief Commissioner has
+described so eloquently in his well-known book on the subject. Sir
+Herbert writes clearly and with knowledge of every aspect of Burmese
+life and character, and this volume of his recollections should prove
+extremely popular among English readers who are interested in the
+government of our Indian Empire and the daily routine of the Indian
+Civil Servant.
+
+
+THIRTY YEARS IN KASHMIR.
+
+By ARTHUR NEVE, F.R.C.S.E.
+
+_With Illustrations and a Map. Demy 8vo._ =12s. 6d. net.=
+
+The stupendous natural surroundings amidst which they dwell have
+inspired sojourners in Kashmir and other Himalayan countries to produce
+some of the finest books of travel to be found. Among them will have to
+be included in future this book of Dr. Arthur Neve's, so effectively
+does the author reveal the wonders of the land of towering peaks and
+huge glaciers where he has made his home for the last thirty years.
+
+Going out to Kashmir in 1882 under the auspices of the Church Missionary
+Society, Dr. Neve took over the charge of the Kashmir Mission Hospital
+at Srinagur from Dr. Edmund Downes, who was retiring, and has stayed
+there ever since. In his earlier chapters he gives some account of the
+Punjab and Kashmir in the eighties, and also of the work of the mission.
+He then gets to the principal motif of the book--the exploring tours and
+mountaineering expeditions to which he has devoted his spare time. Nanga
+Parbat, Nun Kun, and many other Himalayan giants, are within hail of
+Srinagur, and before he has finished with the book the reader will find
+he has acquired the next best thing to a first-hand knowledge of this
+magnificent country. Dr. Neve has also a great deal that is interesting
+to tell about the people of various races and religions who inhabit the
+valleys, and from whom his medical help gained him a warm welcome at all
+times.
+
+A series of rare photographs gives a pictorial support to the
+letter-press.
+
+
+SPORT AND FOLK-LORE IN THE HIMALAYA.
+
+By Captain H. L. HAUGHTON.
+
+(36TH SIKHS.)
+
+_With Illustrations from the Author's Photographs. One Volume._
+
+_Demy 8vo._ =12s. 6d. net.=
+
+Captain Haughton has written a book which should prove a welcome
+addition to the library of every sportsman, as well as being of supreme
+interest to the naturalist and the student of folk-lore. On the subject
+of sport the author writes with that thorough insight and sympathy
+which are the fruits of many years' practical experience with rod and
+rifle, in the jungle, on river-bank or mountain-side. In his agreeable
+society the reader may stalk the markhor or the ibex, lightly throw his
+"Sir Richard" across some Kashmiri trout-stream, or lie in wait for the
+Himalayan black bear on its way to feed; and if the author's description
+of his many amusing and exciting adventures and experiences is eminently
+readable, the value of his work is still further enhanced by his
+intimate knowledge of natural history, and by the introduction of many
+of those old Indian legendary tales that he has culled from the lips of
+native Shikaris round the camp-fire at night. The book is illustrated
+throughout with a series of remarkably interesting photographs taken by
+the author in the course of his many sporting expeditions.
+
+
+RECOLLECTIONS OF A PENINSULAR VETERAN.
+
+By the late Lieut.-Colonel JOSEPH ANDERSON, C.B., K.H.
+
+_With Photogravure Portrait. Demy 8vo._ =10s. 6d. net.=
+
+The late Lieut.-Colonel Joseph Anderson was born in 1790, and from the
+age of fifteen, when he received a commission as Ensign in the 78th
+Regiment, to within a few years of his death in 1877, his career was
+almost continuously as adventurous as it was distinguished. In 1806
+he saw active service for the first time, when he took part in the
+expedition to Calabria; in the following year he served in the Egyptian
+Campaign of that date; and during the Peninsular War he fought at the
+battles of Maida, Busaco, Fuentes d'Onoro, was wounded at Talavera, and
+accompanied Wellington on the retreat to the lines of Torres Vedras. A
+few years later Captain Anderson, now a Captain in the York Chasseurs,
+was sent with his regiment to Barbadoes, and was present at the capture
+of Guadeloupe in 1815. He was appointed Colonel Commandant of the Penal
+Settlement at Norfolk Island in 1834, where his humane endeavours to
+reform the prevailing penal system, and his efforts to quell mutinous
+convicts, met with marked success. Nine years later Colonel Anderson
+went to India to take part in the Mahratta Campaign, and at the Battle
+of Punniar (where he commanded a Brigade) was severely wounded when
+charging the enemy's guns. After retiring from the Service, Colonel
+Anderson settled down in Australia, and it was at his home near
+Melbourne that these memories were compiled, during the later years of a
+strenuous and active life, for the edification of his family. They are
+written in a simple, unaffected style, which renders them peculiarly
+readable, and form a most instructive record of the manners and customs,
+of the mode of warfare, and the military and social life of a past age,
+and a bygone generation.
+
+
+MEMORIES OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE.
+
+By Major-General Sir H. M. BENGOUGH, K.C.B.
+
+_With Portrait. Demy 8vo._ =8s. 6d. net.=
+
+Major-General Sir H. M. Bengough joined the army in 1855, and retired
+in 1898, after more than forty years of distinguished service in all
+quarters of the Empire. His first experience of active warfare dates
+from the Crimea; later on he took the field in the Zulu War and the
+Burma Expedition of 1885. In days of peace he held various high commands
+in India, South Africa, and Jamaica, and finally commanded a brigade
+of infantry at Aldershot. In this volume of personal recollections the
+author narrates the many varied incidents and experiences of a long
+military career and vividly describes the campaigns in which he took
+part. He also gives an interesting account of his adventures in the
+realm of sport--pig-sticking, tiger-shooting, and pursuing other forms
+of game in India and elsewhere; subjects upon which a long experience
+enables him to write with expert knowledge. It will be strange indeed if
+so interesting an autobiographical volume from the pen of a deservedly
+popular soldier and sportsman fails to appeal to a wide public.
+
+
+ZACHARY STOYANOFF.
+
+Pages from the Autobiography of a Bulgarian Insurgent.
+
+Translated by M. POTTER.
+
+_One Volume. Demy 8vo._ =10s. 6d. net.=
+
+In this volume Zachary Stoyanoff gives us the narrative of his personal
+experiences during the Bulgarian outbreaks of 1875 and 1876. Almost
+by accident he became an "apostle" of rebellion, and was sent out
+forthwith to range the country, stirring up the villagers and forming
+local committees. It is an amazing story. With unsurpassable candour
+he portrays for us the leaders, their enthusiasm, their incredible
+short-sightedness, and the pitiful inadequacy of their preparations.
+The bubble burst, and after a miserable attempt at flight, Stoyanoff
+was taken prisoner and sent to Philippopolis for trial. There is no
+attempt at heroics. With the same Boswellian simplicity he reveals his
+fears, his cringing, his mendacity, and incidentally gives us a graphic
+picture, not wholly black, of the conquering Turk. The narrative ends
+abruptly while he is still in peril of his life. One is glad to know
+that, somehow, he escaped. A very human document, and a remarkable
+contrast to the startling exhibition of efficiency given to the world by
+the Bulgarians in their latest struggle with the Turks.
+
+
+SPLENDID FAILURES.
+
+By HARRY GRAHAM,
+
+AUTHOR OF "A GROUP OF SCOTTISH WOMEN," "THE MOTHER OF PARLIAMENTS," ETC.
+
+_With Portraits. Demy 8vo._ =10s. 6d. net.=
+
+It is perhaps unlikely that any two individuals will agree as to the
+proper definition of the term "A Splendid Failure"--a phrase of which
+the origin would appear to be obscure. It may, however, be roughly
+stated that the "Splendid Failures" of the past divide themselves
+naturally into three classes: those whom their contemporaries invested
+with a fictitious or exaggerated splendour which posterity is quite
+unable to comprehend or appreciate; those whom the modern world regards
+with admiration--but who signally failed in impressing the men of
+their own generation; and those who, gifted with genius and inspired
+with lofty ideals, never justified the world's high opinion of their
+talents or fulfilled the promise of their early days. In this volume of
+biographical essays, the author of "A Group of Scottish Women" and other
+popular works has dealt with a selection of "splendid failures" of whose
+personal history the public knows but little, though well acquainted
+with their names. Wolfe Tone, "the first of the Fenians"; Benjamin
+Haydon, the "Cockney Raphael"; Toussaint L'Ouverture, the "Napoleon
+of San Domingo"; William Betty, the "Infant Roscius"; and "Champagne"
+Townshend, the politician of Pitt's day, may be included under this
+category. The reader cannot fail to be interested in that account which
+the author gives of the ill-fated Archduke Maximilian's attempt to found
+a Mexican monarchy; in his careful review of the work and character
+of Hartley Coleridge; and in his biographical study of George Smythe,
+that friend of Disraeli whom the statesman-novelist took as his model
+for the hero of "Coningsby." This book, which should appeal strongly
+to all readers of literary essays, is illustrated with eight excellent
+portraits.
+
+
+THE CORINTHIAN YACHTSMAN'S HANDBOOK.
+
+By FRANCIS B. COOKE.
+
+_With 20 Folding Plates of Designs for Yachts, and numerous black and
+white Illustrations. Demy 8vo._ =10s. 6d. net.=
+
+This new handbook covers the sport of yachting in all its branches. The
+writer, who has had many years' experience of cruising and racing in
+yachts and boats of all types, has treated the subject in a thoroughly
+practical manner. The book is divided into six parts.
+
+In Part I., which deals with the selection of a yacht, the various types
+and rigs suitable for Corinthian yachting are discussed. The designing
+and building of new craft are also dealt with at some length, and
+designs and descriptions of a number of up-to-date small cruisers are
+given.
+
+In Part II. some hints are given as to where to station the yacht. All
+available headquarters within easy reach of London are described, and
+the advantages and disadvantages of each pointed out.
+
+Part III. is devoted to the equipment of yachts, and contains a wealth
+of information as to the internal arrangement, rigging, and fittings of
+small cruisers.
+
+Part IV. treats of the maintenance of small cruising vessels, with
+notes on the cost of upkeep, fitting out and laying up. Other matters
+dealt with in this section are the preservation of sails and gear, and
+insurance.
+
+Part V., on seamanship, covers the handling of fore-and-aft vessels
+under all conditions of weather, and upon every point of sailing.
+
+Part VI. covers the racing side of the sport in a comprehensive manner.
+An exhaustive exposition of the International Sailing Rules is followed
+by hints on racing tactics. The appendix contains, _inter alia_, an
+illustrated description of the British Buoyage System.
+
+Mr. Cooke's well-known handbooks have come to be regarded by yachtsmen
+as standard works, and a new and more ambitious work from his pen can
+hardly fail to interest them.
+
+
+THE FALL OF PROTECTION.
+
+By BERNARD HOLLAND, C.B.,
+
+AUTHOR OF "IMPERIUM ET LIBERTAS."
+
+_One Volume. Demy 8vo._ =12s. 6d. net.=
+
+This volume is a political-historical study of the great change which
+took place in British commercial and financial policy mainly between
+the years 1840 and 1850. The writer examines the state of things in
+these respects which existed before this revolution, and describes the
+previous protective system, navigation system, and colonial system.
+He then narrates the process by which those systems were overthrown,
+devoting special attention to the character, career, and changes in
+opinion of Sir Robert Peel, and to the attitude and action of the Tory,
+Whig, and Radical parties, and of their leading men, especially Mr.
+Disraeli, Lord John Russell, and Mr. Cobden. He analyses with care
+the arguments used on all sides in these controversies, especially
+with regard to the Repeal of the Corn Laws, and he shows the extent to
+which questions of imperial preference and the relations between the
+United Kingdom and the Colonies entered into the issues. One chapter is
+devoted to the Bank Act of 1844, and to the consideration of its causes
+and results. The author concludes by tracing very briefly the chain of
+events which connect the period in question with our own day, in respect
+of commercial and fiscal policy, and expresses his own views as to
+existing tendencies and future developments.
+
+Mr. Bernard Holland is known as the author of the Life of the Duke
+of Devonshire, and of "Imperium et Libertas." In a sense the present
+volume is a continuation of the latter book, or rather is an attempt to
+deal more expansively and in detail with certain history and questions
+connected with the same theme, for the full treatment of which there was
+insufficient space in that book. Mr. Holland having acted for a number
+of years as Private Secretary to two successive Secretaries of State for
+the Colonies, has been brought into close touch in a practical way with
+colonial questions. This book, it is hoped, will be of some service both
+to students of economic history and to politicians in active life.
+
+
+PAINTING IN THE FAR EAST.
+
+By LAURENCE BINYON.
+
+_A New Edition, thoroughly Revised, with many new and additional
+Illustrations. Crown 4to._ =21s. net.=
+
+Since the first edition of this book was published in 1907, much has
+happened, and a quantity of new material has been brought to light.
+
+Interest in the subject has been immensely widened and strengthened.
+The museums of Europe and America are vying with each other to procure
+fine specimens of Chinese and Japanese art. The opening this autumn of
+a new museum at Cologne, exclusively devoted to the arts of Eastern
+Asia, is a symptom of the times. Collections, public and private, both
+European and American, have been greatly enriched; and the exhibition in
+1910 at Shepherd's Bush, of treasured masterpieces lent from Japanese
+collections, has provided a standard for the student.
+
+Six years ago, again, scarcely any of the voluminous literature of art
+existing in Chinese and Japanese had been translated. On this side, too,
+an added store of information has been made accessible, though still in
+great part scattered in the pages of learned periodicals. Above all,
+the marvellous discoveries made of recent years in China and Chinese
+Turkestan have substituted a mass of authentic material for groping
+conjectures in the study of the art of the early periods.
+
+In preparing a new edition of this book and bringing it up to date,
+Mr. Binyon has therefore been able to utilize a variety of new sources
+of information. The estimates given of the art of some of the most
+famous of the older masters have been reconsidered. The sections
+dealing with the early art have been in great measure rewritten; and
+the book has been revised throughout. In the matter of illustrations it
+has been possible to draw on a wider range and make a fuller and more
+representative selection.
+
+
+PAINTING IN EAST AND WEST.
+
+By ROBERT DOUGLAS NORTON,
+
+AUTHOR OF "THE CHOICE."
+
+_Crown 8vo._ =5s. net.=
+
+The art of painting, which in the days of Gothic church-building
+contributed so much both to the education and the pleasure of the
+community at large, has admittedly come to appeal to ever-narrowing
+circles, until to-day it cannot be said to play any part in popular
+life at all. This book seeks to discover the causes of its decline
+in influence. A brief review of the chief contemporary movements in
+painting gives point to a suggestion made by more than one thoughtful
+critic that the chief need of Western painting is spirituality.
+Since this is a quality which those competent to judge are at one in
+attributing to Eastern art, the author, in a chapter on Far Eastern
+Painting, sets forth the ideals underlying the great painting of China
+and Japan, and contrasts these ideals with those which have inspired
+painters and public in the West. This leads to an inquiry into the
+uses of imagination and suggestion in art, and to an attempt to find a
+broad enough definition for "spirituality" not to exclude many widely
+divergent achievements of Western painting. Finally, the possibility of
+training the sense of beauty is discussed in the light of successful
+instances.
+
+Incidentally the book touches on many questions which, though of
+interest to picture-lovers, often remain unasked; such, for instance,
+as what we look for in a picture; how far subject is important; why it
+may happen that the interest of one picture, which pleases at first,
+soon wanes, while that of another grows steadily stronger; the value of
+technique, of different media of expression, of mere resemblance, etc.
+
+Without going into the technicalities of aesthetics, the author aims at
+investigating certain first principles which are overlooked at times by
+possessors of even the widest knowledge of individual schools.
+
+
+SHAKESPEARE'S STORIES.
+
+By CONSTANCE MAUD and MARY MAUD.
+
+AS YOU LIKE IT--THE TEMPEST--KING LEAR--TWELFTH NIGHT--THE MERCHANT OF
+VENICE--A MIDSUMMER NIGHT'S DREAM--MACBETH--HAMLET--ROMEO AND JULIET.
+
+_With Illustrations from the famous Boydell prints. Crown 8vo._
+
+=5s. net.=
+
+Miss Constance Maud is the author of "Wagner's Heroes" and "Wagner's
+Heroines," two books on similar lines to these tales which have had a
+great vogue among young people of all ages. In the present volume she
+tells the charming stories of nine of the most famous of Shakespeare's
+Tragedies and Comedies in prose of delightful and unstudied simplicity.
+On occasion the actual text has been used for familiar passages and
+phrases. These great world-tales, regarded merely as tales, with the
+elemental motives and passions displayed in them, appeal strongly to the
+imagination, and when narrated by a competent pen there cannot be finer
+or more absorbing reading. In addition to this, he must be a dull reader
+in whom they do not awaken a desire to make a closer acquaintance with
+the plays themselves.
+
+The book forms a companion volume to Sir A. T. Quiller-Couch's
+well-known "Historical Tales from Shakespeare."
+
+
+THE MUSE IN MOTLEY.
+
+By HARRY GRAHAM.
+
+AUTHOR OF "RUTHLESS RHYMES FOR HEARTLESS HOMES," ETC., ETC.
+
+_With 24 Illustrations by_
+
+LEWIS BAUMER.
+
+_Fcap. 4to._ =3s. 6d. net.=
+
+All lovers of humorous verse will welcome a fresh volume of lyrics by
+the author of "Deportmental Ditties," "Canned Classics," and other
+deservedly popular products of the Minor Muse. Readers of Captain
+Graham's new collection of light verse will agree with the _Daily
+Chronicle_ in describing its author as "a godsend, a treasure trove, a
+messenger from Olympus; a man who really does see the ludicrous side of
+life, a man who is a genuine humorist." Once again the author of these
+amusing poems attempts to "shoot Folly as she flies," and genially
+satirizes the foibles of the age in a fashion that will certainly add
+to his reputation as a humorist; and his work is rendered still more
+delightful by the drawings of Mr. Lewis Baumer, the well-known _Punch_
+artist, with which it is lavishly illustrated. "It is a great and good
+thing," as the _Pall Mall Gazette_ remarked with reference to another
+of Captain Graham's books, "to have a man among us who is witty all the
+time and lets himself go. We ought to be duly thankful. And we are!"
+
+
+HANNIBAL ONCE MORE.
+
+By DOUGLAS W. FRESHFIELD, M.A.,
+
+VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY; TREASURER OF THE
+HELLENIC AND ROMAN SOCIETIES; FORMERLY PRESIDENT OF THE ALPINE CLUB.
+
+_8vo._ =5s. net.=
+
+In this little volume Mr. Freshfield has put into final shape the
+results of his study of the famous and still-debated question: "By which
+Pass did Hannibal cross the Alps?" The literature which has grown up
+round this intricate subject is surprisingly extensive, and various
+solutions have been propounded and upheld, with remarkable warmth and
+tenacity, by a host of scholars, historians, geographers, military men,
+and mountaineers. Mr. Freshfieid has a solution of his own, which,
+however, he puts forward in no dogmatic spirit, but in such a fashion
+that his book is practically a lucid review of the whole matter in each
+of its many aspects. To an extensive acquaintance with ancient and
+modern geographical literature he unites a wide and varied experience as
+an alpine climber and a traveller, and a minute topographical knowledge
+of the regions under discussion; and these qualifications--in which many
+of his predecessors in the same field of inquiry have been conspicuously
+lacking--enable him to throw much new light on a perennially fascinating
+problem.
+
+
+THE PASTORAL TEACHING OF ST. PAUL.
+
+By the Rev. Canon H. L. GOUDGE,
+
+PRINCIPAL OF THE THEOLOGICAL COLLEGE, ELY; AUTHOR OF "THE MIND OF ST.
+PAUL," ETC.
+
+_Crown 8vo. Cloth._ =2s. 6d. net.=
+
+These lectures were delivered at the end of May, 1913, at the Palace,
+Gloucester, to the clergy of the diocese, and are now published in
+response to the request of those who heard them. They do not constitute
+a detailed commentary on the Pastoral Epistles, though a good deal of
+detailed exegesis necessarily finds a place in them. The writer's aim
+has been to collect and arrange St. Paul's teaching as to the work of
+the Christian pastor, and to point out its applicability to modern
+conditions and modern difficulties. The writer has often found, through
+his experience in conducting Retreats, that the Pastoral Teaching of
+St. Paul is of the greatest value to the clergy to-day, but that this
+teaching is often obscured by the unsystematic character of St. Paul's
+writing and by the passing controversies with which he has to deal. In
+these lectures the First Epistle to Timothy is used as the basis, but
+continually illustrated by passages from the other Pastoral Epistles,
+and from St. Paul's earlier writings. The first lecture deals with the
+pastor's aim, the second with the pastor's character, the third with
+the pastor's work, and the fourth with the adaptation of his message to
+men and to women, to old and to young, to rich and to poor. The ground
+already covered by the writer's earlier book, "The Mind of St. Paul,"
+has been carefully avoided, but it is hoped that the one book may throw
+light upon the other. An index of texts has been added for those who
+may wish to use this second book, as far as that is possible, as a
+commentary.
+
+
+_NEW NOVELS_
+
+SOMETHING AFAR.
+
+By MAXWELL GRAY,
+
+AUTHOR OF "THE SILENCE OF DEAN MAITLAND," "THE GREAT REFUSAL," ETC.
+
+_Crown 8vo. Cloth._ =6s.=
+
+The scene of Maxwell Gray's new story is laid in London and in Italy,
+where the gradual unfolding of an elaborate but absorbing plot holds
+the reader's attention until the very last page of the book. This is a
+tale of heroism, of self-sacrifice, of romance, full of incident and
+adventure, illumined by those tender and imaginative touches, that vivid
+portrayal of character, which the public has learnt to expect from
+the author of "The Silence of Dean Maitland." From these pages we may
+learn that there is "something afar from the sphere of our sorrow," the
+highest aspiration of the lover, the artist, the poet and the saint,
+which, beautiful beyond all that man's heart can divine, is yet within
+the reach of every one of us.
+
+
+THE GENTLE LOVER.
+
+A Comedy of Middle Age.
+
+By FORREST REID,
+
+AUTHOR OF "THE BRACKNELLS," "FOLLOWING DARKNESS," ETC.
+
+_Crown 8vo._ =6s.=
+
+This extremely interesting story, of which the title gives a most apt
+description, is written in a lighter vein than the author's previous
+work. It is a love story, and while the tale itself is enthralling,
+it depends in great measure for its charm on the attractiveness of
+the characters who figure in the drama and who are all very pleasant
+company. The book is essentially human, the note is never forced, yet
+the interest goes on increasing right up to the end. It is actual life
+with its comedy and tragedy so closely intermingled that it is not
+always easy to distinguish one from the other. The scene is laid abroad,
+partly in Bruges, and partly in Italy, but the characters are, with one
+or two exceptions, natives of that part of Ireland with which the author
+is most familiar, and they lose none of their individuality by being
+transplanted to those beautiful old-world cities where we follow their
+varied fortunes. Mr. Reid's previous novels have already secured for
+his work the warm appreciation of some of the best judges of literary
+values, and the present novel may be confidently stated to exhibit his
+undoubted power as a writer of fiction in an advanced and progressive
+stage.
+
+
+_NEW SCIENTIFIC WORKS_
+
+INDUSTRIAL POISONING
+
+From Fumes, Gases, and Poisons of Manufacturing Processes.
+
+By Dr. J. RAMBOUSEK,
+
+PROFESSOR OF FACTORY HYGIENE, AND CHIEF STATE HEALTH OFFICER, PRAGUE
+
+Translated and Edited by Dr. T. M. LEGGE,
+
+H.M. MEDICAL INSPECTOR OF FACTORIES.
+
+_Fully Illustrated. Demy 8vo._ =12s. 6d. net.=
+
+
+MALINGERING
+
+And Feigned Sickness.
+
+By Sir JOHN COLLIE, M.D., J.P.,
+
+MEDICAL EXAMINER, LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL; CHIEF MEDICAL OFFICER,
+METROPOLITAN WATER BOARD; CONSULTING MEDICAL EXAMINER TO THE SHIPPING
+FEDERATION; MEDICAL EXAMINER TO THE SUN INSURANCE OFFICE, CENTRAL
+INSURANCE COMPANY, LONDON, LIVERPOOL, AND GLOBE INSURANCE COMPANY,
+AND OTHER ACCIDENT OFFICES; LATE HOME OFFICE MED. REF. WORKMEN'S
+COMPENSATION ACT.
+
+Assisted by ARTHUR H. SPICER, M.B., B.S. (Lond.), D.P.H.
+
+_Illustrated, xii + 340 pp. Demy 8vo._ =10s. 6d. net.=
+
+In this work Sir John Collie, whose wide experience has eminently fitted
+him for the task, has given an interesting and lucid description of the
+methods and peculiarities of the malingerer. He describes fully and in
+detail the methods of examination for the detection of malingering and
+the diseases usually simulated, and discusses the attitude required by
+the medical attendant towards unduly prolonged illness.
+
+
+OLD AGE:
+
+Its Care and Treatment in Health and Disease.
+
+By ROBERT SAUNDBY, M.D., F.R.C.P., LL.D., J.P.,
+
+MEMBER GENERAL MEDICAL COUNCIL; EX-PRESIDENT BRITISH MEDICAL
+ASSOCIATION; PROFESSOR OF MEDICINE, UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM; PHYSICIAN
+TO THE BIRMINGHAM GENERAL HOSPITAL.
+
+_320 pp._ =7s. 6d. net.=
+
+No English writer having recently dealt with this subject, it has
+been felt that there is room for a book which should bring together
+the various contributions made to it in modern times, including the
+results of the author's extensive experience during forty years of
+medical practice. The author discusses the principles of health, by
+due attention to which healthy old age may be attained. The diseases
+to which the aged are especially liable are fully described, their
+causes are clearly indicated, and the author shows in a practical way
+by what means they may be avoided and how they may be appropriately
+treated. Special attention is given to such important subjects as
+diet, exercise, etc. Suggestive dietary tables are given, both for
+use in health and in particular diseases, while the chapters devoted
+to methods of exercise most suitable in advanced age will also prove
+of value.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD, 41 & 43 MADDOX STREET, W.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ +--------------------------------------------------------------+
+ | |
+ | Transcriber notes: |
+ | |
+ | P.30. 'Chiselhurst' changed to 'Chislehurst' |
+ | P.42. 'Gortchakoff' changed to 'Gortschakoff' |
+ | P.88. 'attribute' changed to 'attributed'. |
+ | P.268. 'Commerical' changed to 'Commercial'. |
+ | P.277. 'Commerical' changed to 'Commercial'. |
+ | P.294. 'futher' changed to 'further'. |
+ | P.358. 'in in' changed to 'in'. |
+ | P.376. 'Debats' changed to 'Debuts'. |
+ | P.378. 'the the' changed to 'the'. |
+ | P.388. 'Agenu' changed to 'Agence' as in Agence Havas. |
+ | P.397. 'radicle' changed to 'radical'. |
+ | P.401. 'Schraebele" changed to 'Schnaebele'. |
+ | P.417. 'D'Israeli' changed to 'Disraeli'. |
+ | P.419. 'holdiay' changed to 'holiday'. |
+ | P.432. 'Amabssador' changed to 'Ambassador'. |
+ | P.437' 'Gortchakoff' changed to 'Gortschakoff'. |
+ | P.440. 'Marechal' changed to 'Marechale'. |
+ | P.440. 'Malot' changed to 'Malet'. |
+ | P.442. 'Caroina' changed to 'Carolina'. |
+ | P.443. 'Pasquior' changed to 'Pasquier'. |
+ | P.443. 'd'Audiffrot' changed to 'd'Audiffret'. |
+ | P.445. 'Stowart' changed to 'Stewart'. |
+ | P.446. 'Secreatry' changed to 'Secretary'. |
+ | Fixed Various punctuation. |
+ | |
+ | Please note, text surrounded by =this= is bold, and |
+ | text surrounded by _this_ is italics. |
+ | |
+ +--------------------------------------------------------------+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Lord Lyons: A Record of British
+Diplomacy, Vol. 2 of 2, by Thomas Wodehouse Legh Newton
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A RECORD OF BRITISH DIPLOMACY ***
+
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