diff options
| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 18:36:20 -0700 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 18:36:20 -0700 |
| commit | 7fe138334aeda3a93f651680b3c4c7c5e51abdf1 (patch) | |
| tree | 36b9affc7ecdd33d1332b4f4309831bf4f3ae137 /old/44143-h | |
Diffstat (limited to 'old/44143-h')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/44143-h/44143-h.htm | 23099 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/44143-h/images/coverpage.jpg | bin | 0 -> 65273 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/44143-h/images/i_000.png | bin | 0 -> 24171 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/44143-h/images/i_168.png | bin | 0 -> 44669 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/44143-h/images/i_370.png | bin | 0 -> 42997 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/44143-h/images/i_420.png | bin | 0 -> 53777 bytes |
6 files changed, 23099 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/old/44143-h/44143-h.htm b/old/44143-h/44143-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8e02abb --- /dev/null +++ b/old/44143-h/44143-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,23099 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of Lord Lyons Volume II, by Lord Newton. + </title> +<link rel="coverpage" href="images/coverpage.jpg"/> + <style type="text/css"> + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; +} + +h1 {font-size: 250%;} + +h2 {font-size: 200%;} + +h3 {font-size: 180%;} + +h5 {font-size: 150%; font-style: italic;} + +p { + margin-top: .51em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .49em; +} + +.p1 {margin-top: 1.5em; text-align: center; font-weight: bold;} +.p2 {margin-top: 2em; text-align: center;} +.p3 {margin-top: 2em; margin-left: 2em; margin-right: 2em; text-indent: -25px;} +.p4 {margin-top: 4em; text-align: center;} +.p5 {margin-top: 1.5em;} +.p7 {margin-top: 2em; text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: 130%;} +.p8 {margin-top: 2em; text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: 170%;} +.p9 {text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: 120%; font-family: "Old English Text MT", sans-serif;} + +.container {padding-right: 25%;} + +hr { + width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: 33.5%; + margin-right: 33.5%; + clear: both; +} + +hr.tb {width: 45%; margin-left: 27.5%; margin-right: 27.5%;} +hr.chap {page-break-before: always; width: 65%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} +hr.chapter {width: 65%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} +hr.full {width: 95%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 2.5%; margin-right: 2.5%;} + +hr.r5 {width: 5%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 47.5%; margin-right: 47.5%;} + +ul.index { list-style-type: none; } +li.ifrst { margin-top: 1.5em; } +li.indx { margin-top: .5em; } +li.isub1 {text-indent: 1em;} +li.isub2 {text-indent: 2em;} + +table { + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; +} + + .tdl {text-align: left;} + .tdr {text-align: right;} + .tdc {text-align: center;} + +.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; +} /* page numbers */ + +.blockquot { + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +.bigish {font-size: 150%; font-weight: bold;} + +.bigger {font-size: 120%; font-weight: bold;} + +em {font-style: italic;} + +cite {font-style: italic;} + +strong {font-weight: bold;} + +.center {text-align: center;} + +.right {text-align: right;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +.u {text-decoration: underline;} + +.caption p { + text-align: center; + text-indent: 0; + margin: 0.25em 0; + font-weight: bold; +} + +/* Images */ +.figcenter { + margin: auto; + text-align: center; +} + +/* Footnotes */ +.footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} + +.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + +.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: .8em; + text-decoration: + none; +} + +/* Poetry */ +.poem { + display: inline-block; + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + text-align: left; + min-width: 26em; +} + +@media handheld { + .poem { + display: block; + } +} + +.poem br {display: none;} + +.poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + +.poem span.i0 { + display: block; + margin-left: 0em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em; +} + +/* Transcriber's notes */ +.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; + color: black; + font-size:smaller; + padding:0.5em; + margin-bottom:5em; + font-family:sans-serif, serif; } + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Lord Lyons: A Record of British Diplomacy, +Vol. 2 of 2, by Thomas Wodehouse Legh Newton + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license + + +Title: Lord Lyons: A Record of British Diplomacy, Vol. 2 of 2 + +Author: Thomas Wodehouse Legh Newton + +Release Date: November 10, 2013 [EBook #44143] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A RECORD OF BRITISH DIPLOMACY *** + + + + +Produced by Brian Foley, Jane Robins and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/i_000.png" width="325" height="500" alt="" /><a name="FRONTISPIECE" id="FRONTISPIECE"></a> +<div class="caption"><p><em>Lord Lyons,<br /> +at the age of 65.</em></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">london: edward arnold.</span></p> + </div> +</div> + + +<hr class="full" /> + +<h1>LORD LYONS</h1> + +<p class="p2"><span class="bigish">A RECORD OF BRITISH DIPLOMACY</span></p> + +<p class="p4"><strong>BY</strong></p> + +<h2>LORD NEWTON</h2> + +<p class="p4"><strong>IN TWO VOLUMES</strong><br /> +<strong>VOLUME II</strong></p> + +<p class="p4"><strong>WITH PORTRAITS</strong></p> + +<p class="p4"><strong>LONDON</strong><br /> +<span class="bigish">EDWARD ARNOLD</span></p> + +<p class="p1">1913<br /> +<em>All rights reserved</em></p> + +<hr class="full" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></p> + + + + +<h2>CONTENTS OF VOL. II</h2> + +<h3><a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</a></h3> + +<p class="p1"><a href="#Page_1">PAGE 1</a></p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">The Third Republic</span></p> + +<p class="p1">1871-1873</p> + +<blockquote><p class="p3">Thiers as Chief of the Executive—Negotiations respecting a new +Anglo-French Commercial Treaty—Return of the Princes—Embarrassment +caused by the Comte de Chambord—Question +of voting in the House of Lords—Thiers elected President—State +of parties in France—Irritation in Germany against Thiers—Diplomatic +incident at Constantinople—Signature of Anglo-French +Commercial Treaty—Death of the Emperor Napoleon—Lord +Odo Russell on Bismarck's policy—Fall of Thiers—Bismarck +and Arnim</p></blockquote> + + +<h3><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</a></h3> + +<p class="p1"><a href="#Page_47">PAGE 47</a></p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Marshal MacMahon's Presidency</span></p> + +<p class="p1">1873-1875</p> + +<blockquote><p class="p3">MacMahon as President of the Republic—Franco-German relations—Bismarck's +confidences to Lord Odo Russell—Political confusion +in France—The war scare of 1875—Rumoured intention +of Khedive to sell his Suez Canal shares—Lord Odo Russell on +Bismarck's Foreign Policy—Purchase of Khedive's shares by +H.M. Government</p></blockquote> + + +<h3><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII</a></h3> + +<p class="p1"><a href="#Page_95">PAGE 95</a></p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">The Eastern Question</span></p> + +<p class="p1">1876-1878</p> + +<blockquote><p class="p3">The Powers and Turkey: England and the Andrassy Note—Gambetta +on French Politics—Simplicity of Marshal MacMahon—Political +consequences of French military re-organisation—Struggle +between the Marshal and Parliament—The Constantinople<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span> +Conference: Determination of Lord Derby to do nothing—Intrigues +of the Duc Décazes—Constitutional crisis in +France—Defeat of Marshal MacMahon: new Radical Ministry +formed under Dufaure with Waddington as Foreign Minister—Treaty +of San Stefano; nervousness of French Government—Determination +of H.M. Government to secure a Conference—Invitation +to Lord Lyons to be the British representative at +Berlin—Resignation of Lord Derby: appointment of Lord +Salisbury—Lord Salisbury's circular of April 1st, 1878—Inquiry +of Lord Salisbury respecting French desire for Tunis—The Anglo-Turkish +Convention—The Congress of Berlin—Reception in +France of the Anglo-Turkish Convention—Waddington and +Tunis—Sir H. Layard on the Treaty of Berlin</p></blockquote> + + +<h3><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII</a></h3> + +<p class="p1"><a href="#Page_161">PAGE 161</a></p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">M. Grévy's Presidency</span></p> + +<p class="p1">1878-1879</p> + +<blockquote><p class="p3">Paris Exhibition of 1878: desire of Queen Victoria to visit it +incognito—Tunis—Resignation of MacMahon: Election of +Grévy—Waddington Prime Minister: his difficulties—Anglo-French +policy in Egypt—Question of deposing the Khedive +Ismail—Differences between British and French Governments +with regard to Egypt—Deposition of the Khedive by the Sultan—Death +of the Prince Imperial: effect in France—Proposed +visit of Gambetta to England: his bias in favour of English +Conservatives—Resignation of Waddington: Freycinet Prime +Minister—Coolness between France and Russia</p></blockquote> + + +<h3><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV</a></h3> + +<p class="p1"><a href="#Page_209">PAGE 209</a></p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">The Revival of France</span></p> + +<p class="p1">1880-1881</p> + +<blockquote><p class="p3">Change of Government in England and reversal of Foreign Policy—The +French Embassy in London: Freycinet's model Ambassador—Personal +characteristics of Lord Lyons: <em>On ne lui connait +pas de vice</em>—The work at the Paris Embassy—The Eastern +Question: Mr. Goschen at Constantinople—The Dulcigno +Demonstration and the difficulties of the European Concert—Proposal +to seize Smyrna—Opportune surrender of the Sultan—H.M. +Government and the Pope: Mission of Mr. Errington, +M.P.—Gambetta on the European situation—French expedition +to Tunis—Ineffectual objections of H.M. Government—Establishment +of French Protectorate over Tunis—Irritation in England +and Italy—Distinction drawn between Tunis and Tripoli—Attempt +to negotiate a new Anglo-French Commercial +Treaty: Question of Retaliation</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span></p> + + +<h3><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV</a></h3> + +<p class="p1"><a href="#Page_258">PAGE 258</a></p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Arabi's Rebellion</span></p> + +<p class="p1">1881-1882</p> + +<blockquote><p class="p3">Egypt: the <em>coup d'état</em> of the Colonels: joint Anglo-French action—Gambetta +as Prime Minister—His desire to remain on good +terms with England—Egypt: the Dual Note—Gambetta in +favour of a more resolute joint policy—Fall of Gambetta after +two months of office—Ministry formed by Freycinet—French +vacillation with regard to Egypt—Decision of H.M. Government +to employ force—Bombardment of Alexandria—Decision +of French Government to take no part in expedition—Fall of +Freycinet—Invitation to Italy to join in expedition declined—Effect +produced in France by British military success in Egypt—French +endeavour to re-establish the Control in Egypt—Madagascar +and Tonquin</p></blockquote> + + +<h3><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI</a></h3> + +<p class="p1"><a href="#Page_305">PAGE 305</a></p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">Anglophobia</span></p> + +<p class="p1">1883-1885</p> + +<blockquote><p class="p3">Death of Gambetta—General discontent in France—Change of +Government: Jules Ferry Prime Minister—Waddington appointed +Ambassador in London—Insult to King of Spain in +Paris—Growth of French ill-will towards English influence in +Egypt—Baron de Billing and General Gordon—Establishment +of French Protectorate over Tonquin—Egyptian Conference +in London—Renewed request to Lord Lyons to vote in House +of Lords—Anti-English combination with regard to Egypt—Jules +Ferry on the necessity of delivering a <em>coup foudroyant</em> upon +China—French reverse in Tonquin: resignation of Jules Ferry—New +Government under Freycinet—Bismarck and the persons +whom he disliked—Funeral of Victor Hugo—Return of Lord +Salisbury to the Foreign Office—Anglophobia in Paris: scurrilities +of Rochefort</p></blockquote> + + +<h3><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII</a></h3> + +<p class="p1"><a href="#Page_360">PAGE 360</a></p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">The Last Year's Work</span></p> + +<p class="p1">1886-1887</p> + +<blockquote><p class="p3">Lord Rosebery at the Foreign Office—His surprise at ill-feeling +shown by French Government—Proceedings of General Boulanger—Princes' +Exclusion Bill—Boulanger at the Review of +July 14th—Causes of his popularity—General Election in +England: Lord Salisbury Prime Minister—The Foreign Office +offered to Lord Lyons—Egyptian questions raised by French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span> +Government—Apprehension in France of a German attack—Embarrassment +caused by Boulanger—Unofficial attempt on behalf +of French Government to establish better relations with England—Application +by Lord Lyons to be permitted to resign—Pressed +by Lord Salisbury to remain until end of the year—Desire +of French Government to get rid of Boulanger—Lord +Salisbury's complaints as to unfriendly action of the French +Government in various parts of the world—Resignation of +Lord Lyons—Created an Earl—His death</p></blockquote> + + +<h3><a href="#APPENDIX">APPENDIX</a></h3> + + +<div class="center"> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr><td align="left">Lord Lyons in Private Life. By <span class="smcap">Mrs. Wilfrid Ward</span> </td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_415">415</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="left"><span class="smcap">Index</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_429">429</a></td></tr> +</table></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span></p> + + + + +<h2>LIST OF PLATES IN VOL. II</h2> + + + +<div class="center"> +<table border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" summary=""> +<tr><td align="left"></td><td align="right"><span class="smcap">FACING PAGE</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align="left"><span class="smcap">Lord Lyons at the Age of 65</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#FRONTISPIECE"><em>Frontispiece</em></a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="left"><span class="smcap">William Henry Waddington</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_169">169</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="left"><span class="smcap">General Boulanger</span></td><td align="right"><a href="#Page_370">370</a></td></tr> +<tr><td align="left"><span class="smcap">The British Embassy, Paris</span></td><td align="right"><span style="margin-left: 3em;"><a href="#Page_420">420</a></span></td></tr> +<tr><td align="left"><span style="margin-left: 3em;">(<cite>Photograph by F. Contet, Paris.</cite>)</span></td></tr> +</table></div> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a><br /><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> + + + + +<h2>LORD LYONS<br /> +<br /> +A RECORD OF BRITISH DIPLOMACY</h2> + + + +<hr class="chapter" /> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</a></h2> + +<p class="p1"><span class="bigger">THE THIRD REPUBLIC</span></p> + +<p class="center"><strong>(1871-1873)</strong></p> + + +<p>Strictly speaking, the existence of the National +Assembly which had been summoned to ratify the +Preliminaries of Peace, had now<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> come to an end, but +under prevailing circumstances, it was more convenient +to ignore Constitutional technicalities, and +the Government proceeded to carry on the business +of the country on the basis of a Republic. Thiers had +been elected Chief of the Executive, and it was +astonishing how rapidly his liking for a Republic +increased since he had become the head of one. +It was now part of his task to check the too reactionary +tendencies of the Assembly and to preserve +that form of government which was supposed to +divide Frenchmen the least. The feeling against the +Government of National Defence was as strong as +ever, and the elections of some of the Orleans princes +gave rise to inconvenient demonstrations on the part +of their political supporters, who pressed for the +repeal of the law disqualifying that family. Thiers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> +realized plainly enough that the revival of this +demand was premature, and would only add to the +general confusion, and had therefore induced the +princes to absent themselves from Bordeaux, but the +question could no longer be avoided.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 6, 1871.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Thiers has been hard at work 'lobbying,' as the +Americans say, but could not come to any settlement with +the Assembly, and so begged them to postpone the question +of the elections of the Princes of Orleans till the day after +to-morrow. One of the plans proposed was that the +provisional state of things should be formally continued +for two years, by conferring his present powers on Thiers +for that period. This would, it was hoped, keep the Republicans +quiet and allay the impatience of the monarchical +parties, by giving them a fixed time to look forward +to. But this, it seems, the majority in the Assembly +would not promise to vote. On the other hand, Thiers +is said to be afraid of having the Duc d'Aumale and perhaps +Prince Napoleon also, speaking against him in the Assembly, +and attacking him and each other outside. Then comes +the doubt as to the extent to which the fusion between the +Comte de Chambord and the other Princes, or rather that +between their respective parties, really goes. Altogether +nothing can be less encouraging than the prospect. The +Duc d'Aumale, as Lieutenant Général du Royaume, to +prepare the way for the Comte de Chambord, is, for the +moment, the favourite combination. In the meantime +Thiers has thrown a sop to the majority by putting an +Orleanist into the Home Office. The idea at Versailles +yesterday was that Thiers and the Assembly would come +to a compromise on the basis that the Orleans elections +should be confirmed, but with a preamble repeating that +nothing done was to be held to prejudge the question of +the definitive government of France.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p> + +<p>When the question came up, Thiers yielded on +the point of the admission of the Princes, and the +majority were highly pleased at having extorted this +concession. Lord Lyons, dining at Thiers's house +at Versailles, a few days after the debate in the +Assembly, met there the German General von +Fabrice, the Prince de Joinville, the Duc d'Aumale, +and the Duc de Chartres, and mentions the significant +fact that M. and Madame Thiers and the rest of the +company treated these Princes with even more than +the usual respect shown to Royal personages. In +private conversation Thiers expressed great confidence +in soon getting the Germans out of the Paris +forts, but both he and Jules Favre complained that +Bismarck was a very bad creditor, and insisted upon +having his first half-milliard by the end of the +month: in fact, the Germans were so clamorous for +payment that they hardly seemed to realize how +anxious the French were to get rid of them, and that +if the money was not immediately forthcoming, it +was only because it was impossible to produce it.</p> + +<p>What was of more immediate concern to the +British Government than either the payment of the +indemnity or the future of the Orleans princes, was +the prospect of a new Commercial Treaty. This +was sufficiently unpromising. Lord Lyons had +pointed out during the Empire period, that under a +Constitutional <i xml:lang="fr">régime</i> in France, we were not likely +to enjoy such favourable commercial conditions as +under personal government, and the more liberal +the composition of a French Government, the more +Protectionist appeared to be its policy. Thiers +himself was an ardent Protectionist, quite unamenable +to the blandishments of British Free Traders, +who always appear to hold that man was made for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> +Free Trade, instead of Free Trade for man, and the +Finance Minister, Pouyer Quertier, entertained the +same views as his chief. But, even if the Emperor +were to come back, it was more than doubtful +whether he would venture to maintain the existing +Commercial Treaty as it stood, and there was every +probability that the Bordeaux wine people and other +so-called French Free Traders would turn Protectionist +as soon as they realized that there was no +prospect of British retaliation. What cut Lord +Lyons (an orthodox Free Trader) to the heart, was +that, just as the French manufacturers had got over +the shock of the sudden introduction of Free Trade +under the Empire and had adapted themselves to +the new system, everything should be thrown back +again. It was likely, indeed, that there would be +some opposition to Thiers's Protectionist taxes, but +he knew well enough that there were not a sufficient +number of Free Traders in the Assembly, or in the +country, to make any effective resistance to the +Government. When approached on the subject, the +French Ministers asserted that all they wanted was +to increase the revenue, and that all they demanded +from England was to be allowed to raise their tariff +with this view only, whereas, in their hearts, they +meant Protection pure and simple. Lord Lyons's +personal view was that England would be better off +if the Treaty was reduced to little more than a most +favoured nation clause. 'The only element for +negotiation with the school of political economy now +predominant here,' he sadly remarked, 'would be a +threat of retaliation, and this we cannot use.' It +will be found subsequently that this was the one +predominant factor in all commercial negotiations +between the two Governments.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p> + +<p>A long conversation with Thiers, who was +pressing for a definite reply from Her Majesty's +Government on the subject of a new Treaty showed +that matters from the British point of view were as +unsatisfactory as they well could be. Thiers, whose +language respecting England was courteous and +friendly, made it clear that Her Majesty's Government +must choose between the proposed modifications +in the tariff and the unconditional denunciation +of the whole Treaty, and that if the Treaty were +denounced, England must not expect, after its +expiration, to be placed upon the footing of the most +favoured nation. He considered that he had a right +to denounce the Treaty at once, but had no wish to +act in an unfriendly spirit, and had therefore refrained +from doing so, and although he and his +colleagues considered that the existing Treaty was +disadvantageous and even disastrous to France, they +had never promoted any agitation against it, and +had confined themselves to proposing modifications +of the tariff, which their financial necessities and the +state of the French manufacturing interests rendered +indispensable. Coal and iron, which were articles +of the greatest importance to England, were not +touched, and all that had, in fact, been asked for was +a moderate increase on the duties on textile fabrics. +As for the French Free Traders, whatever misleading +views they might put forward in London, their +influence upon the Assembly would be imperceptible, +and it remained therefore for Her Majesty's Government +to decide whether they would agree to the +changes he had proposed to them, or would give up +altogether the benefits which England derived from +the Treaty.</p> + +<p>Thiers's real motive was disclosed later on, when,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> +whilst asserting that he should always act in a +friendly spirit towards England, he admitted that +'England was a much more formidable competitor +in commerce than any other nation.' Concessions +which might safely be made to other countries might +very reasonably be withheld from her. For instance, +privileges which might be safely granted to the +Italian merchant navy might, if granted to Great +Britain, produce a competition between English and +French shipping very disadvantageous to France. +It would also be certainly for the interest of France +that she should furnish herself with colonial articles +brought direct to her own ports rather than resort, as +at present, to the depôts of such goods in Great +Britain. Nothing could be further from his intentions +than to be influenced by any spirit of retaliation, +nor, if the Treaty should be denounced, would +he, on that account, be less friendly to England in +political matters; but it was evident that, in making +his financial and commercial arrangements, the +interests and necessities of France must be paramount. +In conclusion he pressed for an immediate answer +from Her Majesty's Government in order that the +French Government might complete their plans, +which were of urgent importance.</p> + +<p>To the impartial observer the opinions expressed +by Thiers seem to be logical, natural, and reasonable, +unless the principle of looking after one's own +interests is unreasonable; but to the ardent devotees +of Free Trade, they must have appeared in the light +of impiety. Lord Lyons, in reporting the interview, +remarked that 'nothing could have been more unsatisfactory +than Thiers's language,' and added significantly +that he himself had managed to keep his +temper.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p> + +<p>Thiers did not get his definite answer, and the +wrangle continued until in February, 1872, the +French Government, with the general approval of +the nation, gave notice of the termination of the +Commercial Treaty of 1860.</p> + +<p>The Bill abrogating the proscription of the French +Royal families had been passed by the Assembly, and +the elections of the Duc d'Aumale and the Prince de +Joinville consequently declared valid, but these +princes having established their rights, wisely remained +in the background. Not so another illustrious +Royalist, the Comte de Chambord. This prince, who +was also included in the reversal of the disqualifying +law, returned to France and issued a proclamation from +the Château of Chambord in July which spread consternation +in the Royalist camp. After explaining +that his presence was only temporary and that he +desired to create no embarrassment, he declared that +he was prepared to govern on a broad basis of +administrative decentralization, but that there were +certain conditions to which he could not submit. If +he were summoned to the throne he would accept, +but he should retain his principles, and above all the +White Flag which had been handed down to him by +his ancestors. This announcement seemed, to say +the least, premature, and the supporters of a Republic +must have warmly congratulated themselves +upon having to encounter an enemy who played +so completely into their hands.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 11, 1871.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The Comte de Chambord seems to have upset the Legitimist +coach. The Legitimist Deputies have been obliged +to repudiate the White Flag, being sure that they could +never be elected to a new Chamber under that Banner,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> +and of course fusion between the Orleans Princes and their +cousin is now out of the question.</p> + +<p>Thiers said to me last night that he did not regard the +Comte de Chambord's declaration in favour of the White +Flag as irrevocable—and that it looked as if it had been +made in a moment of ill-temper. According to Thiers, both +the Comte de Chambord and the Comte de Paris eagerly +desire to be kings—most people doubt, however, whether +the Comte de Chambord does really wish it. All that has +occurred tends to strengthen and prolong Thiers's hold on +power, and he is rejoicing accordingly. Indeed, there is +hardly a Frenchman who professes to doubt that Thiers's +Government is the only Government possible at the +moment.</p> + +<p>Gambetta is not considered by Thiers to be dangerous; +he declares that he will only maintain a constitutional or +legal opposition so long as the Government is Republican, +and if he and his supporters stick to this, Thiers will certainly +have no great cause to dread them. If Rouher had +been elected he would have been a formidable opponent, +though he has been too much accustomed to lead an +applauding and acquiescing majority to be good at speaking +to a hostile audience. Thiers says that the rejection of +Rouher will be a good thing for his own health and repose, +as he should have found it very fatiguing to have to answer +the great Imperialist orator.</p> + +<p>The hurry with which the new duties were rushed +through the Assembly on Saturday is disquieting. Thiers +and Jules Favre protest, however, that they are determined +to do nothing irregular regarding the Commercial Treaties. +The Swiss Minister tells me his Government is determined +to insist upon the strict execution of the Swiss Treaty, +without admitting any alteration of the tariffs, but then +the Swiss Treaty does not expire for five or six years. I +take care to give no opinion as to what we shall or shall +not do. Thiers talked again last night of conferring with +me soon about the details of the changes. I am not very +anxious that he should do so, as confusion is much more +likely than anything else to arise from carrying on the +discussion in both places at once.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span></p> + +<p>Half my time is taken up with the affairs of the +unfortunate English prisoners. It is necessary to be +cautious, for the French Authorities are extremely touchy +on the subject. There does not appear to be any danger +of their being executed, as fortunately they are a very insignificant +and unimportant set of insurgents, if insurgents +they were; but they are kept a long time without examination, +and some do run the risk of being shipped off to +New Caledonia.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Comte de Chambord, having effectually +destroyed the chances of his own party for the time +being, now disappeared from the scene, and nothing +more was heard of him or his White Flag for a considerable +period.</p> + +<p>The summer of 1871 did not pass without the old +question of voting in the House of Lords cropping +up again. In July, Lord Lyons received an intimation +from the Liberal Whip that his vote was wanted +on the following day, accompanied by a letter from +Lord Granville in the same sense. He declined to +come, on the same ground as formerly, viz. that he +considered it advisable that a diplomatist should +keep aloof from home politics, and also because he +was extremely reluctant to give votes on questions +of which he had little knowledge. The particular +question involved was presumably a vote of censure +on the Government in connection with the Army +Purchase Bill, and he seems to have taken it for +granted that Lord Granville would make no objection. +A letter from the latter showed that he was mistaken.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Foreign Office, July 17, 1871.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I cannot agree with the principle you lay down—Lord +Stuart, my father, the late Lord Cowley, and Lord +Normanby when Ambassador at Paris used to vote when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> +specially summoned. So did Lord Cowley, although he +served under successive Governments. So did Lord +Westmoreland and others. I find no recommendation of +your principle in the report of the Committee of the +House of Commons, and although Lord Derby may have +given evidence in favour of it, his father gave practical +proof in several instances that he entirely disagreed +with it.</p> + +<p>A Foreign Government can hardly believe in the +confidential relations of this Government and her Ambassador, +if the latter being a Peer abstains from supporting +them when a vote of want of confidence, or one amounting +to it, is proposed against them.</p> + +<p>Clarendon brought before the Cabinet your disinclination +to vote on the question of the Irish Church. They +unanimously decided that we had a claim upon you, and +you were good enough to consent, stating the grounds you +mention in your letter of yesterday.</p> + +<p>It is of course too late for any practical result to our +controversy as regards to-night, but I hope you will consider +that I have a claim on you for the future, when your +vote is of importance. I shall never ask you unnecessarily +to come over.</p></blockquote> + +<p>An intimation of this kind from an official chief +could not well be disregarded, but the reply to Lord +Granville's letter is conclusive in its arguments.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<p class="p1">Paris, July 27, 1871.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Your letter of the 17th about my voting in the House +of Lords goes farther than Lord Clarendon did on the +previous occasion. Lord Clarendon originally acquiesced +in my not voting on the Irish Church Bill, and when he +subsequently begged me to come over, unless I objected +to the Bill, he founded his request principally upon a strong +opinion of Mr. Gladstone's that it was the duty of a peer +not to abstain from voting, and that every vote was of +consequence. On this ground he expressed a hope that +I should come over unless I was opposed to the Bill.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span></p> + +<p>Of my predecessors, the only one who was in a position +resembling mine, was the present Lord Cowley; and +certainly he will always be a high authority with me.</p> + +<p>I have been for more than thirty years, and I still am, +devoted to my own profession, and I am sure that if I +can be of any use in my generation, and do myself any +credit, it must be as a diplomatist. I have worked my +way up in the regular course of the profession, and have +served under successive Governments, both before and +since I became a peer, without any reference to home +politics. In fact, I received my original appointment to +the service from Lord Palmerston; I was made paid +attaché by Lord Aberdeen; I was sent to Rome by Lord +Russell; to Washington by Lord Malmesbury; to Constantinople +by Lord Russell; and finally to Paris by Lord +Derby. The appointment was given to me in the ordinary +way of advancement in my profession, and I was told +afterwards by Lord Clarendon that my being wholly +unconnected with any party at home had been considered +to be a recommendation. I have myself always thought +that a regular diplomatist could only impair his efficiency +by taking part in home politics, and I have throughout +acted upon this conviction. During the thirteen years or +thereabouts which have elapsed since I succeeded to my +father's peerage, I have given only one vote in the House +of Lords; the question, the Irish Church vote, was one on +which there really did seem to be a possibility that the +decision might turn upon one vote; and the question, as +it stood before the House, was hardly a party question.</p> + +<p>In addition to all this, I must say that while I have a +very great reluctance to give blind votes, I do not wish +to be diverted from my diplomatic duties by having to +attend to home questions; also, I would rather give my +whole energies to carrying out the instructions of the +Government abroad, without having continually to consult +my conscience about voting in the House of Lords.</p> + +<p>I did not intend to have given you the trouble of reading +a long answer to your letter, but I have just received +another summons from Lord Bessborough. I hope, however, +you will not press me to come over to vote on Monday.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> +You were at all events good enough to say that you should +never ask me to come unnecessarily; but if, after considering +my reasons, you insist upon my coming, I must +of course defer to your opinion and do what you desire.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It is difficult to believe that Lord Granville, +who was one of the most amiable and considerate +of men, was acting otherwise than under pressure +in thus endeavouring to utilize an Ambassador as +a party hack. His arguments certainly do not bear +much investigation. If a foreign government could +not feel any confidence in an Ambassador who failed +to support his party by a vote in Parliament, what +confidence could they possibly feel in him if his +party were out of office, and he continued at his +post under the orders of political opponents? If +the Clarendon Cabinet really decided that they had a +claim upon diplomatists as party men it only showed +that they were conspicuously wanting in judgment +and a prey to that dementia which occasionally +seizes upon British statesmen when a division is +impending. That state of mind is intelligible when +a division in the House of Commons is concerned, but +what passes comprehension is that pressure should be +put upon members of the House of Lords to vote, +whose abstention is obviously desirable, whilst +scores of obscure peers are left unmolested. One +peer's vote was as good as another's in 1871, just +as it is now; but in the division on the vote of censure +on the Army Purchase Bill only 244 peers voted +out of a House containing about double that number.</p> + +<p>Before long the question of the prolongation +of Thiers's powers for a fixed period became the +chief topic of interest. He was infinitely the most +important personage in France, and a large number<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> +of members were desirous of placing him more or +less in the position of a constitutional sovereign, +and obliging him to take a Ministry from the +majority in the Assembly. The majority in the +Assembly not unnaturally thought that their ideas +ought to prevail in the Government, and they +resented being constantly threatened with the withdrawal +of this indispensable man, an action which, +it was thought, would amount to little short of a +revolution. What they wanted, therefore, was to +bestow a higher title upon him than Chief of the +Executive Power, which would exclude him from +coming in person to the Assembly; and it was only +the difficulty of finding some one to take his place, +and the desire to get the Germans out of the Paris +forts that kept them quiet. Like many other +eminent persons considered to be indispensable, +Thiers now began to give out that he really desired +to retire into private life, and that it was only the +country which insisted upon his staying in office, while +as a matter of fact, he was by no means as indifferent +to power as he fancied himself to be. In the Chamber +he damaged his reputation to some extent by displays +of temper and threats of resignation, but there was +never much doubt as to the prolongation of his +powers.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Aug. 25, 1871.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Thiers quitted the Tribune in a pet yesterday, and the +whole series of events in the Assembly has very much +lowered his credit. In the one thing in which he was +thought to be pre-eminent, the art of managing a deliberative +body, he completely failed: and his first threatening +to resign, and then coming back and half giving in, has +very much damaged him. Nevertheless the general<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> +opinion is that the prolongation of his powers will pass, +upon his making it a condition, as a vote of confidence, of +his remaining. But it is difficult to believe, even if it be +passed by a considerable majority, that things can go on +smoothly between him and the Assembly very long. If +any party had a leader and courage, it might do almost +anything in France at this moment.</p> + +<p>Arnim<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> is expected on Saturday. I knew him years ago +at Rome. I doubt his being a conciliatory negotiator. +The French believe that Bismarck is so anxious to obtain +commercial advantages for Alsace, that he will give them +great things in return. He is supposed to wish, in the first +place, to conciliate his new subjects; and, in the second, to +divert for a time from Germany the torrent of Alsatian +manufactures which would pour in if the outlets into France +were stopped up. The French hope to get the Paris forts +evacuated in return for a continuance of the free entrance +of Alsatian goods into France until the 1st of January, and +they even speculate upon getting the Prussians to evacuate +Champagne, and content themselves with keeping the +army, which was to have occupied it, inside the German +frontier, the French paying the expenses, as if it were still +in France. All this to be given in return for a prolongation +of commercial privileges for Alsace. It would be +ungenerous of 'most favoured nations' to claim similar +privileges.</p> + +<p>Thiers was too full of the events of the afternoon in the +Assembly to talk about the Commercial Treaty. I don't +believe he has brought the Committee round to his duties +on raw materials.</p></blockquote> + +<p>At the end of August, the Assembly by a very large +majority passed a bill conferring upon Thiers the title +of President of the Republic and confirmed his powers +for the duration of the existing Assembly, adopting +at the same time a vote of confidence in him personally. +The result of these proceedings was that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> +the attempt to make a step towards the definite +establishment of a Republic and to place Thiers +as President for a term of years in a position independent +of the Assembly, failed. The bill asserted +what the Left had always denied, viz. the constituent +power of the Assembly, and declared that the +President was responsible to it. So far, it expressed +the sentiments of the moderate men, and the +minority was composed of extreme Legitimists +and extreme Republicans. It also proved that +Thiers was still held to be the indispensable man.</p> + +<p>The Assembly, which had adjourned after the +passing of the above-mentioned bill, met again in +December, and was supposed to be more Conservative +than ever, owing to the fear created by Radical +progress in the country. Thiers's Presidential +Message did not afford much satisfaction to the +extreme partisans on either side, and it was evident +that he did not desire any prompt solution of the +Constitutional question, preferring to leave himself +free, and not to be forced into taking any premature +decision. As for the Legitimist, Orleanist, and +Moderate Republican groups, their vacillation tended +only to the advantage of two parties, the Bonapartists +and the Red Republicans.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 26. 1871.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The New Year will open gloomily for France. The +Germans appear to be alarmed, or at all events irritated, +by Thiers's military boasts and military preparations. +The boasts are certainly unwise, and preparations or anything +else which encourages the French to expect to get +off paying the three milliards are extremely imprudent. +The Germans mean to have their money and keep the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> +territory they have taken, and they say that they had +better have it out with France now that she is weak, than +wait till she has got strong again. The irritation of the +French against the Germans seems to grow, and the Germans +are angry with the French for not loving them, which after +the conditions of peace, to say nothing of the events of the +war, seems somewhat unreasonable.</p> + +<p>Thiers so far holds his own, and no party seems willing +to displace him, while no party agrees with him. The one +thing in which men of all parties seem to agree is in abusing +Thiers, and I must say that a good deal of the abuse is +exceedingly unjust. But with the members of the Assembly +in this inflammable state of feeling towards him, an unexpected +spark may at any moment make them flare up +and turn him out almost before they are aware of it. The +general idea is that the Assembly would appoint the Duc +d'Aumale to succeed him; the acceptance of the Duc +d'Aumale by the country would depend upon the amount +of vigour he showed in putting down illegal opposition by +force. There are members of the Assembly who wish to +declare that in case of Thiers's abdication or dethronement, +the President of the Assembly is to exercise the Executive +Power. This is with a view of bringing forward Grévy, +who is an honourable, moderate man, but an old thoroughbred +Republican. The immediate event people are looking +forward to with interest and anxiety is the election of a +deputy for Paris on the 7th of next month. No one will be +surprised if a Red is returned, in consequence of the men +of order declining to vote. The Legitimists and the +Orleanists seem to be at daggers drawn again.</p> + +<p>Arnim says that Bismarck's fierce despatch was partly +intended to strengthen Thiers's hands in resisting violence +against the Germans. If this is so, the ferocity went too +far beyond the mark to be successful, great as the provocation +on the French side was.</p> + +<p>I will write a mild disclaimer of the accuracy of Jules +Favre's accounts of his communications with me. There +is no <em>malus animus</em>, I think, in them. My Russian and +Italian colleagues are very much annoyed by the language +he attributes to them.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span></p> + +<p>The fierce despatch referred was a harsh communication +from Bismarck complaining of the +recent acquittal of some Frenchmen who had assassinated +German soldiers of the army of occupation.</p> + +<p>At the close of 1871, the Bonapartist Party, +although scarcely represented in the Assembly, +appeared to be that which caused the Government +the most anxiety. That party had undoubtedly +made progress in the country; it held out the hope +of a vigorous and determined maintenance of public +order, and a vast number of Frenchmen were so +much out of heart, so wearied and disgusted by the +results of the attempts at political liberty, and so +much afraid of the triumph of the Commune, that +they were prepared to sacrifice anything in order +to be assured of peace and tranquillity. The +peasants, shopkeepers, and even many of the workmen +in the towns, sighed for the material prosperity +of the Empire. They believed that the Emperor +had been betrayed by his Ministers and Generals, +and were willing to excuse his personal share even +in the capitulation of Sedan. If more confidence +could have been felt in his health and personal +energy, the advocates of a restoration of the Empire +would have been still more numerous. As it was, +a great mass of the ignorant and the timid were in +favour of it, and it was the opinion of so impartial +an observer as the British Ambassador, that if a +free vote could have been taken under universal +suffrage a majority would probably have been +obtained for the re-establishment upon the throne +of Napoleon III. If the Imperialists could by any +means have seized upon the executive Government +and so directed the operations of a plébiscite, there +was little doubt as to their securing the usual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> +millions of votes under that process. With them, +as with the other parties, the difficulty lay in bringing +about such a crisis as would enable them to act, +and the Emperor himself was disinclined to take +any adventurous step.</p> + +<p>The Legitimists had the advantage of holding +to a definite principle, but it was a principle which +carried little weight in the country in general. +Their chief, the Comte de Chambord, had shown +himself to be so impracticable, that it really seemed +doubtful whether he wished to mount the throne, +and the party had more members in the existing +Assembly than it was likely to obtain if a fresh +general election took place; added to which it had +quarrelled with the Orleanists, a union with whom +was essential to the attainment of any practical end.</p> + +<p>The Orleanists were weakened by their dissensions +with the Legitimists and discouraged by what +they considered the want of energy and enterprise +of the Princes of the family. The members of the +Orleans party suffered from the want of a definite +principle, and consisted chiefly of educated and +enlightened men who held to Constitutional Monarchy +and Parliamentary Government; in reality +they were a fluctuating body willing to accept +any Government giving a promise of order and +political liberty.</p> + +<p>The moderate Republicans included in their +ranks many honest and respected men, but they had +to contend with the extreme unpopularity of the +Government of National Defence in which they had +formed the chief part, and although the existing +Government was nominally based upon their principles, +they did not appear to be gaining ground. The +extreme Republicans endeavoured to make up by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> +violence what they wanted in numerical strength, +and as they saw no prospect of obtaining office in a +regular manner, founded their hopes upon seizing +power at a critical moment with the help of the +Paris mob.</p> + +<p>Amidst this collection of parties stood Thiers's +Government, supported heartily by none, but +accepted by all. By skilful management, by +yielding where resistance appeared hopeless, and by +obtaining votes sometimes from one side of the +Assembly, and sometimes from the other, Thiers +had carried many points to which he attached importance, +and had never yet found himself in a +minority. His Government was avowedly a temporary +expedient, resting upon a compromise +between all parties, or rather upon the adjournment +of all constitutional questions. To the monarchical +parties which formed the majority of the Assembly, +Thiers's apparent adoption of the Republican +system rendered him especially obnoxious. On the +other hand, the Republicans were dissatisfied because, +the whole weight of the Government was not unscrupulously +used for the purpose of establishing +a Republic permanently, with or without the consent +of the people.</p> + +<p>On the centralization of the administration, on +military organization, on finance, and on other +matters, Thiers's personal views were widely different +from those generally prevalent in the Assembly, and +there was plenty of censure and criticism of him in +private; but no one party saw its way to ensuring +its own triumph, and all were weighed down by the +necessity of maintaining endurable relations with +Germany. In forming such relations, Thiers had +shown great skill and obtained considerable success<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> +in his arduous task. Bismarck, in imposing the +hardest possible conditions of peace, had acted +avowedly on the principle that it was hopeless to +conciliate France, and that the only security for +Germany lay in weakening her as much as possible. +This policy having been carried out, the German +public and the German press appeared to be quite +surprised that France was slow to be reconciled to +her conquerors, and even to doubt whether already +France was not too strong for their safety. The +apparent recovery of the French finances may well +have surprised them disagreeably, but Thiers was not +over careful to avoid increasing their distrust. +His intention to create a larger army than France +had ever maintained before, and his frequent praises +of the army he already possessed, was not reassuring +to them. It was, therefore, not altogether surprising +that they should have felt some doubts as to +the consequences of finding themselves confronted by +an immense army, when they called upon France to +pay the remaining three milliards in 1874. Nevertheless +the German Government had expressed its +confidence in Thiers, and it would have been almost +impossible for any new Government to have placed +matters on as tolerable a footing.</p> + +<p>All things considered, therefore, it seemed not +improbable that the existing Government might +last for some time, although its life was somewhat +precarious, since it was liable to be upset by commotions +and conspiracies, and having no existence +apart from Thiers, its duration was bound to depend +on the health and strength of a man nearly seventy-four +years old.</p> + +<p>In January, 1872, Thiers, in consequence of a +dispute in the Chamber over the question of a tax<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> +on raw materials, tendered his resignation, but was +persuaded with some difficulty to reconsider it. +'I have never known the French so depressed and +so out of heart about their internal affairs,' wrote +Lord Lyons. 'They don't believe Thiers can go on +much longer, and they see nothing but confusion +if he is turned out. The Legitimists and Orleanists +are now trying for fusion. They are attempting +to draw up a constitution on which they can all +agree, and which, when drawn up, is to be offered +to the Comte de Chambord, and if refused by him, +then to the Comte de Paris. I hear they have not +yet been able to come to an understanding on the +first article. It all tends to raise the Bonapartists. +Many people expect to hear any morning of a coup +by which Thiers and the Assembly will be deposed, +and an <em>appel au peuple</em>, made to end in a restoration +of the Empire.' Probably it was the knowledge +of a Bonapartist reaction in the country that led +Thiers to make a singularly foolish complaint against +an alleged military demonstration in England in +favour of the ex-Emperor.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 9, 1872.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>M. Thiers said to me yesterday at Versailles that he +had been told that a general of the name of Wood had +marched 6000 of Her Majesty's troops to Chislehurst to be +reviewed by the Emperor Napoleon.</p> + +<p>M. Thiers went on to say that no one could appreciate +more highly than he did the noble and generous hospitality +which England extended to political exiles, and that he +had indeed profited by it in his own person. He admired +also the jealousy with which the English nation regarded +all attempts from abroad to interfere with the free exercise<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> +of this hospitality. He should never complain of due +respect being shown to a Sovereign Family in adversity. +But he thought that there was some limit to be observed +in the matter. For instance, he himself, while on the best +terms with the reigning dynasty in Spain, still always +treated the Queen Isabella, who was in France, with great +respect and deference. Nevertheless, when Her Majesty +had expressed a desire to go to live at Pau, he had felt it +to be his duty to ask her very courteously to select a +residence at a greater distance from the frontier of Spain. +In this, as in all matters, he felt that consideration for the +exiles must be tempered by a due respect for the recognized +Government of their country. Now if the Emperor +Napoleon should choose to be present at a review of British +troops, there could be no objection to his being treated +with all the courtesy due to a head which had worn a +crown. It was, however, a different thing to march troops +to his residence to hold a review there in his honour.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Thiers had not taken the trouble to substantiate +his ridiculous complaint, and his action was an +instance of the extreme gullibility of even the most +intelligent French statesmen, where foreign countries +are concerned, and so perturbed was the +French Government at the idea of a Bonapartist +restoration, that according to Captain Hotham, +British Consul at Calais, two gunboats, the <em>Cuvier</em> +and <em>Faon</em>, were at that time actually employed in +patrolling the coast between St. Malo and Dunkirk +with a view to preventing a possible landing of the +Emperor Napoleon. A little later, the Duc de +Broglie, French Ambassador in London, made a +tactless remonstrance to Lord Granville with regard +to the presence of the Emperor and Empress at +Buckingham Palace, on the occasion of a National +Thanksgiving held to celebrate the recovery of the +Prince of Wales from a dangerous illness.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Foreign Office, March 1, 1872.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The Duc de Broglie told me to-day that he had been +rather surprised when he heard of the Emperor and Empress +having been at Buckingham Palace on so public an occasion +as that of last Tuesday, that I had not mentioned it to him +on Monday afternoon, when we had had a long conversation. +It would have enabled him to write to M. de Rémusat,<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and +thus have prevented any of the effect which a sudden +announcement in the papers might create in France.</p> + +<p>I told him that I had not been consulted and did +not know the fact of the invitation when I saw him, and +that if I had, I should probably have mentioned it to +him, although not a subject about which I should have +written.</p> + +<p>I should have explained to him that it was an act of +courtesy of the Queen to those with whom she had been +on friendly relations, and that it was analogous to many +acts of courtesy shown by the Queen to the Orleanist +Princes.</p> + +<p>He laid stress on the publicity of the occasion, and on +the few opportunities which he, as Ambassador, had of +seeing the Queen, of which he made no complaint; but +it made any attentions to the Emperor on public occasions +more marked. He was afraid that the announcement +would produce considerable effect, not upon statesmen, +but upon the press in France.</p> + +<p>I repeated that the admission of the Emperor and +Empress had no political significance, but had been in +pursuance with the long-established habit of the Queen to +show personal courtesy to Foreign Princes with whom she +had been formerly on friendly relations.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The fall of the Finance Minister, Pouyer Quertier, +in the spring had given rise to hopes that the French +commercial policy would become more liberal, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> +the letters quoted below show how powerless were +the arguments of the British Government and how +completely wasted upon the French Ministers were +the lamentations of the British free traders, and +their prognostications of ruin to those who were +not sufficiently enlightened to adopt their policy.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 5, 1872.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I suppose Pouyer Quertier is really out, but we see so +many changes from hour to hour in resolutions here, that +I shall not report it officially until his successor is gazetted. +We cannot have a more Protectionist successor; but, after +all, no one is so bigoted a Protectionist as Thiers himself.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless the change of Minister will give a chance +or an excuse for a change of policy to some extent. I think +that with a view to this some stronger expression of displeasure, +or rather perhaps of regret than we have hitherto +ventured upon, might have a good effect. The new +Minister and perhaps even Thiers himself might be struck +by a report from Broglie that you had put strongly before +him the impossibility, whatever efforts the Government +might make, of preventing public opinion in England +becoming hostile to France if the present commercial +policy is persisted in. It is in fact plain that there is no +probability of France obtaining the concessions from the +Treaty Powers, on which Thiers professed to reckon. The +result already is that, whatever may have been the intention, +the Mercantile Marine Law is in practice a blow +which falls on England, and not on other European Powers. +Unless the French Government means to give us a real +most favoured nation clause, the result of denouncing our +treaty will be to place us, when it expires, at a special +disadvantage as compared with other nations. And what +it now asks us to effect by negotiation, is to hasten the +moment at which it can accomplish this. It is quite idle +to talk of special friendship for us, when its measures +practically treat us much worse than they do the Germans.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> +M. de Rémusat and some other people are fond of saying +that it is quite impossible that France could bear to see +two nations so friendly as Belgium and England placed +exceptionally in a position inferior to Germany. But +France seems to bear this with great equanimity so far as +our merchant navy is concerned.</p> + +<p>The demand we have made to be exempted from the +<em>surtaxes de pavillon</em> under our most favoured nation +clause would give the French Government a means of +remedying the injustice <em>if it wished to do so</em>. At any rate +some strong expressions of discontent on our part might +increase the disinclination of the Assembly and some +members of the Government to insist on imposing the +duties on the raw materials. It would be very convenient +if there were some retaliatory measures to which we could +resort, without injuring ourselves or departing from our +own Free Trade principles. The French Government +grossly abuses, in order to influence the Assembly, our +assurances of unimpaired good will, and reluctance to +retaliate; and so, in my opinion, is preparing the way for +the real diminution of good will which its success in carrying +its protectionist measures, to our special injury, must +produce in the end.</p> + +<p>The present Government of France does not gain +strength; far from it. The Imperialists are gaining +strength, as people become more and more afraid of the +Reds, and feel less and less confidence in the power either +of Thiers, or the Comte de Chambord, or the Comte de +Paris, to keep them down. The end will probably be +brought about by some accident when it is least expected. +It would not be wise to leave out of the calculation of +possibilities, the chance of Thiers's Government dragging +on for some time yet, and it would be very difficult to +predict what will succeed it. At present the Legitimists +and Orleanists seem to have lost, and to be daily losing +prestige, and naturally enough, to be bringing down with +them the Assembly in which they are or were a majority.</p> + +<p>Perhaps I ought to say that the despatch which I send +you to-day about the sojourn of our Royal Family in the +South of France applies exclusively to them. Everybody<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> +knows or ought to know that affairs are uncertain in France, +but I should not think it necessary or proper to warn +private people against coming to France or staying there. +The conspicuous position of members of the Royal Family +increase the risk of their being placed in awkward circumstances, +and circumstances which would be of little consequence +in the case of private people, would be very +serious and embarrassing if they affected members of the +Royal Family of England.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The last passage referred to a stay at Nice +contemplated by the Prince of Wales. In the event +of any change of Government, it was always feared +that disorders would take place in the southern +towns of France.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 14, 1872.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The commercial disputes with the French Government +which, as you know, I always apprehended, are coming +thick upon us. I foresaw what was coming and begged +Thiers, Rémusat and other members of the Government +over and over again to guard against vexations in the +execution of the Treaty while it lasted. I make little +doubt, notwithstanding, that all these violent and unfair +proceedings are prompted, not checked, from Paris.</p> + +<p>The Spaniards have found out the only way to deal +with the Protectionist spirit here. The slightest hint at +retaliation would have such an effect in the Assembly as +to stop the onward career of illiberality. As things now +are, the extortioners have the game in their own hands. +They levy what duty they please, and pay just as much +or as little attention as may suit them, to our remonstrances. +It is a very disagreeable affair for one who, like myself, is +really anxious that there should be good feeling between +the two countries. We are in a fix. On the one hand, we +cannot, without injuring ourselves and abandoning our +principles, retaliate; and on the other hand, while they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> +feel sure we shall do no more than remonstrate, the Protectionist +officials will care very little. If indeed the general +opinion is to be relied upon, the present Government and +its chief may come down with a crash at any moment, +but I don't know whether a change would benefit us +commercially.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Lyons, like Lord Granville and other +English public men and officials of the day, was a +Free Trader, as has already been stated. But it +would be difficult for the most ardent Protectionist +to make out a stronger case against the helplessness +of a Free Trade policy when negotiating with a +foreign Government than is disclosed in these +letters, and there are any number of others all in +the same strain. All the protestations of goodwill, +of sympathy, and benefit to the human race, etc., +were, and presumably are still, a pure waste of time +when addressed to a country about to frame a +tariff in accordance with its own interests, unless +the threat of retaliation is used in order to retain +some bargaining power, as apparently the Spaniards +had already discovered.</p> + +<p>It has already been stated that Thiers's plans +of military re-organization and his somewhat imprudent +language had caused some agitation in +Germany, and when the German Ambassador, Count +Arnim, returned to his post at Paris in the spring of +1872, it was freely rumoured that he was the bearer +of remarkably unpleasant communications. These +apprehensions turned out to be exaggerated, and +Thiers in conversation always assumed a lamb-like +attitude of peace. He denied that the Germans +had addressed any representations to him, said that +all suspicions against him were grossly unjust, that +it would be absolute madness for France to think of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> +going to war, and that, for his part, the keystone +of all his foreign policy was peace. As for his +army reform schemes, he was a much misunderstood +man. He was undoubtedly reorganizing the military +forces of France, and it was his duty to place +them upon a respectable footing, and so provide a +guarantee for peace. It was, however, quite false +to say that he was arming, for that term implied +that he was making preparations for war, and that +he was putting the army into a condition to pass +at once from a state of peace to a state of war. He +was doing nothing of the sort; on the contrary, his +efforts were directed to obtaining the evacuation +of the territory, by providing for the payment of +the war indemnity to Germany, and it could hardly +be supposed that if he were meditating a renewal +of the contest, he would begin by making over three +milliards to her.</p> + +<p>From Arnim's language, it appeared that the +German public was irritated and alarmed at the +perpetual harping of the French upon the word +'Revenge,' and that the German military men (the +<em>militaires</em> who were always so convenient to Bismarck +for purposes of argument) conceived that +the best guarantee for peace would be to keep their +soldiers as long as possible within a few days' march +of Paris.</p> + +<p>The German fears were, no doubt, greatly +exaggerated, but if they existed at all they were +largely due to Thiers's own language, who, while +not talking indeed of immediate revenge, was fond +of boasting of the strength and efficiency of the +French army, and even of affirming that it was at +that very moment equal to cope with the Germans. +That he was conscious of having created suspicion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> +may be inferred from the fact that when the Prince +of Wales passed through Paris on his way from +Nice to Germany, he begged H.R.H. to use his +influence at the Court of Berlin to impress upon the +Emperor and all who were of importance there, +that the French Government, and the President +himself in particular, desired peace above all things, +and were resolved to maintain it. A letter from +the British Ambassador at Berlin throws some light +upon the prevalent German feeling.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Mr. Odo Russell<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">British Embassy, Berlin, April 27, 1872.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Since your letter of the 9th inst. reached me feelings +have changed in Berlin.</p> + +<p>Thiers's Army bill and Speech have irritated the +Emperor, Bismarck and indeed everybody.</p> + +<p>The Generals tell the Emperor it would be better to +fight France before she is ready than after; but Bismarck, +who scorns the Generals, advises the Emperor to fight +France <em>morally</em> through Rome and the Catholic alliances +against United Germany.</p> + +<p>Although he denies it, Bismarck probably caused those +violent articles against Thiers to appear in the English +newspapers, and he tells everybody that Thiers has lost +his esteem and may lose his support. The next grievance +they are getting up against him is that he is supposed to +have made offers through Le Flô to Russia against Germany.</p> + +<p>In short, from having liked him and praised him and +wished for him, they are now tired of him and think him +a traitor because he tries to reform the French Army on +too large a scale!</p> + +<p>Gontaut<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> does not appear to do anything beyond play +the agreeable, which he does perfectly, and every one likes +him. But it is said that <em>Agents</em>, financial Agents I presume, +are employed by Thiers to communicate through<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> +Jewish Bankers here indirectly with Bismarck. Through +these agents Thiers is supposed to propose arrangements +for an early payment of the 3 milliards and an early withdrawal +of the German troops of occupation,—the payment +to be effected by foreign loans and the guarantee of European +Bankers,—in paper not in gold. Bismarck has not +yet pronounced definitely, but the Emperor William won't +hear of shortening the occupation of France. Indeed, he +regrets he cannot by Treaty leave his soldiers longer still +as a guarantee of peace while he lives, for he is most anxious +to die at peace with all the world.</p> + +<p>So that nothing is done and nothing will be done before +Arnim returns to Paris. He has no sailing orders yet and +seems well amused here.</p></blockquote> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Mr. Odo Russell.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 7, 1872.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Many thanks for your interesting letter.</p> + +<p>Arnim's account of public opinion at Berlin entirely +confirms that which you give, only he says Bismarck would +be personally willing to come to an arrangement with +France for payment of the milliards and the evacuation of +the territory, but that he will not run any risk of injuring +his own position by opposing either Moltke or public opinion +on this point.</p> + +<p>I don't think the Germans need the least fear the +French attacking them for many years to come. The +notion of coming now to destroy France utterly, in order to +prevent her ever in the dim future being able to revenge +herself, seems simply atrocious. The French are so foolish +in their boasts, and the Germans so thin-skinned, that I am +afraid of mischief.</p> + +<p>I should doubt Bismarck's being wise in setting himself +in open hostility to the Vatican. The favour of the Holy +See is seldom of any practical use, so far as obtaining acts +in its favour, to a Protestant or even to a Roman Catholic +Government; but the simple fact of being notoriously in +antagonism to it, brings a vast amount of opposition and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> +ill-will on a Government that has Catholic subjects. The +fear of this country's being able at this moment to work the +Catholic element in Germany or elsewhere against the +German Emperor appears to me to be chimerical.</p> + +<p>I wish the Germans would get their milliards as fast +as they can, and go: then Europe might settle down, +and they need not be alarmed about French vengeance, +or grudge the French the poor consolation of talking +about it.</p> + +<p>Arnim was a good deal struck by the decline in Thiers's +vigour, since he took leave of him before his journey to +Rome, but he saw Thiers some days ago, when the little +President was at his worst.</p></blockquote> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Mr. Odo Russell to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">British Embassy, Berlin, May 11, 1872.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have nothing new to say about the relations of France +and Germany, but my friends here seem so alarmed at the +idea that France cannot pay the much longed for three +milliards, that if Thiers really does pay them, all the rest +will be forgiven and forgotten, and the withdrawal of the +German troops will then be impatiently called for. Like +yourself I write the impressions of the moment and am not +answerable for future changes of public opinion. Clearly +the thing to be desired for the peace of the world is the +payment by France and the withdrawal by Germany, after +which a normal state of things can be hoped for—not +before.</p> + +<p>The Pope, to my mind, has made a mistake in declining +to receive Hohenlohe. He ought to have accepted and in +return sent a Nuncio to Berlin, thereby selling Bismarck, +and controlling his German Bishops and the Döllinger +movement.</p> + +<p>Bismarck is going away on leave to Varzin. He is so +irritable and nervous that he can do no good here at +present, and rest is essential to him.</p> + +<p>Your letter of the 7th is most useful to me, many thanks +for it. I shall not fail to keep you as well informed as I can.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span></p> + +<p>In reality, the Germans made little difficulty +about the arrangements for the payment of the +indemnity and evacuation of French territory, and +early in July Thiers was able to state confidently +that he felt certain of being able to pay the whole +of the indemnity by March, 1874, and that he had +only obtained an additional year's grace in order to +guard against accidents.</p> + +<p>A curious incident which occurred in July, 1872, +showed how, if sufficient ingenuity be employed, a +trivial personal question may be turned to important +political use. The Comte de Vogué, French +Ambassador at Constantinople, who possessed little +or no diplomatic experience, before proceeding on +leave from his post, had an audience of the Sultan. +The Sultan received him standing, and began to +talk, when Vogué interrupted His Majesty, and +begged to be allowed to sit down, as other Ambassadors +had been accustomed to do, according to him, +on similar occasions. What the Sultan actually did +at the moment was not disclosed, but he took dire +offence, and telegrams began to pour in upon the +Turkish Ambassador at Paris desiring him to represent +to the French Government that if Vogué +came back his position would be very unpleasant—intimating +in fact that his return to Constantinople +must be prevented. The French Foreign Minister, +however, refused this satisfaction to the Sultan, and +the Turkish Ambassador in his perplexity sought +the advice of Lord Lyons, who preached conciliation, +and urged that, at all events, no steps ought to be +taken until Vogué had arrived at Paris, and was able +to give his version of the incident. The French, +naturally enough, were at that moment peculiarly +susceptible on all such matters, and more reluctant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> +to make a concession than if they were still on +their former pinnacle of grandeur at Constantinople, +although Vogué was clearly in the wrong, for Lord +Lyons admitted that he had himself never been +asked to sit. The importance of the incident +consisted in the fact that it gave an opportunity +of cultivating the goodwill of Russia, as the traditional +enemy of Turkey. No Frenchman had ever +lost sight of the hope that some day or other an +ally against Germany might be found in Russia, +and there were not wanting signs of a reciprocal +feeling on the part of the latter. It had, for instance, +been the subject of much remark, that the Russian +Ambassador at Paris, Prince Orloff, had recently +been making immense efforts to become popular +with all classes of the French: Legitimists, Orleanists, +Imperialists, Republicans, and especially newspaper +writers of all shades of politics. As it was +well known that neither Prince nor Princess Orloff +were really fond of society, these efforts were almost +overdone, but nevertheless they met with a hearty +response everywhere, from Thiers downwards, for +all Frenchmen were eagerly hoping for a quarrel +between Russia and Germany, and were ready to +throw themselves into the arms of the former in +that hope. Russia, on her side, was clearly not +unwilling to cultivate a friendship which cost +nothing, and might conceivably be of considerable +profit.</p> + +<p>On November 5 the new Anglo-French Commercial +Treaty was signed, indignant British Free +Traders striving to console themselves with the +thought that France would soon discover the error +of her ways and cease to lag behind the rest of the +civilized world in her economic heresy.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span></p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 12, 1872.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I saw Thiers on Friday after I wrote to you on that day; +and I dined with him on Saturday. He looked remarkably +well, and was in high spirits and in great good humour, as +he ought to be, with us. He spoke, as indeed he always +does, as if he felt quite sure that he should have his own +way with the Assembly in all things. As regards the +organic measures, he talked as if the fight would be entirely +with the Right; but both sections of the Left have declared +against organic changes to be made by this Assembly. +I suppose, however, Thiers is pretty sure to get his own +powers prolonged for four years certain, and this is what he +cares about.</p> + +<p>I do not, however, find in my Austrian, German, and +Russian colleagues so unqualified an acquiescence in +Thiers remaining in power as they professed before I went +away. It is said that the three Emperors at Berlin were +alarmed at the prospect of the definitive establishment of +any Republic, and still more so at the apparent tendency +of M. Thiers's policy to leave the country to drift into a +Red Republic, whenever he quitted the scene. However +this may be, there is certainly a change in the language of +their Representatives here, not very marked, but nevertheless +quite perceptible. Orloff in particular talks as if an +immediate Imperialist restoration were not only desirable +but probable. If he really thinks it probable, he is almost +alone in the opinion.</p> + +<p>The Prince de Joinville, who came to see me yesterday, +said that he had been a great deal about in the country, +and that he found everywhere an absolute indifference to +persons and dynasties, and a simple cry for any Government +which would efficiently protect property. He thought +that Thiers would be supported for this reason, but that +whatever institutions might be nominally established, they +would last only as long as Thiers himself did, and that +afterwards everything would be in question, and the +country probably divide itself into two great parties,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> +Conservatives and Reds, between whom there would be +a fierce struggle notwithstanding the great numerical +superiority of the former.</p></blockquote> + +<p>In the absence of exciting internal topics, the +year closed with a slight sensation provided by +Gramont, who, it might have been supposed, would +have preferred not to court further notoriety. +Count Beust had recently asserted that he had warned +France against expecting help from Austria in the +event of a war with Prussia. Gramont replied by +publishing a letter in which the following statement +occurred. 'L'Autriche considère la cause de la +France comme la sienne, et contribuera au succès +de ses armes dans les limites du possible.' This +quotation was supposed to be taken from a letter +from Beust to Metternich, dated July 20, 1870 +(the day after the declaration of war), and left by +Metternich with Gramont, who took a copy and +returned the original. Metternich was believed to +have shown the letter also to the Emperor Napoleon +and to Ollivier. The letter was represented as going +on to say that the neutrality proclaimed by Austria +was merely a blind to conceal her armaments, and +that she was only waiting till the advance of winter +rendered it impossible for Russia to concentrate +her forces.</p> + +<p>It was generally believed that there was plenty +of evidence that an offensive and defensive alliance +was in course of negotiation between France and +Austria in 1869, though no treaty was signed, and +the record appears to have consisted in letters exchanged +between the two Emperors, but as Gramont +had nothing more than a copy of a letter from Beust +to Metternich his evidence was legally defective,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> +whatever its moral value, and it was questionable +whether as an ex-Minister he had any right to +disclose such secrets.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 31, 1872.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Gramont's further revelations confirm what I told you +in my letter of the 24th. The question is becoming tiresome. +I conceive there is no doubt that Beust at Vienna, +and Metternich here, fanned the flame of French discontent +after Sadowa, with a view to avenging themselves when +Austria and France should be ready, and circumstances +favourable. I think also that Gramont came back from +Vienna full of Beust's warlike ideas, and very well inclined +to carry them out. What exchange of letters may have +taken place between the two Emperors, or what record +of any kind there may be of engagements between the +two countries to help one another, it is more difficult to +say.</p> + +<p>The assertion is that after war had been declared, +Austria engaged to move on the 15th September. Others +say that she also required that France should have an +army in Baden.</p> + +<p>This is not inconsistent with her having dissuaded +France from war in July, 1870, when she knew positively +it would be premature for herself, and probably had some +suspicion that France was also not really prepared.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Early in January, 1873, the Emperor Napoleon +died at Chiselhurst. The view of Thiers was that +this event would render the Bonapartists, for the +time, more turbulent and less dangerous. He +believed that the Emperor's personal influence had +been used to quiet the impatience of his followers, +while, on the other hand, his death removed the +only member of the family who was popular enough +in France to be a formidable candidate. Thiers's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> +childish susceptibility with regard to the Bonapartists +showed itself in his expressed hope that +the Emperor's death would be followed by the disappearance +of the public sympathy in England with +the family in its misfortunes.</p> + +<p>The opinions of Thiers seem to have been generally +prevalent. The Emperor was remarkably kind +and courteous to all who approached him; he was +a firm friend; not, as a rule, an implacable enemy, +and he inspired no small number of people with a +warm attachment to him personally. He was also +generally popular, and the glittering prosperity +of the early part of his reign was attributed by a +large part of the common people to his own genius +and merits, while they were prone to consider that +its disastrous close was due to treason. No other +member of the family excited feelings of the same +kind, and in France a cause was always so largely +identified with an individual that there was no +doubt that the hold of the Imperialists upon the +country was largely weakened by the loss of their +chief.</p> + +<p>It is perhaps worth noting that Lord Lyons, +although it was notoriously difficult to extract any +such opinions from him, did in after years admit +reluctantly to me, that although he liked Napoleon +III. personally, he had always put a low +estimate upon his capacity.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Jan. 31, 1873.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I cannot say that the political atmosphere grows clearer. +The Right are in their hearts as anxious as ever to depose +Thiers. They believe as firmly as ever that if he makes +the new elections, he will have a Chamber, not only of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> +Republicans, but of very advanced Republicans. They see +that all their little endeavours to restrain him and to establish +ministerial responsibility will have no political effect. +The death of the Emperor has not strengthened Thiers's +position with regard to the Right. On the contrary, they +are less disposed to bear with him since the removal of the +candidate for the Throne of whom they were most afraid, +and from whom they justly thought that Thiers would +make every effort to shield them. They are consequently, +even more than they usually are, employed in casting about +for something to put in Thiers's place. The Fusion is +again 'almost' made, and MacMahon is again talked of as +ready to take the Government during the transition from +the Republic to the King.</p> + +<p>Orloff, the Russian Ambassador, propounded to me +to-day a plan of his own for preventing conflicts between +Russia and England in Central Asia. So far as I understood +it, it was that England and Russia should enter into +a strict alliance, should encourage and protect, by force of +arms, commerce between their Asiatic Dominions, and +unite them at once by a railroad. He said there was a +Russian company already formed which desired to connect +the Russian railway system with the Anglo-Indian railways. +He told me that Brünnow was always writing +that war between England and Russia was imminent +and that England was preparing for it. If Brünnow's +vaticinations are believed, they may perhaps have a not +unwholesome effect upon the Russian Government.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Prince Orloff seems to have had in contemplation +that Trans-Persian Railway which has met +with the approval of the Russian and British +Governments at the present day. The Russian +advance in Central Asia in 1872 and 1873 had been +the subject of various perfectly futile representations +on the part of Her Majesty's Government, but Baron +Brünnow must have been a singularly credulous +diplomatist if he really believed that we were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> +making preparations for a war with Russia or any +one else.</p> + +<p>If Orloff with prophetic insight foresaw a Trans-Persian +Railway, Thiers might be acclaimed as +being the first person to suggest the project of the +Triple Entente between England, France, and +Russia. Strangely enough it was the affairs of +Spain that put this notion into his head, the idea +prevalent in France being that Germany was bent +on making that country a dangerous neighbour to +France, and bestowing a Hohenzollern prince upon +her as sovereign. The prospect of an 'Iberic +Union,' which was being discussed at the time, was +considered to be exceptionally threatening to +France, and Thiers had had quite enough of united +states on the French frontier.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 4, 1873.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>M. Thiers spoke to me last night very confidentially +about Spain and Portugal. The Spanish question was, he +said, becoming so serious that it could hardly be considered +an internal question. Among other things, the independence +of Portugal was at stake. Now, in his opinion, the +best chance of avoiding a collision between the Powers of +Europe would be that England, France, and Russia should +come to an understanding on the subject. He did not +think that there would be any difficulty in effecting such +an understanding; and indeed he had reason to believe +that Russia was at this moment particularly well disposed +to act in concert with England. He was far from being so +absurd as to propose a new Holy Alliance; indeed, he +desired to avoid all show and ostentation—indeed all +publicity. He simply wished that, without any parade, +the three Powers he had named should concert measures +in order to avert events which might imperil the peace of +Europe. After some further conversation, he observed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> +that it would be impossible to avert a collision, if the +Peninsula were formed into one Iberic state with a Hohenzollern +for a monarch.</p> + +<p>I did not invite M. Thiers to state more definitely in +what form he proposed that the understanding between +France, Russia, and England should be effected, or what +combined action he proposed they should adopt. I thought +indeed that it would be very dangerous for France to enter +into any sort of an alliance with Foreign Powers against +Germany at this moment, and that the smallest result +might be to delay the evacuation of French territory. +Nor indeed did I know that there was any evidence that +Germany was actively pursuing designs in Spain in such +a way and to such a degree, as would render it proper or +advantageous to try the hazardous experiment of undertaking +to settle a European question without her, not to +say in spite of her.</p> + +<p>I consequently only listened to what M. Thiers said. He +concluded by telling me to treat his idea as most strictly +confidential and to confide it only to your ear in a whisper.</p> + +<p>As regards the state of Spain, M. Thiers said that he +believed the Federal Party was after all the party of +order; that at all events it was predominant in all the +outer circumference of Spain; that the Unitarians existed +only in Madrid and the central provinces, and that the +North was Carlist or Federal. This being the case, his +advice to the Government of Madrid had been to make concessions +to the Federals. He did not think that, if properly +managed, their pretensions would go much beyond what +was called in France 'decentralisation administrative.'</p> + +<p>The view of the Federals being the party of order in +Spain was new to me, but M. Thiers was beset by a host +of deputies and I could not continue the conversation.</p></blockquote> + +<p>A letter from Lord Odo Russell<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> to Lord Lyons +admirably defines the attitude of Germany, and is +an exceptionally lucid summary of Bismarckian +policy in general.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span></p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>British Embassy, Berlin, March 14, 1873.</h5> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Thanks for yours of the 4th instant.</p> + +<p>As regards Spain, Thiers, and Bismarck I cannot add +anything more definite or more precise. Bismarck and the +Emperor William are so far satisfied that the Republic +will make room for the Alphonsists so that they can afford +to wait and look on.</p> + +<p>What Bismarck intends for Spain later, no one can +guess, but clearly nothing favourable or agreeable to France.</p> + +<p>The two great objects of Bismarck's policy are:</p> + +<p>(1) The supremacy of Germany in Europe and of the +German race in the world.</p> + +<p>(2) The neutralization of the influence and power of the +Latin race in France and elsewhere.</p> + +<p>To obtain these objects he will go any lengths while he +lives, so that we must be prepared for surprises in the future.</p> + +<p>A change has come over the Emperor and his military +advisers in regard to the evacuation of French territory, +as you have seen by his speech on opening the German +Parliament.</p> + +<p>His Majesty is now prepared to withdraw his garrison +as soon as the fifth and last milliard shall have been paid +by Paris and received at Berlin.</p> + +<p>So that if it is true that Thiers proposes to pay the fifth +milliard in monthly instalments of 250,000,000 fs. beginning +from the 1st of June, the evacuation might be expected in +October and France be relieved of her nightmare.</p> + +<p>This I look upon as a most desirable object. It appears +to me that the re-establishment of the future balance of +power in Europe on a general peace footing, is <em>the</em> thing +Diplomacy should work for, and that nothing can be done +so long as the Germans have not got their French gold, and +the French got rid of their German soldiers.</p> + +<p>The Germans, as you know, look upon the war of revenge +as unavoidable and are making immense preparations for it.</p> + +<p>Germany is in reality a great camp ready to break up +for any war at a week's notice with a million of men.</p> + +<p>We are out of favour with the Germans for preferring +the old French alliance to a new German one, as our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> +commercial policy is said to prove, and this impression has +been lately confirmed by Thiers's <em>exposé des motifs</em>.</p> + +<p>Thiers is again out of favour at Berlin, because the +Russian Government has warned the German Government +that Thiers is working to draw Russia into the Anglo-French +Alliance contrary to their wishes. I believe myself +that the alliance or understanding between Russia and +Germany, Gortschakoff and Bismarck is real, intimate, and +sincere; and that they have agreed to preserve Austria +so long as she obeys and serves them, but woe to Austria +if ever she attempts to be independent!</p> + +<p>Then the German and Slav elements she is composed +of, will be made to gravitate towards their natural centres, +leaving Hungary and her dependencies as a semi-oriental +vassal of Germany and Russia. However, those are things +of the future, at present I can think of nothing but the crisis +at home and the deep regret I feel at losing my kind benefactor +Lord Granville as a chief. My only consolation is +that he will the sooner return to power as our Premier, for +he is clearly the man of the future.</p> + +<p>I hope you will write again occasionally.</p></blockquote> + + +<hr class="tb" /> +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord O. Russell.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, April 8, 1873.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Many thanks for your most interesting letter of the +14th. I entirely agree with you that the one object of +diplomacy should be to re-establish the balance of power +in Europe on a peace footing. The payment of the indemnity +and the departure of the German troops from +France are of course necessary to the commencement of +anything like a normal state of things. The French all +more or less brood over the hope of vengeance, and the +Germans give them credit for being even more bent upon +revenge than they really are. So Germany keeps up an +enormous army, and France strains every nerve to raise +one; and what can diplomatists do?</p> + +<p>In Germany they seem to attach a great deal more than +due importance to the Commercial Treaty, as a sign of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> +tendency towards a renewal of the Anglo-French Alliance. +But then the Germans have always been more angry with +us for not helping to blot France out of Europe than the +French have been with us for not helping them out of the +scrape they got into by their own fault. Germans and +French are to my mind alike unreasonable, but we only +suffer the ordinary fate of neutrals.</p> + +<p>Thiers professes to have no thought of forming any +alliance at present; and to consider that it would be +absurd of France to try for more at this moment than to +ward off great questions, and live as harmoniously as she +can with all Foreign Powers, without showing a preference +to any. This is no doubt the wise and sensible policy. Thiers +certainly acts upon it so far as England is concerned. Does +he also act upon it as regards Russia? I cannot say. I think +there is a little coquetry between him and the Russians.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Granville appears to have sent through +the Duchesse de Galliera a private message warning +Thiers of the dangers of his advances to Russia; +but the latter asserted that although the French +Ambassador at St. Petersburg had been directed +to maintain the most cordial relations with the +Russian Government, matters had not gone further +than that, and that he had made no communications +which he should object to Germany knowing of. +Thiers's tenure of power was, however, destined +shortly to come to an end. On May 24, the veteran +who had rendered such invaluable services to the +country was defeated by a combination of opponents, +and Marshal MacMahon became President of the +Republic in his stead. The change of Government +was received quietly by the country; the elaborate +precautions which had been taken in case of disorder +proved superfluous, and the funds rose on the +assumption that the Marshal was to prove to be +the new saviour of society. MacMahon, who had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> +reluctantly accepted the honour thrust upon him, +was generally regarded as a French General Monk, +but which of the three pretenders was to be his +Charles the Second remained a matter of complete +uncertainty. The fickle crowd hastened to prostrate +itself before the rising sun, and the first reception +held by the new President at Versailles constituted +a veritable triumph; swarms of people of +all sorts attending, particularly those members of +smart society who had long deserted the salons +of the Préfecture. Amongst the throng were particularly +noticeable the Duc d'Aumale and his +brothers, wearing uniform and the red ribands +which they had never been known to display before. +All looked smooth and tranquil, as it usually did at +the beginning; but the Government so far had not +done anything beyond changing Prefects and Procureurs. +The political situation, for the time being, +might be summed up in the phrase that the French +preferred to have at their head a man <em>qui monte à +cheval</em>, rather than a man <em>qui monte à la tribune</em>.</p> + +<p>Although the dismissal of Thiers savoured of +ingratitude, it was not altogether unfortunate for +him that he had quitted office at that particular +moment, for little doubt was felt that, with or +without any error of policy on his own part, the +country was gradually drifting towards communism. +At any rate, he could compare with just +pride the state in which he left France to the state +in which he found her. Although the last German +soldier had not yet left French soil, the credit of +the liberation of the country was due to him, and +by his financial operations, successful beyond all +expectations, he had not only paid off four milliards, +but provided the funds for discharging the fifth, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> +so admirably conducted the negotiations that the +German Government was willing to withdraw the +rest of the occupying force.</p> + +<p>The fall of Thiers caused searchings of heart at +Berlin, and a conversation with Count Arnim, the +German Ambassador at Paris, in June showed that +the German Government regarded MacMahon with +anything but favour. Arnim stated that displeasure +had been felt at Berlin, both at language +held by the Marshal before his appointment, and +at his neglect in his former position to act with +proper courtesy towards the Emperor's Ambassador +in France. The German Government did not doubt +that the remainder of the indemnity would be paid, +but Thiers indulged less than other Frenchmen in +hostile feelings towards Germany, and he and a few +of the people about him seemed to be the only +Frenchmen who could bring themselves to act with +propriety and civility in their relations with Germans. +In fact, Thiers's foreign policy had been +wise and conciliatory, but as for his internal policy, +he, Count Arnim, avowed that he entirely concurred +in the opinion that it would have thrown the country +in a short time into the hands of the Red Republicans.</p> + +<p>The unfortunate Arnim was apparently at this +time unconscious of his impending doom, although, +as the following interesting letter from Lord Odo +Russell to Lord Lyons shows, his fate had been +sealed months before.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>British Embassy, Berlin, Jan. 18, 1873.</h5> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>What I have to say to-day grieves me to the soul, because +it goes against my excellent friend and landlord Harry +Arnim.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span></p> + +<p>Said friend, it is said, could not resist the temptation +of turning an honest penny in the great War Indemnity +Loan at Paris, and the Jew Banker he employed, called +Hanseman, let it out to Bismarck, who could not understand +how Arnim was rich enough to buy estates in Silesia and +houses in Berlin.</p> + +<p>Now Bismarck, who is tired of Arnim, and thinks him +a rising rival, will make use of this discovery with the +Emperor whenever he wants to upset Arnim and send a +new man to Paris.</p> + +<p>He thinks him a rising rival because Arnim went to +Baden last autumn and advised the Emperor, behind +Bismarck's back, to go in for an Orleanist Monarchy and +drop Thiers, in opposition to Bismarck's policy, who wishes +to drop all Pretenders and uphold Thiers as long as he lives.</p> + +<p>Besides which Arnim hinted at a readiness to take office +at home if Bismarck came to grief.</p> + +<p>The Emperor is fond of Arnim and listened with complacency +and told Bismarck when he returned from Varzin,—Bismarck +has vowed revenge! I have not written all +this home because it would serve no purpose yet,—but it +may be useful to you as a peep behind the curtain. Meanwhile +Bismarck has appointed one of his <em>secret</em> agents as +Commercial Secretary to the Paris Embassy to watch +Arnim. His name is Lindau and as he is a very able man +and an old friend of mine, I have given him a letter to you. +He might become useful some day.</p> + +<p>Let me add <em>in confidence</em> that he corresponds privately +and secretly with Bismarck behind Arnim's back.</p></blockquote> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<p>It will be observed that the views expressed by +Arnim to Lord Lyons in June are not altogether +consistent with those attributed to him in the above +letter, but Lord Odo Russell's opinion that his +implacable chief would crush him at the first opportunity +was only too well justified before long.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span></p> + + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</a></h2> + +<p class="p1"><span class="bigger">MARSHAL MACMAHON'S PRESIDENCY</span></p> + +<p class="center"><strong>(1873-1875)</strong></p> + + +<p>The new French Government had been received +with great favour by the upper classes, while the +remainder of the population remained indifferent, +but the Marshal was credited with the wish to place +the Comte de Chambord on the throne, and the +language of his entourage was strongly Legitimist, +auguries being drawn from a frequent remark of +the Maréchale, who was supposed to dislike her +position: <em>nous ne sommes pas à notre place!</em></p> + +<p>As the confused political situation began to clear, +it became evident that everything depended upon +the Comte de Chambord himself, and if he could be +brought to adopt anything like a reasonable attitude, +it was generally felt that there would be a large +majority in his favour in the Assembly. The +historic White Flag manifesto issued from Salzburg +at the end of October effectually ruined the Legitimist +cause.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Oct. 31, 1873.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The Royalists were counting up new adhesions and +expecting a letter from the Comte de Chambord which was +to be read from the tribune at the last moment and rally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> +the waiters upon Providence and the waverers to them, +when, to their utter consternation, the actual letter arrived, +and fell like a shell with a violent explosion in the midst of +them.</p> + +<p>I don't know what they are to do. All plans for making +the Comte de Paris or the Duc d'Aumale Regent will be +voted against by the present Legitimists, unless the Comte +de Chambord approves them. It is very doubtful whether +any explanation could do away with the impression the +letter will have produced throughout the country, which +was already averse from the idea of the Legitimist King.</p> + +<p>The maintenance of MacMahon and the present Ministry +seems the best mode of postponing trouble, but it cannot +do much more than postpone.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 3, 1873.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>If the Chamber met to-morrow, I suppose it would vote +the prolongation of MacMahon's powers; and though no +one can answer for what a day or an hour may bring forth, +I suppose this is what must be done. It is said that the +Marshal himself insists upon a term of six years, if not ten. +This is rather hard to understand, if, as I believed, he really +wished to be out of the thing, and I doubt its adding +practically to the stability of his Government. On the +other hand, the Conservatives want to have the prolongation +voted in such a way as to make it apparent that +MacMahon is <em>their</em> President. It would not suit them +that he should be elected unanimously, or nearly so, as +he perhaps might be. This would put him, they think, in +a position too like that which Thiers held. The preposterous +notion of making a Lieutenant General of the +Kingdom to govern in the name of a King of full age and +in possession of all his faculties, who would undoubtedly +repudiate and denounce his representative, has been put +an end to by the refusal of the Princes of Orleans, one and +all, it is affirmed, to accept the post.</p> + +<p>Thiers told me the day before yesterday that he did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> +not intend to oppose the Government this session, and that +we might count on a quiet winter. We shall see.</p> + +<p>The Legitimists are furious with their King, as well they +may be. How long this may last, one cannot say, but the +numbers of those who adore him <em>quand même</em>, as a sort +of fetish, have certainly fallen off.</p></blockquote> + +<p>MacMahon had been as much disappointed with +the Chambord manifesto as the ultra-Legitimists +themselves, and had looked forward to retiring from +a position which he found distasteful; but as no +king was available, and he was looked upon as the +only guarantee for order, obviously the best course +was to secure the prolongation of his powers for as +long a period as possible. After many long and +stormy discussions MacMahon was declared President +of the Republic for seven years, and a committee +of thirty was appointed to consider the Constitutional +Laws. This result was so far satisfactory to +the Right, that it enabled them to retire from the +dangerous position in which they were placed by +the attempt to put the Comte de Chambord on the +throne, but it failed to establish a durable Government, +and the whole period of MacMahon's Presidency +was marked by a ceaseless struggle with his +Republican opponents, which only terminated with +his fall four years later.</p> + +<p>The anxieties of French Ministers were, however, +not confined to internal difficulties. Although the +fact was concealed as much as possible, the anti-Ultramontane +campaign of Bismarck created serious +alarm in the beginning of 1874, and in that year may +be said to have originated the long series of panics, +well or ill founded, which have prevailed in France +ever since. MacMahon in conversation did not +scruple to express his fear of a country which,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> +according to him, could place 800,000 men on the +Rhine in less than seventeen days, and made the +interesting confession that the French military +authorities had never credited the famous reports +of Colonel Stoffel<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> as to Prussian military efficiency. +The Foreign Minister, the Duc Décazes, expressed +the strongest apprehensions.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 17, 1874.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The fall of France has never, I think, been brought so +forcibly home to me, as when I listened yesterday to the +humble deprecation which Décazes was obliged to make +with regard to Bismarck's threats, in the same room in +which I had so often heard the high language with which +the Imperial Minister used to speak of the affairs of Europe. +One can only hope that Odo may be right in thinking that +Bismarck's menaces may subside, when he has carried +his Army Bill at home. But may not his eagerness in his +contest with the Ultramontanes continue and carry him +on to language and even to measures against France from +which it may be difficult for him to draw back? and of +course there is a limit to the submission of the French +Government, however disastrous it may know the consequences +of resistance to be. It is difficult to persecute any +religion in these days, but it is impossible for the French +Government to set itself in violent opposition to the predominant +religion in France. I do not know what means +we may have of getting pacific and moderate counsels +listened to at Berlin, but I do not think the weakness of +France a sufficient safeguard to other countries against the +perils of the present state of things to the peace of Europe. +It may be very easy to bully and to crush France, but will +it be possible to do this without raising a storm in other +quarters?</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span></p> + +<p>What Bismarck wanted was that the French +Government should attack the French bishops; +and in order to conciliate him, a circular was issued +by the Minister of the Interior remonstrating with +them on the nature of the language in which their +pastoral addresses were couched. The well-known +clerical newspaper the <em>Univers</em> was suppressed, and +although every effort was made to disguise the +various acts of subserviency resorted to, it was perfectly +well known to what cause they were due, +and it was not surprising that the French writhed +under the necessity of submitting to such dictation. +In view of the military weakness of France, however, +it was useless to think of resistance, the Duc +d'Aumale, who commanded the most vulnerable +district, having reported confidentially that there +were neither fortresses nor an army which would +have any chance of repelling a German invasion; +added to which, owing to considerations of economy, +the conscription was six months in arrear.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Odo Russell.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 3, 1874.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The French want above all things to keep the peace, or, +to put it otherwise, to escape being attacked by Germany +in their present defenceless state. What, in your opinion, +should they do? Of course the temptation to the unprincipled +war party in Germany to attack them while +they are unable to defend themselves, is very great; and +that party must know that a war this year would be much +less hazardous than one next year, and so on, as each year +passes.</p> + +<p>The next question I want your advice upon is what, if +anything, can other Powers, and particularly England, do +to help to preserve peace? This is a question peculiarly +within your province, as the one thing to be considered in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> +answering it, is the effect that anything we do may have +at Berlin.</p> + +<p>I am not very hopeful, but I think the chances of peace +will be very much increased if we can tide over this year +1874.</p> + +<p>I can see no consolation for a fresh war. I suppose +Bismarck would be ready to buy the neutrality of Russia +with Constantinople, and that France will give Russia +<em>anything</em> even for a little help.</p> + +<p>The Emperor Alexander has told General Le Flô<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> at +St. Petersburg that there will not be war. Do you attach +much importance to this?</p> + +<p>You will call this a <em>questionnaire</em> rather than a letter, +but if you have anything to catechise me upon in return, +I will answer to the best of my ability.</p> + +<p>The Lyttons' are, as you may suppose, a very great +pleasure to me, and they have had a great success here.</p></blockquote> + +<p>No one was better fitted than Lord Odo Russell, +who was a <em>persona grata</em> with Bismarck, to answer +these queries. The Emperor Alexander had been +very emphatic in assuring General Le Flô on several +occasions that there would be no war, but Lord +Odo was in all probability quite correct in his +opinion that this was no real safeguard.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Odo Russell to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Berlin, Feb. 20, 1874.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I was glad after a long interval to see your handwriting +again, and doubly glad to find you inclined to renew our +correspondence. You ask: <em>Firstly</em>, What in my opinion +should the French do to escape being attacked by Germany +in their present defenceless state?</p> + +<p>In my opinion nothing can save them <em>if</em> Bismarck is +determined to fight them again; but then, is it France or is +it Austria he is preparing to annihilate? In Bismarck's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> +opinion, France, to avoid a conflict with him, should gag +her press, imprison her bishops, quarrel with Rome, refrain +from making an army or from seeking alliances with other +Powers all out of deference to Germany.</p> + +<p><em>Secondly.</em> What can other Powers, and particularly +England, do to help to preserve peace?</p> + +<p>A Coalition is impossible; advice or interference adds +to Bismarck's excuses for going to war, so the only course +Governments can follow is to let him do as he pleases and +submit to the consequences, until he dies.</p> + +<p><em>Thirdly.</em> Do I attach any importance to the Emperor +of Russia's pacific assurances?</p> + +<p>None whatever, because Bismarck is prepared to buy +his co-operation with anything he pleases in the East.</p> + +<p>Bismarck is now master of the situation at home and +abroad. The Emperor, the Ministers, the Army, the +Press, and the National majority in Parliament are instruments +in his hands, whilst abroad he can so bribe the great +Powers as to prevent a coalition and make them subservient +to his policy. Now, his policy, as you know, is to +mediatize the minor States of Germany and to annex the +German Provinces of Austria, so as to make one great +centralized Power of the German-speaking portions of +Europe. To accomplish this he may require another war, +but it may be with Austria and not with France, which he +now puts forward to keep up the war spirit of the Germans +and to remind Europe of his powers. Besides which he +has to pass the unpopular Army Bill and War Budget +which he failed in last summer.</p> + +<p>His anti-Roman policy will serve him to pick a quarrel +with any Power he pleases by declaring that he has discovered +an anti-German conspiracy among the clergy of +the country he wishes to fight.</p> + +<p>Such is the situation, but it does not follow that we +shall have war before another year or two are over or +more, nor need we have war <em>if</em> Bismarck can carry out his +plans without it.</p> + +<p>At present the tone of Bismarck and Bülow is quite +pacific, and I notice a great desire for the co-operation of +England in maintaining the peace of Europe generally.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span></p> + +<p>Lord Lyons's own opinions were in exact agreement +with Lord Odo Russell's, and the general +uncertainty as to Bismarck's intentions continued +to preoccupy both the French and the English +Governments, although the Emperor of Russia +persisted in assuring General Le Flô that there +would be no war, and it was assumed in some +quarters that the German Emperor disapproved of +the Bismarckian policy.</p> + +<p>The general election in England at the beginning +of 1874, resulting in the return of the Conservative +party to power, placed Lord Derby again at the +Foreign Office in the room of Lord Granville, and +the long letter which follows was presumably intended +to enlighten him on the subject of French +politics generally. It is, at all events, a concise +review of the situation.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Feb. 24, 1874.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I thank you cordially for your letter of yesterday, and +I resume with very peculiar satisfaction my diplomatic +correspondence with you. I wish the subject of it was as +pleasant to me as is the fact of its renewal; but I cannot +help being more than usually anxious about the prospects +of Europe and of France in particular. This spring and +summer are the especially critical seasons for France. +She will be for a long time to come far too weak to indulge +in aggression, except indeed as a secondary ally of some +stronger Power, but even next year, she will not be in the +absolutely helpless condition which is at this moment so +strong a temptation to national hatreds, and to the military +thirst for gold and glory which prevails with a party in +Germany. I am afraid the peace of Europe depends +entirely upon the view Bismarck may take of the easiest +means of bringing all German-speaking nations under one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> +rule. The wolf can always find reasons for quarrelling +with the lamb, and as Bismarck himself told Odo Russell, +he has had a good deal of experience of this kind of thing. +The French lamb will not be skittish, and indeed will +hardly venture to bleat, for some time. For my own part, I +am constantly on the watch to forestall questions which may +make difficulties between France and any other country; +for if Bismarck wants war, it would suit him to be able to +appear to be only taking his part in a quarrel already made.</p> + +<p>Italy is the most dangerous neighbour from this point +of view, and the presence of the <em>Orénoque</em> at Civita +Vecchia is the ticklish point. It is a very delicate matter +to touch; for if the question came very prominently into +notice, it might raise one of the storms in the press of all +countries, which are so often the precursors of evil times. +The ship is supposed to be at Civita Vecchia to give the +Pope the means of leaving Italy, if he wishes to do so; and +I suppose the Vatican might relieve the French of embarrassment +by saying that she is not wanted. In fact, if the +Italian Government intended to prevent the Pope's going +away, they would of course stop him before he got to +Civita Vecchia, and if they abstained (as would no doubt +be the case) from interfering with his movements, he could +get a ship to depart in, whenever he pleased.</p> + +<p>I do not know that there is any ill-feeling in Switzerland +towards France, but the Ultramontane disputes give +Bismarck a lever to work with.</p> + +<p>I believe the French Government have completely drawn +in their horns about the Armenian Patriarch question and +the Protectorate of the Latin Christians in the East, since +Bismarck appeared on the field at Constantinople.</p> + +<p>In looking out for small beginnings of troubles, I have +thought of Tunis. I suppose we may lay aside all apprehension +of attempts of France to change the frontier or to +bring the Regency into more complete dependency upon +her, at the present moment. I find by a despatch from +Mr. Wood, that the German commodore, in his conversation +with the Bey, insisted particularly upon the interests +of German subjects being put upon as good a footing as +those of the subjects of any other country.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I think Décazes takes the humiliating position in which +France, and he as her Foreign Minister, are placed, with +more equanimity and temper than most Frenchmen would; +and so long as the present, or any other Government, not +absolutely unreasonable, is at the head of affairs, France +will be prudent in her foreign relations.</p> + +<p>Of Marshal MacMahon's seven years' lease of power, only +three months have elapsed; a time too short to give much +foundation for conjecture as to its probable duration. +Both he himself and his Ministers take opportunities +of declaring that its continuance is above discussion, and +that they will maintain it against all comers. There are +two things against it. First, the extreme difficulty of +giving it anything like the appearance of permanence and +stability which would rally to it that great majority of +Frenchmen who are ready at all times to worship the powers +that be, if only they look as if they were likely to continue +to be. Secondly, there is the character of the Marshal +himself. He is honest and a brave soldier, but he does not +take such a part in affairs as would increase his personal +prestige. The danger, in fact, is that by degrees he may +come to be looked upon as a <em>nullité!</em></p> + +<p>The Imperialists are agitating themselves and spending +money, as if they were meditating an immediate coup. +The wiser heads counsel patience, but the old horses, who +sorely miss the pampering they had under the Empire, +are getting very hungry, and are afraid that they themselves +may die before the grass has grown.</p> + +<p>The fear of an Imperialist attempt has in some degree +brought back to the Government the support of the +Legitimists, and in fact the Comte de Chambord has +quarrelled with his own party. The Fusion has put an +end to the Orleanist Party, as a party for placing the Comte +de Paris on the throne; but the question of appointing the +Duc d'Aumale Vice-President, in order to have some one +ready to succeed MacMahon in case of need, is seriously +considered. I suppose, however, that MacMahon would +look upon this as destructive of the arrangements between +him and the Assembly. And then the whole system +depends upon the maintenance by hook or by crook of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> +a majority, which has not yet ceased to melt away, as +seats become vacant and new elections take place.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Duc de Bisaccia, the new French Ambassador +in London, even at his first interview with Lord +Derby, did not scruple to avow that he felt quite +certain that the Republican form of government +would not last, and he went on to assert that Bismarck's +head had been turned by success, and that +he aimed at nothing less than the conquest of +Europe, being quite indifferent either to the views +of his Imperial Master, or of the Crown Prince. +Whatever the prospects of the Republic, the prospects +of Bisaccia's own party (Legitimist) were +indisputably gloomy, for the prevailing sentiment +in France at the time was hostility to the White +Flag and to the clerical and aristocratic influences +of which it was held to be the emblem. The great +majority of the people were Republican, and the +most numerous party after the Republican was the +Imperial, but the Presidency of Marshal MacMahon +was acquiesced in, for the moment, by all parties, +because it was believed to be capable of preserving +order, because it left the question of the definitive +government of the country still undecided, and +because no party saw its way to securing the pre-dominence +of its own ideas.</p> + +<p>The existing state of things was accounted for +by the history of the establishment of the seven-years +Presidency.</p> + +<p>When the Orleans Princes tendered their allegiance +to the Comte de Chambord in the previous +autumn, the fusion, so long talked of, was complete, +and it was supposed that a Parliamentary Monarchy +with the Tricolour Flag, might be established under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> +the legitimate head of the Bourbons; but the Comte +de Chambord struck a fatal blow to these hopes by +his celebrated letter, and the Conservatives felt that +there was no time to be lost in setting up a Government +having some sort of stability. The plan which +they adopted was that of conferring power upon +Marshal MacMahon for a fixed and long period. +Had a short period been proposed, it would have +been agreed to almost unanimously; but this was +not their object. They wished it to be apparent +to the country that the Marshal was specially the +President of the Conservative majority: they asked +for a term of ten years: obtained seven, and secured +from the Marshal a declaration of adherence to their +views. The slight modification of the Ministry +which ensued, resulted in placing the Government +more completely in the hands of the party pledged +to a monarchical form of Government, and the +Ministry thus reconstituted, set itself to the task +of resisting the progress of Radicalism and Communism +in the country.</p> + +<p>But the suspicion of favouring the White Flag +clung to the Government, and although the latter, +following the example of the Empire, had installed +their partisans in office, as mayors, etc., by thousands +throughout the country, the candidates +supported by the Government had, in almost every +instance, found themselves at the bottom of the poll +when elections took place; and the results showed +that a large accession of votes had been received +by the Republican and Imperialist parties. Of these +the former had gained most, but the latter possessed +a backing in the country which was inadequately +represented by their numbers in the Assembly.</p> + +<p>It should, however, be added that there did not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> +appear on any side a disposition to embarrass the +Government by factious or bitter opposition with +regard to the three departments, Finance, War, and +Foreign Affairs, in which the practical interests of +the country were most deeply involved. The financial +policy of M. Magne<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> was generally supported; +and with regard to votes for the Army and Navy, +the Government had rather to resist a pressure to +increase the expenditure on these heads, than to +urge the necessity of considerable supplies.</p> + +<p>In the conduct of foreign affairs, the defenceless +state of France had made the avoidance of an attack +from Germany the one overwhelming care of the +Government. To effect this object, to give Germany +no pretext for a quarrel, and to make submission +to the behests of Bismarck as little galling +and in appearance as little humiliating as possible, +had been the constant occupation of the Foreign +Minister. In this effort he was seconded by the +Assembly, and indeed every one in and out of that +body, except a few clerical and Legitimist bigots, +felt it to be a patriotic duty to abstain from embarrassing +the Government in its relations with +foreign Powers. Another reassuring feature in the +situation was, that there were no symptoms of +attempts to resist by force the authority of the +Assembly, as no party seemed likely to venture to +oppose by force a Government which disposed of the +army; and the army in 1874 showed no prediction +for any particular candidate for the throne sufficiently +strong to overcome its habitual obedience +to the Constitutional Government, whatever that +Government might be.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span></p> + +<p>As an instance of the dictation practised by +Bismarck towards France in foreign affairs, it may +be mentioned that in January, 1874,<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Count Arnim +formally announced to the Duc Décazes that the +German Government would not tolerate the assumption +by France of the suzerainty of Tunis, or of a +Protectorate over that country. To this Décazes +humbly replied that there had never been the least +question of anything of the kind—a statement +which can scarcely be described as accurate.</p> + +<p>Whether Bismarck entertained any designs with +regard to Tunis is not known, but it was in this year +that Germany began to show some signs of interest +in the Philippines and other places supposed to be +of some colonial value. The following extract from +a letter written on the subject by the late Lord +Lytton, who was at the time Secretary of Embassy +at Paris, is a striking instance of rare and remarkable +political prescience.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lytton to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Oct. 27, 1874.</p> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Odo's impression (communicated to you) that Bismarck +does not want colonies rather surprises me. It seems to +me a perfectly natural and quite inevitable ambition on the +part of a Power so strong as Germany not to remain an +inland state a moment longer than it can help, but to get +to the sea, and to extend its seaboard in all possible +directions. Is there any case on record of an inland state +suddenly attaining to the military supremacy of Europe +without endeavouring by means of its military strength and +prestige to develop its maritime power? But you can't +be a Maritime Power without colonies, for if you have +ships you must have places to send them to, work for them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> +to do, and a marine Exercier-Platz for training seamen. +That is why I have always thought that the English school +of politicians which advocates getting rid of our colonies as +profitless encumbrances, ought (to be consistent) to advocate +the simultaneous suppression of our navy. Lord +Derby says that though Germany may probably cherish +such an ambition, she will have as much seaboard as she +can practically want as long as she retains possession of +the Duchies. But that is not a very convenient commercial +seaboard, and I confess I can't help doubting the +absence of all desire for more and better outlets to the sea, +so long as her military power and prestige remain unbroken. +Anyhow, there seems to be now a pretty general instinct +throughout Europe, and even in America, that a policy of +maritime and colonial development must be the natural +result of Germany's present position: and such instincts, +being those of self-preservation, are generally, I think, +what Dizzy calls 'unerring' ones.</p></blockquote> + +<p>A letter from Lord Odo Russell written about +this period throws a curious light upon Bismarck's +imaginary grievances, and the difficulties which he +was prepared to raise upon the slightest provocation. +Probably no Minister of modern times ever uttered +so many complaints, threatened so often to resign, +and yet wielded such absolute power.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord O. Russell to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Berlin, Nov. 9, 1874.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I found Prince Bismarck in one of his confidential moods +the other day, and he indulged me in a long talk about his +own interests, past, present, and prospective.</p> + +<p>Among many other things, he said that his life had been +strangely divided into phases or periods of twelve years +each.</p> + +<p>Born in 1815, he had left home when he was twelve +years old to begin his studies. At 24 he inherited his small +patrimony and his father's debts, and entered upon the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> +life and duties of a country gentleman. At 36 (1851) his +diplomatic career began, and he was sent to Frankfort, +Vienna, St. Petersburg and Paris. At 48 (1863) he was +recalled to form the present Administration, which in +twelve years had carried on three wars and made the +German Empire. He was now 60 and worn out with the +responsibilities and anxieties of office, and he was resolved +to enter upon a new phase (of 12 years he hoped) by resigning +and retiring into private life—a resolution he begged +I would keep to myself for the present.</p> + +<p>I said I could well understand his wish for rest, but I +did not believe the Emperor or the country would allow +him to indulge in it, as he was well enough and strong +enough to govern Germany for many years to come.</p> + +<p>He replied that he felt quite strong enough to govern +Germany, but not to be governed himself any longer by +the Emperor, whose obstinacy and narrow mindedness +were more than he could bear.</p> + +<p>I said I had often heard him complain of his Court +duties before, but it appeared to me that he always carried +his points, and that after some resistance the Emperor gave +way in the end and followed his advice.</p> + +<p>He replied that it was that very struggle with his +Imperial Master that had worn him out and that he no +longer felt strong enough to carry on after sixty. He then +related to me a series of very curious anecdotes illustrating +his struggles with the Crown, and what he called the want +of confidence and ingratitude of the Emperor.</p> + +<p>I asked him whether anything had lately occurred +calculated to increase his wish for rest.</p> + +<p>He said that his present difference with the Emperor +related to the new army organization. The Emperor and +his generals thought the sole object of the German Empire +was to turn the nation into an army for the greater glory +of the House of Hohenzollern; whilst he held that there +must be some limit to the heavy strain of military obligations +the Crown was ever anxious to impose on the people.</p> + +<p>I asked whether he was alluding to the Landsturm Bill, +which placed every German from the age of 16 to 42 at the +disposal of the War Department.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>He replied that he did not exactly allude to that, but +there were other measures in contemplation, elaborated in +the Emperor's military Cabinet, he could not give his +sanction to, and which would consequently lead to another +painful struggle. He considered that his great task had +been completed in 1870 to 1872, and that he could now +retire and leave the internal organization of Germany to +other hands. The Crown Prince, he thought, might possibly +govern on more Constitutional principles than his father, +who, born in the last century, had not yet been able to +realize what the duties of a Constitutional Sovereign were, +and thought himself as King of Prussia above the Constitution, +as the Emperor Sigismund thought himself above +grammar when he wrote bad Latin. A danger to which +the Crown Prince would be exposed as Sovereign was his +love for intrigue and backstairs influence—'some one or +other always concealed behind the door or curtain.' The +Prince was not as straightforward as he appeared, and he +suffered from the weakness of obstinacy and the obstinacy +of weakness due to unbounded conceit and self-confidence—but +at the same time he meant well.</p> + +<p>After a good deal more talk about his family, his property, +and his longing for country life and pursuits, we +parted.</p> + +<p>Without attaching undue importance to Prince Bismarck's +oft-repeated threat of resignation, I do not suppose +he would go out of his way to tell me and others so, without +intention. My impression is that he wants to obtain +something or other from the Emperor which he can make +conditional on remaining in office, well knowing that His +Majesty cannot do without him. Besides which, his +retirement from office would have the appearance of a +defeat, consequent on his failure to coerce the Pope and his +legions. He is not the man to admit a defeat while he +lives. Time will show what more he wants to satisfy his +gigantic ambition.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The fear of war with Germany had died away +temporarily in the summer, and the various political<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> +parties in France were free to continue their struggles +and to reduce the situation to almost unexampled +confusion. The motives of the Comte de Chambord +and his followers were too remote for ordinary +human understanding, and their object appeared +to be to bring about a crisis and a dissolution of the +Assembly on the most disadvantageous terms to +themselves. Moderate Republicans were looking to +the Duc d'Aumale as a safeguard against the Imperialists +on the one hand, and the Reds on the +other. Republicans of various shades, and the Reds +in particular, were coquetting with Prince Napoleon, +and he with them. Most men and most parties +appeared to have particular objects, which they +hated with a hatred more intense than their love +for the object of their affections. Thiers, it was +believed, would have rather seen anything, even a +restoration of the Empire, than have the Duc de +Broglie and the Orleanists in power. Notwithstanding +the fusion, the Legitimists would have +probably preferred Gambetta (or some one still +more extreme) than an Orleans Prince—and so on.</p> + +<p>'I cannot make head or tail of French internal +politics,' Lord Derby wrote, at the end of the year, +'and presume that most Frenchmen are in the same +condition. It looks as if nobody could see their way +till the present Assembly is dissolved and a new +one elected.'</p> + +<p>The beginning of the new year was signalized +in Paris by the appearance of the Lord Mayor of +London, who had been invited to attend the opening +of the new Opera House. That functionary has +always been invested in French popular opinion +with semi-fabulous attributes, and he seems to +have risen to the level of the occasion. 'The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> +Lord Mayor,' wrote the unimpressionable Lord +Lyons, 'is astonishing the Parisians with his sword, +mace, trumpeters, and State coaches. So far, however, +I think the disposition here is to be pleased +with it all, and I keep no countenance and do what +I have to do with becoming gravity.' A little later, +however, he was constrained to add:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am afraid the Lord Mayor's head has been turned by +the fuss which was made with him here, for he seems to +have made a very foolish speech on his return to England. +Strange to say the Parisians continued to be amused and +pleased with his pomps and vanities to the end, although +the narrow limits between the sublime and the ridiculous +were always on the point of being over passed. I abstained +from going to the banquets given to him, or by him, except +a private dinner at the Elysée; but I had him to dinner here, +and, I think, sent him away pleased with the Embassy, +which it is always as well to do, and if so, I have reaped the +reward of my diplomatic command over my risible muscles.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It was not perhaps surprising that the Lord +Mayor should have been thrown off his intellectual +balance, for the honours accorded to him far surpassed +those paid to ordinary mortals and resembled +rather those habitually reserved for crowned heads. +When he visited the opera the ex-Imperial box was +reserved for his use; the audience rose at his entry, +and the orchestra played the English National +Anthem. Twice he dined with the President of +the Republic; the Prefect of the Seine gave a +banquet in his honour; so did the authorities at +Boulogne; and to crown all, the Tribunal of Commerce +struck a medal in commemoration of his +visit.</p> + +<p>The one thing that was fairly clear in French +politics, besides abhorrence of the White Flag, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> +the gradual progress of Bonapartism which was +beginning to frighten Conservatives as well as Republicans, +and the Bonapartists themselves were +inclined to regret having helped to turn Thiers out +of office, because the army was becoming more and +more anti-Republican, and it would be much easier +to turn it against a civilian than against its natural +head, a Marshal of France.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Jan. 26, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Bonapartism is still in the ascendant, and certainly the +Assembly is doing everything to give weight to the assertion +that France is unfit for Parliamentary Government. +No one believes in a moderate Republic, as a self-supporting +institution unconnected with some particular individual. +The 'Conservative Republic' was devised for M. Thiers. +The Septennate Republic, if it be a Republic, would be +scouted if MacMahon were not at the head of it. The +Comte de Chambord is impossible. The Orleanists have +cast in their lot with his, and besides, the Government they +represent being constitutional or Parliamentary, is exactly +what is most out of favour, with the exception of the White +Flag. As I have said all along, the dispute is between a +very advanced Republic and the Empire, and <em>confugiendum +est ad imperium</em> is becoming more and more the cry +of those who dread Communism. Those who have personal +reasons for fearing the Empire are already taking their +precautions. Friends of the Orleans Princes are believed +to have seriously conferred (not with the knowledge or +consent of the Princes themselves, so far as I have heard) +with the Bonaparte leaders, in order to ascertain what the +Orleans family would have to expect if the Prince Imperial +returned. At any rate the Bonapartist papers have been +insinuating that they would be allowed to stay in France +and keep their property; and these insinuations are of +course intended to relieve tender Orleanist consciences of +scruples in coming round to the Imperial cause.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The officers in the army are becoming more and more +averse from all idea of a permanent Republic. They +would willingly wait to the end of MacMahon's time, but +they are beginning to talk of the possibility of his being so +much disgusted by the way in which he is worried by the +Assembly, as to throw the Presidency up.</p> + +<p>In short France is at this moment in a fear of Bonapartism. +It may, and very probably will, subside this +time, but it differs from most intermittent fevers in this, +that the attacks recur at shorter and shorter intervals, +and increase instead of diminish in intensity.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Fear of the Imperialists drove Conservatives into +voting with Gambetta and other advanced Republicans; +a ministerial crisis took place; the +Assembly gave contradictory decisions and generally +discredited itself, and the confusion grew so great +that it seemed impossible to unravel it.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>'I have spent three afternoons at Versailles,' wrote +Lord Lyons on February 26th, 'and have seen a Constitution +made there. I have seen also such a confusion of +parties and principles as I hope never to witness again. +I found Décazes, Broglie, and a great number of Right +Centre deputies at the MacMahons' last evening. They +all, and particularly Décazes, looked to me very unhappy, +and indeed they did not affect to be at all satisfied with +the occurrences in the Assembly. Like the horse in the +fable who invited the man to get on his back, the Right +Centre have let the Left get on their backs to attack +Bonapartism, and don't know how to shake them off +again.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>The ceaseless struggles between the various +political parties in France, which were of little +interest to the outside world, were temporarily +interrupted in the spring of 1875 by the war scare +which so greatly agitated Europe at the time, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> +which subsequently became an almost annual phenomenon. +Unfortunately, Lord Lyons was in England +during the greater portion of this critical period, and +there are wanting, consequently, documents which +might have thrown light upon what has always been +a somewhat mysterious episode, but it would appear +that the symptoms of alarm on the part of the +French first showed themselves about March 11. +On that day the Duc Décazes drew the attention of +the British Ambassador to three incidents which +ought to engage the serious attention of those +Governments who were desirous of maintaining +peace in Europe. These were the threatening representation +made by the German Minister at +Brussels to the Belgian Government respecting the +language and conduct of the Ultramontane Party +in that country; the pointed communication to the +French Government of this representation; and the +prohibition of the export of horses from Germany. +Prince Bismarck, said Décazes, seemed to become +more and more inclined to revive old grievances +and to require of foreign countries the exercise of +an unreasonable and impossible control over the +prelates and even over the lay members of the +Roman Catholic Church, and as for the decree forbidding +the export of horses, it was so inexplicable +that it could only add to uneasiness. It might be +easy for England, and for some other nations, to +regard these things calmly, but to France they +constituted a serious and immediate peril. In spite +of the steps taken during the past year to conciliate +Germany on the subject of the Bishop's charges, +the German Government had never officially intimated +that it considered the question to be closed, +and Count Arnim had used the significant expression<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> +to him, that it was only closed 'so far as any +question between you and us can ever be looked +upon as closed.' He believed that it was only owing +to the influence of other Powers, and of England in +particular, that the danger had been averted in +1874; and he now hoped that the same influence +would be exerted in the same way. Décazes added +a somewhat surprising piece of information which +had been imparted to him in January, 1874, by +Prince Orloff, the Russian Ambassador, viz. that +in that month an order to occupy Nancy had absolutely +been issued by the German Government to +its troops, and that there were strong grounds for +believing that this order has been rescinded chiefly +owing to influence exerted at Berlin by Russia. So +far as is known, there is no corroboration of this +story, and it would appear that Prince Orloff was +so anxious to convince France of the goodwill of +Russia that he thought it advisable to drag England +into the question, but it was not surprising that +France should be sensitively alive to the danger she +incurred, if Bismarck, irritated by his Ultramontane +difficulties, should choose to throw the blame upon +the Roman Catholics of other countries, or should +resort to quarrels with foreign nations as a means +of diverting public opinion in Germany from inconvenient +questions at home.</p> + +<p>Prince Hohenlohe, the new German Ambassador, +who also saw Lord Lyons on the same day, volunteered +no opinion upon the representation to +Belgium which had excited so much perturbation, +but remarked with regard to the exportation of +horses that the 'agriculturists might have been +alarmed by the prospect of a drain of horses for +foreign countries. He had no reason to suppose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> +that purchases of horses had been made in Germany +by the French Government for military purposes; +but he had heard that a considerable number had +lately been brought there for the Paris fiacres.'</p> + +<p>It will not have escaped notice that the German +Government—or rather Bismarck—was fortunate in +always having excellent reasons available, either +for not complying with inconvenient requests, or +for explaining away disquieting symptoms; thus, in +1870, the insuperable difficulty to disarmament was +the King of Prussia; during the peace negotiations, +all harsh conditions were due to <em>les militaires</em>, and +in 1875 the German agriculturists and the Paris +cabs were responsible for any uneasiness that might +be felt temporarily.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 16, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I saw Décazes last night and found him in a greater state +of alarm about the intentions of Germany than anything +specific he told me seemed to warrant. The retirement of +Bismarck to Varzin will not reassure the French, because +they remember that he was there when the war broke out +in 1870.</p> + +<p>There is observable here, and not least among the +Russians, a sort of impression that there is to be a movement +of some kind in the East.</p> + +<p>In short, there is a great deal of vague uneasiness and +fear that peace is in danger.</p> + +<p>The German Embassy here has certainly been taking +great pains to put it about that the prohibition to export +horses has been decreed solely from economical, and not +from military motives. That Embassy keeps up very close +relations with the <em>Times</em> correspondent<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> here, and his +subordinates. Of course the trouble it has taken has +increased instead of allaying alarm. Décazes constantly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> +harps on the string of the influence of England at Berlin, +and the consolation it affords him to feel sure that it is +exercised quietly on the side of peace. The position is a +painful one. Without particular friendships and alliances, +France is absolutely at the mercy of Germany, and if she +tries to form such friendships and alliances, she may bring +the wrath of the great Chancellor down upon her instantly.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Derby to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Foreign Office, March 16, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I do not know and cannot conjecture the cause of +Décazes's anxiety. Nothing has passed or is passing in +any part of Europe to justify alarm as to an early disturbance +of general peace. But I hear of a similar feeling +of uneasiness at Berlin; and the Russian Government is +credited with designs as to the nature of which no two +persons agree. Until we hear more, I shall be inclined to +set down all these rumours of wars to the time of year, and +to the absence of any exciting questions (so far as foreign +relations are concerned) to occupy men's minds.</p> + +<p>I may tell you confidentially that Bismarck has given +us through Odo Russell a serious warning against the unfriendly +feelings of the Russian Government towards +England. He may be only trying to stir up jealousy, a +game which he often plays, or he may be sincere. I take +his hint as one not to be slighted, yet not infallibly trusted. +Gortschakoff is no doubt much disgusted about the Conference; +the Czar also to some extent; and probably they +both feel that they had miscalculated the effect of the +Russian marriage on English policy. But beyond this I +know no cause of quarrel. Dead calm for the moment. +I cannot conceive any reason why you should not take +your leave when you wish it. Paris is always within reach +if anything new turns up.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It is obvious from the above that neither Lord +Derby nor Lord Lyons felt any very serious apprehensions, +and the latter was permitted to go home on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> +leave at the beginning of April. On April 10, Lord +Odo Russell wrote to Lord Derby:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Bismarck is at his old tricks again—alarming the +Germans through the officious Press, and intimating that +the French are going to attack them, and that Austria and +Italy are conspiring in favour of the Pope, etc. Now +he has succeeded in making the Emperor and the Crown +Prince believe that France is meditating an invasion of +Germany through Belgium! And, not knowing any better, +they are in despair and have ordered the War Department +to make ready for defence. This crisis will blow over like +so many others, but Bismarck's sensational policy is very +wearisome at times. Half the Diplomatic Body have been +here since yesterday to tell me that war was imminent, and +when I seek to calm their nerves and disprove their anticipations, +they think that I am thoroughly bamboozled by +Bismarck.</p></blockquote> + +<p>In the middle of April there appeared in the +<em>Berlin Post</em> the celebrated article entitled: 'Is War +in Sight?' and as it was well known that such +articles were not written except under official inspiration, +something akin to a real panic took place, +more especially when other German papers began to +write in a similar strain. Letters from Mr. Adams, +who had been left as Chargé d'Affaires at Paris, +show the pitiable condition of terror to which the +French Government was reduced, and the efforts +made by Décazes to obtain British support. Décazes +urged that England ought to take an active part +in protesting against the new theory that one nation +was justified in falling upon another for no other +reason than that the latter might possibly prove +troublesome in the future. He said that he had protested +to the German Ambassador against the attitude +of the German Government, after all the assurances<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> +that it had received from the French Government, +and added that if war took place in August, as he +feared, he should advise MacMahon to retire with +his army beyond the Loire without firing a shot +and wait there 'until the justice of Europe should +speak out in favour of France.' The idea of openly +identifying England with the French cause did not +commend itself apparently to Mr. Disraeli.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>'I had a rather long conversation about French politics +with Mr. Disraeli,' Lord Lyons wrote to Mr. Adams on +April 21st, 'and I found him thoroughly well up in the +subject. He wishes to encourage confidence and goodwill +on the part of France towards England, but sees the danger +to France herself of any such appearance of a special and +separate understanding as would arouse the jealousy of +Bismarck.</p> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<p>'With a little variation in the illustrations, Décazes's +language to you was just what he used to me before I left +Paris. Germany can, I suppose, overrun France whenever +she pleases, a fortnight after she determines to do so; and +no one can tell how suddenly she may come to this determination. +Whether Décazes is wise in perpetually crying +"wolf" I cannot say. He is naturally anxious to keep +Europe on the alert, but I am not sure that the repetition +of these cries does not produce the contrary effect.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>During the second half of April the tension +began to diminish, but Lord Odo Russell, who was +certainly no alarmist, felt convinced that, so long +as Bismarck remained in office, the peace of Europe +was in jeopardy, for his power had now become +absolute, and neither the Emperor nor the Crown +Prince were capable of withstanding him. Writing +on April 24, he remarks: 'The prospect of another +war fills me with horror and disgust, and if Bismarck<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> +lives a few years longer I do not see how it can be +prevented. The Emperor's powers of resistance are +over; he does what Bismarck wishes, and the Crown +Prince, peace-loving as he is, has not sufficient independence +of character to resist Bismarck's all-powerful +mind and will.'</p> + +<p>A few days later the Belgian Minister at Berlin +reported to Lord Odo Russell an alarming communication +made to him by Count Moltke.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord O. Russell to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Berlin, May 1, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Since writing to you to-day, at this late hour my Belgian +colleague Baron Nothomb has called to tell me that he had +a long conversation with Moltke yesterday fully confirming +what is said in my despatch. Moltke added that, much as +he hated war, he did not see how Germany could avoid it +<em>next year</em>, unless the Great Powers 'coalesced' to persuade +France to reduce her armaments to a reasonable peace +establishment.</p> + +<p>Then Nothomb told me that Bismarck had sent Bülow +to him with the following confidential message: 'Tell +your King to get his army ready for defence, because +Belgium may be invaded by France sooner than we +expect.'</p> + +<p>This message Nothomb writes to Brussels to-day. He +is under an impression that in the event of war, Bismarck +intends to occupy Belgium, as Frederick the Great occupied +Saxony when he suspected Maria Theresa of wanting to +take her revenge for the loss of Silesia. This is curious, +and you will probably hear more about it from Brussels. +I write in haste for the Messenger.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The evident desire of Bismarck to fasten a quarrel +upon France aroused the indignation of Lord Derby, +who realized that the intervention of Russia was the +best method of preventing it.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Derby to Lord O. Russell.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Foreign Office, May 3, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>You seem reassured as to the immediate prospect, and +the panic in Paris has subsided, but great uneasiness +remains. Lumley<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> writes to me that the state of things +seems to him most critical, and the language which you +report as held by Moltke is unpleasant enough. Münster<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> +has not called for the last few days: when last I saw him, +his language about French armaments tallied exactly with +that which you and others report as being held by German +representatives throughout Europe.</p> + +<p>Is there no hope of Russian interference to maintain +peace? It cannot be the interest of Russia to have France +destroyed and Germany omnipotent. If the Czar were to +say that a new war must not take place, and that he would +not allow it, Bismarck would hardly undertake to fight +Russia and France combined. I see little other prospect +of averting mischief, and if it begins, where is it to +end?</p> + +<p>Even here, and notwithstanding the sympathy felt in +the main for the Protestant German Empire, the outrageous +injustice of picking a quarrel with France, because she +does not choose to remain disarmed, would produce its +effect. There would be a great revulsion of feeling; not +unlike that which took place when the first Napoleon had +begun to show his real character and objects. The English +public knows little about foreign concerns, but it does +understand that hitting a man when he is down is not fair +play, and I think in the rest of Europe fear and jealousy +of the predominant Power would give France many +adherents.</p> + +<p>I do what I can to point this out in a quiet and friendly +way; but without being sanguine.</p> + + +<p class="p5">May 4. The conversation about Belgium in the House +of Lords last night led to no result. I think I see a growing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> +feeling, indicated by the language of the press, that the +German demands are not necessarily unreasonable, and +that we should at least hear more of the case before pronouncing +judgment.</p> + +<p>To judge by the reports which Nothomb sends to his +own Government, he has been thoroughly frightened, and +is ready to advise unconditional acceptance of German +proposals. Is he disposed to be an alarmist? Or has +Bismarck established a personal hold over him?</p> + +<p>We are quiet at this office, busy in Parliament; the +Session threatens to be long, but it will not be eventful.</p></blockquote> + +<p>On May 6, Lord Odo Russell reported that +Count Schouvaloff, the Russian Ambassador in +London, had just arrived at Berlin from St. +Petersburg, and was the bearer of important tidings.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The good news he brought respecting our relations +with Russia filled me with delight after the dark allusions +made to me here at Court and by the Chancellor during +the winter. As regards Germany and the war rumours, +Count Schouvaloff gave me the most satisfactory and +welcome news that the Emperor of Russia is coming to +Berlin on Monday next, will insist on the maintenance of +peace in Europe, even at the cost of a rupture with Germany, +and that he can reckon on the support of Austria in doing so.</p> + +<p>How Bismarck will meet the humiliating blow of being +told by his allies, Russia and Austria, that he must keep +the peace with France, when he has proclaimed to the +world that France is ready to take her revenge, it is difficult +to foretell. But we must not be surprised if it hastens on +the outburst it is intended to prevent. I hope not, and do +not expect it, but I shall not be surprised if it does, because +Austria has really joined Russia. She has become an +obstacle in the way of German development, which Bismarck +will try to remove.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It had, of course, been the object of Bismarck +to sow dissension between England and Russia,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> +and he had taken elaborate pains to convince the +British Government that Russia was animated by +the most hostile feelings. Consequently the extremely +frank and friendly sentiments expressed by +Count Schouvaloff were in the nature of an agreeable +surprise, but the effusion of the Russian Envoy was so +great that he seems to have slightly overdone the part.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord O. Russell to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Berlin, May 8, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I did not report Schouvaloff's conversation because he +was going to tell you all he had to say in great detail as soon +as he reached London. His frankness is fascinating, but +on reflection it does not inspire absolute confidence. I feel +at first inclined to believe all he says; but when I think it +over, it appears too good to be true.</p> + +<p>If all he represents himself to have said to Bismarck +about the power of Russia to coerce Germany under certain +circumstances be strictly true, Bismarck would scarcely +want him to succeed Gortschakoff, as he does, if he did not +feel that he could make a tool of him (Schouvaloff).</p> + +<p>According to Schouvaloff, the Czar and Gortschakoff are +to tell Bismarck next week that a new war must not take +place, and that if he does not submit and agree, Russia, +with the concurrence of Austria, is prepared to side with +France to render war impossible. In all probability, their +conferences will end in mutual assurances of peace and +good will, and we shall hear no more of war rumours and +French armaments until those of Germany are ready; and +as Bismarck is a match both for the Czar and Gortschakoff, +I shall not be surprised to hear that he has persuaded them +to let him have his own way in the end. But this is mere +conjecture; we shall know more about it all a week hence.</p> + +<p>The whole of Bismarck's policy now tends to produce a +coalition of the peaceful Powers against Germany, and his +Church policy, to produce dissensions in Germany and +arrest the progress of unification. It is therefore evident +that he seeks a conflict for purposes of his own.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span></p> + +<p>I may be wrong, but I cannot but think that he wants +to mediatize the smaller German Powers and weaken +Austria so as to render her alliance useless to Russia, France, +and Italy.</p> + +<p>If I understand Schouvaloff correctly, Bismarck endeavoured +to set Russia against us, as he attempted to set +us against Russia, and he seemed to expect that Bismarck +would make Gortschakoff various offers in return for +Russian co-operation or neutrality. Indeed, he insinuated +that he thought Bismarck a little out of his mind at times.</p> + +<p>The importance of the Czar's language and attitude +at Berlin is so great that I look forward with anxious +interest to the results of next week's conferences. For my +part I have been careful to hold the language you tell me +you hold at home on these matters in a friendly spirit to +Germany and in the interest of European Peace.</p></blockquote> + +<p>On the same date (May 8), the Emperor Alexander +and Prince Gortschakoff started on the journey to +Berlin from which so much was anticipated, and the +British Government addressed a despatch to Lord +Odo Russell which was also circulated at Paris, +Vienna, St. Petersburg, and Rome, instructing him +to use all his power to put an end to the misunderstanding +which had arisen between France and +Germany. It is worthy of note that when this +despatch was communicated to the Austrian Government, +that Government alone declined to instruct +their Ambassador at Berlin in the sense desired, on +the ground that it would irritate Bismarck.</p> + +<p>The Emperor Alexander and Gortschakoff arrived +at Berlin on May 10, and the question of peace or +war must have been decided with extreme rapidity, +for Lord Odo Russell dined with Bismarck on that +night, and the latter took the opportunity to express +his thanks 'for the very friendly offer, which he +highly appreciated, as a proof of good will and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> +confidence on the part of Her Majesty's Government.' +At the same time he expressed some naïve +surprise at the offer, maintaining that all his efforts +tended in the direction of peace; that the war +rumours were the work of the stockjobbers and the +press, and that France and Germany were on +excellent terms! Under the circumstances, it is +highly creditable to Lord Odo Russell that he +received this communication with becoming gravity.</p> + +<p>Gortschakoff who made his appearance after the +dinner professed great satisfaction at Bismarck's +language; but in conversation with Lord Odo +Russell on the following day (May 11), Bismarck +spoke with much irritation of Gortschakoff's intervention, +which he attributed to senile vanity, and +stated that he had refused Gortschakoff's request +for a categorical promise not to go to war, because +such a promise would have implied the existence +of an intention which he repudiated.</p> + +<p>On May 12, Gortschakoff sent a telegram to St. +Petersburg which gave dire offence: <em>La paix est +assurée:</em> and the Emperor of Russia requested +Lord Odo to inform Her Majesty's Government +that he felt certain of the maintenance of peace. +Bismarck, secretly furious at the frustration of his +plans, outwardly betrayed no ill-humour and put +a good face upon his failure.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord O. Russell to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Berlin, May 15, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Although Bismarck is as civil, confidential, and amiable +to me as ever, I fancy that he must be frantic at our combined +action with Russia in favour of peace, which took +him by surprise. However that matters little, and he will +get over it, as he wishes to keep well with us. But he will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> +seek an opportunity of paying out Gortschakoff for having +come the Peacemaker and Dictator over Germany again.</p> + +<p>For my part, I was delighted at the course pursued by +Her Majesty's Government and at the instructions you +sent me, which I feel sure will do good, both at home and +abroad.</p> + +<p>The old Emperor William, whose bodily health is +wonderful, but whose mental powers are declining, will have +been surprised and grieved at the Queen writing to the +Czar instead of to himself. Bismarck thinks it is due to an +intrigue of the Empress Augusta to spite him. His hatred +and abuse of the Empress is a perfect mania. The Crown +Prince sent for me to talk the incident over. He asked +many questions, but was himself reserved, beyond deploring +Bismarck's nervous state and policy which had been the +cause of such useless alarm. He asked whether I saw any +likely successor to Bismarck if his health broke down. I +said plenty would be found in Germany when there was +a demand for them, which Bismarck's popularity at +present excluded. The Prince, though reserved, was very +cordial and very anxious for information.</p> + +<p>Your conversation with Schouvaloff is word for word +what he said to me. I note one mistake on his part. He +spoke with certainty of Austrian co-operation, which failed +us at the last moment.</p> + +<p>I was much impressed by the warmth and eloquence of +the Czar's utterances of friendship for England. He +seemed really to feel deeply what he said, and to wish with +all his heart for an alliance with us. Gortschakoff was less +ardent: it is not in his nature; but he was persuasive and +consistent in his friendly assurances. Schouvaloff's attitude +and language will show whether my impressions are correct +or not.</p> + +<p>Münster's assurances to you in regard to the German +army are quite correct, I believe; only it is better prepared +for war than any other army in the world, and at ten days' +notice. But when Bismarck tells him to lament the alarm +he has created himself, and to ascribe it to Ultramontane +influences in the press, Münster must feel rather ashamed +of his master.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>We may certainly reckon on peace for this year. Next +year peace must depend on the state of Bismarck's combinations +for the completion of his task—the unification of +Germany—Russia permitting. He left for Varzin this +morning, which will do him good; but he returns on the +27th instant to receive the King and Queen of Sweden who +stay three days in Berlin.</p> + +<p>I did not mention in my official report that the Czar +asked me to tell him frankly, if I was at liberty to do so, +whether I thought Bismarck had designs on Austria. I +told him what the wishes of the National Party were, +and what they expected of Bismarck their leader, and +that I believed he contemplated weakening Austria to +strengthen Germany. The Czar thanked me and said +that although suspicion had been suggested to him from +many sides, he could not get himself to believe in so much +perfidy.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Such then in brief is the story of the great war +scare of 1875, a tale which has been told by many +writers with embellishments suggested by either +Anglophil or Russophil proclivities. Which of the +two countries, England or Russia, contributed most +towards the preservation of peace will probably +always remain a subject of discussion, but Bismarck +at all events never forgave Gortschakoff his vainglorious +telegram, and he used afterwards to maintain +that, whereas the English had 'behaved like +gentlemen,' the conduct of the Russian Government +came under a distinctly opposite category. +It is a remarkable fact that in spite of the indisputable +evidence furnished not only by the foregoing +correspondence, but from other sources, Bismarck +subsequently had the hardihood to assert that the +war scare of 1875 was a myth invented partly by +Décazes for stockjobbing purposes and partly by +the Ultramontane press—even the English press<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> +being according to his assertions under Ultramontane +influence. In the authoritative work 'Bismarck: +his Reflections and Reminiscences' it is +lightly dismissed as an elaborate fiction. 'So far +was I from entertaining any such idea at the time, +or afterwards, that I would rather have resigned +than lent a hand in picking a quarrel which would +have had no other motive than preventing France +from recovering her breath and her strength.' +Busch, in his better-known narrative, is also discreetly +reticent on the subject, and the only reference +to it occurs in some notes dictated to him by +Bismarck in 1879. 'As far back as 1874 the threads +of the Gortschakoff-Jomini policy are to be found in +the foreign press—oglings and advances towards +an intimacy between Russia and France of <em>la +revanche</em>. The rejection of these addresses is due +rather to France than to Russia. This policy does +not appear to have originated with the Emperor +Alexander. It culminated in the period 1875-77, +when the rumour was circulated that Gortschakoff +had saved France from us, and when he began one +of his circular despatches with the words, <em>Maintenant +la paix est assurée</em>. You remember Blowitz's +report in the <em>Times</em>. Read it again and mention +the matter. His account was correct, except when +he spoke of an anti-French military party in Prussia. +No such party existed.'</p> + +<p>It is instructive to compare with these passages +the statements made in the 'Memoirs and Letters +of Sir Robert Morier.'</p> + +<p>The crisis was definitely passed when Lord +Lyons returned to Paris, and he found the French +overflowing with gratitude for the exertions of Her +Majesty's Government in favour of peace. Both<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> +Marshal MacMahon and the Duc Décazes were profuse +in their expressions, and the latter, in particular, +said that he attached immense importance to the +fact that the same sentiments in favour of peace +had been expressed simultaneously at Berlin by +England and Russia. At the same time, while +much encouraged at the thought that the danger +of an attack from Germany had been averted, he +affirmed very positively that he should not on this +account relax his endeavours to avoid giving umbrage +to the German Government. On its being +pointed out to him that it was obvious that the vast +and increasing sums which figured in the Budget +of the French War Department had produced in +Germany a very general impression that France +was preparing for an immediate retaliatory war, +he gave the somewhat unconvincing assurance that +a vote for clothing the reserve would be struck out, +but would be replaced by a supplementary vote +introduced in the winter, when a vote for clothing +might seem 'natural and unimportant.' According +to Décazes, both the Emperor of Russia and Gortschakoff +had, on more than one occasion, used language +which showed that they viewed with satisfaction +the efforts of France to restore her military +power, and he endeavoured to impress upon the +Ambassador that Holland first, and then Belgium, +were next to France most in danger from German +ambition. Finally, he pointed out with great satisfaction +that Russia had not lent an ear to the offers +which had, he presumed, been made to her at Berlin, +to forward any ambitious views she might have in +the East, and he said that he considered this particularly +important, because it removed the only obstacle +which might have interfered with a cordial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> +co-operation, on the part of the British and Russian +Governments, for the preservation of the peace of +Europe. Whether any such offers were made or +refused is not known, but as the next few years were +to show, Décazes's conclusion was about as faulty +a one as could well be imagined.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>'As regards public opinion in this country,' said Lord +Lyons. 'I find no diminution of the conviction that at +the present moment a war with Germany would be fatal +to France, and that very many years must elapse before +France will be able to undertake such a war with any +prospect of success. All Frenchmen are earnestly desirous +that their army should be as speedily as possible placed +upon such a footing as to give them some security against +attack, and some influence in the world—but few look forward +to there being a time when they can contend with +Germany, unless they have a powerful ally to fight beside +them in the field.</p> + +<p>'In the meantime I must confess that the gratitude +towards England, which I hear expressed by men of all +parties, far exceeds anything that I could have expected. +On the one hand it shows perhaps the greatness of the +terror from which the French have just been relieved; +but on the other, it is, I think, an indication of a sincere +disposition to accept heartily and ungrudgingly any proof +of good will from England.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>The insurrection in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which +broke out in the summer of 1875, and the Turkish +bankruptcy which followed a little later, provided +the French with fresh cause for apprehension, as +it was realized that the Eastern Question was once +again reopened, and that any differences that might +arise between England and Russia would be to the +disadvantage of France. The French, who now saw +the hand of Bismarck in everything, believed that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> +he had a plan of sending the Austrian army into the +Herzegovina, and the Russian army into some other +part of Turkey, with a view to sending the German +army into France, and much as the Government +would have liked to have done something for the +French bondholders, and at the same time to have +recovered some of the influence formerly enjoyed +at Constantinople, it was afraid to take any action +which might irritate the omnipotent chancellor. +Perhaps this was just as well, as far as England was +concerned. The project of a European Conference +at Constantinople, which had been already mooted, +did not appear in any way to be conducive to British +interests. Austria and Russia were not in agreement +as to the policy to be pursued. The former +had every reason to fear a Slav development on +the frontier. On the other hand, the Emperor of +Russia could not, even if he wished it, afford to +disregard the feeling of the Russians in favour of +their fellows in race and in religion. Both Andrassy +and Gortschakoff foreseeing that neither could obtain +a solution entirely acceptable to opinion in his own +country, desired apparently to throw a part of the +responsibility on a European Conference. But in +such a Conference Russia would be supreme. France +and Germany would bid against each other for her +favour. Austria would be afraid to set herself +against her, and if England had any different views, +she would always be outvoted.</p> + +<p>Attention was shortly, however, diverted to +another quarter. On November 17, Lord Derby +learnt that it was absolutely necessary for the +Khedive to procure between three and four millions +sterling before the end of the month, and that he +was preparing to sell his Suez Canal Shares.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Derby to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">10, Downing Street, Whitehall, Nov. 17, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am not quite easy in my mind about a story I hear, to +the effect that the Khedive is negotiating with a French +Company for the sale of his interest in the Suez Canal. If +the telegram has not been sent to you officially, I will +enclose it. Now his bias has always hitherto been against +the pretensions of Lesseps, and he has been of use to us +in keeping that rather irrepressible gentleman in order. +If he withdraws from the concern, and a French Company +takes his place in it, our position will be very unfavourably +altered. Have you heard anything of the negotiations in +question? I really think the matter very serious, and it +is one of which the English public will fully understand the +importance.</p> + +<p>I think I am not violating any confidence in enclosing +to you for your personal use only an extract from Odo +Russell's letter to me received on Monday which seems to +throw light on the situation. I can add to it nothing in +the way of comment.</p> + +<p>Your information as to the position of the French +Government is satisfactory. It looks as if the worst of +their troubles were over.</p> + +<p class="p5">P.S.—Since I began this note I have received further +details, which I send you, and, I may add in strict confidence +that we are prepared ourselves to take over the +Viceroy's interest, if it cannot be kept out of French hands +by other means.</p> + +<p>I find Lord Odo's letter is with the Prime Minister, so +the extract I promised must wait till next messenger.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The result of Lord Lyons's inquiries, which had +to be made very discreetly, so as not to create +suspicion, was the discovery that the Khedive was +actively negotiating with a French Company, but +it was believed that he wanted to mortgage, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> +not to sell the shares. Lord Derby's next letter +to Lord Lyons shows how reluctantly he took action.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="p1">Nov. 19, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>From General Stanton's<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> telegrams it appears that the +Khedive has no intention of selling his interest in the Suez +Canal, though he may be obliged to mortgage it for a time. +He has promised to give us notice, if, from any cause, he +should change his mind, and to give us the option of +purchase.</p> + +<p>I sincerely hope we may not be driven to that expedient. +The acquisition would be a bad one financially, and the +affair might involve us in disagreeable correspondence both +with France and the Porte. But there is a strong feeling +here about not letting the Canal go still more exclusively into +French hands, and as we contribute nearly four-fifths of the +traffic, it cannot be said that this jealousy is unreasonable. +There are intrigues of all sorts going on at Cairo, but I +think we may reckon on the Khedive being true to us, if +not tempted too strongly. I rely on you to tell me all you +hear on the subject.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The memorandum of Lord Odo Russell referred +to by Lord Derby is a lucid exposition of the European +situation at the time and of Bismarck's attitude +with regard to the other Powers, more especially +Russia.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="p1">Berlin, Nov. 12, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Bülow is loquacious and straightforward on most +subjects; but his reticence on Oriental affairs is remarkable. +I have repeatedly tried the experiment of talking over +what the newspapers say, to draw him out, but he becomes +silent and embarrassed, and seeks to change the subject, +and when questioned, replies that he has not lately received +any information from Constantinople.</p> + +<p>I have in consequence tried to find out through confidential +sources what it all means, and putting two and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> +two together, I make out that Bismarck feels uncertain +of Russia, and does not wish to be committed too soon. +Since Gortschakoff assumed the post of peacemaker +between France and Germany, Bismarck has failed to +re-establish confidential relations with Russia. In regard +to Oriental affairs, Gortschakoff, instead of being satisfied +to act with his German and Austrian allies exclusively, has +sought to keep up an equally balanced understanding with +England, France and Italy: from which Bismarck suspects +that Gortschakoff does not mean to let him have his own +way and wishes to control Germany through the united +action and agreement of the other European Powers. This +does not suit his book, and above all, he fears that Russia +wishes to keep on good terms with England and France; +which would, in his opinion, neutralize the exclusive action +of the three Northern Powers, over which he hoped to +establish his own influence to the exclusion of all other +Governments. By lending his assistance to Russia in the +East, he calculated on Russian neutrality in regard to his +own plans, as was the case during the late war with France.</p> + +<p>The joint action of Russia and England last May, in the +interest of peace, took him by surprise, destroyed his +fondest calculations, and left him isolated and disappointed +to reflect on the possibility of a peace coalition against +Germany, which he could not break up without the certainty +of Russian neutrality or assistance. He feels that +Gortschakoff has abandoned him for the time being, that +he has lost the confidence of the Emperor Alexander, +and that while they live, there is but little hope of a +change of policy in Russia, favourable to his plans—viz. +the breaking up of Austria and the neutralization of +the minor German sovereignties.</p> + +<p>Bismarck reckoned much on his friend Schouvaloff, but +Schouvaloff turned traitor last May, and is less German in +England than he was in Russia, which Bismarck cynically +attributed to the influence of wine and women.</p> + +<p>Now Bismarck, I am told, affects honest indignation at +the manner in which Russia is deceiving and misleading +Austria in regard to Turkey; but in what that consists, +I do not yet clearly understand.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>When he returns to Berlin he may possibly speak to +me on these subjects, and I should be glad to know whether +there is anything in particular which you may wish me +to say, or not to say.</p> + +<p>On the whole the present situation of affairs seems to +me favourable to the maintenance of peace.</p> + +<p>Of course we must be prepared for an occupation of +some portions of European Turkey by Austria and Russia, +but that need not necessarily lead to war.</p> + +<p>I have also endeavoured to find out what the views of +the National Party in regard to the East really are, and I +find that the breaking up of European Turkey would be +received with satisfaction, for the Turk has no friends in +Germany. The German provinces of Austria are looked +upon as the natural and inevitable inheritance, sooner or +later, of the German Empire, for which Austria might be +compensated in Turkey, with or without Constantinople. +Some people talk wildly of giving Constantinople to Greece, +as less likely to be objected to by the Western Powers. +But even Russia might take possession of Constantinople +without objection on the part of Germany. Anything +calculated to break the influence of France in the East, +which is still thought to be too great, would be popular in +Germany, and more especially if the interests of the Latin +Church could be injured by it.</p> + +<p>England may have Egypt if she likes. Germany will +graciously not object.</p> + +<p>Since May it has become manifest that Russia has the +power to hamper the movements of Germany and arrest +her progress effectually, and that Germany can undertake +nothing new without the passive consent of Russia. This +power must be so intolerable to Bismarck that he is sure +to exercise all his skill in drawing Russia out of the combined +arms of the Great Powers, back into his own exclusive +embrace. This, a difference between Russia and +Austria about Turkey, might enable him to achieve.</p> + +<p>Bismarck's endeavours last winter to make us suspicious +of Russia, and <em>vice versâ</em>, are now fully explained. +His failure must add to the general irritation he suffers +from.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span></p> + +<p>The situation will become clearer when he returns to +Berlin in the course of the winter.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Odo Russell's view of the situation tallied +with what Gortschakoff had said to Décazes, Thiers, +and other people at Vevey, earlier in the year. The +preservation of peace seemed, therefore, to rest +largely on Russia, and it was unfortunate that the +Eastern Question presented itself in a form which +certainly favoured Bismarck's efforts to create +differences between Russia and Austria, and between +Russia and England.</p> + +<p>Further inquiries in Paris with regard to the +Khedive's action seemed to confirm the view that +he was seeking to mortgage the shares, but to whom +they were to be mortgaged was unknown. On +November 27, there arrived through Lord Tenterden, +Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office, the +intelligence that Her Majesty's Government had +bought the shares.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Tenterden to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Foreign Office, Nov. 25, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Lord Derby is ill and at home. I am not sure therefore +whether he is writing to you to-night to tell you about +the Suez Canal. General Stanton telegraphed that Lesseps +(supposed to be backed by French Government) was +offering four millions sterling (fr. 100,000,000) for the +Khedive's shares, but that the Khedive would sell them to +England for the same sum. Thereupon he was instructed +to offer this amount, and the Khedive accepted this morning. +The contract was signed to-day, as we have just heard by +telegram. Messrs. Rothschild advance the money on the +security of the shares, £1,000,000 in December, and the +rest by instalments, the Khedive to pay 5 per cent. on +the shares while they remain without bearing interest (the +interest being hypothecated for the next twenty years).</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span></p> +<p>Her Majesty's Government are to apply to Parliament +to take the bargain off the Rothschilds' hands.</p> + +<p>Practically, therefore, subject to Parliament's assent, +Her Majesty's Government have bought the shares.</p> + +<p>I am writing in the greatest hurry but the above is a +correct outline of the case.</p> + +<p>I suppose the French will make an ugly face.</p> + +<p class="p5">P.S. It has all been kept very secret so far, so pray be +supposed to be ignorant till Lord Derby tells you.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The action of Her Majesty's Government was +taken none too soon, for as Lord Lyons reported, +the shares very nearly fell into the hands of the +French. On November 26 the purchase of the +shares was publicly announced, and on the following +day Lord Derby had an interview with the French +Ambassador on the subject.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Derby to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Foreign Office, Nov. 27, 1875.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have seen d'Harcourt. He came to hear what I +could tell him about the Suez affair, and I told him the +whole story exactly as it is.</p> + +<p>He says that there will be some soreness in France, and +I am afraid he is right. You know the facts, and I need +not therefore repeat them. The points which I dwelt on +were these:</p> + +<p>We did not wish that the Khedive would sell, nor was +there on our part the slightest desire to alter the <em>status quo</em>. +But we could not help his selling, and as he had decided +on doing so, we took the only effectual steps to prevent the +possibility of the shares falling into hands whose possession +of them might not be favourable to our interests. The +suddenness of the whole affair was not our doing. If we +had delayed, other purchasers would have come forward. +We had to take the opportunity as it offered itself or lose +it altogether.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>It is not in the power of the British Government to +act as Continental Governments can, through third parties—banks, +financial companies, and the like. What we do, +we must do openly, and in our own names, so that Parliament +may judge of the whole transaction. This I said in +answer to a remark made by d'Harcourt, that the act +would have had less political significance if done through +some company, or otherwise, and not directly in the name +of the State.</p> + +<p>We hold even now a minority of the canal shares. The +question for us is not one of establishing an exclusive +interest, but of preventing an exclusive interest from being +established as against us.</p> + +<p>I have always expressed my opinion that the best +arrangement for all the world would be the placing of the +Canal under an International Commission, like that of the +Danube; and I think so still. I knew, I said, that the +French Government were not prepared to entertain any +such idea, and I therefore did not put it forward; but if +France and other Governments altered their way of thinking, +I did not think any difficulties would be made by England.</p> + +<p>M. d'Harcourt expressed some fear, or at least thought +that some would be felt, lest the Khedive should be unable +to pay his promised £200,000 a year, and we in consequence +should use some means to coerce him, which would practically +establish England in authority in Egypt. I assured +him that nothing was further from our thoughts. We +wanted the passage through Egypt as free for ourselves as +for the rest of the world, and we wanted nothing more.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The purchase of the Suez Canal shares has always +been surrounded with much glamour and mystery, +but in reality it seems to have been a perfectly +straightforward and business-like proceeding, to +which no reasonable objection could be taken. So +far from being a profound political <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coup</i> long calculated +in advance, the action of Her Majesty's +Government was totally unpremeditated, and as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> +far as Lord Derby was concerned, it was undertaken +with reluctance, and under the conviction that +England was making a bad bargain. So little confidence +did Lord Derby feel, and so averse was he +from incurring any further responsibility in Egypt, +that he unhesitatingly declined a new proposal of +the Khedive that he should sell to the British +Government his contingent interest in the profits +of the Suez Canal above five per cent., and informed +the French of the fact. The British public, which +warmly approved the transaction, seems to have +been a better judge of the Foreign Secretary's +action than he was himself. The four millions' +worth of shares acquired by the British Government +represented nine-twentieths of the entire amount, +and it is interesting to compare these figures with +the estimate put upon the value of the Canal by +Lesseps. On July 11, 1874, the latter called upon +Lord Lyons and said that two persons from England +had sounded him about the sale of the Canal; one +a member of the English branch of the Rothschild +family, and the other a Baron Emile d'Erlanger, a +well-known banker living in Paris.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The Rothschild was no doubt Nathaniel,<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> M.P. for +Aylesbury, who was here in the beginning of June. Lesseps +said that on being pressed by him to state a sum, for which +the Canal might be purchased, he had said a milliard +(£40,000,000) and he declared that although this sum had +startled even a Rothschild, it was only a fair one. His +object with me seemed to be to give the impression that +the shareholders would not sell the Canal for any sum.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>Although the French could hardly be expected +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span>to approve of the action of the British Government, +which, if it had occurred some years earlier, would +have caused a storm of indignation, they were, +under existing circumstances, forced to accept it with +tolerable equanimity, as it was of no use to add a +coolness with England to their other difficulties; +and, in addition, they gained a great deal by the +rise which took place in Canal shares and Egyptian +securities. Lesseps professed himself to be delighted +and Bismarck sent a message to say that the policy +adopted by Her Majesty's Government had met +with the support of the German Government.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95"></a></span></p> + + + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII</a></h2> + +<p class="p1"><span class="bigger">THE EASTERN QUESTION</span></p> + +<p class="center"><strong>(1876-1878)</strong></p> + + +<p>In January, 1876, the gradual spread of the insurrection +in Turkey led to the concoction by the three +Imperial Powers of the so-called 'Andrassy Note,' +and the great question was whether England would +consent to take part in its presentation, in view of +her traditional attitude towards Turkey. Lord +Derby, in a letter to Lord Lyons, stated that Bismarck +was very anxious that we should do so, and +explained that although 'one can trust none of these +Governments, it is as well to give them credit for acting +honestly until the reverse is proved,' and he was +therefore in favour of such a course himself. In a +letter<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> addressed to Mr. Disraeli, asking for his views +on the subject, Lord Derby remarked that: "It is too +late to stand on the dignity and independence of the +Sultan; a Sovereign who can neither keep the peace +at home, nor pay his debts, must expect to submit +to some disagreeable consequences." Lord Lyons, on +being consulted, concurred with Lord Derby's views.</p> + + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 14, 1876.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I hardly see how England is to avoid supporting the +Andrassy Note. If we stand aloof we shall stand alone. +If our secession produces no effect and the Turks still<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> +accept, we shall be in the same foolish position France was +in 1840; with this serious inconvenience, that if the +Andrassy plan fails in pacifying the Herzegovina, we shall +be blamed for the failure, as having caused it by breaking +up the unanimity of Europe. If the Turks do not accept, +they will be ready enough to throw the responsibility upon +us, and to call upon us to get them out of the scrape into +which they will get with the other Powers. I think that +by consenting we should leave the Powers least excuse for +attacking Turkey, or at all events, least excuse for pushing +on without consulting us. I should not be for qualifying +our support too much, for, if we do, the failure of the plan, +which is in my opinion more than probable, will still be +attributed to us, and a support, given as it were against +our will, and restricted to the least possible amount, will be +treated very much as opposition. I say all this because +you ask me to tell you what I think: but there are two +important elements for forming an opinion which I lack. +I mean a knowledge of public opinion in England, and a +knowledge of the real feelings of the three Empires towards +each other.</p> + +<p>The despatch from Odo Russell looks as if Bismarck +was preparing for the possibility of a quarrel with Russia. +Ever since 1870 he has been very naturally trying to +turn every opportunity of dividing England from France +to account. But since you joined Russia in insisting upon +peace last year, and still more since the purchase of the +Suez Canal shares, he has no doubt formed a higher opinion +of England, and conceived the idea that she still has the +will and the means to play a foremost part in European +politics. Like everybody else, he feels sure that if there +is a quarrel between Russia and Germany, France will side +with Russia. In order to prevent his enemy being all +powerful at sea, he must have the English fleet not merely +neutral, but on his side. The only advantage he can offer +to England is support on the Eastern Question, and it is +on this question that he would have the best chance of +embroiling her with Russia. What part he means Austria +to play, I find it more difficult to guess. That he intends +some day, and by some means, to annex German Austria<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> +to the German Empire I make no doubt, but I suppose +he is in no hurry to add so large a Roman Catholic and +Southern population to the electors of the Diet of the +Empire.</p> + +<p>The worst service we could render France at present +would be to set up a separate understanding with her in +opposition to Germany.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The French Government was desperately anxious +that England should not separate herself from the +other Powers, partly from fear that such action +would cause European complications, and partly +because it was particularly desirous of getting credit +with Russia for having brought English opinion +round to Russian views. Her Majesty's Government +finally decided to join in the Andrassy Note, although +it would appear from Lord Derby's language, that +the Cabinet were not unanimous on the question.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile French internal politics remained in +the same confused and unsatisfactory state which +had prevailed for so long. The divisions amongst +the Conservatives had made Monarchical Government +in any form impossible, and yet they refused +to acquiesce, even temporarily, in the moderate +form of Republic which had been established, and +seemed bent upon doing all they could to exchange +their King Log for a King Stork in the shape of a +Red Republic. The elections which took place in +the beginning of the year 1876 resulted in large +Republican majorities both in the Senate and in the +Chamber, and in the case of the former, this result +was singularly unfortunate for Marshal MacMahon, +as it deprived him of the power of forcing a dissolution. +A letter from Lord Lyons to the Prince of +Wales, who was on his way back from India, summarizes +the French internal situation.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 7, 1876.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I cannot give your Royal Highness a very satisfactory +account of French politics, although I do not take so +gloomy a view of them as many Frenchmen do. The large +number of advanced Republicans in the new Chamber of +Deputies, the not inconsiderable number of Ultra-Radicals, +and the complete defeat of the Moderate Conservatives in +the Elections not unnaturally frighten the upper classes +of Frenchmen. But in fact so many of the members are +quite new men, that one cannot foresee how parties will +group themselves. The Chambers meet to-morrow, and +in about a month's time it will be possible to form an +opinion as to how things are likely to go. So long as +Marshal MacMahon is at the head of the State and of the +army, there can be no fear of any serious disturbance of +material order; and if he is at the same time firm and conciliatory +with the new Chamber, and willing to take a +Ministry from the more moderate members of the majority, +he will very probably be rewarded by finding how tame +demagogues can become in office. I understand the +Marshal insists upon having Ministers of War and Foreign +Affairs whom he knows and in whom he has confidence, +but that he is willing to let the other Departments be filled +by men taken in the ordinary way from the majority.</p> + +<p>So far we have not this year been disturbed, as we were +last spring, by rumours of war, and agriculture and commerce +are flourishing in France, and the revenue goes on increasing.</p> + +<p>Of the Egyptian Financial Question Your Royal +Highness will learn all particulars on the spot. Neither +that, nor the Herzegovina question are settled at this +moment, but we must hope that they are on the eve of +being settled.</p></blockquote> + +<p>One of the new features in the French political +situation was the recovery by Gambetta of his +former influence, and as he was now a person of +considerable influence, Sheffield was utilized for +the purpose of eliciting his views. The late Mr.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> +George Sheffield, who acted as Lord Lyons's private +secretary for over twenty years, was a well-known +figure in the political and social world of Paris, and +included in his acquaintance most people both there +and in London who were worth knowing. Not only +did he enjoy much personal popularity, but as he +was known to be completely in Lord Lyons's confidence, +he was the recipient of much confidential +information, and generally believed to be a model +of discretion. One of his peculiarities was that, in +spite of much practice, he spoke very imperfect +French with an atrocious accent, but this circumstance +never appeared to prejudice him in any way, +and it may incidentally be noted that the possession +of what is called a good French accent is a much +overrated accomplishment in France itself. Frenchmen +rarely wish to listen; they desire to talk themselves +and to be listened to; to them, as a rule, +a foreigner is a foreigner and nothing more, and +whether he speaks French well or ill, they seldom +notice and rarely care.</p> + +<p>Gambetta, having secured a listener in the +person of Sheffield, was no doubt delighted to expound +his views on the situation. First of all, +speaking on the subject of Bonapartist successes at +the elections, he said that Bonapartism would die +out as soon as it was realized that a moderate +Republic was firmly established. He expressed +great delight at the fall of Thiers (Thiers had once +described him as a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">fou furieux</i>), and said that under +him no real self-acting Republic could ever have +been formed, that it would have fallen to pieces at +his death, and indeed that the best thing Thiers +could do for the Republic would be to die. For +Marshal MacMahon's entourage he had a great dislike,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> +but for the Marshal himself much respect, and he +aspired to be Prime Minister under him—a post +to which he considered that he was fully entitled, +but which the Décazes, Broglie, the Marshal's secretaries +and the Maréchale and her friends would do +their best to prevent him obtaining. He professed +confidence in being able to keep the extreme Radicals +in order; said that the Red Flag was as obnoxious +to him as the White Flag; that he was not inclined +to grant a general amnesty to the Communists, and +that he would not agree to the re-establishment of +the National Guard. He also professed himself to +be in favour of Free Trade, and asserted that the +commercial Treaty concluded by Napoleon III. +accounted for many of the Bonapartist successes.</p> + +<p>Gambetta's aspiration of serving under the +Marshal was never fulfilled, the above-mentioned +entourage being presumably too strong for him; but +the upper classes in France continued to look forward +to the future with undiminished apprehension. +French capital, reversing the present process, began +to pour steadily into England, and it was stated +that the rich Radicals were not the last in sending +their money abroad.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>'Marshal MacMahon's position,' wrote Lord Lyons at +the end of March, 'does not improve. He has so little +political knowledge or ability that, as events have shown, +he exercises little or no personal influence in politics. +There is also a jealousy springing up with regard to +Emmanuel d'Harcourt and other people about him who +are supposed to direct his political conduct. The officers +now at the head of the army would follow the Marshal very +far in any Conservative direction, but it may be questioned +whether they would submit patiently to being placed under +a Radical Minister of War—Gambetta for instance. It is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> +the Marshal's political intelligence that is doubted. No +one has a word to say against his disinterestedness, his +honour, or his courage.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>Marshal MacMahon, a simple and amiable soldier, +who knew nothing about politics, was credited with +an overwhelming admiration for the capacity of +his private secretary, Emmanuel d'Harcourt. Upon +one occasion, the question of applying for the extradition +of a criminal who had fled to America +was being discussed in his presence. 'Well,' said +the Marshal, 'we must telegraph at once to San +Francisco.' 'Pardon, M. le Maréchal,' interposed +d'Harcourt, 'Washington, not San Francisco, is +the capital of the United States.' The Marshal was +so astounded at the profundity of his private secretary's +knowledge that he was only able to ejaculate: +'<em>Ce diable d'Harcourt! il sait tout!</em>'</p> + +<p>Many stories were told of his engaging simplicity +of character, of which the following will serve as an +instance. Upon one occasion he was inspecting a +military academy, and was informed that there was +present a young Arab chieftain of distinguished +lineage to whom it would be desirable to address +some words of encouragement. The young man was +brought up, whereupon the following brief colloquy +ensued:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Marshal: '<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Ah! c'est vous qui êtes le nègre?</i>'</p> + +<p>Arab Chief: '<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Oui, M. le Maréchal.</i>'</p> + +<p>Marshal: '<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Eh bien, mon garçon, continuez!</i>'</p></blockquote> + +<p>By a curious combination of circumstances, +Marshal MacMahon, with his inadequate political and +intellectual equipment, was still able for some time to +fill the place of a constitutional sovereign, and virtually +the French were living under a constitutional<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> +Monarchy, with an Executive possessing large powers, +rather than under a Republic. This state of things, +however, could not last for long, and it seemed as +if the choice lay between the youthful Prince Imperial +and the establishment of a really Radical +Republic.</p> + +<p>In one respect the French had every reason to +congratulate themselves, namely, upon the re-organization +of their army, and some of the political +consequences which were likely to result from this +increased and increasing military strength are pointed +out in the following letter.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Sept. 26, 1876.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>As soon as General Conolly finishes his visits to the +Autumn Manœuvres and makes his reports, it may perhaps +be desirable for me to send you some observations on the +political consequences of the great progress the French +Army is making. All the officers of Foreign Armies and +the English officers especially who have been out with the +French troops this autumn, seem to agree in regarding the +improvement as being undoubted and very considerable. +In short, it may not unreasonably be expected that in about +three years from this time, the French Army will be in +such a state, that France will count for as much or nearly +as much, in the balance of power in Europe, as she did +before 1870.</p> + +<p>The different phases of public opinion since the peace +of 1871 may be described as follows. At first, rage and +mortification produced a wild and unreasoning cry for +revenge. This was followed by a depression almost +amounting to despair. In this state of things the rumours +of an intended attack by Germany in 1875 produced nearly +a panic. Since that time hope and confidence have +gradually returned. The general sentiment now is that +France is safely 'biding her time.'</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Under the influence of this sentiment, the French +acquiesce patiently in the present apparent eclipse of +French power; they disapprove of any attempt on the +part of the Government to put itself prominently forward +in European politics; they desire to preserve peace and +tranquillity in Europe at almost any price; they wish to +disarm suspicion, and to be allowed three or four years +more to recruit their strength. Their policy consequently +is to adjourn as far as possible all questions.</p> + +<p>Their ultimate object in all they do, is to recover their +lost Provinces; but however confident they may be of +recovering in a few years their old position in the world, +I do not believe that they contemplate, as the immediate +result, an attack upon Germany. I do not think that they +at all foresee a time at which they could run the risk of +making such an attack singlehanded. What they do +intend, is to put forward with vigour their own views with +regard to the numerous questions they now leave more or +less in abeyance, and to contract if possible foreign alliances +on equal terms.</p> + +<p>One of the questions with regard to which they will be +disposed to change their tone very considerably will be +that of Egypt.</p> + +<p>Another may possibly be that of the Newfoundland +Fisheries, if we do not succeed in effecting some sort of +settlement of it in the meantime.</p> + +<p>A third may be the extension of their possessions in +Cochin China, and of their protectorate of Annam.</p> + +<p>With regard to alliances, that which they will first seek +will no doubt be the alliance of Russia, and in a case of +great emergency, they would make great sacrifices of +Western interests to obtain it.</p> + +<p>They will desire to keep on good terms with England, +so far at all events as to avoid throwing her into the arms +of Germany, but as they are not likely to conceive hopes +of obtaining effectual assistance from England towards +recovering Alsace and Lorraine, they will not be so eager +for an English as a Russian alliance.</p> + +<p>Another contingency to be kept in view is that a new +President or a new Dynasty, desirous of consolidating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> +themselves by a little military glory, may be led to direct +an attack upon whatever quarter it may be easiest to +do so.</p> + +<p>I will not however go on with mere speculations of this +kind. Of the truth of the conclusions to which I have +come, I entertain very little doubt. In two or three years +France will not be in the same accommodating frame of +mind in which she is now, and will have very much more +powerful means than she has now of enforcing attention +to her wishes. All questions therefore in which the influence +of France is hostile, should be settled as quickly as possible. +The restoration of the strength of France may be found +useful in redressing the balance of power, but, anyhow, it +should be taken into account in all political calculations.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It was not long before these anticipations were +justified, but for the present, relations between +England and France remained on a friendly footing, +no doubt much to Bismarck's displeasure, who, at +this period, was continually urging us to take +Egypt and not to do anything else. As a matter of +fact, if we had seized Egypt in 1876, it would not +have had the immediate effect of embroiling us +with France. On the contrary, all those who had a +pecuniary interest in Egypt thought that they would +gain by our taking possession of the county, while +the great majority of Frenchmen looked upon the +thing as inevitable, and thought it better to put a +good face upon the matter. Any contradiction of +the supposed English designs upon Egypt, however +sincere and positive, met with no credence at all.</p> + +<p>There is an instructive extract on the subject, +contained in a letter of Lord Derby of December 6, +1876.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>It is evidently useless to say that we don't want Egypt +and don't intend to take it: we must leave our friends to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> +be convinced by the event. I have no doubt that everybody +out of France would be glad that we should seize the +country. Russia would like it, as making us an accomplice +in her plans. Germany would like it still more, as ensuring +our being on uncomfortable terms with France for some +years to come. Italy would see in it a precedent and a +justification for seizing Tunis; Spain, the same, in regard +to Morocco. But you may be assured that we have no +such designs and are not going to run into adventures of +this kind.</p></blockquote> + +<p>There can be no possible doubt as to Lord Derby's +sincerity; indeed, he was so constitutionally averse +from an adventurous foreign policy, that a year or +two later, Lord Salisbury said of his ex-colleague +that he could never have brought himself to annex +the Isle of Man. It is interesting to note that, in +the above forecast of international brigandage, Tunis +and not Tripoli was allotted to Italy, the designs +of France in the former direction not apparently +being suspected.</p> + +<p>Before the end of 1876 the experiment of trying +to work the institutions of a Constitutional Monarchy +in France under an elective chief magistrate had very +nearly come to a deadlock. The Left were determined +to get real power into their hands and not to +allow themselves to be thwarted by the conservative +tendencies of the Marshal and his personal +friends. On the one hand, the Marshal stoutly +maintained that he would have Ministers of his own +choice in the Departments of War and Foreign +Affairs, whereas the Left, so long as they had a +majority in the Chamber of Deputies, were, under +Constitutional Government, clearly entitled to decide +the matter. But the question was complicated, +because the Marshal, as well as the Ministers, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> +in a position to resort to resignation of office, and a +severe Ministerial crisis ensued. Ultimately, the +Marshal succeeded in keeping his Minister of War and +his Minister for Foreign Affairs, but he was forced +to accept, as Prime Minister, M. Jules Simon. The +latter, although an able and conciliatory man, had +been a member of the Revolutionary Government +of National Defence, and having been forced to +yield so far to his opponents, it seemed not improbable +that the Marshal before long would be +obliged to have recourse to Gambetta himself. +Gambetta, as has been shown, had lately become +much more moderate in his views, but in the opinion +of many people he still represented the Red Spectre, +and it was believed that his assumption of office +would mean Communism, Socialism, equal division +of property, judges appointed by election for short +periods, the prohibition of marriage, and the suppression +of religion. The desire of the Bonapartists was +that the Government should fall into the hands of +the extreme Left, in the hope that the people, from +fear of the above contingencies, would clamour for +the Empire; but what was more remarkable was, +that many Orleanists as well as moderate and timid +Conservatives wished to drive the Marshal to a dissolution +in the hope of a reaction. There could have +been no better proof of their short-sightedness and +incapacity, for the mass of the electors were not +in the least likely to make fine distinctions, and if +really afraid of the Republic would certainly vote +for nothing short of the Empire.</p> + +<p>The Conference which had assembled at Constantinople +in the autumn in the hope of settling +the Eastern Question, with Lord Salisbury as one of +the British representatives, broke up in January,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> +1877, and it became clear that war between Russia +and Turkey was unavoidable. Lord Derby, who +was the reverse of sanguine by temperament, had +never entertained any hopes of its success, and was +quite determined that, whatever happened, there +should be no British intervention. 'I am amused,' +he wrote to Lord Odo Russell,<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> 'by your description +of the Russo-German suspicions entertained against +us; these fellows make us act as they would act in +our place. They can neither deal straightforwardly +themselves, nor give anybody else credit for doing so.</p> + +<p>'If you are asked what steps England is going +to take next, your true answer should be "none." +We shall wait, say little, and pledge ourselves to +nothing.'</p> + +<p>The break up of the Conference filled the French +with alarm.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 5, 1877.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>It is believed here that Bismarck is determined to +produce at least such a scare as he did two years ago, if not +to do more. The idea provokes some anger, but more fear. +Nevertheless, the danger is greater now than it was last +time; for although France is very far from being ready +for even a defensive war, she does feel so much stronger +than she did in 1875, as not to be willing to bear quite as +much from Germany as she would have borne then.</p> + +<p>The impressions prevalent here are:</p> + +<p>That Bismarck is very much disappointed by the result +of the Constantinople Conference, which he had hoped +would have ended by setting all Europe by the ears.</p> + +<p>That he is very much irritated by the cordiality which +existed between the English, French, and Russian Plenipotentiaries, +and by the considerable part taken by +Chaudordy in the proceedings.</p></blockquote> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span></p> +<blockquote> + +<p>That he is very much annoyed by the number of +Socialist votes given in the recent German elections, and +is eager to destroy Paris as the hotbed of socialism.</p> + +<p>That he wants a cry to make the Germans pay their +taxes willingly.</p> + +<p>That he looks with an evil eye upon the material prosperity +of France.</p> + +<p>That he considers the Exhibition of 1878 as a sort of +defiance of Germany, and is ready to go great lengths to +prevent its taking place.</p> + +<p>These are French views, not mine; but I do agree with +the conclusion which the greater and the wiser part of the +French nation draw from them: namely that it behoves +France to be more than ever prudent and cautious, and +more than ever careful not to give Germany any pretext +for a quarrel.</p> + +<p>France is certainly not at all likely to oppose Russia +in anything that country may undertake in the East; but +she is still less likely to give her any military assistance +there. She might not be able to resist the bait, if Russia +held it out, of an offensive and defensive alliance against +Germany, but in that case she would more than ever want +her own forces on this side of Germany. This contingency, +however, is too improbable to be worth considering.</p> + +<p>It is quite true that France has a large force on her +Eastern Frontier, and that she is hard at work there, but +considering the difficulty of guarding that frontier, such +as it has been left by the Treaty of 1871, her objects may +well be supposed to be purely defensive.</p> + +<p>Lord Salisbury is to arrive this evening and to go on to +London without stopping.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It is interesting to note that Lord Salisbury, +while at Constantinople, formed a very poor opinion +of the capacity of Sultan Abdul Hamid—an opinion +which he must have had occasion to revise later on. +'Salisbury reports ill of the new Sultan; calls him +a poor weak creature, from whom no help is to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> +expected. But his judgment is the result of a single +interview.' So wrote Lord Derby to Lord Odo +Russell.</p> + +<p>The French representative, Chaudordy, had been +very active; his zeal had alarmed his own countrymen, +and was supposed to have aroused the indignation +of Bismarck, but one of the singular +features of the Constantinople Conference seems +to have been the action of the representatives of +the small Powers such as Spain, Belgium, and +Holland, who did their utmost, and not entirely +without effect, to spirit the Turks up to resistance. +In March there was much coming and going at +Paris on the part of Ignatieff and Schouvaloff, who +were thought to be endeavouring to secure what +Russia wanted without war, and the former proceeded +on a special mission to London, but the +negotiations with the Turks broke down, and war +was declared before the end of April. Letters from +Lord Derby describing the state of feeling in England +dwell upon the action of Gladstone, who, according +to Schouvaloff, 'was much more Russian than the +Russian Government,' and whose language was, +'only suited to a Panslavonic Society.'</p> + +<p>The outbreak of the war between Russia and +Turkey was extremely distasteful to the French +for various reasons. They were convinced that it +had been instigated by Bismarck, and that it would +result in the overwhelming preponderance of Germany +on the continent, and were equally convinced +that it would lead to a great extension of English +influence in the Mediterranean including an occupation +of Egypt; consequently, Décazes, who was +anything but a straightforward politician, and +anxious beyond everything to hunt with the Russian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> +hounds, and run with the English hare, was constantly +expressing fears that if an English force +was sent to the East, the opportunity would at once +be seized by Bismarck for falling upon France. A +congenial opportunity for this intriguer arose over +the question whether Egypt should be called upon +to render pecuniary and military assistance to +Turkey, and an unsuccessful attempt was made to +persuade the Khedive that if he refused to comply, +he would be protected. By these means Décazes +would have secured the treble advantage of making +himself agreeable to Russia, of pleasing the French +bondholders, and, to a certain degree, of thwarting +England in Egypt. Unluckily for him, the scheme +miscarried; but in spite of ardent professions of +neutrality, he contrived to render services to Russia +which were of some considerable service.</p> + +<p>He used his influence to obtain a loan for her in +Paris; his agents in Egypt supported the Russian +threats to blockade the Suez Canal, and the effect +of the Franco-Russian understanding was to force +Germany to make greater sacrifices in order to +retain the friendship of Russia by furthering Russian +policy in the East. One of the methods by which +the Germans sought to ingratiate themselves with +Russia took the remarkable form of insisting (as the +British Ambassador at Constantinople pointed out) +that Russian subjects who remained in Turkey +during the war, should not only be entitled to remain +there undisturbed, but permitted to enjoy all the +privileges of the capitulations, this being apparently +the German conception of neutrality.</p> + +<p>The double game which Décazes was playing +was not, however, popular in France. It was felt +that his intrigues with Russia tended to throw<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> +England into the arms of Germany, and his enemies +asserted that he was too fond of speculation to +be a thoroughly satisfactory Minister. However, +an internal political crisis of an exceptionally important +nature in May diverted French attention from +all foreign questions for the time being.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 16, 1877.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The Marshal has been getting more and more uncomfortable +about M. Jules Simon's giving way in the Chamber of +Deputies to the more advanced Left, and now, as you will +have learnt from my telegrams, he has turned him out. +It is believed that if matters came to extremities, the +Marshal will bring out a thoroughly reactionary Ministry +which he has <em>in petto</em>. The Duc de Broglie, Prime Minister, +General Ducrot, Minister of War, and so on. This would +necessitate a dissolution, for which the consent of the +Senate would be necessary. But it is very doubtful +whether the country is ripe for anything of the kind, and +whether the result might not be the return of a still more +radical Chamber than the present; and then either the +Marshal must retire and hand the Government over to +Gambetta or some one still more advanced in opinion, or +make a real <em>coup d'état</em> by means of the army.</p> + +<p>However he will no doubt try to form a Ministry rather +more Conservative than the last and still able to get on +somehow with the present Chamber of Deputies; but this +will be difficult.</p> + +<p>One of the Marshal's grounds of dissatisfaction with +M. Jules Simon was that he would not, or could not, get +from the Chamber powers which would enable the Government +to restrain the press from attacking Germany in the +dangerous manner in which it has written against that +country lately.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The action of the Marshal in turning out Jules +Simon, who was supported by a majority in a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> +recently elected Chamber, and replacing him by the +Duc de Broglie, who was extremely unpopular, +might well be described as a very strong measure. +Décazes, who was supposed to be in the plot, +remained in office, and there was therefore not much +probability of a change in foreign policy; but it +was evident that there were now only two real +parties in France—the Republicans and the Bonapartists. +The possible restoration of the Empire +filled with dismay Lord Derby, who considered that +the last six years had witnessed a great purification +both of public and private life in France, and that +if the French were going back to a 'Government +of adventurers, adventuresses, and priests,' it would +be a grave misfortune for Europe; and he was most +anxious to let it be known that there was no sympathy +in England for Bonapartist intrigues.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 18, 1877.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>There are of course among the Right, many who, wisely +or unwisely, rejoice that Marshal MacMahon has broken +with the Left, but there is hardly any one who does not +think the moment ill chosen, the reasons assigned insufficient, +and the mode adopted unskilful. Décazes is +represented, or misrepresented, as having been at the +bottom of the whole thing.</p> + +<p>He came up to me last night, and asked if I had not +something to say to him about the sentiments he had +expressed to me with regard to the dangers to English +interests in Western Europe. He also expressed anxiety +to know how the question of the wine duties was getting +on in England. He is, I suppose, anxious to have something +to show that he is successful in cultivating intimate +relations with England.</p> + +<p>While he seems so desirous of frightening us about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> +Holland, he shows no inclination to admit that we have +any interests at all in the East. In fact his plan seems to +be to involve us in a quarrel with Germany, while he keeps +safely aloof: to curry favour with Russia by taking to +himself the credit of keeping our forces out of the East; to +prevent any increase of our power in the Mediterranean, +and to be well with us, but, if possible, better still with +Russia. Still, on the whole, I am glad he remains in. I +should not have been sorry to have Broglie himself as +Minister for Foreign Affairs, but we might have a much +more embarrassing Minister than Décazes, and he is easy +going and conciliatory in most matters. Only we must not +be surprised if he repeats to Russia, and Russia repeats to +Germany, anything likely to impair our relations with +Germany.</p> + +<p>The other Ministers would almost seem to have been +chosen for the express purpose of defying the majority of +the Chamber. Broglie, of whom I have a high opinion, +is especially unpopular. I suppose the notion has been +to put as far as possible representatives of all shades of the +Right into the Cabinet, in order to be able to form a +coalition strong enough to obtain a vote in the Senate for +dissolution. It is not certain that such a vote could be +carried, the Conservative majority in the Senate being +only 2 or 3 on ordinary occasions.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Décazes took advantage of the occasion actually +to suggest a secret alliance with England for the +protection of Holland and Belgium, and stated that +if it were ever signed, he should communicate +to no single person except the Marshal himself. +It is hardly credible that he could have been in +earnest in making this suggestion, for not only +are Foreign Secretaries not in the habit of making +secret treaties unknown to their chiefs and colleagues, +but Lord Derby was the last person who +would be likely to enter into an enterprise of this +description. In the meanwhile Bismarck, as an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> +impartial friend, was warning Lord Odo Russell +that Décazes was only waiting for an opportunity +to throw England over, in order to prove his devotion +to Russia, and there was little doubt as to which +alliance he would prefer if he could have his choice.</p> + +<p>Exercising his right, Marshal MacMahon prorogued +the Chambers, and it being foreseen that +there would be a general election in the autumn, +his Government set to work at once in preparing +for the fight by getting rid of as many Republican +functionaries as possible, in accordance with well-established +custom.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 25, 1877.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Neither the private history of the dismissal of Jules +Simon, nor the attitude of the successful party, is calculated +to give one good hope for the future.</p> + +<p>The Marshal is supposed to have been mainly influenced +by M. de St. Paul, a Bonapartist and intimate friend of +his, of whom he sees a great deal; by Monsignor Dupanloup, +Bishop of Orleans; by the aides-de-camp and people about +him, and (it is whispered) by Madame la Maréchale. +Fourtou may have been in the plot, but I believe Broglie +was taken by surprise. Décazes wanted to get rid of Jules +Simon and Martel, but to put temporarily in their places +some members of the Left, who would have got on for a +time with the Chamber. Jules Simon had proved a complete +failure as Prime Minister; he had neither the confidence +of the Marshal nor even that of the Cabinet, and he +had lost all influence in the Chamber. He would very soon +have fallen of himself if he had been left alone.</p> + +<p>The language of the Right tends to accredit the supposition +which will be most fatal to them in the country. They +speak and act as if the question was one between the +aristocracy and the canaille. In fact they wound the +sentiment of equality which is the strongest political and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> +social sentiment in France, and consequently the present +crisis is beginning to be looked upon as the last struggle +of the old society against the new.</p> + +<p>As regards the great question as to what is to be done +when the Marshal finds himself finally defeated by the +Chamber, the party now triumphant talk of the use of +military force. The Marshal has often declared to his +friends that nothing shall induce him to resort to an extralegal +use of force, but the wilder spirits of the party say +that if the Marshal will not use the army, a general will be +found with less scruple, and they hint at Ducrot. But +this would be falling into the most fatal of all systems, that +of military <i xml:lang="it" lang="it">pronunciamentos</i>. The Marshal himself might +do a great deal with the army, and would probably keep it +together, but it does not by any means follow that any one +general seizing power in Paris would be submitted to by the +rest. It is believed that even now, General Berthaut, the +Minister of War, was with difficulty induced to remain in +office, and yielded only to the Marshal's special request, +on condition that he should be relieved in the autumn.</p> + +<p>It is however to be hoped that all this talk about +military <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coups d'état</i> is simply talk; and that we shall get +out of this difficulty quietly at last. In the meantime the +upper ten thousand in Paris are indulging themselves in +all sorts of illusions, and the Paris shopkeepers are dreaming +of the restoration of a Court and of a great expenditure on +luxuries.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Chambers met again in June, and although +the country was perfectly quiet, the scenes which +took place in the Chamber of Deputies were a sufficient +indication of the fury with which the politicians +regarded each other. The violent and disorderly +conduct was chiefly on the side of the Right, there +being a certain number of Bonapartists who provoked +disturbances with the object of discrediting +Parliamentary Government as much as possible.</p> + +<p>On the other hand even the moderate men on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> +Left began to talk of revolutionary measures to be +adopted when they got back into power again, +such as the suspension of the irremovability of +judges, the impeachment of Ministers, and the dissolution +of religious congregations. On June 22, +the dissolution was voted by the Senate by a +majority of twenty. It was decided that the elections +should be held in three months' time, and both +parties made their preparations for an uncompromising +fight, Marshal MacMahon beginning the +campaign with an order of the day to the army +which smacked disagreeably of a <em>coup d'état</em>, not +to say a <i xml:lang="it" lang="it">pronunciamento</i>. Subsequently, having +been assured of the support of the Comte de Chambord—a +somewhat questionable advantage—he proceeded +on an electoral tour in the South.</p> + +<p>The general election took place in October, and +resulted in the crushing defeat of the Marshal and +his Ministers in spite of the labours of prefects, +magistrates, mayors, policemen, and priests, who had +all been temporarily converted into electioneering +agents. The exasperation of parties reached an +almost unprecedented point, and Décazes admitted +that the country was in a state of moral civil war. +The partisans of the Government talked of a second +dissolution, of proclaiming a state of siege during +the new elections and conducting them with even +more administrative vigour than the last. The +Republicans announced their determination to annul +the elections of all the official candidates and to +impeach the Ministers and even the Marshal himself, +if he did not retire or name a Ministry having +their confidence. As for the Marshal himself, he +found little support at this crisis from the monarchical +parties, except on the part of the Orleanists, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> +saw that he must be kept in at all hazards; but the +Orleanists had recognized that France, for the +moment at least, was Republican, and their press +owned openly that to persist in Personal Government +instead of reverting to Constitutional Government +was to march to certain disaster. The Marshal, +in fact, found himself confronted with two alternatives: +either he must accept Gambetta's demand +to submit or resign; or he must run the risk of +getting rid of his difficulties by means of a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coup +d'état</i>.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Oct. 26, 1877.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The prospect does not grow clearer, though I see, or at +all events like to fancy I see, a cooling down of the fury +which prevailed a week ago.</p> + +<p>The Marshal is supposed to be a man of one idea, and +his one idea at the present moment is said to be that he is +bound to remain at his post.</p> + +<p>This idea might lead him to name a Ministry from the +majority, but then he would have to dismiss all the Fourtou +prefects, whom he solemnly promised to stand by.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the idea might carry him on to a +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coup d'état</i>.</p> + +<p>The plan devised by his opponents, and indeed by some +of his friends, for getting him out of the scrape, is that the +Senate should refuse to support him in extreme measures, +and that he should then declare (which would indeed be +true) that he had never promised to stay in opposition +to both branches of the Legislature.</p> + +<p>Communications which have been going on between +the Elysée and the Duc d'Audiffret Pasquier, the President +of the Senate, are said to have shown that the Senate +cannot be depended upon either to vote a second dissolution, +or to carry on the Government in conjunction with +the Marshal, and without the Chamber of Deputies.</p> + +<p>I register as rumours, strongly requiring confirmation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> +that the Marshal has summoned the Chasseurs d'Afrique +to reinforce the garrison of Paris; that in consequence of +disagreements between Grévy and Gambetta, the Republicans +offer the Presidency of the Republic to General +Chanzy, the Governor-General of Algeria; that the more +moderate Liberals have hopes of bringing in the Duc +d'Aumale as President, if MacMahon should actually retire.</p> + +<p>As the population is disarmed and there is no National +Guard, there can be no need to increase the numbers of +the garrison of Paris. If any fresh troops were really +brought up, it would be from mistrust of the spirit of those +already here.</p> + +<p>Gambetta must have departed very far from his usual +political tact, if he has set up claims in opposition to Grévy. +Grévy would be quite alarming enough, and to establish +the doctrine that the President must be a general would +bring France to the level of a South American Republic.</p> + +<p>It would be a curious result of an election, in which the +Orleans or Right Centre Party has met with a signal defeat, +that an Orleans Prince should be placed at the head of the +State.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The proper course for the Marshal to have adopted +was to have accepted the position of a Constitutional +President; to have appointed a Ministry which would +have obtained a majority in the Chamber; and to +have restrained it from excesses by the exercise +of his legitimate authority, and by means of the +power of the Senate. Instead of this, however, he +first attempted to form a Ministry of the same +colour as the old one; then tried to meet the Chamber +with his old Ministers, and finally fell back upon +perfectly unknown people who carried no weight +at all, and who professed to represent no party. +To this Ministry the Chamber refused to pay any +attention, and after many threats in the Elysée +organs to violate all laws; to collect and spend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> +money without the sanction of Parliament, to +suppress newspapers, and to proclaim a state of +siege, the Marshal surrendered ignominiously in +December, and accepted a Ministry in which M. +Dufaure was President of the Council, and M. +Waddington, Minister for Foreign Affairs. Thus, +what should have been a natural and proper consequence +of the elections was converted into an +humiliating defeat, and there had been such a series +of solemn declarations, none of them adhered to, +that all confidence in the Marshal had disappeared. +Of the more important members of the new Government, +M. Dufaure was a lawyer with Conservative +leanings. M. Waddington, who had been educated +at Rugby and Cambridge, was intimate with Lord +Lyons and the Embassy generally, but it was +doubtful whether his connection with England would +prove an advantage, as he might find it necessary +to demonstrate that he was not too English. M. +Léon Say, the Minister of Finance, was supposed to +be a Free Trader; and M. de Freycinet, who was +destined to take part in many subsequent administrations, +had been Gambetta's Under-Secretary of +State for War, and was looked upon as Gambetta's +representative in the Cabinet.</p> + +<p>On December 17, MacMahon gave Lord Lyons +his version of the history of the crisis.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Dec. 18, 1877.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I went to the weekly evening party at the Elysée last +Saturday. The Marshal took me aside, saying: 'I want +to tell you why I did it.' He proceeded to tell me that +he had been led to remain in office and make a Parliamentary +Ministry, by a warning he had received from abroad that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> +if he retired, or if he established a clerical Ministry, war +would be the inevitable consequence.</p> + +<p>So far the Marshal: what follows may be mere gossip.</p> + +<p>On the afternoon of December 12, the Marshal had +quite determined <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">d'aller jusqu'au bout</i>; either to obtain +from the Senate a dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, +or to give in his resignation. He was in consultation with +General Rochebouet, who was at the time Prime Minister, +about drawing up a message in this sense, when a letter +was brought in, the bearer of which sent in a message +begging that the Marshal would receive him at once. The +letter was either written by the German Emperor, or at +all events it convinced the Marshal that the bearer was sent +to give him a message direct from His Imperial Majesty. +The Marshal accordingly received him alone, and he said +he was a Prussian officer who had been sent by the Emperor +to entreat the Marshal to remain at the head of the Republic, +at all risks, and on any conditions; and not to establish a +Government which could be represented as being clerical. +The message is said to have represented that the Emperor +himself was most anxious for peace, but that he should not +be able to restrain 'other people,' if a clerical or a radical +Government were allowed to be established in France.</p> + +<p>This sounds so like gossip that I should hardly have +thought it worth while to repeat it, if it had not tallied +rather curiously with the statement the Marshal himself +volunteered to make to me about his motives.</p> + +<p>The 'other people' are supposed to be neither more nor +less than one other person—Prince Bismarck—and the +message is represented as having been sent by the Emperor +William without the knowledge of the Chancellor, or of the +German Ambassador here.</p> + +<p>Prince Bismarck's enemies, and they are of course +numerous enough here, like to argue from appearances that +he has quite lost the confidence of the Emperor, and some +of them, who profess to have peculiar means of obtaining +information, say that he made three conditions with the +Emperor, as those on which alone he could continue to +serve him. 1st, that he should have <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">carte blanche</i> in the +Government; 2nd, that the Empress should reside at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> +Coblentz or Baden rather than at Berlin; and 3rd, that +certain people, of whom he gave a list, should be removed +from Court. As a natural consequence, Bismarck's illness +is attributed to his not having obtained the consent of his +Imperial Master to his conditions; and it is said that he +will not recover until his terms are complied with. This +story of the conditions appears to me to be a very outrageous +one, and I am quite unable to say whether there is any +admixture of truth in it. Those who recount it, love to +draw from it prognostications of the fall of the Great +Chancellor.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Whether the story of the Marshal's mysterious +visitor was true or not, his defeat marked a decisive +epoch in French internal politics; the Republic +was now firmly established and cannot be said to +have been in any dangers since, unless the vagaries +of the impostor Boulanger be excepted.</p> + +<p>Ever since the beginning of the war between +Russia and Turkey, Lord Derby had continually +asserted that it was practically no concern of ours, +and that he was quite determined not to be drawn +into any intervention whatsoever. But as the +Turkish resistance collapsed, and as it became more +and more evident that there was nothing to prevent +the Russians from exacting any terms they chose, +unless some form of intervention took place, Her +Majesty's Government decided to call Parliament +together. Lord Derby was anxious to explain that +this action had no sinister significance.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Derby to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Dec. 21, 1877.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>You are not unlikely to be asked the meaning of Parliament +being called together earlier than usual. The +explanation is simple. We see a growing excitement on +the question of the war; we are menaced by an agitation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> +friendly but troublesome, having for object to drive us +into war, and with a counter movement on the other side. +We think that much useless talk will be stopped; the real +opinion of the country be tested, and the Ministry relieved +from the annoyance of perpetual criticism which it cannot +reply to, if every peer and M.P. can say what he has got +to say at Westminster, rather than at a county dinner or +borough meeting.</p> + +<p>Those who have confidence in us will not be sorry to +hear our views explained by ourselves; those who have +not, will have no further opportunity of talking mysteriously +about the country being committed to this, that, or the +other, without Parliament having a voice in the matter. +For it is clear that if we meant to act on our own responsibility, +and leave Parliament no choice except to ratify or +to condemn what we had done, we should not shorten by +one-half the interval that remains during which only such +action is possible.</p> + +<p>It is possible that there may be in France some renewal +of suspicions as to English designs on Egypt. If so, you +may dispel them by the most decided language you can +use. We want nothing and will take nothing from Egypt +except what we have already, and what other Powers share +equally with us. We shall continue to work in harmony +with the French, and hope and expect the same from them.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Derby was the most cautious and unenterprising +of men, and he already perhaps felt some +suspicions as to the soundness of his colleagues in +the Cabinet; but the assurance to be given to the +French Government with regard to Egypt seems, +on the face of it, somewhat gratuitous, if not rash. +The situation in Turkey might have resulted in our +being forced to go to Egypt at short notice, and +only five years later he, Lord Derby, found himself +a member of a Liberal Government which had been +forced to adopt that very course.</p> + +<p>When the British Parliament met in January,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> +the war was already practically ended, and the +commissioners were treating for an armistice and +for the preliminaries of peace. The Queen's Speech +announced that although neither the Russians nor +the Turks had infringed the conditions on which +the neutrality of England depended, it might be +necessary to ask for money and to take precautions, +and on January 23, the Mediterranean fleet was +ordered to pass the Dardanelles and to proceed to +Constantinople. This action brought about the +resignation of both Lord Derby and Lord Carnarvon, +but upon the countermanding of the order to the +fleet, Lord Derby resumed office. On January 28, +the basis of the peace negotiations having been +communicated, the Government asked for a vote +of six millions, and in consequence of alarming +intelligence, received from Mr. Layard the British +Ambassador at Constantinople, the fleet was again +ordered definitely to proceed to that city. Political +excitement reached its climax, and light-hearted +Jingoes, quite incapable of realizing the inadequacy +of British military resources, proclaimed their readiness +to fight any possible adversary.</p> + +<p>If it eventually became necessary for England +to take active steps to secure her interests in the +East, it was quite clear that no assistance whatever +could be expected from France. M. Waddington +took an early opportunity to assure Lord Lyons +most emphatically that France wanted nothing for +herself, and that she desired no acquisition of territory +either in the Mediterranean or elsewhere; but +whilst he disclaimed any desire of this nature, he +showed in a most unmistakeable manner that an +occupation of Egypt by England would create a +bitter feeling in France which would long impair<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> +the friendly relations between the two countries. +Speaking most confidentially, M. Waddington said +that it was all important to France that England +and Russia should not be involved in hostilities, and +that France should not be left <em>tête-à-tête</em> with Prince +Bismarck, whether the latter played the part of +an enemy or a tempter. In fact, the French Government, +like its predecessor, was disquieted by a +notion that Bismarck intended to propose to France +some arrangement respecting Belgium and Holland, +which would dismember those States, assigning of +course to Germany the lion's share of the spoils, +and it seemed to be apprehended that France would +be called upon to choose between acquiescing in +such an arrangement or incurring the active enmity +of Germany. The fear of the French that they +might become involved was so strong that Waddington +was alarmed even at the idea of committing his +Government to the British declaration as to the +invalidity of treaties concluded without the participation +of the Powers; but, in spite of this timorous +spirit, and although the Treaty of San Stefano was +not signed until March 3, Lord Derby informed Lord +Lyons on February 2, that, the support of Austria +having been obtained, Her Majesty's Government +were determined to secure a Conference, and it was +hoped that Italy and France would also exercise at +least a benevolent neutrality. The uncertainty of +the position was shown in Lord Derby's language +with regard to Constantinople. 'I hardly know +what will happen if the Russians insist on showing +themselves at Constantinople. It is not a case we +could make a <em>casus belli</em> of, but I think it would in +that case be desirable that the Neutral Powers +should be present too—that is their fleets—both as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> +a demonstration, and to keep order if necessary. +The war being over, such a proceeding could not be +misconstrued, as it certainly would have been before. +All this, however, is uncertain.'</p> + +<p>Judging by subsequent experiences, Lord Derby +would have spent a long time in securing the presence +of the International fleets at Constantinople, and +would have experienced still more trouble in persuading +them to take any action. The Russians +fortunately stopped short of Constantinople, and a +Conference being now a practical certainty, Lord +Lyons was invited to act as the British representative.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Derby to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">February 6, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The Conference will probably come off, and it may come +off soon, though there is a chance of delay from differences +as to the place of meeting.</p> + +<p>I find the feeling of the Cabinet unanimous, and I fully +share it, that you are the fittest person to attend the Conference +on our behalf. Indeed, I know of no one in whom +I should have equal confidence for a duty of that kind. +Nothing has been said to the Queen, but I have no doubt +of Her Majesty's consent.</p> + +<p>May I ask you if, considering the importance and difficulty +of the work, you will be prepared to sacrifice your +personal convenience so far as to accept the office if offered? +I fear the sacrifice will be considerable, but let up hope that +the result will repay your trouble.</p></blockquote> + +<p>To most people, an invitation of this character, +conveyed in so flattering a manner, would have +had an irresistible attraction; but Lord Lyons was +one of those persons to whom notoriety was indifferent, +if not obnoxious, and who much preferred +to confine himself to doing his own business in a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> +practical and unostentatious spirit. He, however, +felt it his duty to accept, hoping vainly all the time +that the Conference would never take place at all.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 8, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I wish to offer you my best thanks for your letter of the +day before yesterday. Your proposal to appoint me to +represent England at the Conference is very flattering in +itself, and nothing could be more gratifying than the terms +in which it is made.</p> + +<p>You were so kind as to speak of the sacrifice of my +personal convenience, but that consideration I will set +entirely aside. There are feelings of much greater weight +which make me shrink from the task, and it appears to me +to be a task peculiarly difficult, and one of which the result +is, to say the least, extremely doubtful. I may say, too, +without any affectation of modesty, that I do not think +myself well qualified for it.</p> + +<p>Still these are after all personal considerations which I +ought not to allow to interfere with any public duty which +I may be called upon to discharge. If therefore the Queen +and the Government should determine upon entrusting +this mission to me, I should undertake it heartily and +zealously, and do my best to justify their confidence.</p> + +<p>Of course nothing can be settled until we know the rank +and number of the Plenipotentiaries of other Powers, the +place of meeting, and other particulars, which may have a +material influence in the selection of the Representative +or Representatives of Her Majesty.</p> + +<p>If however the progress of events should ultimately +lead to my being chosen, I should be very grateful if you +would allow me the opportunity of conferring with you +upon various matters, before any definite arrangements +are made. There is one to which I attach so much importance +that I will mention it at once. I trust that you +will allow me to choose myself the staff to accompany me +on the occasion. My efficiency and comfort would depend +mainly on this.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span></p> + +<p>Apart from a disinclination to leave his own work, +Lord Lyons probably considered that the outlook +for England at a Conference was by no means reassuring. +The issue of the Conference really depended +upon the military position in which England +and Austria would apparently stand, should the +Conference itself break up <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">rê infectâ</i>, and at the end +of February the English position looked to be none +too favourable, for it depended upon the fleet having +access to the Black Sea. If we were able to stop +the Russian communications by sea, the Russians +would be at the mercy of Austria by land, supposing +Andrassy's boasts to be well founded; but we had +no absolute security against the Russians occupying +Gallipoli at any moment, and no semblance of a +security of their not occupying the Black Sea exit +of the Bosphorus, for the Turks were at their mercy, +and, as pointed out by Mr. Layard, they were quite +capable of making any arrangement with Russia, +since they considered that they had been betrayed +and abandoned by England. Neither, it might be +added, was there any security that Austria would +stand firm, for there was always the chance of her +being bought off with Bosnia and the Herzegovina.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Derby.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 26, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>As to the Conference itself all seems more than ever in +doubt. Unless the Austrians are determined to go to war +and are visibly ready, and unless we are equally determined +and equally ready on our side, and unless the Russians are +convinced of this, there can be no chance of their making +any concessions. Then, what will the Austrians want? +To bolster up the Turks, to waste energy in trying to place +under them again this or that district delivered by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> +Russians, would be a very losing game. There must, I +suppose, be some new Principality or Principalities. If +anything like a national feeling and a national Government +can be established in them, their danger will be from +Russia, and Russia will become their natural enemy, unless +they are thrown into her arms by a hostility on the part of +Austria, which will make them feel that Russia alone is +their defence against Turkey. Then there are the Straits, +and the difficulty of placing the Turks, or whoever is to +hold them, in a position to guard them against a Russian +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coup de main</i> at least. Ignatieff seems to be already +working the connection between Egypt and the Porte, with +a view to getting money out of Egypt for Russia. I am +inclined to think that the more radically Egypt is severed +from the Porte, and the less our free action with regard +to it is hampered by collective guarantees or collective +Protectorates the safer we shall be.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The correctness of these views has since been +amply demonstrated by the history of the Balkan +States. The opinion about Egypt, however, was +probably not at all to the taste of Lord Derby, who +appeared to rejoice in divided responsibility.</p> + +<p>Lord Lyons himself was summoned to London +early in March in order to confer with the Government +respecting his procedure at Berlin, and judging +from his letters to various correspondents, the +course which Her Majesty's Government proposed +to adopt was in a state of considerable uncertainty. +It was, however, a source of much satisfaction to +him that he would have the co-operation of Lord +Odo Russell, who was an intimate friend, and in +whose judgment he felt complete confidence. He +also got his way about his staff, which was to include +amongst others, Malet, Sheffield, and Mr. (now Sir +William) Barrington.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Odo Russell.</h5> + +<p class="p1">London, March 13, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>My only comfort about this awful Congress or Conference +is that you will be my partner in it. I hope, if it +does come off after all, that we may get over it without +doing harm to our country or to ourselves. I wanted +them to set me aside and take advantage of the transfer +to Berlin to put it into your hands; and I still think this +would be the best plan; but they say that after their +announcement of my appointment to Parliament, they +cannot cancel it. Sir Robert Peel has moved a resolution +that I am not a fit person to represent England at the +Conference. I shall console myself if he carries it. He +grounds his motion upon 'my well-known opinions.' I +suppose he takes my opinions from a wholly unauthorized +and incorrect account of them which appeared in a letter +in the <cite>Daily Telegraph</cite> yesterday. Some people suppose +he wrote the letter himself in order to have a peg to hang +his motion on. I don't think your difficulties at the Conference +will arise from strong preconceived opinions of +mine. I shall try and get our instructions made as precise +as possible. Could you give me some hints as to the +particular points which should be decided before we begin? +You will know how far certain solutions in our sense will +be feasible or not. It is worse than useless that we should +be told to aim at impossibilities, and have to yield: though +there may be of course conditions, which if not admitted, +will render it necessary for us to retire from the Conference +altogether.</p> + +<p>I am sure you will be the greatest help and comfort to +me, and I hope I may be a help to you. Please tell me +anything you wish me to do or say here.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Odo Russell appears to have been equally +in the dark as to the intended policy of Her Majesty's +Government.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Odo Russell to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Berlin, March 16, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The feelings you express concerning the Conference are +so entirely my own that I need say no more, and only hope +that Lord Derby will give you a better qualified assistant +than I can be with regard to Oriental Affairs, of which I +do not really know enough to be of any use to you or to +the country, beside such authorities as Ignatieff, Lobanoff, +Calice, Radowitz, Busch, etc., etc.</p> + +<p>You ask if I could give you some hints as to the particular +points which should be decided before you begin.</p> + +<p>I would do so with the greatest pleasure, if I only knew +what the policy of Her Majesty's Government is likely to be +in Congress. All I know about it at present is contained +in Lord Derby's despatch of May 6, and as far as Constantinople +and the Straits are concerned, I fancy Russia will +be conciliatory.</p> + +<p>You ask further how far certain solutions in our sense +will be feasible or not.</p> + +<p>I wish I could answer your question, but can only beg +of you to tell me first whether we accept the consequences +of our neutrality, or whether we contest them: whether +we are going to reject the Turko-Russian Treaty, as we +rejected the Berlin Memorandum, or whether we are going +to accept now what we refused then.</p> + +<p>Russia is now in possession of Turkey. Germany +supports Russia.</p> + +<p>France and Italy have no wish to quarrel with Russia +or Germany, and will not offer any serious opposition to +the Turko-Russian Treaty.</p> + +<p>Austria may object to two things: the proposed limits +of Bulgaria, and the prolonged occupation of Russian +troops.</p> + +<p>If Russia is well disposed, she will consent to a smaller +Bulgaria and to a shorter occupation.</p> + +<p>If she doesn't, Austria must choose between a diplomatic +defeat, a compromise, or war to turn Russia out of Bulgaria. +Bismarck will exert all his personal influence in favour of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> +compromise to keep the three Emperors' Alliance together +before Europe in Conference assembled.</p> + +<p>The annexation of Armenia and the war indemnity are +questions which Russia will scarcely consent to submit to +the Congress at all.</p> + +<p>What then is our attitude to be? Please let me know +as soon as you can, and I will do my best to answer your +questions.</p> + +<p>If we go in for Greek interests we shall have the cordial +support of Germany and Austria, I think—but Greek +interests are in direct opposition to Turkish interests, if I +am not greatly mistaken.</p> + +<p>On hearing of your appointment I wrote to you to +congratulate myself and to beg of you to grant us the +happiness of taking up your quarters at the Embassy, and +also to advise you to bring a numerous and efficient staff, +as I have not hands enough at Berlin for an emergency.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The letters of Lord Odo Russell at this period +show that he was completely in the dark as to the +intentions of Her Majesty's Government, and that +he was quite unable to get any answer as to what +was to be their policy with regard to the Treaty +of San Stefano. He himself was convinced that the +three Empires had already settled what the result +of the Congress was to be, and that they simply +intended to communicate it to Greece, Roumania, +and other Powers for whom they wished to manifest +their contempt, such as France and England, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">à +prendre ou à laisser</i>. Under these circumstances, it +became doubtful whether it was worth while for +England to go into a Conference at all and court +unnecessary humiliation, serious as the responsibility +would be if such a course were decided upon.</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt that much of the prevailing +uncertainty was due to Lord Derby, who +with great difficulty had contrived to keep pace<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> +with his more enterprising colleagues, and whose +over-cautious temperament had prevented the +adoption of any really definite policy. But Lord +Derby, unable to stand the shock of seeing a few +thousand Indian troops sent to the Mediterranean, +resigned office on March 28, and the advent of Lord +Salisbury at the Foreign Office marked a new +departure in British Foreign Policy.</p> + +<p>Lord Salisbury's circular of April 1, 1878, was +intended to show that the Treaty of San Stefano +threatened the interests of Europe, and that the +whole, and not parts of it, as proposed by Russia, +should be submitted to the Congress. It pointed +out that the creation of a big Bulgaria, stretching +over the greater part of the Balkan Peninsula, and +with ports on the Black Sea and the Ægean, would +give Russia a predominant influence; that the +proposed annexations in Asia Minor would give +Russia control over political and commercial conditions +in that region, and that the exaction of an +indemnity which it was impossible for Turkey to +provide, would enable Russia either to exact further +cessions of territory or to impose any other conditions +which might be thought advisable. The +logic was sound, and at all events Lord Salisbury +succeeded in producing a definite British policy, +which his predecessor had signally failed to do.</p> + +<p>When Lord Lyons returned to Paris at the +beginning of April the question of whether there +was to be a Congress or not was still in suspense. +French opinion was rather more in favour of +England on the Eastern Question than had been +expected, but there was no sign of anything more +than passive sympathy, and Waddington, who was +particularly sensitive on the subject, intimated, not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> +obscurely, that the good will of France depended +upon England not acting independently of her in +Egypt. It looked, in fact, as if England would be +left to bell the cat, although Lord Salisbury's circular, +as was generally admitted, had immensely raised +British prestige on the continent. The suspicion felt +in France as to Russian intentions was shown by +the failure of agents of the Russian Government to +negotiate a loan at Paris for thirty millions sterling, +and Lord Salisbury's letters in the early part of April +show that, while there were symptoms of yielding in +Europe, there appeared to be no prospect of those +concessions with regard to Asia Minor to which Her +Majesty's Government attached great importance.</p> + +<p>On the whole, the French Government was +apparently anxious to act as far as possible with +England, without committing itself too much, since +the idea of a Russian naval station in the Mediterranean +was highly obnoxious; but Waddington was +hampered, amongst other causes, by the proceedings +of Gambetta, who was disporting himself in some of +the European capitals with the object of forming, or +appearing to form, relations with foreign statesmen, +which would enable him to put forward a claim to +become eventually Minister for Foreign Affairs. Waddington +always in private repudiated responsibility for +what Gambetta said or did, but the latter was now so +important a personage that it was necessary to keep +on good terms with him and to submit to a patronage +which must have been irksome to French Ministers.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Foreign Office, April 24, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The negotiations for the simultaneous withdrawal of +the fleet and army from Constantinople proceed very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> +slowly. We are making no difficulties, but the Russians +cannot make up their minds about details, and are probably +trying to screw some concessions out of the luckless Turks. +I shall be very glad to see the arrangement succeed, because +our fleet is doing no possible good there at this moment. +Whatever value it had, disappeared as soon as the peace +was signed. But as the Russians seem to be afraid of it, +we must make the most of it. Possibly, in their secret +hearts, they entertain very much the same opinion as to +the position of their armies.</p> + +<p>The general negotiations do not improve. Russia +gives me the impression of a Government desperately +anxious for peace, and driven on by some fate towards war. +Andrassy undoubtedly means to have Bosnia; but whether +he will be satisfied with that I am not so certain. It is a +possible policy for him to throw the Danube over altogether; +to secure an outlet for his produce by a railway to Salonika, +and to accept a simultaneous extension southward in +parallel lines of Austrian and Russian possession—whether +in the form of actual territory, or of vassal states. In that +case, he will throw us over, and his course will be easy +enough if he can square the Hungarians. But that may be +a difficulty. Do you gather any information about his +objects?</p> + +<p>Is it your impression—as it is mine—that the French +are supremely anxious to push us into war?</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Lyons's reply to these inquiries gives the +reasons why the French views with regard to an +Anglo-Russian conflict had undergone an alteration.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="p1">Paris, April 26, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I owe you many thanks for your letter of the day before +yesterday.</p> + +<p>You ask me whether it is my impression that the French +are extremely anxious to push us into war.</p> + +<p>Confidence in their returning military strength, and the +apparent success of their endeavours to conciliate Germany +have calmed their fears of Bismarck. They are no longer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> +nervously desirous that the forces of England should be +kept in the west, as a necessary check upon the great +Chancellor's supposed designs upon Holland, upon Belgium, +or upon France herself. On the other hand, they have +given up counting upon Russia as an ally against Germany, +and have abandoned Décazes's policy of courting her and +espousing her interests. The result of all this is that they +are willing enough that the main force of England should +be employed at a distance from home.</p> + +<p>They have been reassured about Egypt, and they +think that if England is engaged in hostilities with Russia, +she will be less disposed and less able to interfere with +France or to separate from her in Egyptian affairs. They +have lost their great fear, which was that England, instead +of opposing Russia, would seek a compensation for herself +in the annexation of Egypt. Thus another of the reasons +which made them desire that England should abstain from +all action has disappeared.</p> + +<p>There are, moreover, the patriots, who look far ahead, +who do positively desire that England should go to war +with Russia. Their calculation is that Austria and Italy +would sooner or later be drawn into the war on the English +side, and that then, Germany and Russia being isolated, +France might join the rest of Europe against them, and +recover Alsace and Lorraine. These are said to be the +views of Gambetta and his friends.</p> + +<p>There is, however, one feeling which pervades the great +mass of Frenchmen. They wish England to take the +chestnuts out of the fire for them. They are quite determined +not to go to war themselves for anything less than +Alsace and Lorraine, but they do wish to exclude Russia +from the Mediterranean, and they are very willing that the +danger and the burthen of effecting this should be incurred +by England.</p> + +<p>With these views their newspapers go on patting us on +the back, and may continue to do so, as long as we seem to +be ready to act alone; but they would change their note, +if they saw any risk of France being drawn into the war +with us, until <em>after</em> Austria and Italy had joined us.</p> + +<p>I know of nothing to confirm Odo Russell's information<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> +that in return for the consent of Germany and Russia to +exclude Egypt, etc., from the deliberations of the Congress, +Waddington engaged to support Germany and Russia in +everything else. What appeared on the surface was that +this exclusion was made openly by France a <em>sine qua non</em> +of her attending the Congress, that she communicated the +condition simultaneously to all the Powers, and did not at +all ask for the assent to it as a concession. If there is only +Bismarckian authority for the bargain stated to have been +made by Waddington with Germany and Russia, I think +it <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">mérite confirmation</i>. The one object of Bismarck +seems always to be to sow dissensions between France and +any other Power that she may seem to be approaching.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the Comte de St. Vallier's assertion +to Odo Russell, Mr. Adams is quite certain that it was +M. de St. Vallier himself who reported to Mr. Waddington +that Odo had communicated to the Emperor William, +Prince Bismarck, etc., a telegram from Mr. Adams on the +subject of the sympathies of France with England. In +fact Mr. Waddington who is an old schoolfellow and friend +of Mr. Adams, read to him parts of the private letter from +M. de St. Vallier in which the report was contained, and +indeed one of the phrases he cited from the letter was +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">le telegramme Adams</i> as the source of the communication +made by Odo Russell.</p> + +<p>The Prince of Wales arrived this morning and I have +been all the afternoon at the Exhibition with him, which +obliges me to write in such haste, that I cannot be brief.</p> + +<p>I have just seen Hobart Pasha, who goes on to England +to-morrow morning and will try to see you.</p> + +<p>I doubt whether Waddington or the Austrian Ambassador +here get any information about Andrassy's real views +and objects.</p> + +<p>The Russians seem to be hard at work trying to make +the execution of the Treaty of San Stefano a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">fait accompli</i>. +<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">Beati possidentes.</i></p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Salisbury's suspicions as to the pressure +being put upon the unfortunate Turks by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> +Russians were confirmed by an interesting letter +from Mr. Layard to Lord Lyons, in which the much-denounced +Abdul Hamid appears in quite a new +light.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="p1">Constantinople, May 1, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am not surprised that Waddington should care nothing +about Armenia. The question is a purely English one, but +to us a vital one. The Treaty of San Stefano puts the +whole of Asia Minor virtually at the mercy of Russia and +insures her influence over Mesopotamia and perhaps +ultimately over Syria, which would probably not be +pleasant to the French. This immense addition to the +power of Russia in Asia, and the command that she obtains, +if the Treaty be carried out, of routes to India and Central +Asia, is a matter of serious import to England. But +probably there is no European Power which does not envy +us the possession of India, and would not secretly rejoice +at the prospect of our losing it. I believe this feeling to +be particularly strong with Frenchmen. But if we intend +to preserve our Empire as it now is, we must be prepared to +deal with this question of Russian aggrandisement in Asia +Minor and drive them back. Our only way of doing so, is +by making use of the Mussulman population. The idea +of an autonomous Christian Armenia to form a barrier to +Russian advance is one of those absurdities which are +cropping up daily amongst our sentimental politicians, +who know nothing of the matters upon which they pretend +to lay down the law.</p> + +<p>The Grand Duke Nicholas, before going, made an +ultimate attempt to bully the Sultan into surrendering +Shumla, Varna and Batoum; but His Majesty held firm +and His Imperial Highness failed to get a promise out of +him on the subject. It is curious that whilst our ignorant +and unscrupulous newspaper correspondents are systematically +writing down the Sultan and denouncing him as a poor +weak creature incapable of having an opinion of his own, +he has shown far more firmness than any of his Ministers. +Had it not been for him, it is highly probable that the ironclads +would have been given over to the Russians, and more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> +than probable that the Grand Duke would have been allowed +to occupy Buyuk Dere and the entrance to the Bosphorus. +The Russians threaten to seize Varna, Shumla and Batoum +by force, but I much doubt whether they will venture to +do so, as right is not on their side. Shumla and Varna are +not to be given up to Russia, but to the Bulgarian Principality +when constituted: and the arrangements for the +final settlement of the Russian frontier in Asia are to be +made within six months of the conclusion of the 'definitive' +not the 'preliminary' Treaty.</p> + +<p>I am anxiously waiting to hear whether the simultaneous +withdrawal of our fleet and the Russian forces can be +arranged. It is of the utmost importance to the Turks to +get the Russians away from San Stefano, but I cannot +understand how the Russians could consent to give up so +advantageous a position, unless they found that if they +remained there they would be exposed to considerable +danger from a joint attack by the English fleet and the +Turkish forces.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Layard, who was a fighting diplomatist, and +possessed the rare quality of knowing what he +wanted, had long chafed at the irresolute action +of the British Government, and was all in favour of +making a resolute stand against Russian aggression. +Throughout the war, he had continually complained +of the apathy and indecision of the British Cabinet, +and attributed these deficiencies to divided counsels +and to the advanced age of Lord Beaconsfield. +Now, with Lord Salisbury installed at the Foreign +Office, he plucked up hope again.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>'Salisbury,' he wrote to Lord Lyons, 'seems to know +what he wants—which is a great contrast to his predecessor. +If he is firm, we shall, I think, triumph in the end, and remove +a great danger from Europe and ourselves. Were it +not for that double-dealing, untrustworthy fellow Andrassy,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> +we might perhaps accomplish all that we require without +war. Andrassy's proceedings give rise to a strong suspicion +that the secret understanding between the three Emperors +still exists. The Sultan is persuaded of it, and I have +found that his instinct in such matters is usually right.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>On May 11, Lord Salisbury wrote to Lord Lyons +saying that Count Münster (German Ambassador in +London) had assured him that the object upon which +the French were bent in the Mediterranean was +Tunis. 'Do you hear anything of the sort?' he +asked Lord Lyons, and added the highly important +statement: 'It is of course an extension of French +territory and influence of which we should not have +the slightest jealousy or fear. But I am not +assuming in any way that the Porte would wish to +give it up. I should only like to have your opinion +how far France would wish to have it.'</p> + +<p>To this Lord Lyons replied:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ever since I can remember, the Italians have suspected +the French, and the French have suspected the Italians of +designs upon Tunis. Bismarck's mention of it at this +moment is probably only one of his usual devices to sow +distrust of France. I have never found that the acquisition +of Tunis recommended itself to French imagination, and +I don't believe it would be taken as anything like a set-off +against English acquisitions in Egypt or Syria. I believe +our principal interest in Tunis arises from its being a source +of supply of provisions to Malta. When Décazes wished +to set us against the supposed Italian designs upon it, he +used to talk of its being dangerous to us to have Malta in +a vice between Sicily and an Italian Tunis, but it never +seemed to me that the peril was very clear.</p> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<p>England is very popular here at this moment, and the +Prince of Wales's visit has been a principal cause of this,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> +but the French have no intention to fight with us or for us. +They back us up in asserting the sanctity of Treaties, and +they certainly desire that the <em>status quo</em> may be maintained +in the Mediterranean, until France is a little stronger.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It will be remembered that only a few years +earlier the German Government had informed the +French Government through Count Arnim that it +would not tolerate the establishment of anything +in the nature of a French Protectorate in Tunis; +so that if the French were now really entertaining +any designs of that nature, it was pretty obvious that +it could only be the result of a hint from Berlin. +The question of Tunis, however, was shortly overshadowed +by greater issues. On May 16, Lord +Salisbury transmitted to Paris a long document +which formed the basis of the so-called Anglo-Turkish +Convention. The proposals embodied subsequently +in the convention were contained in a +private letter to Mr. Layard, dated May 10, and +the latter was directed not to proceed with the +negotiations until further instructions were received, +as the necessity for the convention depended upon +the nature of the reply which Count Schouvaloff +was to bring back from St. Petersburg. Whatever +may have been said at the time in denunciation of +the occupation of Cyprus and the Asia Minor Protectorate, +it can hardly be denied that Lord Salisbury +had a good case logically, as is shown by the +following letter.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">May 22, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Until I see Schouvaloff to-morrow I shall know little +of the probabilities of our acting on that private letter to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> +Layard of last week, of which I sent you a copy. If, +however, we do so, it seems to me that we have a very good +logical case—Is logic any use in diplomacy?—against any +objections the French may raise.</p> + +<p>By the Tripartite Treaty of April 25, 1856, we had a +right to call on them to help us in restraining Russia from +appropriating Turkish territory. They have loudly and +constantly asserted that no military action is to be expected +on their part. In Europe we can meet the consequences +of that desertion by the help of Austria, Greece, the +Rhodope mountaineers and others. But in Asia we are +abandoned wholly to ourselves. The French have left us +to face and guard against the consequences of that Russian +encroachment which they undertook to join with us in +resisting. Does it lie in their mouth, if we say that such +encroachments, if persisted in, require special precautions? +that we cannot turn the Russians out by ourselves, and +that abandoned by our ally, who should have made the +task easy to us, we have no choice except to mount guard +over the endangered territory and take up the positions +requisite for doing so with effect? I do not see what +answer the French would have.</p> + +<p>But you will probably reply that my reasoning is idle +trouble, because logic is of <em>no</em> use in diplomacy.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The French would have had no real cause for +complaint if they had discovered the contents of +the proposed Anglo-Turkish Convention, for as +Lord Salisbury had already pointed out, he had +been careful 'to turn the eyes of desire away from +Syria,' the only portion of Asia Minor in which +France was interested; but Waddington had been +making declarations against any of the Powers +helping themselves to Turkish territory, and although +these declarations were meant only to apply to +Bosnia and Herzegovina, he would probably have +used much the same language if he had learnt that +England was thinking of occupying any portion of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> +the Turkish Empire. Logic may not be of much +use in diplomacy, but it is of still less use in influencing +public opinion, and an appeal to the +Tripartite Treaty, after it had been set aside so +long, would have come rather late in the day. As, +however, the necessity for providing for British +interests and British safety in Asia was indisputable, +Lord Salisbury was justified in contending that +those Powers who disliked the only methods which +were within our reach, should give us such help as +would enable us to dispense with them.</p> + +<p>Upon the return of Schouvaloff from St. Petersburg, +it turned out, as Lord Salisbury had anticipated, +that Russia was prepared to make concessions +in Europe, but scarcely any in Asia. Layard was, +therefore, directed to negotiate the Anglo-Turkish +Convention.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Foreign Office, May 29, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I send you two memoranda, or rather two separate +versions of the same paper, which will explain fully the +nature of the propositions which Schouvaloff brought back +to me, and the extent to which we have been able to accept +his proposals. The upshot of the matter has been that +the Czar yields substantially all we want in Bulgaria and +as to the Greek provinces, but sticks to his text as to +Montenegro, Bessarabia, and the Armenian conquests, +except Bayazid.</p> + +<p>I have informed Schouvaloff that against these Asiatic +acquisitions it will be necessary for us to take precautions; +and while taking from him a formal engagement that +Russia will not extend her position in Turkey in Asia, we +shall ourselves give to Turkey a guarantee to the same +effect. We shall accept these terms as soon as he receives +from St. Petersburg authority to take them in the redaction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> +on which we have ultimately agreed. At the same time +we have taken our measures to secure ourselves against the +consequences of the Asiatic advance. Layard received on +Saturday telegraphic directions in the sense of the private +letter which I addressed to him a fortnight ago, and of +which I sent you a copy, and with great vigour and skill +he procured the signature of an agreement on Sunday last. +We do not intend that this fact shall be made public until +the Congress, as the agreement is made wholly conditional +on the retention of Batoum and Kars. But whether we +shall succeed in these good intentions remains to be seen. +Our past performances in that line do not justify any very +sanguine hope.</p> + +<p>As there seems no chance of the Porte ceding Bosnia, +and as it is necessary to keep Austria with us in the Congress, +we have offered to support her in any proposal she +makes in Congress on the subject of Bosnia, if she will +support us in questions concerning the limits of occupation +and organization of Bulgaria. It is not necessary to tell +Waddington this, but, as we have advanced a step since he +last asked us the question, it is important to avoid language +inconsistent with it.</p></blockquote> + +<p>One cannot help suspecting Lord Salisbury's +sense of humour as being responsible for the stipulation, +that, if the Russians abandoned to the Turks +their conquests from them in Asia Minor, the occupation +of Cyprus should come to an end and the +Anglo-Turkish Convention become null and void. +On the following day (May 30), the so-called Anglo-Russian +agreement was signed, and the enterprising +Mr. Marvin, who had been temporarily +employed at the Foreign Office on the cheap, handed +it over to the <cite>Globe</cite> newspaper, thus creating a +political sensation of the first order.</p> + +<p>The agreement with Russia being now completed, +and an invitation to the Congress in suitable terms<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> +having been accepted, Lord Beaconsfield and Lord +Salisbury decided to go to Berlin themselves, instead +of sending Lord Lyons.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">June 5, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I feel that I owe you many apologies for my rudeness in +not writing to you on Saturday night to announce to you +the decision of the Cabinet—and to thank you for the very +kind and cordial way you had placed yourself at our disposition +in the spring to perform what was a very ugly +duty. The Cabinet was rushed to the decision which it +took, partly by the consideration to which you advert, that +the threads of the last two months' negociations were more +completely in our hands than by any process of communication +they could be in yours—but also by the fact that we +have dangerous questions looming at Paris—and we cannot +afford to have you absent from your post.</p> + +<p>My excuse for my negligence is the prosaic one that I +had not a moment of time. The agonies of a man who has +to finish a difficult negociation, and at the same time to +entertain four royalties in a country house can be better +imagined than described.</p> + +<p>The Convention at Constantinople has been signed with +expression of lively gratitude on the Sultan's part. I am +sorry that your impressions of the mood in which the French +are likely to receive the news when published, are still so +gloomy. However, we must hope for the best. We have +assembled a powerful fleet at Portsmouth and we shall have +six or seven first-rate ironclads to do what may be necessary +in the Mediterranean, besides smaller ships. And our +relations with Bismarck are particularly good. So I hope +our friends at Paris will confine themselves to epigram.</p> + +<p>If we can, we shall keep the matter secret till we get +at Congress to the part of the Treaty of San Stefano +(Art. XIX) which concerns the Asiatic annexations. I +do not know whether d'Harcourt has any inkling, but ever +since his return from Paris his manner has changed.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span></p> + +<p>Lord Lyons hailed the decision of Lords Beaconsfield +and Salisbury as a 'deliverance from a nightmare +which had weighed upon him since March,' +and found a sympathizer in Lord Odo Russell, who +had never expected much good from the Congress +if the Three Emperors' League was revived, and who +doubted whether the British public would be contented +with an amended San Stefano Treaty. The +probable action of Waddington, who was to be +the French representative at Berlin, is foreshadowed +in the following letter.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 4, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am very glad that you and Lord Beaconsfield have +determined to go yourselves to the Congress. The matters +to be treated are too grave to be left to subordinates, and +they could hardly be treated properly by any one who had +not had a minute acquaintance day by day with the recent +communications with Russia and Austria.</p> + +<p>Waddington will, I think, be a satisfactory colleague in +some respects, but in others I am afraid you will have +difficulties with him. His English blood and his English +education tell both ways. On the one hand, he is more +straightforward than most Frenchmen; he understands and +shares many English feelings, and he sees the force of +English arguments, or perhaps I should rather say, of +arguments put forward in an English way. But, on the +other hand, he feels strongly the necessity of guarding +against the tendency in France to suspect him of an English +bias. He will be disposed to join in resistance to exaggerated +Russian pretensions with regard to Roumelia +and the Danube. His personal sentiments are strongly +in favour of Greece. He has a certain sympathy with +Christian as against Mussulman, but he does not carry this +to an immoderate or unpractical extent. There is, however, +one point on which you may find him very stiff. He is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> +most strongly opposed to any change in the relative position +of the Great Powers in the Mediterranean, and he would, +I am afraid, be quite as unwilling to see England extend +her influence in that sea, as he would be to see Russia do +so. It is in order to prevent any alteration in the <em>statu +quo</em> in the Mediterranean, more than from any other +reason, that he has made the participation of France in the +Congress conditional on the exclusion of all questions not +directly arising out of the war between Russia and Turkey, +and has positively mentioned Syria and Egypt as countries +to be excluded from the discussion. He would not perhaps +be disinclined to let these questions come up, if he thought +he should obtain the support of other Powers in resisting +any change made outside of the Congress.</p> + +<p>At any rate, public feeling in France would probably +be too strong to allow him to acquiesce in any redistribution +of territory or influence in favour of England. But I +expressed my opinion on this point so fully to you and Lord +Beaconsfield in the interview I had with you just before +I left England, that I have nothing more to say about it. +The horrible event<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> which took place at Berlin the day +before yesterday has, however, thrown so strong a light upon +one phase of French opinion, that I feel bound to direct +your attention to it. It seems very shocking that while +the Emperor William is suffering from the wounds so +wickedly inflicted, people here should be speculating upon +the consequences of their being fatal, but so it is. The +French believe that the maintenance of the present military +system in Germany depends upon the Emperor William, +and that even if His Majesty's successor had the same +determination as His Majesty himself to keep it up, public +opinion in the country would make it impossible for him +to do so. What foundation there may be for this supposition, +I do not pretend to determine; but that it +influences the French is certain. Anything which makes +them believe the life of the Emperor to be precarious, +diminishes the restraint which the fear of Germany imposes +upon them, and renders them more stiff in asserting their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> +own views and pretensions, and less averse from contemplating +the possibility of supporting them by more than words.</p> + +<p>There are, in my opinion, strong arguments to be brought +in favour of our taking measures to be in a position to +resist Russia by our own means, if other Powers will give +us no help in doing so; but as you said in a former letter, +logic is perhaps not of much use in diplomacy, and seems to +me to be of still less use in influencing public opinion. I +doubt our logic doing much to reconcile the French to our +exercising a separate protection over Turkey in Asia, or +occupying a Turkish island in the Mediterranean. I am +afraid you will think I have become more nervous than +ever, and more prone to the common error among diplomatists +of exaggerating the importance of the country in +which they are themselves stationed, but anyhow I have +not seen any reason to change my views as to the feelings +prevalent in France.</p> + +<p>The Parliamentary session at Versailles is about to +close. Thanks to the Exhibition, it has been a very +tranquil one, but we must be on the look-out for squalls +when the Chamber meets again in the autumn. Gambetta +has hitherto restrained his followers from opposing the +Ministry, and from proposing radical measures, but it is +doubtful whether he will be able, even if willing, to restrain +them after the end of the Exhibition. Some unexpected +incident might even produce a crisis before. At any rate +the elections of a portion of the Senate, which will take +place early next year, may remove the check which the +Conservative majority in that House has hitherto put upon +the Chamber of Deputies. The Marshal does not talk of +making any more attempts at resisting the will of the +majority, but I understand that he does not talk very +seriously of retiring as soon as the election is over.</p> + +<p>It may perhaps be worth while to mention that Waddington +finds the influence of Gambetta over the Government +very irksome, and is not fond of having it alluded to.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Congress met at Berlin in the middle of +June, and the awkward question of whether<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> +Waddington should be informed of the Anglo-Turkish +Convention or not was debated. Lord +Lyons knew perfectly well that the French would +be furious when they heard of it, and that the +greater the surprise, the greater would be their +indignation. The lines laid down for Waddington's +guidance at the Congress were that France desired:</p> + +<blockquote><p>1. Peace.</p> + +<p>2. Neutrality.</p> + +<p>3. The necessity of the consent of all the Powers +to any modifications of the Treaties.</p> + +<p>4. The exclusion of Egypt, Syria, the Holy Places, +and other topics foreign to the Russo-Turkish War.</p></blockquote> + +<p>These points were certainly not favourable to +England receiving any support from France in +defending her menaced interests in Asia Minor, as +the absolute neutrality of France was the point +most insisted upon. In fact France was so obviously +anxious to stand aloof, that one suggestion was made +that she should be asked to co-operate with us in +Asia Minor on the assumption that such co-operation +was sure to be refused. This, however, was considered +to be too hazardous a course, and it was +eventually decided to say nothing to Waddington +for the time being, lest he should make the Anglo-Turkish +Convention an excuse for not attending +the Congress at all. The secret, unlike the Anglo-Russian +agreement, seems to have been well kept, and +cannot have been known to the Russians, or they +would have utilized it for the purpose of sowing +discord between the British and French representatives. +Finally, on July 6, Lord Salisbury told +the whole story to Waddington in a private letter.</p> + +<p>In this letter Lord Salisbury pointed out that, as +far as the Russian annexations in Asia Minor were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> +concerned, we were in a completely isolated condition, +since Austria was only willing to take part +in restoring the Porte to a certain independence +in Europe, while France had clearly intimated that +she had no intention of engaging in war for the +purpose of maintaining the stipulations of the +Treaty of 1856. The result was that England was +compelled to act alone, as her interests were too +great to allow the <em>status quo</em> in Asia Minor to be +completely destroyed, and consequently the onerous +obligation of a defensive alliance with Turkey had +been undertaken in order to provide against future +Russian annexations beyond the frontier assigned +under the present negotiations at Berlin. As this +engagement could not be carried out from such a +distance as Malta, the Sultan had made over Cyprus +to England during such period as the defensive +alliance might last. The conditional nature of the +Convention, and the restraint shown by Her Majesty's +Government in rejecting more tempting and advantageous +offers are dealt with in the following +passages.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>We have entered into an agreement which is now +embodied in a formal Convention at Constantinople, that +whenever the Russians shall, for whatever reason, return +to their Asiatic frontier as it existed before the last war, we +will immediately evacuate the island; and that intermediately +we will annually pay the Sultan whatever is +ascertained to be the surplus of revenue over expenditure.</p> + +<p>I am telling Your Excellency no secret when I say that +we have been very earnestly pressed, by advisers of no +mean authority, to occupy Egypt—or at least to take the +borders of the Suez Canal. Such an operation might have +been very suitable for our interests and would have presented +no material difficulties.</p> + +<p>No policy of this kind however was entertained by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> +Her Majesty's Government. We had received an intimation +from the French Government that any such proceeding +would be very unwelcome to the French people, and we +could not but feel the reasonableness of their objection +under existing circumstances.</p> + +<p>We have therefore turned a deaf ear to all suggestions +of that kind.</p> + +<p>We have been likewise recommended to occupy some +port on the coast of Syria, such as Alexandretta, but we +felt that, however carefully guarded, such a proceeding +might, in the present condition of opinion with respect to +the Ottoman Empire, be construed as indicating an intention +to acquire territory on the mainland of Western +Asia; and we did not desire to be suspected of designs +which will be wholly absent from our thoughts. We have +therefore preferred to accept from the Sultan the provisional +occupation of a position less advantageous indeed, but +still sufficient for the purpose, and not exposed to the inconveniences +I have mentioned. How long we shall stay +there I cannot tell. But I think there is just ground of +hope that the Russians will find in a short time that the +territory they have acquired is costly and unproductive; +that the chances of making it a stepping-stone to further +conquests is cut off, and that they will abandon it as a +useless acquisition. In that case our <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">raison d'être</i> at +Cyprus will be gone and we shall retire.</p> + +<p>I have adopted this form of conveying the matter to +you, as the Convention being entirely within the Treaty +competence of the two Powers, requires no official communication. +But it would have been inconsistent with +the feelings of friendship existing between our two countries, +and with my gratitude for your courteous procedure +towards me personally, to have allowed you to hear it first +from any other source.</p></blockquote> + +<p>There can be little doubt as to the identity of +the 'advisers of no mean authority,' for Bismarck +had been urging upon England for some time +the occupation of Egypt, obviously with the main<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> +intention of creating discord with France, and Her +Majesty's Government deserved all the credit claimed +by Lord Salisbury for resisting these overtures. It +is, however, somewhat difficult to follow Lord Salisbury's +reasonings for preferring Cyprus to Alexandretta. +It was plain that the occupation of either +of these places would cause irritation, and as subsequent +events have shown, Cyprus has never been +of much use to us, and besides being crushed under +the burden of the tribute annually paid to the +Turkish Government, is inhabited chiefly by Greeks +who do not appear to thoroughly appreciate British +rule. Alexandretta, on the other hand, might, under +our control, have developed into a highly important +seaport and become the starting-place for the Bagdad +railway; whereas, as a matter of fact, it has now +practically passed into the hands of the Germans.</p> + +<p>M. Waddington did not remain long in sole possession +of his exclusive information, for on July 8, the +Anglo-Turkish Convention was made known to the +world, and the general impression produced was that +Lords Beaconsfield and Salisbury had effected a +brilliant <em>coup</em>. In France, however, the news caused +quite unjustifiable indignation, and the prudent Lord +Lyons telegraphed to Lord Salisbury on July 10, +advising him to get the final acts of the Congress +signed as quickly as possible, lest Waddington +should be directed to come away without putting +his name to anything.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 12, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Your telegram of last night was a great relief to me, +but I shall not feel quite happy till I hear that all is actually +signed. I am happy to find that Gambetta and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> +Ministerial Parties, who are violent on the subject of the +Convention, are not having things all their own way in +the press. No newspaper can be said to defend England +altogether, but the more sensible papers are against any +active opposition on the part of France. Gambetta and +Waddington are not friends, and Gambetta will no doubt +attack Waddington and try to upset him. This may lead +to serious difficulties in France.</p> + +<p>It is no use to shut one's eyes to the fact that at this +moment, there is a great and general irritation in France +against England. It is too soon to foresee what turn +public opinion will take eventually, but at the present +moment, we must not forget to take this irritation into +account in our dealings with this country.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The general feeling was so unsatisfactory, that +he felt compelled to write to Mr. Knollys<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> urging +that the Prince of Wales, who was acting as President +of the British Section of the International +Exhibition, should postpone a contemplated visit +to Paris, and enclosing articles in the press of an +abominable character directed against His Royal +Highness. Irritation over the Anglo-Turkish Convention +was not confined to one party, but existed +in every class from the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">haute société</i> downwards. +The Conservatives and their press utilized it as a +means of attacking the Republic, complained of the +effacement of France, and asserted that she had been +duped by her former ally, while the Republican opposition, +headed by Gambetta, charged Waddington +with having made a shameful surrender to England.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 16, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The first explosion of French wrath, on the appearance +of the Convention of the 4th of June, was even more violent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> +than I anticipated. It was well that you had the Minister +for Foreign Affairs under <em>your</em> influence, and at a distance +from that of the excited spirits here. Now the first force +of the eruption is spent and the lava cooled down. I am +afraid only on the surface, but any way, it must be the +surface which cools first. At all events the strong language +is in great measure abandoned. In the first place, as no +one now recommends any immediate action on the part of +France, the French are beginning to see that they cut a +sorry figure by barking without biting. In the second +place, they conceive that the alliance of the Three Empires +is as close as ever, and they think that if they quarrel with +England, they will be giving a triumph to Bismarck and +find themselves face to face with him without any friend +on their side. Lastly, I would fain hope that some of them +are beginning to take a really reasonable view of things, +and to see that we had absolutely nothing left for it, but +to act for ourselves, as they would not or could not help us.</p> + +<p>Still we shall have some trouble with them, and shall +probably find them for some time suspicious, jealous, and +hard to deal with.</p> + +<p>Egypt may be our first difficulty. With or without a +hint from home, French agents there will be seeking to +trip us up. It seems to me that our task there will be a +delicate one. On the one hand, it will no doubt be desirable +to soothe French vanity as far as possible; but, on the other +hand, anything like a defeat or a retreat in Egypt, might +very much impair the prestige which the position which +we have taken with regard to Asia has given us. I wish +Rivers Wilson had already been installed as Minister of +Finance when the Convention of the 4th June was made +public.</p> + +<p>Another ticklish question is that of the Newfoundland +Fisheries. I am very anxious to know what, if anything, +passed between you and Waddington on the subject at +Berlin. The present moment does not seem a very happy +one for resuming negotiations, and at all events it might +be well to keep the matter, if possible, in the calm atmosphere +of London, and at a distance from the heat of the +political weather here.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have been indirectly in communication with Gambetta, +and have reason to hope he is being brought, or is coming +of himself, round about the Convention. What I am +immediately afraid of is his nevertheless trying to upset +Waddington. I should regret Waddington's fall on all +grounds, and it would be extremely awkward to have a +successor in the office brought in on the pretext that +Waddington had not been stiff enough with regard to +England. The candidates for his place are said to be +Freycinet, the present Minister of Public Works, who was +Gambetta's Sub-Minister for War in 1870 and 1871; +M. Duclerc, one of the Vice-Presidents of the Senate, who +passes for a moderate man, but who has no knowledge of +foreign affairs, and Gambetta himself. I suppose, however, +Gambetta would be an impossibility with the Marshal, and +that he himself would feel that he was compromising his +prospect of greater things hereafter, by taking a subordinate +office now.</p></blockquote> + +<p>M. Waddington, upon his return from Berlin, +realizing doubtless that his position had been shaken, +though from no fault of his own, intimated his intention +of writing a despatch in which Her Majesty's +Government would be called upon to give to the +French certain assurances with regard to Egypt and +Tunis. As it was desirable that this request should +not be made in too peremptory a manner, he was +exhorted to make his communication in such a way +as would make it easy for Her Majesty's Government +to return a cordial answer. The difficulty about +giving the assurances was pointed out by Lord +Salisbury.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Foreign Office, July 20, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>What M. Waddington said to you is very much what +he said to me at Berlin, though the lurid touches about +war have been filled in afterwards.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The precise answer to be given to his promised despatch +must of course depend very much on the terms in which it +is framed. But he may be certain that we shall answer it +not only with the desire of cultivating to the utmost +possible extent our good relations with France, but also +with the aim of making his own personal task more +easy, as far as it is in our power to contribute to that +result.</p> + +<p>The matter to which he has called your attention, as +he did ours at Berlin, was difficult to make the subject of +binding assurances, because the contingencies under which +those assurances would receive a practical application are +difficult to foresee.</p> + +<p>If France occupied Tunis to-morrow, we should not +even remonstrate. But to promise that publicly would be +a little difficult, because we must avoid giving away other +people's property without their consent, and also because +it is no business of ours to pronounce beforehand on the +considerations which Italy would probably advance upon +that subject. In the same way, with respect to Egypt, we +have stated distinctly more than once that we do not +entertain any intention of occupying it; and that statement +we are perfectly willing to renew. But, having done +that, and having expressed our anxiety to work with France +in Egypt, we have said as much as would be seemly or +possible. We can hardly pledge the Khedive as to what +he means to do, without in reality assuming a voice in his +concerns which we do not, according to any international +right, possess.</p> + +<p>These considerations make me rather anxious that M. +Waddington in his proposed despatch should avoid putting +categorical questions which we might not be able to answer +precisely as he wishes, and yet which we could not avoid +answering without seeming to exhibit precisely that coolness +which he very properly and justly deprecates, and any +appearance of which we are as anxious as he is to avoid. I +think that his despatch—if I might suggest it—would more +properly take the form of a statement, in general terms, of +the territorial points on the African coast in which France +takes an interest, leaving us to make such assurances as we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> +think we can properly give, and which we will certainly +make as cordial as we can.</p> + +<p>To French influence in Egypt we do not offer any +objection; and we have never taken any step calculated +to oust it. But any detailed engagements as to questions +of administration could not be taken without imprudence; +for each step must be taken as the necessity for it arises. +The two great points are to keep the Khedive on the throne, +and to get the financial obligations satisfied. For these +objects, the two countries will, I hope, co-operate heartily.</p> + +<p>I am a little anxious as to the form he gives his despatch, +for if he makes it too peremptory, he may produce that +very appearance of estrangement which it is our common +object to avoid.</p> + +<p>I will write to you more fully about the Newfoundland +Fisheries when I have had time to study the papers. My +conversations with him have put me fully in possession +of the French case. I am not so certain that I know all +the points of the English case.</p></blockquote> + +<p>An opportunity fortunately occurred of conciliating +one personage who might have given a great +deal of trouble, and afforded an instance of the +influence which can occasionally be brought to bear +upon advanced democrats when judiciously applied.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 21, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The Prince of Wales leaves Paris for London to-night. +As his arrival at Paris to attend the English concerts at +the Exhibition had been publicly announced, I did not +think that it would be advisable that it should be postponed, +but I have been a little nervous about it. So far +however there has been no contretemps, and the visit +has been politically useful.</p> + +<p>The Prince invited Gambetta to breakfast with him +yesterday. It was His Royal Highness's own idea, but I +thought it judicious. I have not the least doubt that if<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> +the Prince of Wales had not been civil to Gambetta, the +Russian Embassy would have asked any Grand Duke who +came here to show him particular attention, in order to +bring him over to Russia. The success of such a manœuvre +has I think been effectually guarded against.</p> + +<p>Gambetta appears to have spoken to the Prince strongly +in favour of an alliance between France and England—to +have declared himself more or less reconciled to the Convention +of June 4th—and to have spoken in the most +disparaging terms, not so much of the Foreign Policy of +Russia, as of the institutions, the Government, and the +administration of that country. I hear from other quarters +that Gambetta was extremely pleased with the interview. +I am assured also that the Prince of Wales acquitted himself +with great skill. The Prince thought, and so did I, +that it was better that I should not be at the breakfast. +The Embassy was represented by Sheffield. The occasion +of the invitation to Gambetta was his having been very +obliging and useful in matters connected with the Exhibition.</p> + +<p>To-day Waddington met the Prince of Wales at luncheon +at the Embassy.</p> + +<p>So far, then, things look well, but I am assured the calm +does not extend far below the surface. Gambetta has the +southern temperament, and his language is a good deal +influenced by the impression of the moment. He has +postponed, but he has not really given up, his attack on +Waddington. He will still, if he continues in his present +mood, try to turn him out in October, when the Chambers +reassemble.</p> + +<p>The thing which would have most effect in reconciling +the French to our acquisition and protectorate, would be +to make them practically advantageous to the holders of +Turkish and Egyptian Bonds.</p></blockquote> + +<p>When M. Waddington eventually presented his +despatch, or rather despatches, for there were two, +they were apparently found unobjectionable in +tone; but on the ground that the one referring to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> +Tunis was not 'couched in more diplomatic language,' +it was suggested to him that he should +rewrite it in language more suitable for publication +subsequently; this he declined to do, but promised +not to publish it at all. The chief object presumably +of these communications was: in the first place to +obtain assurances from England with regard to +Egypt, and in the second place to make Lord Salisbury's +statement about Tunis appear as an invitation +to the French to appropriate that country. M. +Waddington, quite naturally, did not wish it to be +thought that he had come back empty handed from +Berlin at a time when the Great Christian Powers were +helping themselves liberally at the Turk's expense.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">July 24, 1878.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Waddington's two despatches were left with me +yesterday. They are very friendly in tone and will not, +I think, be difficult to answer. The answers however must +be delayed some days, as the Cabinet does not meet till +Saturday.</p> + +<p>Intermediately, I demur a little to the quotations that +he makes from my conversation. The general tenor is +quite accurate, but his vivacious French by no means +renders the tone of my communication, and what is of more +importance, to the rights and claims of other Powers, +Turkey and Italy especially. What I told him was that if +a state of things should arise in which there was no other +obstacle to his occupying Tunis but our objection, that +objection would not be made. I made the observation +for the purpose of showing him that we had no Mediterranean +aspirations—and did not desire to disturb the +balance of power in that sea. Our eyes were bent wholly +on the East. But he makes me talk of Tunis and Carthage +as if they had been my own personal property and I was +making him a liberal wedding present.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I do not know whether he will be inclined to put his +quotations from my conversations into a more general +form. I think it will save the possibility of misunderstanding +later; and will also dispense with the necessity of +a correction on my part, as he has reported the general +drift and terms of my observations with perfect fidelity.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The reception of the Anglo-Turkish Convention +in France may be said to have been the first of a +series of difficulties which unfortunately impaired the +relations between France and England during many +years, but which have now happily almost entirely +disappeared. The irritation aroused in France was +completely unjustified, and almost incapable of explanation, +unless the secrecy which surrounded the +negotiation of the Convention may be considered +an adequate cause. No French interests were prejudicially +affected; and the maintenance of secrecy +really relieved France from a considerable difficulty, +for a premature disclosure might have prevented +the participation of France in the Congress; but +oddly enough, the Anglo-Turkish Convention +appeared to be the only matter relating to the +Congress in which the French took any interest, +and so much indignation did some patriots show +that it was even seriously suggested that by way of +inflicting a surprise upon England, France should +seize Chios, or Rhodes, or Crete. In fact, at one +time, Crete appeared to possess considerably greater +attractions than Tunis, in spite of the latter's +proximity to Algeria.</p> + +<p>Probably the real explanation of this display of +temper was that the French felt their strength to be +returning, and were in no mood to put up with +what they erroneously considered to be a slight, +whether intentional or unintentional.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span></p> + +<p>One frantic jeremiad from Constantinople over +the Treaty of Berlin may be quoted before the +subject is dismissed. Layard, who had been already +greatly scandalized by the publication of the Anglo-Russian +agreement, wrote:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>What do you think of the Treaty of Berlin? It +appears to me that if ever an apple of discord was thrown +amongst nations, this is the one. I see in it the elements +of future wars and disorders without number, and an +upsetting of all the principles of justice and right which +have hitherto governed the relations and intercourse of +states. Force and fraud have triumphed, and when +Turkey has been completely destroyed and cut up under +the new system, it will probably be applied with similar +successful results to other countries. Russia has gained, +with the assistance of Germany, all and more than she +wanted, and the interests of England and of other Powers +were sacrificed in order to enable Bismarck to recruit his +beery stomach by drinking some mineral waters. It is all +very well to sit round a green table and to cut up an Empire +on a map. It is a very different thing to put what has been +so easily settled into execution. I anticipate no end of +trouble and bloodshed for years to come in this unhappy +country. We have not yet recovered here from the effect +of the publication of the unfortunate memorandum which +so completely destroyed the great and commanding position +that we had acquired.</p></blockquote> + +<p>There is not much here about Peace with Honour.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span></p> + + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII</a></h2> + +<p class="p1"><span class="bigger">M. GRÉVY'S PRESIDENCY</span></p> + +<p class="p1">(1878-1879)</p> + + +<p>The event in 1878 which aroused more interest in +France than the Berlin Congress or anything else, +was the holding of the great Exhibition in Paris, +which not only demonstrated to the world the +recovery of France from the disasters of 1870-71, +but had the beneficial effect of improving Anglo-French +relations. It was universally acknowledged +that nothing had contributed more to the success +of the Exhibition than the hearty co-operation +given from first to last by England, and in this +connection the services rendered by the Prince of +Wales were of conspicuous value. His Royal Highness +had come to Paris early in the year to press +forward the preparations of the British section; he +was present at each important phase of the Exhibition; +he attended unremittingly at the office of the +British Royal Commission, and was assiduous in +transacting business there with the French Exhibition +authorities as well as with the British and +Colonial Commissioners and exhibitors. These +visible proofs of the Prince's interest in their great +undertaking were by no means lost upon the French, +and the judgment and tact which he displayed, +whenever opportunities arose for impressing upon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> +the French people the cordial feeling entertained by +himself and by his country towards France, produced +an excellent political effect.</p> + +<p>The Exhibition naturally threw upon the Embassy +an immense amount of extra labour, consisting +largely of social work, and one of the most brilliant +social functions of the year was a ball at the British +Embassy attended by the Prince and Princess of +Wales, at which the various hostile sections of +the French political world met, on that occasion +only, in temporary harmony.</p> + +<p>The general success of the Exhibition and the +prominence of English participation inspired Queen +Victoria with the desire to pay a very private visit +to Paris, accompanied by Princess Beatrice and a +small suite, towards the beginning of August. So +anxious was she to maintain secrecy that the only +person in England to whom her intention was +confided, was Lord Beaconsfield, and Lord Lyons +was enjoined not to say a word about it to any one, +but to inform her confidentially whether she could +visit the Exhibition without being mobbed; whether +the heat was likely to be intense; and whether +there was any danger to be apprehended from +Socialists—the term Socialist doubtless including, +in the Royal vocabulary, Anarchists, Terrorists, +and Revolutionaries in general. Incidentally, too, +she expressed a wish to hear the Ambassador's +opinion of the Treaty of Berlin.</p> + +<p>Lord Lyons answered the first queries satisfactorily, +but it was characteristic of him that, even +to his sovereign, he declined to commit himself to +an opinion on the policy of his official chief. 'Lord +Lyons was always of opinion that Your Majesty's +Representative at the Congress should be a Cabinet<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> +Minister, and he rejoiced very much when he heard +that Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury had +been appointed. He has no detailed or authentic +information of the proceedings of the Congress, +but so far as he can judge at present, he has every +hope that the results will be satisfactory to Your +Majesty.'</p> + +<p>A long series of letters followed, and after much +hesitation, the Queen finally abandoned her intention, +the prospect of hot weather apparently proving +to be too great a deterrent. One singular incident +in the correspondence, which was conducted with +much secrecy, was that a letter from Lord Lyons +went all the way to New York before reaching its +destination at Balmoral—an error for which some +one presumably suffered.</p> + +<p>During the autumn and winter of 1878, constant +discussions took place between the English and +French Governments on the subject of questions +connected with Egypt and Tunis, and it was again +thought at one time that a French <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coup</i> was in +contemplation as a reply to the Anglo-Turkish +Convention. The New Year was signalized by +the denunciation of the Commercial Treaty. In +announcing this intelligence, Lord Lyons said that +his only surprise was that the existing Treaty had +lasted so long, and that he did not consider it +advisable to make any attempt to conceal annoyance +about it. The treaty of 1860 had been made +from political motives, and our best chance of +being decently treated commercially lay in the +dislike of the French to placing themselves on bad +terms with us. 'This is the policy Gambetta avows. +As for any Free Trade feeling in France, that is +absolutely a broken reed for us to lean upon.'</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span></p> + +<p>In January, 1879, senatorial elections took place +which resulted in large Republican gains, and it +seemed probable that the existing Moderate Ministry +might not last much longer. It was generally expected +that when the Chambers met, there would +be a great struggle on the part of the advanced Left +for all the lucrative and important posts, and there +were the usual fears of mob rule which prevailed +whenever a partial or entire change of Ministry was +imminent. The prospect of losing Waddington as +Foreign Minister drew from Lord Salisbury a +characteristic expression of regret: 'I suppose +M. Waddington is likely to be a transitory phenomenon, +if the papers are to be believed. I am sorry +for it; for he suits us much better than some converted +Legitimist with an historic name, whose +policy I suppose will be a compound of Louis XIV. +and 1791.'</p> + +<p>Waddington was not to go yet, however, and +Lord Lyons complained that he made his life a +burden to him in connection with the proceedings +of the British Consul General at Tunis—an aged +official who did not view the spirited French policy +there with any friendly eye, and whose removal +the French Government ardently desired. As a +general massacre of aged official innocents was +contemplated shortly by the British Foreign Office, +a somewhat ignominious compromise was offered +in the shape of an early retirement of this particular +official under an age limit. The French intentions +with regard to Tunis had by this time become quite +evident, and the unfortunate Bey found it extremely +difficult to prevent excuses being found for active +intervention in the shape of naval demonstrations +and so forth; it being well known that Marshal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> +MacMahon and other military men were extremely +eager to annex the country at the first opportunity.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 14, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I should be very sorry to do anything disagreeable to the +French with regard to Tunis. It is the place about which +they are most susceptible at this moment, and the irritation +they would feel at any interference with them there, would +overpower, at all events for the time, all considerations of +the general advantages of being well with England.</p> + +<p>When I said that I saw no reason for hiding any displeasure +we might feel at the denunciation of the Commercial +Treaties and at the manner in which it was done, +I meant that we should not abstain from direct expressions +of dissatisfaction at the thing itself.</p> + +<p>My notion is that if we take it too quietly, the Protectionists +will be able to make the Chambers believe that they +can do what they like about the Tariff, and need not fear +any resentment from England. I think that if it can be +managed, it will be advisable to put it out of the power of +the ministers to say that the denunciation has been well +received by the English Government, and has produced no +bad impression upon it. In order to effect this, I should +be glad that something unmistakable on the point should +be said in a written communication. If, as I suppose, +Montebello's<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> answer to your note declares that the intention +is to denounce the Treaties one and all, then the rejoinder +which you must make in order to <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">prendre acte</i> of the +denunciation would afford a natural opportunity of expressing +annoyance and apprehension. This is what was in my +mind when I wrote.</p> + +<p>There are many members in the Chamber who would +deprecate anything likely to produce coolness between +France and England, and it is not desirable to leave the +Protectionists the means of asserting that there is no +danger that a restrictive tariff would do this. But the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> +feeling is a vague one, and it would be weakened by +endeavours to define it sharply, or to appeal to it too +pointedly.</p> + +<p>Gambetta holds that the true policy of France is to +cultivate the friendship of England and not to loosen the +tie of France upon her by instructions injurious to her +commerce. He is in particular very much afraid of the +feeling in favour of the Empire which would be revived +in the wine-growing districts, if under the Republic the +English wine duties became less favourable to French +wines.</p> + +<p>The game of the Protectionists is to put the duties in +the general tariff as high as they dare, without provoking +retaliation; and the general tariff once passed, to declare +that it is the latest expression of the will of the country, +and that the Government has no right to relax it by treaty, +unless by way of barter, in return for great concessions +made to France.</p> + +<p>In the mean time matters may possibly in some measure +be modified, as regards commercial policy by changes in +the Government, but the modification in this respect would +scarcely be very great.</p> + +<p>The 'groups,' as they are called, of the Left have been +endeavouring to get the ministers to negotiate with them +before the Chambers met. They want, now the Chambers +have met, to reduce the Ministers to absolute dependence +on Parliamentary Committees. The Ministers are acting +properly and constitutionally. They decline to be dictated +to by groups and committees, and they intend to announce +their programme from the Tribune, and to call for a vote +of confidence or want of confidence, from both Chambers. +Waddington, when I saw him yesterday, was very confident +of success. They have found it necessary to sacrifice the +Minister of War, who, among other defects was entirely +inefficient in the Tribune, but Waddington did not anticipate +any other changes in the Cabinet. He said that +Gambetta had promised the Government his full and +cordial support.</p> + +<p>To pass from Paris, or rather from Versailles to Constantinople, +I will give you for what it may be worth, a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> +story which has been brought to the Embassy by a person +who has sometimes shown himself to be well informed with +regard to what is passing at the Porte. He affirms that a +compact has been made between Khaireddin and Osman +Pashas to dethrone Sultan Abdul Hamid and set aside +the Othman family altogether as effete and half insane. +This being done, a member of a family established at +Konia is, according to my informant, to be declared +Sultan.</p> + +<p>I have often heard of the Konia family as having a sort +of pretention to the throne, as descending from Seljuk +Sultans or some other dynasty overthrown by Othman or +his successors.</p> + +<p>Abdul Hamid does not generally leave his Grand Viziers +in office long enough for them to be able to mature a +'conspiracy against him.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>In January a prolonged struggle took place +between the Ministry and the Left, chiefly over the +burning question of Government officials, and the +alleged unwillingness to introduce really Republican +measures; and before the end of the month Marshal +MacMahon and his Prime Minister, M. Dufaure +tendered their resignations. It was well known +that the Marshal was anxious to take this course, +and he followed the advice of his friends in choosing, +as his reason for resigning, his inability to concur +in a measure which deprived some officers of high +rank of their military commands. When, therefore, +he was confronted with the alternative of +signing the decree removing his old companions in +arms, or of resigning himself, he replied that Ministers +would have to look out for another President, and +M. Grévy, a comparatively moderate Liberal, was +elected in his place by a large majority. The +'transitory phenomenon,' M. Waddington, however, +remained in office and indeed became head of a new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> +Administration, but it was felt that this arrangement +was merely temporary. Power had really +passed into the hands of Gambetta, and although +he contented himself, for the time being, with the +Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies, there was +nothing to prevent him from establishing himself +in office, whenever he should think that the opportune +moment had arrived; since, unlike the Speakership +in England, the Presidency of the Chamber is +looked upon in France as the road to the highest +Ministerial rank.</p> + +<p>In consequence of the election of a new President +of the Republic in the person of M. Grévy, the +question arose as to whether the Foreign Representatives +should receive fresh credentials, and the +action of Prince Bismarck in this connection caused +fresh discord amongst leading French politicians. +When M. Waddington was at Berlin, he had made +a very favourable impression upon the Chancellor, +and as he himself subsequently informed me, Bismarck +had taken great pains to be civil to him, and +to manifest that especial confidence which takes the +form of abusing other people—notably Prince Gortschakoff. +He now took the opportunity to inform +M. Waddington that he entertained such remarkable +esteem for him, that he had advised the Emperor +to dispense with any new letter of credence, a proceeding +which infuriated Gambetta and disposed +him to upset Waddington at an early date. 'Altogether +there seems an impression,' wrote Lord +Lyons, 'that the new Ministry will not last long. +Gambetta does not like either Grévy or Waddington. +Waddington has yet to show that he has the staff +of a Prime Minister in him. He has not hitherto +been a very ready or a very effective speaker. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> +is even said to have a slight English accent in +speaking French. I don't believe any one ever +perceived this who did not know beforehand that +he had had an English education. But this English +education certainly has had the effect of preventing +him having exactly French modes of thought and +French ways, and thus he is not always completely +in tune with the feelings of his hearers in Parliament.'</p> + +<div class="figcenter"> +<img src="images/i_168.png" width="350" height="500" alt="" /> +<div class="caption"><p><em>J Russell & Sons, Phot.</em></p> + +<p><em>William Henry Waddington</em></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">london: edward arnold</span></p></div> +</div> + +<p>It was a common charge made against the late +M. Waddington by his opponents that he spoke +French with an English, and English with a French +accent. As a matter of fact, he was a perfect +specimen of a bilinguist, and would have passed +as a native of either nation.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Feb. 11, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Fournier's<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> vagaries are becoming very dangerous, but +we are in a state of anarchy here. The Ministry is composed +in general of men of respectable character and respectable +abilities; but there is no one of them who has hitherto +obtained any great hold on the Chambers or on the country. +Their proper game would be to try and form a Liberal-Conservative +party of the Centre Gauche, the Centre Droit, +and the Gauche Républicaine, with whose support and that +of the country at large, they might keep the Ultra Reds in +check. Hitherto they have not shown that there is stuff +enough in them for this, but then they have hardly had a +chance. They have made a weak compromise on the +Amnesty Question, but if they get a good majority on that +question, they might start afresh and show what is in them. +So far they are looked upon by most people as warming pans +for Gambetta and his followers: and I have been assured +that some of the French Representatives abroad do not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> +hesitate to communicate with Gambetta behind Waddington's +back.</p> + +<p>I must confess that, contrary to my wont, I am rather +gloomy about the state of things here. The relaxation of +the efficiency of the police is undeniable. This was one +of the symptoms of the decay of the Empire. The Gendarmerie +is being tampered with. Recent measures seem +to increase the opportunities for disturbances, and diminish +the means of dealing with them. I do not see where, in +the present Government, resistance to disorder is to come +from in an emergency. But I will not croak. Waddington +and his colleagues may steady themselves in office and +restore authority yet, but they have not much time to lose.</p> + +<p>Waddington would be the safest Minister we could have +in Eastern Affairs, if he made his subordinates abroad obey +him. Gambetta might be more friendly in commercial +matters and more ready to be an active ally in the East, +but he would expect a recompense in the West, and might +be a dangerous friend who would require careful 'watching.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>Poor M. Waddington's prospects were not improved +by a trivial but untoward incident in the +Chamber. In the course of one of his first speeches +as Prime Minister 'a great deal of laughter is said +to have been produced by his dropping some of the +sheets of his written speech over the edge of the +Tribune, and having to wait till they were picked +up'—an incident which serves to show the more +generous spirit of the British politician, since a +recent Prime Minister was in the habit of delivering +soul-stirring orations by the same method, without +evoking any disrespectful criticism on the part of +his opponents.</p> + +<p>Towards the end of February a crisis in Egypt +rendered it necessary for the British and French +Governments to have recourse to joint action for +the purpose of protecting their interests.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span></p> + +<p>As the result of a Commission of Inquiry in 1878, +the Khedive Ismail, who had long boasted that +Egypt was practically a European state, accepted +the position of a Constitutional Ruler, with Nubar +Pasha as his Prime Minister, Mr. Rivers Wilson<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> +as Minister of Finance, and a Frenchman, M. de +Blignières, as Minister of Public Works. It was +in the highest degree improbable that a man of his +intriguing and ambitious character would submit +permanently to any such restraint, and before long +he succeeded in working upon the disaffection of +those persons whose privileges were threatened or +affected by European control, to such an extent +that, by organizing a military riot, he was able to +force Nubar Pasha to resign on February 20, 1879. +At the same time he demanded much greater powers +for himself, including the right to preside over the +Cabinet, and to have all measures submitted to his +approval—demands which were strongly resisted by +his European Ministers, who invoked the support +of their Governments.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 21, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have just received your telegram announcing your +concurrence in Waddington's draft instructions to Cairo, +and I shall communicate it to him forthwith.</p> + +<p>Waddington seemed quite firm on the point of not +allowing the Khedive to resume his personal power, and +would no doubt be ready to join in any practical steps for +that purpose; but in the meantime it may be feared that +His Highness is consolidating his resumption of power. +Waddington looks upon the whole affair as a simple +manœvre of the Khedive to upset the new system of +government. It does not in fact seem likely that so arrant +a coward would have risked his own precious person, if he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> +had not had a pretty good understanding with the rioters. +Public opinion in France would, I think, support Waddington +in taking strong measures. There does not seem +to be any one but Nubar of position enough to be a Prime +Minister of any independence; Waddington seemed fully +aware that if the Khedive is present at the council of +Ministers, no Egyptian Minister will open his lips.</p> + +<p>Godeaux telegraphed last night that order having been +restored, the presence of a ship of war at Alexandria might +not be necessary, but Waddington thought on the contrary +that it would be 'essential in order to produce a salutary +impression on the Khedive, and keep him in some check.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>Nubar Pasha was regarded as English and anti-French, +and his fall was, therefore, received at Paris +with some degree of complacency; but the feeling +was not sufficiently strong to make the Government +hold out against his restoration to office, should +that be considered necessary for the purpose of +checking the Khedive, and the tendency was to +make no suggestions and to wait for the lead of +England, it being understood that both Governments +were resolved not to consent to any change +of the political system in Egypt.</p> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">March 1, 1879.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<blockquote> + +<p>As to Egypt, I gather from your telegram to-day that +Waddington looks on our message to Vivian<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> as in the +nature of an ultimatum, and he is puzzled what we are to +do next if it should be rejected. We do not in the least +look on it as an ultimatum, and it is not so phrased. We +may well receive either from the Khedive or the Agents +some alternative proposal which may be discussed, and +perhaps hammered into an acceptable arrangement at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> +least for a time. But in any case our position cannot be +worse here than if we had acquiesced at once in the results +of the conspiracy against Nubar; while the chances are +that it will enable us to arrive at some plan for partially +curbing the Khedive, which at all events shall partially +disguise the check we have undoubtedly received. The +causes are obscure. It is evident there has been imprudence. +I wish I could be quite satisfied there has been perfect +loyalty.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Writing a day or two later, Lord Salisbury explained +that he was in some difficulty, as Mr. Vivian +and Mr. Rivers Wilson held different opinions. +The former wanted to conciliate the Khedive by +not forcing upon him the restoration of Nubar, +while Mr. Rivers Wilson strongly insisted upon his +return. Lord Salisbury himself was inclined to the +latter course because 'otherwise the Khedive will +be like a horse who has succeeded in beating his +rider, and will never be safe for that rider to mount +again,' but eventually decided against it. From +the following letter it looks as if the retirement of +the hapless British Representative at Tunis was +intended as a peace offering to the cause of Anglo-French +joint action in Egypt.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">March 6, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>It is better always to get the credit of one's good +actions, which are naturally few. Will you kindly tell +M. Waddington in the most unofficial way in the world +that——having returned himself as 67 years of age (he +entered the service 55 years ago, and therefore must have +begun his public labours at a precocious age) we have suppressed +the Consulate General of Tunis, and that there +will henceforth be a man on reduced salary, a consul or +agent, after the close of this month.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I think the French will find difficulties enough with +Italy if they ever try to increase their influence in Tunis; +but that is no affair of ours. We have hot water enough +elsewhere without desiring to boil any in Tunis.</p> + +<p>One good turn deserves another, and I hope Waddington +will feel himself bound to keep his agents from Anglophobia +in Turkey.</p> + +<p>The Egyptian compromise will do very well for the +time. It seems doubtful whether Nubar is worth anything +now. An Oriental does not easily pluck up a spirit when +he has once been beaten, and Nubar is reported to have +told friends in England that he knew that whenever the +Khedive had done with him there was a cup of coffee +waiting for him.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The compromise referred to took the form of a +new Egyptian Ministry containing the two English +and French representatives, and nominally presided +over by the Khedive's eldest son, Prince +Tewfik. The experiment, however, of trying to +keep a Ministry in office in spite of the opposition +of the chief of the State did not last long, for in +April the irrepressible Khedive dismissed his +Ministers and installed Cherif Pasha as Prime +Minister. This spirited action caused M. Waddington +much perplexity, as he did not believe that French +public opinion would allow him to take a slap in +the face quietly from the Khedive. The French +bondholders were too influential to think of throwing +them over, and then there was the Crédit Foncier, +a more or less Government establishment, which no +French Government could allow to come to grief. +There was a keen desire to maintain the concert +between England and France on Egyptian affairs, +but if the bondholders suspected that England was +likely to be lukewarm on their behalf, there was a +strong probability that the French Government<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> +might be forced to act alone in the enforcement of +French claims. Lord Salisbury on his side was +naturally reluctant to be identified with the bondholders' +cause.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">April 10, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I see by your telegrams which have arrived to-day that +M. Waddington suggests as a means of coercion against +the Khedive that MM. Rothschild should refuse to pay him +the balance of the loan. Mr. Rivers Wilson had made the +same suggestion to the Baron. But the latter, in a message +sent yesterday through his son, repudiated any idea of +such a proceeding as dishonourable, and attributed the +suggestion to momentary excitement.</p> + +<p>With respect to the second idea, the only question is +whether the Sultan will ever summon up courage to take +such a step, and if he does, whether he can enforce it. If +it can be done quite smoothly, <em>perhaps</em> it would be the best +course; but I speak with some doubt.</p> + +<p>It may be quite tolerable and even agreeable to the +French Government to go into partnership with the bondholders; +or rather to act as sheriffs' officer for them. +But to us it is a new and very embarrassing sensation. +Egypt never can prosper so long as some 25 per cent. of +her revenue goes in paying interest on her debt. We have +no wish to part company with France: still less do we mean +that France should acquire in Egypt any special ascendency; +but subject to these two considerations I should be glad +to be free of the companionship of the bondholders.</p></blockquote> + +<p>M. Waddington's 'second idea' evidently referred +to the deposing of the Khedive by means of the +Sultan; but his difficulty lay in the old French +jealousy of the Porte exercising influence over the +internal affairs of Egypt, and during the reign of +Sultan Abdul Aziz the consequence of that influence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> +had certainly been a constant drain of money from +Cairo to Constantinople. One suggestion was that +the Sultan should summon the Khedive to come to +Constantinople to do homage, a ceremony which he +had never yet performed, and a refusal to obey +would have made him a rebel in the Sultan's eyes; +but the objection to this course was that the Khedive +might, if he went, take large sums of money with +him and so propitiate his suzerain.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">April 16, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Waddington's policy is not very intelligible. I suppose +it is a compromise between a sense of the danger of doing +anything strong, and of the necessity of satisfying the +Crédit Foncier. In the despatch which you will receive we +have done our best to accommodate ourselves to Waddington's +view, without taking up a wholly untenable position.</p> + +<p>There is one thing which it is necessary not to forget, +though I could not mention it in the despatch. We have +very different audiences to please; and though we may +agree upon the actual intimation to be given to the Khedive +and the Sultan respectively, the argument leading up to +those communications cannot in both cases be precisely +the same. We must lay stress on separate points, and the +argument derived from the Khedive's application for a +European Minister must be treated differently by the two +Powers, as the circumstances were not similar. We should +therefore avoid identic notes, though we may make a +concerted representation.</p> + +<p>The communication to the Porte had better be indiscreetly +communicated to the Khedive's agent there, who +is an intelligent man. It may only result in producing a +very heavy payment to the Porte. But that, under +existing circumstances, will itself be of advantage.</p> + +<p>I suppose that Waddington means to upset the Ottoman +Bank project as a retort for the failure of Tocqueville's.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span></p> + +<p>What does he think of Martino's share in the recent +Egyptian crisis? Italy is likely to be a plague to all +of us.</p></blockquote> + +<p>In France there was a violent party, more or +less supported by Gambetta, which desired to +send some energetic Agent to Egypt who would +bully the Khedive successfully. Unfortunately, +such energetic agents were extremely likely to +quarrel with their British colleagues, whereas M. +Waddington, who was peaceably disposed, wished to +appoint quiet and unobtrusive representatives who +would work harmoniously, and implicitly follow their +instructions. There was, however, some excuse for +the men of action, as a very well-founded suspicion +prevailed in Paris that the Russians, and even the +Germans, were busy at Rome inciting the Italians +to make trouble for England and France at Cairo. +Moreover, Gambetta and his friends believed, probably +with reason, that the Khedive would never +have gone so far in defying England and France if +he had not felt that he was backed up by other +Powers, as well as by Italy.</p> + +<p>Mr. Vivian, the British agent in Cairo, who had +been summoned to London, returned to his post +at the end of April bearing a note, the gist of which +was, that the two Governments, in view of the +iniquities of the Khedive, 'reserved to themselves +an entire liberty of appreciation and action in defending +their interests in Egypt, and in seeking +the arrangements best calculated to secure the good +government and prosperity of the country.' In +other words, the Khedive was warned that he had +better be careful; but there was, so far, no hint +of deposition.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span></p> + +<p>In Lord Salisbury's letter to Lord Lyons, enclosing +a copy of the above note, there is an interesting +personal opinion on the question of governing +Orientals by Europeans. 'With all these Oriental +populations I suspect that the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">rôle</i> of Europeans +should in the main be confined to positions of criticism +and control. They can only govern after absolute +conquest, and then expensively. The difficulty +of governing without conquest is, of course, enormously +increased when two nationalities have to be +provided for, and two Governments to be consulted.'</p> + +<p>The period following the return of Mr. Vivian +to his post was marked by a violent and entirely +unreasonable campaign against England in the +French press, it being thought, for some unknown +reason, that France had been abandoned, and M. +Waddington took the somewhat unusual course of +sending a message to Lord Salisbury through Mr. +Rivers Wilson, instead of communicating in the +ordinary manner.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">May 21, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>On Monday Rivers Wilson sent me word that he had a +message to deliver to me from Waddington. Accordingly +I asked him to come and see me yesterday to deliver it. +It was to the effect that Waddington was willing and anxious +to move the Porte to dethrone the Khedive, if England +would join in this step. I represented that there were +three difficulties. The Sultan might not assent: if he did, +the Khedive might not yield. If the latter did yield, the +successor might be either feeble or bad, and we should be +called upon to support him in one case, and replace him +in the other. To the first objection Wilson replied that +Waddington had no apprehensions as to the Sultan's +consent; to the second he (Wilson) and every person who +knew Egypt well, did not doubt that the moment a Firman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> +was issued, the Khedive would fall; as to the third, he +could only say that Prince Tewfik was a compendium of +the cardinal virtues.</p> + +<p>If Waddington did not communicate his proposal to +you, I am obliged to consider what possible motive he +could have had for taking this circuitous route, unless he +meant to disavow the offer later on. If he says nothing +to you about it, it may be worth while to sound him.</p> + +<p>If there were no France in the way, I should be disposed +to give no reply to the Khedive's note we received by the +last mail, or at least only to say that since the dismissal of +the English Minister, the Khedive's finance had become so +hopelessly tangled, partly owing to his extravagance, +partly to the conflict with other Powers into which the +decree of April 22nd has brought him, that we must reserve +our judgment with respect to all questions of financial +control till the position of affairs had become more intelligible. +I think that on some such plea as that we might +stand by and look on for a few months till the Khedive +has knocked himself to pieces, which he inevitably will do. +The fiscal condition is now so hopeless that I am rather +grateful to the Khedive for refusing to put it into the hands +of an English Minister. I doubt whether any European +can now undertake it without discredit, until the country +has gone into liquidation. The disproportion between the +debt and the revenue—joined to the difficulties which have +now been raised by the action of the courts and the attitude +of the other Powers, makes effective or even humane +government hopeless till there has been a bankruptcy. +But then that would not suit a purely Bourse policy like +that of France. We must take notice of this difference of +the French view, and we may have to modify our policy +accordingly; for we cannot allow France to go on alone, +and we will not part company with her if we can possibly +help it. But in this state of our relative views and wishes, +it is already for us to wait, and for her to propose. If left +alone, our disposition would be to find an excuse for waiting, +and if we move it will be because France is urging us. We +should therefore naturally wait till France made a proposal +to us, and should be inclined to cross-examine her as to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> +what will be her next move after that, in the various +contingencies which may result from the course they +propose. I think, however, you might open communications +by mentioning, quite unofficially, how much pain the +articles in the <em>République Française</em> and the <em>Débuts</em> have +given us. To ordinary papers we should of course have paid +no attention; but one of them is, or was till very recently, +edited by a gentleman in the French Foreign Office; the +other is in part the property of a Minister. We are utterly +unable to understand on what foundation the reproaches +rest that we have shown reserves and hesitations in the +pursuit of the joint Egyptian policy. On the contrary, if +we had occupied towards France the position which Servia +occupies towards Russia, our compliance could hardly have +been more exact. But this outbreak of causeless wrath +justifies us in asking what France wants, and what she +complains of.</p> + +<p>You will of course say as much of this, or as much more +as you may think wise. But it may be as well to show that +we are not insensible to this attempt to work Parliament +against us by revelations or communications on matters +which the French Government themselves have charged +us to treat as confidential.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The attacks on England in the French press +were not inspired, as Lord Salisbury supposed, by +the French Foreign Office, but by Gambetta, who +desired a strong policy in Egypt and seized the +opportunity to fall upon Waddington. The latter, +however, by this time had made up his mind as to +what should be done.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 22, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>As you will have seen by my telegram, what Waddington +said to me yesterday was, that there appeared to him to +be only two alternatives with regard to the Egyptian +question—to depose the Khedive or to establish a Control.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> +He talked a good deal more about the Control than the +deposition; but when I asked him if this meant that the +Control was the alternative he preferred, he declined to +express any preference for the one or the other. If we are +to wait until he has devised measures (and this is what he +told me he was about) for establishing an efficacious control +we need not fear being called upon to act in a hurry. I +quite agree with you that we cannot let France go on alone +in Egypt; for if we do, she may go lengths which will +produce something a great deal more dangerous than a +mere coolness between us. French power and French +feeling are very different from what they were some years +ago, when the French would have let us do almost anything +we chose in Egypt, if we would have taken care of the +interests of the French bondholders.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Nothing can be plainer than Lord Salisbury's +desire to act in concert with France, and to have +regard to French interests in Egypt, but the constant +attacks made upon British policy and the +persistent hostility of French agents, not only in +Egypt, but elsewhere, rendered the task anything +but easy. Gambetta's hostility was partly due to +the fact that he was an enthusiastic Phil-Hellene, +and considered that not enough was being done for +Greece in the way of procuring for her accessions of +territory at the expense of Turkey. It is as well +to point out that, whereas the Turks had been compelled +to cede territory to States with which they +had been at war, they were at this time being +pressed to cede territory to Greece because that +Power had remained at peace.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">June 6, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The recent course of the French newspapers which have +the credit of being inspired by Gambetta and Léon Say is +certainly a puzzle. Looking over the course of negotiations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> +between us and Waddington on Egypt, I should find it +very difficult to say which of the two Governments had +pulled the other on, and which had dragged the other back. +As far as any important negotiations go, I should say that +we had been a shade more in favour of active measures +than the other side. The two newspapers in question are +evidently well informed; and therefore their assumption +that we have prevented the French from acting must be +put on for a purpose; what purpose it is difficult to say. +The most obvious solution—bearing in mind the English +friendships of the two statesmen concerned—is that the +whole movement is meant to operate on English internal +politics, and not on European politics at all: and this view +is supported by the use which has actually been made of +the controversy here. The incident is common enough in +diplomatic history: but it has always been bitterly resented +by the Government which is the subject of that species of +attack. But in this case there is some doubt as to how far +Waddington is implicated. Nothing is more difficult to +deal with than a 'Marionette Government,' because the +marionettes are not responsible, and you cannot get at the +man who pulls the strings. There is one spot in the diplomatic +battlefield—almost the only one—where we have +been exposed to risk, and have consequently been anxious—the +Balkan Peninsula: and on this we have been systematically +opposed by France. Ring, Coutouly and Fournier +have played us every kind of trick. But all the time, +nothing could have been more unexceptionable than +Waddington's language and instructions. So it is with +this newspaper warfare. The secondary agents, who are +popularly supposed to act from inspiration are undisguisedly +hostile. Waddington's demeanour all the time is imperturbably +friendly. Is it helplessness, or bad faith? The +question is one of considerable practical importance: for +if we are to measure the co-operation of France by the action +of Fournier and Gambetta, we shall do wisely to retire, +gently but effectually, from a perilous partnership. And +it is impossible to ignore this aspect of the case in considering +the precise line to be pursued in the two pending questions +of Greece and Egypt.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Our object in Egypt, ever since we promised some four +years ago not to take it, is to see that our own interests are +not injured and that French interests receive adequate, +but not excessive consideration. If, however, Gambetta +means mischief, it may be wise for us to seek the protection +of English interests only, and leave the French to take care +of themselves. This would be done by pushing forward +the other Powers. Their interference would be fatal to +Egyptian solvency, and consequently to French bondholders. +But it would be as fatal a bar to French preponderance +as the plan of duplicating all appointments, +and as none of these great Powers are naval, we could look +after the Canal just as easily if they were masters in Egypt, +as under the present Anglo-French system. If the French +are really friends, the Anglo-French system may be maintained +in spite of many inconveniences in order to cement +that friendship. But if Gambetta and Fournier are to be +taken as the directing force in French politics, the Anglo-French +system is merely a make-believe, and will only +draw us into a succession of crises in which we shall probably +be outwitted. This dilemma merits very careful consideration. +Greece is a less important and more transitory affair. +In order to avoid division in the Congress we went rather +further than we thought quite wise; and we have no wish +to go further still. Of course, abstractedly, it would be +much better that all the Hellenic populations should be +under a Hellenic ruler. But Turkey is still a fact of which +account must be taken; and the danger of Turkey +resisting is very serious. The fact that Greece has not won +this territory as prize of war, nor earned it as the consideration +of any service done, but is to gain it merely by her +skill in singing diplomatic dithyrambics, appears to irritate +the Turks intensely. It is not our present policy to adopt +a course which shall induce the Sultan to listen to the +Russian proposals which are so freely placed before him. +We would not therefore, in any case, take a leading part +in pressing the cession on him. But we doubt extremely +the wisdom of exciting anew the Moslem fanaticism, by +demanding a town to which the Albanians attach so much +importance as Janina. However, in this question we should<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> +have been a good deal influenced by the wishes of France, +if we could have thought that by exalting the influence of +Fournier we were strengthening a friend. But can we +do so?</p></blockquote> + +<p>There was, in reality, no foundation for Lord +Salisbury's suspicions that Gambetta and his allies +were seeking to interfere in British internal politics. +The objectionable articles were written under an +erroneous impression that France had been outwitted, +and that Mr. Vivian, in pursuance of secret +instructions from his Government, was working for +the failure of the joint Anglo-French administration +in Egypt and for the establishment of exclusive +British influence. But as the attacks in the French +press mainly took the form of abusing England for +not agreeing to energetic proposals made by the +French Government, it was a legitimate grievance +against M. Waddington that he never took any +steps whatever to contradict this perfectly baseless +accusation. As for the conduct of French agents +who were continually intriguing against their +English colleagues, it is probable that M. Waddington +was able to exercise little or no control over them, +and it has already been mentioned that some of +them were in the habit of corresponding directly +with Gambetta behind the back of their official +chief. Lord Lyons, who naturally was anxious to +make things as easy for the French as possible, +recommended that the vanity and susceptibility of +French diplomatists abroad and of the public at +home, should be studied as much as possible, since +there was a universal feeling that France was now +too strong to play a secondary part anywhere, and +that sacrifices on our part were preferable to allowing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> +her to throw herself into the arms of Russia. +Lord Salisbury therefore persevered in the difficult +task of endeavouring to co-operate cordially with +the French Government, and M. Waddington applied +himself to elaborating the scheme of Dual Control +which was eventually adopted. Meanwhile it had +become apparent that, in order to obtain anything +like a successful result, the Khedive Ismail must +be got rid of somehow, a course which was urged +not only by Gambetta, but by the French Agent at +Cairo. Joint efforts were made by the French and +British Agents to induce him to abdicate in favour +of Prince Tewfik, which were seconded by the representations +of Germany and Austria; but these were +of no avail, and the Gordian knot was not cut until +the Sultan suddenly intervened on June 26. On +that day a telegram arrived from Constantinople, +deposing Ismail by Imperial Iradé, and conferring +the Government of Egypt upon his eldest son Prince +Tewfik, who was at once proclaimed Khedive +without any disturbance of tranquillity.</p> + +<p>The action of the Sultan was not only sudden +but unexpected, and Lord Salisbury at once took +steps to assure the French Government that it was +not due to the instigation of Her Majesty's Government.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">June 26, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Pray assure M. Waddington that the Turkish move +reported to-day does not proceed in any way from our +suggestion. We have only urged in the very strongest +terms that the Sultan should not interfere with what we +were doing in Cairo. But the Sultan seems to have been +perfectly resolved to have a finger in the pie; and as he +was not allowed to interfere to save the Khedive, he +indemnified himself by interfering to upset him.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am not specially in love with the Firman of 1873, +which I see the Sultan has revoked. But I am afraid it +will annoy Waddington, and therefore I am anxious he +should be well convinced we had no hand in it.</p> + +<p>Now it is done, the wisest course we can take is to +accept it, and devote our energies to procuring any new +Firman that may be necessary to the present state of +Egyptian finances. I don't think it will be any great evil +if their power of raising armaments is limited. But on all +this I should like to have Waddington's opinion.</p></blockquote> + +<p>M. Waddington was a sensible man, and therefore +there was no difficulty in convincing him that +England was not responsible for the Sultan's action; +but French opinion generally was incredulous, and +it was believed that the deposition of Ismail was the +result of the rivalry at Constantinople between the +French and British Ambassadors. The latter was +unjustly suspected of a desire to reduce Egypt to +the condition of a Turkish Pashalic, and it was +obvious that the revocation of the Firman indicated +the intention of the Sultan to reassert his influence +over Egypt in a manner which French policy had +consistently opposed. Although, therefore, the +Sultan's action had delivered both England and +France from a highly embarrassing situation, and +had been taken at a most opportune moment, it +was considered advisable, instead of expressing +gratitude, to criticise adversely the form of the +Imperial Iradé, and to insist upon the issue of +another.</p> + +<p>What was, however, of really more essential +importance than the somewhat remote fear of +Turkish interference was the question of how the +Dual Control was to be effectively established.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">July 7, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Our perplexity as to the effect of the Firman has received +a rather comical solution. No such Firman exists. An +'Iradé' is merely the Sultan's signature; and that was +only given to the telegraphic message deposing Ismail. +So that the revocation of the Firman of 1873 has not taken +place, and the discussion as to the exact meaning of such +a revocation seems to be premature. All that we now have +to do is to prevent, if we can, any Firman at all being issued +to Tewfik, and then every one will be happy.</p> + +<p>Tewfik is resolved to begin the Liquidation at once; +and if it be true that interest is rolling up at the rate of +£80,000 a month, there is good cause for his desire to hurry +it. But the Controllers will hardly be enough. We want +to have some hold over the government of Egypt, though +we do not want to assume any overt responsibility. The +great object seems to me to be to have representatives inside +the offices who shall be able to report what the Government +are doing to the Agents, and shall be able to give advice +to the Government in accordance with the instructions of +the Agents. If you have a European Minister, the Agent +must be suppressed. I despair of making two talented +Englishmen work side by side, without subordinating one +to the other; and if we must choose between Agent and +Minister as a vehicle of English influence, the former seems +to me the easier to work with. He is not quasi-independent, +and therefore will obey orders. He occupies a recognized +and traditional position and therefore excites no jealousy +either among Moslems or other Christian Powers; and he +cannot be dismissed; and if his advice is not taken, or +applied badly, the country he serves is not in the eyes of +the world primarily responsible. The case on the other +side is that the European Minister has more power. But +has he? What power did Wilson enjoy? The only power +Europeans can enjoy at Cairo rests on the fear which their +Governments may happen to inspire, and this fear will +operate as strongly through an Agent as through a Minister. +We do not put European Ministers even into the Governments<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> +of dependent Indian Provinces: and there we have, +what we cannot have in Egypt for a long time, 'bayonets +to sit upon.'</p> + +<p>We have made the mistake in Egypt and elsewhere, of +underrating the vitality of the Moslem feeling. I am afraid +M. Waddington is doing so with respect to Greece.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Another letter deals further with the question +of Control, and contains some interesting reflections +on moral influence.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">July 15, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am very much of the opinion that the Control should +take the form of inspection. It is the only form of Control +likely to be effective. Actual authority we cannot exercise. +We tried to do it through the European Ministers, but when +the stress came, the disbanded officers proved to us that +two pairs of arms are not much use against two thousand. +The only form of Control we have is that which is called +moral influence—which in practice is a combination of +menace, objurgation, and worry. In this we are still +supreme and have many modes of applying it—diplomatic +notes, consular interviews, newspapers, blue books. We +must devote ourselves to the perfecting of this weapon. +And, obviously, the first condition of its use is complete +knowledge of what is going in.</p> + +<p>The exchange, therefore, of nominal authority for real +inspectionship is a step in the right direction. It is facing +facts. We must exert ourselves to open to these inspectors +every avenue of information; and we must have a certain +number of sub-inspectors paid by Egypt, who shall travel +about, collecting information. It is essential, of course, +that these last should know the language.</p> + +<p>The division of the jurisdiction of the two inspectors +is a serious puzzle. Upper and Lower Egypt certainly will +not do, unless we have Lower Egypt. I had thought of a +North and South division—the Nile—starting at Damietta. +But I know Vivian does not like this; moreover I see +difficulties about handing over Alexandria to the French.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Waddington's proposal for a rotatory jurisdiction sounds +odd. What would he think of it as applied to any other +department of life—Ambassadors, Bishops, or Ministers? +I suppose the frequency of what they call a 'Prefectoral +Movement' in France has put it into his head.</p> + +<p>Would it be possible to fuse them into a board, giving +them a native colleague to be chosen by themselves, and +then decide by majority? I have spoken to Baring<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> about +the Commission of Liquidation. I doubt his accepting the +Control, though I think he would the Liquidation.</p> + +<p>As to the Firman, we are agreed as to the limitation of +armaments. I should be glad to see loans forbidden +altogether. To an Oriental ruler they are like firewater +to the Red Indians. I should be glad to see a declaration +that the Powers would not recognize or encourage the +payment of any loan contracted by the Egyptian Government +after this date. They are not wanted to meet any +present stress; but the fellaheen are already loaded with +quite as heavy a weight as they can bear.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The question of appointing the Controllers and +deciding what their functions were to be, gave rise +to more difficulties, caused by the obvious desire +of many Frenchmen to get the Egyptian finances +entirely into French hands. Ultimately Major +Baring and M. de Blignières were appointed, but +their powers were not formally defined until +November. By the decree of November 15, 1879, it +was laid down that the Controllers should have full +rights of inquiring into all branches of the administration; +the rank of Ministers and seats in the +Cabinet, although restricted to making suggestions; +the power of appointing and dismissing subordinate +officials; and it was further enacted that they were +irremovable without the consent of their respective +Governments. By this action the British and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> +French Governments practically assumed the responsibility +of Government, and for some time to +come Egypt ceased to give trouble.</p> + +<p>In the month of June, 1879, an event had +occurred which was of profound importance to all +political parties in France. The Prince Imperial +had perished in Zululand, and with him had +vanished the hopes of a resuscitated Empire. The +tragedy of the Prince's death is heightened by the +fact that it was only owing to an unfortunate misunderstanding +that he was ever allowed to accompany +the expedition. On March 1, Lord Salisbury +writing to Lord Lyons stated that the departure +of the Prince Imperial was: <i xml:lang="fr">'a mal entendu</i> which +we are unable to understand even here. The +Government had very distinctly negatived it, but +in consequence of some misapprehensions, our orders +were not attended to by the military men, and he +received encouragement which could not afterwards +be withdrawn. If you think Waddington is at all +sore on the matter, you are authorized to explain +this fully to him. But I rather expect to hear from +you that no importance is attached by the French +Government to what has taken place.'</p> + +<p>Two days later he again wrote:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am very sorry to hear that so painful an impression +was created in Paris. We have never been able to +discover exactly how it was done, or why our already +clearly expressed objection was disregarded. He was of +course at liberty to go, and people who ought to have +known better were at liberty to write private letters and +go to railway stations. Of course nothing official has +been done, but the border line between official and private +has been very closely trenched upon. However, all we +can do now is to express our sincere regret.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span></p> + +<p>At Lord Lyons's next interview with M. Waddington, +the latter asked (not in a complaining +manner) how the Prince's expedition to Zululand +had been brought about, and was told in reply that +the Prince had settled it himself through personal +friends and that Her Majesty's Government had by +no means approved of it. President Grévy alluded +to the matter in the course of a conversation with +the Prince of Wales, who happened to be in Paris, +and also expressed no disapproval; in fact, he went +so far as to remark: <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">qu'il avait très bien fait</i>. Thus +the principal personages in France evidently did +not consider the matter of much importance; but, +on the other hand, the Republican press showed +considerable irritation, which, under the circumstances, +was perhaps not entirely unnatural, as it +did not seem credible that the Prince could have +started without the approval of the British Government. +When the news of his death arrived, it was +felt that, for the time being at all events, Bonapartism +had been practically crushed out of existence.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 20, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>In hearing of the sad end of the short life of the Prince +Imperial, one's first thought is for the Empress, whose +bitter cup of sorrows is now full.</p> + +<p>The immediate political result is the utter disorganization +of the Imperial Party. It was far from strong, but +still it was the most efficacious element of opposition to +the Republicans, and they will now have things still more +their own way. The Fleurys, Rouhers, and the old +Imperial following can never hope to live to recover from +the blow. I suppose Prince Napoleon will hardly put himself +forward in the position of a pretender to the Imperial +Crown, and he would have no party with him if he did.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span> +In the more remote future his eldest son may prove a more +formidable candidate than poor Prince Louis could have +been. He is said to be a remarkably clever, attractive +youth, and a thorough Bonaparte in appearance. No +hereditary responsibility for Sedan can be cast upon him; +he is undoubtedly of the Bonaparte race, and he has been +brought up in France. For the present, however, Prince +Louis's melancholy death is a decided accession to Republican +strength.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The death of the Prince excited the sympathies +of all classes in France with the stricken Empress, +but when in July, preparations were being made for +the funeral in England, the bitterness of French +party politics displayed itself in that hostility which, +carried beyond the grave, it is the least possible +to condone.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 10, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The susceptibility the French Government is showing +about the funeral of the Prince Imperial is neither wise nor +dignified. If ever there was an occasion on which political +animosities might be left in abeyance, surely this is one. +The death of the Prince Imperial has put an end to many +hopes and aspirations, and has inclined numerous adherents +of the family to acquiesce in the present state of things. +It is certainly not politic to require of people in this frame +of mind an overt manifestation of heartlessness and +ingratitude to the dynasty which has had so mournful an +end. The ceremony so manifestly relates to the past and +not to the future that there can be no reasonable objection +to allowing the old adherents of the family, whether +Marshals and Generals, or merely civilians to go over to +attend it. I fancy that Grévy himself and the Republicans +<em>de la vieille</em> cannot get over, even on such an occasion +as this, their old hostility to the Empire.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span></p> + +<p>These almost incredibly vindictive feelings again +manifested themselves when a proposal was made +that a monument to the unfortunate Prince should +be placed in Westminster Abbey. M. Waddington, +who must have been heartily ashamed of the part +he was forced to play, remonstrated privately against +the project, and intimated to Lord Lyons that he +thought of writing to Dean Stanley, whom he +happened to know, and of urging him not to consent +to it.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</h5> + +<p class="p1">July 22, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I think, on the whole, I had better not answer your +despatch officially about the Prince Imperial's statue; but +you can tell Waddington unofficially as much of the following +as you may think useful. As soon as I got it, I communicated +with the Prime Minister, who sent to the Dean +of Westminster. The Dean, when the message reached +him, had already forwarded to all the newspapers a letter +which you have read in the issues of this morning. On +reading it we came to the conclusion that the matter had +gone too far to be recalled.</p> + +<p>On historical considerations the Dean proposes to put +the monument into Henry the Seventh's chapel, and for +that purpose, undoubtedly, the Queen's permission must +be obtained. But as regards the Abbey in general he is +absolutely supreme. He might put up a statue of Nana +Sahib, if he chose. So we must decline to accept any +responsibility for his proceedings. As he has publicly made +the announcement that it is his intention, if not interfered +with, to give the requisite permission, it is clearly impossible +for us to 'apply pressure' to induce him to give way. +The motive for doing so would have to be confessed and +would cause much misapprehension.</p> + +<p>I have expressed a wish to see the inscription before it +is put up, and I have no doubt I shall be allowed to do so. +I think I can assure M. Waddington that there is not the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> +slightest danger of anything about Napoleon IV. being +contained in it.</p></blockquote> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<p>The monument was never erected, the project +meeting with much opposition in Parliament as +calculated to offend the susceptibilities of the French +Government.</p> + +<p>It must be admitted that the circumstances +surrounding the death of this unfortunate Prince +reflect discredit, though in an unequal degree, upon +both the French and the British Governments. +If the French Government showed a petty and +vindictive spirit totally unworthy of a great and +powerful nation, the misunderstanding which enabled +the Prince to go to South Africa; his vague and +indefinite status with respect to the expeditionary +force; the equally vague conditions attaching to his +relations with Captain Carey, which were partly +responsible for his death; the unhappy suggestion +of the Abbey monument; the helpless attitude of +the Government in the face of an enterprising +ecclesiastic; and the subsequent unseemly discussion +in the House of Commons, are eloquent of slipshod +and careless methods which are discreditable +to British administration and constitute a somewhat +humiliating page in the national history.</p> + +<p>The autumn of 1879 was marked by the conclusion +of the Austro-German alliance, hailed at +the time by Lord Salisbury as 'glad tidings of +great joy,' and destined profoundly to influence +European politics for many years to come. In +spite of assurances given by Bismarck himself, by +Andrassy, and by Haymerle, this new grouping +of two first-class military Powers caused much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> +perturbation at Paris, which was certainly not +allayed by Lord Salisbury's benediction, and provided +convenient material for an attack upon the +tottering Waddington administration.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 14, 1879.</p> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>As to French internal politics, the most striking feature +is the somewhat vague but almost universal feeling of +uneasiness about the future which pervades France. It is +impossible not to see that this feeling has increased even +during the few weeks that have elapsed since I went away +on leave in August. I suppose that the immediate fear is +that the Waddington Ministry will be succeeded by one +more Radical, and that thus, step by step, the Ultra-Reds +will get the Government into their hands.</p> + +<p>When I first saw Waddington on my return, he was in +good spirits, thinking that the threatened attacks upon +him about the amnesty, the Government, and especially +the diplomatic appointments, had blown over. Now, +however, he is menaced with an interpellation on the +Austro-German understanding. This understanding is, of +course, extremely unpalatable to the French, and among +them the general belief is that it binds Austria to assist +Germany, in case of need, to defend Alsace and Lorraine +against France. Waddington has the most positive +assurances from Bismarck, Andrassy and Haymerle that +there is nothing against France in it, but this is not enough +to reassure the cavillers. The intention seems to be to +reproach Waddington with this understanding generally, as +indicating the failure of his Foreign Policy, and in particular +to blame him for having an Ambassador at Vienna +who neither prevented, nor found it out, and an Ambassador +in London who did not make the French policy on the +subject properly understood by the English Government. +It seems that it is intended to argue that you would not +have spoken of the understanding in the terms you used<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> +at Manchester, if you had known the painful impression +it had made in France.</p> + +<p>There are two opinions in France on the Foreign Policy +to be now adopted. Perhaps the general, unreflecting +public are inclined to throw themselves into the arms of +Russia. The wise heads (and there is some reason to hope +that Gambetta may be among them) look rather to England, +and are willing to conciliate her by supporting her views in +the East. It may be worth while to take this feeling into +account, and perhaps with that view rather to put forward +the reinstatement of Khaireddin and Midhat as the objects +in view, than exclusively English appointments.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It seems to be a more or less established rule +that when an English Foreign Secretary makes a +speech, Ambassadors should write and expatiate +upon the admirable effect which has been produced +abroad, and Lord Lyons's comment upon Lord +Salisbury's Manchester speech approaches more +nearly to criticism than appears elsewhere in his +correspondence. The charge of ignorance brought +against the French Ambassador at Vienna was +probably quite correct, but the British Embassy +at Vienna must have been in the same case, for the +existence of the Austro-German alliance was first +discovered by that extremely able public servant, +the late Sir Joseph Crowe, K.C.M.G.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> As for the +alleged inaction of the French Ambassador at +London, that official was a retired admiral, whom +apparently Waddington seldom seems to have consulted, +and over whose unconscious head business was +habitually transacted by the French Foreign Office.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 21, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>We are within a week of the opening of the session, but +the situation has not become more clear. Gambetta and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> +Waddington have a personal dislike to each other, and no +doubt Gambetta would be glad to oust Waddington, and +to put in his place some new Minister for Foreign Affairs, +such as the Marquis de Noailles, with some creature of his +own, such as Spüller as adlatus or Under Secretary of State. +But then Gambetta would find it difficult to do this without +bringing about such a break up of the Ministry as would +raise the question of his own taking office. But if those +who ought to know him well judge aright, he does not wish +to come into power until he sees his way to doing something +very great—in fact to getting back Alsace and Lorraine.</p> + +<p>Gambetta professes to be strongly in favour of the +English Alliance, and for that and for other reasons, to +make a liberal treaty of commerce with us. I do not, +however, imagine that his ideas of a liberal treaty go beyond +maintaining, or nearly so, the tariffs as they stand in the +existing Anglo-French Treaties.</p> + +<p>I imagine he has thought of going to England himself +whenever he has a good opportunity, not with a view to +putting himself into the hands of Sir Charles Dilke and +taking part in any Ultra-Radical demonstration, but rather +with a desire of conciliating the moderate public opinion +in England, and showing that he has no desire to promote +a Republican Propaganda abroad. He seems to have a +decidedly friendly feeling towards the present English +Ministry.</p> + +<p>I have heard that the Russian Grand Dukes had been +led by General Chanzy to expect a much more warm and +cordial reception at Paris than they actually met with, and +that consequently they were by no means pleased.</p> + +<p>Waddington seems to be as little prepared to go into +the Newfoundland question as he was two months ago. +The impression he makes upon me is the same that he made +upon you. The Navy Department keep him in awe of +them and prevent his acting upon the reasonable views he +expressed to you at Berlin.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The various difficulties in all parts of the world +which were before long to trouble Anglo-French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> +relations for many years, had now begun to manifest +themselves in such places as Newfoundland, Tahiti, +Réunion, the Gambia, and elsewhere. All these +troublesome questions fell under the Marine Department, +and their accumulation was productive +of an irritation which hampered M. Waddington, +whose position was also weakened by a rabid +demand made upon the Ministry for Government +appointments. In fact it was difficult to see how +any French Ministry could last, if the American +system of a fresh division of the spoils was to take +place whenever a change occurred. In America +the Executive is safe for four years, but in France, +directly the places had been distributed, the disappointed +combined to overthrow the unhappy +Ministers responsible for the distribution.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile his most formidable opponent, the +ex-Democrat, Gambetta, had assumed the <em>rôle</em> of +a grand seigneur, and gave sumptuous Parliamentary +banquets which were pronounced by the highest +gastronomic authorities to be exquisite in every +respect. He contemplated a visit to London, and +it is somewhat surprising to learn that the Democrat +showed a very obvious prepossession in favour of the +English Conservative Party.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 12, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Gambetta has heard with very great satisfaction that +you and Lord Beaconsfield would be very glad of the +opportunity of seeing him, which will be afforded if he +carries into effect his idea of going to England. He feels +that it would be essential that he should not make himself +the guest or place himself under the special guidance of +any political person on one side or the other. He would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> +probably go to an hotel. As to the time of his visit, he +does not seem to have formed any definite plan. It seems +to be connected in his mind with the Treaty of Commerce, +and he seems inclined to secure himself a good reception +by contributing first to making a favourable Treaty of +Commerce. I suppose he and his countrymen would +consider a Treaty simply renewing the arrangements of +1860 as very favourable to us. He absolutely repudiates +all notion of anything like Republican propagandism. He +has a strong bias in favour of the Conservatives in England. +His sympathies are with an active Foreign Policy, and he +has a grudge against the Liberals because they did not come +to the assistance of France in the Franco-German war. +He seems to follow English home politics very carefully. +He wishes England and France to act together in the +East, but considers that things have got into a horrid +mess at Constantinople, and expresses regret that the +French and English Embassies there do not pull more +together.</p> + +<p>I think one of his objects in going to England would be +to show people in France that he is considered a person of +sufficient importance to be admitted into the society of +people of rank and station in aristocratic England.</p> + +<p>He has also no doubt the higher object of making France +and himself popular in England, so as to avert all risk of +England's joining the Austro-German Alliance to the +detriment of France.</p> + +<p>The danger would be that he would form too great +expectations of obtaining a positive alliance with England, +and that if we did not come up to his expectations in this +respect, he might in his disappointment, turn to Russia. +But from this point of view, the most dangerous thing would +be to <em>froisser</em> his susceptibility by showing any coldness +beforehand about his visit.</p> + +<p>He undertakes to let us know whenever he comes to any +resolution about going to England.</p></blockquote> + +<p>From the above letter it will be seen how much +importance was attached to Gambetta's views, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> +how desirable it was considered to secure his +goodwill; but apparently the visit to London +from which so much was expected, never took +place—perhaps because his English Conservative +friends were shortly afterwards turned out of +office.</p> + +<p>The threatened attack upon the Waddington +administration took the form of a vote of want of +confidence which was moved in the month of +December, but successfully rejected. The Ministerial +success, however, was of a somewhat fictitious +nature, as the Left Groups when united, outnumbered +the Right, and the Government was, therefore, liable +to be turned out by a combination. M. Waddington +himself professed satisfaction, and affirmed with +pride that he had been congratulated upon his +majority by the British Government; while from +Berlin, Vienna, and even from St. Petersburg, where +he was not in favour, assurances had been received +of the satisfaction felt at the prospect of his continuing +in office. The result, too, of the vote enabled +him to carry out an intention he had long had in +his mind, of abandoning the Presidency of the +Council, and of retaining the office of Minister of +Foreign Affairs. His own wish was to see M. Léon +Say Prime Minister, but as that was out of the +question, he favoured the appointment of M. de +Freycinet, who, in addition to other qualifications, +possessed the confidence of Gambetta, and would +therefore render it difficult for the latter to attack the +Government. The proposed transformation of the +Ministry, however, was found difficult to effect, +chiefly owing to the animosity of Gambetta against +Waddington; the former being credited with the +intention of upsetting any Ministry in which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> +latter remained. Gambetta was in fact pursuing a +systematic dog-in-the-manger policy which was little +to his credit, for while continually attacking and +threatening the Government he was unwilling to take +office himself, with the Chamber then in existence, +since he realized that the Ultra-Radicals were trying +to force him into a position in which he would have +either to accept responsibility or to abandon the +leadership of the Republican Party. The object, in +short, of Clémenceau and the extreme party was to +use Gambetta up in order to make room eventually +for themselves. Neither President Grévy or +Freycinet showed any accommodating spirit with +regard to Waddington's plans, and when Freycinet +laid down conditions which were unacceptable, the +President tried to persuade Waddington to remain +on as Prime Minister; but Waddington's position +had been further impaired by imprudent representation +on the part of President Grévy and others, +that he was highly acceptable to Bismarck as a +Minister, and Waddington admitted openly himself +that he was wanting in the qualifications of a +French Parliamentary leader. Consequently the +upshot of it all was that he resigned, and Freycinet +was allowed to form a new administration on his +own terms. 'I part with Waddington with great +regret,' wrote Lord Lyons. 'He had the greatest +of all recommendations, that you could believe him, +and feel sure of him.' These regrets were shared +by Lord Salisbury. 'I am very sorry for the loss +of Waddington. It was a luxury to have a French +Minister who worked on principles intelligible to +the English mind.'</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 30, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>With the new Ministry I suppose Gambetta's reign is +to begin. The Cabinet was almost ostensibly formed by +him. He did not, and probably could not, put in any of +the chief men of his own party. They are kept, or keep +themselves, in reserve to come into power with Gambetta +himself. The present Ministers are personally to a certain +extent Moderate, and altogether, so far as they are known, +mediocre. Freycinet is said to have some inclination to +assert independence, but he has not hitherto rebelled +against his old master Gambetta.</p> + +<p>The man who appears to have lost most reputation in +the affair is President Grévy. He knows well enough that +it is Gambetta's intention to supplant him, but he has +allowed himself to be circumvented with his eyes open, +from lack of resolution and lack of energy, and has apparently +let his rival obtain complete control of the Government.</p> + +<p>I do not suppose that we shall see at present any +marked change in the Foreign Policy of the French Government. +Freycinet knows nothing whatever of Foreign +Affairs. Gambetta has strong general notions, but seems +more inclined to insist upon disposing of the patronage of +the Foreign Office than to go into the details of the business. +At home I suppose the first measure will be a wholesale +redistribution of places. <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Aux situations nouvelles, il faut +des hommes nouveaux</i>, was the principle proclaimed by +Clémenceau. Beust<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> turns the phrase round and says: +<em>Aux hommes nouveaux il faut des situations.</em></p> + +<p>At all events the centre Gauche is dead, and with it the +Thiers' policy, which was to preserve as far as possible the +institutions, the laws and the administrative system in +France, with the simple change of having an elective +President, instead of an hereditary sovereign at the head. +The policy could not last long unless it was directed by a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> +really able energetic President. France is now about to +try real democratic and republican government, and it will +be a dangerous experiment in a country like this. It would +be a still more dangerous experiment if the old warlike +spirit had survived in the people. Happily for peace, they +are more intent upon making and enjoying money than +upon obtaining military glory, or even upon recovering +their lost provinces. Gambetta will try for the recovery of +the Provinces if he preserves his energies and fortune seems +to give him a chance.</p> + +<p>I have just seen Pothuau<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> who seems very indignant at +his place in London having been offered to Waddington, +and declares that he has no intention of giving it up.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Lyons was destined to witness many more +changes of Government in France before his final +departure; most of them accurately described by +the hackneyed phrase: <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Plus cela change, plus c'est la +même chose.</i></p> + +<p>A letter from Major Baring written at the close +of the year is worth quoting as evidence of the +improved and hopeful condition of Egypt, and also +of the harmony prevailing at the time between the +English and French Controllers.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Major Baring to Lord Lyons</em>.</h5> + +<p class="p1">Cairo, Dec. 29, 1879.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>You may like to hear what I think of the state of things +here, so I venture to write this line.</p> + +<p>There is a very decided improvement. Since I have +been connected with Egyptian affairs I never remember +matters going so smoothly. I like what I see of the +Khedive, and I see a great deal of him, for he frequently +presides at the Council, and besides this I often go to see +him on business. Riaz's head is rather turned by the +decorations he has received, but he is very well disposed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> +and will always follow our advice, if we insist. He is +oppressed with the fear that Nubar will return to office; +as, without doubt, he will sooner or later; but it is not at +all to be desired that he should return just yet. What we +want is <em>time</em>. If we can get along for six months, or better, +a year, without any considerable change I really believe +that the financial crisis which has now lasted so long may +be brought to a close.</p> + +<p>Cherif and the Turks made overtures to Nubar the other +day, but he was wise enough to decline so unnatural a +coalition.</p> + +<p>Before long our financial scheme will be ready to launch, +and if, as I hope, it is accepted, the Commission of Liquidation +will no longer be necessary. This is perhaps the best +solution of the matter.</p> + +<p>We shall reduce Unified to 4 per cent, and leave +Preference alone.</p> + +<p>Blignières is behaving most loyally in everything which +concerns English interests. The Khedive and his Ministers +have, I think, got over the prejudice they entertained +against him.</p></blockquote> + +<p>M. de Freycinet took over the Foreign Office as +well as the Presidency of the Council; as has already +been stated, he was quite ignorant of all foreign +questions, and was also looked upon as less reliable +than M. Waddington. The first official interview +with him, however, produced a favourable impression, +all the more because he did not let out a flood +of common-places about devotion to England, and +so forth; but the important question was to know +what line Gambetta was inclined to take in Foreign +Policy, and Sheffield was deputed to find out.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 17, 1880.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Gambetta has expressed confidentially to Sheffield +to-day his views as to the Foreign Policy of France; with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> +the intention of course that they should be communicated +to me only in the strictest privacy.</p> + +<p>He considered that the Austro-German Alliance had +been made against France; that it entered into Prince +Bismarck's calculations that it might throw France into the +arms of Russia, but that His Highness thought that there +would be more than a compensation for this if in consequence +of it England were completely detached from France. +Gambetta declared that France had not fallen into this +trap and would not fall into it—that she would never make +an alliance with Russia, but that if Russia were attacked +by Germany, France would have to take care of her own +safety. He had information which convinced him that +there was no foundation for the assertions that Russian +troops were being massed on the frontier of Germany, and +he believed that these rumours were spread from Berlin +to afford a pretext for an attack on Russia, to be made so +suddenly as to be successful at once and to enable Germany +to turn towards France without any fear of Russia in her +rear.</p> + +<p>In order to disconcert this plan Gambetta thought it +highly important that a good understanding should be +established between England and Russia both with regard +to Turkey and to India. He held that it was the interest +of France to urge in every way the Russian Government +to come to such an understanding with England. He looked +upon the state of things at Constantinople as very bad, +and attributed it to the disagreements between the French +and English Ambassadors; while in order to promote the +accord which he wished to see between England and Russia +he desired that the best feeling should exist between the +French and English Representatives at Constantinople. +It was evident, however, from what he said that any complaint +against Fournier by England would be met by +counter-complaints on the part of France against Layard. +If Fournier resigned, Tissot the French Minister at Athens +would be Gambetta's candidate for the Embassy in Turkey.</p> + +<p>Gambetta denied most positively that there was any +truth whatever in the rumours that he had been in communication +with Bismarck about the restoration of Lorraine to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> +France or anything of the kind. As to the insinuation +that it was proposed that while Lorraine should be restored, +France should receive a slice of Belgium in compensation +for Alsace, Gambetta said that it was plain that this could +only have been put about to produce ill-will between +England and France. After the Benedetti affair, no +Frenchman in his senses would enter into secret arrangements +with Bismarck about Belgium, and the French +Republic had certainly no desire under any circumstances +to despoil its neighbours.</p> + +<p>Gambetta expressed a desire that a liberal Treaty of +Commerce should be made with England and he was +eloquent on the importance of a close and cordial union +between the two countries.</p> + +<p>Gambetta impressed upon Sheffield that he was speaking +to him simply as a friend, and quite privately. I think it +is interesting and important to know what sentiments he +expresses in this way: but, of course, if he was quoted, or +if what he said was allowed to transpire, he would feel +bitterly towards us and at once put an end to all communications +of the kind. His tone appears to have been quite +that of a man who felt that he would have the power to +carry into effect the policy he recommended in this country.</p> + +<p>Freycinet has just been to see me, but I did not find +him equally communicative on the general Foreign Policy +of France.</p></blockquote> + +<p>As Freycinet was occupied at that moment, <em>more +Gallico</em>, in clearing the old officials out of the Foreign +Office, and as he admittedly possessed little knowledge +himself, his reticence under the circumstances +was not surprising; but, so far as could be +gathered, it was the intention of the new Ministry +to follow the prudent course of their predecessors, +a profession of faith evidently intended especially +for Berlin. As regards the so-called Eastern Question, +interest had temporarily shifted from Egypt to +Greece, and the various Powers were endeavouring<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> +without much success to negotiate the cession of +Turkish territory to that country. The usual spring +war scare had taken a different shape, and, without +any foundation whatever, Bismarck was credited +with the extraordinary intention of suddenly falling +upon Russia, while a coolness had sprung up +between the French and Russian Governments +owing to the refusal of the former to surrender the +Nihilist Hartmann, who was implicated in an attempt +to wreck a train in which the Russian Emperor +was travelling.</p> + +<p>This refusal annoyed the Emperor so much that he +withdrew his Ambassador, Prince Orloff, from Paris, +the French consoling themselves with the thought +that if they lost the favour of the Russian Emperor +they would, on the other hand, ingratiate themselves +with Bismarck.</p> + +<p>Upon the Greek Frontier question, which in +consequence of an English proposal had been +referred to an International Commission, there was, +for some unknown reason, a disposition to blame +the British Government.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Sir H. Layard.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 19, 1880.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The withdrawal of Orloff, on account of the refusal of +the French Government to give up Hartmann, is of course +the topic of the day here. The form adopted is that which +was used when normal relations between Russia and the +Pope were suspended some years ago. The Emperor +Alexander is, I understand, very angry; but I do not know +how long this <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">mouvement d'humeur</i> will hold out against +the obvious political interest which both Russia and France +have in not being on bad terms with each other. There +was a strong feeling on the Left of the Chamber against +giving Hartmann up, and as to foreign relations, I suppose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> +the French set pleasing Bismarck against displeasing the +European Alexander.</p> + +<p>Freycinet is decidedly against the admission of Turkey +to the Greek Frontier Commission. It might have been +politic to admit her, though I don't see how she could have +been asked to engage to be bound by the votes of the +majority.</p> + +<p>I think things in the East are indeed looking serious. +How Turkey is to be kept going, in spite of herself, much +longer, passes my comprehension. I should be sorry to +make a fourth in an alliance between France, Russia and +Turkey. If France and Russia did unite for any serious +purpose, I should think the last thing they would wish +would be to tie such a clog as Turkey to their wheels. If +there is any truth in the proverb, <em>Quem deus vult perdere +si</em>, etc., I am afraid that there can be very little doubt +that the ruin of Abdul Hamid is in the hands of Allah.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span></p> + + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV</a></h2> + +<p class="p1"><span class="bigger">THE REVIVAL OF FRANCE</span></p> + +<p class="p1">(1880-1881)</p> + + +<p>The General Election in England which took place in +March, 1880, resulted not only in the rout of the Conservative +Party, but in the reversal of the Foreign +Policy of Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury, +and necessitated the withdrawal of Sir Henry +Layard from Constantinople, while Lord Lytton, +whose Afghan policy had been furiously denounced +by the Liberal Party, sent in his resignation. It is +worthy of note that Lord Lyons, whom no one could +accuse of Jingo tendencies, and whose opinion was +certainly a very much better one than that of most +of Lord Lytton's critics, was emphatically in favour +of the latter's Afghan policy. Writing to Lady +Lytton on January 8, 1879, he had expressed himself +as follows:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have never had the least misgiving about Lytton's +policy with regard to Afghanistan, and I was always sure +it would be wisely carried into execution. I am only too +thankful that we have a spirited Viceroy. You can hardly +form an idea of the advantage our reputation has derived, +all over Europe, from the Afghan campaign, and you have +seen enough of diplomacy to know how much success in all +questions of Foreign Policy depends upon the prestige of +the country one represents.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span></p> + +<p>Sir Henry Layard had incurred even greater +execration than Lord Lytton in the eyes of the +Liberal Party, because he was considered to have +been deeply committed to what was described as +the Pro-Turkish policy of the Conservative Government, +although his inexpiable offence seems to have +consisted chiefly in strenuous and unavailing efforts +to induce the Turks to put their house in order. +During his stay at Constantinople he had been +greatly hampered by the consistent opposition of +his French colleague, M. Fournier, whose great +object it appeared to be to thwart English action +whenever opportunity occurred. The French +Government, which professed great anxiety to act +in harmony with England, upon ascertaining that +Sir Henry Layard was to be replaced by Mr. +Goschen,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> withdrew Fournier and appointed M. +Tissot in his place.</p> + +<p>A change in the French Embassy in London was +also imminent, and the circumstances attending +the appointment of a new Ambassador were not +devoid of humour.</p> + +<p>Admiral Pothuau, the Ambassador under the +Waddington régime, had been forced to retire, +probably much against his inclination, and it was +considered that M. Léon Say would make an excellent +representative, more especially as he passed as +that <em>rara avis</em>, a French Free Trader; but M. Say +shortly after accepting the appointment was elected +President of the Senate, and therefore forced to +resign. To find a satisfactory successor was +apparently not so simple a matter as might have +been assumed. Nothing could have been more +correct than M. de Freycinet's ideal of a French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span> +Ambassador in London: 'a man possessing the full +confidence and sharing the sentiments of his Government; +not so much of a politician as to be thinking +more of establishing his own political position at +home than of following his instructions: a man +who would stay long at the post, and desire to stay +there; who would form personal friendships with +English Statesmen, and improve good relations and +soften asperities by personal influence. A man +calculated to take a part in a society like that of +London, and who would not be out of place at a +Court—a man who would have a wife with the same +qualities—finally, a man not unaccustomed to diplomatic +business and diligent and accurate in transacting +it.' When, however, the question passed +from the abstract to the concrete, M. de Freycinet's +ideas ceased to flow so freely, and he seemed utterly +at a loss to find the ideal being which his imagination +had sketched, although he mentioned M. Challemel +Lacour—as a man who would not do. In spite, +however, of M. Challemel Lacour being in M. de +Freycinet's opinion a man 'who would not do,' it +was evident that he had a powerful backing, for +an emissary from the French Foreign Office shortly +made his appearance at the Embassy and intimated +in so many words that the appointment of M. +Challemel Lacour would be agreeable to Gambetta. +That no doubt was a considerable advantage, but +M. Challemel Lacour by no means corresponded +to M. de Freycinet's ideal representative, being a +man of unconciliatory character and particularly +notorious on account of a speech which he had once +made, in which, alluding to political opponents, +he had used the words <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Fusillez moi ces gens là!</i> an +expression which was continually being quoted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> +against him. In the meanwhile, however, M. de +Freycinet had had an inspiration, and sent for Lord +Lyons to tell him that he had discovered just the +right man for the place. Unfortunately, this personage +was married to a lady whose antecedents +were not considered to be satisfactory, and it +became necessary to intimate that under the circumstances +the appointment would not be favourably +received in England.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>'Freycinet was dreadfully put out,' wrote Lord Lyons, +'when he found that the appointment was impossible. +He complained chiefly of Léon Say for having brought him +into the difficulty, by first accepting the London Embassy +and then standing for the Presidency of the Senate.</p> + +<p>'Léon Say's picture of the lady is about as much like +what she was when I last saw her a few years ago, as +Challemel Lacour is like Freycinet's ideal of a French +Ambassador in London.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>The appointment of M. Challemel Lacour was +persisted in, and gave rise to some very disagreeable +discussions in the House of Commons. Doubtless +much of the abuse of M. Challemel Lacour was undeserved, +but whatever his political capacity, he +was not remarkable for urbanity.</p> + +<p>On the occasion of a big official dinner at the +Paris Embassy, when requested to take in the absolutely +unexceptionable and agreeable wife of one +of his principal ministerial colleagues, he replied +with an emphatic '<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Jamais!</i>' which precluded any +further discussion.</p> + +<p>The question of diplomatic appointments recalls +the fact that it was about this time that my connection +with Lord Lyons first began, through +becoming a member of his staff, and that it may be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> +appropriate to say something about his habits and +personal characteristics.</p> + +<p>Lord Lyons, who was then more than sixty +years of age, was a big, heavily built man, whose +appearance in no respect suggested the diplomatist +of fiction, and who rather resembled the conventional +British squire as depicted by Leech; and the chief +characteristic of his somewhat homely features was +a small piercing eye which nothing seemed to escape, +from the most unimportant clerical error to a minute +detail in a lady's dress. As compared with the +ordinary English diplomatist, his knowledge of +foreign languages, without being exceptional, was +thoroughly adequate. He, of course, spoke French +with perfect facility, and it is probable that he wrote +it with greater correctness than many Frenchmen, +having a complete mastery both of the grammar and +of all the complicated expressions which are made +use of in correspondence. He was also equally at +home in Italian; had a knowledge of German, and +was well acquainted with modern Greek. In addition, +he was a fair classical scholar, and a peculiarly retentive +memory enabled him, unlike most people, to +remember much of what he had read. His manner, +at first sight, seemed somewhat alarming, and he +was altogether a person with whom no one would +have felt disposed to take a liberty, but the alarming +impression, which was solely due to shyness, wore +off with closer acquaintance as the natural kindliness +of his disposition revealed itself, and one of +the excellent traits in his character was, that he never +formed a favourable or unfavourable opinion of any +one in a hurry, but invariably waited for the test +of time. The result was, in almost every case, that +the more he saw of people the more he liked them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> +and the more reluctant he became to part with men +who had been associated with him for any length +of time. The position which he occupied in British +diplomacy during the twenty years which he spent +at Paris may, without exaggeration be described +as unique. No other man stood on quite the same +footing, though it would be idle to deny that there +were some who were perhaps more brilliant. But +the implicit confidence which successive Foreign +Secretaries placed in Lord Lyons's judgment was +based upon the knowledge that his opinions were +sound, unprejudiced, disinterested, and only formed +after the most conscientious investigations. 'I +never volunteer advice,' he used to remark, and it +was perhaps for that very reason that his opinion +was so frequently sought by the Foreign Office. +In fact so much importance was attached to his +views that he was occasionally asked to give his +opinion upon subjects of which he had no knowledge +whatever, ranging from the defence of Canada +to the minimum dress allowance required by the wife +of a British Ambassador at Paris. As he had no +intention of seeking a consort himself, and as he had +no intention, either, of resigning his post, the latter +inquiry (which was made in 1870) appears somewhat +superfluous; but, it may be worth noting, that +as the result of conscientious researches, he reported +that £1000 a year was considered to be necessary.</p> + +<p>As to his merits as a chief, every one who +had ever been associated with him was of +the same opinion, and it was generally held at +the Foreign Office that service under him at the +Paris Embassy was a liberal education in itself. It +may be doubted, however, whether his capacity +and love of work were not to some extent a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> +disadvantage to his subordinates, since his industry +was so great that it left them comparatively little +responsible work to do. At the Paris Embassy the +ordinary routine work is probably greater than at +any other Embassy with the exception of Constantinople, +but there was scarcely anything, however +trivial, which he did not attend to himself. +It is believed in some quarters that an Ambassador +leads a dignified, luxurious and comparatively unoccupied +life, but that was emphatically not the +case with Lord Lyons. He rose early and began +the day by carefully studying the more serious +French newspapers; the whole of the time up to +luncheon was spent in writing or reading despatches, +or attending to the various small questions which +were continually occurring. In the afternoon he +worked again until about 3 or 4 p.m., and then +usually went to see the French Foreign Minister or +paid official calls in connection with current business. +Upon his return he worked again until dinner unless +interrupted by visitors, who were often of a tedious +and uninteresting type, and it not infrequently +happened that telegrams would arrive at a comparatively +late hour of the night which it was necessary +to deal with immediately. All correspondence which +arrived at the Embassy, no matter from how insignificant +a source, was attended to by him personally, +and elaborate directions given with regard to the +replies, which were invariably sent with the least +possible delay. His industry was only equalled by +an almost preternatural caution, which showed +itself in a variety of ways. The reluctance to give +advice has already been noticed, but his excessive +caution showed itself not only in writing, but in +conversation, and even amongst intimates he rarely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> +expressed opinions on men or things which it would +have been unsafe to quote in public, although his +conversation was marked by much dry and original +humour of that elusive character which cannot be +described on paper. It was practically impossible +to catch him napping. 'The Juarez (Mexican +Revolutionary) Minister having left his card upon +me without any official designation, I have +returned a card also without an official designation,' +he wrote from Washington in 1859. His reticence +during the prolonged <em>Trent</em> crisis has already been +commented upon. 'I received by the last mail,' +he wrote to Sir Henry Elliot in 1867, 'a letter +from Hussein Khan, containing nothing but +complimentary expressions. Not wishing to be +outdone in civility, I have written a reply in +the same strain. It has, however, occurred +to me as just possible that Hussein Khan may +desire to appear to be in correspondence with me +for some particular object, and that there may be +something which has occurred since I saw him, +which might render it advisable that he should not +be in correspondence with me. Accordingly I send +my letter herewith open to you. If you see any +reason, however slight, for not forwarding it, please +destroy it, and take an opportunity of telling +Hussein Khan that I asked you to thank him for +his letter to me.' It will be remembered that even +Queen Victoria was unable to draw him successfully +on the subject of the Treaty of Berlin. Similar +instances might be quoted indefinitely, and as an +illustration of his caution in private life it may be +mentioned that he never stirred a yard outside +the house without a passport. A man of this +temperament was not likely to make mistakes, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> +it is a remarkable fact that throughout a correspondence +extending over something like forty years, +there is not to be found a single expression in +any official communication addressed to him which +could by any stretch of the imagination be +described as a censure or even as a criticism of his +proceedings.</p> + +<p>As for the pleasures of the world, they hardly +seemed to exist for him, but the ordinary human +weaknesses, which were chiefly non-existent in his +case, he regarded with an indulgent and even benevolent +eye. He used to repeat with much glee that +the chief entry upon his <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">dossier</i> at the Paris Préfecture +de Police consisted of the words: <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">On ne lui +connait pas de vice</i>, and this concise statement may +be said to have been literally true. He had never +been in debt, never gambled, never quarrelled, never, +as far as was known, ever been in love, although it +was a mistake to suppose that the opposite sex +possessed no attractions for him. Nor did he possess +the resources available to the ordinary man, for he +cared nothing for sport, had probably never played +a game in his life, and detested exercise and outdoor +life. The surprising thing was that he contrived to +keep his health, as although a total abstainer, he +was a large eater, and never took the slightest +exercise. In fact, during the last five or six years +of his life he probably never walked further than the +English Church in the Rue d'Aguesseau, which was +within a hundred yards of the Embassy. 'Abstinence +and exercise,' he used to say, 'were the only +two things that disagreed with him.'</p> + +<p>The natural shyness of his disposition prevented +him from deriving much real enjoyment from what +is generally described as society, but all the social<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> +duties of an Ambassador were discharged in a +manner which evoked universal approval. The +entertainments at the Embassy consisted chiefly of +dinners, which were remarkable for their excellence, +and invitations to which were highly prized by all +sections of French society. Nothing, in fact, could +exceed the dignity or the faultless taste of the +Embassy arrangements, and not only were Lord +Lyons's entertainments renowned, but his horses and +carriages were, even in Paris, noticeably amongst +the very best, it being one of his strongest convictions +that the British representative should +always make an imposing appearance. But his +hospitality was no matter of mere show; every night +the unmarried secretaries were asked to dine with +him unless otherwise engaged; and it was upon +these occasions that he used to appear at his best; +obviously finding more pleasure in their society than +in that of any one else with the exception of his +own relatives. Affection, indeed, for his relatives +was one of his most marked characteristics, and it +is highly probable that his devotion to his sister, the +Duchess of Norfolk, and to her sons and daughters, +was one of the causes of his not marrying; anyhow +there was no further question of marrying after the +failure of the determined attempt made upon him +by an exalted personage, which has already been +mentioned.</p> + +<p>His temper was singularly equable, and during +his long stay in Paris it was said that upon two +occasions only was he known to have broken out; +once, when at a review at Longchamps, the Diplomatic +Corps were allotted an inferior position, and +once upon an occasion when his coachman appeared +wearing trousers instead of top boots and breeches.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> +These ebullitions were due to the fact that he +attached enormous importance to all the outward +signs of official representation, and strongly resented +anything which bore in any degree the nature +of a slight. In his capacity as a private individual +he was the most modest and unostentatious of men, +and it is recorded, as an instance of his shyness, +that he once passed a week at Woburn without ever +leaving the precincts of the garden, because he was +so much embarrassed by the salutations of an +adjacent lodge keeper.</p> + +<p>It might have been supposed that a man of this +unimaginative and eminently judicial character +would have failed to secure the regard of his subordinates, +however highly he might be esteemed +by Cabinets and Foreign Secretaries. As a matter +of fact, probably no chief ever enjoyed greater +popularity, which was due to a variety of causes. +He was essentially a kind-hearted man, his correspondence +abounds with instances of help given to +persons who had been in his employment in any +capacity, however humble; of opportune assistance +rendered to other persons who had been unlucky in +their public careers, and of recommendations of +men whose services appeared to deserve recognition. +And in spite of his apparently detached nature, he +took the warmest interest in all those who were +connected with him officially, and invariably showed +the utmost consideration, not only for their feelings, +but for their personal convenience. Thus, unlike +some distinguished diplomatists, one of his great +objects was to save his staff unnecessary work; +he never put obstacles in the way of persons desiring +leave, and every afternoon at the earliest possible +moment, in order to release the Chancery, he used<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> +to send across the welcome written message: 'I +have nothing more for to-day,' although that by +no means signified that his own labours were concluded. +Hardworking himself, he expected his secretaries +and attachés to do their share, and it was only +when they conspicuously failed, that he showed any +sign of severity. During his long career it fell to +his lot to administer many reprimands, but these +were invariably so just and unavoidable, that the +culprits seldom, if ever, felt any sense of resentment, +and he always made a point of obliterating as soon +as possible, any disagreeable incident of this nature. +The consequence was that he had no enemies, and +no one who was ever associated with him, has, so +far as is known, ever had anything but good to say +of him. Another excellent feature in his character +was that he always made the best of his subordinates +instead of searching for their weak points; +however unpromising the material, he generally +succeeded in effecting a marked improvement, and +whenever any one who had been with him left for +another post, he never failed to draw special attention +to such good qualities as he appeared to possess +with the view of assisting him in his future career. +Perhaps I may be pardoned for interposing a personal +testimonial, upon the occasion of a temporary +transfer to Berne, which may serve as an example +amongst many others.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 15, 1883.</p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">My dear Adams</span>,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have settled that Legh is to be at Berne on the +28th, and I hope you will like him. He is clever and well +informed, though some people think he does not look it.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It need scarcely be added that many of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> +communications of this nature are of a more +elaborate character, and refer to persons who now +occupy distinguished positions in the British +Diplomatic Service. As Lord Lyons grew older he +became more and more reluctant to part with men +whom he knew well, and it was pathetic to witness +the obvious sorrow which he felt at their departure.</p> + +<p>Paris has always been the most coveted post +on the Continent, and in addition to the social +attractions of the place, the Embassy enjoyed the +reputation of carrying on its business in an efficient +manner chiefly owing to the qualities of the Ambassador. +The reputation was well deserved, and +I can only recall one serious <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">lâche</i>, not devoid, +however, of humour, as to which I was unjustly +alleged to be the culprit. At a moment when +critical negotiations respecting intervention in Egypt +were proceeding with the French Government, a +member of the Embassy had an extremely confidential +conversation with an important French +Cabinet Minister, in the course of which the Minister +criticized in very uncomplimentary terms his Ministerial +colleagues, and the conversation was immediately +embodied in a confidential despatch to the +British Foreign Office. The following morning a +much agitated Chef de Cabinet appeared at the +Chancery, bearing the despatch, and announced +that he 'thought that some mistake had occurred, +as the despatch had been received by the French +Minister for Foreign Affairs.' To the general consternation, +it now became evident that the despatch, +instead of being placed in the Foreign Office bag, +had found its way into a lithographed envelope +addressed to the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Ministre des Affaires Etrangères</i>, +and the whole horrid mystery was laid bare. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> +question arose whether Lord Lyons should be told +or not; the arguments of fear prevailed; the French +Minister behaved in an honourable manner and kept +silence, and Lord Lyons, fortunately for all concerned, +never heard of an incident which he would +have looked upon as little short of a calamity.</p> + +<p>The only possible criticism that could be brought +against Lord Lyons as an Ambassador would be +that he led too narrow a life, and moved in too +restricted a circle. Day after day and week after +week he led the same existence; even his holidays +were laid out on the same mechanical principle; +every year he left his post, much about the same +date, took the waters at some spa, and then proceeded +on a round of visits in England, chiefly at +the country houses of the governing families, such +as Knowsley, Chatsworth, Woburn, and Hatfield, +but always including a prolonged stay with his +relatives at Arundel. He was essentially a diplomatist +of the old type, consorting entirely in Paris +with the official classes, the Faubourg, and the +Haute Finance; keeping the press at arm's length, +avoiding everything which did not come within the +scope of his duties, and confining himself strictly +to his own business. The modern developments of +diplomacy; the use of the press, the hasty missions +of amateur diplomatists, the gushing speeches which +are apparently now considered to be obligatory +upon the professional diplomatist—all this would +have been hateful and perhaps impossible to a man +who could boast that he had spent five years in +America without making a speech or taking a drink. +But in an impartial survey of the twenty-eight +years which Lord Lyons spent at Washington, +Constantinople, and Paris, it would be rash to assert<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> +that any other man would, under similar circumstances, +have retained to an equal extent the confidence +of successive British Governments and the +esteem and friendship of the long series of Foreign +Ministers with whom he was called upon to negotiate +questions often of the most vital importance.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> + +<p>The main interest in foreign politics in the +summer of 1880 lay in the Balkan Peninsula. Mr. +Goschen had been sent out to Constantinople in +the place of Sir Henry Layard, and Her Majesty's +Government were endeavouring energetically to +force the Porte to carry out the provisions of the +Treaty of Berlin with regard to the rectification of +the Montenegrin and Greek frontiers. The Greek +Frontier Question made little way, and the Gladstone +Government in their diplomatic campaign on +behalf of the Greeks met with little encouragement +or support from the other Powers, not even excepting +France, who had always been the leading +advocate of Greek claims. When M. de Freycinet +was asked what he was prepared to do if the Turks +resolved to defy the Conference which was then sitting, +nothing more satisfactory could be got out of him +than: <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">nous marcherons avec vous</i>, or <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">nous ne marcherons +pas sans vous</i>, and to the question whether he +would go far if necessary, he only made the cryptic +reply, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">peut-être bien</i>. The British Government were +hankering after a naval demonstration, and it was disheartening +to work with so pusillanimous a comrade.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 21, 1880.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>In answer to your private and personal letter of the +day before yesterday, I may say that I am not much afraid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> +of the French not being willing to go as far as we are willing +to go in coercing the Turks, if they set Europe at defiance +about the Greek Frontier. Freycinet seems to shrink from +the idea that actual coercion may be required, but his only +distinct limit to the action of France is that she will not +do more than England.</p> + +<p>I myself very much doubt whether the Turks will yield +anything to naval or other demonstrations, unless they are +quite sure that these demonstrations are the prelude to the +actual use of force, and it will not be easy to get them to +believe this, unless we are ourselves quite sure that that +is what we mean.</p> + +<p>Supposing we pushed demonstrations to the point of +forcing the Dardanelles, and sending the allied fleets to +Constantinople, we might produce a revolution, without +obtaining the cession of the territory to Greece. If the +populations are in parts really unwilling, the central +government may be truly unable to compel them to give in.</p> + +<p>Supposing the Greek troops (<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">par impossible</i>) be defeated +either by the Turkish troops or by recalcitrant Albanians, +the ships of the Powers might not be able to do much to +get them out of the scrape.</p> + +<p>I am very far from meaning to say, in answer to your +question as to the mildest and safest form of coercion, that +it would consist in moving troops to occupy the territory. +To do so would be neither mild nor safe, nor easy to arrange. +But I am afraid we shall find that in the end the treatment +must be topical, and that if the Greeks cannot take possession +for themselves, we shall hardly be able to obtain it for +them by pressure exercised at Constantinople only.</p> + +<p>A rendezvous of the fleets at Corfu might have a good +effect on the Albanians, and perhaps increase the chance +of the Greeks not being seriously resisted.</p> + +<p>I see Goschen suggests that the decision of the Conference +should be announced to the Porte by an identic +note. I think a collective note would have more effect +and be more appropriate.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Turks, however dense they may be in other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> +respects, are usually intelligent enough to perceive +whether the Powers are in earnest or not, and as +no Government except the British felt much enthusiasm +for either the Greek or the Montenegrin +cause, they showed no signs of giving way.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 2, 1880.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am afraid it does not look as if the Turks were going +to yield to the moral force of United Europe. Léon Say +and Montebello seem to hold even less resolute language +to you than Freycinet does to me. Did the King of Greece +understand Gambetta to say that France, with or without +the co-operation of other Powers, would support Greece +with troops? Freycinet will no doubt do whatever +Gambetta tells him, but one of the inconveniences of the +power behind the Government greater than the Government, +is that Gambetta does not talk as cautiously as he would +if he felt direct responsibility. No power except Russia +seems to be willing to bell the cat. France seems to be the +only one that has in abundance the three elements—men, +ships, and money. Freycinet always says he will do anything +with us, but nothing alone, and does not seem much +more willing than Austria to look the chance of having to +use force in the face.</p> + +<p>I do not see much prospect of an immediate diplomatic +lull, and I very much want one because it is of importance +to my health (at least the doctors say so) to get away, but +I conclude that I ought not to shrink from going through +the national Festival of the 14th July, and that I should +do what is to be done at least as well as any of my colleagues.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Reviews, it may be said, were functions which he +abhorred beyond all others.</p> + +<p>The King of Greece was in Paris at the time, +vainly trying to stir up Gambetta to come to his +assistance, although Gambetta in conversation with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> +Sheffield expressed strong opinions as to the desirability +of France and England acting energetically +in concert, and even professed himself in favour of +their making a joint demonstration at Constantinople, +and landing troops there if necessary. Upon the +same occasion he betrayed his gross ignorance of +English politics by lamenting that Lord Beaconsfield +had not postponed the dissolution until the +autumn, 'when he would have been certain of +success.'</p> + +<p>Freycinet, however, remained deaf to Lord Granville's +appeals, even when the latter reproached +him with the humiliating position in which France +would be placed by abandoning a question which +she had made her own, and when the British Government +proposed a naval demonstration in favour of +the Prince of Montenegro, made all sorts of excuses +for evading it if possible.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 13, 1880.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I was more displeased than disappointed by the refusal +of the French to join in the naval demonstration in favour +of the Prince of Montenegro. They always try to act with +Germany and have a horror of sending away a ship or a +man unless Germany does the same: such is their confidence +in the friendship they profess to believe in, that they want +always to be ready at the shortest notice to attack their +friend or to defend themselves from him. They are also, +no doubt, jealous of any separate help to Montenegro which +does not explicitly pledge the Powers to action in the +Greek Question also.</p> + +<p>I quite agree with you that separate threats from the +French to the Porte about Greece (however incorrect their +acting separately may be) are more likely to do good than +harm. One Power in earnest would frighten the Porte<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> +more than the six, if the Porte were convinced that the +five others would not restrain the energetic one.</p></blockquote> + +<p>During the next three months the Sultan, single +handed, conducted a campaign against the six +Great Powers, which, as will be seen, nearly ended +in success; and it must, in fairness, be admitted +that there was a good deal to be said from the Turkish +point of view. The Powers were engaged in endeavouring +to force the Porte to comply with conditions +directly or indirectly resulting from the +provisions of the Treaty of Berlin. But no steps +whatever were taken, or ever have been taken, to +force other States to comply with stipulations which +appeared to be disagreeable to them. The right of +the Sultan, which had been secured to him under +the Treaty, to occupy Eastern Roumelia, remained +in reality an empty phrase: the Bulgarian fortresses +which were to have been demolished, remained +untouched, the tribute due from Bulgaria +remained unpaid, and there was no indication of +an intention to reinstate the unfortunate Mussulmans +who, as the result of the war, had been driven +away from their homes, and had been despoiled of +their property by their new Christian masters. +Neither could it be justly maintained that, in agreeing +to a rectification of the Greek frontier at Berlin, the +Turks had recognized the right of the Greeks to +annex a territory equal in extent to half of the Greek +Kingdom. Added to this, were the difficulty and +the humiliation involved in surrendering against +their will, a large number of Mussulman subjects. +The difficulty had in fact proved insurmountable +in the case of Montenegro, and the Albanians who +were in the first instance allotted to Montenegro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> +offered so successful a resistance that the original +plan was abandoned, and after much negotiation, +the Porte accepted 'in principle' the cession of the +Dulcigno district as an alternative. But the concession +of anything 'in principle' by the Turks, +usually means something quite different from the usual +interpretation of that expression, and the Sultan +succeeded in organizing a highly successful so-called +Albanian League, and ably supported by a resourceful +local Pasha, contrived by various expedients to +delay the surrender of Dulcigno for so long that it +began to look as if it would never take place at all. +Finally, the resources of diplomacy becoming exhausted, +a policy of coercion was decided upon, and +an international fleet assembled off the coast of +Albania in the month of September, under the command +of Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Each +power signed a declaration of disinterestedness and +a pledge not to acquire territory, but the hollow +nature of this imposing manifestation was betrayed +by a provision that no troops were to be landed, +and the Sultan, who probably had some inkling of +the situation, still refused to give way. A bombardment +of Dulcigno would presumably have left +him philosophically indifferent.</p> + +<p>As the Dulcigno demonstration did not appear +likely to produce any satisfactory result, the British +Government decided upon the hazardous step of +proposing the seizure of Smyrna, that being considered +the most efficacious means of coercing the +Turks and of preventing the concert of the Great +Powers from becoming the laughing stock of Europe. +This step was evidently taken chiefly at the instigation +of Mr. Gladstone, and the letters of Lord Granville bear<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> +witness to the extreme anxiety which he felt as to the +result. No encouragement whatever was received +from France; the timorous Freycinet having in the +meanwhile been succeeded at the Foreign Office by +the equally timorous Barthélemy St. Hilaire, an aged +survival of the Louis Philippe period.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Oct. 4, 1880.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Barthélemy St. Hilaire's answer about the Greek Frontier +does not look as if we should receive any energetic help +from France towards obtaining the settlement of that or +any other question in the East. The answer was all ready +cut and dried, and the declaration as to France sticking to +the Concert, but not taking any initiative, had been made +before to my colleagues. A more experienced diplomatist +would have acknowledged more elaborately your courtesy +in offering to communicate first with France, before +addressing the other cabinets on the Greek Frontier affair.</p> + +<p>The fact is that the present Cabinet is still more +frightened than the last by the disapproval which has been +manifested by all parties in France of even the little that +has already been done. With regard to this, M. St. Hilaire +made a remark to me yesterday which seems to be true +enough. France, he said, has quite recovered her financial +strength, and in great measure her military strength, but +the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">moral</i> of the people is not yet <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">relevé</i>. They are +horribly afraid of another war and consequently utterly +averse from anything like a risky or energetic policy. +Another popular sentiment, which is extremely inconvenient +just now, is the feeling that France made the Crimean War +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">pour les beaux yeux de l'Angleterre</i> and had better not +repeat the experiment. Altogether I am afraid France will +be a trouble, not a help to us, and I am a good deal put out +about it.</p> + +<p>Barthélemy St. Hilaire talked to me a long time about +Gambetta, with whom he described himself as very intimate. +He described Gambetta as having a naturally generous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> +nature, as being somewhat impulsive and incautious, but +at the same time somewhat 'Genoese.' He said that if I +took opportunities of associating with him, I should find +his character an interesting study. The study will not be +a new one to me, and I am not sure that too apparent an +intimacy between me and Gambetta would be viewed +without jealousy.</p></blockquote> + +<p>M. Jules Ferry, the new Prime Minister, was no +more amenable than his colleague.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Oct. 8, 1880.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>As to the French agreeing to the Smyrna proposal, I +cannot prognosticate favourably. I had a long conversation +yesterday with Jules Ferry, the Prime Minister. I +seemed to make some impression by urging that to break +up the European Concert now would be to keep the questions +open, with all their inconveniences and all their dangers, +for an indefinite time. He also admitted the many +advantages of the Smyrna plan, and was quite unable to +suggest any other course of action so likely to bring the +Sultan to reason without inconvenient consequences. But +he perpetually reverted to the argument that it would be +going too near war to be admissible under the French +Constitution, and that the Chambers on that account would +call the Ministers severely to task. The argument from +the Constitution seems to me almost absurd, but it is +constantly used already in the press, and will no doubt be +used hereafter in the Chambers. The fact is that Jules +Ferry and his colleagues are horribly afraid of the effect +which they believe any action on their part would produce +on public opinion and on the Chamber.</p> + +<p>I have seen B. St. Hilaire this afternoon. I went over +with him the same ground I had gone over with Jules Ferry +yesterday, but with much the same result. He told me +that the question had been discussed in the Cabinet this +morning and was to be discussed in another Cabinet +to-morrow. Perhaps they would not like to stay out in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> +cold if Germany and Austria came in, but I am afraid they +will certainly not say 'yes,' though they may say 'no' +before those Powers have given their answer. They seem +to argue from the delay of the German Government, that +Bismarck is against the proposal. Orloff, my Russian +colleague, tells me that he is strongly urging the French to +agree. Beust and Radowitz (the German) talk as if they +themselves thought well of the Smyrna plan, but say they +have heard nothing from their Governments.</p> + +<p>I spoke to B. St. Hilaire about your reasons for communicating +first with him about the Greek Question, and +he sent with effusion the message of thanks which he ought +to have sent at first.</p> + +<p>Choiseul is applying with vigour the <em>épuration</em> system +to the Foreign Office and the Diplomatic Service. He +seems to have dismissed some very good men in both. +Des Michels is one of his victims, and to-day he has decapitated +the head of the Commercial Department.</p> + +<p>I think it better not to communicate at present the +draft instructions to the Admiral. They would, I think, +be seized upon as arguments that the occupation of Smyrna +would be an act of war.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Her Majesty's Government were in effect in a +very bad mess. The Smyrna proposal had received +no real support from any Power. Bismarck had +announced that the so-called Eastern Question was +not worth the bones of a Pomeranian Grenadier, +and nothing was to be expected from him. The +same thing applied to Austria; neither Italy nor +Russia were to be relied upon, and France was unwilling +and unenterprising. No wonder that Lord +Granville felt singularly uncomfortable: the Concert +of Europe, as he expressed it, had 'gone to the +devil,' no one was going to help him, and unless +within a few days the Turks yielded, the British +Government would be confronted with the alternatives +of seizing Smyrna single handed or of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> +confessing defeat and abandoning the contest. Lord +Granville himself was in favour of the latter course, +as being logical, and the natural consequence of the +action of the other Powers, who would neither +agree to the English proposals nor propose anything +themselves. Mr. Gladstone, on the other hand, was +apparently all for going on and acting as the mandatory +of Europe, and as he usually got his way, +it is possible that this dangerous course might have +been adopted; but in the very nick of time, just +at the moment when the situation looked to be at +its worst, the Sultan suddenly gave way and +announced that Dulcigno should be handed over to +the Montenegrins. What brought about this sudden +decision has always remained more or less of a +mystery, but there is no proof that the proposed +seizure of Smyrna (which would have probably inconvenienced +European interests quite as much as +the Sultan) was the deciding factor. According to +the late Lord Goschen, who was in as good a position +to know the real facts as any one else, the +sudden surrender of the Sultan was caused by a +Havas Agency telegram from Paris; but the +contents of this communication have never been +divulged, and Lord Goschen himself never ascertained +what they were. The surrender of Dulcigno, +which took place in November, terminated the +crisis and enabled the Gladstone Government to +claim a striking if lucky success for their own +particular sample of spirited Foreign Policy.</p> + +<p>In the year 1880 the relations between the +Liberal Government and the Irish Nationalists were +the reverse of cordial, and a good many inquiries +used to come from the Foreign Office respecting +alleged Irish plots and conspiracies at Paris with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> +requests that the French police authorities should +be asked to give their assistance. These requests +Lord Lyons was in the habit of discouraging as +much as possible, partly from an ingrained dislike +to being involved in any secret and equivocal +transactions, and partly because he knew that if +the French police gave their assistance in tracking +down Irish conspirators, they would certainly expect +reciprocity in regard to Bonapartists and other +opponents of the existing system of Government +at that time residing in England. For these reasons +he always urged that the English police authorities +should communicate direct with the French police +authorities without using the Embassy as an intermediary. +But the efforts of the Gladstone Government +were not confined to endeavouring to check +Irish plot by means of the police, and an attempt +was made to restrain the turbulent bishops and +priests engaged in the Home Rule agitation by applying +pressure upon them from Rome. The credit +of this expedient seems to have been chiefly due to +the active and enterprising cleric, Monsignor Czacki, +who was acting as Nuncio at Paris, and who appears +to have conceived the idea that if the Pope +could be persuaded to intervene on the side of the +British Government, it might be possible to re-establish +regular diplomatic relations between +England and the Papacy. As far back as December, +1879, Monsignor Czacki had made certain +overtures, but they met with no attention from Lord +Salisbury.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 18, 1880.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Last October a very quiet, not to say dull, old +Italian prelate was succeeded here as Papal Nuncio by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> +a very active, talkative and agreeable Pole, Monsignor +Czacki.</p> + +<p>At the beginning of December Monsignor Czacki came +to me and told me that he had received a letter from Ireland +accompanied by, or referring to, letters from very important +people, among which was, he said, one from you. He had +in consequence written to the Pope, and the Pope had +written to the Irish Bishops to exhort them to do all in +their power to restrain their flocks from taking part in +violent or seditious proceedings. Monsignor Czacki asked +me whether the state of affairs in Ireland was at the moment +so serious as to render it advisable that the Pope should +repeat these exhortations to the Irish Bishops. I made +a somewhat banal answer to the effect that though there +were no grounds for feeling alarm as to the ultimate issue +of what was going on, there was good reason that those +who possessed influence there should use it for the prevention +of crime and outrage, and also of turbulence and +disorder.</p> + +<p>I reported what has passed in a private letter to Lord +Salisbury, but I received no answer from him, and I heard +no more of the matter till yesterday.</p> + +<p>Yesterday, however, Monsignor Czacki came to see me +and showed me a letter he had received a few days before +from Lord Emly. The letter said that previous intervention +had produced the best results, that several Bishops had +denounced the agitation in the strongest terms, but that +unfortunately the Socialists were publicly supported by +various Bishops. It mentioned that the Roman Catholic +Bishop of Meath, and the Roman Catholic Archbishop of +Cashel had manifested their sympathy with Mr. Parnell, +and that the Roman Catholic Bishop of Kilmore had +himself recommended Mr. Biggar to the electors as a candidate. +The letter begged Monsignor Czacki to intervene +again, but it made the request only from Lord Emly himself, +without any allusion to you or to any other person, as being +cognizant of it.</p> + +<p>Monsignor Czacki said that he entirely sympathized +with the views of the writer and intended to send the letter +to Rome; and he proceeded to ask me whether I would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> +authorize him to say that he had shown it to me and that +he sent it with my approval.</p> + +<p>It seemed to me that this would be bringing the thing +much too near Her Majesty's Government for it to be right +for me to assent to it without knowing your wishes.</p> + +<p>I confess this mode of communicating with the Vatican +does not commend itself to my judgment, and that +it seems to me that it might lead to awkwardness and +interfere with better means you have of communicating +with the Pope, if you wish to communicate with His Holiness +at all. At the same time I was not absolutely sure that +you might not think there might be some convenience in +having this channel open. I did not therefore rebuff +Monsignor Czacki, but without giving any hint that I +should refer to you, said simply that I would think about +what he had said.</p> + +<p>He is very fond of enlarging academically upon the +advantages England would derive from entering into regular +diplomatic relations with the Holy See, or if that were +impossible, from re-establishing an unofficial agent at +Rome.</p> + +<p>You will gather from all this that Monsignor Czacki is +not altogether disinclined to be busy.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The energetic Nuncio returned to the subject +at the close of the year.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Dec. 31, 1880.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>You may remember that in June last I gave you in a +private letter a long account of a conversation which +Monsignor Czacki, the Papal Nuncio here, had volunteered +to have with me on Irish affairs.</p> + +<p>Monsignor Czacki came to see me three days ago, and +enlarged on the great advantage to the cause of order and +tranquillity in Ireland it would be for the Pope to pronounce +an authoritative condemnation of the wicked acts perpetrated +in that country. He hinted that the Pope had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> +misled by some of the Irish Bishops who had recently been +at Rome, and he dwelt on the inconvenience which arose +from the British Government's having no channel of its +own through which to communicate direct with His +Holiness.</p> + +<p>On the last occasion Monsignor Czacki offered to be +himself a channel of communication. He did not repeat +this offer, but his object in what he had said appeared to +be to lead up again to the question of the establishment of +regular diplomatic relations between England and the +Vatican, or if that could not be immediately, then to the +return to Rome of an unofficial agent, in the same position +that was occupied by Odo Russell, and before him, by me. +He told me he spoke entirely of his own accord, but that +he was sure that Pope Leo XIII. would most willingly +receive even an unofficial agent.</p> + +<p>Monsignor Czacki is a very great talker, which makes +it easy to say very little in answer to him, and I took full +advantage of the facility for being conveniently silent which +this afforded me.</p> + +<p>The impression he left upon me was that for some +reason or other the authorities at the Vatican decidedly +wish to have some sort of agent there, from whom they +could receive information respecting the views of the British +Government upon the accuracy of which they could fully +rely.</p> + +<p>I don't think that if it had depended on me I should +have discontinued the unofficial agent, awkward as the +position had been made by the presence of the Italian +Government and of a regular British Embassy. But to +establish one now would be a question of far greater +difficulty than to have kept one going.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Whether influenced by Monsignor Czacki or not, +Her Majesty's Government sent Mr. Errington, a +Liberal Member of Parliament, to Rome in an +ambiguous capacity which was loudly denounced +in the House of Commons both by Home Rulers +and by fervent Protestants, and in the course of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> +one of the discussions on the subject, Mr. Gladstone +informed an astonished audience that there was all +the difference in the world between an Agent and +an 'Agente.'</p> + +<p>The French Municipal Elections which took +place in January, 1881, produced a reassuring impression +throughout the country, as both the extreme +parties were decisively defeated, and the effect +was largely to increase the power and influence of +Gambetta, who was now in the enviable position +of being able to make or unmake Ministries, and +who at the opening of the Chambers made a kind +of 'speech from the throne' which considerably +perturbed the uninspiring President Grévy.</p> + +<p>Everything that Gambetta now said was of importance, +and his views on the European situation +were ascertained in the usual manner through +Sheffield.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Feb. 8, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Gambetta asked Sheffield to breakfast on Saturday, and +as usual talked freely to him.</p> + +<p>He appeared to think that the three Emperors had +come to an understanding with each other, and that whatever +might be their plans, it was certain that they would +not be beneficial to French interests. According to him, +it was with the Emperors not a question of the position of +their Empires, but of their own individual positions. They +were opposed to liberal views and liberal institutions. +They were intent upon doing whatever would be most +hurtful to the prestige and success of the Republic in +France. They were, in fact, reconstituting the Holy +Alliance.</p> + +<p>At this moment France was unfortunately powerless. +Until the General Election had taken place, her destinies +must be at the mercy of any old women who were employed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> +as stopgaps in ephemeral ministries. Since Barthélemy +St. Hilaire had been in office he had only seen him once. +He knew nothing or next to nothing of what went on at +the Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, and what little he +did know, he disapproved. 'Que voulez vous,' he said: +'nobody will do anything to commit himself in any way, +pending the uncertainty of the elections.'</p> + +<p>He seemed well informed about Egyptian affairs. He +praised Malet and said de Ring was entirely in the wrong +in his quarrel with de Blignières, which was very injurious +to the calm direction of Egyptian affairs. He expressed an +intention to urge the immediate recall of de Ring.</p> + +<p>I mark this letter private because we should get into +a great scrape and close a very convenient channel of +communication if Gambetta found that he was quoted or +that his sayings transpired in any way.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The interest of the year 1881 lies in the fact that +it makes a fresh departure in French foreign policy +and the abandonment of the retiring and timorous +attitude which had prevailed ever since the war +with Germany. The first State to experience the +inconvenience of this new development was Tunis, +and early in the year it became evident that a very +acute Tunis question was imminent. The trouble +began over a large property known as the Enfida +Estate. This property was sold to an important +French financial association, but upon the sale +becoming known, a certain Mr. Levy, a Maltese +British subject, put in a claim of pre-emption under +Tunisian Law, and it was believed by the French +that he had been instigated by the Italians, and +was merely utilized by them as a convenient means +of obstructing French enterprise. The dispute over +the Enfida Estate rose to such proportions that a +French ironclad, the <em>Friedland</em>, was sent to Tunis +in February, and the British Government, who were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> +bound to make a show of defending the interests of +Mr. Levy, in spite of his dubious position, followed +suit with H.M.S. <em>Thunderer</em>. Both vessels were soon +withdrawn, but before long it was generally believed +that a French invasion of the country was contemplated.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 25, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The French public are getting very cross about Tunis. +Reasonable people see that we cannot allow our own +subject to be bullied, but the French in general do not +distinguish between the Enfida case and the Tunisian +questions regarding predominant influence, Italy, and so +forth. Drummond Wolff's question last night was very +mischievous. It was his own party which gave the +assurances at Berlin which have made Tunis so very +delicate a matter between the French and us, and which +dispose the French to allege that the present Government +is less friendly to them about that country than the late. +Anyhow, Tunis is the point on which above all others the +French are susceptible and irritable; and the Italians, and, +however unconsciously, our own Consul too, I am afraid, +are always stirring up awkward questions on the spot. I +should be heartily glad to be rid of the Enfida question in +any creditable manner. I so strongly suspect that Levy +is simply put forward by the Tunisians for their own gain, +and supported by the local enemies of goodwill between +France and England, in order to make mischief, that I only +wish we could wash our hands of the whole affair. There +seems to me to be no evidence that he is a <em>bona fide</em> purchaser +on his own account. Tunis is the really ticklish point in +our relations with France.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Enfida Estate case was not only unsatisfactory +on account of Mr. Levy not being a very +desirable <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">protégé</i>, but because it enabled the French +to manufacture a grievance against the Bey, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> +gave the Italians an opportunity to encourage that +unfortunate potentate in the belief that he would +receive foreign support in the event of French +aggression.</p> + +<p>The intentions of the French Government were +disclosed before long. Shortly after the wretched +Bey had protested against a memorial containing +a long list of alleged French grievances against the +Government of Tunis, M. Jules Ferry, on the ever +convenient plea of the necessity of chastising hostile +frontier tribes, asked for votes of credit for both +the army and the navy, which were unanimously +agreed to. Before the expedition actually started, +the French agent at Tunis, M. Roustan, visited the +Bey and informed him that the French preparations +were intended to protect him against the Sultan of +Turkey, who desired to convert Tunis into a Turkish +Pashalic, and that, under these circumstances, it +was very desirable that Tunis should be placed +under a French Protectorate. It was quite in vain +that the unhappy Bey urged that he had no reason +to suspect the Sultan of any such intention and that +he had not the slightest desire for a French Protectorate; +he was informed that he was not the +best judge of his own interest, and that French +troops would shortly enter his country to chastise +the Kroumirs, a race of whom nobody had yet +heard, but who apparently constituted a serious +menace to the French Republic.</p> + +<p>The obvious design of the French drew from +Lord Granville an opinion that they could not be +allowed to seize upon Tunis without the consent +of Turkey, and the permission of other Powers; but +to this opinion not much attention seems to have +been paid.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">April 5, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have thought it necessary to instruct you to inquire +into the state of affairs at Tunis. You are not likely to do +so in an unnecessarily offensive manner.</p> + +<p>I am told that the French are determined to establish +their Protectorate. This will be very awkward at the +moment.</p> + +<p>Pray look as mysterious as you can, as to what might +be our attitude.</p> + +<p>We do not wish to follow the example of the foolish +opposition made to Algiers, but the French cannot be +allowed to seize Tunis without the consent of Turkey and +communication with the rest of Europe.</p> + +<p>The Italians wish us to move vigorously in the matter; +the Italian Government seems alarmed at the excitement +of their chamber.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It was all very well to say that the 'French +cannot be allowed to seize Tunis,' but when a big +European Power decides to pounce upon a weak +and decaying Oriental State, it is not of the slightest +use to employ such language if merely moral suasion +is contemplated. The recent action of the Italian +Government with regard to Tripoli<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> was the exact +repetition of French action with regard to Tunis, +and remonstrances were of no more avail in one case +than in the other. The Bey sent piteous protests +and appeals for justice to all the Great Powers, but +as Italy, the only Power which really objected, was +not prepared to fight, his lamentations fell upon +deaf ears. Meanwhile, in an attempt to justify +their bare-faced aggression, the French Government +apparently handed to M. Blowitz, the <em>Times</em> correspondent +at Paris, a despatch from Lord Salisbury +written in 1878, which it had been agreed should be +treated as confidential, and it was intimated in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span> +press that further private and confidential communications +would appear in a forthcoming Yellow +Book. This produced a very justifiable remonstrance +from Lord Salisbury.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Hatfield, April 24, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am not sure that I am not irregular in addressing to +you any communication on public affairs. But I think I +have been told that a certain license is accorded to disembodied +Foreign Secretaries, of haunting the scenes of their +former misdeeds.</p> + +<p>My cause of writing is this. My eye caught a statement +in one or two English papers that St. Hilaire intended to +print in the forthcoming Yellow Book, Waddington's first +despatch to d'Harcourt on coming back from Berlin. I +had a dim recollection that it was undiplomatically phrased +and had been withdrawn: but I could remember no more.</p> + +<p>Is it not rather a strong measure for a Government to +withdraw a despatch to which objection is taken at the +time, when it might be answered, and then to publish it +three years later, when the materials for answering it no +longer exist? However, perhaps I am wrong in assuming +that the newspaper report is correct.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Salisbury was quite correct in his recollection, +and the intention of publishing the despatch +referred to was not carried out, but various attempts +were made to fix upon him the responsibility for +French action in Tunis.</p> + +<p>Lord Granville, although he confessed to disliking +the process, had to content himself with ineffectual +barking.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">April 22, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>You will not like a despatch I send you, and I am rather +sorry to send it. But I do not see how we are to give +France <em>carte blanche</em>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span></p> + +<p>I dislike barking without biting, but if the result of not +barking (in contradistinction to all that was done under +Louis Philippe and Napoleon, when English remonstrances +certainly stopped the French) is the annexation of Tunis, +or the creation of the great port of Bizerta impregnable +by naval force and neutralizing Malta, we should look +rather foolish.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the present Chauvinism about Tunis, +it would not be a sweetmeat for the French to have +England, Italy and the Arabs inside and outside Algeria +against her.</p> + +<p>It is as well that she should not imagine that this is +perfectly impossible.</p> + +<p>But, of course, I wish to ruffle her as little as possible, +and nobody will wrap up the warning of our doctrine as +to the Ottoman Empire better than you will.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Undeterred by Lord Granville's just remonstrances +and equally undeterred by the Sultan's +assertion of his suzerainty claims, the French +entered Tunis and occupied the capital on May 11, +after little more than a mere promenade. On the +following day the Treaty of the Bardo, which +practically established a French Protectorate over +the country, was extorted from the Bey, and +declarations by the French Government made it +clear that no intervention, direct or indirect, would +be tolerated.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 13, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Barthélemy St. Hilaire certainly foreshadowed the +Tunisian Treaty accurately when he said that it would very +much resemble a Protectorate. It is so like one that it +would be difficult to point out a difference. The guaranteeing +the execution of the Treaties of the European Powers +is sufficiently impertinent. As in all these French expeditions, +there is a vast amount of dirty pecuniary stockjobbing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> +interests at the bottom, which have been the real motive +power.</p> + +<p>The whole affair is of very bad augury. It will inspire +the French Public with a love of resorting to high-handed +proceedings which can be indulged in without any real +risk. Gambetta said to Dilke that his Cherbourg speech +was the first glass of wine given to the Convalescent France, +good for her but somewhat startling to her system. This +Tunis expedition is the second. The patient has swallowed +it so complacently that she may soon wish for another, and +perhaps a stronger stimulant. They got Bismarck's leave +for this, and it will perhaps be a long time before they do +anything of the kind without his leave. But then he will +be sure to push them on to any undertakings which will +occupy their minds and their forces, and tend to put them +on bad terms with other Powers. And this is disquieting, +for there are not wanting all over the globe places and +questions in which the French might make themselves very +inconvenient and disagreeable to us, and might, if encouraged +by Bismarck, come at last to a downright quarrel +with us.</p> + +<p>Add to this the state of feeling in the English manufacturing +districts which is likely to be produced by the +Commercial proceedings of the French, and their virulent +Protectionism, and the prospect looks gloomy enough.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The actual proceedings of the French in Tunis +were in reality of less importance as regards England +than the spirit which they betrayed, for their reception +by the French public indicated a state of +feeling which might have dangerous consequences. +The preparations for the expedition were not considered +by impartial critics as particularly creditable +to the skill or efficiency of the French military +administration, and there had been nothing like +serious fighting in the short campaign. The question +had simply been one of bullying a defenceless +ruler, and of carrying on a high-handed policy in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> +the face of Europe. Nevertheless the whole affair +was hailed with almost unanimous delight by the +French people. Nor, apparently, was this delight +diminished by the reflection that the expedition +had not been undertaken without the approval +and encouragement of the German Government, +and that the favour had been acknowledged with +almost humiliating gratitude.</p> + +<p>Gambetta had represented that his object was +to emancipate France from the humiliation of having +to consult Bismarck confidentially beforehand upon +every step she took, but this humiliating precaution +was certainly not neglected in the case of Tunis, +and if there had been the slightest suspicion that +the expedition would have involved France in any +difficulty with Germany, public opinion would at +once have declared against it. From the German +point of view this was satisfactory enough, but +scarcely reassuring as far as other Powers were +concerned.</p> + +<p>The French had shown that they rejoiced in any +high-handed proceedings which did not bring them +into collision with Germany, and whilst it was not +improbable that their rulers would seek popularity +by gratifying this feeling, it seemed not unlikely +that the policy pursued by Germany with regard +to the Tunis expedition would be persevered in. +To disseminate the forces of France and to divert +the minds of the French from Alsace and Lorraine +by encouraging them to undertake distant enterprises +for the gratification of their vanity, was an +obvious means of increasing the safety of Germany, +and the more such enterprises tended to alienate +from France the sympathies of other Powers, the +more they would contribute to the security of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> +Germany. Unfortunately there were scattered over +the globe, numerous islands and other territories, +the annexation of which by France might be prejudicial +to English material interests or objectionable +to English feeling; and there were, moreover, +various countries in which the undue extension of +French influence might be dangerous to England, +and where France, if tempted or encouraged to +resort to arbitrary proceedings, might, without +deliberately intending it, become involved in a downright +quarrel with England. These considerations +made it desirable that especial caution should be +exercised in the case of Egypt. The effect of the +Tunis expedition upon Egypt had been twofold. +On the one hand, it increased Egyptian suspicions +of the insincerity and rapacity of European Powers; +on the other hand, it increased the reputation of +France in Egypt at the expense of the other +Powers and of England in particular, and diminished +any confidence in being effectively protected +from French encroachments. The lesson of the +Tunis expedition was obvious; it would clearly be +folly, either by withholding the tribute or by any +other step to weaken the connexion of Egypt with +the Porte, for the French Government had taken +elaborate pains to show that in dealing with Tunis +it was dealing with an independent Power. This +contention had naturally been resisted by the Porte, +and there was little difficulty in proving that +suzerainty had been effectually established by a +Firman of 1871. But the Sultan of Turkey, who +in the past had enjoyed the possession of more +suzerainties than any other potentate, had seldom +derived anything but embarrassment from this +particular attribute, and in the case of Tunis it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> +proved to be singularly inconvenient. Encountering +no opposition from other Powers, the French flouted +the claims of Abdul Hamid, and in order to signify +their new position, announced that the French representative +would thenceforth take charge of all +foreign questions. In spite, however, of the flexibility +of the European conscience with regard to the general +principle of the Sultan's suzerainty, it was recognized +that under certain circumstances that principle +must be conscientiously upheld; and it was, therefore, +intimated, more or less directly to the French +Government, that although the Sultan's suzerainty +in Tunis was a negligible quantity, the situation +in Tripoli was quite different, and so, in a far +greater degree, was that of Egypt.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 17, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>It is most true that the danger of bad relations between +us and the French arises from their proceedings not ours, +and that this makes the great difficulty in meeting it.</p> + +<p>The change of their position with regard to Bismarck +is another great difficulty. A little while ago dread of +Germany made them unwilling to send a regiment or a ship +to a distance from France, but since the Tunis affair, they +have gone into the trap he has set for them with their +eyes open. They feel sure of his support and encouragement +in any distant enterprises, and the surer of it in proportion +to the hostility which such enterprises may provoke +in England and Italy. They thus find a cheap way of +gratifying their vanity, and of advancing some of their +apparent interests. This coquetting with Bismarck does, +moreover, divert their thoughts from Alsace and Lorraine.</p> + +<p>I don't think it would be prudent to make any special +advances to Gambetta at this moment. We might not +please him and we should very probably offend Grévy and +Barthélémy St. Hilaire, and so interfere with the practical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> +treatment of present questions, such as the Commercial +Treaty, the West Coast of Africa, Newfoundland, etc.</p> + +<p>The anomalous position of the French in Tunis, and the +proceedings of Roustan<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> there, will keep up irritation in +England and Italy—and I suppose the French, annuente +Bismarck, will cut the Gordian knot, sooner or later, by +annexing it. They ought in consequence to acquiesce in +some improvement of the position of England in Egypt, +but this is dangerous ground.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The overbearing attitude of the French officials +in Tunis caused considerable irritation in England, +and something akin to exasperation in Italy. The +Italians, had they felt strong enough to do so, +would have resisted the French pretensions by force, +but being without an ally at the time, had to content +themselves with violent ebullitions in the press. The +ill-feeling between the two countries was marked +by serious riots at Marseilles and other towns in the +South of France.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 24, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I did my best to impress upon B. St. Hilaire yesterday +that there was real bitterness of feeling among the public +in England, and that if the French Government and its +agents persisted in a series of irritating measures, the +consequences might be very inconvenient. The French +had got all they could want, I said, and I could not help +wondering that it did not strike them that their policy +should now be to let the new system settle down quietly, +to avoid occasions of controversy about it, and in short, +to let Tunis be as little heard of as possible at present. It +was an ill return, I observed, for the great patience and +friendliness shown by our Government, to be perpetually +springing upon them surprises unpalatable to English +public opinion. He professed to <em>abonder dans mon sens</em>. +I entreated him to keep his subordinates in order.</p></blockquote> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span></p> +<blockquote> + +<p>The French seem to have an unpleasant business in +Western Algeria, and there is beginning to be an outcry +against the military and civil management of the troubles +there.</p> + +<p>Good feeling between French and Italians will not be +promoted by late events at Marseilles. The feelings of the +French towards the Italians there are like those of the +American workman towards the Chinese at San Francisco, +or of the Irish towards the negroes at New York. There +are said to be more than 50,000 Italians at Marseilles, and +they are apt to use their knives.</p> + +<p>There are symptoms of a growing antagonism between +Jules Ferry and Gambetta, signs of the feeling between +the Elysée and the Palais Bourbon.</p></blockquote> + +<p>After all, the Tunis expedition turned out to be +a rather more troublesome affair than had appeared +probable at first. At the end of June insurrections +broke out at Sfax and other places, necessitating +the recall of French troops who had been sent +back to France; bombardments, and other severe +measures of repression. The insurrection spread into +Algiers on the western side, and on the eastern side +the disturbances created the possibility of a violation +of the frontier of Tripoli by the French troops.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 5, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Retribution has come quickly upon the French for +their hypocritical seizure of Tunis. The Arabs seem to be +upon them in all directions. Although this serves them +right, it is, I think, much to be regretted for political +reasons, independently of the suffering it causes to un-offending +Europeans of various nationalities in Africa.</p> + +<p>If the French have to send a large force to Tunis, they +will very probably, formally as well as virtually, annex +the Regency. Tripoli will then stand exactly in the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> +relation to them that Tunis did before the assumption of +the Protectorate. After Tripoli would come Egypt; but +happily there is, I believe, a very impracticable desert tract +between them.</p> + +<p>How great must be the complacency of those who desire +to occupy French troops in distant countries, and to +involve France in difficulties with other Powers.</p></blockquote> + +<p>If the action of the French in seizing Tunis was +hypocritical, the contention that the case of Tripoli +stood on an entirely different footing was equally +unconvincing. The real truth, of course, was that, +with the exception of the Italians, no one really +objected to the French going to Tunis. They went +there, under distinctly false professions, announcing +that the expedition was intended solely to punish +refractory tribes, and that the occupation was merely +temporary. The disclosure of their real objects +naturally caused irritation in England as well as in +Italy, but all hostile criticism was met by the assertion +of the Liberal Government that Lord Salisbury +had himself invited the French to take Tunis at the +time of the Berlin Congress. The French themselves +were careful to represent that they had only +followed Lord Salisbury's advice, and Lord Granville, +in defence of his own policy, always maintained +that the phrase attributed to Lord Salisbury, +<em>Carthage ne doit pas rester aux barbares</em>, had cut +the ground from beneath his feet, and rendered +remonstrance useless. But to make Lord Salisbury +responsible for this act of flagrant immorality +seems, in the face of such evidence as is available, +unjustifiable. All that he had done was to intimate +that he had heard that the French were +extremely anxious to go to Tunis; that if they did +so, British interests would not be endangered, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> +that he should consequently look on with indifference. +When M. Waddington, in 1878, construed this opinion +as an invitation to France to appropriate Tunis, +Lord Salisbury felt bound to remonstrate, and he +wrote to Lord Lyons, as has been already shown. +'He (Waddington) makes me talk of Tunis and +Carthage as if they had been my own personal +property, and I was making him a liberal wedding +present.' The real instigator of the Tunis expedition +was not Lord Salisbury, but Bismarck. The +latter, who was omnipotent in Europe at the time, +could have stopped French action at any moment +he pleased, but instead of doing so, he naturally +encouraged an enterprise which was certain to lead +eventually to difficulties between France, Italy, and +England.</p> + +<p>While, however, it was convenient to overlook +any French illegality with reference to Tunis and +to its connection with the Turkish Empire, it would +have been, as has already been shown, manifestly +imprudent to allow Tripoli, which stood in a precisely +similar position, to be menaced with a similar fate: +besides which, Italy had already marked Tripoli down +as her own prey. Accordingly the French Government +were informed that 'in view of the unquestioned +incorporation of Tripoli in the Turkish +Empire, as well as its proximity to Egypt, Her +Majesty's Government could not regard interference +of whatever description on the part of the +French Government in that province in the same +manner as they viewed the recent occurrences at +Tunis. That Her Majesty's Government should +take this view of the question of Tripoli cannot, +they feel assured, be a source of surprise to that of +France, since they have, on all occasions when the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> +question of the extension of French influence in the +direction of Egypt has been under discussion, been +perfectly frank in their explanations with the French +Government on the subject.' In his reply to this +communication, M. B. St. Hilaire (who had previously +announced that to annex Tunis would be a +great mistake), effusively stated that the French +Government looked upon Tripoli as an integral +part of the Ottoman Empire, over which it did not +pretend to exercise a predominant or exclusive +influence, and gave a formal denial to all rumours +which attributed to France any designs upon that +country. The British Government professed itself +quite satisfied with these assurances, and the Porte, +for once in a way, showed sufficient intelligence +to make its suzerainty quite clear, by despatching +troops to garrison the country, and by other precautionary +measures. In consequence of these steps +Tripoli remained immune from attack for another +thirty-two years, and when, in 1912, the Italians, +following the French example of 1881, fell suddenly +upon it without any serious attempt at justification, +they did not allege that they were attacking a semi or +wholly-independent State, but declared war upon +Turkey itself, and incidentally brought about the +destruction of Turkish power in Europe. The future +of Tripoli under Italian rule is still obscure, while +the numerous prophecies of failure which attended +the seizure of Tunis by the French have not been +fulfilled, but in either case it would be difficult to +justify the morality of the enterprise or to defend +the policy of these two Great Christian Powers.</p> + +<p>The year 1881 witnessed the renewal of negotiations +for a new Commercial Treaty between +France and England, and in consequence of opinions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> +expressed by M. Tirard, the French Minister of Commerce, +it was determined to take the negotiations +out of the hands of diplomatists. M. Tirard had +declared that he believed that an understanding +could be effected if the question could be freed from +diplomatic dilatoriness, and that if he were brought +face to face with a 'competent and well-disposed +man,' the whole matter would be settled within a +week by making a few mutual concessions. To +meet these views, the late Sir Charles Dilke, M.P., +was appointed principal British Commissioner with +the late Sir Joseph Crowe, Sir Alfred Bateman, and +other distinguished experts as his colleagues or +assistants, but M. Tirard's prognostication turned +out to be entirely incorrect. In spite of the great +ability and indefatigable industry of Sir Charles +Dilke and the other British Commissioners, the +negotiations made a very unsatisfactory start, were +constantly broken off, and were not even concluded +by the end of the year, so that it must have been +impressed upon M. Tirard that dilatoriness was not +necessarily due to diplomacy. From the first, the +negotiations were unpromising, for Free Trade had +continually receded in France since the Empire, and +the necessity of cultivating good political relations +with England was evidently less in 1881 than it +had been upon the last occasion.</p> + +<p>The representatives of the two nations met in +London in June, and an inauspicious beginning was +made by the French Commissioners repudiating +the bases signed in 1880 by Lord Granville and +M. Léon Say. By the middle of the month the +breaking off of the negotiations was already being +considered.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Sir C. Dilke, M.P.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 14, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I received last evening your letter of the day before, +asking me whether I had anything to say on the policy of +breaking off the commercial negotiations when you get +to work.</p> + +<p>I don't think we should lose sight of the fact that there +will in all probability be a thorough change of Government +in France in the autumn. We might <em>perhaps</em> get a decent +treaty from the new Government if they found the negotiations +in progress. It might not be so easy to get negotiations +reopened if they had once been broken off, and the +French had become accustomed to the idea of having the +general tariff applied to British goods.</p> + +<p>Politically, it would, I think, be a great pity to begin +ill with the new Government, and I don't think we could +possibly begin well, in the state of feeling which would be +produced in this country, and still more I suppose in England, +by a commercial rupture.</p> + +<p>The majority of the French would be very glad that +the general tariff, or still higher duties, should be enforced +against English goods, but they would none the less be +irritated by our breaking with them.</p> + +<p>I confess, too, that I am alarmed, perhaps without +sufficient reason, at the effect which may be produced +both at home and abroad by the cry in England for +retaliation.</p> + +<p>My own plan would be, for the present, to pursue the +negotiation as seriously and as steadily as is compatible +with not committing ourselves to any decidedly objectionable +duties so definitely as to be hampered in subsequent +negotiations if we find the new Government more fairly +disposed towards us.</p> + +<p>If there was ever any possibility of concluding a Treaty +in time for it to be passed by the Chambers this Session, +there is certainly none now. Gambetta wanted to get +the question out of the way before the elections; but even +if the Treaty were signed, I don't think the Chambers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> +could be induced to consider it under present circumstances. +Nor would they, I should think, pass a bill to prolong the +existing Treaties.</p> + +<p>To my mind, our most prudent course would be to let +the new Chambers find the negotiations going on when they +meet in the autumn. I don't of course mean that you +should go on sitting every week from this time to the +autumn: it would suffice that there should not be any +adjournment <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">sine die</i>, and that we should not give any +ground for an assertion that we are not really willing to +conclude even a moderately fair treaty.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Lyons, as has already been stated, was, +like almost every British official of the time, a firm +and almost bigoted Free Trader; and it is possible +that his alarm at the prospect of retaliation was +caused by the appearance of the Fair Trade League; +that harbinger of Tariff Reform to which somewhat +inadequate justice has been rendered by its imitators. +But it is surprising to learn of these qualms, +when he is found predicting that the smaller countries +who were willing and able to retaliate on French +goods, would obtain better terms than England. +The very different spirit in which the smaller States +approached commercial questions with France is +shown in the following instructive account of the +views of the Swiss Minister at Paris, M. Kern.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Sir C. Dilke.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 25, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Last evening, after my letter to you of yesterday had +gone, I met Kern, who told me that in the course of the +day he had had an interview with M. Tirard, and also one +with M. Gambetta. He had, he said, declared most +distinctly to both, first, that Switzerland would not sign +a Treaty placing her in a less advantageous commercial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> +position than that now existing; and secondly, that if the +general tariff were applied to Swiss goods, French goods +would be forthwith subjected to duties of precisely the +same amount in Switzerland. He had, he said, somewhat +surprised M. Tirard by informing him that the Swiss +Government had power to impose such duties at once, +without waiting for legislative sanction.</p> + +<p>The impression left upon Kern's mind by the two +interviews was, that as hard a bargain as possible would +be driven by France, but that in the end they would rather +make moderate treaties than no treaties at all, if they +saw that this was the only alternative.</p> + +<p>He is going to Berne to confer with his Government, +and he says that he is sure they will approve and confirm +his language to Tirard and Gambetta.</p> + +<p>After these interviews, Kern was very positive that the +French Government were making a great fight to justify +themselves to the Chambers, but that if the Powers, and +particularly England, were firm, the French would yield +rather than incur the political and other inconveniences +of not making any treaty at all.</p> + +<p>I am not so sure as he seemed to be of this, but I think +that the French are alive to the political inconveniences +of breaking with England altogether; and it might therefore +be worthy of your consideration, whether, when you +go back to the Articles you reserved in the Tariff, you +should not make a last effort to see whether the French +cannot be brought to consent to a Treaty which would be +better commercially than no Tariff Treaty at all. It +might interfere with whatever chance of success such an +effort might have, for the French to feel beforehand that +they could get out of the political difficulty by signing a +simple Most Favoured Nation Treaty.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless I am not shaken in my opinion that it +would be advisable for you to sign a Most Favoured Nation +Treaty, if better may not be, before you break up the +Commission, or adjourn it for any long time.</p> + +<p>Commercially we had better make sure at once of sharing +the concessions which may be made to other Powers under +threats of retaliation.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span></p> + +<p>Politically we should, I think, find it most disadvantageous +to have even the appearance of being on bad terms +with France.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The British Government apparently still entertained +the illusion that there were real French Free +Traders. M. Challemel Lacour was the chief French +Commissioner and Lord Granville welcomed him as +a brother Free Trader. His brother Free Trader +said it was true that he was <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Libre-Echangiste</i>, but +he was <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Libre-Echangiste Français</i>, and recognized +the necessity of paying due consideration to the +interests of native industries. To this chilling response, +Lord Granville was forced to retort that he +must venture to doubt whether a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Libre-Echangiste +Français</i>, in His Excellency's acceptation of the term, +was not what in England was called a Protectionist. +M. Waddington had once stated that he was a Free +Trader 'bar cotton,' and whenever the French +Radical Parliamentary candidates, who were then +perambulating the country in view of an approaching +general election, were asked whether they were +Free Traders or not, they replied in the affirmative, +but qualified by a reserve in favour of French industries +which would be ruined by Free Trade. As +a matter of fact, the spirit of Protection was becoming +more and more ingrained in the French people, and +the best chance of getting a reasonable Commercial +Treaty lay in the hope that an election would bring +Gambetta into power.</p> + +<p>The London negotiations which had been temporarily +suspended were resumed at Paris in the autumn, +and continued during the remainder of the year; but +interest was diverted from commercial matters to +the events which were occurring in Egypt and their +probable effect upon Anglo-French relations.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span></p> + + + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV</a></h2> + +<p class="p1"><span class="bigger">ARABI'S REBELLION</span></p> + +<p class="p1">(1881-1882)</p> + + +<p>In September, 1881, the long-drawn-out Egyptian +crisis culminated in the military <em>coup d'état</em> of Arabi +and the colonels, which resulted in the dismissal +of the Ministry and the practical establishment in +Egypt of a military dictatorship. From that +moment European intervention, in some form, +became inevitable, and it was the object of the +British Government to continue to adhere honestly +and consistently to the policy of working in conjunction +with France, and to avoid carefully as long +as possible any action which might necessitate the +employment of force.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Sept. 30, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The article in the <cite>Times</cite> has produced an anti-English +explosion on the subject of Egypt, and was certainly well +calculated to do so.</p> + +<p>For my part, I think the best thing to be done is to take +an opportunity of distinctly manifesting at Cairo the +continuance of the Anglo-French understanding.</p> + +<p>If we let either the Egyptians or Foreign Powers +suppose they can upset that, we shall not be able to maintain +the English and French Controllers, and if they disappear, +the financial prosperity will disappear with them,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> +and we shall have the bondholders, French and English, +on our backs again.</p> + +<p>If we let in other Foreign Powers, and at the same time +try to establish English predominance, we shall have those +Powers coalescing with France against us.</p> + +<p>A split with us would very probably lead to France +throwing herself into the arms of Bismarck, and he would +encourage all her ambitious aims out of Europe, and, in +particular, those the prosecution of which would widen +the breach between her and England: or, in other words, +be especially annoying and inconvenient to us.</p> + +<p>I hope things are so far calming down in Egypt, that +we may not be called upon to take any special measures +this time; and the best hope of avoiding them in future +seems to be in making it understood that England and +France united will resist attempts to overthrow the existing +system.</p> + +<p>I am all against letting the Turks thrust the smallest +finger into the pie. At this moment the French would +never consent, and would consider our bringing in the +Turks a specially unfriendly act, with a view to their +Tunisian affairs. The less they merit any consideration +from us, the more sore they will be at not receiving it. +Besides which, where the Turkish hoof has trod, no grass +grows, and woe to the finances of any country with which +the Turk can meddle.</p> + +<p>Of course, in what I have said about Egypt I have confined +myself to the present and the immediate future.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The chances of being able to avoid active intervention +were in reality non-existent; for temporizing +measures taken in conjunction with France could +not put off for ever the day when, moral pressure +having been found insufficient, armed force would +necessarily have to be employed. When that day +arrived, the probability was that France would want +to send troops in conjunction with ours, and our +consent to that course might involve us in war with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> +France in a very short time. If we had the courage +to tell the French that our interests were paramount +in Egypt, and that therefore all other European +Powers must be kept out, then we must be prepared +to back our words with force, and everything therefore +pointed to the naval superiority of England in +the Mediterranean as being our paramount necessity. +With real naval superiority in the Mediterranean +we were practically able to make the French +do our bidding, if we chose. We had the power to +shut up their navy in French ports, to stop their +communications with Africa, to render powerless +two millions of French soldiers, and to demolish +Bismarck's schemes of elbowing us out of the +Mediterranean. Such was the happy position which +we enjoyed in 1881, and it was a great contrast to +that which we occupy at the present day; but it +did not tend towards promoting goodwill between +the two nations, and Lord Lyons constantly urged +that some joint understanding should be arrived at, +in the event of another military outbreak in Egypt. +The situation had been complicated by the despatch +of a Turkish mission, and the general impression +in France was that Arabi and the colonels would +shortly be engaged in a conspiracy to dethrone the +Khedive and to restore something like the old +<em>régime</em> in the country. A positive declaration from +the English and French Governments that they +would not tolerate the overthrow of the Khedive and +the established system might have effected much +if it was felt that the two Governments would interfere +by force, if necessary, rather than permit it; +but this would not be felt or believed unless the two +Governments had really come to an understanding +and had agreed upon details; and when it came to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> +discussing details the question at once presented +difficulties. These difficulties were not lessened by a +French Ministerial crisis in the autumn, as a crisis +usually produced a fit of petty Chauvinism, such an +encouragement to Consuls in the East to <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">porter haut +le drapeau de la France</i>, the bullying of local authorities, +and a demand for the extortion of monopolies +and concessions for French speculators.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 4, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The Treaty of Commerce and Egypt will probably be +the two first questions we shall have to discuss with the +new Government.</p> + +<p>The Commercial negotiations seem to me to have been +brought exactly to the right point. Having obtained the +three months prolongation, we have resumed the negotiation +on the day fixed, and have continued it <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">bona fide</i>; and +it now stands over in a manner which will enable us to see +in due time whether or no we can make a treaty with the +new Government.</p> + +<p>As regards Egypt, the opinion gains ground here that +at the bottom of the agitation there is (or soon will be) a +plot to dethrone Tewfik and put Halim in his place as a +'National': <em>i.e.</em> anti-European, anti-French, and anti-English +Control, Khedive. I understand that de Blignières +represented strongly to Gambetta that the only way to +produce quiet in Egypt and counteract intrigues in favour +of Halim at Yildiz Kiosk is for England and France to +declare positively at Cairo and Constantinople that they +will not stand it, but will resolutely support Tewfik and +the existing state of things. I do not know how far +Gambetta assented to this, but I am told he did not dissent +from it.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The result of much political manœuvring was +that in November, 1881, Gambetta was forced to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> +take office and to exchange the irresponsible power +which he had hitherto wielded in the background +for Ministerial responsibility. As frequently occurs +in similar cases, when the great mystery man was +dragged out into the light of open day, his appearance +was somewhat disappointing. His Administration, +with one exception only, was composed +entirely of men belonging to his own immediate +following, and contained no one of any weight +beside himself. Gambetta took the Foreign Office +as well as the Presidency of the Council, and on the +principle that <em>il vaut toujours mieux avoir affaire à +Dieu qu'à ses anges</em>, this was an advantage, although +it was believed that he entertained so great an +admiration for Bismarck, that, following the latter's +example, he would probably hand over the foreign +diplomatist to an under secretary. The first impressions +produced by the new Ministry were not +favourable.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 18, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I don't think the present Ministry is so far at all a +success. Among other inconveniences arising from the +appointment of men of so little personal importance is that +there is no one in Gambetta's party who does not think +that he ought to have been a Minister; or, in other words, +who acquiesces in the superiority of any of those chosen. +The fact that Léon Say and Freycinet were offered portfolios, +but would not accept them on Gambetta's terms, +tells against the selection ultimately made. Gambetta's +personal genius must make up for all deficiencies. He +appears to have a talent in particular for parliamentary +tactics, especially for making the right move on the spur +of the moment. I doubt his having deep-matured plans. +So far as I can see, he lives <em>au jour le jour</em> like ordinary +men.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span></p> + +<p>I had a long visit yesterday from Spüller, but we did +not get much beyond generalities. Gambetta and I have +exchanged visits, but have not met.</p> + +<p>I do not hazard conjectures on commercial matters, as +Dilke will ascertain to-morrow exactly how the land lies. +... As a diplomatist, I cannot but feel that there is +convenience in being a bachelor just now.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The last sentence does not refer to the fact that +he had just been created a Viscount, but to the +somewhat peculiar domestic circumstances attaching +to certain members of the new Government.</p> + +<p>It had been assumed that Gambetta's accession +to office would be marked by a more vigorous foreign +policy, especially in the direction of acquiring fresh +territories in distant regions; but this was not +justified by his own language or bearing, and at his +first interview with the Ambassador he abstained +from pompous common-places about preferring +England to all the rest of the world, and desiring +peace at any price, which was looked upon as a +good sign. At the same time, there was, in his +speeches about Tunis and the Mediterranean, a +slight flavour of Chauvinism which would not have +excited remark before 1870, but which would not +have appeared in 1880, and would certainly not have +been applauded in 1881, unless it had become generally +known that Bismarck had sanctioned and +encouraged French enterprises away from the continent +of Europe.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 6, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Gambetta gave the Diplomatic Body an excellent +dinner last Saturday, and played his part as host very +successfully.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span></p> + +<p>What may be at the bottom of his heart, nothing has +yet shown.</p> + +<p>The change which has come over the relations between +France and Germany opens to him the door for a comparatively +safe yet ambitious Foreign Policy. Will he +resist the temptation?</p> + +<p>During the years which immediately followed the war, +the feeling of France towards Germany was composed of +furious hatred and of mortal dread. The line taken, +consciously or unconsciously, by Germany tended to add +bitterness to this feeling. She interfered dictatorially with +France even in internal matters. Her object seemed to +be not only to impede the restoration of French strength +and wealth, but to prevent the French recovering even +prestige anywhere. She was, or affected to be, convinced +that a war of revenge on the part of France was imminent. +She was believed by the French to be angry at their showing +so much vitality and to be preparing to give them the +<em>coup de grâce</em>.</p> + +<p>At this moment, however, neither France nor Germany +appears to apprehend an attack or to be prepared to make +one. Each appears to consider the other too strong to +be attacked with impunity. Certainly Gambetta would +not find the nation in heart to follow him in defying +Germany. If therefore his policy or his passions incline +him to do something striking to flatter the national vanity, +how is he to find the means? The Tunis affair has given +Bismarck an opportunity of showing him. It has enabled +the Chancellor to convince the French that they will have +the countenance of Germany in any enterprise in which +they may engage out of Europe.</p> + +<p>How far this may be part of a great plan of Bismarck's +to secure German supremacy in Europe by pushing Austria +into the Levant, Russia into Asia, and France into Africa +and the Mediterranean, and by shutting up England in +her own islands, we need not inquire. In any case it +must suit Prince Bismarck to see France making acquisitions +of territory or influence, which weaken her military +force in Europe, throw burthens on her finances, and make +ill blood between her and other Powers.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Unhappily if Gambetta is so short-sighted as to give in +to temptation of this kind, difficult questions are, more +than with any other Power, likely to arise with England, +who is in contact with France all over the world and +especially in the Mediterranean.</p> + +<p>I hope better things, and I am not at all willing to +despair of a thorough good understanding between France +and England which would avert danger from both, and +enable both to do good to all the world. Still one cannot +but be anxious at this moment. Egypt may be the +ticklish point.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Parliamentary skill of Gambetta was seen +to advantage during the short winter session, and +compared favourably with the want of tact and +vigour which had been displayed by his predecessors. +He even obtained a success in the Senate, where he +had not expected to find any sympathy at all, and +some of the more sensible Conservatives became +disposed to support him, more from fear of what +might result if he fell than from personal attachment. +Some of his appointments, however, aroused alarm, +and he perturbed Lord Lyons by bestowing upon +a journalist a most important post in the Foreign +Office.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 30, 1881.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I will not despair, but I am feeling very great anxiety +about the Commercial Treaty. I am afraid that on this +side of the Channel, much more than in England, the failure +of the negotiations would have a most undesirable political +effect. In France and on the Continent generally, it would +be taken as a sure indication of a coolness between the two +Governments. Gambetta would be taunted by the Opposition +with having alienated England (Italy having been +alienated before). Gambetta's supporters in the press and +elsewhere would try to throw the blame upon England, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> +English press would retort upon France, and a very unpleasant +state of feeling would be the result.</p> + +<p>Gambetta has astounded people by appointing a flashy +newspaper writer, of no particular principles, to the post +of Political Director in the Foreign Office. The Political +Director is almost the most important person in the office, +as he drafts all the political despatches and notes. I hope +the communications to the foreign ambassadors are not +to be in the style of 'smart' newspaper articles. I confess +that when I saw the appointment in the <cite>Journal Officiel</cite>, it +did not occur to me that the man could be the same Weiss +who had been writing in the <cite>Figaro</cite>.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The friendly disposition of Gambetta towards +England has already been noted, and beyond a +certain tendency in his speeches towards Chauvinism, +there was nothing in his conduct calculated to arouse +alarm, but nevertheless a critical moment in Anglo-French +relations appeared to be approaching at the +beginning of 1882. The Government of France had +passed into the hands of a Minister far more influential, +more able, and more ambitious than any +man who had taken part in public affairs since the +retirement of Thiers, and the time was at hand +when that Minister must decide on the line of policy +to be followed with regard to Foreign Powers. The +character and temperament of Gambetta naturally +disposed him to endeavour to make his Foreign +Policy more vigorous, more successful and more +striking than that of his predecessors, and with that +object he would probably take one of two courses. +Either he would aim at emancipating France from +her existing confidential servility towards Germany; +or, despairing of that, he would continue the existing +relations with Bismarck, and thus ensure the latter's +willing acquiescence in aggressive proceedings on the +part of France beyond the limits of Europe.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span></p> + +<p>In order to shake off the German yoke, Gambetta +evidently considered it essential that he should be +able to place himself on distinctly friendly and +intimate terms with England, and if he failed in +this, the probability was that he would be obliged +to revert to the patronage which was felt to be so +irksome. But the change which had come over the +relations between France and Germany opened the +door to a foreign policy which was comparatively +safe and easy, and yet did not present the disadvantage +of being unambitious. The period which +immediately followed the war of 1870, was, as has +already been pointed out, marked by a feeling in +France towards Germany of fierce hatred combined +with extreme fear, and German policy, whether +consciously or unconsciously, tended to embitter +this feeling. Germany interfered dictatorially and +ostentatiously even in French internal affairs, and +the object seemed to be not only to crush the +reviving strength of France, but to prevent her +recovering anywhere, or in any matter, the smallest +portion of her lost <em>prestige</em>. The German Government +professed to believe that a war of revenge +was meditated, and was credited with the intention +of finally destroying France before the latter +should be sufficiently recuperated to resume the +struggle.</p> + +<p>But with the lapse of time, a change of policy, +and, to a certain extent, a change of feeling had +taken place on both sides. Neither country was +in any immediate apprehension of an attack from +the other. A somewhat ostentatious interchange of +courtesy had been substituted for their former +reserve, and Bismarck had seized the opportunity +of the invasion of Tunis to let the French understand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> +that they would have the countenance of Germany +in enterprises undertaken by them out of Europe. +Apart from all far-reaching schemes for securing +German supremacy in Europe, it was obviously +in the interests of Germany that France should +engage in enterprises and make acquisitions which +dispersed her armies, disorganized her finances and +created ill feeling with other Powers.</p> + +<p>Gambetta was much too intelligent a man not +to see through this policy, but the temptation to +direct the energies of France into the Colonial, +rather than the continental direction, might prove +too strong for him if he despaired of gaining +credit for his Government in another way. Unhappily, +in such a case, with no Power were difficulties +so likely to arise as with England, which was +more or less in contact with France in all parts of +the world, and especially in the Mediterranean. +Nor could it be forgotten that in the speeches +lately delivered on the subject of Tunis, Gambetta +had made strong appeals to national pride with +regard to French possessions and interests beyond +the seas.</p> + +<p>Still there was no reason to suppose that the so-called +Colonial Policy was Gambetta's first choice. +He was known to chafe under the practical subservience +of France to Germany, and to feel deeply +humiliated by it. At the bottom of his heart he +cherished an ardent desire to recover the lost provinces, +but he knew that neither the military strength +of France nor the spirit of the people would warrant +his attempting this within any assignable period. +He did, however, aim at freeing the French Government +from the sort of occult control which Germany +had recently exercised over it, and at improving the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> +position of France as a Great Power. He desired +to present the Government over which he presided +to France and to Europe as taking a dignified and +important part in international questions, and +feeling that these objects could best be attained by +a real and visible friendship with England, he was +evidently disposed to treat pending questions with +a view to maintaining and manifesting a cordial +understanding.</p> + +<p>The two most important questions of the moment +were, of course, Egypt and the Commercial Treaty.</p> + +<p>As regards Egypt, there was so far complete +unity between the two Governments—the strain +having not yet arrived—but the conclusion of a +Commercial Treaty appeared to be a more arduous +affair. Gambetta was apparently ready to go as +far towards making an acceptable Treaty as was +possible without risking a defeat in the Chambers. +But if the negotiations were to fail, he would probably +despair of keeping up good feeling towards England +in France. He would conceive that the failure +would discredit him in the eyes of France and of +Europe; that it would convey to foreign Governments +an impression, which he could not remove, of +there being a coolness between France and England, +and that it would oblige him to seek for his Foreign +Policy some other basis than union with England.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the fear that unsuccessful commercial +negotiations would convert Gambetta into a foe +was partly due to a communication from Sir Charles +Dilke announcing that a commercial ultimatum was +about to be hurled at the French Government. +This communication is extremely instructive from +the English Parliamentary point of view, for it +recommended that in despatches the word 'bargain'<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> +should be carefully avoided, 'as it would strengthen +the reciprocity argument.' In other words, although +wine duties were to be utilized for the purpose of +bargaining, the fact was not to be disclosed lest it +might be construed as a departure from the sacred +principles of Free Trade.</p> + +<p>Attention was, however, quickly diverted from +the Commercial Treaty to Egypt. On January 8, +the British and French Governments presented the +so-called Dual Note, in which they declared their +intention of 'warding off by their united efforts all +causes of external or internal complications, which +might menace the <em>régime</em> established in Egypt.' +The Dual Note was by no means as successful as +had been hoped, and it is clear that Gambetta was +in favour of more decided and independent action +than the British Cabinet. Within a few days Lord +Granville was already writing to Lord Lyons and +asking him whether it would not be advisable for +England and France to ask permission from the +Powers to appear as mandatories of Europe.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Jan. 17, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The news from Egypt is certainly not reassuring, and +the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">mauvais quart d'heure</i> may arrive at any moment.</p> + +<p>M. Gambetta would probably desire joint intervention; +the objections to this are immense: I need not recapitulate +them all to you.</p> + +<p>Single occupation, by England or by France, still +more so.</p> + +<p>I am not quite sure that Turkish occupation under +proper conditions and control by France and England, +although a great evil, would not be less bad than the three +alternatives I have mentioned. But it is not only bad in +itself, but it would be strongly opposed by the French,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> +although it would be supported by the German Powers. +In these circumstances, an observation of Malet's struck +me as having some force. Talking of the intentions of +some of the other Powers to have their part in the question, +he said it would not be so objectionable, if they consented +to allow the English and French to be the mandatories.</p> + +<p>The idea seemed to me to be worth considering, and +I spoke to Tenterden and Rivers Wilson (but to no one +else) and requested them to draw up a memorandum as to +how this could be carried out. I send you an extract, and +I should like to have your opinion on it before I submit it +even to Gladstone as a possibility.</p> + +<p>Gambetta of course would not like it. But his difficulty +is as great as ours if he were to understand that we will +not agree to joint occupation. There would be nothing +humiliating to France if the proposal was freely consented +to by both countries and jointly offered to Egypt.</p> + +<p>For us it would only be acting on the Concert of Europe +principle, about which we have been making such a fuss.</p></blockquote> + +<p>This somewhat half-hearted proposal met with +no approval from Lord Lyons, who expressed his +objections in more decisive terms than were usual +with him.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 19, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>In your letter of the day before yesterday you ask me +for my opinion on a suggestion as to admitting other +Powers to take part in the Egyptian Question, on the +supposition that France and England should be their +mandatories.</p> + +<p>This would, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">ipso facto</i>, be the abandonment of the +exceptional position which England and France have taken +up in Egypt. Whether this position can be, or ought to +be, maintained for a long time, is a question which I will +not stop to examine.</p> + +<p>That a proposal to abandon it, at this moment, would +have a very bad effect on our relations with France, does<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> +not, I think, admit of a doubt. It would be taken as an +abandonment of our intention to give up, in the face of +Europe, all special intimacy with the French Government. +It would give rise to suspicions that we were trying to use +the other Powers for the purpose of ousting France from +Egypt. The union of England and France on the Egyptian +Question is the principal symbol of there being a good +understanding between them, and to this symbol the French +attach no little importance.</p> + +<p>I don't know that the designation of mandatories of +Europe would mend the matter. The other Powers would +not commission England and France to decide by themselves +what measures should be recommended for Egypt. +They might depute England and France to enforce the +decisions of Europe, but this would only bring us back to +the joint intervention of the two Powers in a particularly +awkward and unmanageable form.</p> + +<p>Practically, it would, I think, be found much more +difficult for us to keep well with France, if the other Powers +were also to have a voice in details. Hitherto England +and France have managed to come to an agreement with +each other on the questions that have arisen. It might be +made more difficult for them invariably to side with each +other against other Powers. Political considerations as to +affairs distinct from Egypt might come into play. Setting +aside a natural and not improper jealousy on the part of +each, lest its associate should obtain separate and undue +influence, the interests of England and France in Egypt +are very much the same. The main interest of some Governments, +and in particular that of the Porte, might be +antagonistic to cordiality between the two Western Powers.</p> + +<p>A Commission appointed now to deal with questions +relating to the government and administration of Egypt +would be a different matter from the Commissions of 1878 +and 1880.</p> + +<p>In the first place, it seems probable that the Sultan +would protest strongly against it, and that he would do so +whether or no there were Turkish members of it appointed +by him. His Majesty might possibly acquiesce under strong +pressure from all the Powers, but would all the Powers put<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> +such pressure on him? In all matters bearing upon the +relations between the Porte and Egypt, it must, I am +afraid, be taken into consideration that neither France +singly, nor England singly, nor the two acting together, +are likely at the present time to exercise predominant +influence at Constantinople; and that, on the other hand, +the Power which does exercise predominant influence +there shows no disposition to jeopardize that influence +by giving unpalatable advice, and is not supposed to have +any desire to promote cordiality between England and +France.</p> + +<p>Moreover, we have to consider not only the Sultan and +the Khedive, but the mutinous officers and the so-called +National Party in Egypt. From a telegram which Gambetta +showed me yesterday, it would appear that Arabi had +expressed some idea of appealing against England and +France to the Great Powers collectively. But would he +and his party, whose watchword seems to be 'Egypt for +the Egyptians,' submit passively to the installation of a +Foreign Commission to settle all the important national +questions? Would they acquiesce in the subsequent +enforcement of the decision of the Commission?</p> + +<p>The Commission might certainly sit at Alexandria, and +it might perhaps have the support afforded by the presence +of an Anglo-French squadron, or an International squadron. +In either case, would the squadron be provided with men to +be landed in case of need, and would the Commission be +authorized to call for the assistance and protection of a +force to be put on shore? If this were so, it might be +merely a small beginning which might ultimately render +intervention in arms on a larger scale inevitable.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, if the presence of the squadron were +to be merely a naval demonstration, would the fact of its +being more or less representative of all the Great Powers +give it much more weight than if it were made on behalf +of England and France alone? Would it, in either case, +be safe to trust to the moral effect of its being sufficient, +and to its not rendering further action imperative?</p> + +<p>Gambetta seems to hope that firm and decided language, +used collectively now by France and England, may ward<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> +off a crisis. If there be any chance of warding off a +necessity for action, it no doubt lies in this; but I suppose +that with Gambetta the wish is father to the thought. +On the one hand, in face of the present unpopularity of the +Tunis expedition, it would be very awkward for him to +have to send another French force to Africa at the present +moment. But, on the other hand, he could not confront +the mass of enraged bondholders if he abandoned their +interests; and public opinion here, which is very sensitive +about Egypt, would not tolerate his letting France be +openly set at naught in that country.</p> + +<p>It is needless to add that the French Government +would bitterly resent it, if any hint were given to a third +Power, without their having been previously consulted, if +there is any idea on our part of withdrawing from our +separate understanding with them, and merging Egypt +in the general Eastern Question. If they were ever +brought to consent to calling in the other Powers, they +would not readily forgive having their hands forced in +the matter.</p> + +<p>For my own part, I would certainly, as regards Egypt, +rather have to deal with France only than with four or +five more Powers.</p></blockquote> + +<p>There can be no shadow of doubt that Lord +Lyons's view was the correct one, but Lord Granville +and Mr. Gladstone (no other member of the Cabinet +is mentioned) seem to have hankered after the +Concert of Europe, probably in consequence of the +stroke of luck at Dulcigno.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>'Your very powerful letter,' Lord Granville wrote on +January 21, 'is gone to Gladstone. It is not easy to +find an answer to all your arguments. The question is +whether there are not stronger arguments against any +other course. I think it is likely that I shall write to +you to ask you to speak to Gambetta.</p> + +<p>'On the imminence of the crisis: the importance of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> +perfect union between England and France: our strong +objection to intervene alone—giving as reasons:—opposition +of Egyptians; of Turkey; jealousy of Europe; +responsibility of governing a country of Orientals without +adequate means and under adverse circumstances; +presumption that France would object as much to our +sole occupation as we should object to theirs.</p> + +<p>'Have carefully considered joint occupation; some of +the objections to sole occupation lessened, but others +most seriously aggravated.</p> + +<p>'Deprecate Turkish intervention, but think it a lesser +evil than the two to which I have alluded, giving some +reasons.</p> + +<p>'Then propose the European element, as sketched out +in my private letter.</p> + +<p>'Any concessions to Europe after any demonstrations +on the part of the German powers and Italy would place +us in a false position; but if made spontaneously and +jointly by France and England, would not have that +inconvenience.</p> + +<p>'Please reflect upon the way such arguments might +best be put, but let me have all your opinions upon it.</p> + +<p>'Such able letters as your last are very valuable.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>Another letter written on the same day asks for +advice as to what should be done 'if the crisis +arrives, as is probable, in a week.' It was very +evident that the Cabinet had no definite plan of +their own, and were only too glad of the opportunity +of consulting some one whose opinion was worth +having.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, January 22, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have received this morning your two letters of yesterday +about Egypt; and I have reconsidered the letters from +me of the 19th to which they are answers.</p> + +<p>There exists at this moment one new difficulty, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> +uncertainty whether Gambetta will still be in office this +day week.</p> + +<p>I do not, however, find in this circumstance any reason +to modify the views expressed in my long letter.</p> + +<p>Whoever may be in office here at the time, if we proposed +to call in the other Powers, we should be held (to +use Commercial Treaty slang) to have 'denounced' our +good understanding with France. We should be reproached +with deserting our comrade at the critical moment, and I +am seriously afraid that for a long time the feeling in France +towards England would be bitter, and the relations of the +French Government towards the English Government more +than cold.</p> + +<p>In my communication to the French Government +respecting Egypt, there are some topics in particular which +would require delicate handling.</p> + +<p>First of these, I should mention Turkish intervention. +This has been a subject of difference between France and +England for half a century, and the French have a traditional +feeling on the subject at all times. But at this +moment they (rightly or wrongly) think it a matter of vital +importance to them with regard to Algeria and Tunis, and +they would go very great lengths to resist the introduction +of the Turkish Troops into Egypt, or the increase of Turkish +influence there. They always suspect us of hankering +after Turkish support against them, not reflecting that +our influence at Constantinople is not so predominant as +when they supported Mehemet Ali against the Porte and +England.</p> + +<p>Another topic on which the French might be sensitive +would be the question of governing a country of Orientals. +This is a matter on which I feel strongly myself, but it +would need to be dealt with very cautiously, or the French +would see in it a sneer against their own shortcomings in +Tunis and even in Algeria.</p> + +<p>The objections to joint dual occupation are strong, but +almost any statement of them would apply with equal +force, or more, to joint sextuple occupation, or to the +occupation by two Powers as mandatories of the rest.</p> + +<p>Malet, I see, telegraphs that the Chamber would, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> +thinks, listen to the united Great Powers, but would not +listen to England and France alone.</p> + +<p>Admitting that Malet is right (and he generally is right), +there always remains the difficulty as to putting this +cumbersome six-wheeled waggon into motion in any +reasonable time.</p> + +<p>And this brings me to the question in your second +letter, what course should I recommend, if the crisis, as is +probable, arises in a week.</p> + +<p>It seems to me that in that case either things must be +let 'slide,' or England and France must take some step +together, without waiting for the other Powers.</p></blockquote> + +<p>All the anxious speculations which had taken +place with regard to Gambetta's future foreign +policy turned out to be quite unnecessary, for on +January 27, after little more than two months of +office, he resigned, having been defeated, like any +ordinary political mediocrity, on a question of +domestic interest. His place was taken by M. de +Freycinet, who succeeded in forming a respectable +Ministry, but whose policy with regard to Egypt +was as vague and undecided as that of the British +Government, and whose views with regard to a +Commercial Treaty were supposed to be identical +with those of his predecessor.</p> + +<p>Advantage was taken of the change by Lord +Granville to again urge the substitution of the +Concert of Europe for purely Anglo-French control +in Egypt, and Freycinet showed himself much more +amenable than Gambetta. As far as can be +gathered, the attitude of both Governments was the +reverse of heroic; the British Government was +anxious to hand over its responsibility to other +parties, and the French Government was not disposed +to take any initiative at all. The French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> +were, in fact, waiting for England to make a +suggestion, and while perhaps ready to act in conjunction, +wished that the responsibility of whatever +proceedings were adopted in common, should rest +primarily, if not exclusively, upon England. The +Tunis enterprise had proved to be so much more +troublesome and expensive than had been expected, +that the Government shrank from becoming involved +in anything of the same nature in Egypt. +But the condition of affairs in Egypt was such that +even the timid Freycinet Government might find +its hand forced. An insult to a French functionary +might produce an outbreak of Chauvinism which +would force the Government to send a force to +avenge it, and Gambetta would certainly have had +a force ready for a contingency of this kind.</p> + +<p>Nubar Pasha was in Paris at the time, and his +views on the Egyptian situation were not without +interest.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 7, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I do not find the least diminution of the French opposition +to Turkish intervention in Egypt, even if it were only +moral.</p> + +<p>Nubar has been here for some months, and often comes +to see me. His first object in life seems to be to get +Blignières out of Egypt, and his second to get Tewfik +deposed. I conclude that he thinks that both are obstacles +to his own return to power. His language is, that the +dictation of the English and French Controllers in Egypt +was more than any country could bear; that the present +state of things is much better; office and power being in +the same hands; that Arabi Bey and his compeers will do +very well if they are properly managed, and that two quiet, +conciliatory (perhaps we should read imbecile) Controllers +would keep everything straight. I think he inclines to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> +moral intervention of the Sultan. He seems to be intriguing +with Germany. He had an interview with +Freycinet, to whom, according to his own account, he held +the language I have described above. He talks more ably +than any one else about Egypt, but always with a view to +his own interests.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Any one who ever conversed with the late Nubar +Pasha could not fail to be impressed with his ability, +but like many other able Orientals, he was a consummate +intriguer, and probably the predominant +feeling in his mind was a desire to be reinstated in +power. It should be explained that, at this time, +Arabi was already practically at the head of the +Government, although only occupying the post of +Minister of War, and that M. de Blignières was +still French Controller. M. de Blignières, however, +resigned his post on March 12, and an open letter<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> +from him to M. Clémenceau threw a lurid light on +the tortuous and inexplicable course of French policy +in Egypt.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">'Lorsqu'il (Cherif Pasha) a du quitter le pouvoir; +lorsque j'ai compris que les chefs du parti militaire, qui +l'avaient renversé, pouvaient compter sur la bienveillance +de notre gouvernement, ce jour-là, ne me faisant +aucune illusion sur les conséquences nécessaires de cette +politique nouvelle, j'ai résigné mes fonctions.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>If, therefore, M. de Blignières was correct, the +French were playing a double game; ostensibly +acting in concert with England against the Nationalist +agitation in Egypt, while secretly encouraging Arabi +and his friends to persevere in their efforts. In one +respect, however, they were consistent, namely in +their opposition to Turkish intervention, and the +traditional French opposition to Turkish influence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> +in Egypt was accentuated in consequence of the +recent events in Tunis and Algeria.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, April 4, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>You will have seen by the despatches I sent you by +post yesterday that Freycinet has at last put the dots on +his i's, and distinctly proposed that Tewfik shall be deposed +and Halim put in his place. I cannot say I take to the +idea. As you said to Tissot, there might be some good in +it if Halim had great moral and intellectual qualities. But +I don't see that we have any reason to suppose he has such +qualities. Nor indeed, if he had, do I see how his mere +appointment would at once set things straight in Egypt. +The removal of Ismail was a great blow to the prestige +of the Khediviate, and it would require a genius to re-establish +its authority, if another deposition takes place +in so short a time. I do not understand how Freycinet +reconciles his present idea with his objection to Turkish +interference. If the Khedive is in daily fear of being +deposed by the Sultan, there will be abject submission to +Yildiz Kiosk and a constant flow of backsheesh to the Porte.</p> + +<p>Halim no doubt promises the French that he will be +their man, and if he becomes so, they may go great lengths +to support him; but how will this suit us? And how long +will it be before it leads to something very like armed +intervention of the French in support of him?</p> + +<p>Then it seems to me that to depose Tewfik would be +something very like treachery, after the dual declaration +made to him in January.</p> + +<p>It seems to me that the things to aim at should be: to +keep Tewfik; to give him some strength against military +dictation, and to preserve the Anglo-French Control, which +means a reasonable financial administration, and gives us +at any rate some means of knowing what the Egyptians +(perhaps I ought to add) what the French are about.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The immoral proposal to depose Tewfik met with +no encouragement from Her Majesty's Government,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> +as was only to be expected, and the only conclusion +to be drawn from the equivocal language of M. de +Freycinet was that he felt armed intervention to +be inevitable, but wanted the proposal to come from +England. He tried to persuade Lord Lyons to +propose a plan of his own which should be put forward +privately, but this met with no approval at all. +'"Private and between ourselves conversations," +between Ambassadors and Foreign Ministers generally +cause mischief.'</p> + +<p>As the situation in Egypt continued to get worse, +the British Government was forced to take some +action, and accordingly suggested that three generals, +French, English, and Turkish, should be sent to +Egypt 'to restore discipline to the Egyptian army.' +As it was not proposed that these generals should +employ anything but moral force, it is difficult to +see how they could have succeeded, but Lord Granville +appears to have considered that it would +obviate armed interference, and the French Government +having no plan of their own were presumably +ready to accept almost anything, but caused +considerable embarrassment by asking for a pledge +that Turkish intervention by force of arms, in any +circumstances, would not be tolerated. What +Freycinet wanted, in fact, was to be able to declare +to the Chamber that England and France were +agreed not to allow armed Ottoman intervention.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 5, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Freycinet asked me just now to let him speak to me +'privately and academically' about intervention in Egypt. +He said his great objection to Turkish intervention was +that as matters now stand, it would take place for a vague<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> +and indefinite object: that thus it would be impossible to +fix the exact time at which that object would be accomplished, +and that thus the Turks would have pretexts for +prolonging it indefinitely, for mixing themselves up in the +administration, for laying their hands on the Treasury, +and what not.</p> + +<p>If the intervention was simply for installing a new +Khedive, his objections would be less. This would be a +single definite sovereign act of the Sultan. It might be +accomplished in a week or ten days, and the Ottoman +troops would have no pretext for staying, or for interfering +in the administration. He should not object to a Turkish, +French, and English fleet going to Egypt to support some +single definite act of this kind, nor even, speaking solely +for himself personally, to Turkish troops being landed.</p> + +<p>After some questioning from me, he said that, for a +single definite object, he personally might even prefer +a Turkish intervention, but that for any such vague purpose +as supporting Tewfik and restoring order, he thought +Turkish intervention absolutely inadmissible. If anything +of that kind was to be attempted, Anglo-French seemed +to him the least open to objection. Italian seemed to him +to be worse than Turkish.</p> + +<p>His idea was that we should set on foot some Government +that could stand by itself. Under Tewfik no such +Government would in his opinion be ever possible. He had +no predilection for any particular individual as Khedive: +all he wanted was to have some reasonably efficient man +at the head of the Government.</p> + +<p>He begged me to consider all this as strictly confidential, +personal, private, and academic; and he said that except +in a conversation of this character, he could not even have +mentioned the possibility of France consenting under any +conceivable circumstances to Turkish intervention; for he +was by no means sure that it would ever be agreed to by +his colleagues or borne by public opinion.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The 'confidential, personal, private, and academic' +character of M. de Freycinet's conversation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> +was, of course, merely intended to conceal his own +vacillation and fear of having to communicate to +the Chambers any announcement that he had +sanctioned Turkish intervention in any shape whatever. +A little later, however, he nerved himself +to make a proposal that there should be a joint +Anglo-French Naval Demonstration off Alexandria. +An allied squadron consequently proceeded to that +port, and its appearance produced a temporary +panic in the ranks of the Nationalists; the latter, +however, speedily recovered when it was realized +that there were no troops on board, and that the +Sultan, far from approving of the demonstration, +had protested against it. The ultimatum of the +allies was practically rejected, and Arabi, who had +been compelled to resign, was reinstated in office +nominally as Minister of War, in reality as dictator. +To make Freycinet's position still worse, he got into +difficulties in the Chamber.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 26, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The explosion has come, and if the irritation that prevails +in Paris to-day continues, Freycinet will be out of +office, or will, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">per fas et nefas</i>, back out of his proposal that +Turkish intervention may be resorted to in Egypt. His +Chauvin speech in the Chamber about French preponderance, +and what not, is now of course turned against him.</p> + +<p>There is an impression here that in order to keep +Gambetta out of office, Bismarck may help Freycinet to +eat his words.</p> + +<p>I am afraid that now, whether Freycinet stays in or +goes out, it will be next to impossible to have any comfortable +understanding with France about intervention in +Egypt.</p> + +<p>Even supposing all the other Powers cordially united<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> +with us, to repeat the experiment of 1840 would be dangerous, +and would produce a scarcely ever to be remedied +coldness (to call it by a mild name) between us and France.</p> + +<p>Then I share all Dufferin's misgivings as to the possibility +of either controlling the Turks if they set foot in Egypt, or +of ever getting them out. I have also a very strong fear +of my own as to the mischief they would do to the country. +Even if they went with the acquiescence of France, I +think we should be constantly in hot water with the French +as long as they stayed.</p> + +<p>If Gambetta comes in he will no doubt again propose +joint Anglo-French intervention. Unless the Porte is +backed up very strongly indeed, he will very likely make +its intervention in Egypt something like a <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">casus belli</i> with +Turkey—or in fact do as the French did with regard to +Tunis—declare that he will oppose by force the despatch +of Turkish troops to Egypt.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Anglo-French Naval Demonstration had +been intended as a compromise between the two +Governments over the question of Turkish intervention, +but when it was seen to be useless, it was +agreed that the Sultan should be asked to send a +Special Commission to Cairo, and communications +were made to the other Powers with a view to convoking +a European Conference on Egypt; M. de +Freycinet, who had for three months opposed the +English proposal for Turkish intervention, suddenly +discovering that there was no danger about it, if +requested jointly by England and France. The +Turkish Commission which proceeded to Egypt was +not more successful in restoring order than the Anglo-French +Naval Demonstration. It consisted of three +persons; one of whom, Dervish Pasha, was instructed +to support the Khedive and to threaten +the Nationalist leaders; the second Commissioner +was instructed to support Arabi and his associates;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span> +and the duty of the third Commissioner was to spy +upon his two colleagues. In order to make everything +quite safe, the latter was accompanied by a +fourth official, whose duty it was to spy upon him, +and it was perhaps owing to these over-elaborated +precautions that the mission proved to be a complete +failure.</p> + +<p>On June 11, the massacre at Alexandria took +place, and armed intervention became more and +more inevitable, but some Governments still entertained +the hope that diplomacy might yet be +successful, and the Conference assembled at Constantinople +towards the end of the month. The +chief advantage of the Conference was that it disclosed +the views of the various Great Powers, and +the conditions which were to govern the despatch +of Turkish troops to Egypt were of so engrossing +a nature that they were still being discussed when +the battle of Tel-el-Kebir was fought two months +subsequently, and the victorious British troops +entered Cairo.</p> + +<p>The vacillations and dilatoriness of M. de Freycinet +irritated even the easy-going Lord Granville, +who complained of having twice been put in a hole +by him, and was justifiably anxious as to how he +could defend his Egyptian policy successfully in +Parliament if the French Government could not be +relied upon for any consistent line of action. But +while admitting that nearly everything had gone +wrong up till now, and that the failure of the Sultan's +Special Mission made the outlook still more gloomy, +he consoled himself with the reflection (which was +shortly afterwards shown in one respect to be quite +erroneous) that, 'we have avoided a rupture with +France, a rupture with Europe, and a possible war.'<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> +Within a few weeks, the error of this last assumption +was to be conclusively established.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 20, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I do not hope much from the Conference: certainly I +have very little expectation of its forwarding the strong +measures which the Alexandria massacres seem to me to +call for imperatively.</p> + +<p>I think Germany will be very little inclined to urge +the despatch of Turkish troops. Bismarck's great object +appears to be to keep Freycinet in, and he fears, not without +some reason, that when the first Turkish soldier sets his +foot in Egypt, Freycinet will fall at Paris.</p> + +<p>The Freycinet Ministry would probably be succeeded +by a Cabinet in which Gambetta would not actually have a +seat, but over which he would exercise very great influence. +Bismarck very probably exaggerates the strength of that +influence and looks for more direct hostility to Germany +than it would really provoke. But he is perhaps right in +thinking that, under Gambetta's influence, France would +coquet with the Anti-German party in Russia, and would +lose no opportunity of fostering enmity to Germany whenever +she could find an opening for doing so. At all events, +it would be impossible for Germany to feel as much at her +ease as she does now, if Gambetta were the virtual director +of French policy.</p> + +<p>Freycinet's strength lies partly in the disinclination of +the nation for anything like what it calls adventures, but +mainly in the dread which the present Chamber has of +Gambetta, the Scrutin de Liste and a dissolution.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile general dissatisfaction with the whole state +of things, and despondency do not diminish. People who +looked to Gambetta as the man to set things straight are +directing their eyes to other quarters, and there is even a +sort of revival of Orleanism.</p> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span></p> + +<p>A few hours after this letter reaches you, you will in all +probability receive from me by telegraph the French +answer to the proposal to them to concert measures with +us for the protection of the Suez Canal. I don't think +Freycinet likes the idea of anything which may tend +towards sending French troops to Egypt. He seems to +me to want to lean on the Conference in the hope that by +so doing, he may be able to stand quite still. Strange to +say, the Chamber and the public seem to be in the same +mood. They like to think that it is more upon England +than upon them that the discredit of putting up with the +Alexandria massacre and the recent patch up in Egypt +would fall. Their present pusillanimity seems so unnatural +that I cannot think it will last. Gambetta will +rouse them from it, if he has the chance.</p> + +<p>They are full of suspicions of designs on our part to +seize the Suez Canal with or without the assistance or +connivance of Turkey. You will see by a telegram I have +just sent, that Freycinet has asked me a question about +this. I imagine the French would object very much less +to our acting entirely alone than to our acting in any way +with the Porte.</p> + +<p>The Sultan seems to tell de Noailles all kinds of stories +against England and Dufferin. It is not, however, from +Freycinet that I hear this.</p></blockquote> + +<p>In Lord Lyons's opinion, the French, at this +stage, were quite prepared for England acting alone +in Egypt, but he considered that it was most important +to be very frank with them, to afford them +every opportunity of joining us, but to do it in such +a way that other Powers should not be given too +much time in which to raise objections.</p> + +<p>It was not apparently until June 27, 1882, that +the British Government seriously considered the +probability of having to employ 'material force' +in Egypt, whether alone or in concert with other +Powers; but in consequence of the danger of the +situation and of the necessity of acting quickly, they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> +then applied to the War Office for information as to +what forces were available for an expedition. In +view of our alleged military capacity at the present +time, it is of interest to learn what the War Office +was prepared to do thirty-one years ago. The +military authorities stated that they were prepared +to embark within twenty-four hours, 3500 infantry, +and 500 garrison artillerymen, with a small siege +train, from Malta and Gibraltar, with necessary +camp equipage and reserves of food and ammunition. +These troops could be conveyed in the ships of the +Channel Squadron now in the Mediterranean. A +force of about 12,000 fighting men, complete in +infantry, cavalry, and field artillery, with forty-eight +field guns, was also available, to embark from +England. The first 5000 of the infantry could sail +within a week, and the whole force could leave +England in a fortnight from the date of the order, +with complete supplies for an army in the field. +The force from England would be made up partially +by the First Class Army Reserve, and a Brigade was +also available to be sent from Bombay to Suez. +Such was the purport of a most confidential communication +to Lord Granville from the War Office, +dated June 27, 1882.</p> + +<p>On July 11, the bombardment of Alexandria by +the British fleet took place; the departure of the +French ships marking, in an unmistakeable form, the +refusal of the French Government to incur further +responsibility, and foreshadowing the permanent +renunciation of the old French position in Egypt.</p> + +<p>The news of the Alexandria bombardment, which, +owing to the absence of troops for landing, could +hardly be described as a very effective operation, +was received without much excitement in Paris,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> +and Freycinet stated that the Chamber would certainly +not have sanctioned the co-operation of the +French fleet. The main point on which sensitiveness +was shown was the Suez Canal. The French +seemed disposed to resent any landing of English +troops alone at Port Said, and to insist, if not on +joining with us, on sending a 'lateral' expedition +of their own. It was important, therefore, that +they should be given a <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">bona fide</i> invitation to join in +anything we might determine to do, and the French +were accordingly invited by Lord Granville to +concert measures at once for the protection of the +canal; questions of detail being left to the Conference +at Constantinople. Upon the whole the +bombardment of Alexandria had tended to improve +rather than to impair Anglo-French relations, and +the chief danger seemed to lie in the projected +Turkish intervention, which would alienate public +opinion and provoke strong opposition from Gambetta +and his followers. Extraordinary French +Naval Credits were voted and Lord Granville appears +to have thought that joint action was secured after +all, at least as far as the Canal was concerned.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">July 19, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I wish you and ourselves joy of the renewed <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">entente +cordiale</i>. It will not be popular in many quarters here, +but it is an immense national advantage, and ought to +relieve us from many dangers.</p> + +<p>I am not in the least jealous of the dual action in the +Canal, though I should prefer its being triangular. But I +own I dread it, if we are obliged, as is probable, to intervene +in Egypt itself.</p> + +<p>I hope they do not think we are pressing them too fast. +I believe the Cabinet will settle to send 15,000 men to +Malta. If so, I will let you know.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Remember I am always grateful for suggestions and +criticisms. I hear Bismarck is really ill and cannot sleep +at night. The preparation of his own financial measures +does not act as an anodyne.</p> + +<p>I am told that the debate in the Commons last night +did us good and not harm. I suppose we shall have a more +formidable one in the Lords.</p> + +<p>It is rumoured that the Peers will pass the Second +Reading of the Arrears Bill, and mutilate it in Committee.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The voting of the extraordinary French Naval +Credits, which had caused it to be supposed that +the French Government intended to take some +decided action, was soon shown to mean nothing +at all. Freycinet, whose position had been much +shaken, was in the uncomfortable situation of being +blamed by the Chamber for doing too much and +denounced in the Senate for not doing enough. On +July 19, an important debate took place in the +Chamber, during which Gambetta, with his accustomed +eloquence, adjured the Government to adhere +to the English alliance at all costs, and urged +that to quarrel with England would be the most +fatal of mistakes. The Credits asked for were +agreed to, and the Government obtained a large +majority; but when Freycinet appeared in support +of his modest proposals before the Senate, he was +obliged to admit that the Conference at Constantinople +had refused to entrust France and England +with a Mandate, and that in consequence of this +refusal the French Government would leave England +to act alone, and would confine their own action +to the protection of the Suez Canal. A fresh credit +amounting to about £350,000 was asked for with +this object, but met with formidable opposition.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 26, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>When I saw Freycinet this afternoon he seemed in +absolute despair. There are two modes of escape which +are supposed to be still open.</p> + +<p>Though the majority of the Chamber are strongly +opposed to military intervention in Egypt, they may still +hesitate to turn Freycinet out, lest by showing it to be +impossible to make their own existence compatible with +anything like a stable Government in France, they may +bring about a dissolution.</p> + +<p>It is said that they are casting about for some means +of refusing the Credit and yet not turning out Freycinet; +and the second device, which might enable Freycinet to +stay in, is the singularly undignified one of his playing into +their hand, by declaring that he does not make the Credit +a Cabinet question, and that if it be refused, he will bow +to the will of the Chamber and withdraw from the protection +of the Canal.</p> + +<p>So long as it is undeniable that we have <em>bona fide</em> invited +and pressed France to take part in all our operations in +Egypt, I shall not break my heart if she chooses to decline +to do so.</p> + +<p>I believe that Freycinet would have been in a better +plight if he had taken a decided course either way; if he +had distinctly refused all intervention, or if he had boldly +joined England in all her operations.</p></blockquote> + +<p>On July 29, the question of voting the fresh +Credit was brought forward in the Chamber and +made one of confidence in the Ministry. Every one +by this time was much alarmed at the prospect of +France being dragged into some vague and desperate +adventure; the Credit was refused by an overwhelming +majority; Freycinet resigned office, and +France definitely retired from the scene of action.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 30, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Among the innumerable Ministerial crises which I +have seen here, I do not recollect one in which there has +been so much uncertainty as to who would be the new +Prime Minister.</p> + +<p>Grévy, in conformity with his own views, and with +those of the great majority of the Chamber and indeed of +the country, is trying to form an absolutely non-intervention +Cabinet. But such a Cabinet might have difficulties with +the Senate. Léon Say and Jules Ferry, the most able +members of the late Ministry, were for full intervention +and the English Alliance.</p> + +<p>Freycinet very unwisely began with a perfectly idle +dispute with Gambetta as to whether the English Government +would, or would not, have consented to armed intervention +with France only, if Gambetta had remained in +power. Gambetta did not speak yesterday, but he and +his followers voted against Freycinet.</p> + +<p>Hohenlohe seemed, I hear, dreadfully put out by the +result of the division yesterday. It was Bismarck's communication +which gave Freycinet the <em>coup de grâce</em>. +Hohenlohe had evidently hoped that it would save him, +by giving him an excuse for withdrawing the Bill.</p> + +<p>I was very much disappointed to hear from Freycinet +that Russia had gone back to the Conference. I hoped +her retirement would have given us a good opportunity of +freeing ourselves from that cumbrous clog.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Aug. 1, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>All is still uncertain as to who the new French Ministers +will be. Grévy is doing his best to keep Freycinet, and +Hohenlohe is working in the same direction, which is not +wise. Hitherto Freycinet has positively declined, but he +is a man who sometimes changes his mind. He will be in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> +an extraordinarily false position if he does come back. +Grévy may, perhaps, manage to appoint a warming-pan +sort of Ministry, just to keep the offices warm during the +recess and to make room for something more serious in +October.</p> + +<p>The French are in very good disposition towards us at +this moment. The way to keep them so will be to endeavour +to make their present position comfortable to +them, without being humiliating, and, above all, not to +crow over them, as part of our press seems too much +inclined to do. Their fleet, next to our own, is the most +important factor in the Mediterranean question. We can +do as well or better, without any aid from France or other +countries, but we ought to have the field to ourselves.</p> + +<p>I wish we were well rid of that dangerous Conference. +I had a sort of hope that just now it might have a sort of +use, as a means of letting the other Powers talk while we +were acting. But in fact, as worked by Bismarck and by +the Turks under his direction, it seems merely to supply +the machinery for formally placing us in opposition to the +so-called European Concert, and for embarrassing France. +I think the French would be glad to be delivered +from it.</p> + +<p>Public opinion in France is at this moment friendly to +us, but it is in a very susceptible state.</p></blockquote> + +<p>A new Ministry was in course of time formed +under M. Duclerc, one of the many uninteresting +mediocrities who have governed France during the +last forty years, and a sort of formula was agreed +upon that there was no 'solution of continuity in +the Entente,' which was not intended to commit +the French to anything in particular.</p> + +<p>A vast amount has been written respecting the +events in Egypt in 1882; much of it by persons +who occupied responsible and important positions +at the time; but the reasons for the inaction and +eventual retirement of the French have never been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> +clearly explained. Probably the French themselves +would be unable to give a satisfactory explanation, +and would attribute their inglorious attitude to the +Freycinet Government, which did not know its own +mind. But it may be assumed that a variety of +reasons were responsible for the French refusal of +co-operation with England. Had the invitation +been received some months earlier, it would probably +have been accepted with enthusiasm; but the Tunis +expedition, which had opened with so much success +and enthusiasm, had proved a much more troublesome +and unsatisfactory business than had been +anticipated, and had created a decided disinclination +for further enterprises in North Africa. In the second +place, the difficulties of an Egyptian campaign were +greatly over-estimated; the French calculation was +that no less than 60,000 men would be necessary, +and the ordinary French Minister would not venture +to allow so many men to leave the country. Lastly, +the French were quite unable, rightly or wrongly, +to get it out of their minds that they were being +deliberately led into a trap by Bismarck, and this +by itself was sufficient to daunt a Government of +the Freycinet type.</p> + +<p>France having now definitely declined, the British +invitation was transferred to Italy.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>'We have asked the Italians to join us,' Lord Granville +wrote on July 27, 'but we have not pressed them. +They also will try to <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">se faire prier</i>, and will be too late. +I told Menabrea I could not delay operations.</p> + +<p>'I hope they will decline, but I myself was not very +hot for even the offer. But the balance of argument +seemed to be in favour of it, and you did not raise any +objection to it.</p> + +<p>'Please explain that the <cite>Times</cite> is entirely off the track +as to our wish for a protectorate.'</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span></p> + +<p>The refusal of the Italians was welcome and not +unexpected, and as no other Power was in the least +inclined to co-operate, the British Government was +able to set about the task of smashing Arabi with a +clear conscience, in its own way, and unhampered +by allies; for the Turks, who had agreed to send +troops, protracted the negotiations with regard to +their employment to such an extent, that the campaign +was finished long before an agreement was +arrived at.</p> + +<p>Lord Cromer in his well-known work 'Modern +Egypt,' has exposed with much skill and lucidity +the futile nature of many of the proposals put forward +by the British and French Governments during the +period that they were acting together. But the +really remarkable fact is, that each Government +succeeded in bringing about the result which it least +desired. The policy of the British Government was +governed by a sincere, if mistaken, determination +not to be dragged into assuming sole responsibility +for Egypt, and in particular to avoid the necessity +of military occupation. The efforts of the French +Government were chiefly directed towards the prevention +of Turkey or any other Power establishing +its predominant influence in Egypt, and that French +policy should have unconsciously and involuntarily +thrust England into this unsought and unwelcome +position is one of the real ironies of recent history.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the most fortunate event for England +during the crisis which preceded the Egyptian expedition +was the fall of Gambetta early in the year. +Had that statesman remained in office he would +certainly have never consented to remain a supine +and indifferent spectator; he would undoubtedly +have insisted on France taking an active part: a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> +joint expedition would have taken place, and the +sequel might have followed the Schleswig-Holstein +precedent.</p> + +<p>It was hardly to be expected that the skill and +rapidity with which the campaign against Arabi was +conducted would evoke much enthusiasm in France, +nor could the French reasonably expect that upon +the restoration of peace and order the old state of +things would be renewed. Before the end of October +Lord Granville informed the French Ambassador +in London that the Control would not be restored; +and when the French Government objected, on the +ground that such an alteration must be submitted +to the Powers, it was pointed out the matter was +one for the Khedive to decide himself. In order +to soothe wounded French feelings various compromises +in the shape of posts in the Egyptian +administration were offered in vain.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 3, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I thought it simpler and better to let Duclerc have a copy +of your despatch, as you had no objection to my doing so. +He has not yet given any sign of life since he received it.</p> + +<p>The argument that the Financial Adviser will have only +a small position in Egypt, or at all events a less important +position than the Controllers, cuts both ways here. Duclerc's +line is to say that we are making a distinction without any +real difference: that in practice the adviser will have all +and more than all the powers of the Controllers; and +that thus virtually France is to be deprived of her share +in the Control without receiving, even nominally, any +compensation.</p> + +<p>A complaint of a very different kind is made by the +'Haute Finance.' They say that the only real compensation +which could be given to France, if she is to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> +ousted from the Control, would be the establishment, under +the auspices and responsibility of England, of such a +strong practical supervision of the Egyptian Administration +as would make the regular payment of the Debt and the +maintenance of the commercial and other interests of +foreigners secure. They pretend that the proposed establishment +of the Financial Adviser is in form injurious to +the dignity of France, while in substance it does not +sufficiently provide for the control by any one of the +Egyptian Government. These seem to be the opinions of a +very influential body here. It is quite consistent with +them that Dufferin's mission should be looked on with +favour by those who hold them.</p> + +<p>Clémenceau's views seem to be confined to himself.</p> + +<p>The thing most favourable to our coming to an understanding +with France, is the very general belief among +Frenchmen that Bismarck is egging indirectly both England +and France on to a quarrel.</p> + +<p>In the meantime the alarm caused by the anarchists is +enough to keep the minds of the great majority of the +French fixed on their own internal affairs. People are +sending away their securities and other valuables to foreign +countries. I suppose an absolute outbreak in force enough +to resist the Government, if the Government be resolute, is +not to be expected. But there may be explosions of +dynamite here and there, and the employment of the other +new-fangled means of creating panic which the French +seem to be inclined to adopt from the Russians.</p> + +<p>The competition of America and other causes are producing +a curious change in the French peasantry, and a +change not favourable to peace and order. The tenacity +with which the very small proprietors have hitherto clung +to their land is visibly diminishing. They now offer their +land for sale to an extent hitherto quite unprecedented. +They say that they can get better interest by putting the +price of the land into the funds or other speculations, and +can thus lead a pleasant life, instead of slaving from +morning to night to get a bare subsistence out of their +fields. The tendency of all this is to reduce the numbers of +the hitherto ultra-Conservative laborious class, and to fill<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span> +the towns more and more with idle and very often disappointed +and discontented speculators, who form a +material ready to the hand of anarchists.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The letters from Lord Granville show that +although the British Government had embarked +most unwillingly upon the Egyptian enterprise, and +viewed additional responsibility with so much horror +that some members of the Cabinet were even opposed +to the office of Financial Adviser to the Egyptian +Government being given to an Englishman, yet that +the Cabinet was at all events unanimously against +the maintenance of the Control, and of the old dual +arrangements. The French Government, with an +entire absence of logic and common sense, was quite +indisposed to recognize the complete change in the +situation which had taken place, and continued to +claim that England and France should remain on +an equality as regarded themselves, and in a superior +position as far as the other Powers were concerned. +The difficulty lay in discovering some means of +satisfying French vanity without yielding on the +essential point of equality, and efforts to ascertain +what would be considered satisfactory did not meet +with much success.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 14, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I tried to make Duclerc see yesterday that the practical +way towards obtaining some satisfaction for French +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">amour-propre</i> was to enter upon the discussion of details +as to the Boards in Egypt. I went as far as I could without +running the risk of provoking lofty language, which might +have been an obstacle to moderate arrangements hereafter.</p> + +<p>However, at the moment Duclerc did not go back +from his old grounds. He does not insist upon a literal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> +re-establishment of the Control, but he does claim a virtual +return to the <em>status quo ante</em>, and he interprets that status +as equality between England and France and superiority +of the two jointly over other Powers.</p> + +<p>The single Financial Councillor pleases no one here. +As he must of course be an Englishman, the sticklers for +French <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">gloriole</i> declare that whether his functions be +great or small, he will simply be a symbol of English +supremacy and French decadency. To the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">haute</i> and +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">petite finance</i>, the mode of his appointment and the smallness +of his powers seem an additional cause of complaint, +as not giving sufficient security for a proper administration +of the finances of Egypt. I shall be very anxious to hear +how it all strikes Dufferin.</p> + +<p>In fact, at the present moment, the French are too uneasy +about their internal affairs to pay much attention to Egypt. +But they may fire up if any special event comes to irritate +them. It is more, however, future lasting ill will than +violence at the moment which I apprehend. If we leave +them bitterly discontented with arrangements in Egypt, +I hardly see when we shall be able to withdraw our troops +and still maintain the influence which is a necessity to us.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The idea that the British occupation of Egypt +was anything more than a temporary expedient does +not seem to have been considered a serious possibility +by any English Minister so far. Partly by luck, +partly by the skill of Sir Garnet Wolseley and Lord +Dufferin, we had found ourselves in possession of +Egypt, unhampered by association with any European +Power or with the Turks; but for a time it +looked as if the brilliant results achieved were to be +thrown away because the British Government had +no clear idea what its policy was to be. Fortunately +for all concerned, the step was taken of +sending Lord Dufferin on a special mission to Cairo, +and unlike most special missions of more recent date, +the experiment proved a complete success, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span> +quickly destroyed the mischievous delusion entertained +by a section of English politicians that an +evacuation of Egypt was possible at any early date. +This delusion had never been shared by the French, +who naturally judged the action of others in the +light in which they themselves would have acted +under similar circumstances, and who made little +effort to conceal their annoyance.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 1, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I don't succeed in making Duclerc <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coulant</i> about +Egypt. He rather implied that it was not from Tissot that +he had heard that you were going to send him a favourable +communication, and that you were thinking of sending an +expert to discuss details. He did not, however, say who it +was that told him. Perhaps d'Aunay may have had something +to do with it. Duclerc went on to hint at there being +two currents in the English Cabinet, one more favourable +to the French than the other, but I declined to listen to +this. He talked as if he had some special source of information +as to your intentions and sentiments. He seemed +to take to the idea of a discussion between experts.</p> + +<p>He was amiable about Madagascar, but we shall see +what his written answer will be. He represented himself +as having overwhelmed the Ambassadors with kindness, +and then as having broken off the negotiation on the point +of the leases being for 99 years.</p> + +<p>In the meantime prospects at home do not brighten. +Railroads and other public works have been begun, with +very little system, in all kinds of places to please Deputies +and their constituents. The Government dare not stop +them for fear of what the workmen would do if large numbers +of them found themselves out of work. To go on, is +ruinous to the finances. There must be a limit to the +floating debt. The Government are again negotiating +with the railway companies. People are beginning to +talk of Saviours of Society. The names most mentioned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span> +are those of General Chanzy and the Duc d'Aumale. +Gambetta would have been everybody's man, if he had +never been Minister. However, I don't think that we are +very near any violent change.</p> + +<p>Grévy is certainly not brisk, but he may grow old +without things coming to an early catastrophe.</p> + +<p>There is a not unaccredited rumour that it was in +wresting the revolver from a female hand that Gambetta +got wounded. The bulletins at the office of the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">République +Française</i> are that he is going on as well as possible.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The last paragraph refers to the wounding of +Gambetta by a pistol shot. The accident (which +terminated fatally) occurred at his villa outside +Paris, and was surrounded by a mystery which has +never been dispelled, but it may be assumed that +a lady really was involved.</p> + +<p>The allusion to Madagascar relates to the mission +despatched by the Queen of the Hovas to Europe +in the autumn in the vain hope of coming to some +agreement with the French Government, which had +raised questions ominously resembling those which +had, in the previous year, formed the prelude to +the Tunis expedition. The Hovas, like the Kroumirs, +constituted 'a serious danger' to the French +Republic, and demands were put forward which +involved general French rights over the whole of +Madagascar, and a protectorate over the northwest +coast. The unhappy Hova envoys proceeded +from Paris to London, but met with little encouragement +there, and before long a semi-official announcement +was made in which the stereotyped statement, +with which small and defenceless states are so painfully +familiar, appeared: 'The Cabinet is resolved +to enforce the respect of the rights and interests of +France in Madagascar, and orders in conformity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> +with the situation have, therefore, been sent to the +Commander of the French naval station.' Signs +of the same ominous activity were also beginning +to manifest themselves in Tonquin; and the only +compensating factor was that Madagascar and +Tonquin served to distract a certain amount of +French attention from Egypt, although the tone +of the press, and especially of the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">République +Française</i>, the organ of Gambetta, became increasingly +hostile to England.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 19, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>There are reports afloat that Gambetta's cure is not +going on as steadily as it ought. At all events there is no +change for the better in the tone of the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">République +Française</i> respecting England in Egypt. I don't like the +idea of having the French there in bitter opposition to all +we do. It may make it very difficult for us with safety +to ourselves to give any large measure of independence to +the Egyptian Government. At all events, the less we are +able to sacrifice to satisfy French <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">amour-propre</i>, the more +we must do to give security to legitimate French material +interests by providing for a really good honest financial +administration. If the French take the protection of their +material interests exclusively into their own hands, they +may go very great lengths indeed to protect them, if they +are seriously threatened; and, besides, the pretext that +the credit, property or persons of Frenchmen are threatened, +will always be at hand to sanction interference.</p> + +<p>At present it looks as if the Duclerc Government would +be glad to back out of its expeditions to Tonquin, etc., etc. +The proceedings of the Hova Ambassadors and their supporters +in England may make it difficult for the French +Government to be as reasonable as it might otherwise wish +to be about Madagascar.</p> + +<p>The prevalent feeling of depression and uneasiness about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> +the general condition of France does not seem to diminish. +There seems to be a profound distrust of the abilities, if not +of the intentions, of the men who so rapidly succeed one +another in office, and no one seems to know where to turn +for something better.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It was somewhat unfortunate that French +aggression in Tonquin and Madagascar was unconsciously +stimulated by the English press. 'The +English press is driving the French public wild on +the subject of Tonquin, Madagascar, and other +beyond sea questions, which the Government would +probably have been glad enough to back out of if +they had been let alone.'<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + +<p>Until the end of the year private negotiations +continued between Lord Granville and the French +Government with reference to the abolition of the +Control with completely unsuccessful results.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 26, 1882.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I hear, not from himself, that Duclerc's present intention +is to make a very strong protest if we abolish Control without +coming to a previous understanding with France; and +that our making our own Control, or that of Europe in +general, over the Egyptian finances weak, would not +mollify him. On the contrary, he would try to make a +point of what he would call our abandonment of French +material interests—and deduce from it an argument that +France is bound to protect them herself. While we are +absolutely at two with France, we shall find it very difficult +to relax our material hold on Egypt. Egypt for the +Egyptians is only too likely to become Egypt for the +French.</p> + +<p>Gambetta's illness seems to have rather strengthened<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> +his position. The anxiety of his opponents in the press +to make out that he is worse than is really the case and the +disgusting statements they have in consequence put forward, +have served to impress on friends and foes his importance. +According to the best information I have been able to get, +he is not at this moment seriously ill, though his recovery +is too slow to be satisfactory.</p> + +<p>Confidence and tranquillity do not appear to revive in +France, and the disappearance of Gambetta would increase +uneasiness. People do not exactly know what they are +afraid of, but there is a general vague uneasiness. Perhaps +the most definite cause of fears or hopes is the intrigue in +which certain officers of the army are said to be engaged +with a view of putting the Duc d'Aumale at the head of +the state.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The childish frame of mind in which the French +Government of the day considered the question of +the Control may be judged from the fact that Duclerc +in private conversation had admitted in the autumn +that, if for form's sake, the <em>status quo ante</em> could +be restored for only five minutes, he would agree +subsequently to its immediate abolition. In +December, however, he was in a more intractable +mood, and, at the end of the year, Lord Granville +found it necessary to break off all private negotiations +on the subject, observing that it was very +painful and disadvantageous to be on bad terms +with the French, but that it was, at the least, equally +disadvantageous to them.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span></p> + + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI</a></h2> + +<p class="p1"><span class="bigger">ANGLOPHOBIA</span></p> + +<p class="p1">(1883-1885)</p> + + +<p>The first day of 1883 was signalized by the announcement +of the death of Gambetta, and those who were +present at the Elysée on the occasion of President +Grévy's New Year's Day reception will remember +the singularly embarrassed demeanour of that uninteresting +personage; an embarrassment which +might have been accounted for on various grounds. +Gambetta's death was followed in a day or two +by that of General Chanzy, an event which caused +consternation amongst the Monarchical and Conservative +parties, as he was looked upon as the only +man capable of stopping the too rapid progress of +the Republican car. It was doubtless with the +view of anticipating other pretenders, that Prince +Napoleon seized the opportunity to issue a Proclamation +denouncing the Republic, which resulted in his +immediate incarceration in the Conciergerie.</p> + +<p>For some months there had existed in France a +feeling of uneasiness and of distrust in the maintenance +of orderly government, and this feeling was +greatly increased by the double loss of Gambetta +and Chanzy. Gambetta was the only man in the +Republican party whose ability and popularity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> +were sufficient to induce the country to acquiesce +in his wielding great power, and who was believed +to have the will and the courage to exercise that +power energetically in case of need. Chanzy was +looked upon as the only man whose military reputation +and influence qualified him to keep the army +united and to use it with effect, in the case of grave +political troubles.</p> + +<p>As for the President of the Republic, M. Grévy, +his energy and influence continued to diminish; the +Chamber of Deputies was becoming more and more +discredited, and the professedly anarchical parties +were certainly increasing in violence, and apparently +in numbers and influence as well. The public +generally, even amongst the lower orders, showed +few signs of great attachment to the Republican +Government. That Government had not augmented +their material prosperity, had not raised +their social position, and had not realized their +dreams of absolute equality with, or rather of predominance +over, the rich and the educated. Every +form of Monarchical Government was repugnant to +them, but nevertheless a moderate Republic excited +no enthusiasm whatsoever. The upper classes were +alarmed and discontented; they did not believe +that their property was secure, and they considered +the work of administration was deplorably carried +on by the various obscure Ministers who succeeded +each other so rapidly in office; their religious +feelings were daily shocked, while bad harvests, bad +trade, and an unpromising financial situation added +to the general feeling of dissatisfaction.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the 'spirited Colonial Policy,' +which was now so much in evidence, did little to +counterbalance this feeling, and the attempts which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> +had been made to pander to the national vanity by +the overbearing policy adopted towards Madagascar; +the extension of French predominance in Tunis; +annexations on the Congo; and the consolidation of +the French Protectorate over Tonquin and Annam, +had met with little success. The disquieting fact +from the English point of view was that ill-feeling +towards England, chiefly with regard to Egypt, had +risen to a high pitch, and that each successive step +taken by the British Government, and each declaration +made by it, seemed only to increase the irritation. +It was in this direction that, Lord Lyons +feared, attempts would be made to divert public +discontent by those who might be in power; and +the procedure of the new French Government certainly +justified the fear. The position which the +French Government took up, was that of defending +French influence and French interests in Egypt by +its own independent means. It declared that by +the abolition of the Control, a deep wound had been +inflicted upon French dignity, while the principal +security for the regular payment of the sums due +in regard to the loans had been taken away. It did +not hesitate to declare that any tampering with the +Law of Liquidation, or with the lands and revenues +pledged to the loans; or any failure to provide for +the charges on the loans, would be regarded as a +breach of international obligations on the part of +Egypt, which would warrant the active interference +of France. It hardly made any pretence of +concealing its intention to work against English +influence in Egypt by every means in its power, +and unfortunately it was evident that in this anti-English +policy it could reckon on the support of +public opinion.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 9, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Blowitz's<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> intelligence certainly comes from the French +Foreign Office, sometimes, I dare say, directly, but often +only through the <em>Temps</em>. The <em>Temps</em> is published the +afternoon before the day on which it is dated, and some +hours before Blowitz's letter goes to the <em>Times</em>. Blowitz's +letter always goes by telegraph, the <em>Times</em> having the +exclusive use of a line for some hours every night.</p> + +<p>It seems that Ferry will succeed Gambetta in the +leadership of the largest portion of the Republican party. +I do not think he is hostile to Duclerc, but if he attains to +anything at all near to Gambetta's position, Duclerc will +only hold office during his sufferance. Probably neither +would be willing to serve under the other.</p> + +<p>If, as seems likely, the death of Gambetta leads to the +decay of the spirit of revenge upon Germany, this will (as +I have said before) increase the danger of all other Powers +from the restlessness of France, and will in particular +increase our difficulties in Egypt. If any modification of +the arrangement of the Law of Liquidation is proposed or +any other step taken which can give France a pretext for +interfering in defence of French interests, we may have +trouble. If we leave a door open for French intrusion, +France may get so far in, that her <em>amour-propre</em> may force +her to push on at all risks.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 16, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Prince Napoleon's Proclamation and his arrest have +put all other things out of people's heads here for the +moment. He was arrested, very roughly I understand, +at 3 o'clock, as he drove up to his own door in the Avenue +d'Autin, and his papers were examined and seized in the +usual way on such occasions. There is not so far any +appearance of his having anything behind to back up the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> +Proclamation. It is said that he has rendered himself +liable to very severe penalties as a conspirator against the +State. What seems to be more generally expected is that +the law enabling the Government to exile the members of +any family that has reigned in France will be revived. If +it is to be the beginning of political proscriptions, in however +mild a form, it will be a calamity and perhaps a prelude +to revolutionary times and ways.</p> + +<p>The only good I can see in it is that it may divert attention +here from Egypt, for the French were getting excessively +cross with us on that subject. I should not have +been surprised if Duclerc's Declaration and Yellow Book +had been much more unfriendly than they are. The +Declaration was, it seems, received with icy coldness in +the Chamber. It is creditable to Duclerc that he did not +fish for a cheer by a Chauvin wind up, as Freycinet used +to do. But if Duclerc had been popular and had been +thought to be firm in the saddle, he would have met with +a better reception.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Prince Napoleon's Proclamation did not in reality +cause any great commotion or alarm, as it was +obvious that he had no backing of importance; but +it served as an excuse to introduce a preposterous +Exclusion Bill directed against the members of all +ex-reigning families. This measure created great indignation +amongst the French Conservatives, more +especially the provision which deprived the Princes +of their Commissions in the army, and in consequence +of modifications which were introduced. +Duclerc and his colleagues resigned office, giving +place to an ephemeral Cabinet under M. Fallières, +subsequently President of the Republic.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Feb. 2, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Everything is at sixes and sevens here, and no one +knows to whom to turn in the absolute dearth of any man<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> +of decided superiority since the death of Gambetta. It is +curious that he should come to be regretted as the mainstay +of Conservatism.</p> + +<p>I send you by the messenger a despatch from Villiers<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> +which seems to me to give a very clear and correct account +of the state of feeling in the French Army. I don't think +it at all overrates the dissatisfaction that exists among the +officers. For my own part I do not believe there is any +organized movement, Legitimist, Orleanist, or Bonapartist, +actually in preparation at this moment. But I do see +that confidence in the duration of the present institutions +is diminishing, and that, as a cause or a consequence, dissatisfaction +and disquietude are increasing. Something subversive +may happen with very little warning beforehand.</p> + +<p>Barring accidents, the probabilities seem to be that the +present Ministry may last about ten days, and that then +Jules Ferry may come in for some months and <em>après lui +le déluge</em>. Challemel Lacour is talked of as Minister for +Foreign Affairs. As a diplomatist you know him better +than I do. The little social (so to call it) intercourse I have +had with him has been pleasant enough, but he has the +reputation of being irritable and cross-grained.</p> + +<p>The proceedings against the Princes are bad enough in +themselves, and they are of evil augury. The Reds having +once tasted blood, may become ravenous for more, and who +can say where they may look for the next victims?</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the critical state of home affairs, the +French papers find room occasionally for bitter articles +against us about Egypt. The great point to attend to, in +order to prevent the smouldering irritations bursting into +a blaze, seems to be to avoid touching the Law of Liquidation, +or the administrations of the Daira and Domains. +Any alteration, however great an improvement it might be +in reality, would give rise to unlimited suspicion and +dissatisfaction here.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Prince of Wales had intended visiting Paris +about this period, but in consequence of the violent<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span> +feelings aroused by the Exclusion Bill and of the +bitterness of the extremists against constituted +dynasties, he was advised to keep away.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Their newspapers would have no scruple in attacking +any personage, however exalted, whom they believed to be +opposed to their deplorable bill. Indeed, the more exalted +the personage, and the more entitled to respect, the greater +might be their scurrility. Nothing can be more lamentable +than all this, and I am obliged to add that the general +feeling towards England is not particularly cordial. Taking +everything into consideration, I have, though very reluctantly, +come to the conclusion that it is my duty to +report to Your Royal Highness that I cannot feel quite +sure that if you were at Paris something unpleasant might +not happen, or that at least very improper language might +not be used by a portion of the press; and I cannot conceal +from Your Royal Highness that the present moment is far +from an opportune one for a visit.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p></blockquote> + +<p>The increasing bad feeling produced a complaint +from Lord Granville, who considered that 'it is hard +upon me, that being probably, of all English public +men, the one who for various reasons is most attached +to France, we should always have such difficult +moments to pass when I am in office.'</p> + +<p>After all the fuss that had been made about +Prince Napoleon's Proclamation, it came as a +distinct anti-climax that his arrest was discovered +to be illegal. He was accordingly released, and +nothing more was heard of him; meanwhile it was +generally believed that General Billot, the late +Minister of War in the Duclerc Government, had +actually made all preparations for a <i xml:lang="it" lang="it">pronunciamento</i> +in favour of the Duc d'Aumale, and that his +project was only foiled on account of the want of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> +enterprise shown by the Orleans princes themselves. +General Billot was superseded by a certain General +Thibaudin, who was considered to be especially +well adapted for the purpose of carrying out the +dirty work in connection with the dismissal of the +Princes from the army.</p> + +<p>After a period of much uncertainty, during which +for more than a month there was no one at the +French Foreign Office to whom the Foreign Diplomatists +could speak on foreign affairs, or even any +subordinate who could express an opinion or give +an instruction, M. Fallières was got rid of, and a +new administration was formed under M. Jules +Ferry, M. Challemel Lacour becoming Foreign +Minister.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 20, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I suppose Ferry must have made his Ministry by to-morrow +or the next day. I will not bore you with the +innumerable conjectures as to who his colleagues will be. +It is said Thibaudin is to be kept as Minister of War, long +enough at all events to take the measures against the +Princes which a more respectable general would shrink +from.</p> + +<p>I only hope the new Ministry will not try to divert +public attention from home difficulties by a 'spirited' +Foreign or Colonial Policy. Egypt is always a source of +trouble ready to their hand, if they want to produce +excitement. I think the great thing is to avoid touching +the Law of Liquidation or the administration of the +securities for the loans; in short, to avoid giving them any +pretext for saying that the material interests of France are +injured, and the guarantee she held weakened. But it is +premature to speculate on these matters in ignorance of +who the incoming Ministers may be and what policy they +will adopt.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span></p> + +<p>The urbane M. Challemel Lacour, in his new +capacity as Foreign Minister, was not likely to +begin by making gushing protestations of deep +affection for England, but Lord Lyons was disposed +to consider this a hopeful symptom. 'I know by +long experience that ardent professions of love for +England on the part of an incoming Minister are +not to be trusted to as good signs.' Mr. Gladstone +was in Paris at the time and paid visits to the +President, Challemel Lacour, and Jules Ferry; but +much to the relief of the Ambassador, he avoided +the subjects of Egypt and of Commercial Treaties, +and no harm was done.</p> + +<p>The Ferry administration possessed the advantage +of attracting a better class of French politician than +had lately been the case, and M. Waddington now +reappeared upon the scene.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">March 6, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Jules Ferry appears to have hinted to Waddington that +he would be offered the Embassy in London, if he voted +with the Government on the interpellation in the Senate +on the Decree putting the Orleans Princes <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">en non-activité</i>. +The Embassy at Vienna has, I understand, been actually +offered to and refused by him. He would not, under any +circumstances, take any Embassy but London, and moreover +he would in no case serve a Government of which +Thibaudin was a member.</p> + +<p>Waddington asked Rivers Wilson if he could not suggest +some offer which might be made to France in order to +place her once more in cordial union with England in +Egypt. There is, moreover, a notice in the Havas, purporting +to come from London, but very likely put in more or +less on authority here, to the effect that France cannot, and +England ought to, take the initiative of proposing something.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> +I entirely agree with you that the matter had better lie still +for the moment. I suppose you don't want to make any +such concession to France as would satisfy her, and certainly +matters would not be mended by our making another +unsuccessful proposal. I hope Waddington spoke entirely +on his own hook and not in concert with Challemel Lacour. +It would be intolerable if Challemel Lacour tried the system +of indirect irresponsible communications, the delight of +Duclerc, which produced so much annoyance and inconvenience, +and in fact rendered any real understanding +impossible.</p> + +<p>Jules Ferry is believed to be contemplating a conversion +of the 5 per cents. If he makes the attempt, it will bind +him over to keep things quiet abroad and at home, in order +to secure the success of the operation.</p> + +<p>It is very provoking that the French should have put +down the New Hebrides among the places to which to +transport their relapsed criminals.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Granville, who owned that he had nothing +to propose about Egypt, even if he wished to do +so, was not at all enthusiastic at the prospect of +Waddington coming to London, 'I am not particularly +anxious to have Waddington instead of +Tissot, he would be burning to distinguish himself, +and very <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">agissant</i>.' Lord Granville's fears of Waddington's +activity were founded upon the fact that +he had been selected as the French Representative +at the Coronation at Moscow, and that, therefore, +he would find it impossible to settle down quietly +at the London Embassy without burning to distinguish +himself, after 'flourishing about Europe.'</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 23, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>It is whispered, at least by Waddington's friends, that +it is intended that his special Embassy to Russia shall be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span> +a prelude to his becoming regular Ambassador in London: +that the idea is that he shall offer a Commercial Treaty to +us; that he shall by this means enlist the support of some +members of Parliament and influential manufacturers in +England, and that then he shall obtain concessions for us +about Egypt, on the plea that, without such concessions, +the Chambers could not be brought to ratify a Commercial +Treaty favourable to us. The statements in the newspapers +about the assumption of Commercial negotiations between +England and France are stated to be <em>ballons d'essai</em> to +see how the wind sets with regard to such a policy.</p> + +<p>I just give you all this for what it may be worth. I +doubt very much whether formal negotiations or a stirring +French Ambassador in London would be likely to lead just +now to cordiality between France and England. The +French could hardly do anything that would satisfy us +about trade, and we should find it very difficult to do anything +that would satisfy them about Egypt. My hope +would rather be that we might glide back into cordiality +by avoiding critical questions.</p> + +<p>In talking to me about his Embassy to Russia, Waddington +mentioned, amongst its advantages, that it would bring +him into contact with important personages of various +countries, and he said he should probably visit Berlin and +Vienna on his way home.</p></blockquote> + +<p>With Challemel Lacour at the Foreign Office +there did not appear to be much prospect of 'gliding +back into cordiality,' judging by the following +account of an interview between him and some +members of the Rothschild family who were frequently +employed as intermediaries between the +two Governments.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 30, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Alphonse de Rothschild and his cousin Sir Nathaniel +came to see me yesterday and told me that they had had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> +an interview with Challemel Lacour on the subject of the +proposed sale of the Domain Lands in Egypt. They told +me that they found Challemel Lacour extremely sore about +the whole Egyptian Question. He appears to have distinctly +refused to forward in any way the sale of the +Domain and to have alleged as his reason that he would +not help to do away with any board of management in +which a Frenchman still had a seat; that this would tend +to diminish the number of Frenchmen holding influential +positions in Egypt, while his object was to increase, or at +all events, to maintain the existing number. As indeed +might have been foreseen, he was very far from desiring to +facilitate any financial or other arrangements required by +England. We shall no doubt find the French very inconvenient +and embarrassing in Egypt at every turn. I +hope they will not be dangerous, unless some disregard +of positive international engagements affecting French +interests gives the Chauvinists the pretext they are looking +out for, and drives the sensible men into a corner, in face +of their public declarations and of popular irritation.</p> + +<p>I understand Louise Michel has been arrested. The +Government may gain ground by showing vigour, but +unless it finds means of convincing the officers in the army +that it will secure their position against the Radical endeavours +to undermine it, things may end in that fatal +solution, a military <i xml:lang="it" lang="it">pronunciamento</i>.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The arrest of Louise Michel had taken place as +the result of one of the numerous riots which +occurred at Paris in the spring of 1883; they were +not of much importance, but possessed some significance +as being the first appearance of disturbances +in the streets since the suppression of the Commune, +and were due largely to the distress caused by bad +trade, and to artificially stimulated expenditure on +building, and other modes of finding employment. +The result of the latter expedient was to raise the +price of labour artificially and consequently to drive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span> +manufactures to other places, thus creating unemployment +in Paris itself. In connection with +these disturbances there was one singular peculiarity +in the attitude of the so-called Conservative +classes. Not only the Royalist and Imperial parties, +but a considerable number of the richer people who +were without any strong political bias, sympathized +rather with the people in the streets than with the +Government. The upper classes were, in fact, so +dissatisfied with the existing state of things that +they appeared willing to run the risk of seeing the +Republican Government discredited and ultimately +overthrown by popular tumult.</p> + +<p>The following letter is an admirable illustration +of the spirit in which the French viewed all English +action in Egypt. Lord Dufferin, in the course of a +despatch, had spoken in most appreciative terms +of the friendly attitude adopted towards him by +M. de Raindre, the French Agent and Consul-General +at Cairo, and the British Government +naturally supposed that it would be agreeable to +the French Government if the despatch were communicated +to them. Lord Lyons, however, who +was much better acquainted with French opinion, +thought otherwise.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 15, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am rather frightened by the praises given by Dufferin +in his despatch of April 29th to the 'very correct and loyal +attitude of M. de Raindre, the French Agent and Consul-General, +and of all the French officials in Egypt.' If this +despatch came to the knowledge of the French Government +or the French public, it might do de Raindre a serious +injury, and lead to the immediate substitution for him of +an Agent whose attitude would be more correct in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> +French sense. I am afraid also that the claim Dufferin +makes to have considered the interests of the French in +the Egyptian service, however true it is, would provoke a +howl of contradiction.</p> + +<p>I do not mean to imply that Raindre's conduct has been +at variance with his instructions. I don't think it is the +policy of the French Government at this moment to get +up irritating discussions with us on small everyday +matters, either in Egypt or in other parts of the world. +The French Foreign Office seems to me to be, on the contrary, +more conciliatory than usual in its answers respecting +such matters. I mark this with satisfaction because I +hope that in this way, provided we can avoid irritating +controversies, we may return insensibly to satisfactory +relations. But we are far enough from such relations in +reality at this moment. Challemel Lacour is not given, as +you know, to talk about general diplomatic policy, but +others do not hesitate to let us understand that while they +are civil about small matters, they are only biding their +time till an opportunity comes of opposing us in effect +with great ones.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The course of affairs in Tonquin had not tended +to restore the French to good humour by providing +a compensation for their eclipse in Egypt, and the +attempt to indulge in Chauvinism on the cheap had +turned out to be a costly and unsatisfactory experiment. +Had it not been for the provocations of the +foreign press, it is possible that the spirited Colonial +Policy with regard to Tonquin, Madagascar, etc., +would have been abandoned quietly; but it was +found intolerable to endure the daily administration +of threats, ridicule, and supercilious advice showered +from abroad. As it was, these expeditions did +serve one useful purpose, namely, that of temporarily +diverting attention from Egypt.</p> + +<p>The reputation of the French Republic was not +enhanced by a most discreditable incident which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> +occurred at Paris in the autumn. The young King +of Spain who had been visiting some of the European +capitals, arrived at Paris on September 29, shortly +after having been created by the German Emperor +an Honorary Colonel of an Uhlan regiment at Strasbourg. +On the strength of this honorary distinction +he was met by a howling mob, which proceeded to +demonstrate its patriotism by insults such as have +seldom been offered to any foreign potentate, and +for which the President of the Republic was forced +to make an apology on the following day.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Oct. 5, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I do not remember any moment at which affairs here +have appeared to me so gloomy. The more I learn of the +proceedings of the French authorities, no less than those +of the mob, the more unpardonable do they appear. I +have never felt the same repugnance (and I have had my +trials in this way) to the people with whom I have to deal. +It is a comfort to contrast the bearing of the King of Spain +with that of His Majesty's so called hosts. Jules Ferry +himself appears to have behaved decorously. I will forbear +from speculating on the ultimate effect of this deplorable +affair on French institutions. So far as I can see, Ferry +and Wilson both calculate on obtaining the advantage in +a battle in the Chambers, if they put off the fight till the +session opens on the 23rd. In the meantime, decency (if +decency were at all taken into account here at this moment) +would seem to require that Thibaudin should resign or be +dismissed.</p> + +<p>Our own political questions with the French Government +do not seem in a much more hopeful state than the +general political condition of things here.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Not content with having by carelessness allowed +the King of Spain to be insulted, the French Government +prevented a correct and complete report of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> +President Grévy's apology from being published in +the <cite>Journal Officiel</cite>, this action being on a par with +the whole disgraceful proceedings. As, however, +the only alternative to the existing Government +appeared to be a thoroughgoing Intransigeant +Cabinet, and there was no telling what the latter +might do both at home and abroad, it was hoped +that Jules Ferry and his colleagues would succeed +in holding their own.</p> + +<p>In the autumn, Challemel Lacour, who had +become unpopular owing to the unsatisfactory campaign +in Tonquin, resigned office, and his place at +the Foreign Office was taken by Jules Ferry himself. +Towards the end of November there arrived the +news of Hicks Pasha's disaster in the Soudan, and +although this event was not by any means unwelcome +to the French, the chances of a speedy termination +of the British occupation of Egypt naturally grew +more remote.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 23, 1883.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I suppose there can be no hope that the disaster which +has overwhelmed Hicks's army is less serious than is +reported. It seems to be a grievous misfortune which has +come at a most inopportune moment for us. It is far from +causing sorrow to our friends here.</p> + +<p>I quite understand your not being keen to arbitrate +between France and China, and I don't think the French +will be willing to accept the arbitration of anybody. What +they understand by our good offices, is that we should help +them to carry all their points against the Chinese. It is +supposed that the Committee will press on the Government +a larger vote for Tonquin than the Government has asked +for.</p> + +<p>In the mean time things at home are looking gloomy in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> +France. There is likely to be a stagnation of trade and +generally much distress during the winter. People of all +classes are getting irritable, and seem to seek to vent their +irritation on foreign Powers. Add to this that the depression +and pusillanimity which followed 1870-1871, +seem to be giving place to the former overweening +opinion of the strength of France and consequently to +Chauvinism.</p> + +<p>I wrote a despatch to you by the last messenger as +to the effect the lowering the wine duties for Spain would +have here. I am never quite at ease when I think of our +holding Most Favoured Nation treatment at the pleasure +of the French. The lowest class who are gaining power +are certainly not Free Traders.</p></blockquote> + +<p>In consequence of the Soudan disaster the +Egyptian Government became anxious to call in +the Turks to their assistance, and this project +excited a strong feeling in France against the +admission of the Sultan's troops, or of any Turkish +fighting men into Egypt, to take part in the defence +against the Mahdi, that feeling being founded on +the old ground of danger to the French position in +Tunis and Algeria. But, for the same reason, the +French were disposed to throw a heavy responsibility +upon England for taking precautions that +the Mahdi should be effectually stopped somewhere +or other. Everything, in fact, that England did in +Egypt was wrong in French eyes, and there was a +fresh outburst over an arrangement made between +Lesseps and the English shipowners with regard to +the Suez Canal.</p> + +<p>In January, 1884, the British Government decided +definitely upon the evacuation of the Soudan, +and Gordon was despatched to carry out the +operation.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 19, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I do not know that in the main any marked change in +public opinion in France about Egypt has taken place since +I wrote ten days ago; but as the state of things there +remains unchanged for the better or becomes changed for +the worse, excitement and reproaches against England +increase. A catastrophe with regard to the garrison of +Khartoum or that of Sinkat, or any massacre of Europeans, +would probably produce a violent outcry against us, of a +much more intense character than the present general +upbraiding as to our allowing the advance of the Soudan +towards civilization to be stopped, and the slave trade to +be revived.</p> + +<p>I am told confidentially that Barrère, the French Agent +at Cairo, writes to urge his Government to decide upon +some distinct line of policy, in view of the present crisis. +His own idea would seem to be to ingratiate himself with +the Egyptians at the expense of the English, to lead them +to attribute all the present misfortunes to England and to +teach them to look to France for ultimate deliverance from +them. I hear that he rates Baring's ability very highly, +but writes very disparagingly of the other Englishmen in +office in Egypt. One of his topics in decrying England is +said to be the sum charged by her on the Egyptian Treasury +for the occupying troops. He is said not to be averse to +touching the Law of Liquidation, because he conceives +that, if this is done, France will get her finger into the pie +again.</p> + +<p>Tonquin is, at this moment, secondary to Egypt in +interest here, but the French are getting impatient for news +from Admiral Courbet.</p> + +<p>Nothing particularly critical has yet taken place in the +Chamber.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Lord Granville's reply seems to show that General +Gordon was almost as great an optimist as himself.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="p1">Jan. 19, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Many thanks for your important private letter about +Egypt. The information may be of use to Baring.</p> + +<p>Barrère is a very clever fellow, and has persuaded Baring +that he is very friendly.</p> + +<p>Gordon went off yesterday, in a very good humour, +determined to help us in carrying out our policy of evacuation +in the best manner.</p> + +<p>He is wonderfully optimistic, with a great contempt for +the Mahdi and disbelief in Arab fanaticism or love of real +fighting. He is not much afraid of a massacre. I trust +he may be right.</p></blockquote> + +<p>A fresh disaster in the Soudan—Baker Pasha's +defeat—encouraged the idea that these reverses were +symptoms of weakness on the part of England, and +gave France a reason for desiring to interfere, and +a <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">locus standi</i> for asserting a claim to do so.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 11, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The large majority obtained by the Government against +the coalition of the extreme Right and the extreme Left +on Paul Bert's extravagant proposals relative to the +salaries of schoolmasters and schoolmistresses, has strengthened +their hands and has given some confidence to the +Union Républicaine Party, on which they mainly rely. +They also succeeded in defeating a very mischievous +motion made by Clémenceau in the Committee of 44 to +send a deputation to Anzin in order to inquire into, or +more properly to foment the troubles in the Anzin coal +districts. Nevertheless, the state of the country and of +Paris in particular is far from comfortable. The distress +of the workmen, and the folly and unreasonableness of +their demands and expectations are on the increase. I +send you by this messenger a good despatch by Crowe<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> +the violent cry for protection from the competition of +foreign workmen as well as that of foreign goods, which has +been one of the consequences.</p> + +<p>I am afraid all this does not tend to make the Government +more conciliatory on foreign affairs. They are hourly +expecting to hear of the fall of Bac-Ninh, and if they are +quite successful there, they are only too likely to turn their +thoughts to getting a little glory out of the Egyptian +question, as well as out of the Madagascar, Congo, and +other matters in which they are more or less opposed to +England.</p> + +<p>So far as we are concerned, the effect the reconciliation +between Russia and Germany has had upon the French +is not good. So long as they had any hopes of a quarrel +between Germany and Russia, they felt bound to reserve +their strength in order to take advantage of it, and to +cultivate good relations with other Powers, in order to +secure at least their non-interference. Now they have +given up the hope of a break between Russia and Germany, +and are at the same time confident that all the Continental +Powers are determined on peace. They think therefore +that they may expect to be <em>tête-à-tête</em> with us and to be +free to act as suits them in affairs in which we are concerned.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">March 12, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Your letters are most interesting, though not comforting. +The difficulty of keeping on friendly terms with +France is not to be underrated.</p> + +<p>I await with almost equal interest the news which we +shall probably get this evening from [illegible] and that +which I suppose will come in a few days from Bac-Ninh.</p> + +<p>I am afraid victory will make the French Government +very difficult to deal with; on the other hand, a defeat, +which is not likely, will make the Chinese intolerable.</p> + +<p>Our own troubles, especially in the Soudan, are great. +If things could settle there, I am confident that Egypt +would soon recover the state in which she was before Hicks's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> +defeat, and this notwithstanding all the intrigues which are +going on there.</p> + +<p>Bismarck says he shall give us no trouble about the +Law of Liquidation, but that other nations will. What +will be the best way of approaching the French Government +when we have made up our own minds?</p> + +<p>As to protection, it will create a very angry feeling here. +It will ruin the French and it will make us the monopolists +of the neutral markets of the world so long as we can keep +at peace.</p> + +<p>The Egyptian blister has diverted public attention from +Merv. The question was treated in excellent speeches in +the Lords, but the debate was dull and flat.</p> + +<p>We do not make you a very handsome present in +Mohrenheim. He is like a diplomatist on the stage.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Baron Mohrenheim, a diplomatist of a very conventional +type, had just been transferred to Paris from +the Russian Embassy in London, and was generally +credited with strong anti-English sentiments.</p> + +<p>On the question of the financial condition of +Egypt, the British Government finally decided to +propose a European Conference, and the decision +was communicated to the French Government. As +was only to be expected, the English proposal produced +a conflict of opinion in France. Some +approved of calling in Europe generally, but others +denounced the proposal as a new proof of the +treachery of England, who, according to them, was +bound to treat with France alone, and called loudly +upon the French Government to refuse to go into +a Conference on equal terms with other Powers. +All seemed to think, however, that the moment had +come for France to reassume a position equal +with that of England, if not superior to it. The +attitude of the French Government itself was more +moderate. Jules Ferry accepted the Conference 'in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> +principle,' and endeavoured to show that two absolutely +false notions prevailed in England which +seemed to be the great obstacles to an understanding +between the two countries. One was that if the +English withdrew their troops from Egypt, France +would send hers in; the other, that France sought +to re-establish the Control.</p> + +<p>The position in which Gordon now found himself +in Khartoum began to cause Her Majesty's Government +serious misgivings, and many expedients were +suggested for relieving Ministers from their embarrassment. +Amongst them appears a serio-comic +proposition from the Baron de Billing, a well-known +figure in Anglo-French society.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 4, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I send you copies of a letter written to me by Baron de +Billing yesterday and of a memo annexed to it. I don't +know what you will think of the offer to rescue Gordon +which they contain, but I deem it right to lay it before you. +Billing made it to me verbally yesterday, and I begged him +to put it in writing. The inclosed papers are the result.</p> + +<p>Billing did not tell me who the persons were by whom +the rescue was to be effected, but I understand that they +were Arab Sheikhs or something of that kind. Apparently +they are in Paris, for he professed to go to consult them +before he sent me the memo.</p> + +<p>He says you have known him from a boy.</p> + +<p>'<em>Il se porte garant de l'honorabilité des personnes en jeu.</em>' +For my part '<em>Je ne me porte garant de rien</em>' in the matter.</p> + +<p>Billing insisted much on the importance of his receiving +a speedy answer.</p> + +<p class="p1">MEMO.</p> + +<p>'<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Gordon Pasha sera remis aux autorités egyptiennes ou +anglaises à un des ports de la Mer Rouge ou aux avant-postes +de l'armée anglo-egyptienne moyennant:</i></p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>1°. <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">le paiement immédiat par Lord Lyons d'une somme de +deux mille livres sterling à une personne désignée par le Baron +de Billing, ancien chargé d'affaires de France à Munich, +Tunis et Stockholm.</i></p> + +<p>2°. <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Le versement d'une somme de 48,000 livres sterling +au credit du Baron de Billing chez Messrs. Coutts, ses +banquiers ordinaires, le jour même où parviendra à Londres +la nouvelle officielle de la remise de Gordon Pasha entre les +mains des autorités anglo-egyptiennes.</i></p> + +<p><em>N.B.</em>—1°. <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Un compte détaillé sera rendu à Lord Lyons de +l'emploi des deux milles livres sterling immédiatement +exigibles.</i></p> + +<p>2° <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Gordon Pasha devra prendre l'engagement écrit de +quitter sur le champ l'Egypte et de s'en tenir éloigné pendant +une période de 10 ans.</i> (<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Je crois qu'il sera possible de faire +modifier cette dernière prétention qui semble bien peu +pratique.</i>)</p> + +<p><i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Le Baron de Billing se porte garant vis-à-vis de Lord +Lyons de l'honorabilité des personnes en jeu, et il ajoute que +vû son expérience de l'Afrique, il croit à de sérieuses chances +de succés.</i></p> + +<p><i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Un permis de séjour en blanc pour l'Egypte sera remis +au Baron de Billing pour un Musulman à désigner par lui.</i>'</p> + +<p>(<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Très important.</i>)</p></blockquote> + +<p>In spite of Lord Granville's life-long acquaintance +with the Baron, the proposal (which bears a +striking resemblance to some of the incidents in +the Dreyfus case) was declined, and nothing more +was heard of him in connection with the rescue of +Gordon.</p> + +<p>The French military operations in the Far East +were terminated temporarily by a Treaty with +China, concluded in May, under which the Protectorate +of France over Tonquin and Annam was +recognized, and there was some uncertainty at first +as to how the commercial terms would be interpreted. +When the Prince of Wales, who was then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span> +in Paris, called upon President Grévy, the latter +dilated effusively upon the satisfaction which all +nations must feel at the new opening of trade to +them in Tonquin and Annam. On the other hand, +the <cite>Temps</cite>, a newspaper of considerable authority, +talked of the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">ouverture au commerce exclusif de la +France des Provinces de l'Empire celeste limitrophes +de nos possessions de l'Indo-Chine</i>. 'I have observed,' +Lord Lyons wrote sadly, 'no symptoms lately in +France of anything like a decently liberal commercial +spirit.' Nor when M. Jules Ferry was congratulated +upon the Tonquin settlement, did that +statesman let fall any hint of an intention to open +to the rest of the world the commercial advantages +which France had secured for herself. In fact, the +chief result of the French success in Tonquin seemed +to be, that, having at all events, got rid temporarily +of this difficulty, a more unconciliatory line of policy +than ever would be adopted as far as Egypt was +concerned.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 27, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>You may have observed that, contrary to my usual +habit, I have been sending you lately a great many extracts +from French newspapers. My reason is of a very painful +kind. I have thought it necessary to give you specimens +of the ill will towards England, the suspicions of her, and +the irritability respecting her which seem to become more +and more prevalent here. To these unpleasant symptoms +I might add that exclusive and illiberal commercial views +and extreme Protectionist ideas are in the ascendant: and +that thus the spirited Colonial Policy now in vogue, becomes +a danger instead of an advantage to foreign commerce, +which it might be if it opened new areas to the trade of all +nations.</p> + +<p>The Ferry Government is wafted along by the pleasant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span> +breezes from Tonquin, but they must be on the look out for +squalls as they near the revision of the Constitution and the +discussion of the Budget of 1885.</p> + +<p>The <cite>Gaulois</cite> is hardly looked upon here as a serious +paper, but the calumnies upon Sir J. Drummond Hay +which it professes to have derived from a report made, I +suppose <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">viva voce</i>, by Ordega<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> to Ferry, are too bad. +Menabrea says that the Italian Minister at Tangier is a +man of herculean strength and fierce temper, and that he +is as likely as not to wring Ordega's neck if he catches him. +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Libre à lui de le faire.</i></p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">May 28, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>We must be very clumsy to invite so much indignation +in France and at the same time to run the risk of being +turned out next month for being so subservient to her.</p> + +<p>Waddington seems in earnest to bring about a good +understanding, but our press, over which the Government +has absolutely no control, will be most offensive, until the +vote of censure against the Conference, which is almost +sure to be brought on, is decided one way or the other.</p> + +<p>It will require all Salisbury's want of caution to try to +come in upon a quarrel with all Europe upon the Egyptian +question.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Egyptian policy of the Gladstone Government, +subsequently to the successful campaign of +1882, never met with much favour in any quarter +in England, but it was not surprising, on the whole, +that Lord Granville should be pained by French +hostility, since nothing whatever had been done to +warrant it. Had we behaved ill to France, there +might have been a chance of returning to favour +by altering our procedure; as it was, there was +no reasonable ground of offence whatever, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span> +therefore the prospect of restoring friendly relations +appeared to be all the more remote.</p> + +<p>Lord Hartington, then a prominent member of +the Gladstone Government, was in Paris at the +beginning of June, and Lord Granville seems to +have been much alarmed as to the language which +he might use with reference to Egypt in conversation +with French Ministers. Lord Hartington was +probably not in the least desirous of conversing +with French Ministers upon Egypt or upon any other +subject, and wished to go <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">incognito</i>, 'as he was +constantly in the habit of doing;' but it was represented +to him that unless he called upon Jules Ferry +it would be believed that he was engaged upon a +secret mission, and Lord Lyons was therefore asked +to give him some preliminary coaching.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 3, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I sent Lord Hartington your letter yesterday, and I +had a long visit from him in the afternoon.</p> + +<p>As matters stand, what seems to me most to be dreaded +with a view to our relations with France is a vote of the +House of Commons censuring an arrangement made by +Her Majesty's Government with the French Government. +Such a vote, and the debate by which it would be preceded, +would, I cannot but fear, have a truly lamentable effect.</p> + +<p>I understand that Jules Ferry is having a memorandum +on the Finances of Egypt drawn up by Blignières, and that +it will dispute the accuracy of Mr. Childers's information +and represent that the Finances were in a flourishing condition, +and that there were surpluses even during Arabi's +rebellion, up to the time at which England took the thing +in hand. The memorandum will probably deny there being +any necessity for reducing the interest of the debt, if the +Finances be properly managed.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I do not know whether such a reason will be assigned to +us, but in fact it seems that the French object to any large +loans being guaranteed by England, on account of the lien, +so to speak, which it would give England upon Egypt. +The French would prefer a simple fresh issue of Unified +stock.</p> + +<p>In the meantime, the French bondholders are bestirring +themselves and protesting against any arrangement being +made without their being consulted.</p> + +<p>Jules Ferry, however, himself thinks little of any other +consideration in comparison with the political success +which it would be to him to give France again a political +footing in Egypt, and as a means to this, to get a time fixed +for the departure of our troops. I do not think he is afraid +of much disapproval here of his counter-concession—the +engagement that French troops shall not enter Egypt, +either on the departure of the English troops or afterwards. +Unless the engagement were very formally made and very +peculiarly and stringently worded, it would be felt here +that it did not amount to much. For though it would +preclude the occupation of Egypt by the French to preserve +order and promote reforms in the same way we occupy the +country now, it would not be interpreted here as preventing +France using force to avenge an insult or protect distinct +French interests in cases which would constitute a <em>casus +belli</em> as regarded any ordinary country.</p> + +<p>I do not quite understand the exact position in which +stands the suggestion that the Financial question should +be first settled by England with the several Powers +separately, and then a conference be held for a day or two +only to ratify what had already been settled. Does this +afford an opening for purely financial negotiations, and +admit of dropping the French political proposals which +appear to be so unpopular in England? I believe Jules +Ferry is in some tribulation about the difficulties his proposals +have met with in England, and is half inclined to be +sorry he made them so strong, though I doubt whether +Waddington has made him fully aware of the violence of +the opposition they encounter in England.</p> + +<p>Generally speaking, I am very unhappy about the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> +growing ill-will between France and England which exists +on both sides of the Channel. It is not that I suppose that +France has any deliberate intention of going to war with +us. But the two nations come into contact in every part +of the world. In every part of it questions arise which, in +the present state of feeling, excite mutual suspicion and +irritation. Who can say, when and where, in this state of +things, some local events may not produce a serious quarrel, +or some high-handed proceedings of hot-headed officials +occasion an actual collision?</p></blockquote> + +<p>The variety and number of questions upon which +Lord Lyons was requested to pronounce an opinion +have already been commented upon; now he was +asked to consider the effect of a hypothetical vote +of the House of Commons.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Trentham, June 4, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Many thanks for your important and pregnant letter. +I quite agree that the relations between England and +France will be disagreeable if the House of Commons rejects +our proposals; but this, though possible, is not so probable +as Hartington thinks.</p> + +<p>The M.P.'s neither desire a Salisbury administration; +still less a dissolution.</p> + +<p>But how will our relations be, if we previously break +off with France? and what can you suggest for the settlement +of the financial difficulties of Egypt, if we obtain no +sanction for a change of the Law of Liquidation?</p> + +<p>Do you think that the House of Commons would allow +us to take the whole debt upon ourselves, in order to save +the bondholders? I should be really grateful for your +suggestions on this last point.</p></blockquote> + +<p>From the above letter it is plain that Her +Majesty's Government had no definite Egyptian +policy, and were merely stumbling along concerned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span> +only, as frequently happens with British Cabinets, +with the possible result of a division in the House of +Commons. The only evidence of policy was a +strong inclination to evade responsibility; to hand +it over to a collection of Powers; and to fritter away +such advantages as had been so hardly won, in the +hopeless attempt to recover the goodwill of the +French Government.</p> + +<p>Lord Lyons's reply was to the effect that nothing +would have a worse effect than a bitter debate in +the House of Commons followed by the censure of +terms agreed upon by the French and English +Governments. But as there was no doubt whatever +that the French Government intended to take +advantage of the Conference to place France in the +same position in Egypt as that which she formerly +held, a firm policy on the part of Her Majesty's +Government might have a better effect than an +over-yielding one.</p> + +<p>The Egyptian Conference met in London at the +end of June and continued its sterile discussions +for upwards of a month before finally breaking up, +while the tone of the French press grew more and +more hostile, and anything in the nature of a concession +on the subject of the interest of the debt +or on any other matter affecting French material +interest was denounced in the fiercest terms. Even +the craven British proposals with regard to the +limitation of the military occupation were treated +with contempt, and no person came in for greater +abuse than M. Waddington, who was now established +as Ambassador in London, and was constantly +denounced for subservience to England, +solely because he owned an English name.</p> + +<p>The Conference broke up in August, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> +Cabinet, which was now being continually denounced +on all sides for its feeble and procrastinating policy, +decided upon despatching Lord Northbrook on a +special mission to Cairo. Before Lord Northbrook +started he had a long interview with Lord Lyons, +who did his best to impress upon him the views, +interests, and susceptibilities of France, and the +great importance of not running counter to them if +possible.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Oct. 17, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I opened my first conversation with Ferry, the day after +my return, with a message from you as to your desire to be +on good terms, and to avoid unpleasantness in treating +matters between the two countries all over the world. I +enlarged upon this theme, and made it as plain to him as I +could, without letting the conversation degenerate into +recrimination, that if France were perpetually irritating +us, we on our side had the means, and should not always +be able to abstain from using them, of making ourselves +very disagreeable too. The subject was treated in the +most friendly way by me, and Ferry was profuse in his +acknowledgments to you, and in assurances; but I should +have been glad if I could have brought him to more +practical advances towards intimacy and good fellowship +than I was able to do. However, the conversation may +perhaps have done some good.</p> + +<p>As regards the Congo Conference, I came away with +the impression that there is more or less a tacit, if not very +explicit, understanding between France and Germany, in +addition to what appears in the Yellow Book; and that +this understanding may prove inconvenient to us.</p> + +<p>The session has not opened very favourably for the +Government. The Finance Minister's hocus-pocus expedients +for balancing the Budget have been unanimously +rejected by the Budget Committee. The recent 'glories' +in Tonquin hardly outweigh in public estimation the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span> +growing expenses of the operations there and in China. +Ferry told me he disliked the protective duties on cattle +and corn, but that the Government could not altogether +resist them, though it would endeavour to make them as +moderate as possible. Rouvier, the new Minister of +Commerce, is less Protectionist than his predecessor, +Hérisson; but I have no confidence in the so-called Free +Trade principles of any Frenchman. Duties on manufactures +are sure to follow in the wake of duties on food, +and I can never forget that we hold our Most Favoured +Nation treatment only at the good pleasure of the French +Government. The proceedings of the Lyonnais are +socialist and revolutionary, and a great impetus has been +given to Socialism by the journeyings during the recess of +the sub-committees of the General Committee appointed +by the Chamber of Deputies to inquire into the distress of +the working classes. Nevertheless the chances still seem +to be that the Ferry Ministry will weather the storms of the +autumn session.</p> + +<p>Ferry complained bitterly of the English press. He +said in particular that the irritating lecturing tone of the +<em>Times</em> goaded the French to madness; though he himself +observed that it used the same tone towards the Government +of its own country. I said that the press on both +sides of the Channel seemed to work as if for the express +purpose of producing ill-will between the two countries; +but that certainly the English Government had no power +to restrain it. A good understanding between the two +Governments and friendly proceedings on their parts to +each other, would in time act upon public opinion; and +saying this, I preached a little more on the text of the +importance of the French Government's not making itself +unnecessarily disagreeable.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Her Majesty's Government were at this time +involved in domestic as well as external difficulties, +and Lord Granville's reply to the foregoing letter +contained a renewal of the old importunity to come +over and vote in the House of Lords on a party<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span> +question. It is quite obvious that Lord Granville +was impelled to do so by Gladstone, and the typical +Gladstonian reasoning is shown in the argument that +Lord Lyons ought to vote, because being an Ambassador +he was a non-party man; whereas on previous +occasions his vote had been applied for, because he +distinctly ranked as a party man in the Whip's list.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Walmer, Oct. 18, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Gladstone writes to me earnestly, but I think reasonably, +respecting your vote at the present important crisis.</p> + +<p>He says that you must be aware of the estimate we +hold of your judgment and independence. But to save +the House of Lords from a tempest which must strain and +may wreck it, some Tory Lords will be moved to vote for +the Franchise Bill, and he asks why the same motive should +not operate upon men like our Ambassadors, who he +believes are of no party.</p> + +<p>I own I think that the same majority, or possibly a +larger one in the Lords, would be a great disaster.</p> + +<p>If the Liberal Party take up hostility to the House of +Lords itself as its leading question—whether led by Gladstone +himself, or not,—and with a leader of the Lords who is +personally in favour of getting a larger career of power and +utility for himself in the Commons, it is difficult not to +foresee the result.</p> + +<p>With regard to immediate politics, supposing Salisbury +succeeds in forcing a dissolution, and with the help of the +Irish turns us out, what chance is there of his not being +turned out in six months by nearly the same process?</p> + +<p>The Waddingtons came here to luncheon. I guessed +that they funked being reported as being here. He was +very civil, and his talk was not altogether unpromising.</p></blockquote> + +<p>No one with the slightest practical acquaintance +with politics could possibly be taken in by the +Gladstonian phrase about the 'estimate of your<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span> +judgment and independence.' Ministers when urging +their docile supporters either in the Lords or the +Commons to support a party measure, are not in +the habit of boasting that some eminent person, +whether an Ambassador or not, is going to give a +silent vote in their favour, and even if they did, it +would not produce the slightest effect. One peer's +vote is as good as another's, and in the division list +an Ambassador counts no higher than the most +obscure of backwoodsmen.</p> + +<p>Anglo-French relations were not improved by +the occurrences in the Far East, where the French, +in consequence of the Tonquin expedition, had +drifted into war with China. The Chinese fleet, +composed of small obsolete vessels, was destroyed +at Foochow by the heavily armed French ships in +August; but as the Chinese Government showed no +signs of yielding, the French Admiral, Courbet, was +ordered to seize part of the island of Formosa, where +valuable coal mines were known to exist. In order +to effect his object, Admiral Courbet, with a magnificent +disregard of all neutral Powers, proclaimed +a paper blockade of Formosa, which naturally provoked +a protestation on the part of the British +Government. During the remainder of the year +hostilities between France and China continued, +although from time to time recurrence to the +friendly offices of Her Majesty's Government was +suggested but found impracticable.</p> + +<p>Egypt, however, remained the centre of interest, +and the prospects of any amicable arrangement +appeared to recede further into the distance. Upon +the return of Lord Northbrook, the new proposals +of Her Majesty's Government were put before the +French Government.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 26, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I suppose Waddington's private statement to me that +we must not expect an answer to our Egyptian proposals +before the end of the year was intended to imply that we +<em>should</em> get an answer about that time.</p> + +<p>I pressed Ferry strongly on the subject the day before +yesterday. He assured me that he had studied our papers +and was occupying himself without intermission on the +subject, but I could not bring him to book as to the exact +time we might look for an answer, nor could I extract +from him any hint as to what the answer was to be.</p> + +<p>I am afraid that the draft of it has gone, or is going, to +Berlin, and I augur anything but good from this. It seems +to me that without being driven to anything of the kind +by German interests, Bismarck has lately taken a sort of +malicious pleasure in treating matters in a way calculated +to embarrass and discredit us.</p> + +<p>You may be quite sure that I shall leave no stone unturned +to get an answer as soon as possible. I don't think +threats of Tunisifying Egypt, or of bankruptcy, or other +strong measures, would tell upon the French. They would +not believe that we should have recourse to such measures, +in face of the opposition of France, Germany, Austria, and +Russia, even if we had the thoroughgoing support of Italy. +I should hesitate to bring matters to a point at which we +could only execute our threats by a very large display of +military and naval force, or back out of them. The best +card in our hand, and it is not a high trump, is the reluctance +of the French to be thrown irretrievably into the clutches +of Bismarck by a distinct quarrel with us.</p> + +<p>Ferry seemed grateful to you for the way in which you +sounded him through Waddington about new proposals +from China, but he appears to think that any eagerness on +his part to receive new proposals would be looked upon by +the Chinese as a sign of weakness, and short of absolutely +giving in on the part of China, an <em>action d'éclat</em> on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span> +part of the French forces would answer best for him with +the Chambers.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 30, 1884.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I put your letter myself into Errington's hand this +morning.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> He starts for Italy this evening.</p> + +<p>You will see by the despatch I send with this that Ferry +promises an answer on the Egyptian Finances on the +15th of next month, and that he intends to make counter-proposals. +I cried out at his mentioning so distant a date +as the 15th, but he would not name a nearer one. If, as I +cannot but surmise, he is consulting Berlin, I fear that +neither speed nor conciliation to us will be recommended +from that quarter. I confess I cannot think of any threat +which would be likely to mend matters. The French +would probably rejoice at any crisis which might array +distinctly against us the three Emperors, as well as this +Republic. I doubt the Tonquin affair being very much of +a safeguard. I should feel safer if France were not getting +into the habit of sending out distant expeditions.</p> + +<p>I report officially this evening Ferry's language about +the new Chinese proposals. The Chambers were all in +favour of an <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">action d'éclat</i>. I don't think Ferry could +face them with another doubtful negotiation on his hands +which would suspend military action. At any rate he does +not seem to wish to hear anything of Chinese proposals, +short of actual surrender.</p></blockquote> + +<p>At the beginning of 1885 Her Majesty's Government +were confronted with the unpleasant fact, +that whereas hitherto they had only had French +opposition to reckon with in respect to Egypt, +Bismarck had now engineered a European combination +against them in consequence of dissatisfaction +at the English attitude towards his colonial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> +policy. The English financial proposals, more +especially those which suggested that the interest +on the debt should be reduced, and the Anglo-French +Administration of the Daira and Domain +Lands should be abolished, were denounced in unmeasured +terms in France. Nor did it seem easy +to devise any efficacious means either of reconciling +the French to the proposals or of putting pressure +on them. The time for putting pressure on France +was past; earlier in the day, a representation that +a refusal to consent to measures necessary for the +well being and good administration of Egypt would +oblige the British Government to take the country +formally under their protection, after the fashion +of Tunis, would have met with little opposition; but +now France might go to any extremities to resist +such an arrangement, feeling sure that in so doing +she would have the support of Germany, Austria, +and Russia. Under these circumstances the prospect +of a financial crisis, or even of bankruptcy, +produced little alarm, because it was felt that the +support of the three Empires would be forthcoming +in demanding that the Egyptian financial administration +should be placed under the joint control +of the Powers; and it was in fact only too probable +that the intractability of the French Government +would increase in proportion with the support +obtained from Germany and the Powers which +followed the German lead.</p> + +<p>It was hardly credible that the patronage of +Germany was acceptable to the French public or +entirely satisfactory to the French Government, as +the danger, not to say the humiliation, of falling +altogether into the hands of Bismarck, could not +quite be lost sight of. The French Government<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span> +no doubt had two objects in view; the first, to make +use of the support of Germany and the Powers, in +order to guard French pecuniary interests, and to +improve as far as possible the political position of +France in Egypt; the second, to avoid severing +themselves so entirely from England as to be left +wholly at the mercy of Germany. Unfortunately +for England the second object appeared to be the +one to which the lesser importance was attached.</p> + +<p>In short, the probabilities were, that unless we +succeeded in coming to some arrangement with +France, we should find arrayed against us all the +European Powers, except Italy, the position in +which we were placed at the moment, in consequence +of the expedition to Khartoum, having been taken +into account in calculating the means at our disposal +to withstand such a coalition. It should be mentioned +that the friendship of Italy had been purchased +by an arrangement under which she was to +take possession of Massowah and the adjacent coast.</p> + +<p>The French counter-proposals respecting +Egyptian Finance were communicated in the +middle of January.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 20, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I earnestly hope that a settlement of the Egyptian +Financial Question may be the result of the Cabinet to-day. +That question seems to me to have a disastrous +effect on our foreign relations everywhere.</p> + +<p>Bismarck and Ferry are <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">jouant au plus fin</i> with each +other at our expense. Each seems to think that he can +use the other to help in thwarting us, without risk to +himself. But Bismarck has the best of the game. He +occupies the French thoughts, and to some extent their +forces, at a distance from Europe: he keeps up irritation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> +between them and us, and some of the acquisitions he +encourages them to make (Tonquin for instance) will in +all probability be a permanent cause of weakness to them. +At the same time he neutralizes opposition from us to his +childish colonial schemes, which I cannot help suspecting +are founded as much on what, for want of a better word, +I must call spite against us, as on any real expectation of +advantage to Germany. Ferry hopes, by means of Bismarck +and the Powers who follow Bismarck's lead, to +carry his immediate points in regard to Egypt and other +parts of the world, and so increase his reputation at home +for the moment; and he trusts to his skill to enable him to +stop before he has so entirely alienated us as to be quite at +Bismarck's mercy. It is the natural disposition of almost +all Europe to side against us, as matters stand, on the +Egyptian Financial Question, which makes this pretty +game possible.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 3, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am provoked by Ferry's tardiness in sending Waddington +the instructions to proceed with the Egyptian Finances +Question. He has evidently been waiting for the approval +of Berlin. I am more than ever impatient to get this +question disposed of. One, and not the least of my reasons, +is the desire to get rid of this habit of referring every moment +to Bismarck.</p> + +<p>The Tonquin and China affairs seem to get more perplexing +and more expensive to the French in men and +money every day. It seems very doubtful that Ferry will +get the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">action d'éclat</i> he is looking for there, in time for +the election; and if he do not, it may go hard with him in +the new Chamber.</p> + +<p>The <cite>Gaulois</cite> announces that a great Anglo-French +meeting is to be held in Paris in the month of March, at +which a resolution is to be voted that England and France +must remain united in the interests of liberty in Europe. +According to the <cite>Gaulois</cite>, 'Mr. Cremer, secrétaire general +de la Workmen's Peace Association,' is in communication<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span> +about it with M. Clémenceau, who is to organise the meeting +in conjunction with Mr. Burns, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Membre de la Chambre des +Communes</i>, who would come to Paris with a delegation of +English workmen. If there be any truth in the story, the +object of the French promoters of this demonstration is +probably to embarrass the Ferry Government.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Mr. Burns referred to was presumably the +present President of the Local Government Board, +but the description of him as an M.P. was premature.</p> + +<p>Negotiations between the French and English +Governments over the financial proposals were +resumed, and eventually some sort of arrangement +was arrived at, but in the meanwhile all interest +had been transferred to the Soudan. The battle +of Abou Klea took place on January 19, and on +February 5 there arrived the news of the fall of +Khartoum and death of Gordon. The French were +not wanting in appreciation of the gallantry shown +by the British troops, but were prodigal of gloomy +forebodings with regard to the future prospects of +the expeditions. Prominent amongst these prophets +of evil were Lesseps and Jules Ferry. Lesseps (on +the strength of having once been on a tour in the +Soudan with the ex-Khedive) considered that an +attempt to advance would be madness, and that +the army was in great danger of being surrounded. +He thought that the only prudent course would be +to concentrate the forces and keep them behind +walls and entrenchments until the autumn. But +even then he did not see how the army could ever +get away if it were stoutly opposed by the Arabs, +as the scarcity of water and other difficulties would +make the Berber-Suakim route impracticable; and +in short he was convinced that the only practical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> +plan was to come to terms with the Mahdi, and that +the only means of making terms with the Madhi +would be to reinstate Ismail as Khedive and utilize +his influence. This surprising conclusion was due +to the fact that Lesseps had for a long time been +exerting himself in every possible way to bring +about the restoration of Ismail.</p> + +<p>M. Jules Ferry was also full of condolences upon +the British position in the Soudan, but was, at the +same time, not at all enthusiastic about the French +position in the Far East. He admitted that the +troops in Tonquin were sickly and that the climate +was odious; that neither in Tonquin nor Formosa +could any blow be struck which China would really +feel, but that nevertheless 'in the interests of civilization +as represented in those parts by France and +England, it was necessary to deal a stunning blow +(<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coup foudroyant</i>) at the huge Empire of China.' +This might be effected by landing an attacking force +in China proper, or by blockading the ports, but +either of these methods would involve great difficulties +with other Powers, and the only thing that +remained to be done was to dismember the Empire. +Once China was broken up into three or four provinces +she would become comparatively harmless. +M. Jules Ferry's views were expressed after a dinner +at the Embassy, and Lord Lyons in reporting the +conversation remarked that his wine must be more +heady than he imagined.</p> + +<p>Before long, however, a crisis in another part of +the world temporarily distracted attention from +Egypt and brought home to every thinking person +the indefinite and multifarious responsibilities of +British rule, as well as the singularly inadequate +military resources available. Prominent British<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span> +statesmen had long derided the absurdity of supposing +that England and Russia could ever become +involved in disputes in Central Asia, but, profiting +by our embarrassments in Egypt, the Russian +Government had adopted so aggressive a policy, that +even the peace-loving Gladstone Government found +itself on the brink of a collision before the end of +February. This critical situation and the possibility +of a conflict between England and Russia, far +from giving satisfaction to the French, afforded +them just cause for anxiety.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 13, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The critical state of things between England and Russia +has come more home to the French mind during the last +few days, and is looked upon with increased alarm. Whatever +may be Bismarck's feelings and plans, the French +cannot help feeling that it would be a great danger to them +for him to be without counterpoise in Europe. Those who +believe that they see far ahead, declare that Bismarck's +ultimate object is Holland, and that Belgium, or a part of +Belgium, is to be given to France as a compensation for the +annexation of Holland to Germany. To this end they +conceive that Bismarck has aimed at embroiling Russia +with England, so that the one may paralyse the other; at +separating England and France, and at setting up an alliance +between France and Germany. It is to be hoped that +many Frenchmen would shrink from taking part in an +iniquity which would be equalled only by the partition of +Poland. It is to be supposed that none can be so blind as +not to see that Bismarck will never make a territorial +arrangement which would increase the relative strength of +France as compared with that of Germany. It can hardly +be doubted that Bismarck must be well aware that so far +from the gift of Belgium reconciling the French to the loss<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span> +of Alsace and Lorraine, any additional power that gift +might confer upon them would certainly be used, on the +first opportunity, for the recovery of the two lost +Provinces.</p> + +<p>To people who incline to more simple and obvious +explanations of political conduct, Bismarck himself seems +to be rather old to indulge in any hope of executing schemes +of this kind. Moreover, the character of the Emperor +would in all probability prevent his sanctioning such proceedings, +while His Majesty's death would, in all probability, +greatly diminish, if not put an end to, Bismarck's influence. +Bismarck may in fact be working in order to attain smaller +and more immediate objects, and to gratify personal +feelings.</p> + +<p>However all this may be, the French decidedly wish to +prevent a rupture between England and Russia. They do +not relish the effect upon the position of Bismarck in +Europe which would be the consequence of France herself, +England and Russia, being all hampered by being engaged +in wars in the extreme East.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">March 14, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I doubt the Russians going quite to extremes, but the +risk is great.</p> + +<p>Bismarck is behaving as ill as possible—after the mission +of peace and a complete making up, creating difficulties +at the last moment about Egyptian finances, concerning +which he promised that no objections would be raised by +Germany, if France and England were agreed. It is +supposed to be with a view to getting a decree against us +at Cairo before the settlement.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The military preparations for a possible struggle +with Russia were typical of the manner in which +British statesmen occasionally prepare for the +worst. In order to strike terror into a Power which +could dispose of millions of soldiers, two army corps<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span> +of 25,000 men each were ordered to be mobilized +in India, and as 'a time of emergency had arrived,' +it was announced that the first-class army reserve +and militia reserve would be called out; their +total numbers amounting to the stupendous figure +of about 70,000 men. By these steps it was hoped +that the greatest military Power in the world would +be overawed.</p> + +<p>From one embarrassment Her Majesty's Government +were fortunately relieved, the basis of an +arrangement with France having been arrived at +with regard to Egyptian Finance. Mr. Gladstone, +with whom Lord Lyons had been requested to communicate +direct, wrote expressing his relief, but was +obviously far more concerned to demonstrate the +turpitude of his political opponents.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Mr. Gladstone to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">10, Downing St., March 21, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>When you so kindly wrote to me about Egyptian +Finance, I did not reply. Not because I was insensible or +forgetful, but because the unsatisfactory condition of the +question made it so difficult. Now, thank God, we are +through, as far as Foreign Powers are concerned; and we +have thus far escaped from a position the most hopeless and +helpless that it is possible to conceive.</p> + +<p>It remains a subject of regret, and of some surprise, +that the Opposition are pressing for time before we take +the vote, in a manner quite unusual, with almost a certainty +of bankruptcy and financial chaos in Egypt, and the +likelihood of consequences more than financial if we +comply; and all this, as far as we can make out, because +of the disorganized condition of the Tory party. It seems +that the mutinous followers have exacted this condition +from their leaders, as some reparation for the agreement +about the Seats Bill, and for their other offences.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>To be defeated on the agreement would be <em>most</em> convenient +for the Government (for me priceless) but somewhat +ruinous or mischievous, I think, to all the rest of the +world.</p> + +<p>We must of course hold our ground.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The rooted belief of Ministers that their continuance +in office is absolutely essential to the welfare +of the universe as well as to that of the British Empire +is, of course, a well-known phenomenon which has +manifested itself in more recent times in the case of +both political parties. In 1885 the difficulties of +the Gladstone Government continued to grow, and +it was fortunate for Lord Granville's peace of mind +that he was an optimist by nature.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">March 25, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The incorrigible Turk has not yet sent instructions to +Musurus. We have tried the most serious threats, which +Musurus believes will be successful.</p> + +<p>But if we do not take care, we shall soon be at war with +the Mahdi, with Turkey, and with the Russians.</p> + +<p>I do not know how the latter question will finish. +Being of a sanguine disposition, I hope for the best. We +are determined to take a firm stand.</p> + +<p>Do you believe that the French have many tricks in +hand for the Suez Canal Commission?</p></blockquote> + +<p>Early in April there arrived the news of the fight +at Penjdeh, where, to use Gladstone's own expression, +the attack of the Russians upon the Afghans +'bore the appearance of an unprovoked aggression.' +A financial panic took place, consols fell 3 per +cent., Russian stocks 9 per cent., and for a short +time the impression prevailed that war was inevitable. +In the House of Commons, Mr. Gladstone<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span> +made one of those eloquent statements which were +so widely accepted by his followers as a satisfactory +solution of any outstanding difficulty, but which +failed to reassure the more intelligent; and even +the optimistic Lord Granville felt some uncomfortable +qualms.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>'It is too dreadful,' he wrote on April 10th, 'jumping +from one nightmare into another.</p> + +<p>'Once at war with Russia we shall be obliged to toady +Germany, France, and Turkey.</p> + +<p>'But I cannot believe that it will come to war. It +cannot be a good move of the Russians to have created a +blood feud with the Afghans.</p> + +<p>'Not having a genius for war, I do not know how we +are effectively to carry it on against Russia, although it is +not off the cards that it may break her up.'</p></blockquote> + +<p>Probably Lord Granville was not singular in his +inability to see how a war on land was to be effectively +carried on against Russia.</p> + +<p>In the meanwhile the French were not without +their own foreign troubles. M. Jules Ferry had +spoken of the necessity of inflicting a <em>coup foudroyant</em>. +The <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coup foudroyant</i> fell in a totally unexpected +fashion upon his own head, in the shape of +a defeat of the French forces at Lang-Son. The +news of the reverse arrived in Paris on March 25, +and created so absurd a panic and so strong a feeling +against Spirited Colonial Policy that Jules Ferry +at once bowed to the storm and resigned on the 31st. +He had been in office for the unprecedented period +of two years and one month, which alone was +sufficient cause for disappearance; nor could it be +said that his administration had been colourless, +for he had passed an important Education Bill,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> +established the Protectorate of France in Tunis, +and annexed Tonquin and Madagascar.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 31, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ferry was certainly at work quietly with negotiations +for peace with China, and no doubt he calculated on playing +it as a high trump at the Elections; and a great card it +would have been for him, for the war in Tonquin is extremely +unpopular. The reverse at Lang-Son has changed +all this; the extreme Right have always had a special +hatred of Ferry on account of the suppression of the +religious communities, and Clémenceau and the extreme +Left have become bitterly hostile to him personally. Not +many of his own party cared to stick to him when their +own popularity would have been risked by doing so. And, +besides, he had been in office for two years; a very unusually +long period of late, and people were tired of him.</p> + +<p>Freycinet is now trying to form a Cabinet. It is not +certain that he will succeed, and if he does succeed, it is +very doubtful whether his Cabinet will last. His idea +seems to be to take into it Republicans of all shades, not +excluding deep Red. The Republicans have been rather +startled by the progress, far from great though it has been, +of the Conservatives and Monarchists (Orleanist and +Imperialist) in the constituencies; and the notion seems +to be that the importance to them of resisting this, may +keep them together and prevent them quarrelling with +each other, at all events until after the Elections. But anyway, +each change of Ministry produces a further step towards +the Left, and there is a foundation for the fear that there +may be socialist legislation against property and proprietors, +and that the Government may by degrees throw +away all the means of resisting anarchy.</p> + +<p>Freycinet's own tendencies would be towards peace. +Now there is nothing but flame and fury against the +Chinese, but considering the general unpopularity of the +war this may to a certain extent subside. He would, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span> +think, desire to be on good terms with all countries. He +would hardly be so subservient to Bismarck as Ferry had +lately become. It so happens that personally he and I +are particularly good friends.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Towards the end of April the British Government +asked for a credit of eleven millions, and the eloquence +of Mr. Gladstone worked his faithful followers up +to a belief in verbiage which is almost pathetic. +'Gladstone's magnificent speech had a great effect +here,' wrote Lord Granville. 'It will hasten the +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">dénouement</i> one way or the other in Russia.</p> + +<p>'I understand that the Emperor is decidedly +pacific; but he believes his father lost himself from +want of firmness, that he himself is determined to +be firm, and that the particular firmness which +appeals to him, is not that which goes against the +wishes of his army.'</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 1, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>A war between England and Russia is much dreaded +by the French. They fear that it would leave Bismarck +without any counterpoise in Europe. Any influence they +may have will no doubt be exercised in favour of peace, +but their influence at this moment does not count very +much. I do not know that they would have any strong +sympathy with Russia if hostilities broke out, but such a +feeling would be produced by anything which irritated +them with us on account of Egyptian or other matters. +Anyhow we must be prepared to find them exacting and +susceptible.</p> + +<p>The consequences of the war as regards the money +market here would be disastrous; but it is believed they +would be still more disastrous at Berlin.</p> + +<p>The dangerous point is considered here to be the notions +of military honour, of a peculiar kind, which prevail in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span> +the Russian as much as, or more than, in other Continental +armies.</p> + +<p>These military notions in the armies do not at all +require that the rulers of the armies should keep their +words to foreigners, or abide by their international engagements; +but they do require that, right or wrong, the rulers +should not allow the <em>amour-propre</em> of the army to be +wounded. The Emperor of Russia probably shares these +feelings, and at any rate he would certainly be afraid to +run counter to them. Those here who profess to understand +Russia declare that she has no desire to take Herat +or to annex any part of Afghanistan. They think that the +ultimate object at which she is really aiming is to extend +her possessions to the Persian Gulf, and that she would be +tractable enough about the Afghan frontier, if that question +were separated from military honour, or rather vanity.</p> + +<p>I met Freycinet and Herbette at dinner yesterday. +They seemed to be much relieved at having got rid of the +<em>Bosphore Egyptien</em> difficulty, and to be really much +obliged to you for the help you had given to them.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The <cite>Bosphore Egyptien</cite>, a French newspaper in +Cairo which continually attacked the British administration +in Egypt with unparalleled malignity, had +at length worn out the patience of Sir Evelyn +Baring, and been temporarily suspended.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Granville.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 15, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The symptoms apparent here indicate that Bismarck +is busily employed in getting up a European coalition +against England on the Egyptian question. He has very +nearly succeeded, if not quite, in isolating us in the Suez +Canal Commission. He would seem to have put great +pressure for this purpose upon Italy, who was disposed to +side with us, and to have frightened or cajoled Holland and +Spain. With Russia and Austria he seems to have made +a regular cabal. It has required great tact and firmness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span> +on Pauncefote's part to have resisted the endeavours to +turn the Commission into a political conference on the +whole Egyptian question, and at the same time to have +avoided breaking it up prematurely. Another circumstance +which Bismarck is using as a lever against us, is the +levying by the Egyptian Government of the tax upon the +coupon, before the Financial Convention has been ratified +by all the parties to it.</p> + +<p>He has sent Courcel here from Berlin to seduce or terrify +the French Government, and is said to have charged him +with large offers relative to establishing an international +administration in Egypt, and assigning to France a preponderant +influence in such an administration. What the +real offers may be, of course, I cannot say, but I think the +French are half afraid of them. Probably, like all Bismarck's +demonstrations in so-called support of France, they contain +the essential elements—the employing a considerable +number of French troops at a distance from France, and +the promoting ill-will between France and England.</p></blockquote> + +<p>These suspicions as to Bismarck's motives were +confirmed by Lord Rosebery, who at the time +occupied a minor post in the Gladstone administration, +and had lately paid a visit to Germany.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Granville to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">May 30, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Rosebery has not yet written out the report (which +Blowitz saw), but he has given me a full account from his +notes.</p> + +<p>Bismarck acknowledged that he had been thwarting us +in every way; but at the last conversation (influenced, +Rosebery thought, by an unsatisfactory conversation with +Courcel) he was much more conciliatory.</p> + +<p>He was exceedingly civil to Rosebery; hostile to +Gladstone, and especially to Derby.</p> + +<p>He is a great man, but he sees through a great many +millstones.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span></p> + +<p>The Emperor is certainly unwell. Rosebery is convinced +that Bismarck will retire for a time on his death.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Judging from the material available, no statesman +ever disliked so many persons as Bismarck, +and the objects of his antipathy were not confined +to his own sex. Busch's book and the works of +other authors contain frequent references to the +grievances which he entertained towards women +who were alleged to have interfered with his policy, +and, whether these charges were well founded or not, +he made no secret of his animosity against even so +important a personage as the Empress Augusta. In +fact there can be little doubt that it was owing to +the despotic influence exercised by the Chancellor +that the Empress, who had had the misfortune to +incur his displeasure, was forced to leave Berlin +and to reside for a considerable period at Coblentz.</p> + +<p>Apparently the man who inspired him with the +greatest aversion was Gortschakoff, but it is easy +to understand that from the Bismarckian point of +view, Mr. Gladstone and Lord Derby represented a +singularly futile type of statesman. Lord Rosebery's +prophecy with regard to his retirement was +only partially correct. In private conversation, Bismarck +is understood to have calculated upon three +years of office under the present German Emperor; +whereas he only succeeded in remaining for two, and +his retirement was compulsory and not voluntary.</p> + +<p>One of the notable events in Paris in 1885 was +the death of Victor Hugo. His funeral was made +the occasion of a great ceremonial, and Queen +Victoria, who was always much interested in functions +of this nature, desired that she should be furnished +with a special report. Any one who happened to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span> +have been a witness of the Victor Hugo funeral would +corroborate the accuracy of the following account, +which is probably in striking contrast to the word +pictures of the newspaper correspondents of the +time.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 4, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Lord Lyons presents his humble duty to Your Majesty +and in obedience to Your Majesty's commands, proceeds +to state the impression made upon him by the funeral of +Victor Hugo.</p> + +<p>There was nothing striking, splendid or appropriate, +either in the monstrous catafalque erected under the Arc +de Triomphe, or in the trappings of the funeral. There +was nothing mournful or solemn in the demeanour of the +people. The impressive part of the scene consisted in the +vast crowds from all parts of France and from many other +countries. As decorations of the scene, were the innumerable +wreaths, some conveyed in cars and some carried in +the hands of those who offered them.</p> + +<p>The aspect was that of a vast assemblage of people +gathered together for some ordinary demonstration, or +from curiosity. On the other hand, perfect order was preserved. +Both those who joined in the procession and those +who lined the streets through which it passed, maintained +the good humour and civility which are seldom wanting to +a Paris crowd. At some points attempts were made to +raise anarchical or socialistic cries, but met with no response. +The distance from the point of departure to the Arc de +Triomphe is about three miles by the route taken, which +was through some of the finest avenues of Paris. The +procession began at 11 o'clock in the morning and went on +until after 4 in the afternoon.</p> + +<p>The general impression left upon Lord Lyons by the +day was one of weariness and unconcern. The orderliness +of the people was a satisfactory symptom, but the total +absence of strong feeling was chilling, and the studied +avoidance of any recognition of religion did away with all +solemnity.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span></p> + +<p>On June 12, the Gladstone Government, having +been defeated during a Budget debate, resigned, and +left to the Conservatives the ungrateful task of +facing an accumulation of difficulties while in a +minority in the House of Commons. Lord Salisbury +took Lord Granville's place at the Foreign Office +and the transfer was marked by a double compliment +to Lord Lyons. Lord Granville, who was +always extremely popular with all those with +whom he was in any way connected, with habitual +kindliness and generosity expressed his obligations +to the Ambassador. 'An ordinary letter of +farewell and of thanks would very inadequately +express my feelings to you. I cannot say how +much I have valued the loyal and important +assistance you have given me in most difficult +circumstances.'</p> + +<p>Lord Salisbury showed his appreciation by at +once asking him to come over to England in order +to discuss the general situation, and upon his return +to Paris in July, he was able to report that the change +of Government in England appeared to have had a +beneficial effect upon Anglo-French relations. 'The +statement you made in the House of Lords has made +an excellent impression. Freycinet seems to be +really disposed to abstain from endeavouring to +thwart us or to raise difficulties for us with regard +to Egyptian Finance. He also appears to be inclined +to come to terms with us about Newfoundland +and other matters.'</p> + +<p>'I think he is sincerely desirous to put the relations +between the two countries on a good footing, +but I cannot yet say that he will be willing to make +sacrifices for this purpose.'</p> + +<p>As Freycinet, however, showed few symptoms<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span> +of being willing to retire from the position he had +taken up with regard to the eventual British evacuation +of Egypt, and to the resumption by France of +an influence equal with our own, his professions of +friendship did not appear to be of much value. +Some apprehension too was caused by the ostentatious +announcements in the French press, that the +numerous military forces in the Far East released +in consequence of the conclusion of peace with China +would return by the Suez Canal and would therefore +be 'available for other purposes in the Mediterranean.' +What was perhaps more encouraging, was +the increasing distaste for Spirited Colonial Policy +combined with renewed distrust of Bismarck's intentions.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 14, 1885.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have been rejoiced by your telegram announcing that +Germany, Austria, and Italy agree to the issue of the +Egyptian Loan Decree. It looks as if you were on the eve +of settling the question most pressing in point of time +(that of the money for Egypt), and I hope it augurs well +for the disposition generally of the German Chancellor. +The National Fête here puts a stop to all business for to-day, +but I shall see Freycinet about the issue of the Decree +to-morrow.</p> + +<p>The debate on the Budget for 1886 elicited some curious +speeches in the Chamber of Deputies three days ago on the +'Expéditions lointaines.' There was no difficulty in +showing that they had all cost more than they were worth. +They were plainly held by the Deputies to be unpopular in +the country, and condemnation of them is likely to be one +of the election cries of the extreme Left. But hardly any +one seemed to see the way to bring them to an end. In +fact, it looked as if France had got into the groove which +by a fatality leads to annexation and conquest by strong<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span> +and civilized nations when they once begin to establish +themselves amongst weak and barbarous peoples. All this +may delight Prince Bismarck, whose avowed object is to +find an outlet for what he calls French vanity and restlessness, +and a gulf to swallow up French troops and treasures +at a distance from Europe. From a certain point of view +this may not be without its advantages to other nations; +but it is not without danger to the good relations between +France and England—between whom awkward questions +may arise all over the world. In the present I am uneasy +about Siam and more so about Burmah. It is not a pleasant +speculation to consider the change which may be produced in +no very remote future, in the condition of our Indian +Empire, if it be in contact with a great European Power +both on the north and on the east.</p></blockquote> + +<p>In August, 1885, a prodigious outburst of Anglophobia +occurred in Paris in consequence of mendacious +statements published by Rochefort in his +newspaper, charging the British military authorities +in the Soudan with the assassination of a certain +Olivier Pain. Olivier Pain was an ex-Communist +and French journalist who had accompanied the +Turks in the campaign of 1877, and who was reputed +to be occasionally employed by the Turkish Government +as a secret agent. In the spring of 1884, he +had set off to join the Mahdi, and having completely +disappeared from view, and being presumably dead, +Rochefort took the opportunity to announce that +Lord Wolseley had procured his death by offering +a reward of fifty pounds for his head. The enterprise +had been allotted to Major Kitchener<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>: 'un +sinistre gredin nourri de psaumes et abreuvé de +whisky qui a eu le premier, l'idée de mettre à prix +la tête de celui qu'il appelait "l'espion français."'</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span></p> + +<p>As, however, it was impossible to reach Lord +Wolseley and the 'sinistre gredin,' Rochefort urged +that vengeance should be taken upon 'l'Ambassadeur +Lyons.' 'A partir d'aujourd'hui il est notre +ôtage! Sa vieille peau est le gage de la satisfaction +qui nous est due.' 'L'Ambassadeur Lyons' was, +however, also beyond reach, as he happened to be +on leave, and it was, therefore, suggested that the +few secretaries (of whom I was one), who were then +in Paris, should be forthwith strung up to the lamp-posts +in the Rue du Faubourg St. Honoré. The +astonishing thing was that these ravings were +actually taken more or less seriously, and that for +some time the French authorities found it necessary +to protect the Embassy with numerous police +detachments.</p> + +<p>It has always been one of the inscrutable +mysteries that Rochefort, ever since the Commune, +was allowed a toleration accorded to no one else, +on the ground of his alleged exceptional wit and +humour, whereas his effusions consisted almost +entirely of gross personal abuse of the lowest type, +levelled indiscriminately at prominent individuals of +any description, and largely directed against England, +whose hospitality he enjoyed during many years of +exile.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span></p> + + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVII" id="CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII</a></h2> + +<p class="p1"><span class="bigger">THE LAST YEAR'S WORK</span></p> + +<p class="p1">(1886-1887)</p> + + +<p>The sudden and unexpected declaration in September +of the Union of Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia +which caused so much perturbation in Europe, and +resulted in a war between Servia and Bulgaria, left +the French quite indifferent; but the imminence +of hostilities between England and Burmah provoked +French ill-humour, which was all the more +inexcusable because no protest had ever been made +against French proceedings in Tonquin and Madagascar. +The truth was that the Burmese resistance +to the Indian Government was largely due to French +encouragement. As far back as 1883 a Burmese +Mission had arrived in Paris, and kept studiously +aloof from the British Embassy; and although +every opportunity had been taken to impress upon +the French Government the peculiar relations +between Burmah and British India, there was not +the least doubt that the object of the Burmese had +been to obtain from the French Government such a +Treaty as would enable them to appeal to France +in the event of their being involved in difficulties +with England. How much encouragement they +actually received is not known, but it was probably +sufficient to effect their undoing.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The papers are abusing us about Burmah, and being +quite innocent of any aggression themselves in that part +of the world, are horrified at our holding our own there. +Nevertheless, I hope the Indian Government will finish the +thing out of hand, for an ugly state of feeling about it is +growing up here.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The rapidity with which the operations against +Burmah were conducted left nothing to be desired. +The campaign was over within a few weeks; on +January 1, 1886, the annexation of Burmah was +proclaimed, and the affairs of that country ceased +to be of any further interest to the French Government.</p> + +<p>Lord Salisbury's tenure of the Foreign Office, +which had been marked by so successful a policy +that even Mr. Gladstone had expressed satisfaction, +came to an end early in 1886, and he was succeeded +by Lord Rosebery. 'The irony of events,' wrote +the latter to Lord Lyons, 'has sent me to the Foreign +Office, and one of the incidents of this which is most +agreeable to me, is that it brings me into close +relations with yourself.'</p> + +<p>Although the Paris press had circulated a +ridiculous fiction that Lord Rosebery (presumably +because he was personally acquainted with Bismarck) +was anti-French by inclination, the change +of Government in England was received in France +with perfect equanimity, as had been the case in +the previous autumn.</p> + +<p>The new Foreign Secretary, however, could not +fail to be painfully impressed by the unsatisfactory +feeling which obviously existed in France towards +England, and found it difficult of explanation.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Rosebery to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">March 3, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am rather anxious about the attitude of the French. +In my short tenure of office they have brought up three +or four questions, all in the highest degree distasteful +to us.</p> + +<blockquote><p>1. The Consul at Suakim: as to which they say, with +accuracy which is disputed, that they had gone too far and +could not withdraw the appointment.</p> + +<p>2. Arbitration on the Somali coast troubles: as to +which they declare that Salisbury promised it, which +Salisbury, I understand, denies.</p> + +<p>3. The revival of the Suez Canal Commission.</p> + +<p>4. The announcement made to me by Waddington +yesterday that they should be obliged shortly to send a +cargo of recidivists to the Isle of Pines. I remonstrated +strongly with him, and indeed I cannot foresee all the consequences, +should they carry their intention into effect. +One, however, I do clearly perceive, which is that we should +have to denounce the Postal Convention of 1856, which +gives the Messageries privileges in Australian ports, which +could not be sustained, and which the colonists would not +for a moment, under such circumstances, respect.</p></blockquote> + +<p>But these are details. What I want to point out is the +apparent animus displayed in these different proceedings. +I shall not mention them to my colleagues until I hear your +view of them, and anything you may be able to collect on +the subject.</p> + +<p>What does it all mean? These things did not occur +during the late Government? Are they directed against +the new Administration? I cannot view them as a chapter +of accidents.</p> + +<p>As for myself, I have entered upon this office with the +most sincere wish to be friendly with France. There can +be no earthly reason why we should not be so. It is a pity, +therefore, that our cordiality should be poisoned at its +source.</p> + +<p>I wish you would let me know what you think of all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> +this. You can pick up much directly, and perhaps even +more indirectly, on these points. Pray forgive the length +of this letter.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 5, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have naturally been on the watch since you came into +office for indications of the feelings of the French Government +respecting the change. In answer to your letter of +the day before yesterday, asking my opinion, I can only +say that I think the French are quite as well disposed +towards the new Government as they were to the late one—indeed, +of the two, I should say better. We come so much +into contact with the French all over the globe that questions +more or less unpleasant are always arising in smaller +or greater numbers, according to circumstances; and +French feeling is in a chronic state of irritability about +Egypt.</p> + +<p>The four subjects you mention are certainly annoying, +but I do not believe that the French proceedings respecting +them have been actuated by any animus against the +present English Ministry.</p> + +<p>I shall be somewhat staggered in this opinion, however, +if the French Government proposes to substitute arbitration +by any third Power for the understanding that the +Somali coast questions shall be treated by friendly negotiations +between the two Governments, and that meanwhile +the <em>status quo</em> shall not be disturbed. With a view to +proceeding with the negotiation, M. Waddington proposed +to Lord Salisbury on Jan. 20th, and by a written note the +next day, that an inquiry should be made on the spot by +two Commissioners, one English and one French. Lord +Salisbury received the verbal proposal favourably, but did +not at the moment give a definitive answer.</p> + +<p>The proposal to reassemble the Suez Canal Commission +is simply the renewal of a proposal made by M. Waddington +to Lord Salisbury at the beginning of January.</p> + +<p>The most serious of the affairs you mention appears to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> +me to be the imminent despatch of a cargo of <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">récidivistes</i> +to the Isle of Pines. I have seen from the beginning the +importance of this <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">récidiviste</i> question as regards public +feeling in Australia, and there is hardly any question about +which I have taken so much trouble. I have attacked +successive French Ministers upon it in season and out of +season, but I have never succeeded in obtaining any +promise that <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">récidivistes</i> should not be sent to the Pacific. +As I reported to you, I remonstrated with Freycinet about +the intention actually to send off a batch, as soon as I +became aware of it. I did not perceive any difference in +his manner or language from what they had been when +some other Ministers had been in office in England, but +my remonstrances were equally ineffectual. I am glad +you had an opportunity of speaking strongly to Waddington. +I see troubles ahead, for the Australians have before now +threatened to pass Dominion laws against French ships +found to have escaped convicts on board, which seem to +go a good deal beyond international usage, not to say law.</p> + +<p>It is time, however, for me to wind up this long story. +My answer to your question is that I am far from thinking +that there is any <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">malus animus</i> against Her Majesty's present +Government on the part of Freycinet and his Cabinet. +Nor do I know that there is more than the usual irritability +towards England among the French public; but still I +feel strongly that it behoves us to tread cautiously as well +as firmly, when we are coming upon French ground.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The spring of 1886 was noticeable for another +Government onslaught upon such members of ex-reigning +families as were then residing in France. +Of these the most conspicuous were the Orleans +Princes. There was nothing in their conduct to cause +alarm to the Republic, as they confined themselves +to taking part in social functions, at which they +maintained a kind of semi-state, being always +attended by ladies and gentlemen-in-waiting after +the manner of recognized Royal personages. This<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> +innocent procedure was sufficient excuse to work up +an agitation against them, and to introduce an +Expulsion Bill.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 25, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The question of the day is the expulsion of the Princes. +The measure, if taken, will be quite unjustifiable, discreditable +to the Government, and, I should say, not at all +injurious to the cause of the victims. Considering the +people and the institutions with which they had to deal, +the partisans of the Orleans Princes have not been so +prudent and correct as the Princes themselves. They have +gone about twitting the Republicans with weakness for +permitting the very mild demonstration made by the +Royalists, and declaring that such want of vigour was +simply a sign of the decay of the Republic.</p> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<p>The general opinion is that the Expulsion Bill will pass +in its present, or even in an aggravated form, and that if it +does, the Government will proceed to expel the Comte de +Paris at least, if not the Duc de Chartres, and some others. +On the other hand, it is not expected that the Bill confiscating +the property, real and personal, of the Orleans +and Bonapartes will be adopted.</p> + +<p>Much anxiety is felt respecting Boulanger's goings on +with respect to the army. He seems to think of nothing +but currying favour with the lowest ranks in the service, +and with the mob outside. It is believed by many people +that he would not act vigorously, as Minister of War, +against any disturbances, but would try to turn them to +account and set up for himself as dictator or what not.</p> + +<p>The financial situation is very bad, and if common +scandal is to be listened to, the very short duration of +French Ministries is having the effect of making most of +the individual Ministers very unscrupulous and very +impatient to make hay during the very short time that the +sun shines.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span></p> + +<p>The above letter contains one of the first allusions +to the enterprising impostor Boulanger, who very +nearly succeeded in making history, and of whom +much was to be heard for some considerable space +of time. His popularity was due in great measure +to the vague discontent which was then prevalent in +France. People thought that they saw the same +inefficiency in the Government, the same relaxation +of authority, the same financial difficulties, and +the same venality which marked the last days of +the Second Empire. There seemed to be no individual, +in or out of the Royal or Imperial Dynasties, +capable of exciting any enthusiasm or of inspiring +any confidence, and public feeling was in that state +of lassitude and dissatisfaction which might give a +reasonable chance for a bold stroke for power.</p> + +<p>The scandalous Expulsion Bill passed both +Chambers, and the Princes took their departure.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, June 25, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The departure of the Comte de Paris from Eu has been +accompanied by many very sad circumstances, but I +cannot help thinking that his political position is improved +by his expulsion. His own partisans are much pleased at +its having elicited from him a distinct assertion of a claim +to the throne, and of a determination to work for the +restoration of monarchy.</p> + +<p>It is less easy to give an opinion on the position of the +Princes who have remained in France. It seems to be +hardly compatible with dignity and comfort, considering +the unabated hostility to them of the Reds, who seem +generally to end in overpowering all generous and conservative +feelings in the Chambers and in the Government.</p> + +<p>Prince Napoleon and his son Prince Victor went off in +opposite directions, one to Geneva, the other to Brussels.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span> +The departure of neither seems to have made much +apparent sensation in Paris when it took place, but I am +far from certain that Prince Victor is not really a more +formidable opponent to the Republic than is the Comte de +Paris.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 2, 1886.</p> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The topic of the day here is the conduct of the Minister +of War, General Boulanger. He was supposed to be an +Orleanist. Then he went round to Clémençeau, and was +put into Freycinet's Cabinet as a representative of the +Clémençeau party, which though not the most Red in the +Chamber, is more Red than the Freycinet section. Since +he has been in office Boulanger has lost no opportunity of +ingratiating himself with the Radicals, and he has been +travelling about the country making speeches, the object +of which has evidently been to gain personal popularity for +himself without regard to his colleagues.</p> + +<p>He has also by degrees put creatures of his own into +the great military commands. A crisis was produced, +during the last few days, by his quarrelling with General +Saussier, the military Governor of Paris, and provoking +him into resigning. He is also said to have used strange +language in the Council of Ministers. At any rate, President +Grévy and the Ministers seem to have thought they would +be more comfortable at Paris without having a satellite of +Boulanger as Governor, and they have insisted upon +declining Saussier's resignation. From the way people +talk, one would think that the questions were whether +Boulanger is aiming at being a Cromwell or a Monk, and if +a Monk, which dynasty he will take up.</p> + +<p>There is a good deal of alarm here about foreign affairs. +The reports of a large concentration of Russian troops in +Bessarabia are supposed to confirm other indications that +Russia is meditating a revenge for the check she has +sustained with regard to Bulgaria. This, it is supposed, +must bring Austria into the field. Moreover, Bismarck<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> +does not seem to be in an amiable mood towards France; +and with or without instigation from him, Germans talk +as if war was inevitable.</p> + +<p>Then the Republic here has lasted sixteen years, and +that is about the time which it takes to make the French +tired of a form of Government. The Republic has not +been successful financially, and trade and agriculture are +not prosperous, nor is the reputation of the Republican +administration high for purity or efficiency.</p> + +<p>So there is plenty to croak about for those who are +inclined to croak.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 13, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The regular session of the French Chambers is to be +closed the day after to-morrow, and the Chambers are to +spend to-morrow at the Review at Longchamps, and I +suppose to take part in the other nuisances which makes +Paris insupportable on a National Fête day. I conclude +the Chambers will come back in October for an extra +session as usual. In fact, they have not yet voted the +Budget; or, I had almost said, any useful measure. In +Commercial matters and indeed in everything relating to +intercourse with other countries, they have shown the +narrowest and most exclusive spirit. Their great feat +has been the law for the persecution of the Princes, which +seems to be carried out as harshly as possible. I should +not have said that the literal wording of the law necessitated +or even justified the dismissal from the army of Princes +who already belonged to it, but I suppose that was the +intention of the legislators. The Duc d'Aumale's letter to +the President is a powerful document, but was sure to lead +to his expulsion, and was perhaps intended to have that +effect.</p> + +<p>Among people who ought to have good information +from abroad, the alarm as to a war this autumn seems +stronger than among the French politicians who confine +themselves more closely to considering French feeling at +home. Certainly it comes round to one in various ways<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span> +from Germany that war is very generally expected, or at +all events talked of there. The accounts current in +Germany of supposed French provocations look as if there +was a party there trying to work up hostile feeling against +France. An alliance between France and Russia seems to +be the bugbear. I don't see symptoms at present of any +war spirit in this country; but of course a quarrel between +Russia and Germany would be a great temptation to +French Chauvinism.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The abhorred annual fête of July 14, 1886, +possessed an interest which had been wanting +previously, and has never since been renewed. This +was due to the presence of a number of troops at the +Longchamps Review who had just returned from +Tonquin, and to the excitement caused by the first +appearance of Boulanger at a big military display +in Paris. Notwithstanding the inflated rubbish +which was published the next day in the French +press, there could not be the least doubt that the +Tonquin troops were received without the slightest +enthusiasm. In Paris the very word 'Tonquin' was +hated; the country was associated with loss of +life, and with heavy taxation, and nothing could +have expressed more eloquently the disenchantment +produced by a Spirited Colonial Policy, than +the chilling reception accorded to these returned +soldiers. The enthusiasm which should have been +bestowed upon these humble instruments was +lavished upon the charlatan who at that moment +was the most prominent and popular figure in the +eye of the French public.</p> + +<p>The military mountebank (aptly christened by +Jules Ferry, 'a music hall St. Arnaud') had, with +some foresight, provided himself with a high-actioned +black circus horse, and those who were present on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span> +the occasion will never forget the moment when he +advanced to salute the President, and other notabilities +established in the official Tribune. Only a +few days before, it was currently believed, he had +terrified his ministerial colleagues by appearing at +a Cabinet Council in uniform, and now as he pranced +backwards or forwards on the circus horse and the +public yelled their acclamations, President Grévy +and the uninteresting crowd of bourgeois ministers +and deputies who surrounded him, seemed visibly +to quiver and flinch as shuddering memories of +December 2 and other <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coups d'état</i> obtruded themselves +upon their recollections.</p> + +<p>From that day Boulanger became a dangerous +man; the circus horse had done the trick; the +general embodied in the public fancy the <em>clinquant</em>, +for which the French had so long been sighing in +secret; <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">l'homme qui monte à cheval</i> in place of +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">l'homme qui monte à la tribune</i>, and for a long time +he survived even that ridicule which in France is +supposed to kill more effectively than elsewhere. +Even when he engaged in a duel with an elderly +and short-sighted civilian, M. Floquet, and was +decisively worsted, he continued to remain a popular +hero.</p> + +<p>Lord Rosebery, upon whom the unreasonable ill-feeling +then constantly shown by the French towards +England had made a painful impression, had realized +in May that the Gladstone Government was doomed, +and had wisely decided in consequence that a +process of marking time was preferable to embarking +upon anything in the nature of a heroic policy. +Upon his retirement and the formation of a new +administration, Lord Lyons experienced what was +probably the greatest surprise of his life in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span> +shape of the following letter from Lord Salisbury. +In order to reinforce its arguments the late Lord +Currie, then Permanent Under-Secretary of State +at the Foreign Office, was sent over with it to Paris.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 350px;"> +<img src="images/i_370.png" width="350" height="500" alt="" /> +<div class="caption"><p><em>General Boulanger.</em></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">london: edward arnold.</span></p></div> +</div> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p class="p1">Confidential. July 26, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I accepted yesterday the Queen's commission to form +a Government. It is a task full of difficulties; and I would +have gladly seen Lord Hartington undertake it. This, +however, he could not be induced to do; and the duty +falls upon me. One of my first thoughts is to provide a +Foreign Secretary for the new Government: for I could +not, with any hope of carrying it through successfully, +repeat the experiment of last summer by uniting the +Foreign Secretaryship with the Premiership.</p> + +<p>There is no one possessing the experience and knowledge +of Foreign Affairs which you have, and no one whose +appointment would exercise so great a moral authority in +Europe. And we certainly have not in our political ranks +any one who could claim a tithe of the fitness for the office +which every one would acknowledge in your case. I +earnestly hope the proposal may be not unacceptable to +you. If that should happily be the case, a great difficulty +in our way will have been most successfully removed.</p> + +<p>As there is much to be said on the matter which it +would be too long to write, Currie has very kindly undertaken +to take this letter over and discuss the matter with +you. We have talked it over very fully.</p> + +<p>If you should be in need of any interval of repose, I +could easily take the seals for a few weeks.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris. July 27, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Currie brought me your letter early this morning. In +answer to it I sent you at 11.30 a.m. the following +telegram:—</p> + +<p>'I am very much gratified, and I am very grateful +for the kind consideration with which your proposal is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span> +accompanied, but my age and the state of my health +make it quite impossible for me to undertake the office.'</p> + +<p>I hope I need not assure you that I am fully sensible of +the kindness of your letter, and that if I cannot feel that I +merit all you say of me, I am at least grateful for your good +opinion.</p> + +<p>The truth is, that I could not now undertake new and +laborious duties with any confidence that I could discharge +them efficiently. I feel the need of rest, and I am not equal +to beginning a new life of hard work. I could not conscientiously +assume the great responsibility which would +be thrown upon me.</p></blockquote> + +<p>If the post of Foreign Secretary has ever +been offered during the last hundred years to +any other person outside the ranks of orthodox +party politicians the secret has been well kept, +and it might perhaps be suggested that few people +would be found with sufficient strength of mind +to decline so glittering a prize. Lord Lyons, +however, as is sufficiently evident, found no difficulty +in at once deciding upon the refusal of an offer +which the ordinary mediocrity would have accepted +with avidity. In the above letter he founded his +refusal upon grounds of age and ill-health, and in +private he used to express the opinion that after the +age of forty a man's faculties began and continued +to deteriorate. But it is not in the least likely that +he would have accepted the honour which it was +proposed to bestow upon him, at any period of his +life. His extreme modesty and diffidence have +already been dwelt upon, but a more valuable +quality than these is a man's realization of his own +limitations, and it is probable that Lord Lyons, by +the exercise of his exceptionally impartial judgment, +was able to form a more correct opinion as to his +own potentialities than Lord Salisbury. A thorough<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span> +and profound knowledge of foreign politics is not +the sole necessary qualification of an English Foreign +Secretary; had such been the case, Lord Lyons +would have been an ideal occupant of the post; but +in England, where the value of Ministers is gauged +chiefly by the fallacious test of oratorical capacity, +the Foreign Secretary is constantly obliged to make +speeches in defence of or in explanation of his policy, +and although the House of Lords is the most long-suffering +and good-natured assembly in the world, +it would have been no easy task for a man of sixty-nine, +who had never put two sentences together +in public, to suddenly appear in Parliament as the +representative of one of the most important departments, +to say nothing of public meetings, +deputations, banquets, etc. It may also be doubted +whether, in spite of his many admirable qualities, +he was really adapted for the post. All his life, he +had been merely an instrument—a highly efficient +instrument—of the existing Government, and had +received instructions, which had invariably been +carried out with singular skill and intelligence. But +the responsibility had not been his, and as Foreign +Secretary the initiative as well as the responsibility +which would have rested upon him might have +imposed too formidable a strain upon one of so +cautious a temperament. Taking into consideration +these doubts, his advanced age, failing health, +and the effect of depression caused by the recent +death of his much loved sister, the Dowager Duchess +of Norfolk, the refusal of the Foreign Office by Lord +Lyons was only an additional instance of that robust +common sense which was one of his most pronounced +characteristics. Lord Rosebery, at all events, +thought that he had decided wisely.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Rosebery to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Dalmeny, Aug. 10, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>As my Foreign Office episode is at an end, I write a line +of good-bye, not as a Minister, but on the footing of what I +hope I may call friendship.</p> + +<p>My six months' experience has led me to the conviction +that our relations with France are really more troublesome +than with any other Power. She is always wanting something +of us which it is impossible to give her, and she then +says plaintively, 'You never do anything for me.' She is +quite oblivious of the fact that she never loses the opportunity +of playing us a trick. Witness the secret expedition +to the New Hebrides. Nothing would have induced me to +go on with any one of the negotiations with Waddington +until they had removed their troops from those islands. +Whenever he asked for an answer about anything, I always +turned the conversation round to that interesting spot.</p> + +<p>With this conviction, therefore, it has been a great +comfort to feel that you were at Paris.</p> + +<p>I am not surprised that you did not care about my +succession! It is a weary post.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Rosebery.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Heron's Ghyll, Uckfield, Aug. 17, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Your friendly letter has followed me here and has much +gratified me.</p> + +<p>I think you must look back with great satisfaction to +your time at the Foreign Office. You have certainly won +golden opinions from your subordinates and from the +world at large, which is perhaps a less competent judge. +My own official intercourse with you was certainly both +very pleasant to me and very satisfactory.</p> + +<p>I attribute the difficulties with France more to the +inevitable consequences of our coming into contact with +the French in all parts of the world, than to any ill-will on +either side, although I do not pretend to say that the state +of feeling is what I could wish it to be.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span></p> + +<p>Independently of any other considerations, I felt +altogether too old to undertake the Foreign Office. I was +so convinced of this, that I regarded it as what the French +call an objection <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">préjudicielle</i> to entertaining the question +at all.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The post which Lord Lyons had declined was +accepted by Lord Iddesleigh, who had just been +removed from the House of Commons, and, as was +only natural, it is evident that he was in the habit +of consulting Lord Salisbury before taking any +step of importance. In October, 1886, with the +concurrence of Lord Salisbury, Lord Lyons was +instructed to approach the French Government on +the question of Egypt, and to explain the conditions +under which it would be possible to terminate +the British military occupation. There seems to be +absolutely no doubt that Her Majesty's Government +were perfectly sincere and honestly desirous +of carrying out the promises that had been made +at various times, and as subsequent history showed, +it was the misguided opposition of France and +Russia which was as much responsible as anything +else for the permanent British occupation of +Egypt.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Oct. 22, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>In my previous letter of to-day I have told you what +M. de Freycinet said to me about the Suez Canal Convention. +I had a long interview with him, but though I gave +him plenty of opportunities, he did not say one other word +about Egypt. This being the case, I thought it prudent to +abstain, at all events at this first interview, from saying +anything on my side. So far then I have not made +known to him any part of the contents of your letter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span> +to Lord Salisbury of the 18th or of his telegraphic +answer.</p> + +<p>The fact is, that from what I have made out since I +came back here, I am led to think that the French Government +have now good reason to doubt whether they would +get Bismarck's support if they raised the Egyptian question +with a view to embarrass us. This being the case, they are +very much hesitating to do so, and are on the look-out for +signs of our impressions on the subject, and would interpret +any appearance of unusual anxiety on our part, or any +fresh offers of concessions from us, simply as indications +that we still thought Germany might join against us. If +the French Government are not pretty sure of help and +sympathy from abroad, they will probably not stir in the +matter.</p> + +<p>In the meantime, however, the press has been strongly +excited, probably by d'Aunay and Charmes. There is a +very nasty article, principally about the financial part of +the Egyptian question, in the <cite>Débuts</cite> this morning.</p> + +<p>I shall perhaps be able to see my way more clearly +in a day or two. In the meantime I am disposed +to think the most prudent plan will be to be reserved +and firm about Egypt, but not to display anxiety on +the subject.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The idea of Lord Salisbury, speaking generally, +was that a somewhat distant date of evacuation +should be foreshadowed; that if evacuation, as was +fully intended, should be carried out, some return +should be expected for the expenditure of British +blood and treasure, and that the Suez Canal difficulty +should be settled without further delay. He +considered that the negotiations should be carried +on with the Porte (Sir Henry Drummond Wolff had +already been despatched on this mission), and that +confidential communications should be made to +France and Germany.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Oct. 26, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I shall be very anxious to know what line Waddington +took on his return to his post, and particularly what, if +anything, he said about Egypt.</p> + +<p>Freycinet is the man chiefly responsible for the refusal +of France to join in our expedition to Egypt, and this no +doubt makes him very anxious to gain for himself the +credit of some striking success in getting England out of +that country. So far as I can make out here, the attempts +that have been made to get the Powers to unite in calling +for a general Conference upon Egyptian affairs have not +met with much success. If Bismarck decidedly opposes +attempts of this kind, they will no doubt be abandoned. +The Press continue to urge strong measures against our +continuing in Egypt, and is not measured in its language.</p> + +<p>The autumn session is often fatal to French Ministers. +I recollect Gambetta's saying to me not long before his +own fall: '<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">En automne les feuilles tombent et les porte-feuilles +aussi.</i>'</p></blockquote> + +<p>It is more than likely that the instructions which +M. Waddington received about this period were of +a disagreeable nature. A well-known French Ambassador +once remarked to me some years later, that +the London Embassy was no very desirable post +from the French diplomatist's point of view. 'We +are sent there with the mission of getting the English +out of Egypt, and the thing cannot be done!'</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Nov. 23, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Freycinet's aim seems to be to improve his own position +in the Chambers and in the country by obtaining our +withdrawal from Egypt, and of course the object cannot be +attained unless he can make it appear that the withdrawal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span> +is his doing. Hence his strong desire that we should +negotiate with him and his dislike to our negotiating with +Turkey or any other Power.</p> + +<p>The crushing defeat of the Right in the elections in the +Department of the Nord is another proof of their blindness +in misusing the chance they had after the general election. +They might possibly have led gradually up to a restoration +by giving strength to Conservative principles and measures. +They could only discredit themselves by joining the +extreme Radicals and attempting to produce mischief +and confusion.</p> + +<p>The Germans are either very dilatory, or they have some +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">arrière pensée</i> about the Zanzibar affair. Yesterday +afternoon Münster was still without any instructions to +make the joint invitation to the French.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 3, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>You will see by my despatch that Freycinet has again +attacked me about Egypt. He wants the negotiation to +go through him, and if possible to be made with him, +independently of the Turks, or at least virtually in conjunction +with us. I have not yet seen any symptoms of +his being anxious really to help us in Egyptian matters; and +I am not generally favourable to carrying on parallel +negotiations, or the same negotiation in different places. +The danger of informal conversations between Freycinet +and me is that, however cautious I may be, he may somehow +or other find occasion to quote me, as being more +<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">coulant</i> than you. At any rate, if I had to talk to him +it would be very necessary for you to tell me very exactly +how far I could go: and above all, that I should be guarded +from holding any language which might by any possibility +be embarrassing to the line circumstances might make it +advisable for Her Majesty's Government to take in +Parliament afterwards.</p> + +<p>I was long enough at Constantinople to see that no +dependence whatever was to be placed upon what the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span> +Porte told an Ambassador about his colleagues. Still I +cannot say that the Turkish revelation about the communications +the Porte affects to receive from the French +and Russian Ambassadors about Egypt and about us, are, +in the face of them, improbable. At any rate, our views +must be much nearer than those we now have to the +French ideas, before we shall get any real help from France +at the Porte.</p> + +<p>I write, as you know, in ignorance of Wolff's opinion, as +he did not stop here on his way home.</p> + +<p>Freycinet's defeat in the Chamber this afternoon is +serious because it followed a strong speech from himself +against the <cite>Sous-Préfet</cite> abolition, but he has wonderful +skill in patching things up.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Freycinet in December was defeated by one of +those combinations of Royalist and Radicals which +were not uncommon in French politics, and although +the absurdity of the situation was obvious to every +one, insisted on placing his resignation and that of +the Cabinet in President Grévy's hands. A change +of Government was so useless that even those who +had combined to overthrow Freycinet endeavoured +to persuade him to reconsider his determination. +He remained obdurate, however, and the President, +casting about for a successor, pitched at first upon +M. Floquet, a strong Radical who was particularly +obnoxious to the Russian Government.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 7, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The chances seem to be in favour of Floquet being +Prime Minister. He is of the section of the Chamber +called 'Gauche radical,' that is to say, he falls just short of +the most extreme Left. Who would be his Minister for +Foreign Affairs and what would be his foreign policy I do<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span> +not pretend to say. The incident in his life most talked +about is his having cried out, '<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Vive la Pologne!</i>' and used +some expressions taken as disrespectful to the late Emperor +of Russia, when His Majesty was at the Palais de Justice, +on his visit to Paris during the Exhibition of 1867. The +Russian Ambassadors have, I believe, declined or avoided +exchanging courtesies with him when he has since been in +situations, such as that of <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Préfet de la Seine</i>, and President +of the Chamber of Deputies, which have brought him into +communication with the rest of the diplomatic body. +Russia at this moment is paying so much court to France +that she might perhaps get over this.</p> + +<p>The Left of the Chamber have hitherto been opposed +to the Tonquin and Madagascar Expeditions and to an +adventurous and Chauvin policy altogether; but if in +power they would probably go in for pleasing the Chamber +and the bulk of the people out of doors even more unreservedly +than Freycinet did.</p> + +<p>I should have regretted Freycinet's fall more, if he had +not taken up the Egyptian question in the way he did. +Our communications with him on that subject were becoming +very uncomfortable. I am not very sanguine, however, +about their being more satisfactory with his successor.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The notion, however, of having M. Floquet as +Prime Minister frightened every one except the +extreme Radicals so much that that gentleman was +unable to form an administration, and the choice +of the President ultimately fell upon a M. Goblet, +who was Radical enough for most people and not +much hampered by pledges and declarations. The +office of Foreign Minister remained vacant, but, much +to the relief of Lord Lyons, it was definitely refused +by M. Duclerc. Lord Lyons had, by this time, had +no less than twenty-one different French Foreign +Ministers to deal with, and of these Duclerc was the +one he liked least. No suitable person seemed to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span> +be available, and it was in vain that, one after the +other French diplomatists were solicited to accept +the office. At length a Foreign Minister was found +in M. Flourens, a brother of the well-known Communist +who was killed in 1871. M. Flourens was +completely ignorant of everything concerning foreign +affairs, and his appointment was perhaps an unconscious +tribute to the English practice of putting +civilians at the head of our naval and military +administrations.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Dec. 21, 1886.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have not yet had the means of improving my acquaintance +with Flourens, but I expect to have some conversation +with him to-morrow. He had not a word to say +about Bulgaria when I saw him on Friday. He did not +seem to have known anything about foreign affairs before +he took office, nor to expect to stay long enough in office +to become acquainted with them. Some people suppose +that he is to make way for the return of Freycinet as soon +as the Budget is passed. Anyway, the Goblet Ministry +is only the Freycinet Ministry over again without the +strongest man, who was undoubtedly Freycinet himself. +When Parliament meets, things will be just as they were. +There will still be in the Chamber 180 Deputies on the +Right, ready to vote any way in order to make mischief +and discredit the Republic; about 100 Deputies on the +extreme Left, intimidating the Government and forcing +it into extreme Radical measures, they being able to count +in all emergencies upon getting the vote of the Right to +turn out a Ministry; and lastly there will be 300 remaining +deputies, who cannot agree enough amongst themselves +to form a majority that can be relied upon, who do not at +all like violent radical measures, but who are too nervously +afraid of unpopularity to show resolution in opposing the +extreme Left.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>So far the Comte de Paris's declaration seems simply +to have made the ultra-Monarchists furiously angry, and +not to have induced any great part of the Right to think +of taking the wise course it recommends.</p> + +<p>I do not see any outward signs here of the strained +relations between France and Germany and the imminent +war between the two countries which the <cite>Standard</cite> announces. +But it is true that among the French themselves +some suspicion and distrust of Boulanger's aims are becoming +more apparent.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The hackneyed saying: <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Plus cela change, plus +c'est la même chose</i>, was never more appropriate than +in the case of the change from a Freycinet to a +Goblet Government; one section of uninspiring +ministers had merely given place to another, and +no one in France seemed in any way the better for it.</p> + +<p>On New Year's Dav, 1887, President Grévy +broke out into Latin in congratulating the Diplomatic +Corps on the already long continuance of +peace, but a more accurate view of the situation +was expressed by a French newspaper in the sentence: +'Jamais année nouvelle ne s'est ouverte au +milieu d'autant de promesses de paix et de préparatifs +de guerre que l'année 1887.' 'I do not +know,' wrote Lord Lyons, 'which is the nation +which wishes for war. France certainly does not, +she is, on the contrary, very much afraid of it. But +one would feel more confidence in peace if there +appeared less necessity in all countries to be perpetually +giving pacific assurances. There are +rumours of a defensive alliance between Russia and +France. The bond of union between the two countries, +if it exists, must be simply a common hatred +of Germany.'</p> + +<p>At the beginning of the year 1887, the Germans<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span> +professed to be in dread of an attack from France, +while the French complained that they were +threatened by Germany. In France it was believed +that in August, 1886, preparations had been actually +made to mobilize the German army, and the language +held by Boulanger was to the effect that the military +power of France would be found to be very different +to what it was in 1870. Meanwhile an unsuccessful +attempt had been made by those two old Parliamentary +hands, Freycinet and Ferry, to get rid of +Boulanger, who was now becoming to be considered +as equally dangerous both in France and Germany.</p> + +<p>It was probably the apprehension caused by the +presence of this adventurer, whose incapacity was +as yet imperfectly realized, that was responsible +for the state of tension and alarm which prevailed +in France during January and February, 1887.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em><a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Jan. 18, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I saw M. Grévy this morning, and found him, as it +seemed to me, really alarmed at the possibility of France +being attacked by Germany. The only overt act he spoke +of, on the part of Germany, was the increase of the strength +of the German garrisons in the neighbourhood of the +French frontier. Grévy himself is most peaceful, and +quite sincerely so. His natural character and temperament, +and his interest too, tend that way. He would +hardly be able to hold his own as President in case of war, +and there is very little chance of France going to war as +long as he is the head of the State. Flourens also spoke +to me of danger to France and Germany when I saw him +this afternoon.</p> + +<p>I think the alarm of Grévy and Flourens was sincere, +though I do not share it myself at this moment.</p></blockquote> +<blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span></p> + +<p>In France there is no desire to go to war, and I doubt +whether she is able, or at all events fancies herself able, +to cope with Germany.</p> + +<p>It is perhaps more difficult to keep her on good terms +with us. Egypt is a sore which will not heal. There was +a nasty discussion about Newfoundland Fisheries in the +Senate yesterday. I send you a full report officially. +Happily, so far, it has not had much echo in the +public.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Alarm with respect to Germany continued to +grow, and was fed by private communications from +Bismarck, who sent by unofficial agents messages +to the effect that 'he was all for peace, but that it +was impossible for him to stand the way that France +was going on.' These messages came through +Bleichröder and members of the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">haute finance</i> in +Paris, who expressed the opinion that if Boulanger +remained in office, war with Germany was certain. +The <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">haute finance</i> is by no means invariably correct +in its political judgment, but it seems highly probable +that the war scares prevalent in 1887 were +promulgated with the object of getting rid of the +troublesome firebrand upon whom so much public +attention was concentrated. The position of +Boulanger, however, was a strong one, and to dislodge +him was a work of no slight difficulty. Ever +since the day when he had been taken into Freycinet's +Cabinet he had contrived by adroit advertising +to keep himself before the public, and to distinguish +himself from his colleagues as exercising a +separate and commanding influence in the Chambers +and with the public. In the army he had managed +to make himself feared by the higher officers and +assiduously courted popularity with the rank and +file. In the political world he had at first been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span> +regarded as being ultra democratic, but now excited +suspicion by paying court to the Conservatives, and +by endeavouring, not entirely without success, to +obtain their good will.</p> + +<p>On the whole, there was a very general impression +that he was ambitious, self-seeking, and thoroughly +unscrupulous; but there were few means of forming +an opinion as to what his special plans really were, +if indeed he had formed any. Still he successfully +flattered the belief of the French that they were +fast emerging from the eclipse in which their military +power and reputation were involved in 1870, +and there were not wanting those who asserted that +he was inclined to seek a war, in the hope of conducting +it with success, and so establishing himself +as a military dictator. Others, influenced by their +wishes, indulged in the hope that he might be +meditating a Monarchist restoration under an +Orleanist or Bonapartist Dynasty. Unsubstantial +and improbable as these suppositions may have been, +it was plain that in the army and among the public +at large there prevailed a vague notion that he might +be the man of the future, a notion fostered by the +absence of any one recognized in France as possessing +conspicuous and commanding abilities, and by the +craving for a real personality after a long succession +of second-class politicians.</p> + +<p>The embarrassment with regard to Germany +created by the presence of so disturbing an element +in the Government as Boulanger did not, contrary +to what might have been expected, tend to improve +Anglo-French relations, and a letter from Lord +Salisbury expresses in forcible terms his dissatisfaction +at difficulties which seemed to have been +gratuitously created.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[Pg 386]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Feb. 5, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The French are inexplicable. One would have thought +that under existing circumstances it was not necessary to +<em>make</em> enemies—that there were enough provided for France +by nature just now. But she seems bent upon aggravating +the patient beast of burden that lives here by every insult +and worry her ingenuity can devise. In Newfoundland +she has issued orders which, if faithfully executed, must +bring the French and English fleets into collision. At the +New Hebrides, in spite of repeated promises, she will not +stir. In Egypt she baulks a philanthropic change out of +pure 'cussedness.' In Morocco she is engaged in appropriating +the territory by instalments, threatening to reach +Tangier at no distant date. And now, just as we are +entering on pacific negotiations, the French Government +sent orders to do precisely that which, a month ago, +Waddington promised they should not do, namely run up +the French flag at Dongorita.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> It is very difficult to +prevent oneself from wishing for another Franco-German +war to put a stop to this incessant vexation.</p> + +<p>We have protested earnestly about Dongorita, which +has more the air of a studied insult than any of the others. +As to the Newfoundland Fisheries, if they execute their +threats, they render the passage of a Bait Bill next year +a matter of certainty. We have strained the good will +of the colonists very far in refusing to allow it this year. +The other matters will, I suppose, be the subject of slow +negotiations.</p> + +<p>D'Herbette has made at Berlin more practical suggestions +as to naming a date for the annexation of Egypt +than we have yet had from the French Government. I +hope the large majorities will persuade the French that +the national feeling is in this instance not in favour of +scuttle.</p></blockquote> + +<p>All that Lord Lyons, who was always most +anxious to make the best case he could for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[Pg 387]</a></span> +French, was able to say in their defence, was that +he hoped that it was an exceptionally dark moment, +and that there must be a change shortly for the +better.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 18, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The French seem to be more confident of peace and +altogether in better spirits than they were a few days ago, +but I do not know that they have any positive facts or +distinct information to go upon. The hopes of a certain +number of them rest upon the belief that the Goblet +Ministry is likely to be upset as soon as the Budget is +finally disposed of, and that thus Boulanger will be got +rid of.</p> + +<p>The newspaper accounts of Wolff's mission to Constantinople +have brought Egypt on the tapis again, and as +anxiety about Germany falls into the background, irritation +against England comes prominently forward. There +are, however, some symptoms of a return among wiser +men to more prudent and reasonable views respecting +the relations of France towards England. These men +are alarmed especially respecting the hostility towards +France which is apparent in Italy, and they see the folly +of making enemies on all sides. If there should be a new +Ministry it might possibly pursue a policy more friendly +towards England with regard to Egypt and other matters. +The Egyptian question would no doubt become less difficult +if a change should remove M. Charmes from the Foreign +Office and put into his place, as Political Director there, +a man less prejudiced about Egypt.</p> + +<p>In the meantime much amusement has been caused by +an escapade of Madame Flourens. On Saturday last she +called upon Countess Marie Münster, and found with her +Count Hoyos, the Austrian Ambassador. Madame +Flourens announced loudly that her husband had resigned +the Foreign Office, because Boulanger had attempted, +without his knowledge, to send a letter direct to the +Emperor of Russia by the French Military Attaché, who<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[Pg 388]</a></span> +was to start for St. Petersburg. Hoyos fetched Münster +himself out of an adjoining room, to hear the story. +Madame Flourens, it appeared, supposed that Flourens +was on the point of announcing his resignation to the +Chamber of Deputies. It turned out, however, that +Flourens had made a scene with Boulanger at the Council +of Ministers, had gone away in a huff, but had been subsequently +calmed by M. Grévy and M. Goblet; no letter to +the Emperor had been sent, and the resignation had been +withdrawn. The story had of course spread all over the +town. In defiance of truth, a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">communiqué</i> contradicting +it was inserted in the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Agence Havas</i>, with no other effect +than that of discrediting the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">communiqués</i> which the +Government is apt to put into the Havas.</p></blockquote> + +<p>There is so little mention of women in Lord +Lyons's correspondence that Madame Flourens's +indiscretion comes as a welcome relief, although +in all probability it got the unfortunate Count +Münster into trouble with Bismarck, and afforded +an excuse for fresh bullying. Count Münster, who +had been for many years Ambassador in London, +where he had been extremely popular, found the +transfer to Paris singularly unpleasant, more especially +as in order to make things thoroughly uncomfortable +for him, Bismarck had provided an entirely +new Embassy Staff.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Feb. 19, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p class="center">* * * * *</p> + +<p>We are thinking of renewing our negotiations with +respect to the Suez Canal in a serious spirit. But before +we sign anything we shall want some satisfaction about +Dongorita and the New Hebrides, and possibly about the +Corvée.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[Pg 389]</a></span></p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I think it was very shabby of the French to open the +Dongorita affair upon us, just after we had made so material +a concession upon the subject of the bait in Newfoundland.</p> + +<p>Waddington is gloomy and rather ill-tempered—either +from the fogs or the crisis. I have not had any further +talk with him about Egypt lately. I think he avoids the +subject. Wolff tells me that the French Chargé d'Affaires +at Constantinople is a mere creature of Nelidoff's. Our +negotiations are dragging on with little prospect of success. +We are willing to fix a distant date for our leaving, if we +receive a treaty power to go back whenever internal or +external security are threatened. The tone in which both +France and Turkey have received this proposal may be +best expressed by the colloquial phrase 'Damn their impudence!' +I do not expect to carry what I want at +present, but before modifying these terms, I should like +to know what is going to happen in Europe.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Sir Henry Drummond Wolff was at this time at +Constantinople endeavouring to negotiate the Convention +with regard to the evacuation of Egypt, +and the French and Russian Embassies were +actively engaged in the senseless opposition which +eventually prevented the ratification of the Convention. +The above letter from Lord Salisbury is +an additional proof of the honest desire of the +British Government to carry out the rash undertakings +which had been given in the past.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, Feb. 25, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The general feeling here seems to be that war has been +escaped, but still there is a good deal of discontent against +the foreign policy of the Goblet Cabinet. It seems to be +considered that the understanding between Italy, Austria,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[Pg 390]</a></span> +and Germany is as good as made, and that the result of +it will be to put an end to any fear of war between Russia +and Austria. On the other hand, it is thought that Russia +will feel it too necessary to watch Germany for it to be +prudent of her to make an alliance with France, while +without the alliance of Russia, France of course cannot +face Germany, particularly as she has almost hostility to +expect from Italy and no great sympathy to look for from +England. The policy which has thus isolated France +from the other Powers is seen to have been a mistake, +and there seems to be a disposition to throw the blame +on the Goblet Ministry. If the Goblet Ministry should fall, +it is not improbable that the new Government might take +the line of being conciliatory to the neighbouring countries +and to Italy and England in particular. I am not very +sanguine about this, but if in the meantime no irritating +questions come to excite public opinion against us, there +may possibly be a chance that a change of Ministry here +would make our relations with France smoother.</p> + +<p>My hopes that a change towards England may be in +contemplation have perhaps been strengthened by a visit +which I have just had from a person wholly unconnected +with the French Ministry who evidently came to ascertain +what were the particular points with regard to which the +relations between France and England might be improved. +I said that instead of thwarting us in our endeavours to +improve the condition of Egypt and put it in a state to +stand alone, the French might help us; and they could +not expect comfortable relations with us if they endeavoured +to stir up other Powers to make difficulties with us about +Egypt. I mentioned also the New Hebrides question, +which most certainly ought and might be settled at once. +I alluded also to those various matters all over the +world which might be treated in a cordial and not in an +antagonistic spirit.</p> + +<p>P.S.—I have strong reasons for thinking it very important +that Waddington should not have the least inkling +of my having had the above interview, or any communication +of the kind.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[Pg 391]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Feb. 26, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I will not mention to Waddington the interview which +you have had as to English grounds of complaint. I have +not seen him for ten days: he must have taken huff at +something.</p> + +<p>I think, as the French are coming to their senses, it +might be well to mention unofficially to Flourens that I +am quite ready to resume the negotiations about the Suez +Canal; and that I have good hope of bringing it to a +successful issue, but that I am hindered by the flag that +is floating at Dongorita, and by the delay of the French +in performing their promises as regards the New Hebrides. +We are being a good deal reproached here, on account of +our apparent submission to this breach of faith. If these +two matters are corrected, I shall find it possible, and shall +be very glad to renew the Suez Canal discussion either +at Paris or here.</p> + +<p>I have seen Karolyi to-day—an unusual occurrence—and +for the first time have had the admission from him +that a war with Russia was not an impossible contingency.</p> + +<p>The Russians are very quiet; and the negotiations +about Bulgaria do not really advance a bit.</p></blockquote> + +<p>M. Flourens, in spite of his complete inexperience, +seems to have realized the simple fact that it +was not advisable to quarrel with England just at +the moment when relations with Germany were +in a critical condition; but unhappily the public +did not appear to be in an accommodating mood. +The statements published in the English press respecting +the Drummond Wolff mission had caused +great irritation, and what was perhaps more serious, +had alarmed the French again about the security of +the coupons. As long as they felt sure that the +coupons would be paid regularly, and that there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[Pg 392]</a></span> +was no fear of future reduction, they were reasonably +patient, unless some specially severe blow, such as +a reduction of the numbers and salaries of French +officials, as compared with English, was struck at +their <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">amour propre</i>. Now, however, they were +beset with the fear that, under what they considered +to be English mismanagement, they were about to +lose their money as well as their influence.</p> + +<p>In March the Goblet Ministry was already in +difficulties, and it was believed that Freycinet was +likely to return to power, although what the precise +advantages were of these continual changes, no one +was capable of explaining.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">March 8, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>By taking credit to himself at the expense of his predecessors, +in the interpellation yesterday, Goblet has +stirred up the bile of a large party in the Chamber, and the +determination to turn his Cabinet out, if possible, has +revived with fresh vigour. It is supposed that the attempts +will be made as soon as the Corn Duties Bill is disposed of. +It seems to be thought that, if it succeeds, Freycinet must +be Prime Minister; but there appears to be a strong +feeling against his having the Foreign Office again. He is +thought to have got France into uncomfortable relations +with many of his neighbours. In the treatment of the +Egyptian question he is believed to have sacrificed cordiality +with England to a desire to regain the popularity +he had lost by the policy which led to England's occupying +her present position in Egypt; while his attempt to get +up an opposition to England on the part of the European +Powers and his worrying way of dealing himself with the +British Government about Egypt, are thought simply to +have excited public opinion on both sides of the Channel +and to have provoked ill will, without in the least improving +the position of France. There can be no doubt that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[Pg 393]</a></span> +Freycinet looked upon a success with regard to Egypt as a +personal necessity for himself, and was much influenced +in his policy towards England by this feeling.</p> + +<p>It is apprehended that unless the <em>prestige</em> of Boulanger +is put on high again by strong language from Germany, +there will be no difficulty in obtaining, as a matter of course, +his fall, with the rest of the Cabinet of which he is a part. +M. Grévy is believed to be very anxious to be rid of him.</p> + +<p>I hear on good authority that the Russians have been +trying again, though without success, to come to a special +understanding with the French Government.</p></blockquote> + +<p>To say that M. Grévy was very anxious to be +rid of Boulanger was probably an understatement, +for he could not conceivably have desired anything +so ardently. But the 'Music Hall St. Arnaud' was +by no means at the end of his tether, and had contrived +to advertise himself by egregious conduct +with regard to the Army Committee of the Chamber +of Deputies. That Committee had drawn up a +military Bill, based upon three years' service, and +Boulanger, on the pretext that it was 'not sufficiently +faithful to democratic principles,' had, without +consulting any of his colleagues, written a letter +condemning the provisions of the bill and proposing +something quite different. This letter was thoughtfully +communicated to the press before it reached +the Committee, and the outraged members of the +Committee as well as his colleagues were at last +goaded into resistance. The Chamber condemned +the attitude of the General towards the sacrosanct +representatives of the nation; the General himself +beat a hasty and prudent retreat under cover of an +apology; the Moderate Republicans denounced him +as a would-be dictator, and the Ultra-Radicals +accused him of cowardice in consequence of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[Pg 394]</a></span> +apology. Most men under the circumstances would +have felt disposed to resign office, but in the case of +Boulanger it was probably immaterial to him +whether he was blamed or praised, so long as he +could keep his name before the public.</p> + +<p>It was, and probably is still, a regulation in the +British Diplomatic Service, that its members should +retire at the age of seventy, and, as a rule, an Ambassador +who had attained that age, usually considered +himself fit to discharge his duties for a +further period. Lord Lyons, however, was an exception. +His seventieth birthday fell due in April, +and a month beforehand he wrote to announce +that he wished to resign.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 22, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Towards the end of the next month, the time will come +when I shall be superannuated, and I feel very strongly +that it will not come too soon. It will not be without a +pang that I shall find myself no longer a diplomatic servant +of the Queen, who has ever received my endeavours to +obtain her approval with the most generous indulgence. +But the labour and responsibility of this post are becoming +too much for me, and I shall be anxious to be relieved +from them when the time fixed by the regulations arrives.</p> + +<p>I need not assure you that I shall much regret the +termination of the official connexion with you from which +I have derived so much satisfaction.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It may not unfairly be presumed that resignations +of important official posts are habitually welcomed +by Governments, as they not only remedy stagnation +in the public service, but frequently provide +opportunities for political patronage. It is plain, +however, that the prospect of losing Lord Lyons<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[Pg 395]</a></span> +was looked upon by Lord Salisbury as a genuine +misfortune, and he did his best to induce him to +reconsider his decision.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">March 26, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have considered your letter of the 22nd, stating that +you felt very strongly that the time of your superannuation +would not come too soon; and though it was a matter +of very deep regret to me to receive such an announcement +from you, it was not altogether a matter of surprise; for +I remembered the language you had used to me when I +tried to induce you to join us as Foreign Secretary last +July.</p> + +<p>The loss which the Diplomatic Service will suffer by +your retirement will be profound, and, for the time, hardly +possible to repair. Your presence at Paris gave to the +public mind a sense of security which was the result of a +long experience of your powers, and which no one else is +in a position to inspire.</p> + +<p>In face of the expressions in your letter I feel as if I +were almost presuming in suggesting any alternative +course of action. But it struck me that possibly you might +be willing to make your official career terminate with the +end of your current appointment, rather than with the +precise date of superannuation. The effect of this would +be to prolong your stay at Paris till next December.</p> + +<p>My reasons from a public point of view will, I hope, +strike you at once. We are passing through a very anxious +European crisis. If any fateful decisions are taken this +year, it will be within the next three or four months. It +will add very much to our anxiety to know that the reins +at Paris are in new hands, which have never held them +before. This mere fact may even be an element of danger. +The avalanche hangs so loosely, that any additional sensation +or uneasiness may displace it. If we could avoid +a change till the winter it would be a great public advantage, +even if the change should be inevitable.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[Pg 396]</a></span></p> + +<p>I hope you will forgive me for having pressed this on +you in the interests of the public service. Whatever your +decision may be, I give you the warmest thanks for the +kind and loyal support which you have always given to +the policy which it has been my duty to carry out.</p></blockquote> + +<p>An appeal of this kind from an official chief +could not well be disregarded, setting aside the fact +that but few officials can have experienced the +compliment of being assured that their continued +service was essential to the peace of Europe. With +well justified misgivings, Lord Lyons therefore consented +to remain on until the end of the year, +knowing perfectly well that his physical energies +were on the point of exhaustion.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 29, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am deeply touched by your letter of the 26th, and I +feel that, after what you say in it, I should be extremely +ungrateful if I were not ready to sacrifice a great deal to +meet your views.</p> + +<p>For my own part I feel that the work and responsibility +here are an increasing strain both upon my mind and upon +my bodily health, and I am beset with misgivings lest, +even in ordinary times, I may be unable to discharge my +duties with energy and efficiency, and lest, in an emergency +calling for much labour, I may break down altogether. This +being the case, it would undoubtedly be a great relief and +comfort to me to retire on becoming superannuated towards +the end of next month.</p> + +<p>Begging you to take the misgivings into full consideration, +and to be sure that they have not been conceived +without good reason, and that they are strongly and very +seriously felt by me, I place myself in your hands. If +after giving full weight to them, you still think that it +would be a satisfaction to you that I should continue to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[Pg 397]</a></span> +hold this post till the winter, and that it would be a great +public advantage to avoid a change till that time, I am +ready to stay on, and trusting to your indulgence to do +my best.</p> + +<p>I should, of course, look upon it as quite settled that in +any case I should retire at latest when my current appointment +comes to an end at the close of the present year.</p> + +<p>If you wish me to hold on, I must ask you what, if +any, announcement respecting my retirement should be +made. Up to this time I have simply stated to people +who have questioned me, that nothing was definitely +settled. I did not mention to any one my intention to +write my letter of the 22nd expressing to you my wish to +retire, nor have I made any one acquainted with my +having written it, except of course Sheffield, who, as my +private secretary, made a copy of it for me to keep. The +question, therefore, as to announcing my retirement remains +intact.</p> + +<p>I cannot conclude without once more saying how much +I am gratified by the appreciation of my services expressed +in your letter, and how truly I feel the kindness shown +by it.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The offer was accepted by Lord Salisbury in +singularly flattering terms, Queen Victoria also +expressing much satisfaction at the consent of the +Ambassador to remain at his post. From Lord +Salisbury's language, it might be inferred that he +was in some doubt as to whether his own tenure of +office was likely to be prolonged.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have had no hesitation in availing myself of your +kind consent—though you seemed to doubt whether on +reflection I should do so. Of course I fully understand +that you do not feel equal to the amount of exertion which +you would take in a more favourable condition of health. +But this circumstance will not detract from the great value +of your counsel and judgment, nor from the authority +which by so many years of experience you have acquired.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[Pg 398]</a></span></p> + +<p>I quite understand that towards the close of the +session of Parliament you will require the holiday you have +been accustomed to take in recent years. I hope also to +get to a bath at that time—whether I am in office or not.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Why Lord Salisbury should have spoken so +doubtfully is not clear, unless instinct warned him +of Miss Cass, who was the first to strike a blow at +the Unionist administration. At the end of March +there reappeared the mysterious emissary who has +been already mentioned. There are no means of +actually establishing his identity, but there can be +little doubt that it was M. de Chaudordy, who represented +the French Foreign Office at Tours and +Bordeaux during the war. M. de Chaudordy had made +friends with Lord Salisbury at the time of the Constantinople +Conference in 1876, and he was, therefore, +a suitable person to utilize for the purpose of +making advances towards a better understanding +between the two Governments.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, March 29, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>In a private letter which I wrote to you on the 25th of +last month, I mentioned that I had received a visit from +a person wholly unconnected officially with the French +Government, who appeared to have come to ascertain what +were the particular points with regard to which the relations +between the English and French Governments might be +improved. The same person has been to me again to-day, +and has only just left me. This time he did not conceal +that it was after being in communication with Flourens +that he came. He enlarged on the embarrassing and +indeed dangerous position in which France was placed by +the adherence of Italy to the Austro-German Alliance, and +said that M. Flourens was ready to make almost any sacrifice +to secure the good will of England. I said that there could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[Pg 399]</a></span> +be no great difficulty in this, if only France would abstain +from irritating opposition to us, and would settle promptly +and satisfactorily outstanding questions. My visitor answered +that Flourens conceived that he had sent conciliatory +instructions to Waddington which would settle these +questions, and that both Waddington and Florian<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> (who +had come on leave) reported that there was decidedly a +<em>détente</em> in the strain which had existed in the Anglo-French +relations. I said that I was delighted to hear +it, and that it showed how ready you were to welcome +all conciliatory overtures. My friend seemed on this +occasion, as on the last, to wish me to tell him some special +thing which Flourens might do to please you. I said that +I should at any rate mention a thing which he might do +to avoid displeasing you. He might prevent the French +setting up an opposition to financial proposals in Egypt +in cases in which all the other Powers were ready to agree. +My friend spoke of Flourens's readiness to give to Russia +on the Bulgarian question advice which you might suggest, +and he mentioned various things which he thought M. +Flourens might be ready to do to please England. These +things appeared to me to be rather too grand and too +vague in character to be very practical. I said, however, +that I would always bear in mind what he had told me of +M. Flourens's good dispositions, and would speak frankly +and unreservedly to the Minister whenever I could make a +suggestion as to the means of acting upon those dispositions +in a manner to be satisfactory to England.</p> + +<p>The conclusions I drew from the conversation of +Flourens's friend were that the French are horribly afraid +of our being led to join the Italo-Austro-German Alliance, +and that they have been urged by Russia to exert themselves +to prevent this. I do not conceive that the French +expect to induce us to join them against the Germans +and the German Alliance. What they want is to feel sure +that we shall not join the others against France and Russia.</p></blockquote> + +<p>It is somewhat curious that M. Flourens, who +was evidently desirous of establishing better relations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[Pg 400]</a></span> +with England, should have selected an unofficial +person for communication, rather than approach +the Ambassador himself; but perhaps, being quite +ignorant of diplomatic usage, he considered it +necessary to shroud his action in mystery. The +Triple Alliance dated in reality from 1882, Italy +having joined the Austro-German Alliance in that +year; but a new Treaty had been signed in the +month of February, 1887, and caused the French to +feel a well-justified alarm. In fact, their position +was anything but a happy one, for it was generally +believed that the Emperor Alexander III. had +resolved, since the abortive attempt on his life, that +he would never ally himself with Revolutionists, +and that he considered the French to be arch-Revolutionists. +Perhaps this belief may have +accounted in some measure for Flourens's amiable +professions towards England.</p> + +<p>In the month of April there occurred one of those +incidents which are the despair of peaceably minded +politicians and the delight of sensational journalism +and of adventurers of the Boulanger type. A certain +M. Schnaebelé, a French Commissaire de Police, was +induced to cross the German frontier, and thereupon +was arrested and imprisoned. The act had the +appearance of provocation and naturally caused a prodigious +uproar in France; Flourens endeavouring to +settle the matter diplomatically and Boulanger seizing +the opportunity to display patriotic truculence.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, April 26, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>So far as one can judge at present the French are +irritated beyond measure by the arrest at Pagny, but +generally they still shrink from war. It will not, I conceive,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[Pg 401]</a></span> +be difficult for Bismarck to keep at peace with them, +if he really wishes to do so. The danger is that they are +persuaded that he is only looking out for a pretext, and +that however much they may now give way, he will be +bent upon humiliating them till they <em>must</em> resent and resist. +I don't see that so far the German Government have treated +the Pagny affair as if they wished to make a quarrel of it. +The German <cite>Chargé d'Affaires</cite> has taken many messages +from Berlin to Flourens in the sense that if Schnaebelé shall +prove to have been arrested on German soil, all satisfaction +shall be given. But, then, in the Press of the two countries +a controversy is raging as to which side of the frontier he +was arrested on, and as to whether or no he was inveigled +over the frontier.</p> + +<p>The French undoubtedly shrink from war, but they +do not shrink from it as much as they did ten years ago; +and if the press should get up a loud popular cry, there +is no Government strength to resist it. I conceive that +at this moment the Government is pacific, and that it +does not believe the army to be yet ready. But if, as is +no doubt the case, the Germans also believe that the +French army is not as ready now as it will be two or three +years hence, they may be impatient to begin. In the +mean time, so far as I can make out, the Pagny affair is +being treated by the two Governments with each other, +in correct form diplomatically, and without any apparent +willingness to embitter matters. I cannot say as much +for the press on either side, though there are symptoms +of prudence and caution in the moderate French papers.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Schnaebelé incident was disposed of by his +release from prison and transfer to another post at +Lyons; but the agitation did not subside readily, +and a bill brought in by Boulanger to mobilize an +army corps caused much disquietude at the German +Embassy. It was now generally known that Bismarck +considered Boulanger a danger and desired +his removal from the War Office; but the very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[Pg 402]</a></span> +knowledge of this feeling and the support accorded to +him by the League of Patriots and other noisy +organizations rendered this step all the more +difficult.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 13, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I have not heard of any new incident between France +and Germany, but the suspicion and susceptibility with +which the two nations, and indeed the two Governments, +regard each other, are certainly not diminishing.</p> + +<p>In France home politics are in so peculiar a state as +to be positively disquieting. The Budget Committee and +the Ministry have come to an open breach, and the Committee +intend to propose to the Chamber a resolution +which apparently must, if carried, turn out the Goblet +Cabinet. This the Chamber would be willing enough to +do, if it could see its way to forming another Government. +The plan would be to form a Ministry with Freycinet as +Prime Minister, but not as Minister for Foreign Affairs, +and without Boulanger. But then they are afraid to try +and upset Boulanger, while they feel that to form a new +Government and put Boulanger in it would be, or might +be, taken in Germany as a plain indication that they are +warlike at heart. It is an emergency in which the Chief +of the State should exert himself; but Grévy's caution +has become something very like lethargy. In the mean +time they are letting Boulanger grow up into a personage +whose position may be a danger to the Republic at home, +even if it does not embroil the country in a foreign war. +The redeeming point in all this is that the Government +does seem to feel that it would not do to be upon bad +terms with England, and that it would be wise to be conciliatory +toward us.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The Goblet Ministry soon found itself in hopeless +difficulty over the Budget, and it was plain that +another aimless change of men was inevitable.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[Pg 403]</a></span> +Goblet's Government had lasted for five months +(inclusive of a prolonged recess), and the real question +of interest was whether Boulanger was to be a +member of the new Government or not. If he was +included in it, it was apprehended that the +suspicions of Germany would be aggravated; and +on the other hand, it was doubtful whether any +Government could be formed without him. An +ultra-patriotic demonstration in Paris against German +music, in the shape of Wagner's operas, was +eloquent of the state of feeling between the two +nations at the time, and the Government found +that the only course open to them was to close the +theatre where the obnoxious productions were to +have appeared.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 20, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Freycinet appears to have agreed with Grévy to try +and form a Cabinet and to be hard at work at the task. +Of course the question is whether Boulanger is or is not +to be in the new Cabinet? It was believed this morning +that Grévy and Freycinet had decided upon offering to keep +him as Minister of War. As the day has gone on, however, +the belief has gained ground that Freycinet has not found +colleagues willing to run the risk of war which the maintenance +of Boulanger would produce, and that he is to +propose to Grévy a Cabinet from which Boulanger is to +be excluded. He is, however, to make it an essential condition +with Grévy that he is to have the power to dissolve +the Chamber of Deputies in his hands, as without this +power he does not feel able to form a Cabinet without +Boulanger, or indeed any Cabinet at all. In the mean time +the Reds are getting up in all directions addresses and +petitions in favour of Boulanger, with a view to forcing +Grévy's and Freycinet's hands and working on their fears. +If Boulanger is got rid of, the immediate danger of war will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[Pg 404]</a></span> +probably be escaped for the moment. Boulanger's own +character, and the position in which he has placed himself, +make him threatening to peace; and the opinion held of +him in Germany and the irritation felt against him there +make him still more dangerous.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, May 24, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The last news is supposed to be that Floquet, the +President of the Chamber, has undertaken the task of +forming a Ministry, and that he will keep many of the +outgoing Ministers, Boulanger included. The goings and +comings at the Elysée; the singular selections of men to +be Prime Ministers, or quasi Prime Ministers, and the +apparent want of firmness and inability to exercise any +influence on the part of the President of the Republic, +have certainly not increased the reputation of M. Grévy. +Floquet will, I suppose, be unacceptable to Russia, for +the Russians have always ostentatiously kept up the show +of resentment against him for the cry, offensive to the +Emperor Alexander II., which he raised when that monarch +visited the Palais de Justice during the Exhibition of +1867. Boulanger has lately declared that he does not +want to continue to be Minister, but that if he is Minister, +he will, whatever Germany may say, continue his mobilization +scheme, and not relax in his preparations to resist +an attack from Germany, and to avert the necessity of +submitting to humiliation.</p> + +<p>I think, in fact, that things look very bad for France both +at home and abroad. I can only hope that as the phases +of the Ministerial crisis change from hour to hour, you may +receive by telegraph some more satisfactory news before +you get this letter.</p></blockquote> + +<p>In course of time a new Ministry was formed +under M. Rouvier, and the important fact attaching +to it was that Boulanger had been got rid of. Otherwise +there was nothing much to distinguish the new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[Pg 405]</a></span> +Ministers from the old, and they seemed disposed +to angle for popularity in the country much in the +same way as Freycinet and Goblet.</p> + +<p>The object of removing Boulanger had been to +reassure and placate Germany, but no sooner had +this been done, than the Government appeared to +feel alarmed at the danger of incurring unpopularity +in the country, and hastily announced that the new +Minister of War would continue to follow in the +footsteps of his predecessor.</p> + +<p>Again, it had been understood that one of the +objects of the new Government would be to put +an end to the isolation of France by placing itself +on more cordial terms with the neighbouring nations +and especially with England; but what it appeared +anxious to profess, was the intention of stoutly +refusing to accept or even acquiesce in the Anglo-Turkish +Convention respecting Egypt. All this, as +Lord Lyons observed, might proceed in great +measure from ignorance and inexperience, and +might be mitigated by the knowledge of affairs and +sense of responsibility which accompany office, but +still it was disquieting: all the more disquieting, +because the French Foreign Minister never failed +to intimate that France would never be a party to +an arrangement which would confer upon England +an international right to re-occupy Egypt under +certain circumstances after evacuation, whilst France +was to be formally excluded from enjoying an equal +right.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 12, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Baron Alphonse de Rothschild came to see me this +afternoon, and told me that the last accounts he had +received from Berlin caused him to feel more than usual<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[Pg 406]</a></span> +alarm as to the feelings of Prince Bismarck and of the +Germans in general towards France. They did not indeed +imply that Germany was actually contemplating any +immediate declaration of war, but they did show that in +Germany war with France was regarded as a contingency +that could not be long postponed, and of which the postponement +was not desirable for German interests. The +Germans did not seem to be prepared to incur the opprobrium +of Europe by attacking France without having the +appearance of a good reason for doing so, but they +did seem to be looking out impatiently for a plausible pretext +for a rupture; far from being sorry, they would be very +glad if France would furnish them with such a pretext. +Prince Bismarck was evidently not disposed to facilitate +the task of M. Rouvier's Government, notwithstanding +the pledges it had given of its desire for peace abroad, and +the efforts it was making to promote moderation at home.</p> + +<p>Baron de Rothschild had, he told me, seen M. Rouvier +to-day and made all this known to him. He had pointed +out to him the danger which arose from the sort of coalition +against France of the Powers of Europe, had dwelt on the +importance of making almost any sacrifice to break up +this coalition, and had especially urged the imprudence +of allowing coldness, if not ill-will, to subsist between +France and England.</p> + +<p>M. Rouvier had expressed an anxious desire to establish +cordial relations with England.</p> + +<p>Baron de Rothschild had answered that the time had +come to show this by acts, and had strongly pressed M. +Rouvier to settle without any delay the outstanding questions +which produced irritation between the two countries. +M. Rouvier had expressed his intention to do so, and Baron +de Rothschild had reason to believe that this was also +the desire and intention of M. Flourens.</p> + +<p>I said that I heard this with great pleasure, and that I +had received with much satisfaction assurances to the +same effect respecting M. Flourens's sentiments, which had +come to me indirectly through various channels. I must, +however, confess that I had not found in M. Flourens +himself any disposition to push assurance to this effect<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[Pg 407]</a></span> +beyond generalities. I had not seen any strong practical +instances of a desire on his part to give a speedy and +satisfactory solution to outstanding questions.</p> + +<p>Baron de Rothschild observed that what he had said +on this point to M. Rouvier had appeared to make a +considerable impression on him.</p> + +<p>I said that it so happened that I should in all probability +have the means of testing this almost immediately. I had +in fact only yesterday strongly urged M. Flourens to close +a question, that of the New Hebrides, which was creating +suspicion and annoyance to England and causing great +inconvenience in consequence of the very strong feeling +about it which prevailed in the colonies. The two Governments +were entirely in accord in principle upon it, and in +fact it was only kept open by the pertinacity with which +the French Government delayed to take the formal step +necessary for closing it.</p> + +<p>Baron de Rothschild went on to tell me that in speaking +of the relations with England, M. Rouvier alluded to the +convention negotiated by Sir Drummond Wolff at Constantinople, +and said that he did not see why it should +produce any lasting disagreement between France and +England. Whether it was ratified or not, France might +be as conciliatory as possible towards England in dealing +with the matter in future. In answer I suppose to a +remark from Baron de Rothschild, M. Rouvier would seem +to have said that the Comte de Montebello<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> appeared to +have gone far beyond his instructions in the language +he had used to the Porte.</p> + +<p>I asked Baron de Rothschild whether M. Rouvier had +also said that the Comte de Montebello had received any +check or discouragement from the Government at Paris.</p> + +<p>Passing on from this, Baron de Rothschild told me that +before concluding the conversation, he had pointed out +to M. Rouvier that the great addition of strength which +the Ministry had received from the vote of the Chamber +yesterday, would enable them to act with more independence +and vigour, and that they might now settle questions +with England, and establish good relations with her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[Pg 408]</a></span> +without being under the constant fear of a check in the +Chamber of Deputies.</p> + +<p>There can be no doubt that, in fact, the position of the +Rouvier Ministry has been immensely strengthened by +the large vote they obtained yesterday on the interpellation +put forward against them on the subject of Monarchical +and Clerical intrigues. It is earnestly to be hoped, for +their own sakes, and for the sake of France, that they +will turn it to account in order to pursue a more reasonable +and conciliatory policy towards England, and to take +stronger and more effectual means of preserving order in +Paris. The riot at the Lyons railway station seems to +have done Boulangism harm even among the ultra-Radicals, +and to have been the main cause of Boulanger's having +been thrown over by Radical speakers in the Chamber +yesterday. But it is a very dangerous thing to give the +Paris mob its head.</p></blockquote> + +<p>M. Rouvier's friendly assurances with regard to +England had, of course, been imparted to the Baron +in order that they might be communicated to the +British Embassy, but the action of the French +Government appeared to have very little in common +with them; nor was there any reason to assume +that Montebello was exceeding his instructions in +opposing at Constantinople the ratification of the +Anglo-Turkish Convention with regard to Egypt. +The egregious action which forced the Sultan to +withhold his consent to the Convention, and thereby +perpetuated the British occupation of Egypt, was +not the result of the unauthorized proceedings of +the French Ambassador, but the consequence of +the deliberately considered joint policy of the French +and Russian Governments. Incidentally, it may be +pointed out that the fruitless attempt to negotiate +the Convention was yet another convincing proof +of the absolute honesty of British policy with regard<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[Pg 409]</a></span> +to Egypt, and the following letter from Lord Salisbury +shows no satisfaction at the frustration of Sir +H. Drummond Wolff's mission.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Salisbury to Lord Lyons.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">July 20, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>I am afraid the temper of the French will not make the +settlement of the Egyptian question more easy. I do not +now see how we are to devise any middle terms that will +satisfy them. We cannot leave the Khedive to take his +chance of foreign attack, or native riot. The French refuse +to let us exercise the necessary powers of defence unless we +do it by continuing our military occupation. I see nothing +for it but to sit still and drift awhile: a little further on +in the history of Europe the conditions may be changed, +and we may be able to get some agreement arrived at +which will justify evacuation. Till then we must simply +refuse to evacuate. Our relations with France are not +pleasant at present. There are five or six different places +where we are at odds:—</p> + +<blockquote><p>1. She has destroyed the Convention at Constantinople.</p> + +<p>2. She will allow no Press Law to pass.</p> + +<p>3. She is trying to back out of the arrangement on the +Somali coast.</p> + +<p>4. She still occupies the New Hebrides.</p> + +<p>5. She destroys our fishing tackle, etc.</p> + +<p>6. She is trying to elbow us out of at least two unpronounceable +places on the West Coast of Africa.</p></blockquote> + +<p>Can you wonder that there is, to my eyes, a silver +lining even to the great black cloud of a Franco-German +War?</p></blockquote> + +<p>On account of the tension existing between +France and Germany, and of the agitation produced +by the transfer of Boulanger to a command at +Clermont-Ferrand, it was feared that the National +Fête of July 14 would be marked by serious disturbances; +these fears were happily not realized,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[Pg 410]</a></span> +although Boulanger's departure from Paris a few +days earlier had formed the pretext for a display +of embarrassing Jingoism. The French Government +were so apprehensive of an anti-German demonstration, +that, although Count Münster received the +usual invitation to attend the Longchamps Review, +M. Flourens privately begged him to absent himself, +and the two German military attachés, instead of +joining the War Minister's Staff in uniform, went +to the Diplomatic Tribune in plain clothes.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<h5><em>Lord Lyons to Lord Salisbury.</em></h5> + +<p class="p1">Paris, July 15, 1887.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>The National Fête of yesterday passed off quietly +enough. There are said to have been cries in various places +of 'Vive Boulanger,' and 'À bas Grévy,' but nowhere +was there anything which assumed anything like the +proportions of a demonstration. There do not appear +to have been any cries at all in the army.</p> + +<p>The low French papers keep up a constant fire of +scurrilous language against the Germans and even against +the Germany Embassy. This sort of thing seems to be +taken more seriously and to cause more irritation in +Germany than it would in most countries. Count Münster +naturally enough did not come to the President's stand, +to which he and the other Ambassadors were as usual +invited to see the Review. The German military attachés +did not go in uniform with the staff of the Minister of War, +but saw the Review from the Diplomatic Tribune in plain +clothes. In fact, ill will between France and Germany +seems to be on the increase. It looks as if the Germans +would really be glad to find a fair pretext for going to war +with France. On the other hand, Boulangism, which is +now the French term for Jingoism, spreads, especially +amongst the reckless Radicals and enemies of the present +Ministry. And even among the better classes, warlike +language and, to some degree, a warlike spirit grows up<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[Pg 411]</a></span> +with a new generation, which has had no practical acquaintance +with war. Abject fear of the German armies +is being succeeded by overweening confidence in themselves.</p> + +<p>The present Ministry seem to have been afraid of +unpopularity if they abandoned altogether Boulanger's +absurd mobilization scheme. The Germans seem to be +taking this quietly. Perhaps they look on with satisfaction +at the French incurring an immense expenditure +for an experiment apparently without any practical use +from a military point of view. Perhaps they believe, as +many people do here, that the Chambers will never really +vote the money.</p> + +<p>It is supposed that the session will be over next week, +and I trust that then you will be disposed to receive an +application from me for leave. I am getting quite knocked +up by the Paris summer, and am in urgent need of rest +and country air.</p></blockquote> + +<p>The foregoing letter was one of the last communications +received from Lord Lyons at Paris, +and his official career practically terminated a few +days later, when he left on leave, destined never to +return to the post which he had so long occupied, +for the unfavourable view which he held with regard +to his physical condition was only too completely +justified.</p> + +<p>He appears to have passed the months of August +and September quietly with his near relatives in +Sussex. Towards the end of October he must have +learnt with some surprise that, whereas in March +he had been most urgently begged by Lord Salisbury +to remain at his post until the end of the year, +a successor to him, in the person of Lord Lytton, +had been appointed, and that there was no necessity +for him to return to Paris. If he, as would have +been the case with most people, really felt aggrieved<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[Pg 412]</a></span> +at this change of circumstances, there is no trace of +resentment shown in his correspondence. On the +contrary, he warmly welcomed the new appointment, +and at once set about making arrangements for his +successor's convenience. On November 1, he made +a formal application to be permitted to resign +his appointment, was created an Earl, and the +few remaining letters (the latest bearing the date +of November 20) deal with business details, and +unostentatious acts of kindness to various persons +who had been in his service or otherwise connected +with him. The very last of all was a characteristic +communication to Sir Edwin Egerton, the Chargé +d'Affaires at Paris, respecting the payment of the +fire insurance premium on the Embassy.</p> + +<p>The close of his life was destined to coincide +dramatically with the close of his official career. +Intellectually there were no signs of decay; but +physically he was even more worn out than he +realized himself. On November 28, whilst staying +at Norfolk House, he was stricken with paralysis, +and a week later he was dead, without having in +the meanwhile recovered consciousness. Thus the +end came at a moment singularly appropriate to +his well ordered existence, and to no one could the +time-honoured Latin epitaph have been applied with +greater accuracy.</p> + +<p>In an earlier portion of this work some attempt +has been made to portray Lord Lyons's personality +and to explain the causes of his success as a diplomatist, +but the best criterion of the man is to be +found in his letters, which have been reproduced +verbatim, and may be said to constitute a condensed +record of the most interesting episodes in English +diplomatic history during a space of nearly thirty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[Pg 413]</a></span> +years. Throughout this long series there is hardly +to be found an unnecessary sentence or even a +redundant epithet; there is a total absence of any +straining after effect, of exaggeration, of personal +animosity or predilection, or of any desire to gain +his ends by intrigue or trickery. On the other hand, +they are marked by profound mastery of detail, +sound judgment, inexhaustible patience, an almost +inhuman impartiality, and an obviously single-minded +desire to do his best for his country as one +of its most responsible representatives. Such, then, +was the character of the man, and the general public +is probably quite unconscious of the inestimable +value to the country of officials of this particular +type.</p> + +<p>It was Lord Lyons's fate twice to represent this +country at most critical periods during wars, in the +course of which, England, while desiring to observe +the strictest neutrality, aroused the bitterest +hostility on the part of the belligerents. In spite +of untiring efforts he had the mortification of seeing +the relations of England, first with the United States +and then with France, gradually deteriorate, and +never experienced the satisfaction, which no one +would have appreciated more highly than himself, +of seeing those unfriendly relations converted into +the condition which now happily prevails; but it +may be fairly said of him that no one ever laboured +more assiduously and efficiently to promote peace +and good will between England and her neighbours; +that he never made either an enemy or apparently +a mistake, and that no other diplomatist of his day +enjoyed to an equal degree the confidence of his chiefs, +and the regard of his subordinates. Overshadowed +by more brilliant and interesting personalities, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[Pg 414]</a></span> +unobtrusive services of Lord Lyons are unknown +to the rising generation, and probably forgotten by +many of those who have reached middle age; +but in the opinion of the statesman who +amongst living Englishmen is the most competent +to judge, he was the greatest Ambassador who has +represented this country in modern times, and by +those whose privilege it was to serve under him, his +memory will ever be held in affectionate remembrance.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[Pg 415]</a></span></p> + + +<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX">APPENDIX</a></h2> + +<p class="p1">LORD LYONS IN PRIVATE LIFE.</p> + +<p class="p1"><span class="smcap">By Mrs. Wilfrid Ward.</span></p> + + +<p>It is not uncommon to find a seeming contradiction +between the official and the private characters of the same +individual. Extreme reserve, for instance, even an +astonishing power of silence in conducting official work, +may not indicate the same power of silence in private +life, or the same reserve in the life of the affections. In +Lord Lyons there was no such contrast, and no attempt +to depict him could pretend to penetrate his extreme +reserve as to his deeper feelings. This reticence on his +part must severely limit any account of his <em>vie intime</em>. +Moreover, curiously enough there is another difficulty in +describing him which lies in quite an opposite direction. +Lord Lyons had a keen sense of the ridiculous, and he loved +the absolute relaxation of talking pure nonsense which, +however amusing at the moment, would hardly bear the +strain of repetition. Indeed, very little can be added to +the history of the public life of a man so absolutely reticent +as to his feelings, his thoughts, and his opinions, which he +further concealed rather than revealed by an almost +burlesque habit of talking nonsense among his intimates.</p> + +<p>It would be easy to give many instances of his gift for +silence when he did not wish to be 'drawn' by his interlocutor. +A little story told to me by the late Sir Edward +Blount is a case in point.</p> + +<p>Sir Edward, waiting to see Lord Lyons at the Embassy, +heard talking in the next room which lasted some time,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[Pg 416]</a></span> +and soon distinguished the voice of M. Blowitz. As soon +as he was alone with Lord Lyons he said that he felt +obliged to warn him that, if he had liked, he could have +overheard his conversation with the journalist.</p> + +<p>'You might,' was the answer, 'have overheard what +was said by M. Blowitz, but you could not have heard +anything said by me for the good reason that I said nothing +at all!'</p> + +<p>It was never known to anybody, as far as it is possible +to ascertain, whether Lord Lyons had ever even contemplated +marriage, though he certainly did not recommend +celibacy. 'Matrimony,' he constantly used to repeat—slightly +varying the phrase in his favourite <em>Rasselas</em>—'may +have thorns, but celibacy has no roses.'</p> + +<p>There was at one moment, while he was attached to the +Embassy at Rome, a rumour that he was engaged to be +married. Hearing something of it he inquired of a lady +friend whether she could tell him to whom he was supposed +to be attached, and later on he discovered that she was +herself the person in question!</p> + +<p>His nature was certainly lonely, and I believe from +quite early in life he was conscious of suffering from loneliness. +I have been told of a letter of his written from +school in which this was quite clearly set forth. In later +life he would never have expressed so much. What he +felt and thought on any intimate question can, I think, +only be inferred by his comments on life in general, or on +the sorrows and joys of others. Once only I believe did +he take any part in directly influencing the lives of young +people in the critical question of marriage. The daughter +of an old friend, with a courage in her confidence which +seems to me almost phenomenal, told him the story of a +mutual affection existing between her and a young man +who did not seem to her parents to be a sufficiently good +match. Lord Lyons listened with the utmost attention, +and eventually interceded with his old friend, speaking +of the terrible danger of causing irremediable pain to two +young hearts, and was the means of making these young +people happy. Was there, perhaps, in this action some +reminiscence of a possible past happiness lost by himself?<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[Pg 417]</a></span> +No one can even make the faintest surmise as to whether +this was the case. He made no allusion to his own past +when telling the story.</p> + +<p>Of his childhood I know little, but there is a toy preserved +in the family that gives a curious and characteristic +foretaste of what he was to become. It is a miniature +escritoire fitted with pen and paper and seals, and also soap +and towels, etc. All this was supposed to belong to the +children's dog, who was promoted in their games to the +position of an Ambassador, and described as 'His Excellency.' +There are still existing despatches written to and +by 'His Excellency' in the handwriting of the four children.</p> + +<p>I think he must have been too old to have joined in his +sister Minna's bit of naughtiness when at Malta she put +snuff in the guitar of a young exquisite who had provoked +their mirth, and whose name was Benjamin Disraeli.</p> + +<p>He used to say that among his most vivid recollections +of his boyhood while at Malta, was the unexpected return +of his father and the fleet. The children had been deeply +engaged in preparing theatricals which were postponed +on account of their father's arrival. He remembered his +guilty feeling that he ought to be glad, and that he was +not glad at all!</p> + +<p>It was not at first intended that Bickerton Lyons should +enter the diplomatic service; he began life in the navy. +But Bickerton, unlike his brother Edmund, had no vocation +for the sea. The sorrow of Edmund's loss, who died +at Therapia, from a wound received when commanding +his ship in the Sea of Azoph during the Crimean war, was +a shadow that never passed from the lives of the other +three. Bickerton was deeply attached to both his sisters +and their families. Annie married Baron Wurtzburg, and +Minna married Lord Fitzalan, afterwards Duke of Norfolk. +Other relations with whom he was in close intimacy all +his life were his aunt, Mrs. Pearson and her children, +especially her daughters, Mrs. Lister Venables and Mrs. +Little, who both survived him.</p> + +<p>All his life Lord Lyons was devoted to children, and +especially so to the large family of the Duchess of Norfolk, +with whom he was able to indulge his domestic tastes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[Pg 418]</a></span> +and his love of fun. He spent with them the greater part +of every holiday, and in the last twenty-five years of his +life they were frequently with him in Paris. My mother, +Lady Victoria, the eldest of the family, married very +young, and my aunt Minna, the second daughter, became +a Carmelite nun. Mary, the eldest of the sisters who +remained at home, was Lord Lyons's constant companion +and secretary. I think she was the only person who did +not experience the strong sense of his reserve which so +impressed those who had to do with him even in everyday +intercourse. In a very serious state of health which +followed his work at Washington he depended greatly +on the companionship of his nieces. I have been told that +for months he could not raise his head, and the only thing +he could do by himself was to play with glass balls on a +solitaire board. During this interval in his career, before +he accepted the Embassy at Constantinople, he had more +leisure than usual for the society of his sister's family, but +he had always been devoted to them when they were quite +little children, and was once described as 'an excellent +nursery governess.' He said to his sister: 'I could never +have married; it would not have been right, as I could +never have loved my own children as much as I love yours.'</p> + +<p>Into this near association with him my sisters and I +were more closely drawn after the death of our parents. +We had lost our mother in the winter of 1870, and my +father, James Hope-Scott, died in the spring of 1873. It +was then that my grandmother took us to live with her at +Arundel, and we were added to the large family party who +had often stayed with him in Paris. My own earliest +recollections of my great-uncle are tinged with an awe +which no amount of time spent with him ever quite overcame; +but it did not prevent great enjoyment of all the +fun we had with him. He was certainly very indulgent +to the younger members of the family circle, particularly +my brother, who was some years younger than the rest of +us, and this was especially the case when we were his +guests.</p> + +<p>I think that what inspired awe was the immense +strength of character, the reserved force, the severely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[Pg 419]</a></span> +controlled natural irritability. He had, too, a humorous +vehemence of expression which seemed at times to be a +safety valve to the forces he had under control, and was +a reminder of their existence.</p> + +<p>I suppose that nothing could be imagined more stately +and more regular than life at the Embassy in those days. +The Ambassador himself lived in a routine of absolute +regularity and extremely hard work. He got up at seven, +had breakfast at eight, and was, I think, at work by nine +o'clock. His very small leisure, when he was alone, was +mostly spent in reading. And this was carefully classified +in three divisions. In the morning he read history or +science, in the evening, between tea and dinner, biography; +while, for an hour before he went to bed he read novels. +While in France he never left the Embassy. Once a year +he did leave it for his annual holiday—generally spent in +England. He used to boast how many nights in succession—I +think in one year it amounted to over 300—he had +slept in the same bed. Every afternoon when we were +with him, he drove with my grandmother, generally in +the Bois de Boulogne, and in the warm weather we always +stopped at some <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">café</i> for us children to have ices. He also +took us to the circus once during each visit until, in later +life, he became afraid of catching cold. He still occasionally +went to the theatre, to which he had been much +devoted as a younger man. We all dined downstairs, and +he used to like my youngest sister and my brother to sit +at a little table near the big one and have dessert. He +insisted on this, and was rather pleased than otherwise at +the scolding he received from an English friend for keeping +them up so late. In later life he used to speak of the pretty +picture the two children had made.</p> + +<p>I recollect the extraordinary general sense of importance +as to his movements in those days, partly on +account of their phenomenal regularity. I could not +imagine him ever acting on impulse, even in the matter +of going up or downstairs. I cannot picture him strolling +into his own garden except at the fixed hour. This without +intention added to the dignity of his life which seemed to +move like a rather dreary state procession.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[Pg 420]</a></span></p> + +<p>I wonder if the servants who never saw him break +through his routine, or lose one jot of his dignity, ever +guessed at how shy he was of them, or suspected the rather +wistful curiosity he felt about their lives. I think it was +Pierre, the butler, who lived with his family in the <em>entresol</em> +between the two floors of reception rooms in the Embassy. +Lord Lyons was much interested in their family life, and +liked to speculate as to what went on there. One inconvenient +result of his extreme shyness was that when he +really wished to alter any detail as to the daily routine, +he could not bring himself to impart his wishes to any of +the servants. I have often heard him say how tired he +was of the same breakfast which never varied in the least, +and he would add that his Italian valet Giuseppe was so +convinced that it was the only breakfast he liked that when +he travelled, the man took incredible pains that the coffee, +the eggs, the rolls, the marmalade, the two tangerine +oranges in winter and the tiny basket of strawberries in +summer, should not differ an iota from those served up +every morning at the Embassy. But Lord Lyons could +never summon up courage to speak to him on the subject. +On certain days Pierre undertook Giuseppe's duties, and for +many years Lord Lyons wished that Pierre would arrange +his things as they were arranged by Giuseppe, but he never +told him so. While he grumbled, he was amused at the +situation and at himself. Indeed, his keen sense of the +ridiculous and his endless enjoyment of nonsense explain +a good deal of his life. He used to say that as he was too +shy to look at the servants' faces, he had learnt to know +them by their silk stockinged calves. When he dined +alone he made an amusement of identifying the six or +seven pairs of calves, and was proud of his success in this +odd game of skill.</p> + +<p>I recall one ludicrous instance of his shyness with +servants. It was his custom annually when he came to +stay with us to shake hands with the old family nurse, +and on one occasion, meeting her on the stairs, he leant +across the banisters to perform the ceremony with such +<em>empressement</em> and effort that he broke one of the supports. +He always afterwards alluded to the extraordinary emotion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[Pg 421]</a></span> +he had shown in this greeting. Nothing is so unaccountable +as shyness, but it was curious that a man who had seen +so much of public life and of society should have so much +of it as he had. I remember once helping him to escape +with, for him, astonishing speed across the garden of a +country house, when a very agreeable woman, whom I +believe he really liked, had come to call; he was as full +of glee as if he were a boy running away from a school-master.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> +<img src="images/i_420.png" width="500" height="292" alt="" /> +<div class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">The British Embassy, Paris.</span></p> + +<p><em>F. Contet, Paris. Phot.</em></p></div> +</div> + +<p>I don't think that in Paris he ever gave way to such +impulses; they were the relaxation of a shy nature in the +holidays.</p> + +<p>To return for one moment to Paris. He occasionally +gave a big official dinner which I don't think he at +all enjoyed, and of which we knew nothing. But he +certainly enjoyed small gatherings, especially if they +included old friends who were passing through Paris, +although not one word of ordinary sentiment would +probably pass his lips, nor would one of the day's arrangements +be changed. He certainly enjoyed the society of +his women friends, and I liked to watch him talking to +Mrs. Augustus Craven, the author of the <em>Récit d'une Sœur</em>. +Two characteristic sayings of his about the Cravens I +remember. He was always pleased at showing his knowledge +of the most orthodox and strict views of Roman +affairs. He used to say that Mrs. Craven could never +make amends for her conduct at the time of the Vatican +Council—when her <em>salon</em> was a centre for 'inopportunist' +Bishops—unless she went back to Rome and gave 'Infallibilist +tea-parties.'</p> + +<p>Mr. Augustus Craven, her husband, was intensely +mysterious in manner, and Lord Lyons used to call him +'the General of the Jesuits.' Once, on meeting him in +London, he asked him if his wife were with him. Mrs. +Craven was staying with Lady Cowper, and Mr. Craven +answered with solemn, slow and mysterious tones: 'She +is at Wrest,' and my uncle said 'Requiescat in Pace,' with +equal solemnity.</p> + +<p>I think that with all his natural British prejudices he +liked French people and their ways. He used to maintain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[Pg 422]</a></span> +that Frenchwomen were more domestic and kept earlier +hours than Englishwomen. He certainly liked French +cooking. He spoke once in tones of horror of an Englishman +who had committed the monstrosity of putting pepper +on young green peas—a crime of which a Frenchman was +incapable.</p> + +<p>Many of his opinions, however, like Dr. Johnson's, were +evoked by the spirit of contradiction, and it was chiefly +with English people that I heard him talk about the +French.</p> + +<p>In the holidays in England reading aloud was one of +his chief pleasures. He read much poetry to us at one +time, but later I think he had to give this up as it tired +him. At Arundel he wrote his letters in the dressing-room +opening out of his bedroom. We used to sit there +waiting for him before the appointed time, making drawings +in red ink, of which there was always a large supply, when +he would make a mock solemn entrance, as of a stiff professor. +We were allowed to scribble during the reading, +but, woe betide us! if we showed any inattention. He +read 'Marmion,' Southey's 'Thalaba,' and, I think, 'The +Curse of Kehama,' also much of Byron, the 'Siege of +Corinth,' with especial enjoyment. He knew many pages +of Byron by heart, and we used to get him to repeat any +amount while out walking. 'Rejected Addresses,' 'Bombastes +Furioso,' 'The Rape of the Lock' were also among +the many things he liked to recite. I wish I could remember +half the things he read or repeated to us. I am +sure there was no Tennyson, and certainly no Browning. +He used to jeer at the obscurity of both the Brownings, +and to mutter such phrases as the 'thundering white +silence' of Mrs. Browning with intense scorn. I think he +may have met the Brownings when he was in Rome. +He saw a good deal of Fanny and Adelaide Kemble at +that time. He liked Adelaide much the best of the two, +and used to quote with delight a saying of hers as to the +Brownings. When she was told of the birth of their son +she exclaimed: 'There are now then not one incomprehensible, +or two incomprehensibles, but three incomprehensibles!'</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[Pg 423]</a></span></p> + +<p>He was always amused at the Kemble grand manner. +He used to imitate the dramatic utterance with which +Fanny Kemble frightened a young waiter who had brought +her some beer. 'I asked for <em>water</em>, boy; you bring me +<em>beer</em>!'</p> + +<p>At that same time he knew Sir Frederick Leighton, and +they once had a pillow fight! Who could imagine that +pillow fight who only knew him as Ambassador in Paris? +He always spoke as if he had enjoyed life in Rome; he +was devoted to the theatre, and he had much congenial +society. He used to say, too, that Pius IX. was the most +agreeable sovereign with whom he ever had diplomatic +relations.</p> + +<p>Lord Lyons's literary tastes were not those of the present +generation. He declared that he only liked verse that +rhymed and music with a tune. He loved the sonorous +sound of Byron as he loved the solemn cadence of Latin +verse. All the time the love of absurdity was never far +off. He would suddenly imitate the action of a schoolboy +repeating Latin verse, first with his arms and then with his +feet! A stout, very dignified elderly man, in some path +in the garden, punctuating the verse with the action of his +feet, is sufficiently surprising. Occasionally he would +have the oddest freaks of this kind, and I remember an +afternoon when he took a whim of pretending to be +imbecile; he made the most extraordinary faces, and not +a word of sense could be got from him.</p> + +<p>Once in a steamer on the lake of Lucerne he insisted on +his nieces joining him in impersonating a typical family +of English tourists out for their holiday. He was the +<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">paterfamilias</i>, one niece was his wife, another the German +governess, a third his child. In the middle of the performance +he found that he was being regarded with surprise +and curiosity by some English society friends whose +acquaintance with him had hitherto been exclusively in +the character of a very dignified ambassador.</p> + +<p>My aunt, Mary Howard, used to read aloud to him +by the hour, and we all enjoyed these times immensely. +It would be difficult to say how often we had 'Pickwick,' +'Cranford,' 'Rasselas,' 'The Rose and the Ring,' and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[Pg 424]</a></span> +'Mrs. Boss's Niece.' I have never met anybody outside +that circle who ever even heard of 'Mrs. Boss's Niece;' it +is a serious loss. To quote at all appropriately from any +of his favourites was to be exceedingly in his good books +for the rest of the day. Like the late Lord Salisbury he +delighted in Miss Yonge; he could not have too many +pairs of twins, or too large a family circle to read about. +He loved the analysis of domestic life, and would have been +ready to canonise any really and genuinely unselfish +character. Detective stories were a great joy. 'The +House on the Marsh,' and 'Called Back,' were among the +most successful. He used to prolong discussion as to the +solution of the mystery, and would even knock at our +doors very late at night if he thought he had identified +the murderer, and mutter in dramatic undertones, 'So-an-so +was the man who did it.' But the detective story +was never read before dinner, and to look into the book +meanwhile was a crime. Anybody who peeped to see the +end of a novel 'deserved to be dragged to death by wild +horses.' And there must be no skipping. Only descriptions +of scenery—to which he had the strongest objection—might +be left out.</p> + +<p>The annual holiday was, for the most part, spent +with the Duchess of Norfolk at Arundel, and later at +Heron's Ghyll. Sometimes he went to Germany to take +the waters, in company with his eldest sister, Baroness +Wurtzburg. When in England he always paid a certain +number of country house visits. These generally included +Knowsley and Woburn. The visits that were paid every +year, I think without exception, were those to Lord Stratford +de Redcliffe, and to an old schoolfellow—Major +Trower, who had been with him at Winchester. Major +Trower was one of four old Wykehamists who remained +close friends. The other two had died some time before. +I think the visit to Raby was annual. He specially +enjoyed the society of the Duchess of Cleveland and of +Lady Mary Hope. He was at Raby in the September +before he died, and I believe that was the last visit he +ever paid. The famous visitors' book there always amused +him, and he was fond of quoting from it. One of his own<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[Pg 425]</a></span> +contributions I remember was written with mock modesty. +He took from Lockhart's Spanish ballads the lines:—</p> + +<div class="poem"> + <div class="stanza"> + <span class="i0">''Twere better to be silent before such a crowd of folk,</span><br /> + <span class="i0">Than utter words as meaningless as he did when he spoke.'</span><br /> + </div> +</div> + +<p>His recollections of the society of his youth in these houses +had some amusing details. I think it was at the Duchess +of Bedford's that there was a Christmas tree, off which +each young man visitor was given a piece of flowered silk +for a waistcoat. Early next morning, at Mr. Lyons's +suggestion, one of the young men, provided with a list +of the names and addresses of the tailors employed by +the others, went up to London and brought back all the +waistcoats made up in time to be worn at dinner that +evening. He used to speak with some amusement of +the ungraciousness of Rogers, the poet, whom he met at +the Derbys'. On one occasion Rogers had lost his +spectacles, and Mr. Lyons went a long way in the big +house to find them. Rogers who was drinking tea took +the spectacles, but did not thank him, and, a moment +later, when he heard Mr. Lyons refusing sugar, he observed +to the company: 'That young man, having nothing else +to be proud of, is proud of not having sugar with his +tea!'</p> + +<p>I don't suppose that he talked much as a young man, +and probably he followed the rule he always preached, +that young men should speak 'little but often.'</p> + +<p>Among the few serious sayings to be quoted from him +was that the great axiom in diplomacy was 'Never do +anything to-day that can be put off till to-morrow.'</p> + +<p>In speaking of Leo XIII. and his successful policy with +Bismarck, he said: 'Those very clever men succeed by +doing what no one expects. My success has been made +by always doing what was expected of me. I always did +the safe thing.'</p> + +<p>In conversation he enjoyed a Johnsonian style of +repartee. One retort of his had an excellent practical +result. He acted as a special constable in London during +the Chartist Riots. Hearing a woman in the dense crowd +cry out, 'Let me faint, let me faint,' he turned to her at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[Pg 426]</a></span> +once, and said: 'Pray do, madam,' whereupon she recovered +immediately.</p> + +<p>Soon after the Berlin Conference when the Disraeli +party were making the most of the accession of Crete, a +visitor at the Embassy, gushing over its charms concluded +with the assertion that Crete was the loveliest island in +the world. Whereupon Mr. William Barrington (now Sir +William Barrington) said drily: 'Have you seen all the +others?' This amused Lord Lyons immensely, and some +years afterwards when a young lady who was and is still +famous for her powers of conversation had talked at him +for some time, he adopted the same method. After a good +many other sweeping assertions she said of some work that +had just come out: 'It is the best written book that has +appeared this century.' 'Ah,' he said, 'have you read all +the others?' Being alone with her soon afterwards I was +not surprised at her inquiring of me dubiously whether I +liked my great-uncle.</p> + +<p class="p5">It need hardly be said that, in the matter of his personal +religion, Lord Lyons was very reticent. He was absolutely +regular in his attendance at the Sunday service in +Paris and in England. He was very fond of the singing +of English hymns.</p> + +<p>He never had any sympathy with the ritualist party +in the Church of England, and was inclined to be sarcastic +as to those whom he designated 'Puseyites,' as was then +the custom.</p> + +<p>One who knew him very well told me that for a time +he was somewhat unsettled in the matter of definite +religious belief. There is also evidence that in middle +life the idea of joining the Catholic Church had been +present to him as a possibility. As far as can be known +it was during the last summer of his life that he began to +consider the question practically. It is not surprising +that Lord Lyons, when he took the matter up, showed +the same characteristics in its regard that he had shown +in any serious question throughout his life, namely, the +greatest thoroughness and care in studying the Catholic +religion and in carrying out its practical side, reserve as to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[Pg 427]</a></span> +deep sentiment, not without humorous touches which +were intensely characteristic. Newman's works formed +the chief part of his study during those summer months. +A letter written in that August says of him, 'He is always +reading Newman.' It was not until shortly before his +death that he spoke on the matter to any of the family. +A note in the writing of his secretary and intimate friend—Mr. +George Sheffield—says that he spoke of it six weeks +before his death. Lord Lyons had known Bishop Butt +for many years when he was parish priest at Arundel, and +it was to him that he applied for advice. He studied the +Penny Catechism most carefully, learning the answers by +heart, like a child. He began to fulfil the practices of a +Catholic with great regularity. He went to Mass daily at ten +o'clock, and adopted little habits of self-denial and showed +greater liberality in almsgiving. The last honour he ever +received was the offer of an earldom on his retiring from +the Paris Embassy. He suggested to Dr. Butt that it +would be a good act of mortification to refuse this honour, +but the Bishop would not advise him to do so. He began, +against his usual custom, to give money to crossing-sweepers +or beggars in the streets, and I am told by my +aunt, Lady Phillippa Stewart, that, after returning from +my wedding, he said to her: 'Is it not customary after +an event of this kind to give money in alms?' He then +suggested that he should make some offering to the +hospitals and asked her to write out the names of +those she thought would be the most suitable. It was +about ten days before my marriage in November, 1887, that +I first heard of his intentions. I learnt it in a fashion +very characteristic of him. I was not staying in the +house, but I had been dining with him when he remarked +casually: 'Really, my austerities are becoming alarming. +I have given up soup for dinner and jam for breakfast.' +This struck me as a novel proceeding, as I knew his fondness +for jam and that the ordinary routine of dinner beginning +with a clear soup was a fixed ceremonial with him. +That night I questioned my aunt, who told me that he had +been for some weeks preparing to join the Church. It was +at this time that he said to one of the family: 'I am now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[Pg 428]</a></span> +ready to be received as soon as the Bishop likes.' He also +characteristically consulted his nephew, the Duke of Norfolk, +as to whether he ought to inform Lord Salisbury of +his intention of becoming a Catholic. He did not, during +these weeks, know that he was in any danger. The last +time I saw my great uncle was at my wedding. He had +a stroke about ten days afterwards, and to all appearance +became unconscious. Dr. Butt, knowing what his intentions +had been, had no hesitation in giving him conditional +Baptism and Extreme Unction. I was at the funeral at +Arundel, and saw the coffin lowered into the vault in the +Fitzalan Chapel, where his sister Minna had been placed +two and a half years earlier.</p> + +<p class="p5">I feel most strongly as I conclude these very imperfect +notes, how entirely Lord Lyons belonged to a generation +of Englishmen now long passed away. The force of will, +the power of self-devotion, the dignity, the reticence, the +minute regularity, the sense of order, the degree of submission +to authority and the undoubting assertion of his +own authority towards others—all were elements in a +strong personality. There are, no doubt, strong men +now, but their strength is of a different kind. Englishmen +to-day are obliged to be more expansive and unreserved. +No fixed routine can be followed now as then; +no man can so guard his own life and his own personality +from the public eye. Lord Lyons was not of the type that +makes the successful servant of the democracy. Fidelity, +reticence, self-effacement, are not the characteristics that +are prominent in the popular idea of the strong man +to-day. But no one who knew Lord Lyons can doubt +that those qualities were in him a great part of his strength. +He was and must always be to those who knew him very +much of an enigma, and it certainly would not have been +his own wish that any great effort should be made to +interpret his inner life to the world at large.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[Pg 429]</a></span></p> + + +<h2>INDEX</h2> + + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Aali Pasha, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_150">150,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_151">151,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_155">155,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_161">161,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_166">166,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_167">167,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_172">172;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Paris Conference, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_153">153.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Abdul Aziz, Sultan of Turkey, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_151">151,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_175">175;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">effort for Navy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_152">152;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">dismisses Fuad Pasha, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_155">155;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">unpopularity of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_161">161,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_163">163;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_169">169,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_170">170;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to England, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_171">171,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_173">173.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Abdul Hamid, ii. <a href="#Page_108">108,</a> <a href="#Page_208">208;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy of, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">reported conspiracy against, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">suzerainty in Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_246">246;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">overthrow of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_168">168.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Aberdeen, Lord, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Abolition proclamation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_93">93.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Abou Klea, battle of, ii. <a href="#Page_343">343.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Adams, Mr., U.S. Minister in London, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_38">38,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_43">43,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_59">59,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_63">63,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_71">71,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_72">72,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_98">98,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_99">99.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Adams, Sir Francis, chargé d'affaires at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">telegram on Anglo-French sympathies, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Minister at Berne, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Adrianople, railway to Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_176">176.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Aehrenthal, Count, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_342">342.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Afghanistan, Lytton's policy in, ii. <a href="#Page_209">209;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">attacked by Russia, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348,</a> <a href="#Page_352">352.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Africa, west coast, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Alabama</em> incident, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_97">97,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_98">98,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_99">99,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_105">105,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_300">300;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">question revived, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_162">162,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_189">189.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alaska, bought by America, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_168">168.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Albanian league, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alderson, Capt., sent to report on army of the Potomac, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_128">128,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_129">129.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alexander, Emperor of Russia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_187">187,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_255">255,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_273">273,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_333">333,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_354">354,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_52">52,</a> <a href="#Page_54">54,</a> <a href="#Page_404">404;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to Berlin, ii. <a href="#Page_76">76;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">friendliness to England, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">attempt on life of, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alexandretta, ii. <a href="#Page_150">150,</a> <a href="#Page_151">151.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alexandria, ii. <a href="#Page_172">172,</a> <a href="#Page_188">188,</a> <a href="#Page_273">273;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Anglo-French Naval Demonstration at, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">massacre at, ii. <a href="#Page_285">285;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">bombardment of, ii. <a href="#Page_288">288.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Algeria, position of French in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_199">199,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_268">268,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_271">271,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_382">382,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_159">159,</a> <a href="#Page_249">249.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alsace and Lorraine, question of cession, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_321">321,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_332">332,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_334">334,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_361">361,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_369">369;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French hopes of recovery of, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103,</a> <a href="#Page_135">135,</a> <a href="#Page_195">195,</a> <a href="#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="#Page_247">247,</a> <a href="#Page_346">346;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">trade of, ii. <a href="#Page_14">14.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">America, army, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_45">45,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_47">47,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_48">48,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_79">79,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_109">109;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">methods of recruiting, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_110">110,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_116">116;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">finance, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_57">57;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">slave trade, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_20">20;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">affairs in central, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_13">13;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations between North and South, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_20">20,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_29">29,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_31">31;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations with England, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_12">12,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_15">15,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_16">16,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_45">45,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_46">46,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_79">79,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_129">129,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_189">189.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">American Civil War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_34">34,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_343">343;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Blockade question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_33">33,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_36">36,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_37">37;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">privateering, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_42">42;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Confederate Government, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_53">53;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Southern Confederacy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_31">31,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_33">33,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_34">34,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_36">36;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">position of Consuls, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_83">83,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_121">121;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Southern activity, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_82">82,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_83">83;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Revolutionary Party, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_80">80;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed foreign intervention, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_90">90,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_91">91,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_92">92,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_96">96;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">rising prices, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_94">94;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">vessel building in England, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_101">101,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_102">102;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">position of foreigners during, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>-<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_109">109;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">seizure of British vessels, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_104">104,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_105">105;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Irish in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_109">109,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_114">114,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Germans in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">British officers sent to follow operations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_128">128;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">M. Mercier on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_85">85.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anarchical plots, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_187">187.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ancona district, Austrian troops in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_3">3.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anderson, at Fort Sumter, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_35">35.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anderson, Mr., attaché at Washington, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_87">87.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[Pg 430]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Andrassy, Count, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Eastern Question, ii. <a href="#Page_127">127,</a> <a href="#Page_134">134,</a> <a href="#Page_138">138;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Austro-German Alliance, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Andrassy Note, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anglo-Russian Agreement, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143,</a> <a href="#Page_160">160.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anglo-Turkish Convention, ii. <a href="#Page_140">140-142;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">disclosed to Waddington, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">made public, ii. <a href="#Page_151">151;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">irritation in France, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152,</a> <a href="#Page_159">159,</a> <a href="#Page_163">163.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Annam, French in, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103,</a> <a href="#Page_307">307,</a> <a href="#Page_327">327.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anti-Slavery party in England, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_118">118.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Antonelli, Cardinal, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_4">4,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_184">184.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anzin, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arabi Bey, rebellion of, ii. <a href="#Page_258">258,</a> <a href="#Page_273">273,</a> <a href="#Page_278">278;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Minister of War, ii. <a href="#Page_279">279,</a> <a href="#Page_283">283;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">campaign against, ii. <a href="#Page_295">295,</a> <a href="#Page_296">296.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arago, Emmanuel, succeeds Gambetta as Minister of War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_361">361.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Archibald, Consul, on the kidnapping of recruits, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_112">112.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arcolay pamphlet, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_220">220.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Argyll, Duke and Duchess of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_41">41.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Armenia, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131,</a> <a href="#Page_137">137;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">patriarch question, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Army Purchase Bill, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9,</a> <a href="#Page_12">12.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arnim, Count, Minister at Rome, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Ambassador at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_14">14,</a> <a href="#Page_16">16,</a> <a href="#Page_27">27,</a> <a href="#Page_30">30,</a> <a href="#Page_60">60,</a> <a href="#Page_68">68,</a> <a href="#Page_140">140;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Thiers, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on French policy, ii. <a href="#Page_45">45;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck's dislike of, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arundel, Lyons at, i. 139, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222,</a> <a href="#Page_418">418,</a> <a href="#Page_422">422,</a> <a href="#Page_428">428.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ashman, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_50">50.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Asia Minor, Russian policy in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_268">268,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_133">133,</a> <a href="#Page_137">137.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Athens, i. 149; Lyons attaché at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_1">1.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Atlantic, coast defence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_40">40.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Augusta, Empress, Bismarck's dislike of, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80,</a> <a href="#Page_354">354.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Aumale Duc d', ii. <a href="#Page_2">2,</a> <a href="#Page_7">7,</a> <a href="#Page_16">16,</a> <a href="#Page_44">44,</a> <a href="#Page_48">48,</a> <a href="#Page_51">51,</a> <a href="#Page_56">56,</a> <a href="#Page_64">64,</a> <a href="#Page_311">311,</a> <a href="#Page_368">368.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">d'Aunay, M., ii. <a href="#Page_300">300,</a> <a href="#Page_376">376.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Austria, relations with Prussia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_186">186,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_193">193,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_202">202;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations with France, ii. <a href="#Page_35">35;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">military power of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_268">268;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Eastern Question, ii.<a href="#Page_85"> 85,</a> <a href="#Page_127">127;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the Moldo-Wallachian Principalities, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_153">153;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the Ancona district, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_3">3.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Austro-German Alliance, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194,</a> <a href="#Page_199">199,</a> <a href="#Page_205">205,</a> <a href="#Page_398">398.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Austro-Prussian War, failure of French policy in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_177">177.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Azoph, Sea of, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Bac-ninh, ii. <a href="#Page_324">324.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Baden, Grand Duchy of, and Confederation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_208">208,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_266">266,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_276">276,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_285">285,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_293">293;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French policy in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_190">190,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_36">36;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed neutrality, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_302">302.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bagdad railway, ii. <a href="#Page_151">151.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bahamas, the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_130">130.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Baker Pasha, defeat of, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Balkan Peninsula, ii. <a href="#Page_223">223.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bapaume, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_355">355.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bardo, Treaty of the, ii. <a href="#Page_243">243.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Baring, Major (Earl of Cromer) in Egypt, ii. <a href="#Page_189">189,</a> <a href="#Page_322">322,</a> <a href="#Page_352">352;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_203">203;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and "Modern Egypt," ii. <a href="#Page_295">295.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Barracouta</em>, H.M.S., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Barrère, M., ii. <a href="#Page_322">322.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Barrington, Mr. (Sir William), ii. <a href="#Page_128">128,</a> <a href="#Page_426">426.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bateman, Sir Alfred, ii. <a href="#Page_253">253.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Batoum, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137,</a> <a href="#Page_138">138,</a> <a href="#Page_143">143.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Baucel, M., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_228">228.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bavaria, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_193">193;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Confederation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_266">266;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed neutrality, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_302">302.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bayazid, ii. <a href="#Page_142">142.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Baynes, Admiral, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_23">23.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bazaine, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_317">317,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_320">320;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">capitulation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_329">329.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Beaconsfield, Lord, ii. <a href="#Page_144">144.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Beatrice, Princess, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Beauregard, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_35">35.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Beaury, plot against Napoleon III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_285">285.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bedford, Duchess of, ii. <a href="#Page_425">425.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Belfort, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_370">370,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_374">374.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Belgium, Prince Napoleon on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_193">193;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_211">211;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">trade relations with France, ii. <a href="#Page_25">25;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">neutrality of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_298">298,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_302">302;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign policy towards, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_303">303,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_355">355,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_113">113,</a> <a href="#Page_124">124,</a> <a href="#Page_206">206;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">secret Treaty, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_320">320,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_340">340;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Constantinople Conference, ii.<a href="#Page_109"> 109;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck's policy in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="#Page_83">83,</a> <a href="#Page_345">345.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Belgium, King of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_212">212,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_216">216.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Belgrade, Fortress of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_161">161;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">evacuated by the Turks, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_163">163.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Belligerent Rights, Exposition of French Jurists on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_44">44,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_46">46,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_50">50.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[Pg 431]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Benedetti, French Ambassador at Berlin, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_293">293;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Franco-Prussian situation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_299">299;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">affront to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_300">300,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_206">206;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">despatch from, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_304">304;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">meeting with King of Prussia at Ems, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_305">305.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Benjamin, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_122">122.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Berlin, Congress at, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Berlin Post</em>, "Is War in Sight" article, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Berlin, Treaty of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_342">342,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_227">227;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Layard on, ii. <a href="#Page_160">160.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bermuda, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_130">i. 130.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Berne, ii. <a href="#Page_256">256.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bernstorff, Count, Prussian Ambassador in London, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_196">196,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_256">256,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_259">259,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_260">260,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_268">268,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_293">293,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_304">304,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_309">309,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_317">317,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_323">323,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_337">337;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Belgian affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_218">218;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter from Bismarck, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_261">261.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bert, M. Paul, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Berthaut, General, Minister of War, ii. <a href="#Page_115">115.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bessarabia, ii. <a href="#Page_142">142,</a> <a href="#Page_367">367.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bessborough, Lord, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Beust, Count, Austrian Minister, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_162">162,</a><a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_272"> 272,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_314">314,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_320">320;</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_202">202,</a> <a href="#Page_231">231;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Belgian question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_229">229;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Metternich, ii. <a href="#Page_35">35.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Beyens, Baron, Belgian Minister, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_213">213.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Biarritz, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_197">197.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Biggar, Mr., ii. <a href="#Page_234">234.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Billing, Baron de, plan to relieve Gordon, ii. <a href="#Page_326">326.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Billot, General, ii. <a href="#Page_311">311.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bisaccia, Duc de, French Ambassador in London, ii. <a href="#Page_57">57.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bismarck, Prince, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_162">162,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_192">192,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_387">387;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Luxemburg railway affair, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_168">168,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_213">213;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and German Confederation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_247">247,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_251">251,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_276">276;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Ems, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_293">293;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Vatican, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30,</a> <a href="#Page_68">68;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations with Emperor, ii. <a href="#Page_62">62,</a> <a href="#Page_120">120;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and disarmament negotiations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_260">260-5,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_270">270-3,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_275">275,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_278">278,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_301">301;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign policy of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_179">179,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_211">211,</a><a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_214"> 214,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_218">218,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_314">314,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_355">355,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_14">14,</a> <a href="#Page_29">29,</a> <a href="#Page_49">49,</a> <a href="#Page_54">54,</a> <a href="#Page_70">70,</a> <a href="#Page_72">72,</a> <a href="#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="#Page_77">77,</a> <a href="#Page_82">82,</a> <a href="#Page_124">124,</a> <a href="#Page_205">205,</a> <a href="#Page_345">345,</a> <a href="#Page_358">358;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">with regard to Austria, ii. <a href="#Page_42">42;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Austro-German Alliance, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Belgium, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_303">303;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Eastern Question, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90,</a> <a href="#Page_97">97,</a> <a href="#Page_231">231;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Egypt, ii. <a href="#Page_150">150,</a> <a href="#Page_297">297,</a> <a href="#Page_325">325,</a> <a href="#Page_338">338,</a> <a href="#Page_339">339,</a> <a href="#Page_352">352;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and France, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16,</a> <a href="#Page_60">60,</a> <a href="#Page_136">136,</a> <a href="#Page_283">283,</a> <a href="#Page_286">286,</a> <a href="#Page_384">384;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">during war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_314">314;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">peace negotiations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_348">348,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_357">357,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_361">361,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_365">365,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_370">370,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_374">374,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_380">380,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_20">20,</a> <a href="#Page_30">30,</a> <a href="#Page_82">82;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and payment of indemnity, ii. <a href="#Page_3">3;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">colonial policy, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and French colonial schemes, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244-5,</a> <a href="#Page_251">251,</a> <a href="#Page_259">259,</a> <a href="#Page_264">264,</a> <a href="#Page_268">268,</a> <a href="#Page_342">342;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Russia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_338">338;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Russo-Turkish War, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Suez Canal transaction, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and claims of Prussia in Tunis, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_200">200;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Favre, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_316">316,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_318">318,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_321">321,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_323">323,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_324">324,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_352">352;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">interviews with Malet, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_319">319;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">with Thiers, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_329">329,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_331">331,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_342">342,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_353">353,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French views of policy, ii. <a href="#Page_107">107;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Arnim, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Boulanger, ii. <a href="#Page_401">401;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_250">250,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_279">279;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Gramont, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_307">i. 307;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Count Münster, ii. <a href="#Page_388">388;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Napoleon III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_221">221,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_333">333;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Odo Russell, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_338">338;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Waddington, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on himself, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on French Press, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_271">271-2;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the German Press, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_305">305;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">power of, ii. <a href="#Page_53">53,</a> <a href="#Page_73">73;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">illness of, ii.<a href="#Page_290">290.</a></li> + + <li class="isub1">"Bismarck, his Reflections and Reminiscences," quoted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_338">338.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bizerta, ii. <a href="#Page_243">243.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Black Sea Conference, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_341">341,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_350">350,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_366">366;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">clauses in Treaty of Paris, concerning, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_337">337;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French policy in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_337">337,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_339">339;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Russia policy in, ii. <a href="#Page_127">127.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Blairgowrie, Lord Russell at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_119">119.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Blanqui, revolutionary leader, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_385">385.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bleichröder, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Blignières, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171,</a> <a href="#Page_204">204;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Egypt, ii. <a href="#Page_189">189,</a> <a href="#Page_238">238,</a> <a href="#Page_261">261,</a> <a href="#Page_278">278;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resignation of, ii. <a href="#Page_279">279;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Egyptian finances, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Blockade, international law concerning, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_97">97.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Blount, Sir Edward, ii. <a href="#Page_415">415.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Blowitz, M., <em>Times</em> correspondent, ii. <a href="#Page_70">70,</a> <a href="#Page_241">241,</a> <a href="#Page_308">308,</a> <a href="#Page_416">416.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Blue Books, publication of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_101">101,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_102">102,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_300">300.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Boer War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_49">49;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">pay of men in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_110">110.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bonaparte, Prince Pierre, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_224">244.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bonapartist Party, policy of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_356">356,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_364">364,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_15">15,</a> <a href="#Page_17">17,</a> <a href="#Page_66">66,</a> <a href="#Page_106">106,</a> <a href="#Page_191">191.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bordeaux, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bosnia, ii. <a href="#Page_127">127,</a> <a href="#Page_134">134,</a> <a href="#Page_141">141,</a> <a href="#Page_143">143;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">annexation of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_342">342;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">insurrection in, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[Pg 432]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx"><em>Bosphore Egyptien</em>, suspended, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Boston, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_73">73,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_75">75;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">harbour, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_64">64.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Boulanger, General, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy, ii. <a href="#Page_367">367,</a> <a href="#Page_384">384,</a> <a href="#Page_385">385,</a> <a href="#Page_393">393,</a> <a href="#Page_403">403;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the army, ii. <a href="#Page_365">365,</a> <a href="#Page_383">383;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">popularity of, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Longchamps, ii. <a href="#Page_369">369;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">mobilization scheme, ii. <a href="#Page_401">401,</a> <a href="#Page_411">411;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">transferred to Clermont-Ferrand, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bourbaki, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_327">327,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_354">354;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the military situation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_327">327;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Bourges, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_348">348;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">defeated, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_359">359;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">army not included in armistice, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_360">360.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bourges, Bourbaki at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_348">348.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Brassey, Mr., application for railway concession, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_176">176.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bray, Bavarian Minister, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_302">302.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Brodie, attaché at Washington, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_87">87.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Broglie, Duc de, at Black Sea Conference, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_341">341;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French Ambassador in London, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22,</a> <a href="#Page_23">23,</a> <a href="#Page_24">24;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in French politics, ii. <a href="#Page_64">64,</a> <a href="#Page_67">67,</a> <a href="#Page_100">100;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">becomes Prime Minister, ii. <a href="#Page_111">111;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">unpopularity of, ii. <a href="#Page_113">113.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Browning, Mr. and Mrs., ii. <a href="#Page_422">422.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bruce, Sir Frederick, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_140">140,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_141">141.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Brünnow, Baron, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_186">186,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_38">38.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Buchanan, President (U.S.A.), i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_12">12,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_19">19,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_23">23,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_29">29;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">invitation to Prince of Wales, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_25">25;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter from Queen Victoria, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_26">26.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bucharest, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Buffet, M., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_282">282.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bulgaria, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_166">166-8,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_142">142,</a> <a href="#Page_143">143;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed limits of, ii. <a href="#Page_130">130;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Union with Eastern Roumelia, ii. <a href="#Page_360">360;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Russia in, ii. <a href="#Page_367">367,</a> <a href="#Page_391">391,</a> <a href="#Page_399">399.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bull's Run, Fight of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>-<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_50">50,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_110">110.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bülow, Count von, ii. <a href="#Page_53">53,</a> <a href="#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="#Page_87">87.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bulwer, Sir Henry, at the Constantinople Embassy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_145">145,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">opinion on a Turkish Navy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_152">152.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bulwer, Lady, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bunch, Mr., British Consul at Charleston, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_42">42,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_51">51-53,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_72">72,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_94">94.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Burmah, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">English in, ii. <a href="#Page_360">360;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">annexation of, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Burnley, Mr., Chargé d'Affaires in Washington, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_134">134,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_136">136.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Burns, Mr., ii. <a href="#Page_343">343.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Busch, M., ii. <a href="#Page_130">130;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">quoted, ii. <a href="#Page_82">82,</a> <a href="#Page_344">344,</a> <a href="#Page_352">352.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Butt, Bishop, ii. <a href="#Page_427">427.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Buyak Dere, ii. <a href="#Page_138">138.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst"><em>Cagliari</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8-11.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cairo, intrigues at, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87,</a> <a href="#Page_258">258;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">British troops enter, ii. <a href="#Page_285">285;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Northbrook mission to, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Calais, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Calcutta, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_223">223.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Calice, Baron, ii. <a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cambridge, Duke of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_379">379.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Canada, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_15">15,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_119">119;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">defences of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_40">40,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_43">43,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_49">49,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_72">72,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_80">80,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_132">132,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_134">134,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_291">291;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">despatch of troops to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_54">54;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Reciprocity Treaties, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_17">17,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_123">123.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Caradoc</em>, the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Carafa, Signor, Neapolitan Foreign Minister, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_9">9,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_11">11.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Carey, Capt., ii. <a href="#Page_194">194.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Carnarvon, Lord, resigns office, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cass, Miss, ii. <a href="#Page_398">398.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cass, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_12">12.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cayenne, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_243">243.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ceylon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_223">223.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chalons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_204">204;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French army at i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chambord, Comte de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_364">364;</a> ii. <a href="#Page_2">2,</a> <a href="#Page_9">9,</a> <a href="#Page_18">18,</a> <a href="#Page_21">21,</a> <a href="#Page_25">25,</a> <a href="#Page_56">56,</a> <a href="#Page_57">57,</a> <a href="#Page_64">64,</a> <a href="#Page_66">66;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proclamation of, ii. <a href="#Page_7">7;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">White Flag manifesto, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chanzy, General, at Le Mans, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_348">348,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_354">354,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_359">359;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">suggested President, ii. <a href="#Page_118">118,</a> <a href="#Page_197">197;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death of, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Charles X. of France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Charleston, fighting at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_34">34,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_51">51;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">prices in, during war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_94">94.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Charmes, M., ii. <a href="#Page_376">376,</a> <a href="#Page_387">387.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chartres, Duc de, ii. <a href="#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="#Page_365">365.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chase, Mr., Secretary of Treasury, U.S., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_43">43,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_119">119.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chasseurs d'Afrique, ii. <a href="#Page_118">118.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chatsworth, Lyons at, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chattanooga, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_120">120.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chaudordy, Comte de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_325">325;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the elections, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_338">338;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy at Tours, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_339">339;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the recognition of the Government, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_357">357,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_362">362;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on cession of territory, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_329">329;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Black Sea Conference, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_366">366,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_371">371;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Constantinople Conference, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109,</a> <a href="#Page_398">398.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cherbourg, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_303">303.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cherif Pasha, ii. <a href="#Page_174">174,</a> <a href="#Page_204">204.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Childers, Mr., ii. <a href="#Page_330">330.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">China, French Treaty with, ii. <a href="#Page_327">327;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French war with, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chios, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[Pg 433]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Chislehurst, Empress Eugénie at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_327">327;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">reported review by Napoleon at, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death of Napoleon at, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Choiseul, ii. <a href="#Page_231">231.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Christ Church, Oxford, Lord Lyons at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_1">1.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Christiania, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Christians in Turkey, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_160">160,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_165">165,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_167">167.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Civita Vecchia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_180">180,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_55">55.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Claremont, Colonel, British military attaché in Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_194">194,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_196">196,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_245">245,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_351">351,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_377">377;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on French army, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_281">281.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Clarendon, Lord, interest in Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_6">6,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_174">174;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the <em>Cagliari</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_9">9;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeds Lord Russell as Foreign Secretary, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Roumanian affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_156">156;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Franco-Prussian relations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_201">201;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Napoleon III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_203">203;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">return to office, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_205">205;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and proposed Turco-Greek Conference, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_210">210;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on foreign affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_214">214,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_216">216;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on French politics, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_231">231,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_237">237,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_241">241;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_247">247,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_251">251,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_256">256,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_301">301;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">views on the plébiscite, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_287">287;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on North American colonies, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_292">292;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and party voting, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck's tribute to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_279">279;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">his private correspondence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_221">221;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_207">207,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_215">215,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_217">217,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_225">225,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_234">234,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_236">236,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_247">247,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_259">259,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_260">260,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_266">266,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_276">276,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_282">282,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_287">287,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_293">293;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Loftus, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_267">267,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_251">251.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Clémenceau, M., ii. <a href="#Page_201">201,</a> <a href="#Page_350">350;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">open letter from de Blignières to, ii. <a href="#Page_279">279.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Clermont-Ferrand, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cleveland, Duchess of, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Coasting trade with U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_17">17.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cobden, on intervention in American Civil War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_92">92.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cochin China, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cologne, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_193">193.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Commercial Treaties, Anglo-French negotiations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_239">239,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_241">241,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_243">243,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_245">245,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_284">284,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_368">368,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_372">372;</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="#Page_7">7,</a> <a href="#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="#Page_14">14,</a> <a href="#Page_33">33,</a> <a href="#Page_43">43,</a> <a href="#Page_163">163,</a> <a href="#Page_165">165,</a> <a href="#Page_206">206,</a> <a href="#Page_252">252,</a> +<a href="#Page_261">261,</a> <a href="#Page_265">265,</a> <a href="#Page_269">269,</a> <a href="#Page_315">315.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Commune, termination of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_388">388.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Compiègne, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Congo Conference, ii. <a href="#Page_334">334.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Connecticut, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_113">113.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Conolly, General, ii. <a href="#Page_102">102.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Conscription Act, in U.S., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Constantinople i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_5">5;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Embassy at, offered to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_144">144;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">position of British ambassador at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_147">147;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">intrigues, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_151">151;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">discontent among Mussulmans, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_167">167;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">railway scheme, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_176">176;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Russian policy in, ii. <a href="#Page_52">52,</a> <a href="#Page_124">124;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Moustier's policy in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Conference at, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106,</a> <a href="#Page_107">107,</a> <a href="#Page_108">108,</a> <a href="#Page_109">109,</a> <a href="#Page_398">398.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Corfu, ii. <a href="#Page_224">224.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cotton trade with America, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_31">31,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_88">88,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_89">89;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">during the war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_118">118,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_122">122.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Courbet, Admiral, ii. <a href="#Page_322">322;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Chinese war, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Courbevoie, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_381">381.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Courcel, overtures from Bismarck, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Coutouly, M., ii. <a href="#Page_182">182.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Couza, Prince, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_150">150,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_157">157;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">deposed, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_153">153.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cowley, Lord, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_70">70,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_225">225;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Eastern question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_170">170;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Ambassadors' votes, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to Napoleon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_197">197;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Lord Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_165">165.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cowper, Lady, ii. <a href="#Page_421">421.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Crampton, Sir John, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_41">41,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_42">42.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Craven, Mr. and Mrs. Augustus, ii. <a href="#Page_421">421.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cremer, Mr., ii. <a href="#Page_342">342.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Crete, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_148">148,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_180">180,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_300">300,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_159">159,</a> <a href="#Page_426">426;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">insurrection in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_160">160,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_163">163,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_208">208;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed cession to Greece, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_163">163,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Omar Pasha sent to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_166">166;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">settlement in Turco-Greek Conference, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_210">210.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cridland, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_122">122.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Crimean war, allusions to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_4">4,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_49">49,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_129">129,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_170">170,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_229">229,</a> <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cromer, Earl of. <em>See</em> Baring.</li> + +<li class="indx">Crowe, Sir Joseph, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196,</a> <a href="#Page_253">253,</a> <a href="#Page_323">323.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cuba, United States and, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_13">13,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_15">15.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Curaçoa</em>, H.M.S., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_12">12.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Currie, Lord, ii. <a href="#Page_371">371.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Cuvier</em>, the, French gunboat, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Cygnet</em>, H.M.S., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cyprus, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143,</a> <a href="#Page_150">150,</a> <a href="#Page_151">151.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Czacki, Mgr., ii. <a href="#Page_233">233.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Czarewitch, ill-will to Prussia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_255">255,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_260">260.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst"><em>Daily Telegraph</em>, letter on Lyons' opinions, ii. <a href="#Page_129">129.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Daira Land, administration of the, ii. <a href="#Page_340">340.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dallas, Mr., U.S. Minister in London, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_18">18,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_38">38.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Damietta, ii. <a href="#Page_188">188.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[Pg 434]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Danube, Russian policy, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dardanelles, the, i. 350, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123,</a> <a href="#Page_224">224.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Daru, Count, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_243">243,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_247">247,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_251">251,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_256">256,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_261">261,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_282">282;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_258">258,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_265">265,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_274">274,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_301">301;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on political situation in France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_244">244;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Bismarck's policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_257">257;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the plébiscite, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_289">289.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Davies, Jefferson, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_89">89,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_121">121,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_123">123.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dayton, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_46">46.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Débuts,</em> anti-English articles in, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180,</a> <a href="#Page_376">376.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Décazes, Duc, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French Foreign Minister, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the suzerainty of Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and ministerial crisis, ii. <a href="#Page_67">67;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on foreign affairs, ii. <a href="#Page_68">68;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the war scare, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71,</a> <a href="#Page_83">83;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy in Russo-Turkish war, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">internal policy, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90,</a> <a href="#Page_100">100,</a> <a href="#Page_112">112;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">suggests secret treaty to England, ii. <a href="#Page_113">113.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Declaration of Paris, allusions to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_38">38,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_42">42.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Denmark, Bismarck and, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_272">272,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_278">278;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Danish War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_177">177;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">position before Franco-Prussian War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_302">302;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Russia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_355">355.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Derby, Earl of. <em>See</em> Stanley.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dervish Pasha, ii. <a href="#Page_284">284.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Des Michels, M., ii. <a href="#Page_231">231.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dilke, Sir Charles, ii. <a href="#Page_197">197;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Anglo-French commercial negotiations, ii. <a href="#Page_253">253,</a> <a href="#Page_263">263,</a> <a href="#Page_269">269;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">his Cherbourg speech, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Disarmament negotiations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_246">246</a> <em>et seq.</em></li> + +<li class="indx">Disraeli, Benjamin (Lord Beaconsfield), ii. <a href="#Page_61">61;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">quoted, ii. <a href="#Page_138">138,</a> <a href="#Page_417">417;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Franco-Prussian relations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_208">208;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Anglo-French relations, ii. <a href="#Page_73">73.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dix, Maj.-General John A., Report to, on recruiting system, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_112">112-3,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_131">131;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and raid of St. Albans, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_135">135.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Döllinger movement, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Domain Land, administration in, ii. <a href="#Page_340">340.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dongorita, ii. <a href="#Page_386">386,</a> <a href="#Page_388">388.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Douglas, Governor, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_19">19,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_43">43.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dragoman system, Lyons dislike of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_150">150,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_175">175.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dresden, Lyons attaché at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_2">2.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Duclerc, M., ii. <a href="#Page_154">154;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">forms a Ministry, ii. <a href="#Page_293">293;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">refuses office of Foreign Minister, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ducrot, General, ii. <a href="#Page_111">111,</a> <a href="#Page_115">115.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dufaure, M., in the National Assembly, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_365">365;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">President of the Council, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resigns office, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dufferin, Lord, ii. <a href="#Page_284">284,</a> <a href="#Page_287">287;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Egypt, ii. <a href="#Page_297">297,</a> <a href="#Page_299">299,</a> <a href="#Page_317">317.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dulcigno, ii. <a href="#Page_274">274;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">demonstration at, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">surrender of, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dundas, Admiral, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_5">5.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dunkirk, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dupanloup, Mgr., Bishop of Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_114">114.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Eastern Question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_221">221</a> <em>et seq.</em>;</li> + <li class="isub1">reopened, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84,</a> <a href="#Page_89">89,</a> <a href="#Page_95">95;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Salisbury's circular on, ii. <a href="#Page_132">132.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Edinburgh, Duke of, offer of throne of Spain to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_200">200.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Egerton, Sir Edwin, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Egypt, affairs of, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128,</a> <a href="#Page_154">154,</a> <a href="#Page_163">163,</a> <a href="#Page_203">203;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">crisis in, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">controllers appointed, ii. <a href="#Page_189">189;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">question of independence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_240">240;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Dual Note presented, ii. <a href="#Page_270">270;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed Foreign Commission, ii. <a href="#Page_273">273;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Turkish Commission in, ii. <a href="#Page_284">284;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Conference on situation, ii. <a href="#Page_285">285,</a> <a href="#Page_333">333;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Italy refuses to join England in, ii. <a href="#Page_293">293;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Loan Decree, ii. <a href="#Page_357">357;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">question of evacuation, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Anglo-Turkish Convention, ii. <a href="#Page_405">405,</a> <a href="#Page_409">409;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">financial affairs, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed Conference on, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French counter-proposals, ii. <a href="#Page_341">341;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">settlement of, ii. <a href="#Page_347">347;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">English policy in, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89,</a> <a href="#Page_109">109,</a> <a href="#Page_123">123,</a> <a href="#Page_133">133,</a> <a href="#Page_139">139,</a> <a href="#Page_153">153,</a> <a href="#Page_187">187-9;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Anglo-French action in, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Anglo-French relations in, ii. <a href="#Page_246">246,</a> <a href="#Page_258">258,</a> <a href="#Page_296">296,</a> <a href="#Page_302">302,</a> <a href="#Page_304">304,</a> <a href="#Page_375">375;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French policy in, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103,</a> <a href="#Page_386">386;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">fears of English annexation, ii. <a href="#Page_135">135;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French retirement from, ii. <a href="#Page_291">291,</a> <a href="#Page_293">293;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">National Party in, ii. <a href="#Page_273">273;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign interests in, ii. <a href="#Page_104">104;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Derby's policy in, ii. <a href="#Page_122">122.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Elliot, Sir Henry, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Elysée, the, New Year's reception at, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Emancipation of Slaves, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_95">95.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Emly, Lord, letter to Czacki, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ems, interviews at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_305">305;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit of Emperor of Russia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_293">293.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Enfida estate dispute, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[Pg 435]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">England, relations with the Papal Government, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_4">4;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Neapolitan Government, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_9">9;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and with U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_12">12;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Belgian independence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_212">212;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">commercial relations with France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_239">239,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_25">25.</a></li> +<li class="isub2">(<em>See</em> Commercial Treaties);</li> + <li class="isub1">expenditure on armament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_278">278;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">position in Franco-Prussian question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_203">203,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_205">205,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_314">314,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_317">317;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and peace negotiations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_334">334;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">military forces of, ii. <a href="#Page_288">288;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">military preparations in Central Asia, ii. <a href="#Page_346">346;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">press in, ii. <a href="#Page_335">335.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Erlanger, Baron Emile d', ii. <a href="#Page_93">93.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Errington, M.P., Mr. G., ii. <a href="#Page_236">236;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">secret mission to the Vatican, ii. <a href="#Page_39">339.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Erskine, Mr., British Minister at Athens, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Eugénie, Empress, on foreign affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_179">179,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_180">180,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_191">191;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to the East, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_236">236,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_239">239;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed visit to India, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_222">222;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Queen Victoria's postponed visit, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_197">197;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Spanish affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_205">205,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_207">207;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_308">308,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_309">309,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_316">316;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on home affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_235">235,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_245">245;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">withdrawal from politics, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_241">241;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">press attacks on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_244">244;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">a fugitive, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_310">310;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Chislehurst, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_327">327,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_22">22;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_271">271.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">European Conference at Constantinople, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85,</a> <a href="#Page_106">106;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Berlin, ii. <a href="#Page_125">125,</a> <a href="#Page_126">126,</a> <a href="#Page_147">147.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Exclusion Bill, ii. <a href="#Page_309">309,</a> <a href="#Page_311">311.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Expulsion Bill, ii. <a href="#Page_365">365,</a> <a href="#Page_366">366.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Fabrice, General von, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_387">387,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_3">3.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Faidherbe, General, defeat at St. Quentin, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_359">359.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fair Trade League, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fallières, M., ii. <a href="#Page_309">309,</a> <a href="#Page_312">312.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Faon</em>, the, French gunboat, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fashoda, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_71">71.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Favre, Jules, Minister for Foreign Affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_313">313,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_315">315,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_332">332,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_341">341,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_356">356,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_361">361,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_377">377,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_381">381,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_386">386,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="#Page_16">16;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">war policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_310">310;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">meeting with Bismarck, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_316">316</a>-<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_324">324;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">advises diplomatists to leave Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_322">322;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Black Sea Conference, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_350">350;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck refuses safe conduct to London, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_353">353;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and peace negotiations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_360">360;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy attacked, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_362">362;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the National Assembly, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_368">368;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Lyons appreciation of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_359">359,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_368">368.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fazyl Pasha, and the Young Turk Party, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_167">167.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ferrières, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_321">321.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ferry, M. Jules, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_361">361;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Prime Minister, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy in Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Gambetta, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">forms a Ministry, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Foreign Office, ii. <a href="#Page_320">320;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Egyptian policy, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330,</a> <a href="#Page_338">338;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy in China, ii. <a href="#Page_339">339;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resignation of, ii. <a href="#Page_349">349;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Soudan affairs, ii. <a href="#Page_344">344.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fielding, Hon. Percy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_348">348.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fire Island, kidnapped recruits at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_112">112.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fitzmaurice, Lord, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_316">316;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">"Life of Granville," quoted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_342">342.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Flahault, M. de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_92">92.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fleury, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_217">217;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed Minister at Florence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_230">230;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Russo-French Alliance, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_273">273;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Lord Clarendon on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_231">231.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Floquet, M., ii. <a href="#Page_404">404;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">duel with Boulanger, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">fails to form an administration, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Florence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_2">2;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Lyons appointed secretary of legation at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_6">6;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Lyons appointed Minister at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Fleury's mission to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_230">230.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Florian, Count, ii. <a href="#Page_399">399.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Flourens, M. Gustave, organizes riot in Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_330">330.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Flourens, M., appointed Foreign Minister, ii. <a href="#Page_381">381;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy, ii. <a href="#Page_398">398,</a> <a href="#Page_406">406.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Flourens, Mme., ii. <a href="#Page_387">387.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fontainebleau, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_375">375.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Foochow, Chinese fleet destroyed at, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Formosa, blockade of, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337,</a> <a href="#Page_344">344.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Forsyth, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_14">14.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fort Issy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_382">382.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fort Lafayette, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_131">131.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fort Sumter, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_34">34,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_50">50.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fort Warren, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_71">71,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_75">75.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fournier, M., French Ambassador at Constantinople, ii. <a href="#Page_169">169,</a> <a href="#Page_182">182,</a> <a href="#Page_205">205;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">withdrawn from Constantinople, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fourtou, M., ii. <a href="#Page_114">114.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">France, internal affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_190">190,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_238">238,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_280">280,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_105">105,</a> <a href="#Page_147">147,</a> <a href="#Page_164">164,</a> <a href="#Page_306">306,</a> <a href="#Page_402">402;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">republic declared, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_237">237,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_310">310;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Constitutional Government in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_283">283,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_290">290;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_271">271;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">government of National Defence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_311">311,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_336">336</a> <em>et seq.</em>;</li> + <li class="isub1">National Assembly, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_363">363;</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[Pg 436]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> + <li class="isub1">public v. monarchy in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_364">364;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">elections in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_227">227,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_360">360,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_97">97,</a> <a href="#Page_114">114,</a> <a href="#Page_116">116,</a> <a href="#Page_237">237,</a> <a href="#Page_363">363;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">unrest among peasantry, ii. <a href="#Page_297">297;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">finances, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_236">236,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Protection v. Free Trade, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321,</a> <a href="#Page_328">328,</a> <a href="#Page_335">335.</a></li> +<li class="isub2">(<em>See</em> Commercial Treaties);</li> + <li class="isub1">press campaigns against England, ii. <a href="#Page_178">178,</a> <a href="#Page_307">307,</a> <a href="#Page_310">310,</a> <a href="#Page_328">328,</a> <a href="#Page_333">333,</a> <a href="#Page_376">376;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">anti-German attacks, ii. <a href="#Page_411">411;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">military power of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_257">257,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_268">268,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_369">369,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_59">59,</a> <a href="#Page_102">102,</a> <a href="#Page_356">356;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Lord Stanley on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_162">162;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Villiers' report, ii. <a href="#Page_310">310;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_246">246,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_258">258,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_277">277;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">navy of, ii. <a href="#Page_59">59;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy in U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_13">13,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_42">42,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_44">44,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_46">46,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_54">54,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_67">67,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_70">70,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_77">77,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_81">81;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the Moldo-Wallachian Principalities, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_153">153;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Belgium, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_211">211,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_303">303;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in North Africa, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_199">199;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Eastern Question, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">occupation of Rome, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>-<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_187">187;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposes cession of Crete to Greece, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_163">163.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Franco-Prussian War, apprehensions of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_185">185,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_195">195;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">war declared, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_301">301;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">causes of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_305">305;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">panic in Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_306">306;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">suggestion for armistice, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_312">312,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_314">314,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bourbaki on the military situation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_327">327;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">peace party, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_328">328;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">suggestion for European Congress, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_367">367;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">suggested terms of Peace, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_348">348;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">armistice agreed on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_360">360;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">preliminaries of Peace signed, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_369">369;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">harshness of conditions, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_373">373;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Neutral Powers and, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_371">371;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">the war indemnity, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_369">369,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="#Page_29">29,</a> <a href="#Page_41">41,</a> <a href="#Page_45">45;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">effects on the Embassy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Frankfort, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_140">140,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_236">236,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_370">370.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Frederick William IV., King of Prussia, ii. <a href="#Page_41">41,</a> <a href="#Page_62">62;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the San Juan dispute, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_19">19;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on German unity, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_208">208,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_247">247,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_266">266;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and army, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_207">207,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_247">247-9,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_252">252,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254-6,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_348">348;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_266">266,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_275">275,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_277">277;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Ems, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_293">293,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_305">305;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_201">201,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_204">204;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">friendship for Arnim, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations with Bismarck, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54,</a> <a href="#Page_57">57,</a> <a href="#Page_62">62,</a> <a href="#Page_73">73,</a> <a href="#Page_120">120;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">attempt to assassinate, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">ill-health, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80,</a> <a href="#Page_354">354.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Frederick William, Crown Prince of Prussia, on Franco-Prussian relations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_207">207;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the Franco-Prussian War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_309">309;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">peaceful policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_247">247;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">English sympathies, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_342">342,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_343">343;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">conversation with Odo Russell, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations with Bismarck, ii. <a href="#Page_57">57,</a> <a href="#Page_63">63,</a> <a href="#Page_74">74.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Free Trade, decline in France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_241">241,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_245">245,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_290">290,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_372">372,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="#Page_27">27,</a> <a href="#Page_163">163.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">(<em>See</em> Commercial Treaties and Protection);</li> + <li class="isub1">Lyons on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_284">284,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_27">27.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Frère-Orban, M., visit to Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_219">219.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Freycinet, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119,</a> <a href="#Page_154">154,</a> <a href="#Page_200">200,</a> <a href="#Page_350">350;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeds Waddington at Foreign Office, ii. <a href="#Page_204">204;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">his ideal ambassador, ii. <a href="#Page_211">211;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">refuses office in Gambetta Ministry, ii. <a href="#Page_262">262;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">forms Ministry, ii. <a href="#Page_277">277;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">retires from office, ii. <a href="#Page_291">291,</a> <a href="#Page_378">378;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Egyptian policy, ii. <a href="#Page_281">281</a>-<a href="#Page_291">91,</a> <a href="#Page_356">356,</a> <a href="#Page_377">377,</a> <a href="#Page_392">392;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Eastern policy, ii. <a href="#Page_223">223.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Friedland</em>, the, sent to Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fuad Pasha, Grand Vizier, on Turkish finance, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Paris Conference, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_153">153;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">dismissal of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_155">155;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">alluded to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_155">151,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_155">155,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_166">166,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_167">167,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_171">171.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Galliera, Duchess of, ii. <a href="#Page_433">43.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gallipoli, ii. <a href="#Page_127">127.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gallway, Colonel, sent to report on army of the Potomac, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_128">128,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_129">129.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Galt, Mr., Canadian Finance Minister, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gambetta, minister of war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_325">325</a><a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_329">-329,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_336">336,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_338">338,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_351">351,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_355">355,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_356">356,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_360">360;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resigns office, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_361">361;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">recovery of influence, ii. <a href="#Page_98">98;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">dispute with Grévy, ii. <a href="#Page_118">118;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">interview with Prince of Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_156">156;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">growth of power, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on foreign policy of France, ii. <a href="#Page_205">205;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resignation of, ii. <a href="#Page_277">277;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Ferry, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">administrative qualities, ii. <a href="#Page_262">262;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">fall from office, ii. <a href="#Page_296">296;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">shot, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy and views of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_362">362,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_363">363,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_365">365,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_370">370,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="#Page_64">64,</a> <a href="#Page_67">67,</a> <a href="#Page_99">99,</a> <a href="#Page_106">106,</a> <a href="#Page_119">119,</a> <a href="#Page_133">133,</a> <a href="#Page_147">147,</a> +<a href="#Page_166">166,</a> <a href="#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="#Page_198">198,</a> <a href="#Page_226">226,</a> <a href="#Page_237">237,</a> <a href="#Page_266">266;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Egyptian policy, ii. <a href="#Page_177">177,</a> <a href="#Page_181">181,</a> <a href="#Page_261">261,</a> <a href="#Page_290">290;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">St. Hilaire on, ii. <a href="#Page_229">229.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gambia, the, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Garibaldi, invades Papal States, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_178">178;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">embarrassing foreign policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_177">177;</a></li> + + <li class="isub1">in Franco-Prussian war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_324">324.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[Pg 437]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx"><em>Gaulois</em>, on Sir J. Drummond Hay, ii. <a href="#Page_329">329.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Genoa, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Germany. <em>See also</em> Prussia and Franco-German War;</li> + <li class="isub1">Confederation question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_190">190,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_192">192,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_201">201,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_204">204,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_205">205,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_207">207,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_251">251,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_266">266,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_276">276,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_277">277,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_343">343;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and need of seaboard, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations with Russia, ii. <a href="#Page_42">42,</a> <a href="#Page_324">324;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">military power, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_275">275,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_80">80,</a> <a href="#Page_356">356.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gibraltar, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_200">200,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_288">288.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gladstone, on American struggle, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_89">89;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Belgian independence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_212">212,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_214">214,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_218">218;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on a peer's vote, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_225">225,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_336">336;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_250">250,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_259">259;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the plébiscite, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_283">283,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_289">289,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_290">290;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Hohenzollern candidature, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_298">298;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on peace negotiations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_334">334;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Russian sympathies, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Eastern policy, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228,</a> <a href="#Page_231">231;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Egyptian policy, ii. <a href="#Page_274">274,</a> <a href="#Page_329">329;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_313">313;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck's dislike of, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353,</a> <a href="#Page_354">354;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resigns office, ii. <a href="#Page_356">356;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_334">334,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_347">347.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Globe</em>, and the Anglo-Russian Agreement, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Goblet, M., Prime Minister of France, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign policy, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">difficulties of, ii. <a href="#Page_392">392.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Godeaux, M., ii. <a href="#Page_172">172.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gontaut, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_29">29.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Goodenough, Captain, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_128">128.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gordon, General, sent to Soudan, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321,</a> <a href="#Page_343">343;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Khartoum, ii. <a href="#Page_326">326;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death of, ii. <a href="#Page_343">343.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gortschakoff, Prince, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_181">181,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_209">209,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_248">248,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_273">273,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_42">42,</a> <a href="#Page_77">77,</a> <a href="#Page_80">80,</a> <a href="#Page_85">85,</a> <a href="#Page_88">88,</a> <a href="#Page_90">90;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck's abuse of, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Goschen, Mr. (afterward Viscount), at Constantinople, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210,</a> <a href="#Page_223">223.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gozze, Count, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_6">6.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gramont, Duc de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_289">289,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_299">299,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_302">302,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_303">303,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_340">340;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the Hohenzollern candidature, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_307">307;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter from Napoleon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_304">304;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_320">320;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">publishes letter of Beust, ii. <a href="#Page_35">35,</a> <a href="#Page_36">36.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Grant, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_133">133,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_372">372.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Granville, Lord, at the Foreign Office, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_301">301,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_343">343,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_383">383;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy in Franco-Prussian War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_313">313;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">interview with Thiers, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_316">316;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on revolution in Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_379">379;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Free Trade policy, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27,</a> <a href="#Page_257">257;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Egyptian policy, ii. <a href="#Page_274">274,</a> <a href="#Page_277">277;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeded by Lord Derby, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the Eastern Question, ii. <a href="#Page_231">231;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Franco in Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on peers' voting, ii. <a href="#Page_12">12;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Waddington, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeded by Salisbury, ii. <a href="#Page_356">356;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_297">297,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_317">317,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_337">337,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_340">340,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_373">373,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_9">9,</a> <a href="#Page_23">23,</a> <a href="#Page_241">241,</a> <a href="#Page_242">242,</a> <a href="#Page_270">270,</a> <a href="#Page_289">289,</a> <a href="#Page_323">323,</a> <a href="#Page_324">324,</a> +<a href="#Page_329">329,</a> <a href="#Page_332">332,</a> <a href="#Page_346">346,</a> <a href="#Page_348">348,</a> <a href="#Page_353">353;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Gladstone, ii. <a href="#Page_274">274.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Great Lakes, fortification of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Greece, ii. <a href="#Page_183">183;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">financial immorality, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_163">163;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">increase of power, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_164">164;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Turkey, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_166">166,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_209">209,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_89">89;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Eastern question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_160">160,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_131">131,</a> <a href="#Page_223">223;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">frontier question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_207">207,</a> <a href="#Page_227">227,</a> <a href="#Page_229">229.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Greece, King of, ii. <a href="#Page_225">225.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Greeley, Mr. Horace, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_96">96.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Green, Mr., at Bucharest, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_153">153,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_158">158.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Grévy, M., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_328">328;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the National Assembly, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_365">365,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_368">368,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_16">16;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">dispute with Gambetta, ii. <a href="#Page_118">118;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">becomes President, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">loss of prestige, ii. <a href="#Page_202">202;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Boulanger, ii. <a href="#Page_367">367,</a> <a href="#Page_393">393;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">New Year's reception, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and peace policy, ii. <a href="#Page_382">382,</a> <a href="#Page_383">383.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Grey, General, letter to Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_211">211.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Griffith, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_28">28.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Grousset, Paschal, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_383">383.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Halifax, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_73">73,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_74">74.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Halim, ii. <a href="#Page_261">261;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed to make Khedive, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hammond, Mr., Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, views and opinions of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_63">63,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_64">64,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_77">77,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_86">86,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_299">299;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_172">172.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hauseman, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">d'Harcourt, Emmanuel, ii. <a href="#Page_91">91,</a> <a href="#Page_100">100,</a> <a href="#Page_144">144.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Harney, General. i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_19">19,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_23">23.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Harper's Ferry, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_20">20.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hartington, Lord, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330,</a> <a href="#Page_332">332,</a> <a href="#Page_371">371.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hartmann, nihilist, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hatfield, Lyons at, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Havannah, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_54">54.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hay, Sir J. Drummond, ii. <a href="#Page_329">329.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Haymerle and the Austro-German Alliance, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[Pg 438]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Head, Sir Edmund, Governor-General of Canada, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_39">39,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_50">50.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Heneage, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_132">132.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Herat, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Herbert, Sir Michael, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_90">90.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Herbette, M. d', ii. <a href="#Page_386">386.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Heron's Ghyll, Lyons at, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Herzegovina, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">annexation of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_342">342;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">insurrection in, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Andrassy Note, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96,</a> <a href="#Page_127">127.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hesse, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_285">285.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hicks Pasha, disaster in Soudan, ii. <a href="#Page_320">320,</a> <a href="#Page_325">325.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hobart Pasha, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hohenlohe, Prince, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31,</a> <a href="#Page_69">69,</a> <a href="#Page_292">292.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hohenzollern, candidature for Spain, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_296">296,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_305">305.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Prince Charles of, chosen Hereditary Prince of Roumania, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_155">155-157;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">invested at Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_158">158.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Holland, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_217">217;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Luxembourg, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_165">165,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_168">168;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign designs on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_304">304,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_355">355,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_83">83;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">suggestions for protection of, ii. <a href="#Page_113">113;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign relations, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Constantinople Conference, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck's policy, ii. <a href="#Page_345">345.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hope, Sir James, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_133">133.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hope, Lady Mary, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hope-Scott, James, ii. <a href="#Page_418">418.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hotham, Captain, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hovas, Queen of the, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Howard, Lady Mary, ii. <a href="#Page_418">418,</a> <a href="#Page_423">423.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hoyos, Count, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hudson, Sir James, note to the Sardinian Government, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_10">10.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hugo, Victor, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_224">224,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_363">363,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_370">370,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_371">371;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death and funeral, ii. <a href="#Page_354">354.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hungary, policy of Russia concerning, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hussein Khan, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Iddesleigh, Lord, Foreign Secretary, ii. <a href="#Page_375">375;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death of, ii. <a href="#Page_383">383.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ignatieff, General, Russian Minister at Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_148">148,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_158">158;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">mission to London, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign policy, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128,</a> <a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Imperialists, policy of, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">India, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137,</a> <a href="#Page_205">205.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">International Law on blockade, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_97">97.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Irish emigrants in U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_15">15,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_16">16,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_25">25,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_69">69;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">liability to service, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_109">109,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_114">114,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">secret societies, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_40">40.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Irish Church Bill, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_224">224,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_10">10,</a> <a href="#Page_11">11.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Irish Nationalists, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Isabella, Queen, in France, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ismail, Khedive, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_221">221,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_222">222,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_239">239;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Suez Canal Shares, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Russo-Turkish War, ii. <a href="#Page_110">110,</a> <a href="#Page_155">155,</a> <a href="#Page_171">171;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">warning to, ii. <a href="#Page_177">177;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">deposed, ii. <a href="#Page_185">185;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposal to restore, ii. <a href="#Page_344">344.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Italy, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">neutral policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_298">298,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_302">302;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_321">321;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Eastern policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_164">164;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Prussia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_178">178,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_193">193;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Savoy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_382">382;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy in Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240,</a> <a href="#Page_248">248.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Jahde, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_228">228.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">James river, America, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_83">83.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Janina, ii. <a href="#Page_183">183.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Jecker bonds, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_218">218.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Jenner, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_87">87.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Johnstone, Mr. Horace, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_127">127.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Joinville, Prince de, ii. <a href="#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="#Page_7">7,</a> <a href="#Page_34">34.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Journal officiel</em>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_315">315,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_320">320.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Juarez, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_13">13.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Karolyi, ii. <a href="#Page_391">391.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kars, ii. <a href="#Page_143">143.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kemble, Adelaide, ii. <a href="#Page_422">422.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kemble, Fanny, ii. <a href="#Page_422">422.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kennedy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_140">140.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kentucky, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kern, M., Swiss Minister at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Khaireddin Pasha, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167,</a> <a href="#Page_196">196.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Khartoum, ii. 322; Gordon in, ii. <a href="#Page_326">326;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">expedition to, ii. <a href="#Page_341">341;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">fall of, ii. <a href="#Page_343">343.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Khedive. <em>See</em> Ismail.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kiel, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_204">204.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kitchener, Major (Lord), Rochefort's abuse of, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Klazko, Mgr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_272">272,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_278">278,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Knollys, Viscount, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Knowsley, Lyons at, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222,</a> <a href="#Page_424">424.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kroumirs, the, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240,</a> <a href="#Page_301">301.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Lacour, M. Challemel, ii. <a href="#Page_211">211,</a> <a href="#Page_257">257,</a> <a href="#Page_310">310;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">becomes Foreign Minister, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Egyptian question, ii. <a href="#Page_316">316;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resignation of, ii. <a href="#Page_320">320.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lagarde, the Abbé, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_385">385.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Land Bill (English), i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[Pg 439]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Landsturm Bill, ii. <a href="#Page_62">62.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lang-Son, French defeat at, ii. <a href="#Page_349">349.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lascelles, Sir Frank, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_377">377.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">La Tour d'Auvergne, La Prince de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_208">208,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_233">233,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_234">234,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_240">240,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_241">241,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_308">308,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_310">310.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">La Valette, M. de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_218">218,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_223">223,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_234">234,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_242">242,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_256">256,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_261">261,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_287">287,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_298">298,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_300">300-303;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on home policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_229">229;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_247">247;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the Hohenzollern candidature, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_295">295;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on political situation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_285">285.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Layard, Mr. (Sir Henry), i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_295">295,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">reports from Constantinople, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123,</a> <a href="#Page_127">127;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">the Anglo-Turkish Convention, ii. <a href="#Page_140">140,</a> <a href="#Page_142">142,</a> <a href="#Page_143">143;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Treaty of Berlin, ii. <a href="#Page_160">160;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">withdrawn from Constantinople, ii. <a href="#Page_209">209;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137,</a> <a href="#Page_138">138.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">League of Patriots, ii. <a href="#Page_402">402.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lebœuf, on France's readiness for war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_307">307.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Le Flô, General, ii. <a href="#Page_29">29;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">conversation with Alexander of Russia, ii. <a href="#Page_52">52,</a> <a href="#Page_54">54.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Legh, Mr. (Lord Newton), ii. <a href="#Page_220">220.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Legitimists, policy of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_228">228,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_364">364,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_368">368,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_15">15,</a> <a href="#Page_18">18,</a> <a href="#Page_25">25,</a> <a href="#Page_56">56;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Comte de Chambord, ii. <a href="#Page_7">7;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed fusion with Orleanists, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">White Flag Manifesto, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Leighton, Sir Frederick, ii. <a href="#Page_423">423.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Le Mans, Chanzy at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_348">348,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_359">359.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Leo XIII., ii. <a href="#Page_425">425.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lesseps, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Suez Canal Shares, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90,</a> <a href="#Page_93">93,</a> <a href="#Page_321">321;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Soudan expedition, ii. <a href="#Page_343">343.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Levy, Mr., and the Enfida estate, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lhuys, Drouyn de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_241">241.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Liberté</em>, publishes secret negotiations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_301">301.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lincoln, President Abraham, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_29">29,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_34">34,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_47">47,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_65">65,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_69">69,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_81">81,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_88">88,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_93">93,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_98">98,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_140">140;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">issues proclamations of Emancipation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_95">95;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the U.S. Army, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_110">110.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lindau, employed as secret agent by Bismarck, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lindsay, Major-General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_129">129.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lisbon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_144">144.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Little, Mrs., ii. <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lobanoff, Prince, ii. <a href="#Page_130">130.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Loftus, Lord Augustus, British Ambassador at Berlin, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_250">250,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_295">295;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">despatches from, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_218">218,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_273">273,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_276">276,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_285">285,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_293">293;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">interview with Bismarck, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_261">261,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_270">270,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_275">275;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_270">270.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Longchamps, Reviews at, ii. <a href="#Page_368">368,</a> <a href="#Page_369">369,</a> <a href="#Page_410">410.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Longworth, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_161">161.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lord Mayor, in Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_64">64.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lords, House of, Lyons vote in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_226">226,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_9">9,</a> <a href="#Page_336">336.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lorraine. <em>See</em> Alsace and Lorraine.</li> + +<li class="indx">Louis XVI., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Louis Philippe, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Louis, Prince Imperial, ii. <a href="#Page_102">102;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death of, ii. <a href="#Page_190">190-193.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lumley, British Minister at Brussels, ii. <a href="#Page_75">75.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Luxembourg, report of cession to France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_165">165;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Prussia refuses consent to sell, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_168">168;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">conference in London, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_169">169;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">railway affair, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_211">211,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_257">257;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Commission in London, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_219">219.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lynch Law, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_21">21.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lyons, strength of garrisons at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_268">268,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lyons, Richard Bickerton Pemell, Lord, early life, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_1">1;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeds to the peerage, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Mission to Naples respecting <em>Cagliari</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8-11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">appointed Minister at Florence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">offer of the Washington Legation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">with Prince of Wales in Canada, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_25">25;</a> a G.C.B., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_76">76;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visits to Canada, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_119">119,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_134">134;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">returns to London on account of ill-health, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_89">89,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_136">136;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resigns U.S. Legation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_139">139;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">receives the degree of D.C.L., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_144">144;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">appointed to the Embassy at Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_144">144;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Paris Embassy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_177">177;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">removes with Embassy to Tours, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_322">322;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Bordeaux, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">returns to Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_375">375;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">invited to represent England at Berlin Congress, ii. <a href="#Page_125">125;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proffered resignation, ii. <a href="#Page_394">394;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">offer of Foreign Secretaryship, ii. <a href="#Page_371">371;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">termination of office, ii. <a href="#Page_411">411;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">created an earl, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">his personal characteristics, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>-<a href="#Page_222">222,</a> <a href="#Page_412">412;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in private life, ii. <a href="#Page_415">415.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Letters from Lyons—</li> + <li class="isub1">to Lord Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_152">152,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_153">153,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_213">213,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_219">219,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_224">224,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_227">227,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_228">228,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_230">230,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_233">233,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_235">235,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_239">239,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_241">241,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_244">244,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_248">248,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_256">256,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_273">273,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_280">280,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_283">283,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_285">285,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_288">288,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_290">290.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Earl Cowley, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_154">154,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_158">158,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_174">174.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[Pg 440]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> + <li class="isub1">to Lord Derby, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_156">156,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_54">54,</a> <a href="#Page_66">66,</a> <a href="#Page_95">95,</a> <a href="#Page_102">102,</a> <a href="#Page_107">107,</a> +<a href="#Page_111">111,</a> <a href="#Page_112">112,</a> <a href="#Page_117">117,</a> <a href="#Page_119">119,</a> <a href="#Page_127">127.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Sir C. Dilke, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254,</a> <a href="#Page_225">255.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Lord Granville, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_296">296,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_299">299,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_301">301,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_303">303,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_305">305,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_308">308,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_312">312,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_315">315,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_322">322,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_325">325,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_329">329,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_338">338,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_350">350,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_355">355,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_356">356,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_361">361,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_365">365,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_367">367,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_371">371,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_374">374,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_376">376,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_380">380,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_382">382,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_385">385,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_386">386,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_2">2,</a> <a href="#Page_7">7,</a> <a href="#Page_13">13,</a> <a href="#Page_15">15,</a> <a href="#Page_21">21,</a> <a href="#Page_24">24,</a> <a href="#Page_26">26,</a> <a href="#Page_34">34,</a> <a href="#Page_36">36,</a> <a href="#Page_37">37,</a> <a href="#Page_39">39,</a> <a href="#Page_47">47,</a> <a href="#Page_48">48,</a> <a href="#Page_50">50,</a> <a href="#Page_223">223,</a> <a href="#Page_225">225,</a> <a href="#Page_226">226,</a> +<a href="#Page_229">229,</a> <a href="#Page_230">230,</a> <a href="#Page_233">233,</a> <a href="#Page_235">235,</a> <a href="#Page_239">239,</a> <a href="#Page_243">243,</a> <a href="#Page_247">247,</a> <a href="#Page_248">248,</a> <a href="#Page_249">249,</a> <a href="#Page_258">258,</a> <a href="#Page_261">261,</a> <a href="#Page_262">262,</a> <a href="#Page_263">263,</a> <a href="#Page_265">265,</a> <a href="#Page_271">271,</a> +<a href="#Page_275">275,</a> <a href="#Page_278">278,</a> <a href="#Page_280">280,</a> <a href="#Page_281">281,</a> <a href="#Page_283">283,</a> <a href="#Page_286">286,</a> <a href="#Page_292">292,</a> <a href="#Page_296">296,</a> <a href="#Page_298">298,</a> <a href="#Page_300">300,</a> <a href="#Page_302">302,</a> <a href="#Page_303">303,</a> <a href="#Page_308">308,</a> <a href="#Page_309">309,</a> <a href="#Page_312">312,</a> +<a href="#Page_313">313,</a> <a href="#Page_314">314,</a> <a href="#Page_315">315,</a> <a href="#Page_317">317,</a> <a href="#Page_319">319,</a> <a href="#Page_320">320,</a> <a href="#Page_321">321,</a> <a href="#Page_323">323,</a> <a href="#Page_326">326,</a> <a href="#Page_328">328,</a> <a href="#Page_330">330,</a> <a href="#Page_334">334,</a> <a href="#Page_338">338,</a> <a href="#Page_339">339,</a> <a href="#Page_341">341,</a> +<a href="#Page_342">342,</a> <a href="#Page_345">345,</a> <a href="#Page_350">350,</a> <a href="#Page_351">351,</a> <a href="#Page_352">352.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Mr. Green, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_158">158.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Mr. Griffith, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_28">28.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Mr. Hammond, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_127">127,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_132">132,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_309">309,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_346">346.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Sir Edmund Head, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_39">39,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_50">50.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Lord Iddesleigh, ii. <a href="#Page_375">375,</a> <a href="#Page_377">377,</a> <a href="#Page_378">378,</a> <a href="#Page_379">379,</a> <a href="#Page_381">381.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Mr. Layard (Sir H.), i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_207">207.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Captain Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_5">5.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Lady Lytton, ii. <a href="#Page_209">209.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Lord Malmesbury, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_13">13,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_14">14.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Admiral Sir A. Milne, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_104">104.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Viscount Monck, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_123">123.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Duke of Newcastle, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_28">28,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_29">29.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Lord Rosebery, ii. <a href="#Page_363">363,</a> <a href="#Page_365">365,</a> <a href="#Page_366">366,</a> <a href="#Page_367">367,</a> <a href="#Page_368">368,</a> <a href="#Page_374">374.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Lord John Russell, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_17">17,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_20">20,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_21">21,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_26">26,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_30">30,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_31">31,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_36">36,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_41">41,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_42">42,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_47">47,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_55">55,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_57">57,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_59">59,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_65">65,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_67">67,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_71">71,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_74">74,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_82">82,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_85">85,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_88">88,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_101">101,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_102">102,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_120">120,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_122">122,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_128">128,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_136">136,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_143">143,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_145">145.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Lord Odo Russell, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30,</a> <a href="#Page_42">42,</a> <a href="#Page_51">51,</a> <a href="#Page_129">129.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Lord Salisbury, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134,</a> <a href="#Page_139">139,</a> <a href="#Page_145">145,</a> <a href="#Page_151">151,</a> <a href="#Page_152">152,</a> <a href="#Page_156">156,</a> <a href="#Page_165">165,</a> <a href="#Page_169">169,</a> <a href="#Page_171">171,</a> <a href="#Page_180">180,</a> <a href="#Page_191">191,</a> <a href="#Page_192">192,</a> +<a href="#Page_195">195,</a> <a href="#Page_196">196,</a> <a href="#Page_198">198,</a> <a href="#Page_202">202,</a> <a href="#Page_204">204,</a> <a href="#Page_357">357,</a> <a href="#Page_371">371,</a> <a href="#Page_383">383,</a> <a href="#Page_387">387,</a> <a href="#Page_388">388,</a> <a href="#Page_389">389,</a> <a href="#Page_392">392,</a> <a href="#Page_394">394,</a> <a href="#Page_396">396,</a> <a href="#Page_398">398,</a> +<a href="#Page_400">400,</a> <a href="#Page_402">402,</a> <a href="#Page_403">403,</a> <a href="#Page_404">404,</a> <a href="#Page_405">405,</a> <a href="#Page_410">410.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Mr. Seward, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_131">131,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_140">140.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Mr. Stuart, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_139">139,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_156">156.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Lord Stanley (Earl Derby), i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_156">156,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_159">159,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_166">166,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_179">179,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_182">182,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_186">186,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_187">187,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_190">190,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_201">201,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_203">203.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Prince of Wales, ii. <a href="#Page_98">98.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lyons, Admiral Sir Edmund, first baron, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_1">1.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lyons, Captain Edmund, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_5">5,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lytton, Lord, ii. <a href="#Page_52">52,</a> <a href="#Page_209">209;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeds Lyons at Paris Embassy, ii. <a href="#Page_411">411;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">McClellan, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_56">56,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_57">57,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_65">65,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_89">89.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">McHugh, Mr. James, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_131">131.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">McLane, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_13">13,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_14">14.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">MacMahon, Marshal, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_306">306,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_38">38;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeds Thiers as President, ii. <a href="#Page_43">43;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and war scare, ii. <a href="#Page_83">83;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy of, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56,</a> <a href="#Page_67">67,</a> <a href="#Page_97">97,</a> <a href="#Page_105">105,</a> <a href="#Page_111">111;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">character, ii. <a href="#Page_100">100;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Gambetta on, ii. <a href="#Page_100">100;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">election defeat, ii. <a href="#Page_116">116;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resigns office, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">MacMahon, Madame la Maréchale, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47,</a> <a href="#Page_114">114.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Madagascar, ii. <a href="#Page_300">300,</a> <a href="#Page_301">301,</a> <a href="#Page_307">307,</a> <a href="#Page_318">318,</a> <a href="#Page_360">360,</a> <a href="#Page_380">380.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Magee, Mr., Consul at Mobile, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_97">97,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_121">121.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Magicienne</em>, the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_103">103.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Magne, M., finance minister, ii. <a href="#Page_59">59.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Malet, Sir Edward, accompanies Lyons to the Washington Legation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_90">90;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Lyons' work at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_137">137;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">transferred to Lisbon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_140">140;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">accompanies Lyons to Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_144">144;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_177">177;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">emissary to Bismarck, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_318">318;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">alluded to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_377">377,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_383">383,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_387">387,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_128">128;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Egypt, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238,</a> <a href="#Page_271">271,</a> <a href="#Page_276">276;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_319">319.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Malmesbury, Lord, foreign secretary, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_2">2,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the <em>Cagliari</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>-<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_14">14;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeded by Lord John Russell, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_17">17.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Malta, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_5">5,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_139">139,</a> <a href="#Page_243">243,</a> <a href="#Page_288">288;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">troops in, ii. <a href="#Page_290">290;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Lyons' boyhood at, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Marne river, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Marseilles, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349;</a> riots at, ii. <a href="#Page_248">248.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Martel, M., ii. <a href="#Page_114">114.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Martin, Sir Theodore, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_61">61.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Martino, ii. <a href="#Page_177">177.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Marvin, Mr., ii. <a href="#Page_143">143.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mary, Grand Duchess, of Russia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_235">235.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Maryland, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mason, Mr., Confederate delegate to England, seized on board the <em>Trent</em>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_54">54;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">alluded to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_59">59,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_63">63,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_81">81;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">failure of mission to Europe, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_121">121.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Matamoros, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_104">104.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mathilde, Princess, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_223">223.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mayence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_265">265.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[Pg 441]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Mazzinians, revolt of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_9">9.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mazzini, plot against Napoleon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_188">188.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mediterranean, English power in, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109,</a> <a href="#Page_113">113,</a> <a href="#Page_140">140,</a> <a href="#Page_200">200;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">fleet ordered to Constantinople, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Indian troops in, ii. <a href="#Page_132">132.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mehmet Ali, ii. <a href="#Page_276">276.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Menabrea, General, ii. <a href="#Page_294">294;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Sir J. Drummond Hay, ii. <a href="#Page_329">329;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Ministry, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_186">186.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mentana, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_178">178.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mercantile Marine Law in France, ii. <a href="#Page_24">24.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mercier, M., French Minister in U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_32">32-34,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_46">46,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_66">66,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_156">156;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">friendly relations with Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_44">44,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_54">54;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on <em>Trent</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_68">68,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_70">70;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visits Confederate headquarters, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_82">82;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on American Civil War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_82">82;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposal of foreign intervention, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_90">90,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_96">96.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Merv, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mesopotamia, Russian policy in, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Metternich, Prince, Austrian Ambassador in Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_287">287,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_318">318,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_338">338;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter from Beust, ii. <a href="#Page_35">35.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Metz, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_304">304,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French army at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_307">307,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_321">321,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_327">327;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">capitulation of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_329">329,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_351">351.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mexico, United States policy in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_13">13,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_15">15,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_21">21;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">expedition against, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_70">70;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_177">177,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_218">218;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Emperor of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_133">133.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Michel, Louise, ii. <a href="#Page_316">316.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Midhat Pasha, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Military attachés, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_120">120.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Military efficiency, Lord Palmerston on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_48">48.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Militia regiments in U.S., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_47">47,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_50">50.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Milne, Admiral Sir A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_39">39,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_52">52,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_58">58,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_59">59,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_104">104,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_119">119.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Missouri, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mobile, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_97">97,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_121">121.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mohrenheim, Baron, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Moldo-Wallachian Principalities, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_148">148-150.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Moltke, General von, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_354">354,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_374">374,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_30">30;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Germany's position in Europe, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_196">196;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Franco-Prussian relations, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_201">201;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on relations with Russia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_202">202;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_203">203;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the war scare, ii. <a href="#Page_74">74.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Monck, Lord, Governor-General of Canada, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_125">125,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_126">126;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Canadian defence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_132">132,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_133">133.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Moniteur</em>, article in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_159">159.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Monroe doctrine, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_23">23.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Monson, Mr., attaché at Washington, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_87">87.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Montebello, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_165">165;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Eastern policy, ii.<a href="#Page_225"> 225,</a> <a href="#Page_407">407.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Montenegro, ii. <a href="#Page_142">142,</a> <a href="#Page_227">227;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">surrender of Dulcigno to, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Prince of, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Montpensier, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Moore, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_122">122.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Morier, Sir Robert, quoted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_344">344,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_82">82.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Morocco, French policy in, ii. <a href="#Page_386">386.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Morrill Tariff (U.S.), i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_57">57.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Moscow, coronation, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mouchy, Duc de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_233">233.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Moustier, Marquis de, French Ambassador at Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_147">147,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_148">148,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_153">153;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Roumanian difficulty, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_156">156,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_158">158;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Eastern policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_165">165,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_186">186,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_192">192;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Prussia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_195">195;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeded by de la Valette, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">alluded to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_202">202,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_203">203.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Münster, Count, German Ambassador in London, ii. <a href="#Page_75">75;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the German army, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and French policy in Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_139">139;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at French Embassy, ii. <a href="#Page_388">388,</a> <a href="#Page_410">410.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Münster, Countess Marie, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Murat, Prince Joachim, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_233">233.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Muscovite party, and Germany, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_255">255.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mussulmans, and the Roman Catholic Church, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">population in Turkey, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_161">161;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">discontent among, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_167">167;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">position in Bulgaria, ii. <a href="#Page_227">227.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Musurus Pasha, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_152">152,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_171">171,</a> <a href="#Page_348">ii. 348.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Naples, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Napoleon III., Emperor of France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposal of intervention in American Civil War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_92">92;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Pro-Russian sympathies, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_165">165.</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_170">170;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_183">183,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_187">187,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_213">213,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_215">215.</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_220">220,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_238">238;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on foreign policy of Prussia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_192">192;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Franco-Prussian situation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_203">203;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Spanish affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_207">207;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">love of Conferences, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_209">209;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">ill-health of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_236">236;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">plot, against, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_285">285;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">position in France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_187">187,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_235">235;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">home policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_227">227-9,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_232">232,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_234">234,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_237">237,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_240">240,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_250">250;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Constitutional Government, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_190">190,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_274">274;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the plébiscite, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_280">280,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_291">291;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">disposition for peace, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_191">191,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_296">296;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">with the army, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_307">307,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_355">355;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">question of restoration, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Chislehurst, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death of, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_320">320,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_333">333;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">friendship for Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_201">201;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Gramont, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_304">304.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[Pg 442]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Napoleon, Prince, on the "Roman" question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_181">181;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on French foreign policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_185">185;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on war with Germany, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_191">191,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_194">194,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_203">203;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to Germany, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_191">191;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Proclamation denouncing the Republic, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305,</a> <a href="#Page_309">309;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">arrest, ii. <a href="#Page_308">308;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">release, ii. <a href="#Page_311">311;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">expulsion from France, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">alluded to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_235">235,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_2">2,</a> <a href="#Page_64">64,</a> <a href="#Page_191">191.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">National Assembly, at Versailles, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_373">373.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">National Guards, defection of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_376">376;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Courbevoie, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_381">381.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Neapolitan troops, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_9">9.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nelidoff, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Newcastle, Duke of, Colonial Secretary, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_24">24,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_28">28,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_29">29.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Newfoundland Fisheries, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103,</a> <a href="#Page_153">153,</a> <a href="#Page_156">156,</a> <a href="#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="#Page_356">356,</a> <a href="#Page_384">384,</a> <a href="#Page_386">386.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Newfoundland, Governor of, on colonial questions, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_292">292.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">New Hampshire, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_113">113.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">New Hebrides, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314,</a> <a href="#Page_374">374,</a> <a href="#Page_386">386,</a> <a href="#Page_388">388,</a> <a href="#Page_390">390,</a> <a href="#Page_407">407,</a> <a href="#Page_409">409.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">New Orleans, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_83">83;</a> captured, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_93">93.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">New York, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_111">111,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_113">113,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit of Russian squadron to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_120">120.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nice, ii. <a href="#Page_26">26.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nicholas, Grand Duke, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Niel, Marshal, orations by, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_196">196.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nigra, Italian minister in Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_186">186.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Noailles, Marquis de, ii. <a href="#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="#Page_287">287.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nobiling, attempt to assassinate German Emperor, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Noir, Victor, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_244">244.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Norfolk, America, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_83">83.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Norfolk, Duke of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_11">11,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Norfolk, Duchess of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_139">139,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_218">218,</a> <a href="#Page_373">373,</a> <a href="#Page_424">424.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Normanby, Lord, Minister at Florence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_7">7,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_87">87;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Parliamentary voting, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Northbrook, Lord, mission to Cairo, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">return to England, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">North Carolina, revolt in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_35">35.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>North German Gazette</em>, articles in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_299">299,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_305">305.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">North Sea, Prussian fortifications on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_265">265.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nothomb, Baron, ii. <a href="#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="#Page_76">76.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nubar Pasha, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171,</a> <a href="#Page_204">204;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Egyptian situation, ii. <a href="#Page_278">278.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nuncio, the, in Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_287">287-8,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_387">387.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Oldenburg, Duke of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_266">266.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ollivier, M. Emile, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_240">240,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_35">35;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">ministry of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_243">243;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_266">266;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the plébiscite, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_283">283,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_284">284,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_286">286;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_248">248,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_283">283,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_301">301;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resignation of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_307">307.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Omar Pasha, sent to Crete, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_166">166.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ordega, M., French Minister at Tangier, ii. <a href="#Page_329">329.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Orénoque</em>, at Civita Vecchia, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Oreto</em>, the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_99">99.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Orleans, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_336">336,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Orleanists, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_228">228,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_368">368,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_2">2,</a> <a href="#Page_15">15,</a> <a href="#Page_18">18,</a> <a href="#Page_21">21,</a> <a href="#Page_25">25,</a> <a href="#Page_56">56,</a> <a href="#Page_66">66,</a> <a href="#Page_106">106,</a> <a href="#Page_116">116;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Expulsion Bill, ii. <a href="#Page_365">365,</a> <a href="#Page_366">366.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Orloff, Prince, Russian Ambassador at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_33">33,</a> <a href="#Page_34">34,</a> <a href="#Page_231">231;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy in Central Asia, ii. <a href="#Page_38">38;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">conversation with Décazes, ii. <a href="#Page_69">69;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">withdrawn from Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Osman Pasha, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Oxford, Lyons at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_1">1.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Pacific coast defence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_40">40.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pagny, ii. <a href="#Page_400">400.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pain, Olivier, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Paladines, General d'Aurelle de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_336">336.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Palermo, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Palikao, Count, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_307">307.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Palmerston, Lord, on fight of Bull's Run, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_48">48;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on foreign intervention in American Civil War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_92">92;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_144">144,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">death of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149</a> <em>n.</em></li> + +<li class="indx">Papal government, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_4">4,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_184">184,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_31">31;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Irish affairs, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>-<a href="#Page_6">6.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Paris, Conference at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_153">153,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_155">155;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Lyons appointed to the Embassy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_173">173,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_177">177;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">riots in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_286">286,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_376">376,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_386">386,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_316">316;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">panic in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_306">306;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">defences of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_317">317;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">diplomatists leave, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_322">322;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">siege of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_348">348;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">bombardment of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_356">356,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_383">383;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">military power in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_356">356;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Embassy returns to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_375">375;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Commune proclaimed, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_379">379.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Paris Exhibition, ii. <a href="#Page_161">161.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Paris, Treaty of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_337">337,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_339">339.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Paris, Archbishop of, seized by Commune, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_384">384;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">killed, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_386">386.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[Pg 443]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Paris, Comte de, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="#Page_21">21,</a> <a href="#Page_25">25,</a> <a href="#Page_48">48,</a> <a href="#Page_56">56,</a> <a href="#Page_365">365,</a> <a href="#Page_366">366,</a> <a href="#Page_382">382.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Park, engineer on the <em>Cagliari</em>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_9">9.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Parnell, Mr., ii. <a href="#Page_234">234.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pasquier, Duc d'Audiffret, ii. <a href="#Page_117">117.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pau, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pauncefote and Egyptian Commission, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pearson, Mr., ii. <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Peel, Sir Robert, attack on Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_324">324,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_129">129.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Penjdeh, fight at, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Persia, Shah of, visit to Berlin, ii. <a href="#Page_354">354.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Persian Gulf, Russian policy in, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Peruvian Papers, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_32">32.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Peterhoff</em>, the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_103">103.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Petre, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_2">2.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Philippines, German interest in, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Picard, M., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_387">387.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pines, Isle of, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362,</a> <a href="#Page_364">364.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pius IX., ii. <a href="#Page_423">423.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Playfair, Colonel, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_382">382.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Poland, French policy in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_177">177,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_345">345.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Polish Party, intrigues of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_272">272.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ponza island, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_9">9.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Portland, U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_81">81.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Portugal, independence threatened, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Postage, international, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_211">211.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pothuau, Admiral, French ambassador, ii. <a href="#Page_203">203,</a> <a href="#Page_210">210.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Potomac, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_59">59;</a> army of the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_128">128.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Prague, Treaty of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_204">204.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Prince Consort, advice in <em>Trent</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_61">61,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_77">77.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Prince Eugène Barracks, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_286">286.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Protection in U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_18">18.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Protection, growth of, in France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_241">241,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_243">243,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_245">245,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_284">284,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="#Page_27">27,</a> <a href="#Page_165">165,</a> <a href="#Page_244">244,</a> <a href="#Page_257">257.</a></li> + <li class="isub1"><em>See also</em> <span class="smcap">Commercial Treaties</span>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Protestants in Papal dominions, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_4">4.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Provincetown, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_74">74.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Prussia (<em>see also</em> Germany and Franco-German War), proposed intervention in American Civil War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_91">91;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">irritation against, in Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_165">165;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">alliance with Italy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_178">178;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">refuses consent to sell Luxembourg, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_168">168;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations with Austria, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_186">186;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">armament of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_192">192;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">desire for peace, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_201">201;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations with Russia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_202">202;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">question of disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_246">246;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Hohenzollern candidature in Spain, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Quebec, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_116">116,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_133">133.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Quertier, M. Pouyer, ii. <a href="#Page_23">23,</a> <a href="#Page_24">24.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Raby, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Radowitz, M., ii. <a href="#Page_130">130,</a> <a href="#Page_231">231.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rahming, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_132">132.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Raindre, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rastadt, Prussian troops at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_302">302.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Reciprocity Treaties, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_17">17,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_50">50,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_123">123.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Recruiting methods in American Civil War, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_110">110,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_133">133.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Redcliffe, Lord Stratford de, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_150">150.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Regnier, M., and General Bourbaki, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_327">327.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rémusat, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_23">23,</a> <a href="#Page_25">25.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>République Française</em>, anti-English articles in, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180,</a> <a href="#Page_302">302.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Réunion, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rhenish Prussia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_193">193.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rhodes, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Riaz Pasha, ii. <a href="#Page_203">203.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Richmond, U.S.A., Confederate headquarters, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_82">82,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_93">93,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_133">133.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ring, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182,</a> <a href="#Page_238">238.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rio Grande, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ripley, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_94">94.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ripon, Lord, mission to Washington, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_190">190.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rochebouet, General, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rochefort, M. de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_230">230,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_244">244,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_313">313,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_363">363.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rogers, Mr., ii. <a href="#Page_425">425.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rome, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_2">2.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">"Roman question," i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_178">178,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_182">182,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_231">231.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rosebery, Lord, visit to Bismarck, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Foreign Office, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">retires from office, ii. <a href="#Page_371">371;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_363">363,</a> <a href="#Page_374">374.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rothschild, Baron Alphonse de, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312,</a> <a href="#Page_315">315,</a> <a href="#Page_405">405.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rothschild, Sir Nathaniel, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93,</a> <a href="#Page_315">315.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rothschild, Messrs., ii. <a href="#Page_90">90,</a> <a href="#Page_175">175.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rouher, M., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_228">228,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_233">233,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_244">244,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_285">285,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_8">8;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_178">178,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_183">183,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_184">184,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_254">254;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resignation of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_234">234,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_237">237.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Roumania, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_155">155,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_156">156,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_131">131.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Roumelia, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145,</a> <a href="#Page_227">227,</a> <a href="#Page_360">360.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Roustan. M., French Agent at Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240,</a> <a href="#Page_248">248.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[Pg 444]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Rouvier, M., ii. <a href="#Page_335">335;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">becomes President, ii. <a href="#Page_404">404.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Russell, Lord John (Earl Russell), at Foreign Office, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_17">17;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">appoints Lyons attaché at Rome, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_2">2,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy in U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_37">37,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_38">38,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_61">61,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_76">76,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_90">90,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_101">101,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_127">127;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">dislike of Seward, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_118">118,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_123">123;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">his appreciation of Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_141">141;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">offers Lyons Constantinople Embassy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_144">144,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeded by Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_283">283,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_284">284;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Versailles, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_19">19,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_37">37,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_52">52,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_62">62,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_64">64,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_92">92,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_98">98,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_99">99,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_118">118,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_132">132,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_141">141.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Russell, Odo (Lord Ampthill), on Roman question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_187">187;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">meets Bismarck at Versailles, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_339">339;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">conversation with Bismarck, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Bismarck's policy, ii. <a href="#Page_60">60,</a> <a href="#Page_73">73,</a> <a href="#Page_88">87;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Constantinople Congress, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">alluded to, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71,</a> <a href="#Page_236">236,</a> <a href="#Page_345">345,</a> <a href="#Page_354">354;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Derby, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61,</a> <a href="#Page_72">72,</a> <a href="#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="#Page_77">77;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_184">184,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_29">29,</a> <a href="#Page_31">31,</a> <a href="#Page_40">40,</a> <a href="#Page_45">45,</a> <a href="#Page_52">52,</a> <a href="#Page_130">130;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">despatch from, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Russell, W. H., quoted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_35">35.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Russia, policy in America, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_91">91;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Treaty of Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_337">337;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign policy of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_354">354,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_33">33,</a> <a href="#Page_75">75,</a> <a href="#Page_76">76;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">relations with Prussia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_202">202,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_260">260,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_268">268,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_42">42,</a> <a href="#Page_324">324;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Denmark, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_355">355;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy in Turkey, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_159">154,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_159">159,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_166">166,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_209">209,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_351">351;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Eastern question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_164">164,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_186">186,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_85">85;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Asia, ii. <a href="#Page_38">38,</a> <a href="#Page_345">345;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">reputed ill-will to England, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">military honour of, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Russo-Turkish War, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109,</a> <a href="#Page_121">121.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Sackville, Lord, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_41">41.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sadowa, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_185">185,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_202">202,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_301">301,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_36">36.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Albans (Amer.), raid of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_135">135.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Cloud, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_203">203,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_208">208,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_233">233.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Denis, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_382">382.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Germain, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_375">375.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Hilaire, M. Barthélemy, at Foreign Office, ii. <a href="#Page_229">229,</a> <a href="#Page_213">213,</a> <a href="#Page_248">248.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Lawrence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_133">133.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Malo, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_22">22.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Paul, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_114">114.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Petersburg, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_162">162,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_317">317.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Quentin, defeat of French at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_359">359.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Thomas, U.S. ships at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_104">104,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_105">105.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">St. Vallier, Comte de, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>St. Vincent</em>, deserters from, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_111">111.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Salisbury, Lord, on Derby's foreign policy, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Constantinople Conference, ii. <a href="#Page_107">107,</a> <a href="#Page_108">108;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at the Foreign Office, ii. <a href="#Page_132">132,</a> <a href="#Page_356">356;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on government of Orientals, ii. <a href="#Page_178">178;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Mgr. Czacki, ii. <a href="#Page_233">233,</a> <a href="#Page_234">234;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeded by Rosebery, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Layard on, ii. <a href="#Page_138">138;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_133">133,</a> <a href="#Page_140">140,</a> <a href="#Page_142">142,</a> <a href="#Page_144">144,</a> <a href="#Page_158">158,</a> <a href="#Page_172">172,</a> +<a href="#Page_173">173,</a> <a href="#Page_175">175,</a> <a href="#Page_176">176,</a> <a href="#Page_178">178,</a> <a href="#Page_180">180,</a> <a href="#Page_185">185,</a> <a href="#Page_187">187,</a> +<a href="#Page_188">188,</a> <a href="#Page_190">190,</a> <a href="#Page_193">193,</a> <a href="#Page_242">242,</a> <a href="#Page_371">371,</a> <a href="#Page_386">386,</a> <a href="#Page_391">391,</a> <a href="#Page_395">395,</a> <a href="#Page_409">409;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Waddington, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Salzburg, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sanford, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_44">44.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>San Jacinto</em>, American warship, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_54">54.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">San Juan, disputed ownership of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_18">18,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_23">23,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_29">29,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_30">30;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Company of Marines on, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_43">43.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">San Stefano, Treaty of, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124,</a> <a href="#Page_131">131,</a> <a href="#Page_136">136,</a> <a href="#Page_137">137,</a> <a href="#Page_144">144.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sapri, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_9">9.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sardinia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_10">10.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Saumarez, Lord de, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_377">377.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Saussier, General, ii. <a href="#Page_367">367.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Savannah, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_94">94.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Savoy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_382">382.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Saxony, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_193">193.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Saxony, Crown Prince of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_387">387.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Say, M. Léon, Minister of Finance, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119,</a> <a href="#Page_181">181,</a> <a href="#Page_200">200;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">elected President of the Senate, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Eastern policy, ii. <a href="#Page_225">225;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">refuses office in Gambetta ministry, ii. <a href="#Page_262">262.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Schnaebelé, M., ii. <a href="#Page_400">400,</a> <a href="#Page_401">401.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Schouvaloff, Count, Russian Ambassador in London, ii. <a href="#Page_76">76,</a> <a href="#Page_80">80,</a> <a href="#Page_88">88,</a> <a href="#Page_140">140,</a> <a href="#Page_142">142.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Schwarzenberg, Prince, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_272">272.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Scotland, Papal Government's plans in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_4">4.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Scott, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_19">19,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_47">47,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_64">64,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_68">68.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sedan, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_351">351,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_17">17.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Seine, English merchant ships sunk in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_344">344;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Prefect of the, ii. <a href="#Page_65">65.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Semmes, Captain, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_105">105.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Servians and the Fortress of Belgrade, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_161">161.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Seward, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_29">29;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">appointed Secretary of State, U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_30">30;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_31">31</a> <em>et seq.</em>;</li> + <li class="isub1">advocates annexation of Canada, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_40">40;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the <em>Trent</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_65">65</a> <em>et seq.</em>;</li> + <li class="isub1">friendly relations with England, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_80">80;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_92">92;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Conscription Act, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_115">115;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposes state visit to England, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_117">117-9;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">correspondence with, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_121">121;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_141">141.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[Pg 445]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Seymour, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_140">140.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Seymour, Admiral Sir Beauchamp (Lord Alcester), ii. <a href="#Page_228">228.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sfax, insurrections at, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sheffield, Mr. George, Private Secretary to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_90">90,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_136">136;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">sent to Frankfort, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_140">140;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">accompanies Lyons to Constantinople, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_144">144;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">to Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_177">177,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_377">377,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_98">98,</a> <a href="#Page_128">128,</a> <a href="#Page_204">204,</a> <a href="#Page_397">397,</a> <a href="#Page_427">427;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">conversations with Gambetta, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226,</a> <a href="#Page_237">237.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">"Shifting Scenes" quoted, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_137">137.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Shumla, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137,</a> <a href="#Page_138">138.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Siam, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Simon, M. Jules, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_387">387;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Prime Minister, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">turned out of office, ii.<a href="#Page_111"> 111.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sinkat, ii. <a href="#Page_322">322.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Slave trade in America, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_20">20,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_34">34;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proclamations of Emancipation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_95">95.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Slave Trade Treaty, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_85">85.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Slidell, Mr., Confederate delegate to England seized on board the <em>Trent</em>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_54">54,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_59">59,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_63">63,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_74">74,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_81">81;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">failure of mission to Europe, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_121">121;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Mr. Benjamin's letter to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_122">122.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Smyrna, proposed seizure of, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228,</a> <a href="#Page_230">230.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Socialism in France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_280">280.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Somaliland coast troubles, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362,</a> <a href="#Page_363">363,</a> <a href="#Page_409">409.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Soudan, Hicks Pasha's disaster, ii. <a href="#Page_320">320,</a> <a href="#Page_321">321;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Baker Pasha's defeat, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">affairs in, ii. <a href="#Page_343">343.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Spain, internal affairs of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_200">200,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_207">207,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_221">221,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_39">39-41;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">the Hohenzollern candidature, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_294">294;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Mexico, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_70">70;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">commercial relations with France, ii. <a href="#Page_26">26;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Constantinople Conference, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">King of, mobbed in Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_319">319.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Spüller, M., ii. <a href="#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="#Page_263">263.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stackelberg, on the Turco-Greek question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Standard</em>, the, on Franco-German relations, ii. <a href="#Page_382">382.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stanley, Dean, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stanley, Lord (Earl of Derby), becomes Foreign Secretary, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_156">156</a><em>n.</em>;</li> + <li class="isub1">diplomatic views, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_161">161;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the Cretan quarrel, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_163">163;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the Luxembourg difficulty, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_169">169;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">offers Paris Embassy to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_173">173;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the Roman question, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_178">178,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_181">181;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">American policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_188">188;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Franco-Prussian situation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_195">195,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_203">203;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeded by Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Prussian disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_246">246;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Parliamentary vote, ii. <a href="#Page_10">10,</a> <a href="#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at the Foreign Office, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54,</a> <a href="#Page_123">123;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resignation of, ii. <a href="#Page_132">132;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">foreign policy, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105,</a> <a href="#Page_107">107;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Egypt, ii. <a href="#Page_104">104,</a> <a href="#Page_122">122;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Russo-Turkish War, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the Eastern Question, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95,</a> <a href="#Page_125">125;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in French politics, ii. <a href="#Page_64">64,</a> <a href="#Page_112">112;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Suez Canal Shares, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Bismarck's dislike of, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353,</a> <a href="#Page_354">354;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letters to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_164">164,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_168">168,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_195">195,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_71">71,</a> <a href="#Page_86">86,</a> <a href="#Page_87">87,</a> <a href="#Page_91">91,</a> <a href="#Page_121">121,</a> <a href="#Page_125">125;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Odo Russell, ii. <a href="#Page_75">75.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stanton, General, and the Suez Canal Shares, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87,</a> <a href="#Page_90">90.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Staveley, Mr., letter to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_226">226.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stewart, Lady Phillippa, ii. <a href="#Page_427">427.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stoeckl, M. de, Russian Minister in U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_32">32,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_33">33.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stoffel, Colonel, military reports of, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Strasburg, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_321">321,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stuart, Lord, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stuart, Mr., Chargé d'affaires in Washington, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_89">89,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_92">92,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_116">116.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Suakim, French consul at, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Suez Canal, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_156">156,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_221">221,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_222">222;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Anglo-French relations in, ii. <a href="#Page_287">287,</a> <a href="#Page_289">289,</a> <a href="#Page_321">321;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Commission, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348,</a> <a href="#Page_352">352,</a> <a href="#Page_362">362,</a> <a href="#Page_363">363,</a> <a href="#Page_375">375,</a> <a href="#Page_388">388-91.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Suez Canal Shares, Khedive prepares to sell, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">purchased by England, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90,</a> <a href="#Page_96">96.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sumner, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_41">41,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_85">85,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_119">119,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_120">120.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sunderland. Rev. Dr., on the <em>Trent</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_76">76.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sweden, King and Queen of, visit to Berlin, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Switzerland, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_198">198,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_363">363;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed Confederation with South German States, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_204">204,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_205">205;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Savoy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_382">382;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Commercial Treaty, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Protectionist policy, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Syria, Russia in, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137,</a> <a href="#Page_141">141.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Tahiti, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tangier, ii. <a href="#Page_386">386.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tariff Bill, U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_50">50.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tel-el-Kebir, ii. <a href="#Page_285">285.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tennessee, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_85">85.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tenterden, Lord, letter to Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Egypt, ii. <a href="#Page_271">271.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[Pg 446]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Tewfik, Prince, ii. <a href="#Page_174">174;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proclaimed Khedive, ii. <a href="#Page_185">185;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">plot to dethrone, ii. <a href="#Page_261">261;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposal to depose, ii. <a href="#Page_278">278,</a> <a href="#Page_280">280.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Texas, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_31">31.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Therapia, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Thibaudin, General, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312,</a> <a href="#Page_319">319.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Thiers, M., foreign policy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_185">185,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_338">338,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_368">368,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_373">373,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_378">378,</a> +ii. <a href="#Page_19">19,</a> <a href="#Page_43">43;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the political crisis, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_282">282,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_284">284;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Napoleon III., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_221">221,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_36">36;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">interview with Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_311">311;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">mission to the Powers, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_315">315,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_317">317,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_335">335;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on causes of the war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_316">316;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">interview with Clarendon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_323">323;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">interviews with Bismarck, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_329">329,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_331">331,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_342">342,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_353">353,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">peace efforts, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_347">347,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_369">369-71,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_29">29;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on the situation in Prussia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_332">332;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">favours a republic, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_362">362,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_372">372;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in the National Assembly, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_365">365,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_1">1;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">commercial policy, i.<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_245"> 245,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="#Page_5">5,</a> <a href="#Page_24">24;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">made President, ii. <a href="#Page_14">14;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">tenders resignation, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and military re-organization, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27,</a> <a href="#Page_29">29;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">ill-health, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Triple Alliance, ii. <a href="#Page_42">42;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">succeeded by MacMahon, ii. <a href="#Page_43">43;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">home policy, ii. <a href="#Page_34">34,</a> <a href="#Page_64">64,</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">et passim</i>;</li> + <li class="isub1">Gambetta on, ii. <a href="#Page_99">99.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Thile, Prussian Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_305">305.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Thouvenel, M., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_44">44,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_63">63,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_66">66,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_67">67.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Three Emperors Alliance, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131,</a> <a href="#Page_145">145,</a> <a href="#Page_237">237.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Thunderer</em>, H.M.S., ii. <a href="#Page_239">239.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><cite>Times</cite>, references to, ii. <a href="#Page_258">258,</a> <a href="#Page_303">303,</a> <a href="#Page_335">335,</a> <a href="#Page_343">343,</a> <a href="#Page_358">358.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tirard, M., Minister of Commerce, ii. <a href="#Page_253">253.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tissot, M., i. 350, ii. <a href="#Page_205">205;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Constantinople, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210,</a> <a href="#Page_300">300.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tonquin, French affairs in, ii. <a href="#Page_302">302,</a> <a href="#Page_307">307,</a> <a href="#Page_318">318,</a> <a href="#Page_320">320,</a> <a href="#Page_322">322,</a> <a href="#Page_327">327,</a> <a href="#Page_334">334,</a> <a href="#Page_337">337,</a> <a href="#Page_340">340,</a> <a href="#Page_342">342,</a> +<a href="#Page_344">344,</a> <a href="#Page_350">350,</a> <a href="#Page_360">360,</a> <a href="#Page_369">369,</a> <a href="#Page_380">380.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Toulon, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_349">349.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tours, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_315">315,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_324">324,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><em>Trent</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_29">29,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>-<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_78">78,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_101">101,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_103">103.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tripartite Treaty, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141,</a> <a href="#Page_142">142.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Triple Entente foreseen by Thiers, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tripoli, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105;</a> Italy in, ii. <a href="#Page_251">251.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Trochu, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_303">303,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_307">307,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_318">318,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_354">354,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_359">359,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_361">361.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Trower, Major, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Troyes, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_197">197.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tuilleries, balls at the, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_245">245,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_288">288.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tunis, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_8">8,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_221">221;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French position in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_199">199,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_55">55,</a> <a href="#Page_139">139,</a> <a href="#Page_154">154,</a> <a href="#Page_163">163,</a> <a href="#Page_164">164,</a> <a href="#Page_173">173,</a> <a href="#Page_238">238,</a> <a href="#Page_350">350;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">French Protectorate established, ii. <a href="#Page_243">243;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed Commission at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Germany in, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Italy in, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105,</a> <a href="#Page_139">139.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tunis, Bey of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_148">148.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Turkey, financial affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_146">146,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_149">149,</a> <em>et seq.</em>, ii. <a href="#Page_208">208;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">bankruptcy of, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">navy of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_151">151;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">condition in 1866, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_159">159;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Crete, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_208">208;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">in Egypt, ii. <a href="#Page_272">272,</a> <a href="#Page_276">276,</a> <a href="#Page_281">281,</a> <a href="#Page_321">321;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">policy of Russia in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_159">159,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_166">166,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_351">351;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Prussian opinion of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_193">193.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Turco-Greece affairs, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_206">206,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_209">209,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_210">210.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Turkey, Sultan of, and Khedive Ismail, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_221">221;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and French Ambassador, ii. <a href="#Page_32">32.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tuscany, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_2">2,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_7">7.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Ultramontane Party in Belgium, ii. <a href="#Page_68">68.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ultramontanes, Bismarck's contest with, ii. <a href="#Page_49">49,</a> <a href="#Page_50">50,</a> <a href="#Page_55">55,</a> <a href="#Page_81">81.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">United States Legation, represents Prussia in France, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_308">308,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_309">309.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><cite>Univers</cite>, the, ii. <a href="#Page_51">51.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Vacoufs, question of secularization, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_147">147.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Varna, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137,</a> <a href="#Page_138">138.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Varzin, Bismarck at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_299">299,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_70">70.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Vattel, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_64">64.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Venables, Mrs. Lister, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Versailles, diplomatic meetings at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_330">330,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_337">337,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">peace negotiations at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_368">368;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">National Assembly established at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_373">373;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Government retires to, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_376">376;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Thiers at, ii. <a href="#Page_3">3,</a> <a href="#Page_21">21;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">MacMahon at, ii. <a href="#Page_44">44.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Vevey, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Victor Emmanuel (King of Italy), i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_178">178,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_183">183,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_201">201.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Victor, Prince, expulsion from France, ii. <a href="#Page_366">366.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Victoria, Queen, letter to President Buchanan, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_26">26;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and <em>Trent</em> case, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_61">61;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Sultan's wish to visit, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_171">171;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">reported plot against, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_188">188;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_197">197,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_198">198;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on France in Belgium, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_211">211;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Empress Eugénie, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_222">222;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Prussian disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_250">250;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on French disarmament, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_259">259;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Hohenzollern candidature i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_297">297;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and exiled royalties, ii. <a href="#Page_23">23;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">opening speech on Russo-Turkish war, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">projected visit to Paris Exhibition, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_76">76,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_144">144,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_354">354,</a> <a href="#Page_397">397.</a></li> +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[Pg 447]</a></span></p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="indx">Vienna, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_140">140.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Villiers, Colonel the Hon. George, report on French army, ii. <a href="#Page_310">310.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Vinoy, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_345">345.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Virginia, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_60">60,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_85">85,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_93">93.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Vivian, Mr., H.B.M. Agent at Cairo, ii. <a href="#Page_172">172,</a> <a href="#Page_173">173,</a> <a href="#Page_177">177.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Vogué, Comte de, ii. <a href="#Page_32">32.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Waddington, M., Minister for Foreign Affairs, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and foreign policy, ii. <a href="#Page_123">123;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">on Egyptian affairs, ii. <a href="#Page_133">133,</a> <a href="#Page_171">171,</a> <a href="#Page_176">176,</a> <a href="#Page_180">180,</a> <a href="#Page_338">338,</a> <a href="#Page_389">389;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Bismarck, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">internal policy, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147,</a> <a href="#Page_148">148,</a> <a href="#Page_195">195;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">despatches, ii. <a href="#Page_158">158;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">resigns office, ii. <a href="#Page_201">201;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">a Free Trader, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and the Ferry Ministry, ii. <a href="#Page_313">313;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Lyons on, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wagner, opera in Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_403">403.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wales, Prince of (Edward VII.), visit to Canada, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_24">24,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_25">25;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to U.S.A., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_27">27,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_86">86,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_117">117;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visits to Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_199">199;</a> ii. <a href="#Page_136">136,</a> <a href="#Page_139">139,</a> <a href="#Page_162">162,</a> <a href="#Page_328">328;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">at Paris Exhibition, ii. <a href="#Page_161">161;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">proposed visit to South of France ii. <a href="#Page_26">26;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">visit to Paris abandoned, ii. <a href="#Page_311">311;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">and Thiers, ii. <a href="#Page_29">29;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">attacked in French press, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">interview with Gambetta, ii. <a href="#Page_156">156;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">anti-Turkish opinions, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_162">162.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wales, Princess of (Queen Alexandra), i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_99">99,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_199">199.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Walker, Colonel, British military attaché at Berlin, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_219">219,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_372">372.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Walker, Mr., despatch to Lord Russell, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_122">122.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Walpole, Lord, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_6">6.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Warre, Mr., i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_14">14,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_17">17,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_87">87.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Washbourne, Mr., American Minister in Paris, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_384">384.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Washington, Lyons appointed to Legation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_11">11;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Lyons at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_23">23;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">society in, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_87">87;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">climate of, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_119">119;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">official figures of despatches to and from in 1864, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_137">137;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">work of the Chancery, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_138">138.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Watt, engineer on the <em>Cagliari</em>, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_9">9.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Weiss, appointment by Gambetta, ii. <a href="#Page_266">266.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Welles, Mr., Secretary to U.S. Navy, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_58">58,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_101">101,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_103">103,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_119">119.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Werther, Prussian Ambassador at Paris, ii.<a href="#Page_299"> 299.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">West Indies, proposals for defence, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_40">40.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Westminster Abbey, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Westmoreland, Lord, on Parliamentary vote, ii. <a href="#Page_10">10.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wheaton on international law, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_40">40,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_64">64.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">White Flag manifesto, ii. <a href="#Page_57">57,</a> <a href="#Page_58">58,</a> <a href="#Page_65">65,</a> <a href="#Page_66">66.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wilhelmshöhe, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_333">333.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wilkes, Captain (of the <em>San Jacinto</em>), i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_58">58,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_64">64,</a> +<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_100">100,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_105">105.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wilmington, Vigilance Committee at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_35">35.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wilson, M. Daniel, on the Franco-Prussian war, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_328">328.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wilson, Sir C. Rivers, Minister of Finance in Egypt, ii. <a href="#Page_153">153,</a> <a href="#Page_58">171171,</a> <a href="#Page_173">173,</a> <a href="#Page_175">175,</a> <a href="#Page_178">178,</a> <a href="#Page_188">188,</a> <a href="#Page_271">271,</a> <a href="#Page_313">313.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Winchester, Lyons at, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_1">1.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wistar, General, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_112">112.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Woburn, Lyons at, ii. <a href="#Page_219">219,</a> <a href="#Page_222">222,</a> <a href="#Page_424">424.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wodehouse, Mr. Henry, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_342">342,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_377">377;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">letter to Lyons, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_343">343.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wood, Mr., despatch from, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wolff, Sir H. Drummond, question on Tunis, ii. <a href="#Page_239">239;</a></li> + <li class="isub1">mission to the Porte, ii. <a href="#Page_376">376,</a> <a href="#Page_387">387,</a> <a href="#Page_389">389,</a> <a href="#Page_391">391,</a> <a href="#Page_407">407,</a> <a href="#Page_409">409.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wolseley, Sir Garnet, in Egypt, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_299">299,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_358">358.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Würtemberg and Confederation, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_193">193,</a> <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_266">266.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wurtzburg, Baron, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_11">11,</a> ii. <a href="#Page_417">417.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Wurtzburg, Baroness, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Young Turk Party, i. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/43317/43317-h/43317-h.htm#Page_167">167.</a></li> +</ul> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">Zanzibar, ii. <a href="#Page_378">378.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Zululand expedition, ii. <a href="#Page_190">190.</a></li> +</ul> + + + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[Pg 448]</a></span></p> + +<p class="p7">THE END</p> + +<p class="p1">PRINTED BY<br /> +WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,<br /> +LONDON AND BECCLES.</p> + +<hr class="chap" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[Pg 449]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="center">Telegrams:</p> + +<p class="center">"Scholarly, London."</p> + +<p class="center">Telephone:<br /> +No. 1883 Mayfair.</p> + +<p class="center">41 and 43 Maddox Street,<br /> +Bond Street, London, W.<br /> +<em>September, 1913.</em></p> + +<p class="p8">Mr. Edward Arnold's<br /> +AUTUMN<br /> +ANNOUNCEMENTS, 1913.</p> + +<hr class="r5" /> + +<p class="p8">LORD LYONS.</p> + +<p class="p9">A Record of British Diplomacy.</p> + +<p class="center">By the Right Hon. LORD NEWTON.</p> + +<p class="center"><em>With Portraits. In Two Volumes.</em> <strong>30s. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>The late Lord Lyons was not only the most prominent but the +most trusted English diplomatist of his day, and so great was the +confidence felt in his ability that he was paid the unique compliment +of being offered the post of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.</p> + +<p>Lord Newton, who has now undertaken the task of preparing a +memoir of him, enjoys the advantage of having served under him for +five years at the Paris Embassy. The interest of this work lies, +however, less in the personality of the Ambassador than in the highly +important events in which he played so prominent a part.</p> + +<p>Lord Lyons was the British representative at Washington during +the period of the Civil War; subsequently he was Ambassador at +Constantinople for two years; and finally he spent twenty years—from +1867 to 1887—as Ambassador at Paris. During the whole of +this eventful period his advice was constantly sought by the Home +Government upon every foreign question of importance, and his +correspondence throws fresh light upon obscure passages in diplomatic +history.</p> + +<p>In this book will be found hitherto unpublished information relating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[Pg 450]</a></span> +to such matters as the critical relations between England and the +United States during the course of the Civil War; the political +situation in France during the closing years of the Second Empire; +the secret attempt made by the British Foreign Secretary to avert +the Franco-German War, and the explanation of its failure; the +internal and external policy of France during the early years of the +Third Republic; the War Scare of 1875; the Congress of Berlin; +the Egyptian Expedition; Anglo-French political relations, and +many other matters of interest.</p> + +<p>The method selected by the writer has been to reproduce all important +correspondence verbatim, and it may be confidently asserted +that the student of foreign politics will find in this work a valuable +record of modern diplomatic history.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="r5" /> + +<p class="center">LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD, 41 & 43 MADDOX STREET. W.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF<br /> +GEORGE WILLIAM FREDERICK,<br /> +FOURTH EARL OF CLARENDON.</p> + +<p class="center">By the Right Hon. Sir HERBERT MAXWELL, Bart.</p> + +<p class="center"><em>In Two Volumes. With Portraits. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>30s. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>Born in the year 1800 and dying in 1870, Lord Clarendon lived +through a period of social, political, and economic change more rapid +probably than had been witnessed in any similar space of time in the +previous history of mankind. It was his lot, moreover, to wield considerable +influence over the course of affairs, inasmuch as his public +service, extending over fifty years, caused him to be employed in a +succession of highly responsible, and even critical, situations. British +Minister at Madrid at the outbreak and during the course of the Carlist +Civil War from 1833 to 1839, he was admitted into Lord Melbourne's +Cabinet immediately upon returning to England in the latter year. +He was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland throughout the memorable famine +years, 1847-1852. Relieved of that arduous post, Lord Clarendon +entered Lord Aberdeen's government in 1852 as Foreign Secretary, +which office he retained through the Crimean War, and became responsible +for the terms of the Treaty of Paris in 1856. On Lord +Palmerston's death in 1865, he returned to the Foreign Office, and +had to deal with the settlement of the "Alabama" claims.</p> + +<p>The annals of the first half of Queen Victoria's reign having been +pretty thoroughly explored and dealt with by many competent +writers, the chief interest in these pages will be found in Lord +Clarendon's private correspondence, which has been well preserved, +and has been entrusted to Sir Herbert Maxwell for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[Pg 451]</a></span> +purpose of this memoir. Lord Clarendon was a fluent and diligent +correspondent; Charles Greville and others among his contemporaries +frequently expressed a hope that his letters should some +day find their way into literature. Sir Arthur Helps, for instance, +wrote as follows in <em>Macmillan's Magazine</em>: "Lord Clarendon was a +man who indulged, notwithstanding his public labours, in an immense +private correspondence. There were some persons to whom, I +believe, he wrote daily, and perhaps in after years we shall be +favoured—those of us who live to see it—with a correspondence +which will enlighten us as to many of the principal topics of our own +period." It is upon this correspondence that Sir Herbert Maxwell +has chiefly relied in tracing the motives, principles, and conduct of +one of the last Whig statesmen. Among the letters dealt with, +and now published for the first time, are those from Lord Melbourne, +Lord Palmerston, Lord Aberdeen, Lord Derby, M. Thiers, +M. Guizot, the Emperor Louis Napoleon, etc., and many ladies.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">WILLIAM AUGUSTUS, DUKE OF<br /> +CUMBERLAND, HIS EARLY LIFE<br /> +AND TIMES, 1721-1748.</p> + +<p class="center">By the Hon. EVAN CHARTERIS,</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Author of "Affairs of Scotland, 1744-1746."</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>With Plans and Illustrations.</em> <strong>12s. 6d. net.</strong> [<em>In preparation.</em></p> + +<blockquote><p>Mr. Charteris has a good subject in "Butcher" Cumberland, not +only on account of the historical and romantic interest of his background, +but also by reason of the Duke's baneful reputation.</p> + +<p>In the present volume the author has carried the career of +the Duke of Cumberland down to the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. +The period includes the Duke's campaigns in Flanders against +Marshal Saxe, the Battle of Culloden, and the measures taken for +the suppression of the Jacobites in Scotland. Mr. Charteris has had +the exceptional advantage of studying the Cumberland Papers at +Windsor Castle, and it is largely by the aid of hitherto unpublished +documents that he is now able to throw fresh light on a character +which has been the subject of so much malevolent criticism. At the +same time the volume deals with the social and political conditions +among which Cumberland was called on to play so important a part +in the life of the nation. These have been treated by the author +with some fulness of detail. Cumberland, in spite of his foreign +origin, was remarkably typical of the characteristics of the earlier +Georgian period, and an endeavour has been made in the present +volume to establish the link between the Duke and the politics, the +morals, the aims, and the pursuits of the age in which he lived.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[Pg 452]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">MY ART AND MY FRIENDS.</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">The Reminiscences of Sir F. H. COWEN.</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>With Portrait. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>10s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>In the course of a long and distinguished musical career, Sir +Frederic Cowen has had opportunities of visiting many parts of the +world, of meeting all the most eminent artists of the last half-century, +and of amassing material for an extremely diverting volume +of personal recollections. As a child he enjoyed the privilege of being +embraced by the great Piccolomini; as a young man he toured with +Trebelli, and became acquainted with the famous Rubinstein, with +Bülow, and with Joachim. In later life he numbered such well-known +musicians as Pachmann, Paderewski, Sir Arthur Sullivan, and the +de Reszkes, among his friends. Nor was the circle of his intimates +entirely confined to the world of music; he was on terms of the +closest friendship with Corney Grain, with George Grossmith and +Arthur Cecil; he capped the puns of Henry J. Byron and Sir +Francis Burnand; he laughed at the practical jokes of Toole, at +the caricatures which Phil May drew for him of his friends. To +the public Sir Frederick Cowen is well known as the conductor of +Covent Garden Promenade and Philharmonic Concerts, as the +composer of such celebrated songs as "The Better Land" and "The +Promise of Life," of "The Corsair" and "The Butterfly's Ball." +In these pages he shows himself to be a keen but kindly student of +human nature, who can describe the various experiences of his past +life with a genial but humorous pen. The inexhaustible fund of +anecdote from which he draws tends still further to enliven an amusing +and lively volume.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">A CIVIL SERVANT IN BURMA.</p> + +<p class="center">By Sir HERBERT THIRKELL WHITE, K.C.I.E.</p> + +<p class="center"><em>With 16 Pages of Illustrations. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>12s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<p>Sir Herbert Thirkell White, who has but recently retired from the +post of Lieutenant-Governor of Burma, which he filled with ability +and distinction, has now written what he modestly calls a "plain +story" of more than thirty years of official life in India. In this +volume are narrated the experiences of an Indian Civilian who has +devoted the best part of his existence to the service of the Empire, +and is in a position to speak with assurance of the many complicated +problems with which the white man in India is continually faced. +Sir Herbert's acquaintance with Burma began in 1878; since then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[Pg 453]</a></span> +he has had every opportunity of judging the peculiar habits, customs, +and characteristics of the native Burmese, and has been able to +compile a valuable record of the impressions they have made upon +his mind. It was his fate to hold official positions of increasing importance +during the Viceroyalties of Lord Ripon, Lord Dufferin, and +Lord Curzon; he was privileged to serve such distinguished chiefs +as Sir Charles Bernard and Sir Charles Crosthwaite, and witnessed +that pacification of Burma which the last-named Chief Commissioner +has described so eloquently in his well-known book on the subject. +Sir Herbert writes clearly and with knowledge of every aspect of +Burmese life and character, and this volume of his recollections should +prove extremely popular among English readers who are interested +in the government of our Indian Empire and the daily routine of the +Indian Civil Servant.</p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">THIRTY YEARS IN KASHMIR.</p> + +<p class="center">By ARTHUR NEVE, F.R.C.S.E.</p> + +<p class="center"><em>With Illustrations and a Map. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>12s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>The stupendous natural surroundings amidst which they dwell +have inspired sojourners in Kashmir and other Himalayan countries +to produce some of the finest books of travel to be found. Among +them will have to be included in future this book of Dr. Arthur Neve's, +so effectively does the author reveal the wonders of the land of +towering peaks and huge glaciers where he has made his home for +the last thirty years.</p> + +<p>Going out to Kashmir in 1882 under the auspices of the Church +Missionary Society, Dr. Neve took over the charge of the Kashmir +Mission Hospital at Srinagur from Dr. Edmund Downes, who was +retiring, and has stayed there ever since. In his earlier chapters he +gives some account of the Punjab and Kashmir in the eighties, and +also of the work of the mission. He then gets to the principal motif +of the book—the exploring tours and mountaineering expeditions to +which he has devoted his spare time. Nanga Parbat, Nun Kun, and +many other Himalayan giants, are within hail of Srinagur, and before +he has finished with the book the reader will find he has acquired the +next best thing to a first-hand knowledge of this magnificent country. +Dr. Neve has also a great deal that is interesting to tell about the +people of various races and religions who inhabit the valleys, and +from whom his medical help gained him a warm welcome at all +times.</p> + +<p>A series of rare photographs gives a pictorial support to the letter-press.</p></blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[Pg 454]</a></span></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">SPORT AND FOLK-LORE IN THE +HIMALAYA.</p> + +<p class="center">By Captain H. L. HAUGHTON.</p> + +<p class="center">(<span class="smcap">36th Sikhs.</span>)</p> + +<p class="center"><em>With Illustrations from the Author's Photographs. One Volume.</em></p> + +<p class="center"><em>Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>12s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>Captain Haughton has written a book which should prove a +welcome addition to the library of every sportsman, as well as being +of supreme interest to the naturalist and the student of folk-lore. On +the subject of sport the author writes with that thorough insight and +sympathy which are the fruits of many years' practical experience +with rod and rifle, in the jungle, on river-bank or mountain-side. In +his agreeable society the reader may stalk the markhor or the ibex, +lightly throw his "Sir Richard" across some Kashmiri trout-stream, +or lie in wait for the Himalayan black bear on its way to feed; +and if the author's description of his many amusing and exciting +adventures and experiences is eminently readable, the value of his +work is still further enhanced by his intimate knowledge of natural +history, and by the introduction of many of those old Indian legendary +tales that he has culled from the lips of native Shikaris round the +camp-fire at night. The book is illustrated throughout with a series +of remarkably interesting photographs taken by the author in the +course of his many sporting expeditions.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">RECOLLECTIONS OF A PENINSULAR +VETERAN.</p> + +<p class="center">By the late Lieut.-Colonel JOSEPH ANDERSON, C.B., K.H.</p> + +<p class="center"><em>With Photogravure Portrait. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>10s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>The late Lieut.-Colonel Joseph Anderson was born in 1790, and +from the age of fifteen, when he received a commission as Ensign in +the 78th Regiment, to within a few years of his death in 1877, his +career was almost continuously as adventurous as it was distinguished. +In 1806 he saw active service for the first time, when he took part in +the expedition to Calabria; in the following year he served in the +Egyptian Campaign of that date; and during the Peninsular War he +fought at the battles of Maida, Busaco, Fuentes d'Onoro, was +wounded at Talavera, and accompanied Wellington on the retreat to +the lines of Torres Vedras. A few years later Captain Anderson, now +a Captain in the York Chasseurs, was sent with his regiment to +Barbadoes, and was present at the capture of Guadeloupe in 1815. +He was appointed Colonel Commandant of the Penal Settlement +at Norfolk Island in 1834, where his humane endeavours to reform<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[Pg 455]</a></span> +the prevailing penal system, and his efforts to quell mutinous convicts, +met with marked success. Nine years later Colonel Anderson went +to India to take part in the Mahratta Campaign, and at the Battle of +Punniar (where he commanded a Brigade) was severely wounded +when charging the enemy's guns. After retiring from the Service, +Colonel Anderson settled down in Australia, and it was at his home +near Melbourne that these memories were compiled, during the later +years of a strenuous and active life, for the edification of his family. +They are written in a simple, unaffected style, which renders them +peculiarly readable, and form a most instructive record of the +manners and customs, of the mode of warfare, and the military and +social life of a past age, and a bygone generation.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">MEMORIES OF A SOLDIER'S LIFE.</p> + +<p class="center">By Major-General Sir H. M. BENGOUGH, K.C.B.</p> + +<p class="center"><em>With Portrait. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>8s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>Major-General Sir H. M. Bengough joined the army in 1855, and +retired in 1898, after more than forty years of distinguished service +in all quarters of the Empire. His first experience of active warfare +dates from the Crimea; later on he took the field in the Zulu War and +the Burma Expedition of 1885. In days of peace he held various +high commands in India, South Africa, and Jamaica, and finally +commanded a brigade of infantry at Aldershot. In this volume of +personal recollections the author narrates the many varied incidents +and experiences of a long military career and vividly describes the +campaigns in which he took part. He also gives an interesting +account of his adventures in the realm of sport—pig-sticking, tiger-shooting, +and pursuing other forms of game in India and elsewhere; +subjects upon which a long experience enables him to write with +expert knowledge. It will be strange indeed if so interesting an +autobiographical volume from the pen of a deservedly popular +soldier and sportsman fails to appeal to a wide public.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">ZACHARY STOYANOFF.</p> + +<p class="center">Pages from the Autobiography of a Bulgarian +Insurgent.</p> + +<p class="center">Translated by M. POTTER.</p> + +<p class="center"><em>One Volume. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>10s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>In this volume Zachary Stoyanoff gives us the narrative of his +personal experiences during the Bulgarian outbreaks of 1875 and +1876. Almost by accident he became an "apostle" of rebellion, and +was sent out forthwith to range the country, stirring up the villagers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[Pg 456]</a></span> +and forming local committees. It is an amazing story. With +unsurpassable candour he portrays for us the leaders, their enthusiasm, +their incredible short-sightedness, and the pitiful inadequacy +of their preparations. The bubble burst, and after a miserable +attempt at flight, Stoyanoff was taken prisoner and sent to Philippopolis +for trial. There is no attempt at heroics. With the same +Boswellian simplicity he reveals his fears, his cringing, his mendacity, +and incidentally gives us a graphic picture, not wholly black, of the +conquering Turk. The narrative ends abruptly while he is still +in peril of his life. One is glad to know that, somehow, he escaped. +A very human document, and a remarkable contrast to the startling +exhibition of efficiency given to the world by the Bulgarians in +their latest struggle with the Turks.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">SPLENDID FAILURES.</p> + +<p class="center">By HARRY GRAHAM,</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Author of "A Group of Scottish Women," "The Mother of Parliaments," etc.</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>With Portraits. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>10s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>It is perhaps unlikely that any two individuals will agree as to the +proper definition of the term "A Splendid Failure"—a phrase of +which the origin would appear to be obscure. It may, however, be +roughly stated that the "Splendid Failures" of the past divide themselves +naturally into three classes: those whom their contemporaries +invested with a fictitious or exaggerated splendour which posterity +is quite unable to comprehend or appreciate; those whom the modern +world regards with admiration—but who signally failed in impressing +the men of their own generation; and those who, gifted +with genius and inspired with lofty ideals, never justified the world's +high opinion of their talents or fulfilled the promise of their early +days. In this volume of biographical essays, the author of "A Group +of Scottish Women" and other popular works has dealt with a +selection of "splendid failures" of whose personal history the public +knows but little, though well acquainted with their names. Wolfe +Tone, "the first of the Fenians"; Benjamin Haydon, the +"Cockney Raphael"; Toussaint L'Ouverture, the "Napoleon of +San Domingo"; William Betty, the "Infant Roscius"; and +"Champagne" Townshend, the politician of Pitt's day, may be +included under this category. The reader cannot fail to be interested +in that account which the author gives of the ill-fated +Archduke Maximilian's attempt to found a Mexican monarchy; in +his careful review of the work and character of Hartley Coleridge; +and in his biographical study of George Smythe, that friend of +Disraeli whom the statesman-novelist took as his model for the +hero of "Coningsby." This book, which should appeal strongly +to all readers of literary essays, is illustrated with eight excellent +portraits.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[Pg 457]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="p8">THE CORINTHIAN YACHTSMAN'S +HANDBOOK.</p> + +<p class="center">By FRANCIS B. COOKE.</p> + +<blockquote><p class="center"><em>With 20 Folding Plates of Designs for Yachts, and numerous black +and white Illustrations. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>10s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<p>This new handbook covers the sport of yachting in all its branches. +The writer, who has had many years' experience of cruising and +racing in yachts and boats of all types, has treated the subject in a +thoroughly practical manner. The book is divided into six parts.</p> + +<p>In Part I., which deals with the selection of a yacht, the various +types and rigs suitable for Corinthian yachting are discussed. The +designing and building of new craft are also dealt with at some +length, and designs and descriptions of a number of up-to-date small +cruisers are given.</p> + +<p>In Part II. some hints are given as to where to station the yacht. +All available headquarters within easy reach of London are +described, and the advantages and disadvantages of each pointed +out.</p> + +<p>Part III. is devoted to the equipment of yachts, and contains a +wealth of information as to the internal arrangement, rigging, and +fittings of small cruisers.</p> + +<p>Part IV. treats of the maintenance of small cruising vessels, with +notes on the cost of upkeep, fitting out and laying up. Other +matters dealt with in this section are the preservation of sails and +gear, and insurance.</p> + +<p>Part V., on seamanship, covers the handling of fore-and-aft +vessels under all conditions of weather, and upon every point of +sailing.</p> + +<p>Part VI. covers the racing side of the sport in a comprehensive +manner. An exhaustive exposition of the International Sailing Rules +is followed by hints on racing tactics. The appendix contains, <em>inter +alia</em>, an illustrated description of the British Buoyage System.</p> + +<p>Mr. Cooke's well-known handbooks have come to be regarded by +yachtsmen as standard works, and a new and more ambitious work +from his pen can hardly fail to interest them.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[Pg 458]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="p8">THE FALL OF PROTECTION.</p> + +<p class="center">By BERNARD HOLLAND, C.B.,</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Author of "Imperium et Libertas."</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>One Volume. Demy 8vo.</em> <strong>12s. 6d. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>This volume is a political-historical study of the great change +which took place in British commercial and financial policy mainly +between the years 1840 and 1850. The writer examines the state +of things in these respects which existed before this revolution, and +describes the previous protective system, navigation system, and +colonial system. He then narrates the process by which those +systems were overthrown, devoting special attention to the character, +career, and changes in opinion of Sir Robert Peel, and to the attitude +and action of the Tory, Whig, and Radical parties, and of their leading +men, especially Mr. Disraeli, Lord John Russell, and Mr. Cobden. +He analyses with care the arguments used on all sides in these controversies, +especially with regard to the Repeal of the Corn Laws, +and he shows the extent to which questions of imperial preference +and the relations between the United Kingdom and the Colonies +entered into the issues. One chapter is devoted to the Bank Act of +1844, and to the consideration of its causes and results. The author +concludes by tracing very briefly the chain of events which connect +the period in question with our own day, in respect of commercial +and fiscal policy, and expresses his own views as to existing tendencies +and future developments.</p> + +<p>Mr. Bernard Holland is known as the author of the Life of the +Duke of Devonshire, and of "Imperium et Libertas." In a sense +the present volume is a continuation of the latter book, or rather is +an attempt to deal more expansively and in detail with certain +history and questions connected with the same theme, for the full +treatment of which there was insufficient space in that book. Mr. +Holland having acted for a number of years as Private Secretary to +two successive Secretaries of State for the Colonies, has been brought +into close touch in a practical way with colonial questions. This +book, it is hoped, will be of some service both to students of economic +history and to politicians in active life.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[Pg 459]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="p8">PAINTING IN THE FAR EAST.</p> + +<p class="center">By LAURENCE BINYON.</p> + +<p class="center"><em>A New Edition, thoroughly Revised, with many new and additional +Illustrations. Crown 4to.</em> <strong>21s. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>Since the first edition of this book was published in 1907, much +has happened, and a quantity of new material has been brought +to light.</p> + +<p>Interest in the subject has been immensely widened and strengthened. +The museums of Europe and America are vying with each other to +procure fine specimens of Chinese and Japanese art. The opening +this autumn of a new museum at Cologne, exclusively devoted to the +arts of Eastern Asia, is a symptom of the times. Collections, public +and private, both European and American, have been greatly +enriched; and the exhibition in 1910 at Shepherd's Bush, of treasured +masterpieces lent from Japanese collections, has provided a standard +for the student.</p> + +<p>Six years ago, again, scarcely any of the voluminous literature of +art existing in Chinese and Japanese had been translated. On this +side, too, an added store of information has been made accessible, +though still in great part scattered in the pages of learned periodicals. +Above all, the marvellous discoveries made of recent years in China +and Chinese Turkestan have substituted a mass of authentic material +for groping conjectures in the study of the art of the early periods.</p> + +<p>In preparing a new edition of this book and bringing it up to date, +Mr. Binyon has therefore been able to utilize a variety of new sources +of information. The estimates given of the art of some of the most +famous of the older masters have been reconsidered. The sections +dealing with the early art have been in great measure rewritten; +and the book has been revised throughout. In the matter of illustrations +it has been possible to draw on a wider range and make a +fuller and more representative selection.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">PAINTING IN EAST AND WEST.</p> + +<p class="center">By ROBERT DOUGLAS NORTON,</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Author of "The Choice."</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>Crown 8vo.</em> <strong>5s. net.</strong></p> + +<blockquote><p>The art of painting, which in the days of Gothic church-building +contributed so much both to the education and the pleasure of the +community at large, has admittedly come to appeal to ever-narrowing +circles, until to-day it cannot be said to play any part in popular life +at all. This book seeks to discover the causes of its decline in influence. +A brief review of the chief contemporary movements in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[Pg 460]</a></span> +painting gives point to a suggestion made by more than one +thoughtful critic that the chief need of Western painting is spirituality. +Since this is a quality which those competent to judge are at one in +attributing to Eastern art, the author, in a chapter on Far Eastern +Painting, sets forth the ideals underlying the great painting of China +and Japan, and contrasts these ideals with those which have inspired +painters and public in the West. This leads to an inquiry into the +uses of imagination and suggestion in art, and to an attempt to find +a broad enough definition for "spirituality" not to exclude many +widely divergent achievements of Western painting. Finally, the +possibility of training the sense of beauty is discussed in the light of +successful instances.</p> + +<p>Incidentally the book touches on many questions which, though +of interest to picture-lovers, often remain unasked; such, for instance, +as what we look for in a picture; how far subject is important; why +it may happen that the interest of one picture, which pleases at first, +soon wanes, while that of another grows steadily stronger; the value +of technique, of different media of expression, of mere resemblance, +etc.</p> + +<p>Without going into the technicalities of aesthetics, the author aims +at investigating certain first principles which are overlooked at times +by possessors of even the widest knowledge of individual schools.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">SHAKESPEARE'S STORIES.</p> + +<p class="center">By CONSTANCE MAUD and MARY MAUD.</p> + +<blockquote><p class="center"><span class="smcap">As You Like It—The Tempest—King Lear—Twelfth Night—The +Merchant of Venice—A Midsummer Night's Dream—Macbeth—Hamlet—Romeo +and Juliet.</span></p></blockquote> + +<p class="center"><em>With Illustrations from the famous Boydell prints. Crown 8vo.</em></p> + +<p class="center"><b>5s. net.</b></p> + +<blockquote><p>Miss Constance Maud is the author of "Wagner's Heroes" and +"Wagner's Heroines," two books on similar lines to these tales +which have had a great vogue among young people of all ages. In +the present volume she tells the charming stories of nine of the most +famous of Shakespeare's Tragedies and Comedies in prose of delightful +and unstudied simplicity. On occasion the actual text has +been used for familiar passages and phrases. These great world-tales, +regarded merely as tales, with the elemental motives and +passions displayed in them, appeal strongly to the imagination, and +when narrated by a competent pen there cannot be finer or more +absorbing reading. In addition to this, he must be a dull reader in +whom they do not awaken a desire to make a closer acquaintance +with the plays themselves.</p> + +<p>The book forms a companion volume to Sir A. T. Quiller-Couch's +well-known "Historical Tales from Shakespeare."</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[Pg 461]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="p8">THE MUSE IN MOTLEY.</p> + +<p class="center">By HARRY GRAHAM.</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Author of "Ruthless Rhymes for Heartless Homes," etc., etc.</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>With 24 Illustrations by</em></p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Lewis Baumer.</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>Fcap. 4to.</em> <b>3s. 6d. net.</b></p> + +<blockquote><p>All lovers of humorous verse will welcome a fresh volume of lyrics +by the author of "Deportmental Ditties," "Canned Classics," and +other deservedly popular products of the Minor Muse. Readers of +Captain Graham's new collection of light verse will agree with the +<em>Daily Chronicle</em> in describing its author as "a godsend, a treasure +trove, a messenger from Olympus; a man who really does see the +ludicrous side of life, a man who is a genuine humorist." Once +again the author of these amusing poems attempts to "shoot Folly +as she flies," and genially satirizes the foibles of the age in a fashion +that will certainly add to his reputation as a humorist; and his +work is rendered still more delightful by the drawings of Mr. Lewis +Baumer, the well-known <em>Punch</em> artist, with which it is lavishly +illustrated. "It is a great and good thing," as the <em>Pall Mall Gazette</em> +remarked with reference to another of Captain Graham's books, +"to have a man among us who is witty all the time and lets himself +go. We ought to be duly thankful. And we are!"</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">HANNIBAL ONCE MORE.</p> + +<p class="center">By DOUGLAS W. FRESHFIELD, M.A.,</p> + +<blockquote><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Vice-President of the Royal Geographical Society; Treasurer of the Hellenic +and Roman Societies; formerly President of the Alpine Club.</span></p></blockquote> + +<p class="center"><em>8vo.</em> <b>5s. net.</b></p> + +<blockquote><p>In this little volume Mr. Freshfield has put into final shape the +results of his study of the famous and still-debated question: "By +which Pass did Hannibal cross the Alps?" The literature which +has grown up round this intricate subject is surprisingly extensive, +and various solutions have been propounded and upheld, with remarkable +warmth and tenacity, by a host of scholars, historians, +geographers, military men, and mountaineers. Mr. Freshfieid has +a solution of his own, which, however, he puts forward in no +dogmatic spirit, but in such a fashion that his book is practically +a lucid review of the whole matter in each of its many aspects. To +an extensive acquaintance with ancient and modern geographical +literature he unites a wide and varied experience as an alpine climber +and a traveller, and a minute topographical knowledge of the regions +under discussion; and these qualifications—in which many of his +predecessors in the same field of inquiry have been conspicuously +lacking—enable him to throw much new light on a perennially +fascinating problem.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[Pg 462]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="p8">THE PASTORAL TEACHING OF +ST. PAUL.</p> + +<p class="center">By the Rev. Canon H. L. GOUDGE,</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Principal of the Theological College, Ely; +Author of "The Mind of St. Paul," etc.</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>Crown 8vo. Cloth.</em> <b>2s. 6d. net.</b></p> + +<blockquote><p>These lectures were delivered at the end of May, 1913, at the +Palace, Gloucester, to the clergy of the diocese, and are now +published in response to the request of those who heard them. +They do not constitute a detailed commentary on the Pastoral +Epistles, though a good deal of detailed exegesis necessarily finds a +place in them. The writer's aim has been to collect and arrange +St. Paul's teaching as to the work of the Christian pastor, and to +point out its applicability to modern conditions and modern difficulties. +The writer has often found, through his experience in +conducting Retreats, that the Pastoral Teaching of St. Paul is of +the greatest value to the clergy to-day, but that this teaching is +often obscured by the unsystematic character of St. Paul's writing +and by the passing controversies with which he has to deal. In +these lectures the First Epistle to Timothy is used as the basis, but +continually illustrated by passages from the other Pastoral Epistles, +and from St. Paul's earlier writings. The first lecture deals with +the pastor's aim, the second with the pastor's character, the third +with the pastor's work, and the fourth with the adaptation of his +message to men and to women, to old and to young, to rich and to +poor. The ground already covered by the writer's earlier book, +"The Mind of St. Paul," has been carefully avoided, but it is hoped +that the one book may throw light upon the other. An index of +texts has been added for those who may wish to use this second book, +as far as that is possible, as a commentary.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[Pg 463]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="p8"><em>NEW NOVELS</em></p> + +<p class="center">SOMETHING AFAR.</p> + +<p class="center">By MAXWELL GRAY,</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Author of "The Silence of Dean Maitland," "The Great Refusal," etc.</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>Crown 8vo. Cloth.</em> <b>6s.</b></p> + +<blockquote><p>The scene of Maxwell Gray's new story is laid in London and in +Italy, where the gradual unfolding of an elaborate but absorbing +plot holds the reader's attention until the very last page of the +book. This is a tale of heroism, of self-sacrifice, of romance, full of +incident and adventure, illumined by those tender and imaginative +touches, that vivid portrayal of character, which the public has learnt +to expect from the author of "The Silence of Dean Maitland." +From these pages we may learn that there is "something afar from +the sphere of our sorrow," the highest aspiration of the lover, the +artist, the poet and the saint, which, beautiful beyond all that man's +heart can divine, is yet within the reach of every one of us.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">THE GENTLE LOVER.</p> + +<p class="center">A Comedy of Middle Age.</p> + +<p class="center">By FORREST REID,</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Author of "The Bracknells," "Following Darkness," etc.</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>Crown 8vo.</em> <b>6s.</b></p> + +<blockquote><p>This extremely interesting story, of which the title gives a most +apt description, is written in a lighter vein than the author's previous +work. It is a love story, and while the tale itself is enthralling, +it depends in great measure for its charm on the attractiveness of +the characters who figure in the drama and who are all very pleasant +company. The book is essentially human, the note is never forced, +yet the interest goes on increasing right up to the end. It is actual +life with its comedy and tragedy so closely intermingled that it is +not always easy to distinguish one from the other. The scene is laid +abroad, partly in Bruges, and partly in Italy, but the characters are, +with one or two exceptions, natives of that part of Ireland with +which the author is most familiar, and they lose none of their +individuality by being transplanted to those beautiful old-world +cities where we follow their varied fortunes. Mr. Reid's previous +novels have already secured for his work the warm appreciation of +some of the best judges of literary values, and the present novel +may be confidently stated to exhibit his undoubted power as a writer +of fiction in an advanced and progressive stage.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[Pg 464]</a></span></p> + + +<p class="p8"><em>NEW SCIENTIFIC WORKS</em></p> + +<p class="p8">INDUSTRIAL POISONING</p> + +<p class="center">From Fumes, Gases, and Poisons of Manufacturing +Processes.</p> + +<p class="center">By Dr. J. RAMBOUSEK,</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Professor of Factory Hygiene, and Chief State Health Officer, Prague</span></p> + +<p class="center">Translated and Edited by Dr. T. M. LEGGE,</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">H.M. Medical Inspector of Factories.</span></p> + +<p class="center"><em>Fully Illustrated. Demy 8vo.</em> <b>12s. 6d. net.</b></p> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">MALINGERING</p> + +<p class="center">And Feigned Sickness.</p> + +<p class="center">By Sir JOHN COLLIE, M.D., J.P.,</p> + +<blockquote><p><span class="smcap">Medical Examiner, London County Council; Chief Medical Officer, Metropolitan +Water Board; Consulting Medical Examiner to the Shipping Federation; Medical +Examiner to the Sun Insurance Office, Central Insurance Company, London, Liverpool, +and Globe Insurance Company, and other Accident Offices; late Home Office Med. +Ref. Workmen's Compensation Act.</span></p></blockquote> + +<p class="center">Assisted by ARTHUR H. SPICER, M.B., B.S. (Lond.), D.P.H.</p> + +<p class="center"><em>Illustrated, xii + 340 pp. Demy 8vo.</em> <b>10s. 6d. net.</b></p> + +<blockquote><p>In this work Sir John Collie, whose wide experience has eminently +fitted him for the task, has given an interesting and lucid +description of the methods and peculiarities of the malingerer. He +describes fully and in detail the methods of examination for the +detection of malingering and the diseases usually simulated, and +discusses the attitude required by the medical attendant towards +unduly prolonged illness.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">OLD AGE:</p> + +<p class="center">Its Care and Treatment in Health and Disease.</p> + +<p class="center">By ROBERT SAUNDBY, M.D., F.R.C.P., LL.D., J.P.,</p> + +<blockquote><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Member General Medical Council; Ex-President British Medical Association; Professor +of Medicine, University of Birmingham; Physician to the Birmingham General Hospital.</span></p></blockquote> + +<p class="center"><em>320 pp.</em> <b>7s. 6d. net.</b></p> + +<blockquote><p>No English writer having recently dealt with this subject, it has +been felt that there is room for a book which should bring together +the various contributions made to it in modern times, including the +results of the author's extensive experience during forty years of +medical practice. The author discusses the principles of health, by +due attention to which healthy old age may be attained. The +diseases to which the aged are especially liable are fully described, +their causes are clearly indicated, and the author shows in a practical +way by what means they may be avoided and how they may be +appropriately treated. Special attention is given to such important +subjects as diet, exercise, etc. Suggestive dietary tables are given, +both for use in health and in particular diseases, while the chapters +devoted to methods of exercise most suitable in advanced age will +also prove of value.</p></blockquote> + +<hr class="tb" /> + + +<p class="p8">LONDON: EDWARD ARNOLD, 41 & 43 MADDOX STREET, W.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> June, 1871.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> German Ambassador at Paris.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Foreign Minister in succession to M. Jules Favre.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Subsequently Lord Ampthill.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> French Ambassador at Berlin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Formerly Mr. Odo Russell.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> French Military Attaché at Berlin before the war of 1870.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> French Ambassador at St. Petersburg.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Finance Minister.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Lord Lyons to Lord Granville, Jan. 16, 1874.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Blowitz.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> British Minister at Brussels.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> German Ambassador at London.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> British Consul-General at Cairo.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Now Lord Rothschild.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Lord Lyons to Lord Derby, July 11, 1874.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Jan. 7, 1876.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Jan. 24, 1877.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Nobiling's attempt to assassinate the German Emperor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Now Viscount Knollys.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> French Secretary of Embassy at London.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> French Ambassador at Constantinople.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Sir Charles Rivers Wilson, G.C.M.G.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> H.B.M. Agent and Consul General at Cairo.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Now Earl of Cromer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> At that period British Consul-General at Düsseldorf.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Austrian Ambassador at Paris.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> French Ambassador at London.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Subsequently Viscount Goschen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Sir Francis Adams, Minister at Berne.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> See Appendix by Mrs. Wilfrid Ward, "Lord Lyons in Private Life."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Afterwards Lord Alcester.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> 1911.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> French Consul-General at Tunis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> 'Egypt and the Egyptian Question,' Sir D. Mackenzie Wallace.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Lyons to Granville.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <em>Times</em> correspondent in Paris.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Col. the Hon. George Villiers, Military Attaché at Paris.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Lyons, Feb. 1883.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Sir Joseph Crowe, K.C.M.G., Commercial Attaché at the Paris Embassy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> French Minister at Tangier.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Mr. G. Errington, M.P., had been despatched by Mr. Gladstone on +a secret mission to the Vatican in connection with the Home Rule +agitation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Now Lord Kitchener.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Lord Salisbury had taken over the Foreign Office upon the death of +Lord Iddesleigh on January 12, 1887.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Dongorita. A town on the Somali coast.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Secretary of French Embassy at London.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> French Ambassador at Constantinople.</p></div> + +</div> + +<div class="transnote"> + +<p class="p7">Transcriber notes:</p> + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">P.30. 'Chiselhurst' changed to 'Chislehurst'</li> + <li class="indx">P.42. 'Gortchakoff' changed to 'Gortschakoff'</li> + <li class="indx">P.88. 'attribute' changed to 'attributed'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.268. 'Commerical' changed to 'Commercial'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.277. 'Commerical' changed to 'Commercial'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.294. 'futher' changed to 'further'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.358. 'in in' changed to 'in'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.376. 'Débats' changed to 'Débuts'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.378. 'the the' changed to 'the'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.388. 'Agenu' changed to 'Agence' as in Agence Havas.</li> + <li class="indx">P.397. 'radicle' changed to 'radical'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.401. 'Schraebelé" changed to 'Schnaebelé'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.417. 'D'Israeli' changed to 'Disraeli'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.419. 'holdiay' changed to 'holiday'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.432. 'Amabssador' changed to 'Ambassador'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.437' 'Gortchakoff' changed to 'Gortschakoff'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.440. 'Maréchal' changed to 'Maréchale'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.440. 'Malot' changed to 'Malet'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.442. 'Caroina' changed to 'Carolina'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.443. 'Pasquior' changed to 'Pasquier'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.443. 'd'Audiffrot' changed to 'd'Audiffret'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.445. 'Stowart' changed to 'Stewart'.</li> + <li class="indx">P.446. 'Secreatry' changed to 'Secretary'.</li> + <li class="indx">Fixed Various punctuation.</li> +</ul> + +</div> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Lord Lyons: A Record of British +Diplomacy, Vol. 2 of 2, by Thomas Wodehouse Legh Newton + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A RECORD OF BRITISH DIPLOMACY *** + +***** This file should be named 44143-h.htm or 44143-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/1/4/44143/ + +Produced by Brian Foley, Jane Robins and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +http://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +http://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at http://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit http://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. +To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + + +</pre> + +</body> +</html> diff --git a/old/44143-h/images/coverpage.jpg b/old/44143-h/images/coverpage.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..2e70d78 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/44143-h/images/coverpage.jpg diff --git a/old/44143-h/images/i_000.png b/old/44143-h/images/i_000.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..c0b1615 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/44143-h/images/i_000.png diff --git a/old/44143-h/images/i_168.png b/old/44143-h/images/i_168.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b3b36 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/44143-h/images/i_168.png diff --git a/old/44143-h/images/i_370.png b/old/44143-h/images/i_370.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..23b75ae --- /dev/null +++ b/old/44143-h/images/i_370.png diff --git a/old/44143-h/images/i_420.png b/old/44143-h/images/i_420.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..7d9d417 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/44143-h/images/i_420.png |
