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diff --git a/44126-0.txt b/44126-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4819d5f --- /dev/null +++ b/44126-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,29107 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44126 *** + + Transcriber’s note: + + This book was published in two volumes, of which this is the second. + The first volume was released as Project Gutenberg ebook #44125, + available at http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44125. + + Following entries in the Index are erroneous, + as there is no Chapter 15 in Book XXXIV and no + Chapter 59 in Book VI.: + + Sallentini, a tribe in Calabria. 34, 15, Rhyncus, + in Aetolia, 6, 59, Morini, a Gallic tribe, 34, 15, + Mauretania, 34, 15, Lugdunum, a town in Gaul, 34, + 15. and there are no references in the text + related to these entries. + + Bold characters are enclosed within plus signs.(+) + + + + + THE + + HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS + + + TRANSLATED FROM THE TEXT OF F. HULTSCH + + BY + + EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A. + + LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE + + + IN TWO VOLUMES + + VOL. II + + + London + MACMILLAN AND CO. + AND NEW YORK + 1889 + + _All rights reserved_ + + + +CONTENTS + PAGES + + BOOKS X TO XXXIX 1-541 + + SMALLER FRAGMENTS 542-559 + + APPENDICES 560-568 + + INDEX 569-615 + + + + +THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS + + + + +BOOK X + + +THE HANNIBALIAN WAR—THE RECOVERY OF TARENTUM + +[Sidenote: B.C. 209, Coss. Q. Fabius Maximus V. Q. Fulvius Flaccus IV.] + ++1.+ The distance from the strait and town of Rhegium to Tarentum is +more than two thousand stades; and that portion of the shore of Italy +is entirely destitute of harbours, except those of Tarentum: I mean +the coast facing the Sicilian sea, and verging towards Greece, which +contains the most populous barbarian tribes as well as the most famous +of the Greek cities. For the Bruttii, Lucani, some portions of the +Daunii, the Cabalii, and several others, occupy this quarter of Italy. +So again this coast is lined by the Greek cities of Rhegium, Caulon, +Locri, Croton, Metapontum, and Thurii: so that voyagers from Sicily or +from Greece to any one of these cities are compelled to drop anchor in +the harbours of Tarentum; and the exchange and commerce with all who +occupy this coast of Italy take place in this city. One may judge of +the excellence of its situation from the prosperity attained by the +people of Croton; who, though only possessing roadsteads suitable for +the summer, and enjoying therefore but a short season of mercantile +activity, still have acquired great wealth, entirely owing, it seems, +to the favourable situation of their town and harbour, which yet cannot +be compared with those of Tarentum. For, even at this day, Tarentum +is in a most convenient position in respect to the harbours of the +Adriatic, and was formerly still more so. Since, from the Iapygian +promontory as far as Sipontum, every one coming from the other side +and dropping anchor at Italy always crossed to Tarentum, and used that +city for his mercantile transactions as an emporium; for the town of +Brundisium had not yet been founded in these times.[1] Therefore Fabius +regarded the recovery of it as of great importance, and, omitting +everything else, turned his whole thoughts to this.... + + +PUBLIUS CORNELIUS SCIPIO AFRICANUS IN SPAIN, B.C. 210-206 + +[Sidenote: A common mistake as to Scipio’s character.] + ++2.+ Being about to narrate the exploits of Publius Scipio in Iberia, +and in fact all the achievements in his life, I think it necessary to +direct my readers’ attention, to begin with, to his moral and mental +qualities. For as he is perhaps the most illustrious man of any born +before the present generation, everybody seeks to know what kind of +man he was, and what advantages from natural ability or experience he +enjoyed, to account for a career so crowded with brilliant achievement; +and yet is compelled to remain in the dark, or to entertain false +opinions, because those who write about him have not kept to the truth. +The soundness of this assertion will be rendered evident in the course +of my narrative to all who are capable of estimating the noblest and +most gallant of his exploits. Now all other writers represent him as +a man favoured by fortune, who succeeded in his undertakings contrary +to rational expectation, and by the mere force of circumstances. They +consider apparently such men to be, so to speak, more god-like and +worthy of admiration, than those who act in every case by calculation. +They do not seem to be aware of the distinction between credit for +good fortune and credit for good conduct in the case of such men; and +that the former may be assigned to any one however commonplace, while +the latter belongs to those alone who act from prudent calculation and +clear intelligence: and it is these last whom we should look upon as +the most god-like and god-beloved. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s use of religion compared with that of Lycurgus.] + +Now it seems to me that in his character and views Publius was very +like Lycurgus the legislator of the Lacedaemonians. For we must not +suppose that it was from superstition that Lycurgus continually +consulted the Pythian priestess in the establishment of the +Lacedaemonian constitution; nor that Publius depended on dreams and +ominous words for his success in securing empire for his country. +But as both saw that the majority of mankind cannot be got to accept +contentedly what is new and strange, nor to face dangers with courage, +without some hope of divine favour,—Lycurgus, by always supporting his +own schemes by an oracular response from the Pythia, secured better +acceptation and credit for his ideas; and Publius, by always in like +manner instilling into the minds of the vulgar an opinion of his acting +on some divine suggestion in the formation of his designs, caused those +under his command to confront dangerous services with greater courage +and cheerfulness. But that he invariably acted on calculation and with +foresight, and that the successful issue of his plans was always in +harmony with rational expectation, will be evident by what I am about +to relate. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s first exploit, B.C. 218.] + ++3.+ For that he was beneficent and high-minded is acknowledged; but +that he was acute, sober-minded, and earnest in pursuit of his aims, no +one will admit, except those who have lived with him, and contemplated +his character, so to speak, in broad daylight. Of such Gaius Laelius +was one. He took part in everything he did or said from boyhood to the +day of his death; and he it was who convinced me of this truth: because +what he said appeared to me to be likely in itself, and in harmony with +the achievements of that great man. He told me that the first brilliant +exploit of Publius was when his father fought the cavalry engagement +with Hannibal near the Padus. He was then, as it seems, eighteen years +old and on his first campaign. His father had given him a squadron of +picked cavalry for his protection; but when in the course of the battle +he saw his father surrounded by the enemy, with only two or three +horsemen near him, and dangerously wounded, he first tried to cheer on +his own squadron to go to his father’s assistance, but when he found +them considerably cowed by the numbers of the enemy surrounding them, +he appears to have plunged by himself with reckless courage into the +midst of the enemy: whereupon, his comrades being forced to charge +also, the enemy were overawed and divided their ranks to let them pass; +and Publius the elder, being thus unexpectedly saved, was the first to +address his son as his preserver in the hearing of the whole army.[2] +Having gained an acknowledged reputation for bravery by this exploit, +he ever afterwards freely exposed himself to every sort of personal +danger, whenever his country rested its hope of safety on him. And this +is not the conduct of a general who trusts to luck, but of one who has +a clear head. + +[Sidenote: Elected aedile, end of B.C. 217.] + ++4.+ Subsequently, when his elder brother Lucius was a candidate for +the Aedileship, which is about the most honourable office open to a +“young” man at Rome: it being the custom for two patricians to be +appointed, and there being many candidates, for some time he did not +venture to stand for the same office as his brother. But as the day +of election drew near, judging from the demeanour of the people that +his brother would easily obtain the office, and observing that his own +popularity with the multitude was very great, he made up his mind that +the only hope of his brother’s success was that they should combine +their candidatures. He therefore resolved to act as follows: His mother +was going round to the temples and sacrificing to the gods in behalf +of his brother, and was altogether in a state of eager expectation as +to the result. She was the only parent whose wishes he had to consult; +for his father was then on his voyage to Iberia, having been appointed +to command in the war there. He therefore said to her that he had seen +the same dream twice: for he thought that he was coming home from the +Forum after being elected Aedile with his brother, and that she met +them at the door and threw her arms round them and kissed them. His +mother with true womanly feeling exclaimed, “Oh, that I might see that +day!” He replied, “Do you wish us to try”? Upon her assenting, under +the idea that he would not venture, but was only jesting on the spur +of the moment (for of course he was quite a young man), he begged her +to prepare him at once a white toga, such as it is the custom for +candidates for office to wear. + ++5.+ His mother thought no more about it: but Publius, having obtained +a white toga, went to the Forum before his mother was awake. His +boldness, as well as his previous popularity, secured him a brilliant +reception from the people; and when he advanced to the spot assigned +for candidates, and took his place by the side of his brother, the +people not only invested him with the office, but his brother also +for his sake; and both brothers returned home Aediles designate. The +news having been suddenly brought to their mother, she rushed in the +utmost delight to meet them at the door, and kissed the young men in an +ecstasy of joy. Accordingly Publius was believed by all who had heard +previously about his dream to have held commune with the gods, not +merely in his sleep, but rather in a waking vision, and by day. But in +point of fact there was no dream at all: Scipio was kind, open-handed, +and courteous, and by these means had conciliated the favour of the +multitude. But by a dexterous use of the occasion, both with the +people and his mother, he obtained his purpose, and moreover got the +reputation of acting under divine inspiration. For those persons, who, +from dulness or want of experience, or idleness, can never take a clear +view of the occasions or causes or connexion of events, are apt to give +the gods and chance the credit for what is really effected by sagacity +and far-seeing calculation. I have thought it worth while to say thus +much, that my readers may not be misled by unfounded gossip to pass +over this great man’s finest and most splendid qualities, I mean his +wealth of resource and untiring diligence; which will become still more +apparent when we come to recount his actual achievements. + +[Sidenote: Speech of Publius Scipio to the soldiers in Spain, B.C. 210.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio crosses the Ebro, and swoops down upon New Carthage.] + ++6.+ Such was the man who now assembled the soldiers and exhorted them +not to be dismayed by the disaster which had befallen them. “For,” +said he, “Romans have never been beaten by Carthaginians in a trial of +valour. It was the result of treachery on the part of the Celtiberians, +and of rashness, the two commanders getting cut off from each other +owing to their trust in the alliance of these men. But now these two +disadvantages are on the side of the enemy: for they are encamped at a +wide distance from each other; and by their tyrannical conduct to their +allies have alienated them all, and made them hostile to themselves. +The consequence is that some of them are already sending messages to +us; while the rest, as soon as they dare, and see that we have crossed +the river, will gladly join us; not so much because they have any +affection for us, as because they are eager to punish the outrages of +the Carthaginians. Most important of all is the fact that the enemy are +at variance with each other, and will refuse to fight against us in a +body, and by thus engaging in detail will be more easily dealt with by +us.” Looking to these facts, therefore, he bade them cross the river +with confidence, and undertook that he and the other officers would see +to the next step to be taken. With these words he left his colleague, +Marcus Silanus, with five hundred horse to guard the ford, and to +protect the allies on the north of the river, while he himself began +taking his army across, without revealing his design to any one. As +a matter of fact he had resolved to do nothing of what he gave out +publicly, and had made up his mind to make a rapid attack upon the +town called Iberian Carthage. This may be looked upon as the first and +strongest proof of the judgment which I lately passed upon him. He was +now only in his twenty-seventh year: and yet he, in the first place, +undertook to accomplish what the magnitude of the previous disasters +had made the world look upon as completely hopeless; and, in the second +place, having undertaken it, he left on one side the plain and obvious +course, and conceived and carried out a plan which was a surprise +to the enemy himself. This could only be the result of the closest +calculation. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s careful inquiries as to the state of things in +Spain.] + ++7.+ The fact is that he had made minute inquiries, before leaving +Rome, both about the treason of the Celtiberians, and the separation +of the two Roman armies; and had inferred that his father’s disaster +was entirely attributable to these. He had not therefore shared the +popular terror of the Carthaginians, nor allowed himself to be overcome +by the general panic. And when he subsequently heard that the allies +of Rome north of the Ebro were remaining loyal, while the Carthaginian +commanders were quarrelling with each other, and maltreating the +natives subject to them, he began to feel very cheerful about his +expedition, not from a blind confidence in Fortune, but from deliberate +calculation. Accordingly, when he arrived in Iberia, he learnt, by +questioning everybody and making inquiries about the enemy from every +one, that the forces of the Carthaginians were divided into three. +Mago, he was informed, was lingering west of the pillars of Hercules +among the Conii; Hasdrubal, the son of Gesco, in Lusitania, near the +mouth of the Tagus; while the other Hasdrubal was besieging a certain +city of the Caspetani; and none of the three were less than ten days’ +march from the New Town. Now he calculated that, if he decided to give +the enemy battle, it would be risking too much to do so against all +three at once, because his predecessors had been beaten, and because +the enemy would vastly out-number him; if, on the other hand, he were +to march rapidly to engage one of the three, and should then find +himself surrounded—which might happen by the one attacked retreating, +and the others coming up to his relief,—he dreaded a disaster like that +of his uncle Gnaeus and his father Publius. + +[Sidenote: He determines to attempt New Carthage.] + ++8.+ He therefore rejected that idea altogether: but being informed +that New Carthage was the most important source of supplies to the +enemy and of damage to the Romans in the present war, he had taken the +trouble to make minute inquiries about it during the winter from those +who were well informed. He learnt that it was nearly the only town in +Iberia which possessed a harbour suitable for a fleet and naval force; +that it lay very conveniently for the Carthaginians to make the sea +passage from Libya; that they in fact had the bulk of their money and +war material in it, as well as their hostages from the whole of Iberia; +that, most important of all, the number of fighting men garrisoning the +citadel only amounted to a thousand,—because no one would ever suppose +that, while the Carthaginians commanded nearly the whole of Iberia, any +one would conceive the idea of assaulting this town; that the other +inhabitants were exceedingly numerous, but all consisted of craftsmen, +mechanics, and fisher-folk, as far as possible removed from any +knowledge of warfare. All this he regarded as being fatal to the town, +in case of the sudden appearance of an enemy. Nor did he moreover fail +to acquaint himself with the topography of New Carthage, or the nature +of its defences, or the lie of the lagoon: but by means of certain +fishermen who had worked there he had ascertained that the lagoon +was quite shallow and fordable at most points; and that, generally +speaking, the water ebbed every day towards evening sufficiently to +secure this. These considerations convinced him that, if he could +accomplish his purpose, he would not only damage his opponents, but +gain a considerable advantage for himself; and that, if on the other +hand he failed in effecting it, he would yet be able to secure the +safety of his men owing to his command of the sea, provided he had once +made his camp secure,—and this was easy, because of the wide dispersion +of the enemy’s forces. He had therefore, during his residence in winter +quarters, devoted himself to preparing for this operation to the +exclusion of every other: and in spite of the magnitude of the idea +which he had conceived, and in spite of his youth, he concealed it from +all except Gaius Laelius, until he had himself decided to reveal it. + ++9.+ But although historians agree in attributing these calculations +to him; yet, when they come to narrate their issue, they somehow +or another attribute the success obtained not to the man and his +foresight, but to the gods and to Fortune, and that, in spite of all +probability, and the evidence of those who lived with him; and in spite +of the fact that Publius himself in a letter addressed to Philip has +distinctly set forth that it was upon the deliberate calculations, +which I have just set forth, that he undertook the Iberian campaign +generally, and the assault upon New Carthage in particular. + +[Sidenote: Gaius Laelius proceeds to New Carthage with the fleet.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio by land. B.C. 209.] + +However that may be, at the time specified he gave secret instructions +to Gaius Laelius, who was in command of the fleet, and who, as I have +said, was the only man in the secret, to sail to this town; while he +himself marched his army at a rapid pace in the same direction. His +force consisted of twenty-five thousand infantry and two thousand five +hundred cavalry; and arriving at New Carthage on the seventh day he +pitched his camp on the north of the town;[3] defended its rear by a +double trench and rampart stretching from sea to sea,[4] while on the +side facing the town he made absolutely no defences, for the nature of +the ground made him sufficiently secure. + +But as I am now about to describe the assault and capture of the +town, I think I must explain to my readers the lie of the surrounding +country, and the position of the town itself. + +[Sidenote: Description of New Carthage.] + ++10.+ It stands about half-way down the coast of Iberia in a gulf which +faces south-west, running about twenty stades inland, and about ten +stades broad at its entrance. The whole gulf is made a harbour by the +fact that an island[5] lies at its mouth and thus makes the entrance +channels on each side of it exceedingly narrow. It breaks the force of +the waves also, and the whole gulf has thus smooth water, except when +south-west winds setting down the two channels raise a surf: with all +other winds it is perfectly calm, from being so nearly landlocked. In +the recess of the gulf a mountain juts out in the form of a chersonese, +and it is on this mountain that the city stands, surrounded by the sea +on the east and south, and on the west by a lagoon extending so far +northward that the remaining space to the sea on the other side, to +connect it with the continent, is not more than two stades. The city +itself has a deep depression in its centre, presenting on its south +side a level approach from the sea; while the rest of it is hemmed in +by hills, two of them mountainous and rough, three others much lower, +but rocky and difficult of ascent; the largest of which lies on the +east of the town running out into the sea, on which stands a temple +of Asclepius. Exactly opposite this lies the western mountain in a +closely-corresponding position, on which a palace had been erected at +great cost, which it is said was built by Hasdrubal when he was aiming +at establishing royal power. The remaining three lesser elevations +bound it on the north, of which the westernmost is called the hill of +Hephaestus, the next to it that of Aletes,—who is believed to have +attained divine honours from having been the discoverer of the silver +mines,—and the third is called the hill of Cronus. The lagoon has been +connected with the adjoining sea artificially for the sake of the +maritime folk; and over the channel thus cut between it and the sea +a bridge has been built, for beasts of burden and carts to bring in +provisions from the country. + ++11.+ Such is the nature of this city’s situation. The side of the +Roman camp which faced the city therefore was secured, without any +artificial means, by the lagoon and the sea. The neck of land lying +between these two, and connecting the city with the continent, Scipio +did not fence off with a stockade, although it abutted on the middle of +his camp,—either for the sake of making an impression upon the enemy, +or by way of suiting the arrangement to his own design,—that he might +have nothing to hamper the free egress and return of his troops to and +from the camp. The circuit of the city wall was not more than twenty +stades formerly,—though I am aware that it has been stated at forty +stades; but this is false, as I know from personal inspection and not +from mere report,—and in our day it has been still farther contracted. + +[Sidenote: Scipio discloses his intention of assaulting New Carthage.] + +The fleet arrived to the hour, and Publius then thought it time to +summon a meeting of his men and to encourage them to the undertaking by +the use of the same arguments by which he had convinced himself, and +which I have just now detailed. He pointed out to them that the plan +was practicable; and briefly summing up the blow which their success +would be to their enemies, and the advantage it would be to themselves, +he ended by promising crowns of gold to those who first mounted the +walls, and the usual rewards to those who displayed conspicuous +gallantry. And finally he declared that “Poseidon had appeared to +him in his sleep, and originally suggested his plan to him; and had +promised to give him such signal aid in the actual hour of battle that +his assistance should be made manifest to all.” The skilful mixture +in this speech of accurate calculation with promises of gold crowns, +and a reference to Divine Providence, created a great impression and +enthusiasm in the minds of the young soldiers. + +[Sidenote: The assault.] + +[Sidenote: A sally of the defenders.] + +[Sidenote: repulsed.] + ++12.+ Next morning he stationed ships supplied with missiles of every +sort, all along the seaboard, under the command of Gaius Laelius; +and having told off two thousand of his strongest men to accompany +the ladder-carriers, he begun the assault about the third hour. The +commandant of the town, Mago, divided his garrison of a thousand men +into two companies; half he left upon the citadel, and the rest he +stationed upon the eastern hill. Of the other inhabitants he accoutred +about two thousand of the strongest men with such arms as there were +in the city, and stationed them at the gate leading to the isthmus and +the enemy’s camp: the rest he ordered to assist to the best of their +power at all points in the wall. As soon as the bugles of Publius +sounded the moment of the assault, Mago caused those whom he had armed +to sally from the gate, feeling confident that he should create a +panic among the assailants and entirely baffle their design. These men +vigorously attacked those of the Roman army who were drawn up opposite +the isthmus, and a sharp engagement took place accompanied by loud +cries of encouragement on both sides: the Romans in the camp cheering +on their men, and the people in the city theirs. But the contest was +an unequal one in the respect of the facility of bringing up reserves. +The Carthaginians had all to come out by one gate, and had nearly two +stades to march before they got on the ground; whereas the Romans had +their supports close at hand and able to come out over a wide area; +for Publius had purposely stationed his men close to the camp in order +to induce the enemy to come out as far as possible: being quite aware +that if he succeeded in destroying these, who were so to speak the +sharp edge of the urban population, universal consternation would be +the result, and no more of those in the town would have the courage +to come out of the gate. The contest however for a certain time was +undecided, for it was between picked men on both sides; but finally +the Carthaginians were overpowered by the superior weight of their +opponents, owing to the constant reinforcements from the camp, and +turned to flight. A large number of them fell in the actual engagement, +and during the retreat; but the greater number were trampled to death +by each other as they crowded through the gate. The city people were +thrown into such a panic by these events, that even those who were +guarding the walls fled. The Romans very nearly succeeded in forcing +their way in through the gates with the fugitives; and of course fixed +their scaling-ladders against the wall in perfect security. + ++13.+ Meanwhile Publius, though throwing himself heartily into the +struggle, yet took all possible precautions to protect his life. He had +three men with him carrying large shields, which they held in such a +position as to completely protect him from the side of the wall; and +accordingly he went along the lines, or mounted on elevated ground, +and contributed greatly to the success of the day. For he was enabled +to see all that was going on, and at the same time, by being himself +in view of all, inspired great zeal in the hearts of the combatants. +The result was that nothing was omitted which could contribute to the +success of the battle; but any help he saw to be at any moment required +was rapidly and thoroughly supplied. + +[Sidenote: Difficulties of the escalade.] + +But though the leaders of the escalade had begun mounting the walls +with great spirit, they found the operation accompanied by some danger: +not so much from the number of the defenders, as from the height of +the walls. The defenders accordingly plucked up courage considerably +when they saw the distress of the assailants: for some of the ladders +were breaking under the weight of the numbers which, owing to their +length, were on them at the same time; while on others the first to +mount turned giddy owing to their great height, and without requiring +much resistance from the defenders threw themselves from the ladders: +and when beams, or anything of that sort, were hurled upon them from +the battlements, they were swept off _en masse_ and fell to the ground. +In spite however of these difficulties nothing could check the zeal +and fury of the Roman attack; but as the first fell their place was +always taken at once by the next in order. And now, as the day was far +advanced, and the soldiers were worn out with fatigue, Scipio sounded a +recall for the assaulting party. + +[Sidenote: Towards evening Scipio renews the assault on the gate, to +distract attention from his attack by way of the lagoon.] + ++14.+ The men in the town were accordingly in high spirits at having, +as they thought, repulsed the assault. But Scipio, who was conscious +that the time was now approaching for the ebb of the lagoon, had five +hundred men stationed ready by its edge with ladders; and meanwhile +massed some fresh soldiers upon the gate and isthmus, and, after +urging them to undertake the work, furnished them with a larger number +of ladders than before: so that the wall was almost covered with men +scaling it. When the signal for attack was sounded, and the men placed +their ladders against the wall, and began ascending at every point, the +excitement and consternation inside the walls was extreme; for when +they thought themselves released from the threatened danger, they saw +it beginning all over again by another assault. Besides, their missiles +were beginning to fall short; and the number of men they had lost +greatly disheartened them. Still, though they were in great distress, +they continued the defence as well as they could. + +[Sidenote: Scipio crosses the lagoon and gets his men upon the wall.] + +Just when the struggle at the ladders was at its hottest the ebb of the +tide began. The water began gradually to leave the edges of the lagoon, +and the current ran with such violence, and in such a mass through its +channel into the adjoining sea, that to those who were unprepared for +the sight it appeared incredible. Being provided with guides, Scipio at +once ordered his men, who had been stationed ready for this service, +to step in and to fear nothing. His was a nature especially fitted to +inspire courage and sympathy with his own feelings. So now the men at +once obeyed him, and when the army saw them racing each other across +the marsh, it could not but suppose that the movement was a kind of +heaven-sent inspiration. This reminded them of the reference Scipio had +made to Poseidon, and the promises contained in his harangue: and their +enthusiasm rose to such a height that they locked their shields above +their heads, and, charging up to the gate, they began trying to hew +their way through the panels of the doors with their axes and hatchets. + +Meanwhile the party which had crossed the marsh had approached the +wall. They found the battlements unguarded: and therefore, not only +fixed their ladders against the wall, but actually mounted and took +it without striking a blow; for the attention of the garrison was +distracted to other points, especially to the isthmus and the gate +leading to it, and they never expected that the enemy were likely to +attack on the side of the lagoon: besides, and above all, there was +such disorderly shouting, and such a scene of confusion within the +wall, that they could neither hear nor see to any purpose. + +[Sidenote: The city entered and given up to the sword.] + ++15.+ As soon as they found themselves in possession of the wall, the +Romans began making their way along the top of it, hurling off such of +the enemy as they met, the nature of their arms being especially suited +for an operation of that sort. But when they arrived at the gate they +descended and began cutting through the bolts, while those without +began forcing their way in, and those who were mounting the walls in +the direction of the isthmus, beginning by this time to get the better +of their opponents, were getting a footing on the battlements. Thus +the walls were finally in possession of the enemy: and the troops, +which entered by the gate, carried the eastern hill and drove off the +garrison occupying it. + +When Scipio thought that a sufficient number of troops had entered the +town, he gave leave to the larger number of them to attack those in it, +according to the Roman custom, with directions to kill everything they +met, and to spare nothing; and not to begin looting until they got the +order to do so. The object of this is, I suppose, to strike terror. +Accordingly, one may often see in towns captured by the Romans, not +only human beings who have been put to the sword, but even dogs cloven +down the middle, and the limbs of other animals hewn off. On this +occasion the amount of such slaughter was exceedingly great, because of +the numbers included in the city. + +[Sidenote: Mago surrenders the citadel.] + +[Sidenote: Sack of the city.] + +Scipio himself with about a thousand men now pressed on towards the +citadel. When he arrived there, Mago at first thought of resistance; +but afterwards, when he was satisfied that the city was completely +in the power of the enemy, he sent to demand a promise of his life, +and then surrendered. This being concluded, the signal was given to +stop the slaughter: whereupon the soldiers left off slaying, and +turned to plunder. When night fell those of the soldiers to whom this +duty had been assigned remained in the camp, while Scipio with his +thousand men bivouacked in the citadel; and summoning the rest from the +dwelling-houses by means of the Tribunes, he ordered them to collect +all their booty into the market-place by maniples, and to take up their +quarters for the night by these several heaps. He then summoned the +light-armed from the camp, and stationed them upon the eastern hill. + +Thus did the Romans become masters of Carthage in Iberia. + +[Sidenote: The Roman customs in the distribution of booty.] + +[Sidenote: See 6, 33.] + ++16.+ Next morning the baggage of those who had served in the +Carthaginian ranks, as well as the property of the city-folk and the +craftsmen, having been collected together in the market-place, the +Tribunes divided it according to the Roman custom among their several +legions. Now the Roman method of procedure in the capture of cities +is the following: Sometimes certain soldiers taken from each maniple +are told off for this duty, their numbers depending on the size of the +city; sometimes maniples are told off in turn for it: but there are +never more than half the whole number assigned to the work. The rest +remain in their own ranks in reserve, sometimes outside, at others +inside the city, for taking such precautions as may be from time to +time necessary. Sometimes, though rarely, four legions are massed +together; but generally speaking the whole force is divided into two +legions of Romans and two of allies. This being settled, all who are +told off for plundering carry all they get, each to his own legion; and +when this booty has been sold, the Tribunes distribute the proceeds +among all equally, including not only those who were thus held in +reserve, but even those who were guarding the tents, or were invalided, +or had been sent away anywhere on any service. But I have spoken fully +before, when discussing the Roman constitution, on the subject of the +distribution of booty, showing how no one is excluded from a share in +it, in accordance with the oath which all take upon first joining the +camp. I may now add that the arrangement whereby the Roman army is thus +divided, half being engaged in gathering booty and half remaining drawn +up in reserve, precludes all danger of a general catastrophe arising +from personal rivalry in greed. For as both parties feel absolute +confidence in the fair dealing of each in respect to the booty,—the +reserves no less than the plunderers,—no one leaves the ranks, which +has been the most frequent cause of disaster in the case of other +armies. + ++17.+ For, as the majority of mankind encounter miseries and embrace +dangers for the sake of gain, it is plain that when such opportunity +is presented to them as this, the men in the reserve or in the camp +would be with difficulty induced to abstain from taking advantage of +it; because the usual idea is that everything belongs to the man who +actually takes it: and though a general or king may be careful to order +all booty to be brought into the common stock, yet everybody considers +that what he can conceal is his own. The result is that, while the ruck +of the army cannot be prevented from eagerly devoting themselves to +plunder, they often run the risk of a complete overthrow: and it has +often in fact happened that after a successful movement, such as the +carrying of an entrenched camp or the capture of a city, the victorious +army has, from no other cause but this, been not only ejected but even +utterly defeated. Therefore there is nothing about which leaders ought +to exercise more care or foresight, than that, on such an occasion, all +may have an absolutely equal prospect of sharing in the booty. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s treatment of the prisoners. The citizens are +dismissed to their homes.] + +[Sidenote: The skilled slaves are promised their freedom at the end of +the war.] + +[Sidenote: Some are drafted into the navy.] + +Thus on the present occasion, while the Tribunes were busied in the +distribution of the spoil; the Roman commander caused the prisoners, +who numbered little short of ten thousand, to be assembled; and having +first ordered them to be divided into two groups, one containing the +citizens and their wives and children, the other the craftsmen, he +exhorted the first of these to be loyal to the Romans, and to remember +the favour which they were now receiving, and allowed them all to +depart to their own houses. With tears of joy at this unexpected +preservation, they bowed in reverence to Scipio and dispersed. He then +told the craftsmen that they were for the present public slaves of +Rome, but that, if they showed themselves loyal and zealous in their +several crafts, he promised than their freedom, as soon as the war with +the Carthaginians had been brought to a successful issue. He then bade +them go get their names enrolled in the office of the Quaestor, and +appointed a Roman overseer for every thirty of them, their whole number +being about two thousand. From the remaining captives he selected the +strongest, those who were in the prime of youth and physical vigour, +and assigned them to serve on board ship: and having thus increased +the number of his naval allies by one half, he manned the ships taken +from the enemy as well as his own; so that the number of men on board +each vessel were now little short of double what it was before. For the +captured ships numbered eighteen, his original fleet thirty-five. These +men he also promised their freedom, if they showed themselves loyal +and zealous, as soon as they had conquered the Carthaginians. By this +treatment of the captives he inspired the citizens with warm feelings +of loyalty and fidelity, and the handicraftsmen with great readiness to +serve, from the hope held out to them of recovering their freedom. + +[Sidenote: Mago is entrusted to Lachus.] + +[Sidenote: The women.] + +[Sidenote: The hostages.] + ++18.+ He next took Mago and the Carthaginians with him separately, +consisting of one member of the Council of ancients and fifteen of the +Senate.[6] These he put under the charge of Gaius Laelius, with orders +that he should take due care of them. He next summoned the hostages, +who numbered more than three hundred. Such of them as were children he +called to him one by one, and stroking their heads told them not to be +afraid, for in a few days they would see their parents. The others also +he exhorted to be of good cheer, and to write word to their relations +in their several cities, first, that they were safe and well; and, +secondly, that the Romans were minded to restore them all unharmed to +their homes, if only their relations adopted the Roman alliance. With +these words, having already selected from the spoils such articles as +were fitting for his purpose, he presented each with what was suitable +to their sex and age: the girls with ear-rings and bracelets, the young +men with daggers and swords. Among the captive women was the wife of +Mandonius, brother of Andobalus king of the Ilergētes. This woman fell +at his feet and besought him with tears to protect their honour better +than the Carthaginians had done. Touched by her distress Scipio asked +her in what respect she and the other women were left unprovided. She +was a lady of advanced years and of a certain majestic dignity of +appearance: and upon her meeting his question by perfect silence, he +summoned the men who had been appointed to take charge of the women; +and when they reported that they had supplied them with all necessaries +in abundance, and when the woman again clasped his knees and repeated +the same request, Scipio felt still more embarrassed; and, conceiving +the idea that their guardians had neglected them, and were now making +a false report, he bade the women fear nothing, for that he would +appoint different men to see to their interests, and secure that they +were not left in want of anything. Then after a brief hesitation the +woman said, “You mistake my meaning, General, if you think that we are +asking you for food.” Scipio then at length began to understand what +she wished to convey; and seeing under his eyes the youthful beauty of +the daughters of Andobalus, and of many of the other nobles, he could +not refrain from tears, while the aged lady indicated in a few words +the danger in which they were. He showed at once that he understood her +words: and taking her by the hand, he bade her and the others also be +of good cheer, for that he would watch over them as he would over his +own sisters and daughters, and would accordingly put men in charge of +them on whom he could rely. + +[Sidenote: The money.] + ++19.+ His next business was to pay over to the Quaestors such public +money of the Carthaginians as had been captured. It amounted to more +than six hundred talents, so that when this was added to the four +hundred which he had brought with him from Rome, he found himself in +possession of more than one thousand talents. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s continence.] + +It was on this occasion that some young Romans fell in with a girl +surpassing all the other women in bloom and beauty; and seeing that +Scipio was fond of the society of women, they brought her to him, and, +placing her before him, said that they desired to present the damsel +to him. He was struck with admiration for her beauty, and replied +that, if he had been in a private position, he could have received no +present that would have given him greater pleasure; but as general it +was the last in the world which he could receive. He meant to convey, I +presume, by this ambiguous answer that, in hours of rest and idleness, +such things are the most delightful enjoyments and pastimes for young +men; whereas in times of activity they are hindrances physically and +mentally. However that may be, he thanked the young men; but called the +girl’s father, and handing her over at once to him, told him to bestow +her in marriage on whichever of the citizens he chose. By this display +of continence and self-control he gained the warm respect of his men. + +[Sidenote: Laelius sent to Rome with the news. B.C. 209.] + +Having made these arrangements, and handed over the rest of the +captives to the Tribunes, he despatched Gaius Laelius on board a +quinquereme to Rome, with the Carthaginian prisoners and the noblest +of the others, to announce at home what had taken place. For as the +prevailing feeling at Rome was one of despair of success in Iberia, he +felt certain that on this news their spirits would revive, and that +they would make much more strenuous efforts to support him. + +[Sidenote: Preparations for an advance.] + +[Sidenote: Xen. _Hellen._ 3, 4, 17: _Agesil._ 1, 26.] + ++20.+ Scipio himself stayed a certain time in New Carthage and +assiduously practised his fleet; and drew up the following scheme +for his military Tribunes for training their men. The first day he +ordered the men to go at the double for thirty stades in their full +arms; and on the second all of them to rub down, clean, and thoroughly +examine their whole equipments; on the third to rest and do nothing; +on the fourth to have a sham fight, some with wooden swords covered +with leather and with a button at the end, others with javelins also +buttoned at the end; on the fifth the same march at the double as on +the first. That there might be no lack of weapons for the practises, +or for the real fighting, he took the greatest pains with the +handicraftsmen. He had, as I have already stated, appointed overseers +over them in regular divisions to secure that this was done; but he +also personally inspected them every day, and saw that they were +severally supplied with what was necessary. Thus while the legions were +practising and training in the vicinity of the town, and the fleet +manoeuvring and rowing in the sea, and the city people sharpening +weapons or forging arms or working in wood, every one in short busily +employed in making armour, the whole place must have presented the +appearance of what Xenophon called “a workshop of war.” When he thought +all these works were sufficiently advanced for the requirements of +the service, he secured the town by posting garrisons and repairing +the walls, and got both his army and navy on the move, directing his +advance upon Tarraco, and taking the hostages with him.... + + +PHILOPOEMEN OF MEGALOPOLIS + +[Sidenote: Euryleon Achaean Strategus, B.C. 210-209.] + ++21.+ Euryleon, the Strategus of the Achaeans, was a man of timid +character, and quite unsuited for service in the field. + +But as my history has now arrived at a point at which the achievements +of Philopoemen begin, I think it only proper that, as I have attempted +to describe the habits and characters of the other men of eminence +with whom we have had to deal, I should do the same for him. It is +strangely inconsistent in historians to record in elaborate detail +the founding of cities, stating when and how and by whom they were +established, and even the circumstances and difficulties which +accompanied the transaction, and yet to pass over in complete silence +the characteristics and aims of the men by whom the whole thing was +done, though these in fact are the points of the greatest value. For as +one feels more roused to emulation and imitation by men that have life, +than by buildings that have none, it is natural that the history of the +former should have a greater educational value. If I had not therefore +already composed a separate account of him, clearly setting forth who +he was, his origin, and his policy as a young man, it would have been +necessary to have given an account now of each of these particulars. +But since I have done this in a work in three books, unconnected with +my present history, detailing the circumstances of his childhood and +his most famous achievements, it is clear that in my present narrative +my proper course will be to remove anything like details from my +account of his youthful characteristics and aims; while I am careful to +_add_ details to the story of the achievements of his manhood, which +in that treatise were only stated summarily. I shall thus preserve +the proper features of both works. The former being in the nature of +a panegyric demanded an account of his actions, put briefly and in a +style deliberately intended to enhance their merits; my present work, +which is history, and therefore absolutely uncommitted to praise or +blame, requires only a true statement, which puts the facts clearly, +and traces the policy which dictated the several actions. + +[Sidenote: Birth, parentage, and education of Philopoemen, b. B.C. 252.] + ++22.+ Philopoemen, then, to begin with, was of good birth, descended +from one of the noblest families in Arcadia. He was also educated under +that most distinguished Mantinean, Cleander, who had been his father’s +friend before, and happened at that time to be in exile. When he came +to man’s estate he attached himself to Ecdemus and Demophanes, who were +by birth natives of Megalopolis, but who having been exiled by the +tyrant, and having associated with the philosopher Arcesilaus during +their exile, not only set their own country free by entering into an +intrigue against Aristodemus the tyrant, but also helped in conjunction +with Aratus to put down Nicocles, the tyrant of Sicyon. On another +occasion also, on the invitation of the people of Cyrene, they stood +forward as their champions and preserved their freedom for them. Such +were the men with whom he passed his early life; and he at once began +to show a superiority to his contemporaries, by his power of enduring +hardships in hunting, and by his acts of daring in war. He was moreover +careful in his manner of life, and moderate in the outward show which +he maintained; for he had imbibed from these men the conviction, that +it was impossible for a man to take the lead in public business with +honour who neglected his own private affairs; nor again to abstain from +embezzling public money if he lived beyond his private income. + +[Sidenote: Elected Hipparch, B.C. 210. Cp. Plut. _Phil._ 7, συχνὸς +χρόνος after the battle of Sallasia, B.C. 222.] + +Being then appointed Hipparch by the Achaean league at this time, and +finding the squadrons in a state of utter demoralisation, and the men +thoroughly dispirited, he not only restored them to a better state +than they were, but in a short time made them even superior to the +enemy’s cavalry, by bringing them all to adopt habits of real training +and genuine emulation. The fact is that most of those who hold this +office of Hipparch, either, from being without any genius themselves +for cavalry tactics, do not venture to enforce necessary orders upon +others; or, because they are aiming at being elected Strategus, try all +through their year of office to attach the young men to themselves and +to secure their favour in the coming election: and accordingly never +administer necessary reprimands, which are the salvation of the public +interests, but hush up all transgressions, and, for the sake of gaining +an insignificant popularity, do great damage to those who trust them. +Sometimes again, commanders, though neither feeble nor corrupt, do more +damage to the soldiers by intemperate zeal than the negligent ones, and +this is still oftener the case with regard to the cavalry.... + +[Sidenote: The cavalry tactics of Philopoemen, B.C. 210-209.[7] + ++23.+ Now the movements which he undertook to teach the horsemen as +being universally applicable to cavalry warfare were these. ] In the +first place each separate horse was to be practised in wheeling first +to the left and then to the right, and also to face right-about; +and in the next place they were to be taught to wheel in squadrons, +face-about, and by a treble movement to face-about right-turn. Next +they were to learn to throw out flying columns of single or double +companies at full speed from both wings or from the centre; and then +to pull up and fall in again into troops, or squadrons, or regiments: +next to deploy into line on both wings, either by filling up the +intervals in the line or by a lateral movement on the rear. Simply to +form an oblique line, he said, required no practice, for it was exactly +the same order as that taken up on a march. After this they were to +practice charging the enemy and retreating by every kind of movement, +until they were able to advance at an alarming pace; provided only that +they kept together, both line and column, and preserved the proper +intervals between the squadrons: for nothing is more dangerous and +unserviceable than cavalry that have broken up their squadrons, and +attempt to engage in this state. + +After giving these instructions both to the people and their +magistrates, he went on a round of inspection through the towns, and +inquired, first, whether the men obeyed the words of command; and, +secondly, whether the officers in the several towns knew how to give +them clearly and properly: for he held that the first thing requisite +was technical knowledge on the part of the commanders of each company. + ++24.+ When he had thus made the proper preliminary preparations, he +mustered the cavalry from the various cities into one place, and set +about perfecting their evolutions under his own command, and personally +directed the whole drill. He did not ride in front of the army, as +generals nowadays do, from the notion that this is the proper position +for a commander. For what can be less scientific or more dangerous +than for a commander to be seen by all his men, and yet not to see one +of them? In such manoeuvres a Hipparch should not make a display not +of mere military dignity, but of the skill and ability of an officer, +appearing at one time in the front, at another on the rear, and at +another in the centre. This is what he did, riding along the lines, and +personally seeing to all the men, giving them directions when they were +at a loss what to do, and correcting at once every mistake that was +being made. Such mistakes, however, were trifling and rare, owing to +the previous care bestowed on every individual and company. Demetrius +of Phalerum has, as far as words go, given expression to the same idea: +“As in the case of building, if you lay each single brick rightly, and +if proper care is taken in placing each successive course, all will be +well; so in an army, accuracy in the arrangement of each soldier and +each company makes the whole strong....” + + +_A fragment of a speech of some Macedonian orator as to the Aetolians +making an alliance with Rome._ + + +[Sidenote: Alliance between Aetolians and Rome against Philip, +negotiated by Scopas and Dorimachus, B.C. 211. See Livy, 26, 24.] + ++25.+ “The case is just like that of the disposition of the various +kinds of troops on the field of battle. The light-armed and most active +men bear the brunt of the danger, are the first to be engaged and +the first to perish, while the phalanx and the heavy-armed generally +carry off the glory. So in this case, the Aetolians, and such of the +Peloponnesians as are in alliance with them, are put in the post of +danger; while the Romans, like the phalanx, remain in reserve. And +if the former meet with disaster and perish, the Romans will retire +unharmed from the struggle; while if they are victorious, which Heaven +forbid! the Romans will get not only them but the rest of the Greeks +also into their power....”[8] + + +PHILIP V. + +[Sidenote: King Philip’s conduct at Argos after presiding at the Nemean +games, B.C. 208. See Livy, 27, 30, 31.] + ++26.+ After finishing the celebration of the Nemean games, King Philip +of Macedon returned to Argos and laid aside his crown and purple robe, +with the view of making a display of democratic equality and good +nature. But the more democratic the dress which he wore, the more +absolute and royal were the privileges which he claimed. He was not +now content with seducing unmarried women, or even with intriguing +with married women, but assumed the right of sending authoritatively +for any woman whose appearance struck him; and offered violence to +those who did not at once obey, by leading a band of revellers to their +houses; and, summoning their sons or their husbands, he trumped up +false pretexts for menacing them. In fact his conduct was exceedingly +outrageous and lawless. But though this abuse of his privileges as a +guest was exceedingly annoying to many of the Achaeans, and especially +to the orderly part of them, the wars that threatened them on every +side compelled them to show a patience under it uncongenial to their +character.... + +None of his predecessors had better qualifications for sovereignty, or +more important defects, than this same Philip. And it appears to me +that the good qualities were innate, while the defects grew upon him as +he advanced in years, as happens to some horses as they grow old. Such +remarks I do not, following some other historians, confine to prefaces; +but when the course of my narrative suggests it, I state my opinion of +kings and eminent men, thinking that most convenient for writer and +reader alike.... + + +_War between Antiochus the Great (III.) and Arsaces III., King of the +Parthians._ B.C. 212-205. _See above_ 8, 25. + + +[Sidenote: Description of Media, and of the palace at Ecbatana.] + ++27.+ In regard to extent of territory Media is the most considerable +of the kingdoms in Asia, as also in respect of the number and excellent +qualities of its men, and not less so of its horses. For, in fact, +it supplies nearly all Asia with these animals, the royal studs +being entrusted to the Medes because of the rich pastures in their +country.[9] To protect it from the neighbouring barbarians a ring +of Greek cities was built round it by the orders of Alexander. The +chief exception to this is Ecbatana, which stands on the north of +Media, in the district of Asia bordering on the Maeotis and Euxine. +It was originally the royal city of the Medes, and vastly superior to +the other cities in wealth and the splendour of its buildings. It is +situated on the skirts of Mount Orontes, and is without walls, though +containing an artificially formed citadel fortified to an astonishing +strength. Beneath this stands the palace, which it is in some degree +difficult to describe in detail, or to pass over in complete silence. +To those authors whose aim is to produce astonishment, and who are +accustomed to deal in exaggeration and picturesque writing, this city +offers the best possible subject; but to those who, like myself, +are cautious when approaching descriptions which go beyond ordinary +notions, it presents much difficulty and embarrassment. However, as +regards size, the palace covers ground the circuit of which is nearly +seven stades; and by the costliness of the structure in its several +parts it testifies to the wealth of its original builders: for all its +woodwork being cedar or cypress not a single plank was left uncovered; +beams and fretwork in the ceilings, and columns in the arcades and +peristyle, were overlaid with plates of silver or gold, while all +the tiles were of silver. Most of these had been stripped off during +the invasion of Alexander and the Macedonians, and the rest in the +reigns of Antigonus and Seleucus Nicanor. However, even at the time +of Antiochus’s arrival, the temple of Aena[10] still had its columns +covered with gold, and a considerable number of silver tiles had been +piled up in it, and some few gold bricks and a good many silver ones +were still remaining. It was from these that the coinage bearing the +king’s impress was collected and struck, amounting to little less than +four thousand talents.... + +[Sidenote: The nature of the desert between Media and Parthia.] + ++28.+ Arsaces expected that Antiochus would come as far as this +district (of Media), but that he would not venture to proceed across +the adjoining desert with so large a force, if for no other reason, +yet from the scarcity of water. For in this tract of country there is +no water appearing on the surface, though there are many subterranean +channels which have well-shafts sunk to them, at spots in the desert +unknown to persons unacquainted with the district. A true account of +these channels has been preserved among the natives to the effect +that, during the Persian ascendency, they granted the enjoyment of +the profits of the land to the inhabitants of some of the waterless +districts for five generations, on condition of their bringing fresh +water in; and that, there being many large streams flowing down Mount +Taurus, these people at infinite toil and expense constructed these +underground channels through a long tract of country, in such a way, +that the very people who now use the water are ignorant of the sources +from which the channels are originally supplied. + +[Sidenote: Antiochus prepares to cross it: Arsaces orders the wells to +be choked.] + +[Sidenote: Antiochus arrives at Hecatompylos.] + +When, however, Arsaces saw that Antiochus was determined to attempt +to cross the desert, he endeavoured at once to choke up and spoil the +wells. But King Antiochus, upon this being reported to him, despatched +Nicomedes with a thousand horse; who found that Arsaces had retired +with his main army, but came upon some of his cavalry in the act of +choking up the shafts which went down into the underground channels. +They promptly attacked these men, and, having routed and forced them +to fly, returned back again to Antiochus. The king, having thus +accomplished the journey across the desert, arrived before the city +Hecatompylos, which is situated in the centre of Parthia, and derives +its name from the fact that the roads which lead to all the surrounding +districts converge there. + +[Sidenote: Antiochus determines to follow Arsaces into Hyrcania.] + ++29.+ Having rested his army at this place, and having convinced +himself that, had Arsaces been able to give him battle, he would +not have abandoned his own country, nor have sought a ground more +favourable to his own army for fighting him than the district round +Hecatompylos; he concluded that, since he had done so, it stood to +reason that he had had entirely changed his mind. He therefore decided +to advance into Hyrcania. But having arrived at Tagae, he learnt from +the natives that the country he had to cross, until he reached the +ridges of Mount Labus sloping down into Hyrcania, was exceedingly rough +and difficult, and that large numbers of barbarians were stationed at +the narrowest points. He therefore resolved to divide his light-armed +troops into companies, and distribute their officers among them, giving +them directions as to the route they were severally to take. He did the +same with the pioneers, whose business it was to make the positions +occupied by the light-armed possible of approach for the phalanx and +beasts of burden. Having made these arrangements, he entrusted the +first division to Diogenes, strengthening him with bowmen and slingers +and some mountaineers skilled in throwing javelines and stones, and +who, without keeping any regular order, were always ready to skirmish +at a moment’s notice, and in any direction, and rendered the most +effective assistance at the narrow passes. Next to these he ordered a +company of about two thousand Cretans armed with shields to advance, +under the command of Polyxenidas of Rhodes. The rear was to be brought +up by companies armed with breastplate and shield, and commanded by +Nicomedes of Cos, and Nicolaus the Aetolian. + +[Sidenote: The ascent of Mount Labus.] + ++30.+ But as they advanced, the ruggedness of the ground and the +narrowness of the passes were found to far exceed the king’s +expectations. The length of the ascent was altogether about three +hundred stades; and a great part had to be made up the bed of a winter +torrent of great depth, into which numerous rocks and trees had been +hurled by natural causes from the overhanging precipices, and made a +passage up it difficult, to say nothing of the obstacles which the +barbarians had helped to construct expressly to impede them. These +latter had felled a large number of trees and piled up heaps of huge +rocks; and had besides occupied all along the gully the high points, +which were at once convenient for attack and capable of covering +themselves; so that, if it had not been for one glaring error on their +part, Antiochus would have found the attempt beyond his powers, and +would have desisted from it. The error was this. They assumed that +the whole army would be obliged to march the entire way up the gully, +and they accordingly occupied the points of vantage. But they did not +perceive this fact, that, though the phalanx and the baggage could +not possibly go by any other route than the one they supposed, there +was yet nothing to make it impossible for the light-armed and active +troops to accomplish the ascent of the bare rocks. Consequently, as +soon as Diogenes had come upon the first outpost of the enemy, he and +his men began climbing out of the gully, and the affair at once took a +different aspect. For no sooner had they come to close quarters, than, +acting on the suggestion of the moment, Diogenes avoided the engagement +by ascending the mountains that flanked the enemy’s position, and so +got above him; and by pouring down volleys of darts and stones he +seriously harassed the barbarians. Their most deadly weapons however +proved to be the slings, which could carry a great distance; and when +by these means they had dislodged the first outpost and occupied their +position, an opportunity was secured for the pioneers to clear the way +and level it, without being exposed to danger. Owing to the number of +hands the work went on rapidly; and meanwhile the slingers, bowmen, +and javelin-men advanced in skirmishing order along the higher ground, +every now and then reforming and seizing on strong points of vantage; +while the men with shields formed a reserve, marching in order and +at a regular pace along the side of the gully itself. The barbarians +thereupon abandoned their positions, and, ascending the mountain, +mustered in full force on the summit. + +[Sidenote: The battle on the summit of Mount Labus.] + +[Sidenote: He reaches Tambrax.] + +[Sidenote: Capture of Sirynx.] + ++31.+ Thus Antiochus effected this ascent without loss, but slowly and +painfully, for it was not until the eighth day that his army made the +summit of Labus. The barbarians being mustered there, and resolved +to dispute his passage, a severe engagement took place, in which the +barbarians were eventually dislodged, and by the following manoeuvre. +As long as they were engaged face to face with the phalanx, they +kept well together and fought desperately; but before daybreak the +light-armed troops had made a wide circuit, and seized some high ground +on the rear of the enemy, and as soon as the barbarians perceived +this they fled in a panic. King Antiochus exerted himself actively +to prevent a pursuit, and caused a recall to be sounded, because he +wished his men to make the descent into Hyrcania, without scattering, +and in close order. He accomplished his object: reached Tambrax, an +unwalled city of great size and containing a royal palace, and there +encamped. Most of the natives fled from the battle-field, and its +immediate neighbourhood, into a city called Sirynx, which was not +far from Tambrax, and from its secure and convenient situation was +considered as the capital of Hyrcania. Antiochus therefore determined +to carry this town by assault; and having accordingly advanced thither, +and pitched his camp under its walls, he commenced the assault. The +operation consisted chiefly of mining under pent-houses. For the city +was defended by three trenches, thirty cubits broad and fifteen deep, +with a double vallum on the edge of each; and behind these there was +a strong wall. Frequent struggles took place at the works, in which +neither side were strong enough to carry off their killed and wounded: +for these hand-to-hand battles took place, not above ground only, but +underground also in the mines. However, owing to the numbers employed +and the activity of the king, it was not long before the trenches +were choked up and the walls were undermined and fell. Upon this the +barbarians, giving up all as lost, put to death such Greeks as were in +the town; and having plundered all that was most worth taking, made off +under cover of night. When the king saw this, he despatched Hyperbasus +with the mercenaries; upon whose approach the barbarians threw down +their booty and fled back again into the city; and when they found the +peltasts pouring in energetically through the breach in the walls they +gave up in despair and surrendered. + + +THE HANNIBALIAN WAR + +[Sidenote: B.C. 208. Coss. M. Claudius Marcellus, T. Quinctius +Crispinus. The two Consuls were encamped within three miles of each +other, between Venusia and Bantia, Hannibal had been at Lacinium in +Bruttii, but had advanced into Apulia. Livy, 27, 25-27.] + +[Sidenote: Death of the Consul M. Claudius Marcellus.] + ++32.+ The Consuls, wishing to reconnoitre the slope of the hill towards +the enemy’s camp, ordered their main force to remain in position; while +they themselves with two troops of cavalry, their lictors, and about +thirty velites advanced to make the reconnaisance. Now some Numidians, +who were accustomed to lie in ambush for those who came on skirmishes, +or any other services from the Roman camp, happened, as it chanced, to +have ensconced themselves at the foot of the hill. Being informed by +their look-out man that a body of men was coming over the brow of the +hill above them, they rose from their place of concealment, ascended +the hill by a side road, and got between the Consuls and their camp. At +the very first charge they killed Claudius and some others, and having +wounded the rest, forced them to fly in different directions down +the sides of the hill. Though the men in camp saw what was happening +they were unable to come to the relief of their endangered comrades; +for while they were still shouting out to get ready, and before they +had recovered from the first shock of their surprise, while some were +putting the bridles on their horses and others donning their armour, +the affair was all over. The son of Claudius, though wounded, narrowly +escaped with his life. + +[Sidenote: Fiat experimentum in corpore vili.] + +Thus fell Marcus Marcellus from an act of incautiousness unworthy of a +general. I am continually compelled in the course of my history to draw +the attention of my readers to occurrences of this sort; for I perceive +that it is this, more than anything else connected with the science +of tactics, that ruins commanders. And yet the blunder is a very +obvious one. For what is the use of a commander or general, who has +not learnt that the leader ought to keep as far as possible aloof from +those minor operations, in which the whole fortune of the campaign is +not involved? Or of one who does not know that, even if circumstances +should at times force them to engage in such subordinate movements, +the commanders-in-chief should not expose themselves to danger until +a large number of their company have fallen? For, as the proverb has +it, the experiment should be made “on the worthless Carian”[11] not +on the general. For to say “I shouldn’t have thought it,”—“Who would +have expected it?” seems to me the clearest proof of strategical +incompetence and dulness. + ++33.+ And so, though Hannibal’s claims to be reckoned a great general +are manifold, there is none more conspicuous than this, that though +engaged for a great length of time in an enemy’s country, and though he +experienced a great variety of fortune, he again and again inflicted a +disaster on his opponents in minor encounters, but never suffered one +himself, in spite of the number and severity of the contests which he +conducted: and the reason, we may suppose was, that he took great care +of his personal safety. And very properly so: for if the leader escapes +uninjured and safe, though a decisive defeat may have been sustained, +fortune offers many opportunities for retrieving disasters; but if he +has fallen, the pilot as it were of the ship, even should fortune give +the victory to the army, no real advantage is gained; because all the +hopes of the soldiers depend upon their leaders. So much for those who +fall into such errors from foolish vanity, childish parade, ignorance, +or contempt. For it is ever one or the other of these that is at the +bottom of such disasters.... + +[Sidenote: An incident in the attempt of Hannibal to enter Salapia, +under cover of a letter sealed by the ring of the dead Consul Marcus. +Livy, 27, 28.] + +They suddenly let down the portcullis, which they had raised somewhat +by pulleys, and thus closed up the gateway. Then they took the men and +crucified them before the walls.... + + +SCIPIO IN SPAIN + +[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 209-208. See _supra_. ch. 20. The adhesion of +Edeco, prince of the Edetani.] + ++34.+ In Iberia Publius Scipio took up his winter quarters at Tarraco, +as I have already stated; and secured the fidelity and affection of the +Iberians, to begin with, by the restoration of the hostages to their +respective families. He found a voluntary supporter of his measures in +the person of Edeco, the prince of the Edetani; who no sooner heard +that New Carthage had been taken, and that Scipio had got his wife +and children into his hands, than, concluding that the Iberians would +change sides, he resolved to take the lead in the movement: conceiving +that, by acting thus, he would best be able to get back his wife and +children, and at the same time have the credit of joining the Romans +by deliberate choice, and not under compulsion. And so it turned out. +For as soon as the armies were dismissed to their winter quarters, he +came to Tarraco, accompanied by his kinsfolk and friends; and there +being admitted to an interview with Scipio, he said that “he thanked +the gods heartily that he was the first of the native princes to come +to him; for whereas the others were still sending ambassadors to the +Carthaginians and looking to them for support,—even while stretching +out their hands to the Romans,—he was come there to offer not only +himself, but his friends and kinsfolk also, to the protection of +Rome. If therefore he should have the honour to be regarded by him as +a friend and ally, he would be able to render him important service +both in the present and the future. For as soon as the Iberians saw +that he had been admitted to Scipio’s friendship, and had obtained +what he asked, they would all come in with a similar object, hoping +to have their relatives restored, and to enjoy the alliance of Rome. +Their affection being secured for the future by receiving such a mark +of honour and benevolence, he would have in them sincere and ready +coadjutors in all his future undertakings. He therefore asked to have +his wife and children restored to him, and to be allowed to return +home an acknowledged friend of Rome; in order that he might have a +reasonable pretext for showing, to the best of his power, his own and +his friends’ affection for Scipio himself and for the Roman cause.” + +[Sidenote: Edeco is followed by other tribes. B.C. 209-8.] + ++35.+ When Edeco had finished his speech, Scipio, who had been ready to +gratify him from the first, and took the same view as to the policy of +the proceeding, delivered him his wife and children, and granted the +friendship which he asked. More than this, his subtle intellect made an +extraordinary impression on the Iberian in the course of the interview; +and having held out splendid hopes to all his companions for the +future, he allowed him to return to his own country. This affair having +rapidly got wind, all the tribes living north of the Ebro, such as had +not done so before, joined the Romans with one consent. + +Thus so far everything was going well with Scipio. After the departure +of these people, he broke up his naval force, seeing that there was +nothing to resist him at sea; and selecting the best of the crews, he +distributed them among the maniples, and thus augmented his land forces. + +[Sidenote: Andobales and Mandonius abandon Hasdrubal.] + +But Andobales and Mandonius, the most powerful princes of the day +in Iberia, and believed to be the most sincerely devoted to the +Carthaginians, had long been secretly discontented and on the look-out +for an opportunity: ever since Hasdrubal, under a pretence of having a +doubt of their loyalty, had demanded a large sum of money, and their +wives and daughters as hostages, as I have already narrated.[12] And +thinking that a convenient opportunity had now come, they got together +their own forces, and, quitting the Carthaginian camp under cover of +night, occupied a position sufficiently strong to secure their safety. +Upon this, most of the other Iberians also abandoned Hasdrubal: having +long been annoyed at the overbearing conduct of the Carthaginians, and +now seizing the first opportunity to manifest their feelings. + ++36.+ This has often happened to people before. For though, as I have +many times remarked, success in a campaign and victory over one’s +enemies are great things, it requires much greater skill and caution +to use such successes well. Accordingly, you will find that those who +have gained victories are many times more numerous than those who have +made good use of them. The Carthaginians at this crisis are an instance +in point. After conquering the Roman armies, and slaying both the +generals, Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, imagining that Iberia was their +own without dispute, they began treating the natives tyrannically; +and accordingly found enemies in their subjects instead of allies and +friends. And they were quite rightly served, for imagining that the +conduct necessary for keeping power was something different from that +necessary for obtaining it; and for failing to understand that they +keep empire best, who best maintain the same principles in virtue of +which they gained it. And yet it is obvious enough, and has been again +and again demonstrated, that men gain power by beneficent actions, and +by holding out hopes of advantage to those with whom they are dealing; +but that, as soon as they have got what they wanted, and begin to act +wickedly and rule despotically, it is but natural that, as their rulers +have changed, the feelings of the subjects should change too. So it was +with the Carthaginians. + ++37.+ Surrounded by such difficulties Hasdrubal was agitated by many +conflicting emotions and anxieties. He was vexed by the desertion of +Andobales; vexed by the opposition and feud between himself and the +other commanders; and greatly alarmed as to the arrival of Scipio, +expecting that he would immediately bring his forces to attack him. +Perceiving therefore that he was being abandoned by the Iberians, and +that they were joining the Romans with one accord, he decided upon +the following plan of action. He resolved that he must collect the +best force he could, and give the enemy battle: if fortune declared in +his favour he could then consider his next step in safety, but if the +battle turned out unfavourably for him, he would retreat with those +that survived into Gaul; and collecting from that country as many of +the natives as he could, would go to Italy, and take his share in the +same fortune as his brother Hannibal. + +[Sidenote: Early in B.C. 208, Scipio moves southward to attack +Hasdrubal in the valley of the Baetis. Livy, 27, 18-19.] + +While Hasdrubal was arriving at this resolution, Publius Scipio was +rejoined by Gaius Laelius; and, being informed by him of the orders +of the Senate, he collected his forces from their winter quarters +and began his advance: the Iberians joining him on the march with +great promptness and hearty enthusiasm. Andobales had long been in +communication with Scipio: and, on the latter approaching the district +in which he was entrenched, he left his camp with his friends and came +to Scipio. In this interview he entered upon a defence of himself in +regard to his former friendship with the Carthaginians, and spoke of +the services he had done them, and the fidelity which he had shown to +them. He then went on to narrate the injustice and tyranny which he had +experienced at their hands; and demanded that Scipio himself should +be the judge of his pleas. If he were shown to be making ungrounded +complaints against the Carthaginians, he might justly conclude him +incapable of keeping faith with the Romans either: but if, on a review +of these numerous acts of injustice he were proved to have had no other +course than to desert the Carthaginians, Scipio might confidently +expect that, if he now elected to join the Romans, he would be firm in +his loyalty to them. + +[Sidenote: Andobales joins Scipio.] + ++38.+ Andobales added many more arguments before finishing his +speech; and when he had done, Scipio answered by saying that “he +quite believed what he had said; and that he had the strongest reason +for knowing about the insolent conduct of the Carthaginians, both +from their treatment of the other Iberians, and conspicuously from +their licentious behaviour to their wives and daughters, whom he had +found occupying the position, not of hostages, but of captives and +slaves; and to whom he had preserved such inviolable honour as could +scarcely have been equalled by their very fathers themselves.” And upon +Andobales and his companions acknowledging that they were quite aware +of this, and falling at his feet and calling him king, all present +expressed approval. Whereupon Scipio with emotion bade them “fear +nothing, for they would experience nothing but kindness at the hands +of the Romans.” He at once handed over his daughters to Andobales; and +next day made the treaty with him, the chief provision of which was +that he should follow the Roman commanders and obey their commands. +This being settled, he returned to his camp; brought over his army to +Scipio; and, having joined camps with the Romans, advanced with them +against Hasdrubal. + +[Sidenote: Hasdrubal changes his position to one of superior strength.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio arrives.] + +Now the Carthaginian general was encamped at Baecula, in the district +of Castulo, not far from the silver mines. But when he learnt the +approach of the Romans, he shifted his quarters; and his rear being +secured by a river, and having a stretch of table-land in front of +his entrenchment of sufficient extent for his troops to manœuvre, and +bounded by a steep descent sufficiently deep for security, he stayed +quietly in position: always taking care to post pickets on the brow +of the descent. As soon as he came within distance, Scipio was eager +to give him battle, but was baffled by the strength of the enemy’s +position. After waiting two days, however, he became anxious, lest by +the arrival of Mago and Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, he should find himself +surrounded by hostile forces: he therefore determined to venture on an +attack and make trial of the enemy. + +[Sidenote: Scipio successfully assaults Hasdrubal’s position.] + +[Sidenote: Hasdrubal retreats, and makes the Pyrenees.] + ++39.+ His whole army having been got ready for battle, he confined the +main body within his camp, but sent out the velites and some picked +men of the infantry with orders to assault the brow of the hill and +attack the enemy’s pickets. His orders were carried out with great +spirit. At first the Carthaginian commander watched what was happening +without stirring: but when he saw that, owing to the fury of the Roman +attack, his men were being hard pressed, he led out his army and drew +them up along the brow of the hill, trusting to the strength of the +position. Meanwhile Scipio despatched all his light-armed troops with +orders to support the advanced guard: and the rest of his army being +ready for action, he took half of them under his own command, and +going round the brow of the hill to the enemy’s left, began assaulting +the Carthaginians; while he entrusted the other half to Laelius, with +orders to make a similar attack on the right of the enemy. While this +was going on, Hasdrubal was still engaged in getting his troops out +of camp: for hitherto he had been waiting, because he trusted in the +strength of the position, and felt confident that the enemy would never +venture to attempt it. The attack, therefore, took him by surprise, +before he was able to get his men on to the ground. As the Romans were +now assaulting the two wings of the position which the enemy had not +yet occupied, they not only mounted the brow of the hill in safety, but +actually advanced to the attack while their opponents were still in all +the confusion and bustle of falling in. Accordingly they killed some +of them on their exposed flank; while others, who were actually in the +act of falling in, they forced to turn and flee. Seeing his army giving +way and retreating, Hasdrubal reverted to his preconceived plan; and +determining not to stake his all upon this one desperate hazard, he +secured his money and his elephants, collected as many of his flying +soldiers as he could, and commenced a retreat towards the Tagus, with +a view of reaching the passes of the Pyrenees and the Gauls in that +neighbourhood. + +Scipio did not think it advisable to pursue Hasdrubal at once, for fear +of being attacked by the other Carthaginian generals; but he gave up +the enemy’s camp to his men to pillage. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s self-restraint.] + ++40.+ Next morning he collected the prisoners, amounting to ten +thousand foot and more than two thousand horse, and busied himself in +making arrangements about them. All the Iberians of that district, +who were in alliance at that time with the Carthaginians, came in and +submitted to the Roman obedience, and in addressing Scipio called him +“king.” The first to do this and to bow the knee before him had been +Edeco, and the next Andobales. On these occasions Scipio had passed +the word over without remark; but after the battle, when all alike +addressed him by that title, his attention was drawn to it; and he +therefore summoned the Iberians to a meeting, and told them that “he +quite wished to be called a man of royal liberality by them all, and to +be so in the truest sense, but that he had no wish to be a ‘king,’ nor +to be called one by any one; they should address him as general.” + +Even at this early period of his career, an observer might have +remarked the loftiness of Scipio’s character. He was still quite young. +His good fortune had been so persistent, that all who came under his +rule were led naturally to think and speak of him as a king. Yet he +did not lose his self-control; but deprecated this popular impulse and +this show of dignity. But this same loftiness of character was still +more admirable in the closing scenes of his life, when, in addition to +his achievements in Iberia, he crushed the Carthaginians; reduced the +largest and fairest districts of Libya, from the Altars of Philaenus +to the Pillars of Hercules, under the power of his country; conquered +Asia and the kings of Syria; made the best and largest part of the +world subject to Rome; and in doing so had numerous opportunities of +acquiring regal sway, in whatever parts of the world suited his purpose +or wish. For such achievements were enough to have kindled pride, +not merely in any human breast, but even, if I may say so without +irreverence, in that of a god. But Scipio’s greatness of soul was so +superior to the common standard of mankind, that he again and again +rejected what Fortune had put within his grasp, that prize beyond which +men’s boldest prayers do not go—the power of a king: and he steadily +preferred his country and his duty to that royalty, which men gaze at +with such admiration and envy. + +[Sidenote: Scipio occupies the position evacuated by the Carthaginians.] + +[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 208-207.] + +Scipio next proceeded to select from the captives the native Iberians, +and all these he dismissed to their homes without ransom; and bidding +Andobales select three hundred of the horses, he distributed the +remainder among those who had none. For the rest, he at once occupied +the entrenchment of the Carthaginians, owing to its excellent +situation; and there he remained himself, waiting to see the movements +of the other Carthaginian generals; while he detached a body of men +to the passes of the Pyrenees to keep a look-out for Hasdrubal. After +this, as it was getting late in season, he retired with his army to +Tarraco being bent on wintering there.... + + +AFFAIRS IN GREECE + +[Sidenote: King Philip undertakes to aid the Achaean league, and other +Greek states, against a threatened attack of the Aetolians in alliance +with Rome, B.C. 208. Cp. Livy, 27, 30. See above Bk. 9, ch. 28-42.] + ++41.+ The Aetolians had recently become greatly encouraged by the +arrival of the Romans and King Attalus: and accordingly began menacing +every one, and threatening all with an attack by land, while Attalus +and Publius Sulpicius did the same by sea. Wherefore Achaean legates +arrived at the court of King Philip entreating his help: for it was not +the Aetolians alone of whom they were standing in dread, but Machanidas +also, as he was encamped with his army on the frontier of Argos. The +Boeotians also, in fear of the enemy’s fleet, were demanding a leader +and help from the king. Most urgent of all, however, were the Euboeans +in their entreaties to him to take some precaution against the enemy. +A similar appeal was being made by the Acarnanians; and there was an +embassy even from the Epirotes. News had arrived that both Scerdilaidas +and Pleuratus were leading out their armies: and, over and above this, +that the Thracian tribes on the frontier of Macedonia, especially the +Maedi, were planning to invade Macedonia, if the king were induced to +stir from his realm however short a distance. Moreover the Aetolians +were already securing the pass of Thermopylae with trenches and +stockades and a formidable garrison, satisfied that they would thus +shut out Philip, and entirely prevent him from coming to the assistance +of his allies south of the pass. It appears to me that a crisis of this +sort is well worth the observation and attention of my readers; for it +affords a trial and test of the vigour of the leader affected. As in +the hunting-field the wild animals never show their full courage and +strength until surrounded and brought to bay,—so it is with leaders. +And no more conspicuous instance could be found than this of Philip. He +dismissed the various embassies, promising each that he would do his +best: and then devoted his attention to the war which surrounded him on +all sides, watching to see in what direction, and against which enemy, +he had best direct his first attack. + ++42.+ Just then intelligence reached him that Attalus had crossed the +sea and, dropping anchor at Peparethos, had occupied the island. He +therefore despatched a body of men to the islanders to garrison their +city; and at the same time despatched Polyphontes with an adequate +force into Phocis and Boeotia; and Menippus, with a thousand peltasts +and five hundred Agrianes to Chalcis and the rest of Euboea; while +he himself advanced to Scotusa, and sent word at the same time to +the Macedonians to meet him at that town. But when he learnt that +Attalus had sailed into the port of Nicaea, and that the leaders +of the Aetolians were collecting at Heraclea, with the purpose of +holding a conference together on the immediate steps to be taken, he +started with his army from Scotusa, eager to hurry thither and break +up their meeting. He arrived too late to interrupt the conference: but +he destroyed or carried off the corn belonging to the people along +the Aenianian gulf, and then returned. After this he left his army +in Scotusa once more; and, with the light-armed troops and the royal +guard, went to Demetrias, and there remained, waiting to see what +the enemy would attempt. To secure that he should be kept perfectly +acquainted with all their movements, he sent messengers to the +Peparethii, and to his troops in Phocis and Euboea, and ordered them to +telegraph to him everything which happened, by means of fire signals +directed to Mount Tisaeum, which is a mountain of Thessaly conveniently +situated for commanding a view of those places. + +[Sidenote: Fire signals.] + ++43.+ The method of signalling by fire, which is of the highest utility +in the operations of war, has never before been clearly expounded; and +I think I shall be doing a service if I do not pass it over, but give +an account of it adequate to its importance. Now that opportuneness +is of the utmost moment in all undertakings, and pre-eminently so in +those of war, no one doubts; and of all the things which contribute +to enable us to hit the proper time nothing is more efficacious than +fire signals. For they convey intelligence sometimes of what has +just happened, sometimes of what is actually going on; and by paying +proper attention to them one can get this information at three or +four days’ journey off, and even more: so that it continually happens +that the help required may be unexpectedly given, thanks to a message +conveyed by fire signals. Now, formerly, as the art of signalling by +fire was confined to a single method, it proved in very many cases +unserviceable to those employing it. For as it was necessary to employ +certain definite signals which had been agreed upon, and as possible +occurrences are unlimited, the greater number of them were beyond +the competence of the fire signals to convey. To take the present +instance: it was possible by means of the signals agreed upon to send +the information that a fleet had arrived at Oreus or Peparethos or +Chalcis; but it was impossible to express that “certain citizens had +gone over to the enemy,” or “were betraying the town,” or that “a +massacre had taken place,” or any of those things which often occur, +but which cannot be all anticipated. Yet it is precisely the unexpected +occurrences which demand instant consideration and succour. All such +things then were naturally beyond the competence of fire signalling, +inasmuch as it was impossible to adopt an arbitrary sign for things +which it was impossible to anticipate. + +[Sidenote: The improvement introduced by Aeneas Tactitus.] + ++44.+ Aeneas, therefore, the writer of the treatise on tactics, wished +to correct this defect, and did in fact make some improvement; but +his invention still fell very far short of what was wanted, as the +following passage from his treatise will show.[13] “Let those who +wish,” he says, “to communicate any matter of pressing importance to +each other by fire-signals prepare two earthenware vessels of exactly +equal size both as to diameter and depth. Let the depth be three +cubits, the diameter one. Then prepare corks of a little shorter +diameter than that of the vessels: and in the middle of these corks +fix rods divided into equal portions of three fingers’ breadth, and +let each of these portions be marked with a clearly distinguishable +line: and in each let there be written one of the most obvious and +universal of those events which occur in war; for instance in the first +‘cavalry have entered the country,’ in the second ‘hoplites,’ in the +third ‘light-armed,’ in the next ‘infantry and cavalry,’ in another +‘ships,’ in another ‘corn,’ and so on, until all the portions have +written on them the events which may reasonably be expected to occur +in the particular war. Then carefully pierce both the vessels in such +a way that the taps shall be exactly equal and carry off the same +amount of water. Fill the vessels with water and lay the corks with +their rods upon its surface, and set both taps running together. This +being done, it is evident that if there is perfect equality in every +respect between them, both corks will sink exactly in proportion as the +water runs away, and both rods will disappear to the same extent into +the vessels. When they have been tested, and the rate of the discharge +of water has been found to be exactly equal in both, then the vessels +should be taken respectively to the two places from which the two +parties intend to watch for fire signals. As soon as any one of those +eventualities which are inscribed upon the rods takes place, raise a +lighted torch, and wait until the signal is answered by a torch from +the others: this being raised, both parties are to set the taps running +together. When the cork and rod on the signalling side has sunk low +enough to bring the ring containing the words which give the desired +information on a level with the rim of the vessel, a torch is to be +raised again. Those on the receiving side are then at once to stop the +tap, and to look at the words in the ring of the rod which is on a +level with the rim of their vessel. This will be the same as that on +the signalling side, assuming everything to be done at the same speed +on both sides.” + +[Sidenote: The drawbacks to this method.] + ++45.+ Now this method, though introducing a certain improvement in the +system of fire signalling, is still wanting in definiteness: for it is +evident that it is neither possible to anticipate, or, if you could +anticipate, to write upon the rod every possible thing that may happen: +and therefore, when anything unexpected in the chapter of accidents +does occur, it is plainly impossible to communicate it by this method. +Besides, even such statements as are written on the rods are quite +indefinite; for the number of cavalry or infantry that have come, or +the particular point in the territory which they have entered, the +number of ships, or the amount of corn, cannot be expressed. For what +cannot be known before it happens cannot have an arrangement made for +expressing it. And this is the important point. For how is one to take +proper measures for relief without knowing the number or direction of +the enemy? Or how can the party to be relieved feel confidence or the +reverse, or indeed have any conception at all of the situation, if it +does not know how many ships or how much corn have been despatched by +the allies? + +[Sidenote: The improved method of Cleoxenus and Democlitus.] + +But the last method which was hit upon by Cleoxenus and Democlitus, and +further elaborated by myself, is above all things definite, and made +capable of indicating clearly whatever is needed at the moment; but +in its working it requires attention and more than ordinarily close +observation. It is as follows: Divide the alphabet into five groups +of five letters each (of course the last group will be one letter +short, but this will not interfere with the working of the system). The +parties about to signal to each other must then prepare five tablets +each, on which the several groups of letters must be written. They must +then agree that the party signalling shall first raise two torches, and +wait until the other raises two also. The object of this is to let each +other know that they are attending. These torches having been lowered, +the signalling party raises first torches on the left to indicate which +of the tablets he means: for instance, one if he means the first, two +if he means the second, and so on. He next raises torches on the right +showing in a similar manner by their number which of the letters in the +tablet he wishes to indicate to the recipient. + ++46.+ This matter being agreed upon, the two parties must go to their +respective points of observation; and each must have, to begin with, +a stenoscope with two funnels, to enable him to distinguish through +one the right, through the other the left position of the signaller +opposite him. Near this stenoscope the tablets must be fixed, and both +points, to the right and to the left, must be defended by a fence ten +feet long and about the height of a man, in order to make it clear +on which side the torches are raised, and to hide them entirely when +they are lowered. These preparations completed on both sides, when a +man wishes, for instance, to send the message “Some of our soldiers +to the number of a hundred have deserted to the enemy,”—the first +thing to do is to select words that may give the same information with +the fewest letters, for instance, “A hundred Cretans have deserted,” +for thus the number of letters is diminished by more than a half and +the same information is given. This sentence having been written on +a tablet will be transmitted by five signals thus: The first letter +is κ, this comes in the second group of letters and therefore on the +second tablet; the signaller therefore must raise two torches on the +left to show the recipient that he must look at the second tablet; then +he will raise five on the right, because κ is the fifth letter in the +group,[14] which the recipient must thereupon write on his tablet. Then +the signaller must raise four torches on the left, for ρ is in that +group, and two on the right, because it is the second in the fourth +group, and the recipient will write ρ on his tablet: and so on for the +other letters. + ++47.+ Now everything that happens can be definitely imparted by means +of this invention; but the number of torches employed is large, +because each letter has to be indicated by two series of them: still, +if proper preparations are made, the thing can be adequately carried +out. But whichever method is employed, those who use it must practise +beforehand, in order that when the actual occasion for putting it +in use arises they may be able to give each other the information +without any hitch. For there are plenty of instances to show what a +wide difference there is between the way an operation is carried out +by men who hear of it for the first time, and by men who have become +habituated to it. Many things which were considered not only difficult, +but impossible at first, are, after an interval of time and practice, +performed with the greatest ease. I could give many illustrations of +the truth of this remark, but the clearest may be found in the art +of reading. Put side by side a man who has never learnt his letters, +though otherwise acute, and a child who has acquired the habit, and +give the latter a book, and bid him read it: the former will clearly +not be induced to believe that the reader has first to attend to the +look of each of the letters, secondly to their sound-value, and thirdly +to their combinations with others, each of which operation requires +a certain time. Therefore when he sees the boy, without a pause for +thought, reading off seven or five lines at a breath, he will not +easily be induced to believe that he has not read the book before; +and certainly not, if he is able also to observe the appropriate +enunciation, the proper separations of the words, and the correct use +of the rough and smooth breathings. The moral is, not to give up any +useful accomplishment on account of its apparent difficulties, but to +persevere till it becomes a matter of habit, which is the way mankind +have obtained all good things. And especially is this right when the +matters in question are such as are often of decisive importance to our +safety. + +I was led to say this much in connexion with my former assertion that +“all the arts had made such progress in our age that most of them were +reduced in a manner to exact sciences.” And therefore this too is a +point in which history properly written is of the highest utility.... + + +ANTIOCHUS IN PARTHIA, B.C. 209-5. See ch. 31. + +[Sidenote: The entrance of the Nomad Scythians into Hyrcania.] + ++48.+ The Apasiacae live between the rivers Oxus and Tanais, the +former of which falls into the Hyrcanian Sea, the latter into the +Palus Maeotis.[15] Both are large enough to be navigable; and it seems +surprising how the Nomads managed to come by land into Hyrcania along +with their horses. Two accounts are given of this affair, one of them +probable, the other very surprising yet not impossible. The Oxus rises +in the Caucasus, and being much augmented by tributaries in Bactria, it +rushes through the level plain with a violent and turbid stream. When +it reaches the desert it dashes its stream against some precipitous +rocks with a force raised to such tremendous proportions by the mass +of its waters, and the declivity down which it has descended, that +it leaps from the rocks to the plain below leaving an interval of +more than a stade between the rock and its falls. It is through this +space that they say the Apasiacae went on foot with their horses into +Hyrcania, under the fall, and keeping close to the rock. The other +account is more probable on the face of it. It is said that, as the +basin of the river has extensive flats into which it descends with +violence, the force of the stream makes hollows in them, and opens +chasms into which the water descends deep below the surface, and +so is carried on for a short way, and then reappears: and that the +barbarians, being well acquainted with the facts, make their way on +horseback, over the space thus left dry, into Hyrcania.... + +[Sidenote: Battle on the river Arius between Antiochus and the +Bactrians.] + ++49.+ News being brought that Euthydemus[16] with his force was at +Tapuria, and that a body of ten thousand horsemen were keeping guard +at the passage of the river Arius, he decided to abandon the siege +and attack these last. The river was three days’ march away. For two +days therefore he marched at a moderate speed; but on the third, after +dinner, he gave orders for the rest of his army to start next day at +daybreak; while he himself, with the cavalry and light-armed troops and +ten thousand peltasts, started in the night and pushed on at a great +rate. For he was informed that the cavalry of the enemy kept guard +by day on the bank of the river, but at night retired to a city more +than twenty stades off. Having completed therefore the rest of the way +under cover of night, the plains being excellent for riding, he got +the greater part of his army across the river by daybreak, before the +enemy came back. When their scouts told them what had happened, the +horsemen of the Bactrians hastened to the rescue, and fell in with +their opponents while on the march. Seeing that he must stand the first +charge of the enemy, the king summoned the two thousand horsemen who +were accustomed to fight round his own person; and issuing orders that +the rest were to form their companies and squadrons, and take up their +usual order on the ground on which they already were, he advanced with +the two thousand cavalry, and met the charge of the advanced guard of +the Bactrians. In this engagement Antiochus is reputed to have shown +the greatest gallantry of any of his men. There was heavy loss on +both sides: the king’s men conquered the first squadron, but when a +second and a third charged, they began to be hard pressed and to suffer +seriously. At that juncture, most of the cavalry being by this time on +the ground, Panaetolus ordered a general advance; relieved the king +and his squadrons; and, upon the Bactrians charging in loose order, +forced them to turn and fly in confusion. They never drew rein before +the charge of Panaetolus, until they rejoined Euthydemus, with a loss +of more than half their number. The king’s cavalry on the contrary +retired, after killing large numbers and taking a great many prisoners, +and bivouacked by the side of the river. In this action the king had +a horse killed under him, and lost some of his teeth by a blow on the +mouth; and his whole bearing obtained him a reputation for bravery of +the highest description. After this battle Euthydemus retreated in +dismay with his army to the city of Zariaspa in Bactria.... + + + + +BOOK XI + + ++1.+ My reason for prefixing a table of contents to each book, rather +than a preface, is not because I do not recognise the usefulness of a +preface in arresting attention and rousing interest, and also giving +facilities for finding any passage that is wanted, but because I find +prefaces viewed, though from many inadequate reasons, with contempt and +neglect. I therefore had recourse to a table of contents throughout my +history, except the first six books, arranged according to Olympiads, +as being as effective, or even more so, than a preface, and at the same +time as less subject to the objection of being out of place, for it +is closely connected with the subject-matter. In the first six books +I wrote prefaces, because I thought a mere table of contents less +suitable.... + + +_After the battle at Baecula, Hasdrubal made good his passage over +the Western Pyrenees, and thence through the Cevennes, B.C. 208. In +the spring of B.C. 207 he crossed the Alps and descended into Italy, +crossed the Po, and besieged Placentia. Thence he sent a letter to his +brother Hannibal announcing that he would march southward by Ariminum +and meet him in Umbria. The letter fell into the hands of the Consul +Nero, who was at Venusia, and who immediately made a forced march +northward, joined his colleague at Sena, and the next day attacked +Hasdrubal. See above, 10, 39; Livy, 27, 39-49._ + + +Much easier and shorter was Hasdrubal’s journey into Italy....[17] + +Never at any other time had Rome been in a greater state of excitement +and terrified expectation of the result....[18] + +[Sidenote: Battle of the Metaurus, B.C. 207. Coss. C. Claudius Nero, M. +Livius Salinator II.] + +None of these arrangements satisfied Hasdrubal. But circumstances no +longer admitted of delay. He saw the enemy drawn out in battle array +and advancing; and he was obliged to get the Iberians and the Gauls +who were serving with him into line. He therefore stationed his ten +elephants on the front, increased the depth of his lines, and so +had his whole army covering a somewhat small ground. He took up a +position himself in the centre of the line, immediately behind the +elephants, and commenced an advance upon the Roman left, with a full +resolution that in this battle he must either conquer or die. Livius +advanced to meet the enemy with proud confidence, and having come to +close quarters with him was fighting with great gallantry. Meanwhile +Claudius, who was stationed on the right wing, found himself unable +to advance and outflank the enemy, owing to the rough ground in front +of him, relying on which Hasdrubal had directed his advance upon the +Roman left: and being embarrassed by his inability to strike a blow, +he promptly decided what the circumstances pointed out as the tactics +to pursue. He withdrew his men from the right wing, and marched them +on the rear of the field of battle; and, after passing the left of +the Roman line, fell upon the flank of the Carthaginians who were +fighting near the elephants. Up to this point the victory had been +doubtful; for both sides fought with desperation, the Romans believing +that all would be over with them if they failed, and the Iberians and +Carthaginians holding exactly the same conviction for themselves. +Moreover the elephants were being of disservice to both sides alike; +for finding themselves between two forces, and exposed to a crossfire +of javelins, they kept throwing both the Carthaginian and Roman lines +into confusion. But as soon as Claudius fell upon the rear of the +enemy the battle ceased to be equal: for the Iberians found themselves +attacked on front and rear at once, which resulted in the greater part +of them being cut down on the ground. Six of the elephants were killed +with the men on them, four forced their way through the lines and were +afterwards captured, having been abandoned by their Indian drivers. + +[Sidenote: Hasdrubal falls in the battle.] + ++2.+ Hasdrubal had behaved on this occasion, as throughout his whole +life, like a brave man, and died fighting: and he deserves not to be +passed over without remark. I have already stated that Hannibal was +his brother, and on his departure to Italy entrusted the command in +Iberia to him. I have also described his many contests with the Romans, +and the many embarrassing difficulties with which he had to struggle, +caused by the generals sent from Carthage to Iberia; and how in all +these matters he had supported these vicissitudes and reverses in a +noble spirit worthy of a son of Barcas. But I will now speak of his +last contest, and explain why he seems to me pre-eminently to deserve +respectful attention and imitation. Most generals and kings, when +entering upon decisive battles, place before their eyes the glory and +advantages to be obtained from victory, and frequently consider and +contrive what use they will make of every success; but they do not +go on to review the chances of failure, nor contemplate the plan to +be adopted, or the action to be taken, in the case of reverse. Yet +the former is obvious, the latter requires foresight. Therefore it is +that most of them, though in many instances their soldiers have fought +nobly, by their own folly and imprudence in this respect have added +dishonour to defeat: have disgraced their previous achievements, and +rendered themselves, during the remainder of their lives, objects of +reproach and contempt. It is easy to see that many leaders make this +fatal mistake, and that the difference between one man and another in +these points is most signal; for history is full of such instances. +Hasdrubal, on the contrary, as long as there was reasonable hope of +being able to accomplish anything worthy of his former achievements, +regarded his personal safety in battle as of the highest consequence; +but when Fortune deprived him of all hopes for the future, and reduced +him to the last extremities, though neglecting nothing either in +his preparations or on the field that might secure him the victory, +nevertheless considered how, in case of total overthrow, he might face +his fate and suffer nothing unworthy of his past career. + +These remarks are meant for those engaged in active operations, that +they may neither dash the hopes of those who rely upon them by a +heedless seeking of danger, nor by an unworthy clinging to life add +disgrace and shame to the catastrophies which befall them. + ++3.+ Having won the victory, the Romans began pillaging the enemy’s +camp; and killed a number of the Celts, as they lay stupefied with +drunkenness in their beds, like unresisting victims. Then they +collected the rest of the booty, from which more than three hundred +talents were paid into the treasury. Taking Carthaginians and Celts +together, not less than ten thousand were killed, and about two +thousand Romans. Some of the principal Carthaginians were taken +prisoners, but the rest were put to the sword. When the report reached +Rome, people at first could not believe it, from the intensity of their +wish that it might be true; but when still more men arrived, not only +stating the fact, but giving full details, then indeed the city was +filled with overpowering joy; every temple-court was decked, and every +shrine full of sacrificial cakes and victims: and, in a word, they were +raised to such a pitch of hopefulness and confidence, that every one +felt sure that Hannibal, formerly the object of their chief terror, +could not after that stay even in Italy.... + + +_A speech of the legate from Rhodes[19] before an assembly of Aetolians +at Heraclea in the autumn of B.C. 207 (see Livy, 28, 7), at the end of +the summer campaign_. + + ++4.+ “Facts I imagine, Aetolians, have made it clear to you that +neither King Ptolemy nor the community of Rhodes, Byzantium, Chios, or +Mitylene, regard a composition with you as unimportant. For this is not +the first or the second time that we have introduced the subject of +peace to your assembly; but ever since you entered upon the war we have +beset you with entreaties, and have never desisted from warning you on +this subject; because we saw that its immediate result would be the +destruction of yourselves and of Macedonia, and because we foresaw in +the future danger to our own countries and to that of all other Greeks. +For as, when a man has once set a fire alight, the result is no longer +dependent upon his choice, but it spreads in whatever direction chance +may direct, guided for the most part by the wind and the combustible +nature of the material, and frequently attacks the first author of the +conflagration himself: so too, war, when once it has been kindled by +a nation, sometimes devours the first those who kindled it; and soon +rushes along destroying everything that falls in its way, continually +gathering fresh strength, and blown into greater heat by the folly of +the people in its neighbourhood, as though by the wind. Wherefore, +men of Aetolia, considering that we, as representatives of the whole +body of the islanders and of the Greek inhabitants of Asia, are here +to beseech you to put an end to war and to choose peace, because the +matter affects us as well as you, show your wisdom by listening to +us and yielding to our entreaties. For if you were carrying on a war +which, though profitless (and most wars are that), was yet glorious +from the motive which prompted it, and the reputation likely to accrue +from it, you might be pardoned perhaps for a fixed determination to +continue it; but if it is a war of the most signal infamy, which +can bring you nothing but discredit and obloquy,—does not such an +undertaking claim considerable hesitation on your part? We will speak +our opinion frankly; and you, if you are wise, will give us a quiet +hearing. For it is much better to hear a disagreeable truth now and +thereby be preserved, than to listen to smooth things now, and soon +afterwards to be ruined yourselves, and to ruin the rest of the Greeks +with you. + +[Sidenote: Cp. 9. 39.] + ++5.+ “Put then before your eyes your own folly. You profess to be +at war against Philip on behalf of the Greeks, that they may escape +from servitude to him; but your war is really for the enslavement +and ruin of Greece. That is the tale told by your treaty with Rome, +which formerly existed only in written words, but is now seen in full +operation. Heretofore, though mere written words, it was a disgrace +to you: but now your execution of it has made that disgrace palpable +to the eyes of all the world. Moreover, Philip merely lends his name +and serves as a pretext for the war: he is not exposed to any attack: +it is against his allies,—the majority of the Peloponnesian states, +Boeotia, Euboea, Phocis, Locris, Thessaly, Epirus,—that you have made +this treaty, bargaining that their bodies and their goods shall belong +to the Romans, their cities and their territory to the Aetolians. And +though personally, if you took a city, you would not stoop to violate +the freeborn, or to burn the buildings, because you look upon such +conduct as cruel and barbarous; yet you have made a treaty by which you +have handed over all other Greeks to the barbarians, to be exposed to +the most shameful violence and lawlessness. And all this was hitherto +kept a secret. But now the fate of the people of Oreus, and of the +miserable Aeginetans, has betrayed you to every one,—Fortune having, +as though of set purpose, suddenly brought your infatuation before the +scenes. + +“So much for the origin of the war and its events up to now. But as to +its result,—supposing everything to go to your wish,—what do you expect +that to be? Will it not be the beginning of great miseries to all +Greece? + ++6.+ “For I presume no one can fail to see that, if once the Romans get +rid of the war in Italy,—and this is all but done, now that Hannibal +has been confined to a narrow district in Bruttii,—they will direct +their whole power upon Greece: professedly, indeed, in aid of the +Boeotians against Philip, but really with the view of reducing it +entirely under their own power. And if they design to treat it well +when they have conquered it, theirs will be the honour and glory; and +if badly, theirs too will be the plunder from the states they destroy, +and the power over those which they allow to survive: while you will +be calling upon the gods to witness your wrongs, when no god will be +any longer willing, nor any man be able to help you. Now, perhaps, +you ought to have foreseen all this from the first, for that would +have been your best course. But since the future often escapes human +foresight, now, at any rate, that you have seen by actual experience +what has happened, it must be your duty to take better measures for the +future. In any case we have omitted nothing which it becomes sincere +friends to say or do. We have spoken our opinion about the future with +absolute frankness; and you we urge and entreat not to stand in the way +of the freedom and safety of yourselves or of the rest of Greece.” + +This speaker having, as it seemed, made a considerable impression, +he was followed by the ambassadors of Philip, who, without making a +long speech, merely said that they were commissioned to do one of +two things,—if the Aetolians chose peace, to accept it readily: if +not, to call the gods and the ambassadors from Greece to witness that +the Aetolians, and not Philip, ought to be held responsible for what +happened thereafter, and so to depart.... + +[Sidenote: Attalus eludes Philip. Livy, 28, 7, 8, B.C. 207.] + ++7.+ Philip loudly lamented his ill-fortune in having so narrowly +missed getting Attalus into his hands.... + + +[Sidenote: Philip at Thermus. See 5, 6-18.] + +On his way to the lake Trichonis Philip arrived at Thermus, where there +was a temple of Apollo; and there he once more defaced all the sacred +buildings which he had spared on his former occupation of the town. In +both instances it was an ill-advised indulgence of temper: for it is +a mark of utter unreasonableness to commit an act of impiety against +heaven in order to gratify one’s wrath against man.... + + +PHILOPOEMEN IN THE PELOPONNESE, B.C. 207 + +[Sidenote: Defects of the Achaean officers.] + ++8.+ There are three methods followed by those who wish to arrive at an +intelligent knowledge of tactics. The first is by the study of history, +the second by the use of scientific treatises composed by specialists, +the third by actual experience on the field. But of all three of these +methods the Achaean commanders were equally ignorant.... + +A very general fault in the men was an unfortunate rivalry, engendered +by the ostentation and bad taste of the others. They were very +particular about their attendants and their dress; and there was a show +of splendour in this, kept up by the majority beyond their means. But +to their arms they paid no attention whatever.... + +Most people, indeed, do not so much as attempt to imitate the real +achievements of those who obtain success, but, while trying to +reproduce their unimportant peculiarities, succeed only in displaying +their own frivolity.... + +[Sidenote: Speech of Philopoemen urging reform.] + ++9.+ “Brightness in the armour,” he said, “contributes much to +inspire dismay in the enemy; and care bestowed on having it made to +fit properly is of great service in actual use. This will best be +secured if you give to your arms the attention which you now bestow +on your dress, and transfer to your dress the neglect which you now +show of your arms. By thus acting, you will at once save your money, +and be undoubtedly able to maintain the interests of your country. +Therefore the man who is going to take part in manoeuvres or a campaign +ought, when putting on his greaves, to see that they are bright and +well-fitting, much more than that his shoes and boots are; and when he +takes up his shield and helmet, to take care that they are cleaner and +more costly than his cloak and shirt: for when men take greater care +of what is for show, than of what is for use, there can be no doubt +of what will happen to them on the field. I beg you to consider that +elaboration in dress is a woman’s weakness, and a woman of no very +high character either; but costliness and splendour in armour are the +characteristics of brave men who are resolved on saving themselves and +their country with glory.” + +The whole audience were so convinced by this speech and so much struck +with the wisdom of the advice, that, immediately after leaving the +council-chamber, they began pointing with scorn at the over-dressed +dandies, and forced some of them to quit the market-place; and what is +more, in future manoeuvres and campaigns they kept a stricter watch on +each other in these points. + +[Sidenote: Philipoemen’s own example.] + ++10.+ So true it is that a single word spoken by a man of credit is +often sufficient not only to turn men from the worst courses, but even +to incite them to the noblest. But when such a speaker can appeal to +his own life as in harmony with his words, then indeed his exhortation +carries a weight which nothing can exceed. And this was above all +others the case with Philopoemen. For in his dress and eating, as well +as in all that concerned his bodily wants, he was plain and simple; in +his manners to others without ceremony or pretence; and throughout his +life he made it his chief aim to be absolutely sincere. Consequently a +few unstudied words from him were sufficient to raise a firm conviction +in the minds of his hearers; for as he could point to his own life +as an example, they wanted little more to convince them. Thus it +happened on several occasions, that the confidence he inspired, and +the consciousness of his achievements, enabled him in a few words to +overthrow long and, as his opponents thought, skilfully argued speeches. + +[Sidenote: War against Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta. B.C. 208-207.] + +So on this occasion, as soon as the council of the league separated, +all returned to their cities deeply impressed both by the words and +the man himself, and convinced that no harm could happen to them with +him at their head. Immediately afterwards Philopoemen set out on a +visitation of the cities, which he performed with great energy and +speed. He then summoned a levy of citizens and began forming them into +companies and drilling them; and at last, after eight months of this +preparation and training, he mustered his forces at Mantinea, prepared +to fight the tyrant Machanidas in behalf of the freedom of all the +Peloponnesians. + +[Sidenote: Battle of Mantinea, B.C. 207.] + +[Sidenote: The road to Tegea. See Paus. 8, 10 _sq._] + ++11.+ Machanidas had now acquired great confidence, and looked upon +the determination of the Achaeans as extremely favourable to his +plans. As soon as he heard of their being in force at Mantinea, he +duly harangued his Lacedaemonians at Tegea, and the very next morning +at daybreak advanced upon Mantinea. He led the right wing of the +phalanx himself; his mercenaries marched in two parallel columns on +each side of his front; and behind them were carts carrying quantities +of field artillery and bolts for the catapults. Meanwhile Philopoemen +too had arranged his army in three divisions, and was leading them +out of Mantinea, the Illyrians and the men with body armour by the +gate leading to the temple of Poseidon, and with them all the rest +of the foreign contingent and light-armed troops; by the next gate, +toward the west, the phalanx; and by the next the Achaean cavalry. He +sent his light-armed men forward to occupy the hill, which rises to a +considerable height above the road called Xenis and the above-mentioned +temple: he stationed the men with body armour next, resting on this +hill to the south; next them the Illyrians; next them, in the same +straight line, the phalanx, drawn up in companies, with an interval +between each, along the ditch which runs towards the temple of +Poseidon, right through the middle of the plain of Mantinea, until it +touches the range of mountains that forms the boundary of the territory +of the Elisphasii. Next to them, on the right wing, he stationed the +Achaean cavalry, under the command of Aristaenetus of Dyme; while on +the left wing he led the whole of the foreign contingent, drawn up in +lines one behind the other. + ++12.+ As soon as the enemy were well in sight, Philopoemen went down +the ranks of the phalanx, and addressed to them an exhortation which, +though short, clearly pointed out to them the nature of the battle +in which they were engaged. But most of what he said was rendered +inaudible by the answering shouts of the troops. The affection and +confidence of the men rose to such a pitch of enthusiasm and zeal +that they seemed to be almost acting under a divine inspiration, as +they cried out to him to lead them on and fear nothing. However he +tried, when he could get the opportunity, to make this much clear to +them, that the battle on the one side was to establish a shameful and +ignominious servitude, on the other to vindicate an ever-memorable and +glorious liberty. + +[Sidenote: The attack of Machanidas.] + +[Sidenote: The battle begun by light-cavalry charges.] + +Machanidas at first looked as though he meant to attack the enemy’s +right wing in column; but when he got within moderate distance he +deployed into line by the right, and by this extension movement made +his right wing cover the same amount of ground as the left wing of +the Achaeans, and fixed his catapults in front of the whole force at +intervals. Philopoemen understood that the enemy’s plan was, by pouring +volleys from the catapults into his phalanx, to throw the ranks into +confusion: he therefore gave him no time or interval of repose, but +opened the engagement by a vigorous charge of his Tarentines[20] close +to the temple of Poseidon, where the ground was flat and suitable for +cavalry. Whereupon Machanidas was constrained to follow suit by sending +his Tarentines forward also. + +[Sidenote: Defeat of the Achaean right wing.] + ++13.+ At first the struggle was confined to these two forces, and was +maintained with spirit. But the light-armed troops coming gradually +to the support of such of them as were wavering, in a very short time +the whole of the mercenaries on either side were engaged. They fought +sometimes in close order, sometimes in pairs: and for a long time so +entirely without decisive result, that the rest of the two armies, who +were watching in which direction the cloud of dust inclined, could +come to no conclusion, because both sides maintained for a long while +exactly their original ground. But after a time the mercenaries of the +tyrant began to get the better of the struggle, from their numbers, +and the superiority in skill obtained by long practice. And this is +the natural and usual result. The citizens of a democracy no doubt +bring more enthusiasm to their battles than the subjects of a tyrant; +but in the same proportion the mercenaries of sovereigns are naturally +superior and more efficient than those of a democracy. For in the +former case one side is fighting for liberty, the other for a condition +of servitude; but in the case of mercenaries, those of the tyrant are +encouraged by the certain prospect of reward, those of a democracy +know that they must lose by victory: for as soon as a democracy has +crushed its assailants, it no longer employs mercenaries to protect +its liberties; while a tyranny requires more mercenaries in proportion +as its field of ambition is extended: for as the persons injured by it +are more numerous, those who plot against it are more numerous also; +and the security of despots rests entirely on the loyalty and power of +mercenaries. + ++14.+ Thus it came about that the mercenaries in the army of Machanidas +fought with such fury and violence, that even the Illyrians and men +with body armour, who formed the reserve supporting the mercenaries of +the Achaean army, were unable to withstand their assault; but were all +driven from their position, and fled in confusion towards the city of +Mantinea, which was about seven stades distant. + +And now there occurred an undoubted instance of what some doubt, +namely, that the issues in war are for the most part decided by the +skill or want of skill of the commanders. For though perhaps it is a +great thing to be able to follow up a first success properly, it is a +greater thing still that, when the first step has proved a failure, a +man should retain his presence of mind, keep a good look-out for any +error of judgment on the part of the victors, and avail himself of +their mistakes. At any rate one often sees the side, which imagines +itself to have obtained a clear victory, ultimately lose the day; while +those who seemed at first to have failed recover themselves by presence +of mind, and ultimately win an unexpected victory. Both happened on +this occasion to the respective leaders. + +[Sidenote: Machanidas pursues the fugitives, and thus allows the +Achaean hoplites to get between him and his quarters.] + +The whole of the Achaean mercenaries having been driven from +their ground, and their left wing having been thoroughly broken +up, Machanidas abandoned his original plan of winning the day by +outflanking the enemy with some of his forces and charging their +front with others, and did neither; but, quite losing his head, +rushed forward heedlessly with all his mercenaries in pursuit of the +fugitives, as though the panic was not in itself sufficient to drive +those who had once given way up to the town gates. + +[Sidenote: The fight at the dyke.] + ++15.+ Meanwhile the Achaean general was doing all he could to rally the +mercenaries, addressing the officers by name, and urging them to stand; +but when he saw that they were hopelessly beaten, he did not run away +in a panic nor give up the battle in despair, but, withdrawing under +cover of his phalanx, waited until the enemy had passed him in their +pursuit, and left the ground on which the fighting had taken place +empty, and then immediately gave the word to the front companies of +the phalanx to wheel to the left, and advance at the double, without +breaking their ranks. He thus swiftly occupied the ground abandoned by +his mercenaries, and at once cut off the pursuers from returning, and +got on higher ground than the enemy’s right wing. He exhorted the men +to keep up their courage, and remain where they were, until he gave the +word for a general advance; and he ordered Polybius of Megalopolis[21] +to collect such of the Illyrians and body armour men and mercenaries +as remained behind and had not taken part in the flight, and form a +reserve on the flank of the phalanx, to keep a look-out against the +return of the pursuers. Thereupon the Lacedaemonians, excited by the +victory gained by the light-armed contingent, without waiting for the +word of command, brought their sarissae to the charge and rushed upon +the enemy. But when in the course of their advance they reached the +edge of the dyke, being unable at that point to change their purpose +and retreat when at such close quarters with the enemy, and partly +because they did not consider the dyke a serious obstacle, as the +slope down to it was very gradual, and it was entirely without water +or underwood growing in it, they continued their advance through it +without stopping to think. + ++16.+ The opportunity for attack which Philopoemen had long foreseen +had now arrived. He at once ordered the phalanx to bring their +sarissae to the charge and advance. The men obeyed with enthusiasm, +and accompanied their charge with a ringing cheer. The ranks of the +Lacedaemonians had been disorganised by the passage of the dyke, and +as they ascended the opposite bank they found the enemy above them. +They lost courage and tried to fly; but the greater number of them +were killed in the ditch itself, partly by the Achaeans, and partly +by trampling on each other. Now this result was not unpremeditated +or accidental, but strictly owing to the acuteness of the general. +For Philopoemen originally took ground behind the dyke, not to avoid +fighting, as some supposed, but from a very accurate and scientific +calculation of strategical advantages. He reckoned either that +Machanidas when he arrived would advance without thinking of the dyke, +and that then his phalanx would get entangled, just as I have described +their actually doing; or that if he advanced with a full apprehension +of the difficulty presented by the dyke, and then changing his mind +and deciding to shrink from the attempt, were to retire in loose order +and a long straggling column,[22] the victory would be his, without +a general engagement, and the defeat his adversary’s. For this has +happened to many commanders, who having drawn up their men for battle, +and then concluded that they were not strong enough to meet their +opponents, either from the nature of the ground, the disparity of their +numbers, or for other reasons, have drawn off in too long a line of +march, and hoped in the course of the retreat to win a victory, or at +least get safe away from the enemy, by means of their rear guard alone. + +[Sidenote: Machanidas, returning from the pursuit, is killed while +trying to recross the dyke.] + ++17.+ However, Philopoemen was not deceived in his prognostication +of what would happen; for the Lacedaemonians were thoroughly routed. +Seeing therefore that his phalanx was victorious and that he had gained +a complete and brilliant success, he set himself vigorously to secure +the only thing wanting to complete it, that is, to prevent the escape +of Machanidas. Seeing therefore that, in the course of the pursuit, +he was caught between the dyke and the town with his mercenaries, +he waited for him to attempt a return. But when Machanidas saw that +his army was in full retreat, with the enemy at their heels, he knew +that he had advanced too far, and had lost his chance of victory: he +therefore rallied the mercenaries that he had with him, and tried +to form close order, and cut his way through the enemy, while they +were still scattered and engaged in the pursuit. Some of his men, +understanding his plan and seeing no other hope of safety, kept by him +at first; but when they came upon the ground, and saw the Achaeans +guarding the bridge over the dyke, they lost heart; and the whole +company began falling away from him, each doing the best he could to +preserve his own life. Thereupon the tyrant gave up all hope of making +his way over the bridge; and rode along the edge of the dyke, trying +with all his might to find a place which he could cross. + +[Sidenote: Death of Machanidas and capture of Tegea.] + +[Sidenote: Achaeans in Laconia.] + ++18.+ Philopoemen recognised Machanidas by his purple cloak and the +trappings of his horse. He at once left Anaxidamus, with orders to +guard the bridge with vigilance, and give no quarter to any of the +mercenaries; because they were the men on whom the despots of Sparta +always depended for supporting their power. Then taking Polyaenus of +Cyprus and Simias, who were attending on him at the time, he rode +along the edge of the ditch opposite to that in which the tyrant +and his attendants were; for Machanidas had still two men with him, +Arexidamus and one of the mercenaries. As soon as Machanidas had found +a spot in the dyke which could be crossed, he put spurs to his horse, +and tried to force it to go on and get over. Then Philopoemen turned +suddenly round upon him and dealt him a mortal wound with his spear, +and a second with a stab from the spike at the butt end of it, and +thus killed the tyrant in a hand-to-hand encounter. Those who were +riding with him did the same to Arexidamus; but the third man seeing +their fall gave up the idea of crossing the dyke and escaped. Simias +immediately stripped the bodies of the two who had fallen, and with +their armour carried off also the tyrant’s head, and then hurried off +to overtake the pursuing party; being eager to give the soldiers ocular +evidence of the fall of the enemy’s commander, that they might continue +the pursuit of their opponents with all the more confidence and spirit +right up to Tegea. And this in fact added so greatly to the spirit of +the men that it contributed more than anything else to their carrying +Tegea by assault, and pitching their camp next day on the Eurotas, +undisputed masters of all the open country. For many years past they +had been vainly trying to drive the enemy from their own borders, +but now they were themselves devastating Laconia without resistance, +without having lost any great number of their own men in the battle; +while they had killed not less than four thousand Lacedaemonians, taken +even more prisoners, and possessed themselves of all their baggage and +arms.... + + ++19.+ What profit is it to our readers to describe wars and battles, +the storming of cities and the enslavement of their inhabitants, if +they are to know nothing of the causes which conduce to success and +failure? The results of such operations merely touch the fancy: it is +the tracing of the designs of the actors in such scenes that is really +instructive; and above all it is the following in detail of each step +that can educate the ideas of the student.... + + +ABILITY OF HANNIBAL. See Livy, 28, 12 + +[Sidenote: B.C. 218-202.] + +Who could refrain from speaking in terms of admiration of this great +man’s strategic skill, courage, and ability, when one looks to the +length of time during which he displayed those qualities; and realises +to one’s self the pitched battles, the skirmishes and sieges, the +revolutions and counter-revolutions of states, the vicissitudes of +fortune, and in fact the course of his design and its execution in its +entirety? For sixteen continuous years Hannibal maintained the war +with Rome in Italy, without once releasing his army from service in +the field, but keeping those vast numbers under control, like a good +pilot, without any sign of disaffection towards himself or towards +each other, though he had troops in his service who, so far from being +of the same tribe, were not even of the same race. He had Libyans, +Iberians, Ligurians, Celts, Phoenicians, Italians, Greeks, who had +naturally nothing in common with each other, neither laws, nor customs, +nor language. Yet the skill of the commander was such, that these +differences, so manifold and so wide, did not disturb the obedience to +one word of command and to a single will. And yet circumstances were +not by any means unvarying: for though the breeze of fortune often set +strongly in his favour, it as often also blew in exactly the opposite +direction. There is therefore good ground for admiring Hannibal’s +display of ability in campaign; and there can be no fear in saying +that, if he had reserved his attack upon the Romans until he had first +subdued other parts of the world, there is not one of his projects +which would have eluded his grasp. As it was, he began with those whom +he should have attacked last, and accordingly began and ended his +career with them.... + + +SCIPIO IN SPAIN, AFTER THE BATTLE OF THE METAURUS + +[Sidenote: Hasdrubal son of Gesco encamps near Ilipa (or Silpia) in +Baetica, B.C. 206. Livy 28, 13-6.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio advances into Baetica,] + +[Sidenote: and encamps close to the Carthaginian forces.] + ++20.+ Hasdrubal having collected his forces from the various towns +in which they had wintered, advanced to within a short distance of +Ilipa and there encamped; forming his entrenchment at the foot of the +mountains, with a plain in front of him well suited for a contest and +battle. His infantry amounted to seventy thousand, his cavalry to four +thousand, and his elephants to thirty-two. On his part, Scipio sent M. +Junius Silanus to visit Colichas and take over from him the forces that +had been prepared by him. These amounted to three thousand infantry +and five hundred horse. The other allies he received personally in +the course of his march up the country to his destination. When he +approached Castalo and Baecula, and had there been joined by Marcus +Junius and the troops from Colichas, he found himself in a position +of great perplexity. For without their allies the Roman forces were +not strong enough to risk a battle; yet to do so, in dependence upon +the allies for his hopes of ultimate success, appeared to him to be +dangerous and too venturesome. In spite however of his perplexity, he +was obliged to yield to the force of circumstances so far as to employ +the Iberians; but he resolved to do so only to make a show of numbers +to the enemy, while he really fought the action with his own legions. +With this purpose in his mind he got his whole army on the march, +forty-five thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry; and when he +had come within the view of the Carthaginians, he pitched his camp on +some low hills exactly opposite the enemy. + +[Sidenote: Futile attack by Mago.] + ++21.+ Mago thought that it would be an excellent moment to attack the +Romans while actually engaged in making their camp; he therefore rode +up to the entrenchment with the greater part of his own cavalry and +Massanissa with the Numidians, persuaded that he should catch Scipio +off his guard. Scipio had however all along foreseen this, and had +placed some cavalry equal in number to those of the Carthaginians +under cover of some hills. Upon these making an unexpected charge, +many of the enemy’s horsemen at once took to flight at the startling +appearance, and began to make off; while the rest closed with their +opponents and fought with great gallantry. But the Carthaginians +were disconcerted by the agility of some of the Roman horsemen +in dismounting, and after a short resistance they retreated with +considerable loss. The retreat was at first conducted in good order: +but as the Romans pressed them hard, they broke up their squadrons, and +fled for safety to their own camp. This affair gave the Romans better +spirits for engaging in a pitched battle, and had the contrary effect +on the Carthaginians. However, during the next few days they both +drew out on the intervening plain; skirmished with their cavalry and +light-armed troops; and, after thus trying each other’s mettle, were +resolved to bring the matter to the test of a general engagement. + +[Sidenote: Scipio resolves on a general engagement, and alters his +disposition so as to make the battle depend upon the Italians rather +than the Spaniards.] + ++22.+ On this occasion Scipio appears to have employed a twofold +stratagem. Hasdrubal had been accustomed to make his demonstrations in +force somewhat late in the day, with the Libyans in his centre, and the +elephants on either wing; while his own practice had been to make his +counter-movements somewhat later still, with the Roman soldiers on his +centre opposite the Libyans, and the Iberians on his two wings; but the +day on which he resolved upon a general engagement, by reversing this +arrangement, he greatly contributed to secure the victory for his own +men, and succeeded in putting the enemy at a considerable disadvantage. +For directly it was light he sent his aides with orders to the tribunes +and men to arm, as soon as they had got their breakfasts, and parade +outside the camp. The order was obeyed with alacrity because the men +suspected what was going to take place. He then sent the cavalry and +light-armed forward, with orders to advance close to the enemy’s camp, +and skirmish boldly up to it; while he himself marched out with the +infantry, just as the sun was appearing above the horizon; and on +reaching the middle of the plain, made his dispositions in the reverse +order to his usual arrangement, placing the Iberians in the centre and +the Roman legionaries on the two wings. + +The sudden approach of the cavalry to their camp, and the simultaneous +appearance of the rest of the army getting into order, left the +Carthaginians barely time to get under arms. Hasdrubal was therefore +obliged, without waiting for the men to get breakfast, or making any +preparations, to despatch his cavalry and light-armed troops at once +against the enemy’s cavalry on the plain, and to get his infantry into +order on some level ground not far from the skirts of the mountains, +as was their custom. For a time the Romans remained quiet; but when +the morning was getting on, and the engagement between the light-armed +troops still continued undecided, because such of them as were forced +from their ground retired on their own heavy infantry and then formed +again for attack, Scipio at length thought that the time was come. He +withdrew his skirmishers through the intervals of the maniples, and +then distributed them equally between the two wings on rear of his +line, first the velites and behind them the cavalry. He then advanced, +at first in line direct; but when he was about a stade[23] from the +enemy, he ordered the Iberians to continue the advance in the same +order, while he commanded the maniples and squadrons on the right wing +to turn outwards to the right, and those on the left wing to the left. + ++23.+ Scipio with the three leading squadrons of cavalry from the +right wing, preceded by the usual number of velites and three maniples +(a combination of troops which the Romans call a cohort), and Lucius +Marcius and Marcus Junius with a similar force from the left wing, +turned the one to the left the other to the right, and advanced at a +great speed in column upon the enemy, the troops in succession forming +up and following in column as they wheeled. When these troops were +within a short distance of the enemy,—the Iberians in the line direct +being still a considerable distance behind, because they were advancing +at a deliberate pace,—they came into contact with the two wings of +the enemy simultaneously, the Roman forces being in column, according +to Scipio’s original plan. The movements subsequent to this, which +resulted in the troops on the rear finding themselves in the same line +as the troops in front, and engaged like them with the enemy, were +exactly the converse of each other—taking the right and left wings in +general, and the cavalry and infantry in particular. For the cavalry +and velites on the right wing came into line on the right and tried +to outflank the enemy, while the heavy infantry came into line on the +left; but on the left wing the heavy infantry came into line by the +right, the cavalry and velites by the left. The result of this movement +was that, as far as the cavalry and light infantry were concerned, +their right became their left. Scipio cared little for this, but was +intent on something more important, namely, the outflanking of the +enemy. For while a general ought to be quite alive to what is taking +place, and rightly so, he ought to use whatever movements suit the +circumstances. + +[Sidenote: The elephants.] + ++24.+ When these troops were at close quarters the elephants were +severely handled, being wounded and harassed on every side by the +velites and cavalry, and did as much harm to their friends as to +their foes; for they rushed about promiscuously and killed every one +that fell in their way on either side alike. As to the infantry,—the +Carthaginian wings began to be broken, but the centre occupied by the +Libyans, and which was the best part of the army, was never engaged at +all. It could not quit its ground to go to the support of the wings for +fear of the attack of the Iberians, nor could it by maintaining its +position do any actual fighting, because the enemy in front of it did +not come to close quarters. However, for a certain time the two wings +fought gallantly, because it was for them, as for the enemy, a struggle +for life and death. But now the midday heat was become intense, and +the Carthaginians began to feel faint, because the unusual time at +which they had been forced to come on the field had prevented them +from fortifying themselves with the proper food; while the Romans had +the advantage in physical vigour as well as in cheerfulness, which was +especially promoted by the fact that the prudence of their general had +secured his best men being pitted against the weakest troops of the +enemy. Thus hard pressed Hasdrubal’s centre began to retreat: at first +step by step; but soon the ranks were broken, and the men rushed in +confusion to the skirts of the mountain; and on the Romans pressing +in pursuit with still greater violence, they began a headlong flight +into their entrenchments. Had not Providence interfered to save them, +they would promptly have been driven from their camp too; but a sudden +storm gathered in the air, and a violent and prolonged torrent of rain +descended, under which the Romans with difficulty effected a return to +their own camp.... + +[Sidenote: The Romans in the mining district of Spain.] + +Many Romans lost their lives by the fire in trying to get the silver +and gold which had been melted and fused.... + + +SCIPIO ON THE EXPULSION OF THE CARTHAGINIANS FROM SPAIN IN CONSEQUENCE +OF THE ABOVE VICTORY + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s idea of transferring the war to Africa.] + +When every one complimented Scipio after he had driven the +Carthaginians from Iberia, and advised him straightway to take some +rest and ease, as having put a period to the war, he answered that +he “congratulated them on their sanguine hopes; for himself he was +now more than ever revolving in his mind how to begin the war with +Carthage. Up to that time the Carthaginians had waged war upon the +Romans; but that now fortune put it in the power of the Romans to make +war upon them....” + + +SCIPIO’S VISIT TO SYPHAX, KING OF MASAESYLIANS. + +See Livy, 28, 17, 18 + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s influence over Syphax.] + +In his conversation with Syphax, Scipio, who was eminently endowed +by nature in this respect, conducted himself with so much kindness +and tact, that Hasdrubal afterwards remarked to Syphax that “Scipio +appeared more formidable to him in such an interview than in the +field....” + + +A MUTINY IN SPAIN + +[Sidenote: Scipio appeases a mutiny in the Roman camp, at Sucro. Livy, +28, 24. In the autumn of B.C. 206.] + ++25.+ When a mutiny broke out among part of the troops in the Roman +camp, Scipio, though he had now had a very adequate experience of the +difficulties of administration, never felt himself more at a loss how +to act or in greater embarrassment. And naturally so. For as in the +case of the body, causes of mischief, such as cold, heat, fatigue, or +wounds, may be avoided by precautions, or easily relieved when they +occur; while those which arise from within the body itself, such as +tumours or diseases, are difficult to foresee and difficult to relieve +when they do exist, so it is, we must believe, with political and +military administration. Against plots from without, and the attacks +of enemies, the precautions to be taken and the measures for relief +may readily be learned by those who pay the requisite attention; +but to decide on the right method of resisting intestine factions, +revolutions, and disturbances is difficult, and requires great tact and +extreme acuteness; and, moreover, the observation of one maxim suitable +in my opinion to all armies, states, and bodies alike, which is this: +never in such cases to allow any lengthened idleness or repose, and +least of all at a time of success and when provisions are abundant. + +Being, then, as I have all along said, a man eminently careful, acute, +and prompt, Scipio summoned a meeting of the military tribunes and +proposed a solution of the existing troubles as follows. He said +that “he must promise the soldiers the settlement of their pay; +and, in order to create a belief in his promise, he must now take +public steps to exact with all speed the contributions which had been +already imposed upon the cities for the support of the whole army, +with the distinct understanding that the object of that measure was +the settlement of the pay: and these same tribunes should return to +the army and urge and entreat the men to abandon their rebellious +spirit, and come to him to receive their pay, either singly or, if they +preferred it, in a body. And when this was done he would consider, as +circumstances arose, what measures it was necessary to take.” + ++26.+ With this suggestion in their minds these officers deliberated on +the means of raising money; and having communicated their decisions to +Scipio, he said that he would now consult them on the next necessary +step. They accordingly resolved that they would name a day on which +all were to appear; and that then they would pardon the general body +of the men, but severely punish the instigators of the mutiny, who +were as many as thirty-five. The day having arrived, and the mutineers +having appeared to make terms and receive their pay, Scipio gave secret +instructions to the tribunes, who had been sent on the mission to them, +to meet them; and, each of them selecting five of the ringleaders, +to greet them with politeness and invite them, if possible, to their +own tent, or, if they could not do that, to dinner or some such +entertainment. But to the troops with him he sent round orders to have +provisions for a considerable period ready in three days’ time, because +they were to march against the deserter Andobales under Marcus Silanus. +When they heard this the mutineers were much emboldened, because they +imagined that they would have everything in their own hands, as the +other troops would be gone by the time they joined the general. + +[Sidenote: The mutiny suppressed and the ringleaders executed at New +Carthage.] + ++27.+ Upon the approach of the mutineers, Scipio gave orders to his +army to march out the next morning at daybreak with their baggage. But +he instructed the tribunes and praefects that, as soon as they met the +mutineers, they should order their men to put down their baggage, and +keep them under arms at the city gate; and then, placing a detachment +at each of the gates, take good care that none of the mutineers should +leave the city. The officers who had been sent to meet the men fell +in with them on their arrival, and took the ringleaders with every +appearance of civility to their own tents, in accordance with the +arrangement that had been made. At the same time orders had been given +to them to arrest the thirty-five immediately after dinner, and to keep +them in fetters: without allowing any one in the tent to go out, except +the messenger who was to inform the general from each of them that this +had been accomplished. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s speech to the mutineers.] + +The tribunes having done as they were ordered, at daybreak next +morning, seeing that the new arrivals were collected in the +market-place, the general gave the signal for the assembly of the army. +The signal was as usual promptly obeyed by all, for they were curious +to see how the general would demean himself in their presence, and what +he would say to them about the business in hand. As soon as they were +come together, Scipio sent word to the tribunes to bring their soldiers +under arms, and station them round the assembled men. He then came +forward himself. His first appearance caused an immediate change of +feeling. The soldiers supposed that he was still unwell, and when they +suddenly saw him, contrary to all expectations, with all the appearance +of full health and strength, they were struck with terror. + ++28.+ He began his speech by saying that he wondered what their +grievances were, or what they looked for forward that induced them to +mutiny. For that there were three motives only on which men usually +venture to rebel against their country and their commanders,—discontent +and anger with their officers; dissatisfaction with their present +position; or, lastly, hopes of something better and more glorious. +“Now, I ask you,” he continued, “which of these can you allege? It is +with me, I presume, that you are dissatisfied, because I did not pay +you your wages. But this cannot be laid to my charge; for while I was +in office your pay was never short. The fault then may lie with Rome +that the accumulated arrears have not been settled. Which was your +proper course then in that case? To have brought forward your complaint +thus, as rebels and enemies to the country that nurtured you, or to +have come personally to me and stated your case, and to have begged +your friends to support and help you? The latter would have been the +better plan in my opinion. In those who serve others for pay it is +sometimes pardonable to revolt against their paymasters; but in the +case of those who are fighting for themselves, for their own wives and +children, it can in no circumstances be conceded. It is just as though, +on the plea of being wronged in money matters by his own father, a man +were to come in arms to slay him from whom he received his own life. +Or perhaps you may allege that I imposed greater hardships and dangers +on you than on the others, and gave the rest more than their share of +profits and booty. But you can neither venture to say this, nor, if you +did venture, could you prove it. What then is your grievance against me +at this moment, I should like to ask, that you have mutinied? I believe +that not one of you will be able to express or even conceive it. + ++29.+ “Nor again can it have been any dissatisfaction with the position +of affairs. For when was any prosperity greater? When has Rome won +more victories, when have her arms had brighter prospects than now? +But perhaps some faint-heart will say that our enemies have more +numerous advantages, fairer and more certain prospects than ourselves. +Which, pray, of these enemies? Is it Andobales and Mandonius? But +which of you is ignorant of the fact that these men first betrayed the +Carthaginians and joined us, and now once more, in defiance of their +oaths and pledges, have come forward as our opponents? It is a fine +thing surely to become the enemies of your country in reliance on such +men as these! Nor again had you any prospect of becoming masters of +Iberia by your own prowess: for you would not have been strong enough, +even in conjunction with Andobales, to meet us in the field, to say +nothing of doing so without such aid. I should like then to ask,—what +was it in which you trusted? Surely not in the skill and valour of the +leaders whom you have now elected, or in the fasces and axes which +were borne in front of them,—men of whom I will not deign to say even +another word. All this, my men, is absolutely futile; nor will you be +able to allege even the smallest just complaint against me or your +country. Wherefore I will undertake your defence to Rome and myself, +by putting forward a plea which all the world will acknowledge to hold +good. And it is that, _a crowd is ever easily misled and easily induced +to any error_. Therefore it is that crowds are like the sea, which in +its own nature is safe and quiet; but, when winds fall violently upon +it, assumes the character of the blasts which lash it into fury: thus +a multitude also is ever found to be what its leaders and counsellors +are. Acting on this consideration, I and all my fellow-officers hereby +offer you pardon and amnesty for the past: but to the guilty authors +of the mutiny we are resolved to show no mercy, but to punish them as +their misconduct to their country and to ourselves deserves.” + +[Sidenote: Execution of the ringleaders.] + ++30.+ Just as he said these words, the soldiers, who were posted under +arms round the assembly, clashed their swords against their shields: +and at the same instant the ringleaders of the mutiny were brought in, +stripped and in chains. But such terror was inspired in the men by +the threatening aspect of the surrounding troops, and by the dreadful +spectacle before them, that, while the ringleaders were being scourged +and beheaded, they neither changed countenance nor uttered a sound, +but remained all staring open-mouthed and terrified at what was going +on. So the ringleaders of the mischief were scourged and dragged off +through the crowd dead; but the rest of the men accepted with one +consent the offer of an amnesty from the general and officers; and then +voluntarily came forward, one by one, to take an oath to the tribunes +that they would obey the orders of their commanders and remain loyal to +Rome. + +Having thus crushed what might have been the beginning of serious +danger, Scipio restored his troops to their former good disposition.... + + +_Scipio at New Carthage has heard of hostile movements on the part of +Andobales north of the Ebro, B.C. 206. See Livy, 28, 31-34._ + + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s address to his soldiers.] + ++31.+ Scipio at once summoned a meeting of the soldiers in New +Carthage, and addressed them on the subject of the audacious +proceedings of Andobales, and his treachery to them; and by dwelling +at great length on these topics he inspired the men with a very great +eagerness to attack these princes. He then proceeded to enumerate the +battles they had already fought against the Iberians and Carthaginians +combined, the Carthaginians acting as leaders in the campaigns. +“Seeing,” he added, “that you always beat them, it does not now become +you to fear defeat in a war against Iberians by themselves, and led by +Andobales. I will not therefore even accept any Iberian of them all as +a partner in the struggle, but I will undertake the campaign by the +unassisted services of my Roman soldiers: in order to make it plain +to all that it was not, as some assert, by the aid of Iberians that +we defeated the Carthaginians and drove them from Iberia; but that +it was by Roman valour and your own gallantry that we have conquered +Carthaginian and Celtiberian combined. Let nothing therefore disturb +your confidence in each other: but, if you have ever done it before, +approach this undertaking with courage undismayed. For securing the +victory I will with God’s help make every necessary provision.” This +speech filled the troops with such zeal and confidence, that they +presented all the appearance of men whose enemies are in full view, and +who are on the very point of closing with them. + +[Sidenote: Scipio marches to the Ebro, crosses it, and in fourteen days +is in the presence of the enemy.] + +[Sidenote: A skirmish.] + ++32.+ Scipio then dismissed the assembly, but on the next day got +his troops on the march, and having reached the Ebro in ten days and +crossed it, on the fourth day after that pitched his camp near that +of the enemy, with a valley between his own and the enemy’s lines. +Next day he turned some cattle that had accompanied his army into this +valley, after giving Caius Laelius instructions to have the cavalry +ready, and some of the tribunes to prepare the velites. The Iberians +having at once made an onslaught upon the cattle, he despatched some +of the velites against them. These two forces became engaged, and +reinforcements being sent to either party from time to time, a severe +infantry skirmishing place in the valley. The proper moment for attack +being now come, Caius Laelius, having the cavalry prepared as directed, +charged the skirmishers of the enemy, getting between them and the high +ground, so that the greater number of them were scattered about the +valley and killed by the cavalry. This event roused the barbarians to +a furious desire to engage, that they might not appear to be entirely +reduced to despair by their previous defeat; and accordingly by +daybreak next day they drew out their whole army for battle. Scipio was +quite ready to give them battle; but when he saw that the Iberians had +come down into the valley in an imprudent manner, and were stationing, +not only their cavalry, but their infantry also on the level ground, +he waited for a time, because he wished as many of the enemy as +possible to take up a position like that. He felt confidence in his +cavalry, and still more in his infantry; because, in such deliberate +and hand-to-hand battles as this, his men were vastly superior to the +Iberians both in themselves and in their arms. + +[Sidenote: Decisive victory of Scipio.] + ++33.+ When he thought the right time had come he drew out [the +velites][24] to oppose those of the enemy who occupied the foot of the +hills; while against those who had descended into the valley he led his +main force from the camp in four cohorts, and attacked the infantry. +Caius Laelius at the same time made a detour with the cavalry by the +hills, which stretched from the camp to the valley, and charged the +enemy’s horse on the rear; and so kept them occupied with fighting him. +The enemy’s infantry therefore, being thus deprived of the support of +the cavalry, on which they had relied in descending into the valley, +were distressed and overmatched in the battle; while their cavalry was +in much the same plight: for, being surprised on ground of insufficient +extent, they fell into confusion, and lost more men by hurting each +other than by the hands of the enemy; for their own infantry was +pressing upon their flank, and the enemy’s infantry on their front, +while his cavalry were attacking on their rear. The battle having taken +this course, the result was that nearly all those who had descended +into the valley lost their lives; while those who had been stationed +on the foot of the hills managed to escape. These last were the +light-armed troops, and formed about a third of the whole army: with +whom Andobales himself contrived to make good his escape to a certain +stronghold of great security.... + + +_By further operations in this year, B.C. 206, Scipio had compelled +Mago to abandon Spain: and towards the winter the Roman army went into +winter-quarters at Tarraco._ + + +[Sidenote: Scipio returns to Rome in the autumn of B.C. 206.] + +Having thus put a finishing stroke to his campaigns in Iberia, Scipio +arrived at Tarraco in high spirits, bringing with him the materials +of a brilliant triumph for himself, and a glorious victory for his +country. But being anxious to arrive in Rome before the consular +elections, he arranged for the government of Iberia,[25] and, having +put the army into the hands of Junius Silanus and L. Marcius, embarked +with Caius Laelius and his other friends for Rome.... + + +ANTIOCHUS IN BACTRIA. See 10, 48, 49 + +[Sidenote: The answer of Euthydemus (a Magnesian), king of Bactria, to +Teleas, the envoy of Antiochus.] + +[Sidenote: Antiochus continues his march into the interior of Asia.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 212-205.] + ++34.+ Euthydemus was himself a Magnesian, and he answered the envoy +by saying that “Antiochus was acting unjustly in trying to expel +him from his kingdom. He was not himself a revolted subject, but +had destroyed the descendant of some who had been such, and so had +obtained the kingdom of Bactria.” After adding more arguments to the +same effect, he urged Teleas to act as a sincere mediator of peace, +by urging Antiochus not to grudge him the royal title and dignity, +“for if he did not yield to this demand, neither of them would be +safe: seeing that great hords of Nomads were close at hand, who were +a danger to both; and that if they admitted them into the country, +it would certainly be utterly barbarised.” With these words he sent +Teleas back to Antiochus. The king had long been looking about for some +means of ending the controversy; and when he was informed by Teleas +of what Euthydemus had said, he readily admitted these pleas for a +pacification. And after several journeys of Teleas to and fro between +the two, Euthydemus at last sent his son Demetrius to confirm the terms +of the treaty. Antiochus received the young prince; and judging from +his appearance, conversation, and the dignity of his manners that he +was worthy of royal power, he first promised to give him one of his +own daughters, and secondly conceded the royal title to his father. +And having on the other points caused a written treaty to be drawn up, +and the terms of the treaty to be confirmed on oath, he marched away; +after liberally provisioning his troops, and accepting the elephants +belonging to Euthydemus. He crossed the Caucasus[26] and descended +into India; renewed his friendship with Sophagasenus the king of the +Indians; received more elephants, until he had a hundred and fifty +altogether; and having once more provisioned his troops, set out again +personally with his army: leaving Androsthenes of Cyzicus the duty +of taking home the treasure which this king had agreed to hand over +to him. Having traversed Arachosia and crossed the river Enymanthus, +he came through Drangene to Carmania; and, as it was now winter, he +put his men into winter quarters there. This was the extreme limit +of the march of Antiochus into the interior: in which he not only +reduced the up-country Satraps to obedience to his authority, but +also the coast cities, and the princes on this side Taurus; and, in a +word, consolidated his kingdom by overawing all his subjects with the +exhibition of his boldness and energy. For this campaign convinced the +Europeans as well as the Asiatics that he was worthy of royal power.... + + + + +BOOK XII + + +CRITICISM OF TIMAEUS + ++1.+ Byzacia is near the Syrtes; it has a circumference of two thousand +stades, and is circular in shape.... + + +Hippo, Singa, Tabraca, are cities in Libya. Chalkeia, however, is not, +as Demosthenes ignorantly states, the name of a city, but means only a +“bronze-factory.” ... + + +[Sidenote: The lotus. See Herodotus, 2, 92.] + ++2.+ The lotus is not a large tree; but it is rough and thorny, and has +a green leaf, like the rhamnus (black or white thorn), a little longer +and broader. The fruit is like white myrtle-berries when they are come +to perfection; but, as it grows, it becomes purple in colour, and in +size about equal to round olives, and has a very small stone. When it +is ripe they gather it: and some of it they pound up with groats of +spelt, and store in vessels for their slaves; and the rest they also +preserve for the free inhabitants, after taking out the stones, and use +it for food. It tastes like a fig or a date, but is superior to them in +aroma. A wine is made of it also by steeping it in water and crushing +it, sweet and pleasant to the taste, like good mead; and they drink it +without mixing it with water. It will not keep, however, more than ten +days, and they therefore only make it in small quantities as they want +it. Vinegar also is made out of it.... + + +[Sidenote: Misstatements of Timaeus about Libya,] + ++3.+ The excellence of the soil of Libya must excite our admiration. +But one would feel inclined to say of Timaeus, not merely that he +had never studied the country, but that he was childish and entirely +unintelligent in his notions; completely enslaved to those old +traditional stories of Libya being wholly sandy, parched, and barren. +The same too holds good about its animals. The supply of horses, oxen, +sheep, and goats in it is beyond anything to be found in any other part +of the world; because many of the tribes in Libya do not use cultivated +crops, but live on and with their flocks and herds. Again what writer +has failed to mention the vast number and strength of its elephants, +lions, and panthers, or the beauty of its buffalos, or the size of its +ostriches? Of these not one is to be found in Europe, while Libya is +full of them. But Timaeus, by passing them over without a word, gives, +as though purposely, an impression exactly the reverse of the truth. + +[Sidenote: and Corsica,] + +And just in the same random way in which he has spoken about Libya, he +has also done about the island called Cyrnus. For, when mentioning it +in his second book, he says that wild goats, sheep, wild oxen, stags, +hares, wolves, and some other animals are plentiful in it; and that the +inhabitants employ themselves in hunting them, and in fact spend most +of their time in that pursuit. Whereas in this island there are not +only no wild goats or wild oxen, but not even hare, wolf, or stag, or +any animal of the sort, except some foxes, rabbits, and wild sheep. The +rabbit indeed at a distance looks like a small hare; but when taken in +the hand, it is found to be widely different both in appearance and in +the taste of its flesh; and it also lives generally underground. + +[Sidenote: the reason of his mistake.] + ++4.+ The idea, however, of all the animals in the island being wild, +has arisen in the following way: The caretakers cannot keep up with +their animals, owing to the thick woods and rocky broken nature of +the country; but, whenever they wish to collect them, they stand on +some convenient spots and call the beasts together by the sound of a +trumpet; and all of them flock without fail to their own trumpets. Now, +when ships arrive at the coast, and the sailors see goats or cattle +grazing without any one with them, and thereupon try to catch them, +the animals will not let them come near them, because they are not +used to them, but will scamper off. But as soon as the keeper sees the +men disembarking and sounds his trumpet, they all set off running at +full speed and collect round the trumpet. This gives the appearance +of wildness; and Timaeus, who made only careless and perfunctory +inquiries, committed himself to a random statement. + +[Sidenote: Swine-keeping in Italy.] + +Now this obedience to the sound of a trumpet is nothing astonishing. +For in Italy the swineherds manage the feeding of their pigs in the +same way. They do not follow close behind the beasts, as in Greece, +but keep some distance in front of them, sounding their horn every +now and then; and the animals follow behind and run together at the +sound. Indeed, the complete familiarity which the animals show with +the particular horn to which they belong seems at first astonishing +and almost incredible. For owing to the populousness and wealth of the +country, the droves of swine in Italy are exceedingly large, especially +along the sea coast of the Tuscans and Gauls: for one sow will bring +up a thousand pigs, or sometimes even more. They therefore drive them +out from their night styes to feed, according to their litters and +ages. Whence, if several droves are taken to the same place, they +cannot preserve these distinction of litters; but they of course get +mixed up with each other, both as they are being driven out, and as +they feed, and as they are being brought home. Accordingly the device +of the horn-blowing has been invented to separate them, when they have +got mixed up together, without labour or trouble. For as they feed, +one swineherd goes in one direction sounding his horn, and another in +another: and thus the animals sort themselves of their own accord, and +follow their own horns with such eagerness that it is impossible by any +means to stop or hinder them. But in Greece, when the swine get mixed +up in the oak forests in their search for the mast, the swineherd who +has most assistants and the best help at his disposal, when collecting +his own animals, drives off his neighbour’s also. Sometimes too a thief +lies in wait, and drives them off without the swineherd knowing how he +lost them; because the beasts straggle a long way from their drivers, +in their eagerness to find acorns, when they are just beginning to +fall.... + + +[Sidenote: False criticisms of Timaeus on Theopompus and Ephorus.] + +(_a_) It is difficult to pardon such errors in Timaeus, considering how +severe he is in criticising the slips of others. For instance he finds +fault with Theopompus for stating that Dionysius sailed from Sicily to +Corinth in a merchant vessel, whereas he really arrived in a ship of +war. And again he falsely charges Ephorus with contradicting himself, +on the ground that he asserts that Dionysius the Elder ascended the +throne at the age of twenty-three, reigned forty-two years, and died at +sixty-three. Now no one would say, I think, that this was a blunder of +the historian, but clearly one of the transcriber. For either Ephorus +must be more foolish than Coroebus and Margites, if he were unable to +calculate that forty-two added to twenty-three make sixty-five; or, if +that is incredible in the case of a man like Ephorus, it must be a mere +mistake of the transcriber, and the carping and malevolent criticism of +Timaeus must be rejected. + +[Sidenote: His false account of the October horse.] + +(_b_) Again, in his history of Pyrrhus, he says that the Romans still +keep up the memory of the fall of Troy by shooting to death with +javelins a war-horse on a certain fixed day, because the capture of +Troy was accomplished by means of the “Wooden Horse.” This is quite +childish. On this principle, all non-Hellenic nations must be put down +as descendants of the Trojans; for nearly all of them, or at any rate +the majority, when about to commence a war or a serious battle with +an enemy, first kill and sacrifice a horse. In making this sort of +ill-founded deduction, Timaeus seems to me to show not only want of +knowledge, but, what is worse, a trick of misapplying knowledge. For, +because the Romans sacrifice a horse, he immediately concludes that +they do it because Troy was taken by means of a horse. + +[Sidenote: The reason of his mistakes a want of care in making +inquiries.] + +(_c_) These instances clearly show how worthless his account of Libya, +Sardinia, and, above all, of Italy is; and that, speaking generally, +he has entirely neglected the most important element in historical +investigation, namely, the making personal inquiries. For as historical +events take place in many different localities, and as it is impossible +for the same man to be in several places at the same time, and also +impossible for him to see with his own eyes all places in the world and +observe their peculiarities, the only resource left is to ask questions +of as many people as possible; and to believe those who are worthy of +credit; and to show critical sagacity in judging of their reports. + +[Sidenote: Nor is he to be trusted even in matters that fell under his +own observation.] + +[Sidenote: Arethusa.] + +(_d_) And though Timaeus makes great professions on this head, he +appears to me to be very far from arriving at the truth. Indeed, so far +from making accurate investigations of the truth through other people, +he does not tell us anything trustworthy even of events of which he has +been an eye-witness, or of places he has personally visited. This will +be made evident, if we can convict him of being ignorant, even in his +account of Sicily, of the facts which he brings forward. For it will +require very little further proof of his inaccuracy, if he can be shown +to be ill-informed and misled about the localities in which he was born +and bred, and that too the most famous of them. Now he asserts that +the fountain Arethusa at Syracuse has its source in the Peloponnese, +from the river Alpheus, which flows through Arcadia and Olympia. For +that this river sinks into the earth, and, after being carried for four +thousand stades under the Sicilian Sea, comes to the surface again in +Syracuse; and that this was proved from the fact that on a certain +occasion a storm of rain having come on during the Olympic festival, +and the river having flooded the sacred enclosure, a quantity of dung +from the animals used for sacrifice at the festival was thrown up by +the fountain Arethusa; as well as a certain gold cup, which was picked +up and recognised as being one of the ornaments used at the festival.... + + +[Sidenote: The traditions of the colonisation of Locri Epizephyrii +agree with the account in Aristotle, rather than with that of Timaeus.] + ++5.+ I happened to have visited the city of the Locrians on several +occasions, and to have been the means of doing them important services. +For it was I that secured their exemption from the service in Iberia +and Dalmatia, which, in accordance with the treaty, they were bound +to supply to the Romans. And being released thereby from considerable +hardship, danger, and expense, they rewarded me with every mark +of honour and kindness. I have therefore reason to speak well of +the Locrians rather than the reverse. Still I do not shrink from +saying and writing that the account of their colonisation given by +Aristotle is truer than that of Timaeus. For I know for certain that +the inhabitants themselves acknowledge that the report of Aristotle, +and not of Timaeus, is the one which they have received from their +ancestors. And they give the following proofs of this. In the first +place, they stated that every ancestral distinction existing among them +is traced by the female not the male side.[27] For instance, those +are reckoned noble among them who belong to “the hundred families”; +and these “hundred families” are those which were marked out by the +Locrians, before embarking upon their colonisation, as those from +which they were in accordance with the oracle to select the virgins +to be sent to Ilium. Further, that some of these women joined the +colony: and that it is their descendants who are now reckoned noble, +and called “the men of the hundred families.” Again, the following +account of the “cup-bearing” priestess had been received traditionally +by them. When they ejected the Sicels who occupied this part of Italy, +finding that it was a custom among them for the processions at their +sacrifices to be led by a boy of the most illustrious and high-born +family obtainable, and not having any ancestral custom of their own +on the subject, they adopted this one, with no other improvement than +that of substituting a girl for one of their boys as cupbearer, because +nobility with them went by the female line. + +[Sidenote: The trick of the Locrians.] + ++6.+ And as to a treaty, none ever existed, or was said to have +existed, between them and the Locrians in Greece; but they all knew +by tradition of one with the Sicels: of which they give the following +account. When they first appeared, and found the Sicels occupying the +district in which they are themselves now dwelling, these natives were +in terror of them, and admitted them through fear into the country; and +the new-comers made a sworn agreement with them that “they would be +friendly and share the country with them, as long as they stood upon +the ground they then stood upon, and kept heads upon their shoulders.” +But, while the oaths were being taken, they say that the Locrians put +earth inside the soles of their shoes, and heads of garlic concealed on +their shoulders, before they swore; and that then they shook the earth +out of their shoes, and threw the heads of garlic off their shoulders, +and soon afterwards expelled the Sicels from the country. This is the +story current at Locri.... + +By an extraordinary oversight Timaeus of Tauromenium commits himself +to the statement that it was not customary with the Greeks to possess +slaves.[28]... + +[Sidenote: Locri Epizephyrii colonised by certain slaves who had +obtained their freedom, and by some free born women.] + +These considerations would lead us to trust Aristotle rather than +Timaeus. His next statement is still more strange. For to suppose, with +Timaeus, that it was unlikely that men, who had been the slaves of the +allies of the Lacedaemonians, would continue the kindly feelings and +adopt the friendships of their late masters is foolish. For when they +had the good fortune to recover their freedom, and a certain time has +elapsed, men, who have been slaves, not only endeavour to adopt the +friendships of their late masters, but also their ties of hospitality +and blood: in fact, their aim is to keep them up even more than the +ties of nature, for the express purpose of thereby wiping out the +remembrance of their former degradation and humble position; because +they wish to pose as the descendants of their masters rather than as +their freedmen. And this is what in all probability happened in the +case of the Locrians. They had removed to a great distance from all who +knew their secret; the lapse of time favoured their pretensions; and +they were not therefore so foolish as to maintain any customs likely +to revive the memory of their own degradation, rather than such as +would contribute to conceal it. Therefore they very naturally called +their city by the name of that from which the women came; and claimed a +relationship with those women: and, moreover, renewed the friendships +which were ancestral to the families of the women. + +[Sidenote: The Locrians then were naturally friends of Sparta and +enemies of Athens.] + +And this also indicates that there is no sign of Aristotle being wrong +in saying that the Athenians ravaged their territory. For it being +quite natural, as I have shown, that the men who started from Locri +and landed in Italy, if they were slaves ten times over, should adopt +friendly relations with Sparta, it becomes also natural that the +Athenians should be rendered hostile to them, not so much from regard +to their origin as to their policy. + +[Sidenote: The reason of the women of Locris (in Greece) leaving their +homes with the slaves.] + +It is not, again, likely that the Lacedaemonians should themselves +send their young men home from the camp for the sake of begetting +children, and should refuse to allow the Locrians to do the same. Two +things in such a statement are not only improbable but untrue. In +the first place, they were not likely to have prevented the Locrians +doing so, when they did the same themselves, for that would be wholly +inconsistent: nor were the Locrians, in obedience to orders from them, +likely to have adopted a custom like theirs. (For in Sparta it is a +traditional law, and a matter of common custom, for three or four men +to have one wife, and even more if they are brothers; and when a man +has begotten enough children, it is quite proper and usual for him to +sell his wife to one of his friends.) The fact is, that though the +Locrians, not being bound by the same oath as the Lacedaemonians, that +they would not return home till they had taken Messene, had a fair +pretext for not taking part in the common expedition; yet, by returning +home only one by one, and at rare intervals, they gave their wives +an opportunity of becoming familiar with the slaves instead of their +original husbands, and still more so the unmarried women. And this was +the reason of the migration.... + + +[Sidenote: Timaeus and Aristotle.] + ++7.+ Timaeus makes many untrue statements; and he appears to have +done so, not from ignorance, but because his view was distorted by +party spirit. When once he has made up his mind to blame or praise, he +forgets everything else and outsteps all bounds of propriety. So much +for the nature of Aristotle’s account of Locri, and the grounds on +which it rested. But this naturally leads me to speak of Timaeus and +his work as a whole, and generally of what is the duty of a man who +undertakes to write history. Now I think that I have made it clear from +what I have said, first, that both of them were writing conjecturally; +and, secondly, that the balance of probability was on the side of +Aristotle. It is in fact impossible in such matters to be positive and +definite. But let us even admit that Timaeus gives the more probable +account. Are the maintainers of the less probable theory, therefore, +to be called by every possible term of abuse and obloquy, and all but +be put on trial for their lives? Certainly not. Those who make untrue +statements in their books from ignorance ought, I maintain, to be +forgiven and corrected in a kindly spirit: it is only those who do so +from deliberate intention that ought to be attacked without mercy. + ++8.+ It must then either be shown that Aristotle’s account of Locri +was prompted by partiality, corruption, or personal enmity; or, if no +one ventures to say that, then it must be acknowledged that those who +display such personal animosity and bitterness to others, as Timaeus +does to Aristotle, are wrong and ill advised. + +[Sidenote: The vulgar abuse of Timaeus.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 333.] + +The epithets which he applies to him are “audacious,” “unprincipled,” +“rash”; and besides, he says that he “has audaciously slandered Locri +by affirming that the colony was formed by runaway slaves, adulterers, +and man-catchers.” Further, he asserts that Aristotle made this +statement, “in order that men might believe him to have been one of +Alexander’s generals, and to have lately conquered the Persians at the +Cilician Gates in a pitched battle by his own ability; and not to be +a mere pedantic sophist, universally unpopular, who had a short time +before shut up that admirable doctor’s shop.” Again, he says that +he “pushed his way into every palace and tent:” and that he was “a +glutton and a gourmand, who thought only of gratifying his appetite.” +Now it seems to me that such language as this would be intolerable in +an impudent vagabond bandying abuse in a law court; but an impartial +recorder of public affairs, and a genuine historian, would not think +such things to himself, much less venture to put them in writing. + +[Sidenote: Timaeus’s account of his investigations in the history of +the colony of Locri.] + ++9.+ Let us now, then, examine the method of Timaeus, and compare his +account of this colony, that we may learn which of the two better +deserves such vituperation. He says in the same book: “I am not now +proceeding on conjecture, but have investigated the truth in the course +of a personal visit to the Locrians in Greece. The Locrians first of +all showed me a written treaty which began with the words, ‘as parents +to children.’ There are also existing decrees securing mutual rights +of citizenship to both. In fine, when they were told of Aristotle’s +account of the colony, they were astonished at the audacity of that +writer. I then crossed to the Italian Locri and found that the laws and +customs there accorded with the theory of a colony of free men, not +with the licentiousness of slaves. For among them there are penalties +assigned to man-catchers, adulterers, and runaway slaves. And this +would not have been the case if they were conscious of having been such +themselves.” + +[Sidenote: Criticism of the above statement of Timaeus.] + ++10.+ Now the first point one would be inclined to raise is, as to +what Locrians he visited and questioned on these subjects. If it had +been the case that the Locrians in Greece all lived in one city, as +those in Italy do, this question would perhaps have been unnecessary, +and everything would have been plain. But as there are two clans of +Locrians, we may ask, Which of the two did he visit? What cities of +the one or the other? In whose hands did he find the treaty? Yet we +all know, I suppose, that this is a speciality of Timaeus’s, and that +it is in this that he has surpassed all other historians, and rests +his chief claim to credit,—I mean his parade of accuracy in studying +chronology and ancient monuments, and his care in that department of +research. Therefore we may well wonder how he came to omit telling us +the name of the city in which he found the treaty, the place in which +it was inscribed, or the magistrates who showed him the inscription, +and with whom he conversed: to prevent all cavil, and, by defining the +place and city, to enable those who doubted to ascertain the truth. By +omitting these details he shows that he was conscious of having told +a deliberate falsehood. For that Timaeus, if he really had obtained +such proofs, would not have let them slip, but would have fastened upon +them with both hands, as the saying is, is proved by the following +considerations. Would a writer who tried to establish his credit on +that of Echecrates,—he mentioning him by name as the person with whom +he had conversed, and from whom he had obtained his facts about the +Italian Locri—taking the trouble to add, by way of showing that he +had been told them by no ordinary person, that this man’s father had +formerly been entrusted with an embassy by Dionysius,—would such a +writer have remained silent about it if he had really got hold of a +public record or an ancient tablet? + +[Sidenote: Timaeus and the Olympic registers.] + ++11.+ This is the man forsooth who drew out a comparative list of the +Ephors and the kings of Sparta from the earliest times; as well as +one comparing the Archons at Athens and priestesses in Argos with the +list of Olympic victors, and thereby convicted those cities of being +in error about those records, because there was a discrepancy of three +months between them! This again is the man who discovered the engraved +tablets in the inner shrines, and the records of the guest-friendships +on the door-posts of the temples. And we cannot believe that such a +man could have been ignorant of anything of this sort that existed, or +would have omitted to mention it if he had found it. Nor can he on any +ground expect pardon, if he has told an untruth about it: for, as he +has shown himself a bitter and uncompromising critic of others, he must +naturally look for equally uncompromising attacks from them. + +Being then clearly convicted of falsehood in these points, he goes +to the Italian Locri: and, first of all, says that the two Locrian +peoples had a similar constitution and the same ties of amity, and that +Aristotle and Theophrastus have maligned the city. Now I am fully aware +that in going into minute particulars and proofs on this point I shall +be forced to digress from the course of my history. It was for that +reason however that I postponed my criticism of Timaeus to a single +section of my work, that I might not be forced again and again to omit +other necessary matter.... + + +[Sidenote: Timaeus condemned out of his own mouth.] + ++12.+ Timaeus says that the greatest fault in history is want of truth; +and he accordingly advises all, whom he may have convicted of making +false statements in their writings, to find some other name for their +books, and to call them anything they like except history.... + + +[Sidenote: See 1, 14.] + +For example, in the case of a carpenter’s rule, though it may be too +short or too narrow for your purpose, yet if it have the essential +feature of a rule, that of straightness, you may still call it a +rule; but if it has not this quality, and deviates from the straight +line, you may call it anything you like except a rule. “On the same +principle,” says he, “historical writings may fail in style or +treatment or other details; yet if they hold fast to truth, such books +may claim the title of history, but if they swerve from that, they +ought no longer to be called history.” Well, I quite agree that in +such writings truth should be the first consideration: and, in fact, +somewhere in the course of my work I have said “that as in a living +body, when the eyes are out, the whole is rendered useless, so if you +take truth from history what is left is but an idle tale.” I said +again, however, that “there were two sorts of falsehoods, the ignorant +and the intentional; and the former deserved indulgence, the latter +uncompromising severity.” ... These points being agreed upon—the wide +difference between the ignorant and intentional lie, and the kindly +correction due to the one and the unbending denunciation to the +other—it will be found that it is to the latter charge that Timaeus +more than any one lays himself open. And the proof of his character in +this respect is clear.... + + +[Sidenote: The proverb Λοκροὶ τὰς συνθήκας.] + +There is a proverbial expression for the breakers of an agreement, +“Locrians and a treaty.” An explanation given of this, equally +accepted by historians and the rest of the world, is that, at the +time of the invasion of the Heracleidae, the Locrians agreed with +the Peloponnesians that, if the Heracleidae did not enter by way of +the isthmus, but crossed at Rhium, they would raise a war beacon, +that they might have early intelligence and make provisions to oppose +their entrance. The Locrians, however, did not do this, but, on the +contrary, raised a beacon of peace; and therefore, when the Heracleidae +arrived opposite Rhium, they crossed without resistance; while the +Peloponnesians, having taken no precautions, found that they had +allowed their enemies to enter their country, because they had been +betrayed by the Locrians.... + +[Sidenote: Callisthenes.] + +[Sidenote: Timaeus’s attitude towards the art of divination.] + +Many remarks depreciatory of divination and dream interpretation may +be found in his writings.[29] But writers who have introduced into +their books a good deal of such foolish talk, so far from running +down others, should think themselves fortunate if they escape attack +themselves. And this is just the position in which Timaeus stands. He +remarks that “Callisthenes was a mere sycophant for writing stuff of +this sort; and acted in a manner utterly unworthy of his philosophy in +giving heed to ravens and inspired women; and that he richly deserved +the punishment which he met with at the hands of Alexander, for having +corrupted the mind of that monarch as far as he could.” On the other +hand, he commends Demosthenes, and the other orators who flourished +at that time, and says that “they were worthy of Greece for speaking +against the divine honours given to Alexander; while this philosopher, +for investing a mere mortal with the aegis and thunderbolt, justly met +the fate which befel him from the hands of providence....” + + +[Sidenote: Demochares.] + ++13.+ Timaeus asserts that Demochares was guilty of unnatural lust, +and that his lips therefore were unfit to blow the sacred fire; and +that in morals he went beyond any stories told by Botrys and Philaenis +and all other writers of indecent tales. Foul abuse and shameless +accusations of this sort are not only what no man of cultivation would +have uttered, they go beyond what you might expect from the lowest +brothels. It is, however, to get credit for the foul and shameless +accusations, which he is always bringing, that he has maligned this +man: supporting his charge by dragging in an obscure comic poet. Now +on what grounds do I conjecture the falsity of the accusation? Well, +first, from the fact of the good birth and education of Demochares; for +he was a nephew of Demosthenes. And in the second place, from the fact +that he was thought worthy at Athens, not only of being a general, but +of the other offices also; which he certainly would not have obtained, +if he had got into such troubles as these. Therefore it seems to me +that Timaeus is accusing the people of Athens more than Demochares, if +it is the fact that they committed the interests of the country and +their own lives to such a man. For if it had been true, the comic poet +Archedicus would not have been the only one to have made this statement +concerning Demochares, as Timaeus alleges: it would have been repeated +by many of the partisans of Antipater, against whom he has spoken with +great freedom, and said many things calculated to annoy, not only +Antipater himself, but also his successors and friends. It would have +been repeated also by many of his political opponents: and among them, +by Demetrius of Phalerum, against whom Demochares has inveighed with +extraordinary bitterness in his History, alleging that “his conduct as +a prince, and the political measures on which he prided himself, were +such as a petty tax-gatherer might be proud of; for he boasted that in +his city things were abundant and cheap, and every one had plenty to +live upon.” And he tells another story of Demetrius, that “He was not +ashamed to have a procession in the theatre led by an artificial snail, +worked by some internal contrivance, and emitting slime as it crawled, +and behind it a string of asses; meaning by this to indicate the +slowness and stupidity of the Athenians, who had yielded to others the +honour of defending Greece, and were tamely submissive to Cassander.” +Still, in spite of these taunts, neither Demetrius nor any one else has +ever brought such a charge against Demochares. + ++14.+ Relying therefore on the testimony of his own countrymen, as +safer ground than the virulence of Timaeus, I feel no hesitation in +declaring that the life of Demochares is not chargeable with such +enormities. But even supposing that Demochares had ever so disgraced +himself, what need was there for Timaeus to insert this passage in +his History? Men of sense, when resolved to retaliate upon a personal +enemy, think first, not of what he deserves, but of what it is +becoming in them to do. So in the case of abusive language: the first +consideration should be, not what our enemies deserve to be called, +but what our self respect will allow us to call them. But if men +measure everything by their own ill temper and jealousy, we are forced +to be always suspicious of them, and to be ever on our guard against +their exaggeration. Wherefore, in the present instance, we may fairly +reject the stories to the discredit of Philochares told by Timaeus; +for he has put himself out of the pale of indulgence or belief, by so +obviously allowing his native virulence to carry him beyond all bounds +of propriety in his invectives. + +[Sidenote: Agathocles defended against the aspersions of Timaeus.] + ++15.+ For my part I cannot feel satisfied with his abuse of Agathocles +either, even admitting him to have been the worst of men. I refer to +the passage at the end of his History in which he asserts that in his +youth Agathocles was “a common stale, extravagantly addicted to every +unnatural vice,” and that “when he died, his wife in the course of her +lamentations exclaimed ‘Ah, what have I not done for you! what have you +not done to me?’” To such language one can only repeat what has been +already said in the case of Demochares, and express one’s astonishment +at such extravagant virulence. For that Agathocles must have had fine +natural qualities is evident from the narrative of Timaeus itself. That +a man who came as a runaway slave to Syracuse, from the potter’s wheel +and smoke and clay, at the early age of eighteen, should have within +a short time advanced from that humble beginning to be master of all +Sicily, and after being a terror to the Carthaginians, should have +grown old in office and died in enjoyment of the royal title,—does not +this prove that Agathocles had some great and admirable qualities, and +many endowments and talents for administration? In view of these the +historian ought not to have recounted to posterity only what served to +discredit and defame this man, but those facts also which were to his +honour. For that is the proper function of history. Blinded, however, +by personal malignity, he has recorded for us with bitterness and +exaggeration all his defects; while his eminent achievements he has +passed over in entire silence: seeming not to be aware that in history +such silence is as mendacious as misstatement. The part of his history, +therefore, which was added by him for the gratification of his personal +spite I have passed over, but not what was really germane to his +subject.... + + +[Sidenote: The laws of Zaleucus, and an incident in their working at +Locri (for which he legislated, see Arist. _Pol._ 2, 12).] + ++16.+ Two young men had a dispute about the ownership of a slave. This +slave had been in the possession of one of them for a long time; but +two days before, as he was going to the farm without his master, the +other laid violent hands upon him and dragged him to his house. When +the first young man heard of this, he came to the house, seized the +slave, and taking him before the magistrate asserted his ownership and +offered sureties. For the law of Zaleucus ordained that the party from +whom the abduction was made should have possession of the property +in dispute, pending the decision of the suit. But the other man in +accordance with the same law, alleged that he was the party from whom +the abduction had been made, for the slave had been brought before the +magistrate from his house. The magistrates who were trying the case +were in doubt, and calling in the Cosmopolis[30] referred the point to +him. He interpreted the law as meaning that “the abduction was always +from that party in whose possession the property in dispute had last +been for a certain period unquestioned; but that if another abducted +this property from a holder, and then the original holder repossessed +himself of it from the abductor, this was not abduction in the sense of +the law.” The young man, who thus lost his case, was not satisfied, and +alleged that such was not the intention of the legislator. Thereupon +the Cosmopolis summoned him to discuss the interpretation in accordance +with the law of Zaleucus; that is, to argue on the interpretation of +the law with him before the court of the one thousand, and with a +halter round the neck of each: whichever should be shown to be wrong in +his interpretation was to lose his life in the sight of the thousand. +But the young man asserted that the compact was not a fair one, for the +Cosmopolis, who happened to be nearly ninety, had only two or three +years of life left, while in all reasonable probability he had not yet +lived half his life. By this adroit rejoinder the young man turned off +the affair as a jest: but the magistrates adjudged the question of +abduction in accordance with the interpretation of the Cosmopolis.... + + +A CRITICISM ON EPHORUS AND CALLISTHENES + +[Sidenote: Callisthenes and the battle of Issus, B.C. 333.] + ++17.+ That I may not be thought to detract wantonly from the credit of +such great writers, I will mention one battle, which is at once one of +the most famous ever fought, and not too remote in point of time; and +at which, above everything else, Callisthenes was himself present. I +mean the battle between Alexander and Darius in Cilicia. He says that +“Alexander had already got through the pass called the Cilician Gates: +and that Darius, availing himself of that by the Amanid Gates, made +his way with his army into Cilicia; but on learning from the natives +that Alexander was on his way into Syria, he followed him; and having +arrived at the pass leading to the south, pitched his camp on the bank +of the river Pinarus. The width of the ground from the foot of the +mountain to the sea was not more than fourteen stades, through which +this river ran diagonally. On first issuing from the mountains its +banks were broken, but in its course through the level down to the +sea it ran between precipitous and steep hills.” Starting with this +description of the ground, he goes on to say that “When Alexander’s +army faced about, and, retracing its steps, was approaching to attack +them, Darius and his officers determined to draw up their whole phalanx +on the ground occupied by his encampment, as it then was, and to defend +his front by the river, which flowed right along his camp.” But he +afterwards says that Darius “stationed his cavalry close to the sea, +his mercenaries next along the river, and his peltasts next resting on +the mountains.” + ++18.+ Now it is difficult to understand how he could have drawn up +these troops in front of his phalanx, considering that the river ran +immediately under the camp:[31] especially as their numbers were so +great, amounting, on Callisthenes’s own showing, to thirty thousand +cavalry and thirty thousand mercenaries. Now it is easy to calculate +how much ground such a force would require. At the most cavalry in a +regular engagement is drawn up eight deep, and between each squadron +a clear space must be left in the line to enable them to turn or face +about. Therefore eight hundred will cover a stade of front; eight +thousand, ten stades;[32] three thousand two hundred, four stades; +and so eleven thousand two hundred would cover the whole of fourteen +stades. If therefore he were to put his whole thirty thousand on the +ground, he would have to mass his cavalry alone nearly three times +the usual depth; and then what room is left for his large force of +mercenaries? None, indeed, unless on the rear of the cavalry. But +Callisthenes says this was not the case, but that these latter engaged +the Macedonians first. We must therefore understand half the front, +that nearest the sea, to have been occupied by the cavalry; the other +half, that nearest the mountains, by the mercenaries. We may by these +data easily calculate the depth of the cavalry, and the distance the +river must have been from the camp to allow of it. + +Again, he says that “on the approach of the enemy Darius himself, who +was on the centre, ordered up the mercenaries from the wing.” It is +difficult to see what he means by this: for the point of junction of +the mercenaries and the cavalry must have been at the centre. Where +and how then, and to what point could Darius, who was himself actually +among the mercenaries, be said to “order them up”? + +Lastly, he says that “the cavalry on the right wing charged Alexander; +and that his men stood the charge gallantly, and, making a counter +charge, kept up an obstinate fight.” But he quite forgets that there +was a river between them, a river, too, of the nature that he had just +himself described.[33] + ++19.+ His account of the movements of Alexander are equally vague. He +says that “he crossed into Asia with forty thousand infantry and four +thousand five hundred cavalry; but that when he was about to enter +Cilicia he was joined by a reinforcement of five thousand infantry and +eight hundred cavalry.” From these numbers, if one were to make the +liberal allowance of three thousand absentees from the infantry and +three hundred from the cavalry on various services, there would still +remain forty-two thousand infantry and five thousand cavalry. Starting +with these numbers, he goes on to say “that Alexander heard of the +entrance of Darius into Cilicia when he was a hundred stades away from +him, having already marched through the pass:[34] that he therefore +retraced his steps through the pass, his phalanx on the van, his +cavalry next, and his baggage on the rear. But that as soon as he had +debouched upon the open country, he gave general orders to form up into +a phalanx, at first thirty-two deep; then sixteen; and lastly, when +they were nearing the enemy, eight deep.” Now this is a worse blunder +than the last. A stade, allowing for the distances which must be kept +on a march, and reckoning the depth at sixteen, admits of one thousand +six hundred men, each man covering six feet. It is plain, therefore, +that ten stades will admit of only sixteen thousand men, and twenty +twice that number. Hence, when Alexander caused his men to form sixteen +deep, he would have wanted a width of ground of twenty stades; and even +then, the whole of the cavalry and ten thousand infantry would have +been unaccounted for. + ++20.+ Again, he says that Alexander was marching in line when he was +about forty stades from the enemy. A greater blunder it is difficult to +conceive. For where could one find a ground; and especially in Cilicia, +twenty stades broad by forty deep, for a phalanx armed with sarissae to +march in line? It would not be easy to count all the impossibilities +in the way of such an arrangement and such a movement. One that is +mentioned by Callisthenes himself is sufficient to establish the point. +For he remarks that the winter torrents which descend from the hills +make so many gullies in the plain, that, in the course of the flight, +the chief part of the Persians are said to have lost their lives in +deep places of that kind. But, it may be urged, Alexander wished to be +ready for battle as soon as the enemy were in sight. But what could +be less ready than a phalanx in a disordered and straggling line? +Is it not much easier to form up a phalanx from a proper column of +route, than to bring a disordered and straggling line back into the +same alignment, and get it into order of battle on a broken and woody +ground? It was, therefore much better to march twice or four times the +ordinary depth of a phalanx[35] in good order, for which sufficient +ground could possibly be found. And it was easy to deploy his men +quickly into the line of the phalanx, because he was able by means of +scouts to ascertain the presence of the enemy in plenty of time. But +in this case, beside other absurdities, while bringing his men in line +across the level, he did not even (we are told) put the cavalry in +front, but marched with them in the same alignment. + ++21.+ But the greatest blunder is still to come. “As soon as +Alexander,” he says, “was within distance of the enemy he caused his +men to take up order eight deep,” which would have necessitated ground +forty stades wide for the length of the line; and even had they, to +use the poet’s expression, “laid shield to shield and on each other +leaned,” still ground twenty stades wide would have been wanted, while +he himself says that it was less than fourteen. [We have also to deduct +from these fourteen stades the space occupied by the two divisions of +the cavalry, one on the left next the sea, the other on the right];[36] +and to allow for the fact that the whole force was kept a considerable +distance from the hills, to avoid being exposed to the enemy occupying +the skirts of the mountains; for we know that Callisthenes represents +the wing to have been facing these, at an angle with the centre. We are +also leaving out of account the ten thousand foot, whom we showed to be +too many according to his own calculation. + +The upshot is that eleven stades at most is left for the whole length +of the phalanx, even taking Callisthenes’s own account, in which +thirty-two thousand men standing shield to shield must necessarily be +drawn up thirty deep: while he asserts that they fought eight deep. +Such blunders admit of no defence: for the facts at once demonstrate +the impossibility of the assertion. We have only to compare the space +occupied by each man, the width of the whole ground, and the number of +the men, to prove its falsity. + ++22.+ It would be tedious to mention all his other absurdities in +connexion with this battle. I must be content with a very few. He says, +for instance, that “Alexander took care in arranging his order of +battle to be himself personally opposed to Darius; and that at first +Darius was equally anxious to be opposite Alexander, but afterwards +altered his mind.” But he does not vouchsafe to tell us how these kings +learnt at what part of their respective forces they were each posted, +or to what point in his own line Darius re-transferred himself. Again, +how could a phalanx mount to the edge of the river bank, when it was +precipitous and covered with brushwood? Such a piece of bad generalship +must not be attributed to Alexander, because he is acknowledged by +all to have been a skilful strategist and to have studied the subject +from childhood: we must rather attribute it to the historian’s want +of ability to discern between what is or is not practicable in such +movements. So much for Ephorus and Callisthenes.... + +[Sidenote: Timaeus’s over-estimate of Timoleon.] + ++23.+ Timaeus attacks Ephorus with great severity, though he is himself +liable to two grave charges—bitterness in attacking others for faults +of which he is himself guilty, and complete demoralisation, shown by +the opinions which he expresses in his memoirs, and which he endeavours +to implant in the minds of his readers. If we are to lay it down that +Callisthenes deserved his death, what ought to happen to Timaeus? +Surely there is much more reason for Providence to be wroth with him +than with Callisthenes. The latter wished to deify Alexander; but +Timaeus exalts Timoleon above the most venerable gods. The hero of +Callisthenes, again, was a man by universal consent of a superhuman +elevation of spirit; while Timoleon, far from having accomplished +any action of first-rate importance, never even undertook one. The +one expedition which he achieved in the course of his life took him +no farther than from Corinth to Syracuse; and how paltry is such a +distance when compared with the extent of the world! I presume that +Timaeus believed that if Timoleon, by gaining glory in such a mere +saucer of a place as Sicily, should be thought comparable to the most +illustrious heroes, he too himself, as the historian of only Italy +and Sicily, might properly be considered on a par with the writers +of universal history. This will be sufficient defence of Aristotle, +Theophrastus, Callisthenes, Ephorus, and Demochares against the +attacks of Timaeus: and it is addressed to those who believe that this +historian is impartial and truthful.... + +[Sidenote: The incapacity of Timaeus for forming a judgment.] + ++24.+ We may fairly judge Timaeus on the principles which he has +himself laid down. According to him, “poets and historians betray their +own tastes by the incidents which they repeatedly record in their +writings. Thus the poet[37] by his fondness for banqueting scenes shows +that he is a glutton; and in the same way Aristotle, by frequently +describing rich food in his writings, betrays his love of dainty living +and his greediness.” On the same principle he judges Dionysius the +tyrant because he “was always very particular in the ornamentation of +his dining-couches, and had hangings of exquisite make and variegated +colours.” If we apply this principle to Timaeus, we shall have abundant +reason to think badly of him. In attacking others he shows great +acuteness and boldness; when he comes to independent narrative he is +full of dreams, miracles, incredible myths,—in a word, of miserable +superstition and old wives’ tales. The truth is that Timaeus is a proof +of the fact, that at times, and in the case of many men, want of skill +and want of judgment so completely destroy the value of their evidence, +that though present at and eye-witnesses of the facts which they +record, they might just as well have been absent or had no eyes.... + + +[Sidenote: The brazen bull of Phalaris.] + ++25.+ The story of the brazen bull is this. It was made by Phalaris at +Agrigentum; and he used to force men to get into it, and then by way of +punishment light a fire underneath. The metal becoming thus red hot, +the man inside was roasted and scorched to death; and when he screamed +in his agony, the sound from the machine was very like the bellowing of +a bull. When the Carthaginians conquered Sicily this bull was removed +from Agrigentum to Carthage. The trap door between the shoulders, +through which the victims used to be let down, still remains; and no +other reason for the construction of such a bull in Carthage can be +discovered at all: yet Timaeus has undertaken to upset the common +story, and to refute the declarations of poets and historians, by +alleging that the bull at Carthage did not come from Agrigentum, and +that no such figure ever existed there; and he has composed a lengthy +treatise to prove this.... + + +GENERAL REMARKS ON TIMAEUS AS AN HISTORIAN + +What epithet ought one to apply to Timaeus, and what word will +properly characterise him? A man of his kind appears to me to deserve +the very bitterest of the terms which he has applied to others. It +has already been sufficiently proved that he is a carping, false and +impudent writer; and from what remains to be said he will be shown to +be unphilosophical, and, in short, utterly uninstructed. For towards +the end of his twenty-first book, in the course of his “harangue of +Timoleon,” he remarks that “the whole sublunary world being divided +into three parts—Asia, Libya, and Europe....”[38] One could scarcely +believe such a remark to have come, I don’t say from Timaeus, but even +from the proverbial Margites.... + +(_a_) The proverb tells us that one drop from the largest vessel is +sufficient to show the whole contents. This is applicable to the +present case. When one or two false statements have been discovered +in a history, and they have been shown to be wilful, it is clear that +nothing which such an historian may say can be regarded as certain +or trustworthy. But in order to convince the more careful student, I +must speak on his method and practice in regard to public speeches, +military harangues, ambassador’s orations, and all compositions of that +class; which are, as it were, a compendium of events and an epitome of +all history. Now that he has given these in his writings with entire +disregard of truth, and that of set purpose, can any reader of Timaeus +fail to be aware? He has not written down the words actually used, nor +the real drift of these speeches; but imagining how they ought to have +been expressed, he enumerates all the arguments used, and makes the +words tally with the circumstances, like a schoolboy declaiming on a +set theme: as though his object were to display his own ability, not to +give a report of what was in reality said.... + +(_b_) The special province of history is, first, to ascertain what +the actual words used were; and secondly, to learn why it was that +a particular policy or argument failed or succeeded. For a bare +statement of an occurrence is interesting indeed, but not instructive: +but when this is supplemented by a statement of cause, the study of +history becomes fruitful. For it is by applying analogies to our own +circumstances that we get the means and basis for calculating the +future; and for learning from the past when to act with caution, and +when with greater boldness, in the present. The historian therefore +who omits the words actually used, as well as all statement of the +determining circumstances, and gives us instead conjectures and mere +fancy compositions, destroys the special use of history. In this +respect Timaeus is an eminent offender, for we all know that his books +are full of such writing. + +(_c_) But perhaps some one may raise the question as to how it comes +about that, being the sort of writer that I am showing him to be, he +has obtained acceptance and credit among certain people. The reason +is that his work abounds with hostile criticism and invective against +others: and he has been judged not by the positive merits of his own +composition and his independent narrative, but by his skill in refuting +his fellow historians; to which department he appears to me to have +brought great diligence and an extraordinary natural aptitude. The case +of the physicist Strato is almost precisely similar. As long as this +man is endeavouring to descredit and refute the opinions of others, +he is admirable: directly he brings forward anything of his own, or +expounds any of his own doctrines, he at once seems to men of science +to lose his faculties and become stupid and unintelligent. And for my +part, I look upon this difference in writers as strictly analogous to +the facts of everyday life. In this too it is easy to criticise our +neighbours, but to be faultless ourselves is hard. One might almost say +that those who are most ready at finding fault with others are most +prone to errors in their own life. + +(_d_) Besides these I may mention another error of Timaeus. Having +stayed quietly at Athens for about fifty years, during which he devoted +himself to the study of written history, he imagined that he was in +possession of the most important means of writing it. To my mind this +was a great mistake. History and the science of medicine are alike in +this respect, that both may be divided broadly into three departments; +and therefore those who study either must approach them in three ways. +For instance the three departments of medicine are the rhetorical, the +dietetic, and the surgical and pharmaceutical. [The second of these +though important is discredited by some.][39] The first, which takes +its rise from the school of Herophilus and Callimachus of Alexandria, +does indeed rightly claim a certain position in medical science; but +by its speciousness and liberal promises acquires so much reputation +that those who are occupied with other branches of the art are supposed +to be completely ignorant. But just bring one of these professors to +an actual invalid: you will find that they are as completely wanting +in the necessary skill as men who have never read a medical treatise. +Nay, it has happened before now that certain persons, who had really +nothing serious the matter with them, have been persuaded by their +powerful arguments to commit themselves to their treatment, and have +thereby endangered their lives: for they are like men trying to steer +a ship out of a book. Still such men go from city to city with great +_éclât_, and get the common people together to listen to them. But if, +when this is done, they induce certain people to submit as a specimen +to their practical treatment; they only succeed in reducing them to +a state of extreme discomfort, and making them a laughing stock to +the audience.[40] So completely does a persuasive address frequently +get the advantage over practical experience. The third branch of the +medical science, though it involves genuine skill in the treatment of +the several cases, is not only rare in itself, but is also frequently +cast into the shade, thanks to the folly of popular judgment, by +volubility and impudence. + +(_e_) In the same way the science of genuine history is threefold: +first, the dealing with written documents and the arrangement of the +material thus obtained; second, topography, the appearance of cities +and localities, the description of rivers and harbours, and, speaking +generally, the peculiar features of seas and countries and their +relative distances; thirdly, political affairs. Now, as in the case of +medicine, it is the last branch that many attach themselves to, owing +to their preconceived opinions on the subject. And the majority of +writers bring to the undertaking no spirit of fairness at all: nothing +but dishonesty, impudence and unscrupulousness. Like vendors of drugs, +their aim is to catch popular credit and favour, and to seize every +opportunity of enriching themselves. About such writers it is not worth +while to say more. + +(_f_) But some of those who have the reputation of approaching history +in a reasonable spirit are like the theoretical physicians. They spend +all their time in libraries, and acquire generally all the learning +which can be got from books, and then persuade themselves that they +are adequately equipped for their task.... Yet in my opinion they +are only partially qualified for the production of genuine history. +To inspect ancient records indeed, with the view of ascertaining +the notions entertained by the ancients of certain places, nations, +polities and events, and of understanding the several circumstances +and contingencies experienced in former times, is useful; for the +history of the past directs our attention in a proper spirit to the +future, if a writer can be found to give a statement of facts as they +really occurred. But to persuade one’s self, as Timaeus does, that +such ability in research is sufficient to enable a man to describe +subsequent transactions with success is quite foolish. It is as though +a man were to imagine that an inspection of the works of the old +masters would enable him to become a painter and a master of the art +himself. + +[Sidenote: Ephorus was fairly acquainted with naval, but not with +military tactics.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 371. B.C. 362.] + +This will be rendered still more evident from what I have now to say, +particularly from certain passages in the history of Ephorus. This +writer in his history of war seems to me to have had some idea of +naval tactics, but to be quite unacquainted with fighting on shore. +Accordingly, if one turns one’s attention to the naval battles at +Cyprus and Cnidus, in which the generals of the king were engaged +against Evagoras of Salamis[41] and then against the Lacedaemonians, +one will be struck with admiration of the historian, and will learn +many useful lessons as to what to do in similar circumstances. +But when he tells the story of the battle of Leuctra between the +Thebans and Lacedaemonians, or again that of Mantinea between the +same combatants, in which Epaminondas lost his life, if in these one +examines attentively and in detail the arrangements and evolutions in +the line of battle, the historian will appear quite ridiculous, and +betray his entire ignorance and want of personal experience of such +matters. The battle of Leuctra indeed was simple, and confined to +one division of the forces engaged, and therefore does not make the +writer’s lack of knowledge so very glaring: but that of Mantinea was +complicated and technical, and is accordingly unintelligible and indeed +completely inconceivable, to the historian. This will be rendered clear +by first laying down a correct plan of the ground, and then measuring +the extent of the movements as described by him. The same is the case +with Theopompus, and above all with Timaeus, the subject of this book. +These latter writers also can conceal their ignorance, so long as they +deal with generalities; but directly they attempt minute and detailed +description, they show that they are no better than Ephorus.... + +(_g_) It is in fact as impossible to write well on the operations in +a war, if a man has had no experience of actual service, as it is +to write well on politics without having been engaged in political +transactions and vicissitudes. And when history is written by the +book-learned, without technical knowledge, and without clearness of +detail, the work loses all its value. For if you take from history its +element of practical instruction, what is left of it has nothing to +attract and nothing to teach. Again, in the topography of cities and +localities, when such men attempt to go into details, being entirely +without personal knowledge, they must in a similar manner necessarily +pass over many points of importance; while they waste words on many +that are not worth the trouble. And this is what his failure to make +personal inspection brings upon Timaeus.... + +[Sidenote: Timaeus’s want of practical knowledge.] + +(_h_) In his thirty-fourth book Timaeus says that “he spent fifty +continuous years at Athens as an alien, and never took part in any +military service, or went to inspect the localities.” Accordingly, when +he comes upon any such matters in the course of his history, he shows +much ignorance and makes many misstatements; and if he ever does come +near the truth, he is like one of those animal-painters who draw from +models of stuffed skins. Such artists sometimes preserve the correct +outline, but the vivid look and life-like portraiture of the real +animal, the chief charm of the painter’s art, are quite wanting. This +is just the case with Timaeus, and in fact with all who start with mere +book-learning; there is nothing vivid in their presentment of events, +for that can only come from the personal experience of the writers. And +hence it is, that those who have gone through no such course of actual +experience produce no genuine enthusiasm in the minds of their readers. +Former historians showed their sense of the necessity of making +professions to this effect in their writings. For when their subject +was political, they were careful to state that the writer had of course +been engaged in politics, and had had experience in matters of the +sort; or if the subject was military, that he had served a campaign and +been actually engaged; and again, when the matter was one of everyday +life, that he had brought up children and had been married; and so on +in every department of life, which we may expect to find adequately +treated by those writers alone who have had personal experience, and +have accordingly made that branch of history their own. It is difficult +perhaps for a man to have been actually and literally engaged in +everything: but in the most important actions and most frequently +occurring he must have been so. + +(_i_) And that this is no impossibility, Homer is a convincing +instance; for in him you may see this quality of personal knowledge +frequently and conspicuously displayed. The upshot of all this is that +the study of documents is only one of three elements in the preparation +of an historian, and is only third in importance. And no clearer +proof of this could be given than that furnished by the deliberative +speeches, harangues of commanders, and orations of ambassadors as +recorded by Timaeus. For the truth is, that the occasions are rare +which admit of all possible arguments being set forth; as a rule, the +circumstances of the case confine them to narrow limits. And of such +speeches one sort are regarded with favour by men of our time, another +by those of an earlier age; different styles again are popular with +Aetolians, Peloponnesians, and Athenians. But to make digressions, +in season and out of season, for the purpose of setting forth every +possible speech that could be made, as Timaeus does by his trick of +inventing words to suit every sort of occasion, is utterly misleading, +pedantic, and worthy of a schoolboy essayist. And this practice has +brought failure and discredit on many writers. Of course to select from +time to time the proper and appropriate language is a necessary part +of our art: but as there is no fixed rule to decide the quantity and +quality of the words to be used on a particular occasion, great care +and training is required if we are to instruct and not mislead our +readers. The exact nature of the situation is difficult to communicate +always; still it may be brought home to the mind by means of systematic +demonstration, founded on personal and habitual experience. The best +way of securing that this should be realised is for historians, first, +to state clearly the position, the aims, and the circumstances of +those deliberating; and then, recording the real speeches made, to +explain to us the causes which contributed to the success or failure +of the several speakers. Thus we should obtain a true conception of +the situation, and by exercising our judgment upon it, and drawing +analogies from it, should be able to form a thoroughly sound opinion +upon the circumstances of the hour. But I suppose that tracing causes +is difficult, while stringing words together in books is easy. Few +again have the faculty of speaking briefly to the point, and getting +the necessary training for doing so; while to produce a long and futile +composition is within most people’s capacity and is common enough. + +[Sidenote: Timaeus on Sicilian history.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 413. Thucyd. 7, 42 _sqq._] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 405. Hermocrates was not there. Xen. _Hellen._ 1, 1, +27-31.] + +(_k_) To confirm the judgment I have expressed of Timaeus, on his +wilful misstatements as well as his ignorance, I shall now quote +certain short passages from his acknowledged works as specimens.... Of +all the men who have exercised sovereignty in Sicily, since the elder +Gelo, tradition tells us that the most able have been Hermocrates, +Timoleon, and Pyrrhus of Epirus, who are the last persons in the world +on whom to father pedantic and scholastic speeches. Now Timaeus tells +us in his twenty-first book that on his arrival in Sicily Eurymedon +urged the cities there to undertake the war against Syracuse; that +subsequently the people of Gela becoming tired of the war, sent an +embassy to Camarina to make a truce; that upon the latter gladly +welcoming the proposal, each state sent ambassadors to their respective +allies begging them to despatch men of credit to Gela to deliberate on +a pacification, and to secure the common interests. Upon the arrival of +these deputies in Gela and the opening of the conference, he represents +Hermocrates as speaking to the following effect: “He praised the people +of Gela and Camarina first, for having made the truce; secondly, +because they were the cause of the assembling of this peace congress; +and thirdly because they had taken precautions to prevent the mass +of the citizens from taking part in the discussion, and had secured +that it should be confined to the leading men in the states, who knew +the difference between peace and war.” Then after making two or three +practical suggestions, Hermocrates is represented as expressing an +opinion that “if they seriously consider the matter they will learn the +profound difference between peace and war,”—although just before he had +said that it was precisely this which moved his gratitude to the men +of Gela, that “the discussion did not take place in the mass assembly, +but in a congress of men who knew the difference between peace and +war.” This is an instance in which Timaeus not only fails to show the +ability of an historian, but sinks below the level of a school theme. +For, I presume, it will be universally admitted that what an audience +requires is a demonstration of that about which they are in ignorance +or uncertainty; but to exhaust one’s ingenuity in finding arguments +to prove what is known already is the most futile waste of time. But +besides his cardinal mistake of directing the greater part of the +speech to points which stood in need of no arguments at all, Timaeus +also puts into the mouth of Hermocrates certain sentences of which +one could scarcely believe that any commonplace youth would have been +capable, much less the colleague of the Lacedaemonians in the battle of +Aegospotami, and the sole conqueror of the Athenian armies and generals +in Sicily. + ++26.+ For first he “thinks that he should remind the congress that in +war sleepers are woke at dawn by bugles, in peace by cocks.”[42] Then +he says that “Hercules established the Olympic games and the sacred +truce during them, as an exemplification of his own principles;” and +that “he had injured all those persons against whom he waged war, under +compulsion and in obedience to the order of another, but was never +voluntarily the author of harm to any man.”[43] Next he quotes the +instance of Zeus in Homer as being displeased with Ares, and saying[44]— + + + “Of all the gods that on Olympus dwell + I hold thee most detested; for thy joy + Is ever strife and war and battle.” + + +And again the wisest of the heroes says[45]— + + + “He is a wretch, insensible and dead + To all the charities of social life, + Whose pleasure is in civil broil and war.” + + +Then he goes on to allege that Euripides agrees with Homer in the +lines[46]— + + + “O well of infinite riches! + O fairest of beings divine! + O Peace, how alas! thou delayest; + My heart for thy coming is fain. + I tremble lest age overtake me, + Ere thy beauty and grace I behold; + Ere the maidens shall sing in their dancing, + And revels be gladsome with flowers.” + + +Next he remarks that “war is like disease, peace like health; for that +the latter restores those that are sick, while in the former even the +healthy perish. Moreover, in time of peace, the old are buried by the +young as nature directs, while in war the case is reversed; and above +all in war there is no security even as far as the city walls, while +in peace it extends to the frontier of the territory”—and so on. I +wonder what other arguments would have been employed by a youth who had +just devoted himself to scholastic exercises and studies in history; +and who wished, according to the rules of the art, to adapt his words +to the supposed speakers? Just these I think which Timaeus represents +Hermocrates as using. + +[Sidenote: Timoleon’s victory over the Carthaginians, B.C. 344.] + +(_a_) Again, in the same book, Timoleon is exhorting the Greeks to +engage the Carthaginians;[47] and when they are on the very point of +coming to close quarters with the enemy, who are many times superior +to them in number, Timaeus represents him as saying, “Do not look to +the numbers of the foe, but to their cowardice. For though Libya is +fully settled and abounds in inhabitants, yet when we wish to express +complete desolation we say ‘more desolate than Libya,’ not meaning to +refer to its emptiness, but to the poor spirit of its inhabitants. And +after all, who would be afraid of men who, when nature gives hands as +the distinctive feature of man among all living creatures, carry them +about all their life inside their tunics idle?[48] And more than all, +who wear shirts under their inner tunics, that they may not even when +they fall in battle show their nakedness to their enemies?...” + +[Sidenote: Gelo. See Herod. 7, 157-165, B.C. 481.] + +(_b_) When Gelo promised to help the Greeks with twenty thousand land +forces and two hundred decked ships, if they would concede to him the +chief command either by land or sea, they say that the congress of +Greeks, sitting at Corinth, gave Gelo’s envoys a most spirited answer. +They urged Gelo to come to their aid with his forces, and observed that +the logic of facts would give the command to the bravest. This is not +the language of men depending for succour on the Syracusans, as a last +resource; but of men who felt confidence in themselves, and challenged +all comers to a rivalry of courage and for the crown of valour. In +spite of this, Timaeus spends such a wealth of rhetoric and earnestness +on these points, in his desire to exalt the importance of Sicily above +all the rest of Greece, to represent its history as the most splendid +and glorious of all the world, its men as the wisest of all who have +been great in philosophy, and the Syracusans as the most consummate +and divine of statesmen, that he could scarcely be surpassed by the +cleverest schoolboy declaimers when undertaking to prove such paradoxes +as that “Thersites was an excellent man,” or “Penelope a bad wife,” or +other thesis of that description. + +(_c_) However, the only effect of such extravagant exaggeration is +to bring ridicule upon the men and the transactions which it is his +intention to champion; while he himself incurs the same discredit as +ill-trained disputants in the Academy; some of whom, in their desire +to embarrass their opponents on all subjects, possible or impossible +alike, carry their paradoxical and sophistical arguments to such a +length as to dispute whether it is possible for people at Athens to +smell eggs cooking at Ephesus: and to offer to maintain that, while +they are discussing these points, they are lying on their couches +at home and carrying on a second discussion on other subjects. This +extravagance of paradox has brought the whole school into such +disrepute, that even reasonable discussions have lost credit with the +world. And apart from their own futility, these persons have inspired +our young men with so depraved a taste, that they pay no attention +whatever to questions of ethics and politics, which bring benefit to +those who study them; but spend their lives in pursuit of an empty +reputation for useless and paradoxical verbiage. + +(_d_) This is just the case with Timaeus and his imitators in history. +Paradoxical and tenacious, he has dazzled the multitude by skill in +words; and has forced attention to himself by a show of veracity, or +has conciliated confidence by a pretence of producing proof of his +assertions. The most conspicuous instances of his success in inspiring +this confidence are those parts of his work which treat of colonies, +founding of cities, and the relationships of nations. In these points +he makes such a parade of minute accuracy, and inveighs so bitterly +when refuting others, that people came to imagine that all other +historians have been mere dreamers, and have spoken at random in +describing the world; and that he is the only man who has made accurate +investigations, and unravelled every history with intelligence. + +(_e_) As a matter of fact, his books contain much that is sound, but +also much that is false. Those, however, who have spent much time on +his earlier books, in which the passages I have alluded to occur, +when the confidence which they have fully given to his exaggerated +professions is disturbed by some one pointing out that Timaeus is +obnoxious to the same reproaches which he has brought with such +bitterness against others (as, for instance, in the misstatements as to +the Locrians, and other instances lately mentioned by me), become angry +and obstinate in controversy, and difficult to convince. And that, I +might almost say, is all the benefit which the most diligent students +of his history get from their reading. While those who devote their +attention to his speeches, and generally to the didactic part of his +work, become pedantic, sophistical, and wholly insensible to truth, for +reasons which I have already stated. + +[Sidenote: Cp. Herod. 1, 8. Hor. A. P. 180.] + ++27.+ Moreover, when he comes to deal with facts in his history, we +find a combination of all the faults which I have mentioned. The +reason I will now proceed to state. It will not, perhaps, to most +people seem to his credit, and it is in truth the real source of +his errors. For whereas he is thought to have possessed great and +wide knowledge, a faculty for historical inquiry, and extraordinary +industry in the execution of his work, in certain cases he appears +to have been the most ignorant and indolent person that ever called +himself an historian. And the following considerations will prove it. +Nature has bestowed on us two instruments of inquiry and research, +hearing and sight. Of these sight is, according to Heracleitus, by +far the truer; for eyes are surer witnesses than ears. And of these +channels of learning Timaeus has chosen the pleasanter and the worse; +for he entirely refrained from looking at things with his own eyes, +and devoted himself to learning by hearsay. But even the ear may be +instructed in two ways, reading and answers to personal inquiries: and +in the latter of these he was very indolent, as I have already shown. +The reason of his preference for the other it is easy to divine. Study +of documents involves no danger or fatigue, if one only takes care to +lodge in a city rich in such records, or to have a library in one’s +neighbourhood. You may then investigate any question while reclining on +your couch, and compare the mistakes of former historians without any +fatigue to yourself. But personal investigation demands great exertion +and expense; though it is exceedingly advantageous, and in fact is +the very corner-stone of history. This is evident from the writers of +history themselves. Ephorus says, “if writers could only be present +at the actual transactions, it would be far the best of all modes of +learning.” Theopompus says, “the best military historian is he who has +been present at the greatest number of battles; the best speech maker +is he who has been engaged in most political contests.” The same might +be said of the art of healing and of steering. Homer has spoken even +more emphatically than these writers on this point. For when he wishes +to describe what the man of light and leading should be, he introduces +Odysseus in these words— + + + “Tell me, oh Muse, the man of many shifts + Who wandered far and wide.” + + +and then goes on— + + + “And towns of many saw, and learnt their mind, + And suffered much in heart by land and sea.” + + +and again[49]— + + + “Passing through wars of men and grievous waves.” + + +[Sidenote: Historians must be practical men.] + +[Sidenote: Timaeus on Ephorus.] + ++28.+ It is such a man that the dignity of history appears to me to +require. Plato says that “human affairs will not go well until either +philosophers become kings or kings become philosophers.”[50] So I +should say that history will never be properly written, until either +men of action undertake to write it (not as they do now, as a matter of +secondary importance; but, with the conviction that it is their most +necessary and honourable employment, shall devote themselves through +life exclusively to it), or historians become convinced that practical +experience is of the first importance for historical composition. +Until that time arrives there will always be abundance of blunders +in the writings of historians. Timaeus, however, quite disregarded +all this. He spent his life in one place, of which he was not even a +citizen; and thus deliberately renounced all active career either in +war or politics, and all personal exertion in travel and inspection +of localities: and yet, somehow or another, he has managed to obtain +the reputation of a master in the art of history. To prove that I have +not misrepresented him, it is easy to bring the evidence of Timaeus +himself. In the preface to his sixth book he says that “some people +suppose that more genius, industry, and preparation are required for +rhetorical than for historical composition.” And that “this opinion +had been formerly advanced against Ephorus.” Then because this writer +had been unable to refute those who held it, he undertakes himself to +draw a comparison between history and rhetorical compositions: a most +unnecessary proceeding altogether. In the first place he misrepresents +Ephorus. For in truth, admirable as Ephorus is throughout his whole +work, in style, treatment, and argumentative acuteness, he is never +more brilliant than in his digressions and statements of his personal +views: in fact, whenever he is adding anything in the shape of a +commentary or a note. And it so happens that his most elegant and +convincing digression is on this very subject of a comparison between +historians and speech-writers. But Timaeus is anxious not to be thought +to follow Ephorus. Therefore, in addition to misrepresenting him and +condemning the rest, he enters upon a long, confused, and in every way +inferior, discussion of what had been already sufficiently handled by +others; and expected that no one living would detect him. + +(_a_) However, he wished to exalt history; and, in order to do so, +he says that “history differs from rhetorical composition as much as +real buildings differ from those represented in scene-paintings.” And +again, that “to collect the necessary materials for writing history +is by itself more laborious than the whole process of producing +rhetorical compositions.” He mentions, for instance, the expense and +labour which he underwent in collecting records from Assyria, and +in studying the customs of the Ligures, Celts, and Iberians. But he +exaggerates these so much, that he could not have himself expected to +be believed. One would be glad to ask the historian which of the two +he thinks is the more expensive and laborious,—to remain quietly at +home and collect records and study the customs of Ligures and Celts, +or to obtain personal experience of all the tribes possible, and see +them with his own eyes? To ask questions about manœuvres on the field +of battle and the sieges of cities and fights at sea from those who +were present, or to take personal part in the dangers and vicissitudes +of these operations as they occur? For my part I do not think that +real buildings differ so much from those in stage-scenery, nor history +from rhetorical compositions, as a narrative drawn from actual and +personal experience differs from one derived from hearsay and the +report of others. But Timaeus had no such experience: and he therefore +naturally supposed that the part of an historian’s labour which is the +least important and lightest, that namely of collecting records and +making inquiries from those who had knowledge of the several events, +was in reality the most important and most difficult. And, indeed, in +this particular department of research, men who have had no personal +experience must necessarily fall into grave errors. For how is a man, +who has no knowledge of such things, to put the right questions as +to manœuvering of troops, sieges of cities, and fights at sea? And +how can he understand the details of what is told him? Indeed, the +questioner is as important as the narrator for getting a clear story. +For in the case of men who have had experience of real action, memory +is a sufficient guide from point to point of a narrative: but a man who +has had no such experience can neither put the right questions, nor +understand what is happening before his eyes. Though he is on the spot, +in fact, he is as good as absent.... + + + + +BOOK XIII + + +THE AETOLIANS + +[Sidenote: Straitened finances in Aetolia cause a revolution, B.C. 204.] + ++1.+ From the unbroken continuity of their wars, and the extravagance +of their daily lives, the Aetolians became involved in debt, not +only without others noticing it, but without being sensible of it +themselves. Being therefore naturally disposed to a change in their +constitution, they elected Dorimachus and Scopas to draw out a code +of laws, because they saw that they were not only innovators by +disposition, but were themselves deeply involved in private debt. These +men accordingly were admitted to the office and drew up the laws.... + +When they produced them they were opposed by Alexander of Aetolia, +who tried to show by many instances that innovation was a dangerous +growth which could not be checked, and invariably ended by inflicting +grave evils upon those who fostered it. He urged them therefore not +to look solely to the exigencies of the hour, and the relief from +their existing contracts, but to the future also. For it was a strange +inconsistency to be ready to forfeit their very lives in war to +preserve their children, and yet in their deliberations to be entirely +careless of the future.... + +[Sidenote: Scopas goes to Egypt. See 16, 18-19; 18, 53.] + ++2.+ Having failed to obtain the office, for the sake of which he had +had the boldness to draw up these laws, Scopas turned his hopes to +Alexandria, in the expectation of finding means there of restoring his +broken fortunes, and satisfying to a fuller extent his grasping spirit. +He little knew that it is impossible to assuage the ever-rising desires +of the soul without correcting this passion by reason, any more than +it is to stay or quench the thirst of the dropsical body by supplying +it with drink, without radically restoring its healthy condition. +Scopas, indeed, is a conspicuous example of this truth; for though on +his arrival at Alexandria, in addition to his military pay, which he +possessed independently as commander-in-chief, the king assigned him +ten minae a day, and one mina a day to those next him in rank, still he +was not satisfied; but continued to demand more, until he disgusted his +paymasters by his cupidity, and lost his life and his gold together. + + +PHILIP’S TREACHEROUS CONDUCT, B.C. 204 + ++3.+ Philip now entered upon a course of treachery which no one would +venture to say was worthy of a king; but which some would defend on +the ground of its necessity in the conduct of public affairs, owing to +the prevailing bad faith of the time. For the ancients, so far from +using a fraudulent policy towards their friends, were scrupulous even +as to using it to conquer their enemies; because they did not regard +a success as either glorious or secure, which was not obtained by +such a victory in the open field as served to break the confidence of +their enemies. They therefore came to a mutual understanding not to +use hidden weapons against each other, nor such as could be projected +from a distance; and held the opinion that the only genuine decision +was that arrived at by a battle fought at close quarters, foot to +foot with the enemy. It was for this reason also that it was their +custom mutually to proclaim their wars, and give notice of battles, +naming time and place at which they meant to be in order of battle. +But nowadays people say that it is the mark of an inferior general +to perform any operation of war openly. Some slight trace, indeed, +of the old-fashioned morality still lingers among the Romans; for +they do proclaim their wars, and make sparing use of ambuscades, and +fight their battles hand to hand and foot to foot. So much for the +unnecessary amount of artifice which it is the fashion for commanders +in our days to employ both in politics and war. + +[Sidenote: Philip employs Heracleides of Tarentum.] + ++4.+ Philip gave Heracleides a kind of problem to work out,—how +to circumvent and destroy the Rhodian fleet. At the same time he +sent envoys to Crete to excite and provoke them to go to war with +the Rhodians. Heracleides, who was a born traitor, looked upon the +commission as the very thing to suit his plans; and after revolving +various methods in his mind, presently started and sailed to Rhodes. +He was by origin a Tarentine, of a low family of mechanics, and he had +many qualities which fitted him for bold and unscrupulous undertakings. +His boyhood had been stained by notorious immorality; he had great +acuteness and a retentive memory; in the presence of the vulgar no one +could be more bullying and audacious; to those in high position no one +more insinuating and servile. He had been originally banished from his +native city from a suspicion of being engaged in an intrigue to hand +over Tarentum to the Romans: not that he had any political influence, +but being an architect, and employed in some repairs of the walls, he +got possession of the keys of the gate on the landward side of the +town. He thereupon fled for his life to the Romans. From them, being +detected in making communications by letters and messages with Tarentum +and Hannibal, he again fled for fear of consequences to Philip. With +him he obtained so much credit and influence that he eventually was the +most powerful element in the overthrow of that great monarchy. + +[Sidenote: The false pretences of Heracleides at Rhodes.] + ++5.+ The Prytanies of Rhodes were now distrustful of Philip, owing to +his treacherous policy in Crete,[51] and they began to suspect that +Heracleides was his agent.... But Heracleides came before them and +explained the reasons which had caused him to fly from Philip.... + +Philip was anxious above everything that the Rhodians should not +discover his purpose in these transactions; whereby he succeeded in +freeing Heracleides from suspicion.... + +[Sidenote: Magna est veritas.] + +Nature, as it seems to me, has ordained that Truth should be a most +mighty goddess among men, and has endowed her with extraordinary power. +At least, I notice that though at times everything combines to crush +her, and every kind of specious argument is on the side of falsehood, +she somehow or another insinuates herself by her own intrinsic virtue +into the souls of men. Sometimes she displays her power at once; and +sometimes, though obscured for a length of time, she at last prevails +and overpowers falsehood. Such was the case with Heracleides when he +came from king Philip to Rhodes....[52] + +Damocles, who was sent with Pythio as a spy upon the Romans, was a +person of ability, and possessed of many endowments fitting him for the +conduct of affairs.... + + +NABIS, TYRANT OF SPARTA, B.C. 207-192 + +[Sidenote: The character of Nabis’s tyranny.] + ++6.+ Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, being now in the third year of his +reign, ventured upon no undertaking of importance, owing to the +recent defeat of Machanidas by the Achaeans; but employed himself in +laying the foundations of a long and grinding tyranny. He destroyed +the last remains of the old Spartan nobles; drove into banishment +all men eminent for wealth or ancestral glory; and distributed their +property and wives among the chief men of those who remained, or among +his own mercenary soldiers. These last were composed of murderers, +housebreakers, foot-pads, and burglars. For this was, generally +speaking, the class of men which he collected out of all parts of the +world, whose own country was closed to them owing to their crimes and +felonies. As he put himself forward as the patron and king of such +wretches, and employed them as attendants and bodyguards, there is +evidently no cause for surprise that his impious character and reign +should have been long remembered. For, besides this, he was not content +with driving the citizens into banishment, but took care no place +should be secure, and no refuge safe for the exiles. Some he caused to +be pursued and killed on the road, while others he dragged from their +place of retreat and murdered. Finally, in the cities where they were +living, he hired the houses next door to these banished men, wherever +they might be, by means of agents who were not suspected; and then sent +Cretans into these houses, who made breaches in the party walls, and +through them, or through such windows as already existed, shot down the +exiles as they stood or lay down in their own houses; so that there +was no place of retreat, and no moment of security for the unfortunate +Lacedaemonians. + +[Sidenote: Nabis’s wife.] + ++7.+ When he had by these means put the greater number of them out of +the way, he next had constructed a kind of machine, if machine it may +be called, which was the figure of a woman, clothed in costly garments, +and made to resemble with extraordinary fidelity the wife of Nabis. +Whenever then he summoned one of the citizens with a view of getting +some money from him, he used first to employ a number of arguments +politely expressed, pointing out the danger in which the city stood +from the threatening attitude of the Achaeans, and explaining what +a number of mercenaries he had to support for their security, and +the expenses which fell upon him for the maintenance of the national +religion and the needs of the State. If the listeners gave in he was +satisfied; but if they ever refused to comply with his demand, he would +say, “Perhaps I cannot persuade you, but I think this lady Apéga will +succeed in doing so.” Apéga was the name of his wife. Immediately on +his saying these words, the figure I have described was brought in. As +soon as the man offered his hand to the supposed lady to raise her from +her seat, the figure threw its arms round him and began drawing him by +degrees towards its breasts. Now its arms, hands, and breasts were full +of iron spikes under its clothes. When the tyrant pressed his hands on +the back of the figure, and then by means of the works dragged the man +by degrees closer and closer to its breasts, he forced him under this +torture to say anything. A good number of men who refused his demands +he destroyed in this way.[53] + +[Sidenote: The beginning of the war between Nabis and the Achaeans.] + ++8.+ The rest of his conduct was on a par with this beginning. He +made common cause with the Cretan pirates, and kept temple-breakers, +highway-robbers, and murderers all over the Peloponnese; and as he +shared in the profits of their nefarious trades, he allowed them to +use Sparta as their base of operations. Moreover, about this time +some visitors from Boeotia, who happened to be staying at Lacedaemon, +enticed one of his grooms to make off with them, taking a certain +white horse which was considered the finest in the royal stud. They +were pursued by a party sent by Nabis as far as Megalopolis, where the +tyrants found the horse and groom, and took them off without any one +interfering. But they then laid hands on the Boeotians, who at first +demanded to be taken before the magistrate; but as no attention was +paid to the demand, one of them shouted out “Help!” Upon a crowd of the +people of the place collecting and protesting that the men should be +taken before the magistrate, Nabis’s party were obliged to let them go +and retire. Nabis, however, had been long looking out for a ground of +complaint and a reasonable pretext for a quarrel, and having seized on +this one, he harried the cattle belonging to Proagoras and some others; +which was a commencement of the war....[54] + + +ANTIOCHUS IN ARABIA, B.C. 205-204 + ++9.+ Labae, like Sabae, is a city of Chattenia, which is a territory of +the Gerraei.... In other respects, Chattenia is a rugged country, but +the wealth of the Gerraei who inhabit it has adorned it with villages +and towers. It lies along the Arabian Sea, and Antiochus gave orders to +spare it.... + +In a letter to Antiochus the Gerraei demanded that he should not +destroy what the gods had given them—perpetual peace and freedom; and +this letter having been interpreted to him he granted the request.... + +Their freedom having been confirmed to the Gerraei, they presented King +Antiochus at once with five hundred talents of silver, one thousand of +frankincense, and two hundred of oil of cinnamon, called stactè, all of +them spices of the country on the Arabian Sea. He then sailed to the +island of Tylos, and thence to Seleucia.... + + + + +BOOK XIV + + +PREFACE + +[Sidenote: 144th Olympiad, B.C. 204-200.] + +Perhaps a _resumé_ of events in each Olympiad may arrest the attention +of my readers both by their number and importance, the transactions in +every part of the world being brought under one view. However, I think +the events of this Olympiad especially will do so; because in it the +wars in Italy and Libya came to an end; and I cannot imagine any one +not caring to inquire what sort of catastrophe and conclusion they had. +For everybody, though extremely interested in details and particulars, +naturally longs to be told the end of a story. I may add that it was +in this period also that the kings gave the clearest indication of +their character and policy. For what was only rumour in regard to them +before was now become a matter of clear and universal knowledge, even +to those who did not care to take part in public business. Therefore, +as I wished to make my narrative worthy of its subject, I have not, as +in former instances, included the history of two years in one book.... + + +_Elected Consul for_ B.C. _205 (see 11, 33) Scipio had Sicily assigned +as his provincia, with leave to cross to Africa if necessary (Livy, +28, 45). He sent Laelius to Africa in B.C. 205, but remained himself +in Sicily. Next spring (B.C. 204) he crossed to Africa with a year’s +additional imperium. In the course of this year he ravaged the +Carthaginian territory and besieged Utica (Livy, 29, 35), and at the +beginning of_ B.C. _203 his imperium was prolonged till he should have +finished the war (id. 30, 1)._ + + +[Sidenote: The proposal of Syphax.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 203. Cn. Servilius Caepio, C. Servilius Geminus Coss. +Livy, 30, 1.] + ++1.+ While the Consuls were thus engaged,[55] Scipio in Libya learnt +during the winter that the Carthaginians were fitting out a fleet; +he therefore devoted himself to similar preparations as well as to +pressing on the siege of Utica. He did not, however, give up all hopes +of Syphax; but as their forces were not far apart he kept sending +messages to him, convinced that he would be able to detach him from the +Carthaginians. He still cherished the belief that Syphax was getting +tired of the girl[56] for whose sake he had joined the Carthaginians, +and of his alliance with the Punic people generally; for the Numidians, +he knew, were naturally quick to feel satiety, and constant neither +to gods nor men. Scipio’s mind, however, was distracted with various +anxieties, and his prospects were far from seeming secure to him; +for he shrank from an engagement in the open field on account of +the enemy’s great superiority in numbers. He therefore seized an +opportunity which now presented itself. Some of his messengers to +Syphax reported to him that the Carthaginians had constructed their +huts in their winter camp of various kinds of wood and boughs without +any earth; while the old army of the Numidians made theirs of reeds, +and the reinforcements which were now coming in from the neighbouring +townships constructed theirs of boughs only, some of them inside the +trench and palisade, but the greater number outside. Scipio therefore +made up his mind that the manner of attacking them, which would be most +unexpected by the enemy and most successful for himself, would be by +fire. He therefore turned his attention to organising such an attack. +Now, in his communications with Scipio, Syphax was continually harping +upon his proposal that the Carthaginians should evacuate Italy and the +Romans Libya; and that the possessions held by either between these two +countries should remain in _statu quo_. Hitherto Scipio had refused to +listen to this suggestion, but he now gave Syphax a hint by the mouth +of his messengers that the course he wished to see followed was not +impossible. Greatly elated at this, Syphax became much bolder than +before in his communications with Scipio; the numbers of the messengers +sent backwards and forwards, and the frequency of their visits, +were redoubled; and they sometimes even stayed several days in each +other’s camps without any thought of precaution. On these occasions +Scipio always took care to send, with the envoys, some men of tried +experience or of military knowledge, dressed up as slaves in rough and +common clothes, that they might examine and investigate in security +the approaches and entrances to both the entrenchments. For there were +two camps, one that of Hasdrubal, containing thirty thousand infantry +and three thousand cavalry; and another about ten stades distant from +it of the Numidians, containing ten thousand cavalry and about fifty +thousand infantry. The latter was the easier of approach, and its huts +were well calculated for being set on fire, because, as I said before, +the Numidians had not made theirs of timber and earth, but used simply +reeds and thatch in their construction. + +[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 203.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s ruse to deceive Syphax.] + ++2.+ By the beginning of spring Scipio had completed the +reconnaissances necessary for this attempt upon the enemy; and he began +launching his ships, and getting the engines on them into working +order, as though with the purpose of assaulting Utica by sea. With +his land forces he once more occupied the high ground overlooking +the town, and carefully fortified it and secured it by trenches. He +wished the enemy to believe that he was doing this for the sake of +carrying on the siege; but he really meant it as a cover for his +men, who were to be engaged in the undertaking described above, to +prevent the garrison sallying out, when the legions were separated +from their lines, assaulting the palisade which was so near to them, +and attacking the division left in charge of it. Whilst in the midst +of these preparations, he sent to Syphax inquiring whether, “in case +he agreed to his proposals, the Carthaginians would assent, and not +say again that they would deliberate on the terms?” He ordered these +legates at the same time not to return to him, until they had received +an answer on these points. When the envoys arrived, the Numidian king +was convinced that Scipio was on the point of concluding the agreement, +partly from the fact that the ambassadors said that they would not +go away until they got his answer, and partly because of the anxiety +expressed as to the disposition of the Carthaginians. He therefore sent +immediately to Hasdrubal, stating the facts and urging him to accept +the peace. Meanwhile he neglected all precautions himself, and allowed +the Numidians, who were now joining, to pitch their tents where they +were, outside the lines. Scipio in appearance acted in the same way, +while in reality he was pushing on his preparations with the utmost +care. When a message was returned from the Carthaginians bidding +Syphax complete the treaty of peace, the Numidian king, in a state of +great exaltation, communicated the news to the envoys; who immediately +departed to their own camp to inform Scipio from the king of what had +been done. As soon as he heard it, the Roman general at once sent fresh +envoys to inform Syphax that Scipio was quite satisfied and was anxious +for the peace; but that the members of his council differed from him, +and held that they should remain as they were. The ambassadors duly +arrived and informed the Numidians of this. Scipio sent this mission to +avoid the appearance of a breach of truce, if he should perform any act +of hostility while negotiations for peace were still going on between +the parties. He considered that, by making this statement, he would be +free to act in whatever way he chose without laying himself open to +blame. + +[Sidenote: Scipio discloses his project.] + ++3.+ Syphax’s annoyance at this message was great, in proportion to +the hopes he had previously entertained of making the peace. He had an +interview with Hasdrubal, and told him of the message he had received +from the Romans; but though they deliberated long and earnestly as to +what they ought to do, they neither had any idea or conjecture as to +what was really going to happen. For they had no anticipation whatever +as to the need of taking precautions, or of any danger threatening +them, but were all eagerness and excitement to strike some blow, and +thus provoke the enemy to descend into the level ground. Meanwhile +Scipio allowed his army generally, by the preparations he was making +and the orders he was issuing, to imagine that his aim was the capture +of Utica; but summoning the most able and trusty Tribunes at noon, he +imparted to them his design, and ordered them to cause their men to get +their supper early, and then to lead the legions outside the camp as +soon as the buglers gave the usual signal by a simultaneous blast of +their bugles. For it is a custom in the Roman army for the trumpeters +and buglers to sound a call near the commander’s tent at supper time, +that the night pickets may then take up their proper positions. +Scipio next summoned the spies whom he had sent at different times to +reconnoitre the enemy’s quarters, and carefully compared and studied +the accounts they gave about the roads leading to the hostile camps and +the entrances to them, employing Massanissa to criticise their words +and assist him with his advice, because he was acquainted with the +locality. + +[Sidenote: Destruction of the camp of Syphax by C. Laelius and +Massanissa, and of Hasdrubal.] + ++4.+ Everything being prepared for his expedition, Scipio left a +sufficiently strong guard in the camp, and got the rest of the men on +the march towards the end of the first watch, the enemy being about +sixty stades distant. Arrived in the neighbourhood of the enemy, +about the end of the third watch, he assigned to Gaius Laelius and +Massanissa half his Roman soldiers and all his Numidians, with orders +to attack the camp of Syphax, urging them to quit themselves like +brave men and do nothing carelessly; with the clear understanding +that, as the darkness hindered and prevented the use of the eyes, a +night attack required all the more the assistance of a cool head and a +firm heart. The rest of the army he took the command of in person, and +led against Hasdrubal. He had calculated on not beginning his assault +until Laelius’s division had set fire to the enemy’s huts; he therefore +proceeded slowly. The latter meanwhile advanced in two divisions, which +attacked the enemy simultaneously. The construction of the huts being +as though purposely contrived to be susceptible of a conflagration, as +I have already explained, as soon as the front rank men began to set +light to them, the fire caught all the first row of huts fiercely, and +soon got beyond all control, from the closeness of the huts to each +other, and the amount of combustible material which they contained. +Laelius remained in the rear as a reserve; but Massanissa, knowing +the localities through which those who fled from the fire would be +sure to retreat, stationed his own soldiers at those spots. Not a +single Numidian had any suspicion of the true state of the case, +not even Syphax himself; but thinking that it was a mere accidental +conflagration of the rampart, some of them started unsuspiciously out +of bed, others sprang out of their tents in the midst of a carouse +and with the cup actually at their lips. The result was that numbers +of them got trampled to death by their own friends at the exits from +the camp; many were caught by the flames and burnt to death; while all +those who escaped the flame fell into the hands of the enemy, and were +killed, without knowing what was happening to them or what they were +doing. + ++5.+ At the same time the Carthaginians, observing the proportions +of the conflagration and the hugeness of the flame that was rising, +imagined that the Numidian camp had been accidentally set on fire. Some +of them therefore started at once to render assistance, and all the +rest hurried outside their own camp unarmed, and stood there gazing +in astonishment at the spectacle. Everything having thus succeeded to +his best wishes, Scipio fell upon these men outside their camp, and +either put them to the sword, or, driving them back into the camp, +set fire to their huts. The disaster of the Punic army was thus very +like that which had just befallen the Numidians, fire and sword in +both cases combining to destroy them. Hasdrubal immediately gave up +all idea of combating the fire, for he knew from the coincidence of +the two that the fire in the Numidian camp was not accidental, as +he had supposed, but had originated from some desperate design of +the enemy. He therefore turned his attention to saving his own life, +although there was now little hope left of doing so. For the fire was +spreading rapidly and was catching everywhere; while the camp gangways +were full of horses, beasts of burden, and men, some of them half +dead and devoured by the fire, and others in a state of such frantic +terror and mad excitement that they prevented any attempts at making +a defence, and by the utter tumult and confusion which they created +rendered all chance of escape hopeless. The case of Syphax was the +same as that of Hasdrubal, as it was also that of the other officers. +The two former, however, did manage to escape, accompanied by a few +horsemen: but all those myriads of men, horses, and beasts of burden, +either met a miserable and pitiable death from the fire, or, if they +escaped the violence of that, some of the men perished ignominiously +at the hands of the enemy, cut down naked and defenceless, not only +without their arms, but without so much as their clothes to cover them. +The whole place was filled with yells of pain, confused cries, terror, +and unspeakable din, mingled with a conflagration which spread rapidly +and blazed with the utmost fierceness. It was the combination and +suddenness of these horrors that made them so awful, any one of which +by itself would have been sufficient to strike terror into the hearts +of men. It is accordingly impossible for the imagination to exaggerate +the dreadful scene, so completely did it surpass in horror everything +hitherto recorded. Of all the brilliant achievements of Scipio this +appears to me to have been the most brilliant and the most daring.... + +[Sidenote: Hasdrubal at Anda, see Appian, 8, 24.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate, however, resolves to continue their resistance.] + +[Sidenote: Dismay at Carthage.] + ++6.+ When day broke, and he found the enemy either killed or in +headlong flight, Scipio exhorted his Tribunes to activity, and at once +started in pursuit. At first the Carthaginian general seemed inclined +to stand his ground, though told of Scipio’s approach, trusting in the +strength of the town [of Anda]; but when he saw that the inhabitants +were in a mutinous state, he shrank from meeting the attack of Scipio, +and fled with the relics of his army, which consisted of as many as +five hundred cavalry and about two thousand infantry. The inhabitants +of the town thereupon submitted unconditionally to the Romans, and +were spared by Scipio, who, however, gave up two neighbouring towns to +the legions to plunder. This being done he returned to his original +entrenchment. Baffled in the hopes which they had entertained of the +course which the campaign would take, the Carthaginians were deeply +depressed. They had expected to shut up the Romans on the promontory +near Utica, which had been the site of their winter quarters, and +besiege them there with their army and fleet both by sea and land. With +this view all their preparations had been made; and when they saw, +quite contrary to their calculations, that they were not only driven +from the open country by the enemy, but were in hourly expectation +of an attack upon themselves and their city, they became completely +disheartened and panic-stricken. Their circumstances, however, admitted +of no delay. They were compelled at once to take precautions and adopt +some measures for the future. But the senate was filled with doubt +and varied and confused suggestions. Some said that they ought to +send for Hannibal and recall him from Italy, their one hope of safety +being now centred in that general and his forces. Others were for an +embassy to Scipio to obtain a truce and discuss with him the terms of a +pacification and treaty. Others again were for keeping up their courage +and collecting their forces, and sending a message to Syphax; who, they +said, was at the neighbouring town of Abba, engaged in collecting the +remnants of his army. This last suggestion was the one which ultimately +prevailed. The Government of Carthage accordingly set about collecting +troops, and sent a despatch to Syphax begging him to support them and +abide by his original policy, as a general with an army would presently +join him. + ++7.+ Meanwhile the Roman commander was pressing on the siege of Utica. +But when he heard that Syphax was still in position, and that the +Carthaginians were once more collecting an army, he led out his forces +and pitched his camp close under the walls of Utica. At the same +time he divided the booty among the soldiers....[57] The merchants +who purchased them from the soldiers went away with very profitable +bargains; for the recent victory inspired the soldiers with high hopes +of a successful conclusion of the campaign, and they therefore thought +little of the spoils already obtained, and made no difficulties in +selling them to the merchants. + +[Sidenote: Syphax is persuaded by Sophanisba to stand by the +Carthaginians still.] + +[Sidenote: The Carthaginians again take the field.] + +The Numidian king and his friends were at first minded to continue +their retreat to their own land. But while deliberating on this, +certain Celtiberes, over four thousand in number, who had been hired +as soldiers by the Carthaginians, arrived in the vicinity of Abba. +Encouraged by this additional strength the Numidians stopped on their +retreat. And when the young lady, who was daughter of Hasdrubal and +wife of Syphax, added her earnest entreaties that he would remain and +not abandon the Carthaginians at such a crisis, the Numidian king gave +way and consented to her prayer. The approach of these Celtiberes +did a great deal also to encourage the hopes of the Carthaginians: +for instead of four thousand, it was reported at Carthage that they +were ten thousand, and that their bravery and the excellency of their +arms made them irresistible in the field. Excited by this rumour, +and by the boastful talk which was current among the common people, +the Carthaginians felt their resolution to once more take the field +redoubled. And finally, within thirty days, they pitched a camp in +conjunction with the Numidians and Celtiberes on what are called the +Great Plains, with an army amounting to no less than thirty thousand. + +[Sidenote: Syphax and Hasdrubal escape.] + +[Sidenote: The Celtiberes, on the centre, are cut to pieces after a +gallant resistance.] + +[Sidenote: The Roman wings are both victorious.] + +[Sidenote: The battle on the Great Plains. 24th June, B.C. 203.] + ++8.+ When news of these proceedings reached the Roman camp Scipio +immediately determined to attack. Leaving orders, therefore, to the +army and navy, which were besieging Utica, as to what they were to +do, he started with all his army in light marching order. On the +fifth day he reached the Great Plains, and during the first day after +his arrival encamped on a piece of rising ground about thirty stades +from the enemy. Next day he descended into the plain and drew up his +army[58] at a distance of seven stades from the enemy, with his cavalry +forming an advanced guard. After skirmishing attacks carried on by +both sides during the next two days, on the fourth both armies were +deliberately brought out into position and drawn up in order of battle. +Scipio followed exactly the Roman system, stationing the maniples of +hastati in the front, behind them the principes, and lastly the triarii +in the rear. Of his cavalry he stationed the Italians on the right +wing, the Numidians and Massanissa on the left. Syphax and Hasdrubal +stationed the Celtiberes in the centre opposite the Roman cohorts, the +Numidians on the left, and the Carthaginians on the right. At the very +first charge the Numidians reeled before the Italian cavalry, and the +Carthaginians before those under Massanissa; for their many previous +defeats had completely demoralised them. But the Celtiberes fought +gallantly, for they had no hope of saving themselves by flight, being +entirely unacquainted with the country; nor any expectation of being +spared if they were taken prisoners on account of their perfidy to +Scipio: for they were regarded as having acted in defiance of justice +and of their treaty in coming to aid the Carthaginians against the +Romans, though they had never suffered any act of hostility at Scipio’s +hands during the campaigns in Iberia. When, however, the two wings gave +way these men were surrounded by the principes and triarii, and cut to +pieces on the field almost to a man. Thus perished the Celtiberes, who +yet did very effective service to the Carthaginians, not only during +the whole battle, but during the retreat also; for, if it had not been +for the hindrance caused by them, the Romans would have pressed the +fugitives closely, and very few of the enemy would have escaped. As it +was, owing to the delay caused by these men, Syphax and his cavalry +effected their retreat to his own kingdom in safety; while Hasdrubal +with the survivors of his army did the same to Carthage. + +[Sidenote: Scipio receives the submission of the country, while Laelius +goes in pursuit of Syphax.] + ++9.+ After making the necessary arrangements as to the booty and +prisoners, Scipio summoned a council of war to consult as to what to +do next. It was resolved that Scipio himself and one part of the army +should stay in the country and visit the various towns; while Laelius +and Massanissa, with the Numidians and the rest of the Roman legions, +should pursue Syphax and give him no time to deliberate or make any +preparations. This being settled the commanders separated; the two +latter going with their division in pursuit of Syphax, Scipio on a +round of the townships. Some of these were terrified into a voluntary +submission to the Romans, others he promptly took by assault. The whole +country was ripe for a change, owing to the constant series of miseries +and contributions, under which it had been groaning from the protracted +wars in Iberia. + +[Sidenote: A panic at Carthage.] + +In Carthage meanwhile, where the panic had been great enough before, +a still wilder state of excitement prevailed, after this second +disaster, and the disappointment of the hopes of success which they +had entertained. However, those of the counsellors who claimed the +highest character for courage urged that they should go on board their +ships and attack the besiegers of Utica, try to raise the blockade, and +engage the enemy at sea, who were not in a forward state of preparation +in that department; that they should recall Hannibal, and without +delay test to the utmost this one more chance: for both these measures +offered great and reasonable opportunities of securing their safety. +Others declared that their circumstances no longer admitted of these +measures: what they had to do was to fortify their town and prepare to +stand a siege; for chance would give them many occasions of striking +a successful blow if they only held together. At the same time they +advised that they should deliberate on coming to terms and making +a treaty, and see on what conditions and by what means they might +extricate themselves from the danger. After a long debate, all these +proposals were adopted together. + ++10.+ Upon this decision being come to, those who were to sail to Italy +went straight from the council chamber to the sea, while the Navarch +went to prepare the ships. The rest began to take measures for securing +the city, and remained in constant consultation on the measures +necessary for the purpose. + +Meanwhile Scipio’s camp was getting gorged with booty; for he found no +one to resist him, and everybody yielded to his attacks. He therefore +determined to despatch the greater part of the booty to his original +camp; while he advanced with his army in light marching order to +seize the entrenchment near Tunes, and pitched his camp within the +view of the inhabitants of Carthage, thinking that this would do more +than anything else to strike terror into their hearts and lower their +courage. + +The Carthaginians had in a few days manned and provisioned their ships, +and were engaged in getting under sail and carrying out their plan of +operations, when Scipio arrived at Tunes, and, the garrison flying +at his approach, occupied the town, which is about a hundred stades +from Carthage, of remarkable strength both natural and artificial, and +visible from nearly every point of Carthage. + +[Sidenote: Scipio recalled to Utica by the fear of an attack upon his +fleet.] + +Just as the Romans pitched their camp there, the Carthaginians were +putting out to sea on board their ships to sail to Utica. Seeing the +enemy thus putting out, and fearing some misfortune to his own fleet, +Scipio was rendered exceedingly anxious, because no one there was +prepared for such an attack, or had anything in readiness to meet the +danger. He therefore broke up his camp and marched back in haste to +support his men. There he found his decked ships thoroughly well fitted +out for raising siege-engines and applying them to walls, and generally +for all purposes of an assault upon a town, but not in the least in the +trim for a sea-fight; while the enemy’s fleet had been under process +of rigging for this purpose the whole winter. He therefore gave up all +idea of putting to sea to meet the enemy and accepting battle there; +but anchoring his decked ships side by side he moored the transports +round them, three or four deep; and then, taking down the masts and +yard-arms, he lashed the vessels together firmly by means of these, +keeping a space between each sufficient to enable the light craft to +sail in and out.... + + +PTOLEMY PHILOPATOR, B.C. 222-205 + ++11.+ Philo was a parasite of Agathocles, the son of Oenanthe, and the +friend of king Philopator.... + +[Sidenote: The extraordinary influence of women of low character at +Alexandria.] + +Many statues of Cleino, the girl who acted as cupbearer to Ptolemy +Philadelphus, were set up at Alexandria, draped in a single tunic and +holding a cup in the hands. And are not the most splendid houses there +those which go by the names of Murtium, Mnesis, and Pothine? And yet +Mnesis was a flute-girl, as was Pothine, and Murtium was a public +prostitute. And was not Agathocleia, the mistress of king Ptolemy +Philopator, an influential personage,—she who was the ruin of the whole +kingdom?... + +[Sidenote: The feeble character of Ptolemy Philopator.] + ++12.+ The question may be asked, perhaps, why I have chosen to give +a sketch of Egyptian history here, going back a considerable period; +whereas, in the case of the rest of my history, I have recorded the +events of each year in the several countries side by side? I have +done so for the following reasons: Ptolemy Philopator, of whom I am +now speaking, after the conclusion of the war for the possession of +Coele-Syria,[59] abandoned all noble pursuits and gave himself up +to the life of debauchery which I have just described. But late in +life he was compelled by circumstances to engage in the war I have +mentioned,[60] which, over and above the mutual cruelty and lawlessness +with which it was conducted, witnessed neither pitched battle, sea +fight, siege, or anything else worth recording. I thought, therefore, +that it would be easier for me as a writer, and more intelligible +to my readers, if I did not touch upon everything year by year as +it occurred, or give a full account of transactions which were +insignificant and undeserving of serious attention; but should once for +all sum up and describe the character and policy of this king. + + + + +BOOK XV + + +_A slight success on the part of the Carthaginian fleet at Utica (14, +10) had been more than outweighed by the capture of Syphax by Laelius +[Livy, 39, 11]. Negotiations for peace followed, and an armistice, in +the course of which occurred the incident referred to in the first +extract of this book._ + + +[Sidenote: Some transports under Cn. Octavius wrecked in the Bay of +Carthage, and taken possession of by the Carthaginians in spite of the +truce. Autumn of B.C. 203. See Livy, 30, 24.] + +[Sidenote: Speech of the Roman envoys.] + +[Sidenote: Hannibal leaves Italy, 23d June, B.C. 203.] + ++1.+ The Carthaginians having seized the transports as prizes of +war, and with them an extraordinary quantity of provisions, Scipio +was extremely enraged, not so much at the loss of the provisions, +as by the fact that the enemy had thereby obtained a vast supply of +necessaries; and still more at the Carthaginians having violated the +sworn articles of truce, and commenced the war afresh. He therefore at +once selected Lucius Sergius, Lucius Baebius, and Lucius Fabius to go +to Carthage, to remonstrate on what had taken place, and at the same +time to announce that the Roman people had ratified the treaty; for he +had lately received a despatch from home to that effect. Upon their +arrival in Carthage these envoys first had an audience of the Senate, +and then were introduced to a meeting of the people. On both occasions +they spoke with great freedom on the situation of affairs, reminding +their hearers that “Their ambassadors who had come to the Roman camp +at Tunes, on being admitted to the council of officers, had not been +content with appealing to the gods and kissing the ground, as other +people do, but had thrown themselves upon the earth, and in abject +humiliation had kissed the feet of the assembled officers; and then, +rising from the ground, had reproached themselves for breaking the +existing treaty between the Romans and Carthaginians, and acknowledged +that they deserved every severity at the hands of the Romans; but +intreated to be spared the last severities, from a regard to the +vicissitudes of human fortune, for their folly would be the means of +displaying the generosity of the Romans. Remembering all this, the +general and the officers then present in the council were at a loss to +understand what had encouraged them to forget what they then said, and +to venture to break their sworn articles of agreement. Plainly it was +this—they trusted in Hannibal and the forces that had arrived with him. +But they were very ill advised. All the world knew that he and his army +had been driven these two years past from every port of Italy, and had +retreated into the neighbourhood of the Lacinian promontory, where they +had been so closely shut up and almost besieged, that they had barely +been able to get safe away home. Not that, even if they had come back,” +he added, “as conquerors, and were minded to engage us who have already +defeated you in two consecutive battles, ought you to entertain any +doubt as to the result, or to speculate on the chance of victory. The +certainty of defeat were a better subject for your reflections: and +when that takes place, what are the gods that you will summon to your +aid? And what arguments will you use to move the pity of the victors +for your misfortunes? You must needs expect to be debarred from all +hope of mercy from gods and men alike by your perfidy and folly.” + +[Sidenote: Treacherous attempt on the lives of the Roman envoys.] + ++2.+ After delivering this speech the envoys retired. Some few of the +citizens were against breaking the treaty; but the majority, both of +the politicians and the Senate, were much annoyed by its terms, and +irritated by the plain speaking of the envoys; and, moreover, could +not make up their minds to surrender the captured transports and +the provisions which were on board them. But their main motive was +a confident hope that they might yet conquer by means of Hannibal. +The people therefore voted to dismiss the envoys without an answer. +Moreover, the political party, whose aim it was to bring on the war +at all hazards, held a meeting and arranged the following act of +treachery. They gave out that it was necessary to make provision for +conducting the envoys back to their camp in safety. They therefore at +once caused two triremes to be got ready to convoy them; but at the +same time sent a message to the Navarch Hasdrubal to have some vessels +ready at no great distance from the Roman camp, in order that, as soon +as the convoys had taken leave of the Roman envoys, he might bear +down upon their ships and sink them; for the Carthaginian fleet was +stationed at the time close under Utica. Having made this arrangement +with Hasdrubal, they despatched the envoys, with instructions to +the officers of the convoys to leave them and return, as soon as +they had passed the mouth of the River Macara; for it was from this +point that the enemy’s camp came into sight. Therefore, according +to their instructions, as soon as they had passed this point, the +officers of the convoys made signs of farewell to the Roman envoys +and returned. Lucius and his colleagues suspected no danger, and felt +no other annoyance at this proceeding than as regarding it as a mark +of disrespect. But no sooner were they left thus alone, than three +Carthaginian vessels suddenly started out to attack them, and came +up with the Roman quinquereme. They failed, indeed, to stave her in, +because she evaded them; nor did they succeed in boarding her, because +the men resisted them with great spirit. But they ran up alongside of +the vessel, and kept attacking her at various points, and managed to +wound the marines with their darts and kill a considerable number of +them; until at last the Romans, observing that their forage parties +along the shore were rushing down to the beach to their assistance, ran +their ships upon land. Most of the marines were killed, but the envoys +had the unexpected good fortune to escape with their lives. + +[Sidenote: Renewal of hostilities.] + +[Sidenote: Hannibal’s cavalry reinforced by Tychaeus.] + ++3.+ This was the signal for the recommencement of the war in a fiercer +and more angry spirit than before. The Romans on their part, looking +upon themselves as having been treated with perfidy, were possessed +with a furious determination to conquer the Carthaginians; while the +latter, conscious of the consequences of what they had done, were +ready to go all lengths to avoid falling under the power of the enemy. +With such feelings animating both sides, it was quite evident that the +result would have to be decided on the field of battle. Consequently +everybody, not only in Italy and Libya, but in Iberia, Sicily, and +Sardinia, was in a state of excited expectation, watching with +conflicting feelings to see what would happen. But meanwhile Hannibal, +finding himself too weak in cavalry, sent to a certain Numidian named +Tychaeus, who was a friend of Syphax, and was reputed to possess the +most warlike cavalry in Libya, urging him “to lend his aid, and not +let the present opportunity slip; as he must be well aware that, if +the Carthaginians won the day, he would be able to maintain his rule; +but if the Romans proved victorious, his very life would be in danger, +owing to the ambition of Massanissa.” This prince was convinced by +these arguments, and joined Hannibal with two thousand horsemen. + +[Sidenote: B.C. 202. Scipio traverses the Carthaginian territory, and +summons Massanissa to his aid.] + ++4.+ Having secured his fleet, Scipio left Baebius in command of it in +his place, while he himself went a round of the cities. This time he +did not admit to mercy those who voluntarily surrendered, but carried +all the towns by force, and enslaved the inhabitants, to show his +anger at the treachery of the Carthaginians. To Massanissa he sent +message after message, explaining to him how the Punic government had +broken the terms, and urging him to collect the largest army he was +able and join him with all speed. For as soon as the treaty had been +made, Massanissa, as I have said, had immediately departed with his +own army and ten Roman cohorts, infantry and cavalry, accompanied by +some commissioners from Scipio, that he might not only recover his +own kingdom, but secure the addition of that of Syphax also, by the +assistance of the Romans. And this purpose was eventually effected. + +[Sidenote: Scipio orders the Carthaginian envoys to be released.] + +It happened that just at this time the envoys from Rome arrived at the +naval camp. Those of them who had been sent by the Roman government, +Baebius at once caused to be escorted to Scipio, while he retained +those who were Carthaginians. The latter were much cast down, and +regarded their position as one of great danger; for when they were +informed of the impious outrage committed by their countrymen on the +persons of the Roman envoys, they thought there could be no doubt +that the vengeance for it would be wreaked upon themselves. But when +Scipio learnt from the recently-arrived commissioners that the senate +and people accepted with enthusiasm the treaty which he had made with +the Carthaginians, and were ready to grant everything he asked, he +was highly delighted, and ordered Baebius to send the envoys home +with all imaginable courtesy. And he was very well advised to do so, +in my opinion. For as he knew that his countrymen made a great point +of respecting the rights of ambassadors, he considered in his own +mind, not what the Carthaginians deserved to have done to them, but +what it was becoming in Romans to inflict. Therefore, though he did +not relax his own indignation and anger at what they had done, he +yet endeavoured, in the words of the proverb, “to maintain the good +traditions of his sires.” The result was that, by this superiority in +his conduct, a very decided impression was made upon the spirits of the +Carthaginians and of Hannibal himself. + +[Sidenote: Hannibal moves to Zama.] + +[Sidenote: Arrival of Massanissa.] + ++5.+ When the people of Carthage saw the cities in their territory +being sacked, they sent a message to Hannibal begging him to act +without delay, to come to close quarters with the enemy, and bring the +matter to the decision of battle. He bade the messengers in answer “to +confine their attention to other matters, and to leave such things to +him, for he would choose the time for fighting himself.” Some days +afterwards he broke up his quarters at Adrumetum, and pitched his camp +near ZAMA, a town about five days march to the west of Carthage. From +that place he sent spies to ascertain the place, nature, and strength +of the Roman general’s encampment. These spies were caught and brought +to Scipio, who, so far from inflicting upon them the usual punishment +of spies, appointed a tribune to show them everything in the camp +thoroughly and without reserve; and when this had been done, he asked +the men whether the appointed officer had been careful to point out +everything to them. Upon their replying that he had, he gave them +provisions and an escort, and despatched them with injunctions to be +careful to tell Hannibal everything they had seen. On their return to +his camp, Hannibal was so much struck with the magnanimity and high +courage of Scipio, that he conceived a lively desire for a personal +interview with him. With this purpose he sent a herald to say that he +was desirous of a parley to discuss the matters at issue. When the +herald had delivered his message, Scipio at once expressed his consent, +and said that he would himself send him a message when it suited him to +meet, naming the time and place. The herald returned to Hannibal with +this answer. Next day Massanissa arrived with six thousand infantry +and about four thousand cavalry. Scipio received him with cordiality, +and congratulated him on having added to his sway all those who had +previously been subject to Syphax. Thus reinforced, he removed his camp +to Naragara: selecting it as a place which, among other advantages, +enabled him to get water within a javelin’s throw. + ++6.+ From this place he sent to the Carthaginian general, informing him +that he was ready to meet him, and discuss matters with him. On hearing +this, Hannibal moved his quarters to within thirty stades of Scipio, +and pitched his camp on a hill, which seemed a favourable position +for his present purpose, except that water had to be fetched from a +considerable distance, which caused his soldiers great fatigue. + +[Sidenote: Meeting of Scipio and Hannibal.] + +[Sidenote: Hannibal’s speech.] + +Next day both commanders advanced from their camps attended by a few +horsemen. Presently they left these escorts and met in the intervening +space by themselves, each accompanied by an interpreter. Hannibal was +the first to speak, after the usual salutation. He said that “He wished +that the Romans had never coveted any possession outside Italy, nor +the Carthaginians outside Libya; for these were both noble empires, +and were, so to speak, marked out by nature. But since,” he continued, +“our rival claims to Sicily first made us enemies, and then those for +Iberia; and since, finally, unwarned by the lessons of misfortune, we +have gone so far that the one nation has endangered the very soil of +its native land, and the other is now actually doing so, all that there +remains for us to do is to try our best to deprecate the wrath of the +gods, and to put an end, as far as in us lies, to these feelings of +obstinate hostility. I personally am ready to do this, because I have +learnt by actual experience that Fortune is the most fickle thing in +the world, and inclines with decisive favour now to one side and now +to the other on the slightest pretext, treating mankind like young +children. + ++7.+ “But it is about you that I am anxious, Scipio. For you are still +a young man, and everything has succeeded to your wishes both in Iberia +and Libya, and you have as yet never experienced the ebb tide of +Fortune; I fear, therefore, that my words, true as they are, will not +influence you. But do look at the facts in the light of one story, and +that not connected with a former generation, but our own. Look at me! +I am that Hannibal who, after the battle of Cannae, became master of +nearly all Italy; and presently advancing to Rome itself, and pitching +my camp within forty stades of it, deliberated as to what I should do +with you and your country; but now I am in Libya debating with you, +a Roman, as to the bare existence of myself and my countrymen. With +such a reverse as that before your eyes, I beg you not to entertain +high thoughts, but to deliberate with a due sense of human weakness on +the situation; and the way to do that is among good things to choose +the greatest, among evils the least. What man of sense, then, would +deliberately choose to incur the risk which is now before you. If you +conquer, you will add nothing of importance to your glory or to that of +your country; while, if you are worsted, you will have been yourself +the means of entirely cancelling all the honours and glories you have +already won. What then is the point that I am seeking to establish by +these arguments? It is that the Romans should retain all the countries +for which we have hitherto contended—I mean Sicily, Sardinia, and +Iberia; and that the Carthaginians should engage never to go to war +with Rome for these; and also that all the islands lying between Italy +and Libya should belong to Rome. For I am persuaded that such a treaty +will be at once safest for the Carthaginians, and most glorious for you +and the entire people of Rome.” + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s reply.] + ++8.+ In reply to this speech of Hannibal, Scipio said “That neither +in the Sicilian nor Iberian war were the Romans the aggressors, but +notoriously the Carthaginians, which no one knew better than Hannibal +himself. That the gods themselves had confirmed this by giving the +victory, not to those who struck the first and unprovoked blow, but +to those who only acted in self-defence. That he was as ready as any +one to keep before his eyes the uncertainty of Fortune, and tried his +best to confine his efforts within the range of human infirmity. But +if,” he continued, “you had yourself quitted Italy before the Romans +crossed to Libya with the offer of these terms in your hands, I do +not think that you would have been disappointed in your expectation. +But now that your departure from Italy has been involuntary, and we +have crossed into Libya and conquered the country, it is clear that +matters stand on a very different footing. But above all, consider +the point which affairs have reached now. Your countrymen have been +beaten, and at their earnest prayer we arranged a written treaty, in +which, besides the offer now made by you, it was provided that the +Carthaginians should restore prisoners without ransom, should surrender +all their decked vessels, pay five thousand talents, and give hostages +for their performance of these articles. These were the terms which +I and they mutually agreed upon; we both despatched envoys to our +respective Senates and people,—we consenting to grant these terms, the +Carthaginians begging to have them granted. The Senate agreed: the +people ratified the treaty. But though they had got what they asked, +the Carthaginians annulled the compact by an act of perfidy towards +us. What course is left to me? Put yourself in my place and say. To +withdraw the severest clauses of the treaty? Are we to do this, say +you, not in order that by reaping the reward of treachery they may +learn in future to outrage their benefactors, but in order that by +getting what they ask for they may be grateful to us? Why, only the +other day, after obtaining what they begged for as suppliants, because +your presence gave them a slender hope of success, they at once treated +us as hated foes and public enemies. In these circumstances, if a +still severer clause were added to the conditions imposed, it might +be possible to refer the treaty back to the people; but, if I were to +withdraw any of these conditions, such a reference does not admit even +of discussion. What then is the conclusion of my discourse? It is, that +you must submit yourselves and your country to us unconditionally, or +conquer us in the field.” + +[Sidenote: The momentous issues depending on the battle of Zama, B.C. +202.] + ++9.+ After these speeches Hannibal and Scipio parted without coming to +any terms; and next morning by daybreak both generals drew out their +forces and engaged. To the Carthaginians it was a struggle for their +own lives and the sovereignty of Libya; to the Romans for universal +dominion and supremacy. And could any one who grasped the situation +fail to be moved at the story? Armies more fitted for war than these, +or generals who had been more successful or more thoroughly trained in +all the operations of war, it would be impossible to find, or any other +occasion on which the prizes proposed by destiny to the combatants +were more momentous. For it was not merely of Libya or Europe that the +victors in this battle were destined to become masters, but of all +other parts of the world known to history,—a destiny which had not to +wait long for its fulfilment. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s order of battle.] + +Scipio placed his men on the field in the following order: the +_hastati_ first, with an interval between their maniples; behind them +the _principes_, their maniples not arranged to cover the intervals +between those of the _hastati_ as the Roman custom is, but immediately +behind them at some distance, because the enemy was so strong in +elephants. In the rear of these he stationed the _triarii_. On his left +wing he stationed Gaius Laelius with the Italian cavalry, on the right +Massanissa with all his Numidians. The intervals between the front +maniples he filled up with maniples of _velites_, who were ordered to +begin the battle; but if they found themselves unable to stand the +charge of the elephants, to retire quickly either to the rear of the +whole army by the intervals between the maniples, which went straight +through the ranks, or, if they got entangled with the elephants, to +step aside into the lateral spaces between the maniples. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s speech to his men.] + ++10.+ These dispositions made, he went along the ranks delivering an +exhortation to the men, which, though short, was much to the point +in the circumstances in which they were placed. He called upon them, +“Remembering their former victories, to show themselves to be men of +mettle and worthy their reputation and their country. To put before +their eyes that the effect of their victory would be not only to make +them complete masters of Libya, but to give them and their country +the supremacy and undisputed lordship of the world. But if the result +of the battle were unfavourable, those who fell fighting gallantly +would have the record of having died for their country, while those +that saved themselves by flight would spend the rest of their days as +objects of pitying contempt and scorn. For there was no place in Libya +which could secure their safety if they fled; while, if they fell into +the hands of the Carthaginians, no one who looked facts in the face +could doubt what would happen to them. May none of you,” he added, +“learn that by experience! Since, then, Fortune puts before us the most +glorious of rewards, in whichever way the battle is decided, should +we not be at once the most mean-spirited and foolish of mankind if we +abandon the most glorious alternative, and from a paltry clinging to +life deliberately choose the worst of misfortunes? Charge the enemy +then with the steady resolve to do one of two things, to conquer or to +die! For it is men thus minded who invariably conquer their opponents, +since they enter the field with no other hope of life.” + +[Sidenote: Hannibal’s order of battle.] + +[Sidenote: Hannibal’s speech to the “army of Italy.”] + ++11.+ Such was Scipio’s address to his men. Meanwhile Hannibal +had put his men also into position. His elephants, which numbered +more than eighty, he placed in the van of the whole army. Next his +mercenaries, amounting to twelve thousand, and consisting of Ligurians, +Celts, Baliarians, and Mauretani; behind them the native Libyans +and Carthaginians; and on the rear of the whole the men whom he had +brought from Italy, at a distance of somewhat more than a stade. His +wings he strengthened with cavalry, stationing the Numidian allies on +the left wing, and the Carthaginian horsemen on the right. He ordered +each officer to address his own men, bidding them rest their hopes of +victory on him and the army he had brought with him; while he bade +their officers remind the Carthaginians in plain terms what would +happen to their wives and children if the battle should be lost. While +these orders were carried out by the officers, Hannibal himself went +along the lines of his Italian army and urged them “to remember the +seventeen years during which they had been brothers-in-arms, and the +number of battles they had fought with the Romans, in which they had +never been beaten or given the Romans even a hope of victory. Above +all, putting aside minor engagements and their countless successes, let +them place before their eyes the battle of the River Trebia against +the father of the present Roman commander; and again the battle in +Etruria against Flaminius; and lastly that at Cannae against Aemilius, +with none of which was the present struggle to be compared, whether in +regard to the number or excellence of the enemy’s men. Let them only +raise their eyes and look at the ranks of the enemy; they would see +that they were not merely fewer, but many times fewer than those with +whom they had fought before, while, as to their soldierly qualities, +there was no comparison. The former Roman armies had come to the +struggle with them untainted by memories of past defeats: while these +men were the sons or the remnants of those who had been beaten in +Italy, and fled before him again and again. They ought not therefore,” +he said, “to undo the glory and fame of their previous achievements, +but to struggle with a firm and brave resolve to maintain their +reputation of invincibility.” + +Such were the addresses of the two commanders. + +[Sidenote: A stampede of the elephants.] + +[Sidenote: Flight of the Carthaginian cavalry.] + ++12.+ All arrangements for the battle being complete, and the two +opposing forces of Numidian cavalry having been for some time engaged +in skirmishing attacks upon each other, Hannibal gave the word to the +men on the elephants to charge the enemy. But as they heard the horns +and trumpets braying all round them, some of the elephants became +unmanageable and rushed back upon the Numidian contingents of the +Carthaginian army; and this enabled Massanissa with great speed to +deprive the Carthaginian left wing of its cavalry support. The rest +of the elephants charged the Roman velites in the spaces between the +maniples of the line, and while inflicting much damage on the enemy +suffered severely themselves; until, becoming frightened, some of +them ran away down the vacant spaces, the Romans letting them pass +harmlessly along, according to Scipio’s orders, while others ran away +to the right under a shower of darts from the cavalry, until they +were finally driven clear off the field. It was just at the moment of +this stampede of the elephants, that Laelius forced the Carthaginian +cavalry into headlong flight, and along with Massanissa pressed them +with a vigorous pursuit. While this was going on, the opposing lines +of heavy infantry were advancing to meet others with deliberate step +and proud confidence, except Hannibal’s “army of Italy,” which remained +in its original position. When they came within distance the Roman +soldiers charged the enemy, shouting as usual their war-cry, and +clashing their swords against their shields: while the Carthaginian +mercenaries uttered a strange confusion of cries, the effect of which +was indescribable, for, in the words of the poet,[61] the “voice of all +was not one”— + + + “nor one their cry: + But manifold their speech as was their race.” + + +[Sidenote: The fight of the heavy infantry.] + ++13.+ The whole affair being now a trial of strength between man +and man at close quarters, as the combatants used their swords and +not their spears, the superiority was at first on the side of the +dexterity and daring of the mercenaries, which enabled them to wound +a considerable number of the Romans. The latter, however, trusting to +the steadiness of their ranks and the excellence of their arms, still +kept gaining ground, their rear ranks keeping close up with them and +encouraging them to advance; while the Carthaginians did not keep +up with their mercenaries nor support them, but showed a thoroughly +cowardly spirit. The result was that the foreign soldiers gave way: +and, believing that they had been shamelessly abandoned by their own +side, fell upon the men on their rear as they were retreating, and +began killing them; whereby many of the Carthaginians were compelled +to meet a gallant death in spite of themselves. For as they were being +cut down by their mercenaries they had, much against their inclination, +to fight with their own men and the Romans at the same time; and as +they now fought with desperation and fury they killed a good many both +of their own men and of the enemy also. Thus it came about that their +charge threw the maniples of the _hastati_ into confusion; whereupon +the officers of the _principes_ caused their lines to advance to oppose +them. However, the greater part of the mercenaries and Carthaginians +had fallen either by mutual slaughter or by the sword of the _hastati_. +Those who survived and fled Hannibal would not allow to enter the ranks +of his army, but ordered his men to lower their spears and keep them +back as they approached; and they were therefore compelled to take +refuge on the wings or make for the open country. + +[Sidenote: Final struggle between Hannibal’s reserves, his “army of +Italy,” and the whole Roman infantry.] + +[Sidenote: The battle is decided by the return of the Roman and +Numidian cavalry.] + ++14.+ The space between the two armies that still remained in position +was full of blood, wounded men, and dead corpses; and thus the rout +of the enemy proved an impediment of a perplexing nature to the +Roman general. Everything was calculated to make an advance in order +difficult,—the ground slippery with gore, the corpses lying piled up in +bloody heaps, and with the corpses arms flung about in every direction. +However Scipio caused the wounded to be carried to the rear, and the +_hastati_ to be recalled from the pursuit by the sound of a bugle, and +drew them up where they were in advance of the ground on which the +fighting had taken place, opposite the enemy’s centre. He then ordered +the _principes_ and _triarii_ to take close order, and, threading +their way through the corpses, to deploy into line with the _hastati_ +on either flank. When they had surmounted the obstacles and got into +line with the _hastati_, the two lines charged each other with the +greatest fire and fury. Being nearly equal in numbers, spirit, courage, +and arms, the battle was for a long time undecided, the men in their +obstinate valour falling dead without giving way a step; until at last +the divisions of Massanissa and Laelius, returning from the pursuit, +arrived providentially in the very nick of time. Upon their charging +Hannibal’s rear, the greater part of his men were cut down in their +ranks; while of those who attempted to fly very few escaped with their +life, because the horsemen were close at their heels and the ground +was quite level. On the Roman side there fell over fifteen hundred, on +the Carthaginian over twenty thousand, while the prisoners taken were +almost as numerous. + ++15.+ Such was the end of this battle, fought under these famous +commanders: a battle on which everything depended, and which assigned +universal dominion to Rome. After it had come to an end, Scipio pushed +on in pursuit as far as the Carthaginian camp, [Hannibal escapes to +Adrumetum.] and, after plundering that, returned to his own. Hannibal, +escaping with a few horsemen, did not draw rein until he arrived safely +at Adrumetum. He had done in the battle all that was to be expected of +a good and experienced general. First, he had tried by an interview +with his opponent to see what he could do to procure a pacification; +and that was the right course for a man, who, while fully conscious of +his former victories, yet mistrusts Fortune, and has an eye to all the +possible and unexpected contingencies of war. Next, having accepted +battle, the excellence of his dispositions for a contest with the +Romans, considering the identity of the arms on each side, could not +have been surpassed. For though the Roman line is hard to break, yet +each individual soldier and each company, owing to the uniform tactic +employed, can fight in any direction, those companies, which happen +to be in nearest contact with the danger, wheeling round to the point +required. Again, the nature of their arms gives at once protection and +confidence, for their shield is large and their sword will not bend: +the Romans therefore are formidable on the field and hard to conquer. + ++16.+ Still Hannibal took his measures against each of these +difficulties in a manner that could not be surpassed. He provided +himself with those numerous elephants, and put them in the van, for +the express purpose of throwing the enemy’s ranks into confusion and +breaking their order. Again he stationed the mercenaries in front and +the Carthaginians behind them, in order to wear out the bodies of the +enemy with fatigue beforehand, and to blunt the edge of their swords by +the numbers that would be killed by them; and moreover to compel the +Carthaginians, by being in the middle of the army, to stay where they +were and fight, as the poet says[62]— + + + “That howsoe’er unwilling fight he must.” + + +But the most warlike and steady part of his army he held in reserve +at some distance, in order that they might not see what was happening +too closely, but, with strength and spirit unimpaired, might use their +courage to the best advantage when the moment arrived. And, if in spite +of having done everything that could be done, he who had never been +beaten before failed to secure the victory now, we must excuse him. For +there are times when chance thwarts the plans of the brave; and there +are others again, when a man + + + “Though great and brave has met a greater still.”[63] + + +And this we might say was the case with Hannibal on this occasion.... + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s answer to the envoys from Carthage after Zama, who +made extravagant displays of sorrow.] + ++17.+ Manifestations of emotion which go beyond what is customary +among a particular people, if they are thought to be the result of +genuine feeling evoked by extraordinary disasters, excite pity in the +minds of those who see or hear them; and we are all in a manner moved +by the novelty of the spectacle. But when such things appear to be +assumed for the purpose of taking in the spectators and producing a +dramatic effect, they do not provoke pity, but anger and dislike. And +this was the case in regard to the Carthaginian envoys. Scipio deigned +to give a very brief answer to their prayers, saying that “They, at +any rate, deserved no kindness at the hands of the Romans, since they +had themselves confessed that they were the aggressors in the war, +by having, contrary to their treaty obligations, taken Saguntum and +enslaved its inhabitants, and had recently been guilty of treachery and +breaking the terms of a treaty to which they had subscribed and sworn. +It was from a regard to their own dignity, to the vicissitudes of +Fortune, and to the dictates of humanity that the Romans had determined +to treat them with lenity and behave with magnanimity. And of this +they would be convinced if they would take a right view of the case. +For they ought not to consider it a hardship if they found themselves +charged to submit to any punishment, to follow a particular line of +conduct, or to give up this or that; they ought rather to regard it +as an unexpected favour that any kindness was conceded to them at +all; since Fortune, after depriving them of all right to pity and +consideration, owing to their own unrighteous conduct, had put them +in the power of their enemies.” After this preamble he mentioned the +concessions to be made to them, and the penalties to which they were to +submit. + +[Sidenote: Terms imposed on Carthage after the battle of Zama, B.C. +202-201.] + ++18.+ The following are the heads of the terms offered them:—_The +Carthaginians to retain the towns in Libya, of which they were +possessed before they commenced the last war against Rome, and the +territory which they also heretofore held, with its cattle, slaves, +and other stock: and from that day should not be subject to acts of +hostility, should enjoy their own laws and customs, and not have a +Roman garrison in their city._ These were the concessions favourable +to them. The clauses of an opposite character were as follows:—_The +Carthaginians to pay an indemnity to the Romans for all wrongs +committed during the truce; to restore all captives and runaway slaves +without limit of time; to hand over all their ships of war except ten +triremes, and all elephants; to go to war with no people outside Libya +at all, and with none in Libya without consent from Rome; to restore +to Massanissa all houses, territory, and cities belonging to him or +his ancestors within the frontiers assigned to that king; to supply +the Roman army with provisions for three months, and with pay, until +such time as an answer shall be returned from Rome on the subject of +the treaty; to pay ten thousand talents of silver in fifty years, two +hundred Euboic talents every year; to give a hundred hostages of their +good faith,—such hostages to be selected from the young men of the +country by the Roman general, and to be not younger than fourteen or +older than thirty years._ + +[Sidenote: A scene in the Carthaginian assembly. Hannibal persuades +them to accept the treaty.] + ++19.+ This was the nature of Scipio’s answer to the envoys, who +hastened home and communicated its terms to their countrymen. It was +then that the story goes that, upon a certain Senator intending to +speak against accepting the terms and actually beginning to do so, +Hannibal came forward and pulled the man down from the tribune; and +when the other senators showed anger at this breach of custom, Hannibal +rose again and “owned that he was ignorant of such things; but said +that they must pardon him if he acted in any way contrary to their +customs, remembering that he had left the country when he was but +fourteen, and had only returned when now past forty-five. Therefore +he begged them not to consider whether he had committed a breach of +custom, but much rather whether he were genuinely feeling for his +country’s misfortunes; for that was the real reason for his having +been guilty of this breach of manners. For it appeared to him to be +astonishing, and, indeed, quite unaccountable, that any one calling +himself a Carthaginian, and being fully aware of the policy which +they had individually and collectively adopted against the Romans, +should do otherwise than adore the kindness of Fortune for obtaining +such favourable terms, when in their power, as a few days ago no +one—considering the extraordinary provocation they had given—would have +ventured to mention, if they had been asked what they expected would +happen to their country, in case of the Romans proving victorious. +Therefore he called upon them now not to debate, but unanimously to +accept the terms offered, and with sacrifices to the gods to pray with +one accord that the Roman people might confirm the treaty.” His advice +being regarded as both sensible and timely, they resolved to sign the +treaty on the conditions specified; and the senate at once despatched +envoys to notify their consent.... + + +_The intrigues of Philip V. and Antiochus the Great to divide the +dominions of the infant king of Egypt, Ptolemy Epiphanes, B.C. 204._ + +[Sidenote: Shameless ambition of Philip and Antiochus.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 197. B.C. 191.] + ++20.+ Is it not astonishing that while Ptolemy Philopator was alive and +did not need such assistance, these two kings were ready with offers of +aid, but that as soon as he was dead, leaving his heir a mere child, +whose kingdom they were bound by the ties of nature to have defended, +they then egged each other on to adopt the policy of partitioning the +boy’s kingdom between themselves, and getting rid entirely of the heir; +and that too without putting forward any decent pretext to cover their +iniquity, but acting so shamelessly, and so like beasts of prey, that +one can only compare their habits to those ascribed to fishes, among +which, though they may be of the same species, the destruction of the +smaller is the food and sustenance of the larger. This treaty of theirs +shows, as though in a mirror, the impiety to heaven and cruelty to man +of these two kings, as well as their unbounded ambition. However, if +a man were disposed to find fault with Fortune for her administration +of human affairs, he might fairly become reconciled to her in this +case; for she brought upon those monarchs the punishment they so well +deserved, and by the signal example she made of them taught posterity +a lesson in righteousness. For while they were engaged in acts of +treachery against each other, and in dismembering the child’s kingdom +in their own interests, she brought the Romans upon them, and the very +measures which they had lawlessly designed against another, she justly +and properly carried out against them. For both of them, being promptly +beaten in the field, were not only prevented from gratifying their +desire for the dominions of another, but were themselves made tributary +and forced to obey orders from Rome. Finally, within a very short time +Fortune restored the kingdom of Ptolemy to prosperity; while as to the +dynasties and successors of these two monarchs, she either utterly +abolished and destroyed them, or involved them in misfortunes which +were little short of that.... + +[Sidenote: The intrigues and tyranny of Molpagorus at Cius, in +Bithynia.] + ++21.+ There was a certain man at Cius named Molpagoras, a ready speaker +and of considerable ability in affairs, but at heart a mere demagogue +and selfish intriguer. By flattering the mob, and putting the richer +citizens into its power, he either got them put to death right out, or +drove them into exile and distributed their confiscated goods among +the common people, and thus rapidly secured for himself a position of +despotic power.... + +[Sidenote: The causes of the ruin of Cius.] + +The miseries which befel the Cians were not so much owing to Fortune or +the aggressions of their neighbours, as to their own folly and perverse +policy. For by steadily promoting their worst men, and punishing all +who were opposed to these, that they might divide their property among +themselves, they seemed as it were to court the disasters into which +they fell. These are disasters into which, somehow or another, though +all men fall, they yet not only cannot learn wisdom, but seem not even +to acquire the cautious distrust of brute beasts. The latter, if they +have once been hurt by bait or trap, or even if they have seen another +in danger of being caught, you would find it difficult to induce to +approach anything of the sort again: they are shy of the place, and +suspicious of everything they see. But as for men, though they have +been told of cities utterly ruined by their policy, and see others +actually doing so before their eyes, yet directly any one flatters +their wishes by holding out to them the prospect of recruiting their +fortunes at the cost of others, they rush thoughtlessly to the bait: +although they know quite well that no one, who has ever swallowed +such baits, has ever survived; and that such political conduct has +notoriously been the ruin of all who have adopted it. + +[Sidenote: Capture of Cius by Philip V. B.C. 202.[64] + ++22.+ Philip was delighted at taking the city, as though he had +performed a glorious and honourable achievement; ] for while displaying +great zeal in behalf of his brother-in-law (Prusias), and overawing all +who opposed his policy, he had secured for himself in fair warfare a +large supply of slaves and money. But the reverse of this picture he +did not see in the least, although it was quite plain. In the first +place, that he was assisting his brother-in-law, who, without receiving +any provocation, was treacherously assailing his neighbours. In the +second place, that by involving a Greek city without just cause in the +most dreadful misfortunes, he was sure to confirm the report, which +had been widely spread, of his severity to his friends; and by both of +these actions would justly gain throughout Greece the reputation of a +man reckless of the dictates of piety. In the third place, that he had +outraged the envoys from the above-mentioned states,[65] who had come +with the hope of saving the Cians from the danger which threatened +them, and who, after being day after day mocked by his professions, +had been at length compelled to witness what they most abhorred. And +lastly, that he had so infuriated the Rhodians, that they would never +henceforth listen to a word in his favour: a circumstance for which +Philip had to thank Fortune as well as himself. + +[Sidenote: The anger of the Rhodians at the fall of Cius.] + ++23.+ For it happened that just when his ambassador was defending +his master before the Rhodians in the theatre,—enlarging on “the +magnanimity of Philip,” and announcing that “though already in a manner +master of Cius, he conceded its safety to the wishes of the Rhodian +people; and did so because he desired to refute the calumnies of his +enemies, and to establish the honesty of his intentions in the eyes of +Rhodes,”—just then a man entered the Prytaneum who had newly arrived +in the island, and brought the news of the enslavement of the Cians +and the cruelty which Philip had exercised upon them. The Prytanis +coming into the theatre to announce this news, while the ambassador was +absolutely in the middle of his speech, the Rhodians could scarcely +make up their minds to believe a report which involved such monstrous +treachery. + +[Sidenote: It causes a breach with the Aetolians.] + +He had then betrayed himself quite as grossly as the Cians; and so +blind or misguided had he become as to the principles of right and +wrong, that he boasted of actions of which he ought to have been most +heartily ashamed, and plumed himself upon them as though they were +to his credit. But the people of Rhodes from that day forth regarded +Philip as their enemy, and made their preparations with that view. And +no less by this course had he gained the hatred of the Aetolians. He +had but lately made terms with, and held out the hand of friendship to +that nation: no excuse for a breach had arisen; and the Lysimachians, +Calchedonians, and Cianians were friends and allies of the Aetolians. +Nevertheless only a short time before he had separated Lysimachia +from the Aetolian alliance, and induced it to submit to him: then he +had done the same to Calchedon: and lastly he had enslaved the Cians, +though there was an Aetolian officer actually in Cius and conducting +the government. Prusias, however, in so far as his policy was +accomplished, was delighted; but inasmuch as another was in possession +of the prizes of the operations, while he himself got as his share +nothing but the bare site of a city, was extremely annoyed, but was yet +unable to do anything.... + +[Sidenote: Philip at Thasos, B.C. 202-201.] + ++24.+ During his return voyage Philip engaged in one act of treachery +after another, and among others put in about midday at the town of +Thasos, and though it was on good terms with him, took it and enslaved +its inhabitants.... + +The Thasians answered Philip’s general Metrodorus, that they would +surrender their city, on condition that he would guarantee them freedom +from a garrison, tribute, or billeting of soldiers, and the enjoyment +of their own laws. Metrodorus having declared the king’s consent to +this, the whole assembly signified their approval of the words by a +loud shout, whereupon they admitted Philip into the town.... + +All kings perhaps at the beginning of their reign dangle the name of +liberty before their subjects’ eyes, and address as friends and allies +those who combine in pursuing the same objects as themselves; but when +they come to actual administration of affairs they at once cease to +treat these as allies, and assume the airs of a master. Such persons +accordingly find themselves deceived as to the honourable position they +expected to occupy, though as a rule not as to the immediate advantage +which they sought. But if a king is meditating undertakings of the +greatest importance, and only bounding his hopes by the limits of the +world, and has as yet had nothing to cast a damp upon his projects, +would it not seem the height of folly and madness to proclaim his own +fickleness and untrustworthiness in matters which are of the smallest +consequence, and lie at the very threshold of his enterprise?... + + +EGYPT + ++24+ (_a_). My plan being to narrate under each year all the events in +the several parts of the world which were contemporary, it is clear +that in some cases it will be necessary to mention the end before the +beginning; when, that is to say, that particular part of the subject +calls for mention, first, as being in place in the general course of my +narrative, and the events which embrace the end of an episode fit in +sooner than those which belong to its beginning and first conception.... + +[Sidenote: The previous career of Sosibius.] + ++25.+ Sosibius, the unfaithful guardian of Ptolemy Epiphanes, was a +creature of extraordinary cunning, who long retained his power, and +was the instrument of many crimes at court: he contrived first the +murder of Lysimachus, son of Arsinoe, daughter of Ptolemy and Berenice; +secondly, that of Maga, son of Ptolemy and Berenice the daughter of +Maga; thirdly, that of Berenice the mother of Ptolemy Philopator; +fourthly, that of Cleomenes of Sparta; and fifthly, that of Arsinoe the +daughter of Berenice.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 205. The death of Ptolemy Philopator announced, and +Epiphanes crowned.] + +Three or four days after the death of Ptolemy Philopator, having caused +a platform to be erected in the largest court of the palace, Agathocles +and Sosibius summoned a meeting of the foot-guards and the household, +as well as the officers of the infantry and cavalry. The assembly +being formed, they mounted the platform, and first of all announced +the deaths of the king and queen, and proclaimed the customary period +of mourning for the people. After that they placed a diadem upon the +head of the child, Ptolemy Epiphanes, proclaimed him king, and read a +forged will, in which the late king nominated Agathocles and Sosibius +guardians of his son. They ended by an exhortation to the officers to +be loyal to the boy and maintain his sovereignty. They next brought in +two silver urns, one of which they declared contained the ashes of the +king, the other those of Arsinoe. And in fact one of them did really +contain the king’s ashes, the other was filled with spices. Having +done this they proceeded to complete the funeral ceremonies. It was +then that all the world at last learnt the truth about the death of +Arsinoe. For now that her death was clearly established, the manner of +it began to be a matter of speculation. Though rumours which turned out +to be true had found their way among the people, they had up to this +time been disputed; now there was no possibility of hiding the truth, +and it became deeply impressed in the minds of all. Indeed there was +great excitement among the populace: no one thought about the king; it +was the fate of Arsinoe that moved them. Some recalled her orphanhood; +others the tyranny and insult she had endured from her earliest days; +and when her miserable death was added to these misfortunes, it excited +such a passion of pity and sorrow that the city was filled with +sighs, tears, and irrepressible lamentation. Yet it was clear to the +thoughtful observer that these were not so much signs of affection for +Arsinoe as of hatred towards Agathocles. + +[Sidenote: Agathocles propitiates the army and gets rid of the rivals.] + +The first measure of this minister, after depositing the urns in the +royal mortuary, and giving orders for the laying aside of mourning, +was to gratify the army with two months’ pay; for he was convinced that +the way to deaden the resentment of the common soldiers was to appeal +to their interests. He then caused them to take the oath customary at +the proclamation of a new king; and next took measures to get all who +were likely to be formidable out of the country. Philammon, who had +been employed in the murder of Arsinoe, he sent out as governor of +Cyrene, while he committed the young king to the charge of Oenanthe and +Agathocleia. Next, Pelops the son of Pelops he despatched to the court +of Antiochus in Asia, to urge him to maintain his friendly relations +with the court of Alexandria, and not to violate the treaty he had +made with the young king’s father. Ptolemy, son of Sosibius, he sent +to Philip to arrange for a treaty of inter-marriage between the two +countries, and to ask for assistance in case Antiochus should make a +serious attempt to play them false in any matter of importance. + +He also selected Ptolemy, son of Agesarchus, as ambassador to Rome: +not with a view of his seriously prosecuting the embassy, but because +he thought that, if he once entered Greece, he would find himself +among friends and kinsfolk, and would stay there; which would suit his +policy of getting rid of eminent men. Scopas the Aetolian also he sent +to Greece to recruit foreign mercenaries, giving him a large sum in +gold for bounties. He had two objects in view in this measure: one was +to use the soldiers so recruited in the war with Antiochus; another +was to get rid of the mercenary troops already existing, by sending +them on garrison duty in the various forts and settlements about the +country; while he used the new recruits to fill up the numbers of the +household regiments with new men, as well as the pickets immediately +round the palace, and in other parts of the city. For he believed that +men who had been hired by himself, and were taking his pay, would have +no feelings in common with the old soldiers, with whom they would be +totally unacquainted; but that, having all their hopes of safety and +profit in him, he would find them ready to co-operate with him and +carry out his orders. + +Now all this took place before the intrigue of Philip, though it was +necessary for the sake of clearness to speak of that first, and to +describe the transactions which took place, both at the audience and +the dispatch of the ambassadors. + +[Sidenote: The debauchery of Agathocles.] + +To return to Agathocles: when he had thus got rid of the most eminent +men, and had to a great degree quieted the wrath of the common soldiers +by his present of pay, he returned quickly to his old way of life. +Drawing round him a body of friends, whom he selected from the most +frivolous and shameless of his personal attendants or servants, he +devoted the chief part of the day and night to drunkenness and all +the excesses which accompany drunkenness, sparing neither matron, +nor bride, nor virgin, and doing all this with the most offensive +ostentation. The result was a widespread outburst of discontent; and +when there appeared no prospect of reforming this state of things, or +of obtaining protection against the violence, insolence and debauchery +of the court, which on the contrary grew daily more outrageous, their +old hatred blazed up once more in the hearts of the common people, and +all began again to recall the misfortunes which the kingdom already +owed to these very men. But the absence of any one fit to take the +lead, and by whose means they could vent their wrath upon Agathocles +and Agathocleia, kept them quiet. Their one remaining hope rested upon +Tlepolemus, and on this they fixed their confidence. + +[Sidenote: Tlepolemus, governor of Pelusium, determines to depose +Agathocles, B.C. 205-204.] + +[Sidenote: Agathocles will anticipate him.] + +As long as the late king was alive Tlepolemus remained in retirement; +but upon his death he quickly propitiated the common soldiers, and +became once more governor of Pelusium. At first he directed all his +actions with a view to the interest of the king, believing that +there would be some council of regency to take charge of the boy and +administer the government. But when he saw that all those who were +fit for this charge were got out of the way, and that Agathocles was +boldly monopolising the supreme power, he quickly changed his purpose; +because he suspected the danger that threatened him from the hatred +which they mutually entertained. He therefore began to draw his troops +together, and bestir himself to collect money, that he might not be +an easy prey to any one of his enemies. At the same time he was not +without hope that the guardianship of the young king, and the chief +power in the state might devolve upon him; both because, in his own +private opinion, he was much more fit for it in every respect than +Agathocles, and because he was informed that his own troops and those +in Alexandria were looking to him to put an end to the minister’s +outrageous conduct. When such ideas were entertained by Tlepolemus, it +did not take long to make the quarrel grow, especially as the partisans +of both helped to inflame it. Being eager to secure the adhesion of +the generals of divisions and the captains of companies, he frequently +invited them to banquets; and at these assemblies, instigated partly by +the flattery of his guests and partly by his own impulse (for he was a +young man and the conversation was over the wine), he used to throw out +sarcastic remarks against the family of Agathocles. At first they were +covert and enigmatic, then merely ambiguous, and finally undisguised, +and containing the bitterest reflections. He proposed the health of +the scribbler of pasquinades, the sackbut-girl and waiting-woman; and +spoke of his shameful boyhood, when as cupbearer of the king he had +submitted to the foulest treatment. His guests were always ready to +laugh at his words and add their quota to the sum of vituperation. It +was not long before this reached the ears of Agathocles: and the breach +between the two thus becoming an open one, Agathocles immediately +began bringing charges against Tlepolemus, declaring that he was a +traitor to the king, and was inviting Antiochus to come and seize the +government. And he brought many plausible proofs of this forward, some +of which he got by distorting facts that actually occurred, while +others were pure invention. His object in so doing was to excite the +wrath of the common people against Tlepolemus. But the result was the +reverse; for the populace had long fixed their hopes on Tlepolemus, and +were only too delighted to see the quarrel growing hot between them. +The actual popular outbreak which did occur began from the following +circumstances. Nicon, a relation of Agathocles, was in the lifetime of +the late king commander of the navy.... + +[Sidenote: A fragment from the earlier history of Agathocles.] + ++26.+ (_a_) Another murder committed by Agathocles was that of Deinon, +son of Deinon. But this, as the proverb has it, was the fairest of +his foul deeds. For the letter ordering the murder of Arsinoe had +fallen into this man’s hands, and he might have given information +about the plot and saved the Queen; but at the time he chose rather +to help Philammon, and so became the cause of all the misfortunes +which followed; while, after the murder was committed, he was always +recalling the circumstances, commiserating the unhappy woman, and +expressing repentance at having let such an opportunity slip: and this +he repeated in the hearing of many, so that Agathocles heard of it, and +he met with his just punishment in losing his life.... + + +THE DEATH OF AGATHOCLES AND HIS FAMILY + +[Sidenote: Agathocles pretends a plot of Tlepolemus against the king, +B.C. 202.] + ++26.+ (_b_) The first step of Agathocles was to summon a meeting of the +Macedonian guards. He entered the assembly accompanied by the young +king and his own sister Agathocleia. At first he feigned not to be able +to say what he wished for tears; but after again and again wiping his +eyes with his chlamys he at length mastered his emotion, and, taking +the young king in his arms, spoke as follows: “Take this boy, whom his +father on his death-bed placed in this lady’s arms” (pointing to his +sister) “and confided to your loyalty, men of Macedonia! That lady’s +affection has but little influence in securing the child’s safety: it +is on you that that safety now depends; his fortunes are in your hands. +It has long been evident to those who had eyes to see, that Tlepolemus +was aiming at something higher than his natural rank; but now he has +named the day and hour on which he intends to assume the crown. Do +not let your belief of this depend upon my words; refer to those who +know the real truth and have but just come from the very scene of his +treason.” With these words he brought forward Critolaus, who deposed +that he had seen with his own eyes the altars being decked, and the +victims being got ready by the common soldiers for the ceremony of a +coronation. + +[Sidenote: Anger of the populace and soldiers against Agathocles.] + +When the Macedonian guards had heard all this, far from being moved by +his appeal, they showed their contempt by hooting and loud murmurs, +and drove him away under such a fire of derision that he got out +of the assembly without being conscious how he did it. And similar +scenes occurred among other corps of the army at their meetings. +Meanwhile great crowds kept pouring into Alexandria from the up-country +stations, calling upon kinsmen or friends to help the movement, and +not to submit to the unbridled tyranny of such unworthy men. But what +inflamed the populace against the government more than anything else +was the knowledge that, as Tlepolemus had the absolute command of all +the imports into Alexandria, delay would be a cause of suffering to +themselves. + ++27.+ Moreover, an action of Agathocles himself served to heighten +the anger of the multitude and of Tlepolemus. For he took Danae, the +latter’s mother-in-law, from the temple of Demeter, dragged her through +the middle of the city unveiled, and cast her into prison. His object +in doing this was to manifest his hostility to Tlepolemus; but its +effect was to loosen the tongues of the people. In their anger they no +longer confined themselves to secret murmurs: but some of them in the +night covered the walls in every part of the city with pasquinades; +while others in the day time collected in groups and openly expressed +their loathing for the government. + +[Sidenote: Terror of Agathocles.] + +[Sidenote: Arrest of Moeragenes.] + +Seeing what was taking place, and beginning to fear the worst, +Agathocles at one time meditated making his escape by secret flight; +but as he had nothing ready for such a measure, thanks to his own +imprudence, he had to give up that idea. At another time he set himself +to drawing out lists of men likely to assist him in a bold _coup +d’état_, by which he should put to death or arrest his enemies, and +then possess himself of absolute power. While still meditating these +plans he received information that Moeragenes, one of the bodyguard, +was betraying all the secrets of the palace to Tlepolemus, and was +co-operating with him on account of his relationship with Adaeus, at +that time the commander of Bubastus. Agathocles immediately ordered +his secretary Nicostratus to arrest Moeragenes, and extract the truth +from him by every possible kind of torture. Being promptly arrested by +Nicostratus, and taken to a retired part of the palace, he was at first +examined directly as to the facts alleged; but, refusing to confess +anything, he was stripped. And now some of the torturers were preparing +their instruments, and others with scourges in their hands were just +taking off their outer garments, when just at that very moment a +servant ran in, and, whispering something in the ear of Nicostratus, +hurried out again. Nicostratus followed close behind him, without a +word, frequently slapping his thigh with his hand. + +[Sidenote: Moeragenes rouses the soldiers.] + ++28.+ The predicament of Moeragenes was now indescribably strange. +There stood the executioners by his side on the point of raising +their scourges, while others close to him were getting ready their +instruments of torture: but when Nicostratus withdrew they all stood +silently staring at each other’s faces, expecting him every moment +to return; but as time went on they one by one slipped away, until +Moeragenes was left alone. Having made his way through the palace, +after this unhoped-for escape, he rushed in his half-clothed state +into a tent of the Macedonian guards which was situated close to the +palace. They chanced to be at breakfast, and therefore a good many +were collected together; and to them he narrated the story of his +wonderful escape. At first they would not believe it, but ultimately +were convinced by his appearing without his clothes. Taking advantage +of this extraordinary occurrence, Moeragenes besought the Macedonian +guards with tears not only to help him to secure his own safety, but +the king’s also, and above all their own. “For certain destruction +stared them in the face,” he said, “unless they seized the moment when +the hatred of the populace was at its height, and every one was ready +to wreak vengeance on Agathocles. That moment was _now_, and all that +was wanted was some one to begin.” + ++29.+ The passions of the Macedonians were roused by these words, and +they finally agreed to do as Moeragenes advised. They at once went +round to the tents, first those of their own corps, and then those of +the other soldiers; which were all close together, facing the same +quarter of the city. The wish was one which had for a long time been +formed in the minds of the soldiery, wanting nothing but some one to +call it forth, and with courage to begin. No sooner, therefore, had a +commencement been made than it blazed out like a fire: and before four +hours had elapsed every class, whether military or civil, had agreed to +make the attempt. + +[Sidenote: Agathocles despairs.] + +[Sidenote: Oenanthe in the temple of Demeter.] + +At this crisis, too, chance contributed a great deal to the final +catastrophe. For a letter addressed by Tlepolemus to the army as well +as some of his spies, had fallen into the hands of Agathocles. The +letter announced that he would be at Alexandria shortly, and the spies +informed Agathocles that he was already there. This news so distracted +Agathocles that he gave up taking any measures at all or even thinking +about the dangers which surrounded him, but departed at his usual +hour to his wine, and kept up the carouse to the end in his usual +licentious fashion. But his mother Oenanthe went in great distress to +the temple of Demeter and Persephone, which was open on account of a +certain annual sacrifice; and there first of all she besought the aid +of those goddesses with bendings of the knee and strange incantations, +and then sat down close to the altar and remained motionless. Most of +the women present, delighted to witness her dejection and distress, +kept silence: but the ladies of the family of Polycrates, and certain +others of the nobility, being as yet unaware of what was going on +around them, approached Oenanthe and tried to comfort her. But she +cried out in a loud voice: “Do not come near me, you monsters! I know +you well! Your hearts are always against us; and you pray the goddess +for all imaginable evil upon us. Still I trust and believe that, God +willing, you shall one day taste the flesh of your own children.” With +these words she ordered her female attendants to drive them away, and +strike them with their staves if they refused to go. The ladies availed +themselves of this excuse for quitting the temple in a body, raising +their hands and praying that she might herself have experience of those +very miseries with which she had threatened her neighbours. + +[Sidenote: A mob assembles.] + ++30.+ The men having by this time decided upon a revolution, now +that in every house the anger of the women was added to the general +resentment, the popular hatred blazed out with redoubled violence. As +soon as night fell the whole city was filled with tumult, torches, and +hurrying feet. Some were assembling with shouts in the stadium; some +were calling upon others to join them; some were running backwards +and forwards seeking to conceal themselves in houses and places least +likely to be suspected. And now the open spaces round the palace, the +stadium, and the street were filled with a motley crowd, as well as +the area in front of the Dionysian Theatre. Being informed of this, +Agathocles roused himself from a drunken lethargy,—for he had just +dismissed his drinking party,—and, accompanied by all his family, +with the exception of Philo, went to the king. After a few words of +lamentation over his misfortunes addressed to the child, he took him +by the hand, and proceeded to the covered walk which runs between the +Maeander garden and the Palaestra, and leads to the entrance of the +theatre. Having securely fastened the two first doors through which +he passed, he entered the third with two or three bodyguards, his own +family, and the king. The doors, however, which were secured by double +bars, were only of lattice work and could therefore be seen through. + +By this time the mob had collected from every part of the city in +such numbers, that, not only was every foot of ground occupied, but +the doorsteps and roofs also were crammed with human beings; and +such a mingled storm of shouts and cries arose, as might be expected +from a crowd in which women and children were mixed with men: for in +Alexandria, as in Carthage, the children perform as conspicuous a part +in such commotions as the men. + +[Sidenote: Cries for the king.] + ++31.+ Day now began to break and the uproar was still a confused babel +of voices; but one cry made itself heard conspicuously above the rest, +it was a call for THE KING. The first thing actually done was by the +Macedonian guard: they left their quarters and seized the vestibule +which served as the audience hall of the palace; then, after a brief +pause, having ascertained whereabouts in the palace the king was, they +went round to the covered walk, burst open the first doors, and, when +they came to the next, demanded with loud shouts that the young king +should be surrendered to them. Agathocles, recognising his danger, +begged his bodyguards to go in his name to the Macedonians, to inform +them that “he resigned the guardianship of the king, and all offices, +honours, or emoluments which he possessed, and only asked that his +life should be granted him with a bare maintenance; that by sinking to +his original situation in life he would be rendered incapable, even +if he wished it, of being henceforth oppressive to any one.” All the +bodyguards refused except Aristomenes, who afterwards obtained the +chief power in the state. + +[Sidenote: Aristomenes.] + +This man was an Acarnanian, and, though far advanced in life when he +obtained supreme power, he is thought to have made a most excellent and +blameless guardian of the king and kingdom. And as he was distinguished +in that capacity, so had he been remarkable before for his adulation +of Agathocles in the time of his prosperity. He was the first, when +entertaining Agathocles at his house, to distinguish him among his +guests by the present of a gold diadem, an honour reserved by custom +to the kings alone; he was the first too who ventured to wear his +likeness on his ring; and when a daughter was born to him he named her +Agathocleia. + +[Sidenote: The guards insist on the surrender of the king.] + +But to return to my story. Aristomenes undertook the mission, received +his message, and made his way through a certain wicket-gate to the +Macedonians. He stated his business in few words: the first impulse +of the Macedonians was to stab him to death on the spot; but some of +them held up their hands to protect him, and successfully begged his +life. He accordingly returned with orders to bring the king or to +come no more himself. Having dismissed Aristomenes with these words, +the Macedonians proceeded to burst open the second door also. When +convinced by their proceedings, no less than by the answers they had +returned, of the fierce purpose of the Macedonians, the first idea of +Agathocles was to thrust his hand through the latticed door,—while +Agathocleia did the same with her breasts which she said had suckled +the king,—and by every kind of entreaty to beg that the Macedonians +would grant him bare life. + +[Sidenote: The king conducted to the stadium.] + ++32.+ But finding that his long and piteous appeals produced no effect, +at last he sent out the young king with the bodyguards. As soon as they +had got the king, the Macedonians placed him on a horse and conducted +him to the stadium. His appearance being greeted with loud shouts and +clapping of hands, they stopped the horse, and dismounting the child, +ushered him to the royal stall and seated him there. But the feelings +of the crowd were divided: they were delighted that the young king +had been brought, but they were dissatisfied that the guilty persons +had not been arrested and met with the punishment they deserved. +Accordingly, they continued with loud cries to demand that the authors +of all the mischief should be brought out and made an example. The +day was wearing away, and yet the crowd had found no one on whom to +wreak their vengeance, when Sosibius, who, though a son of the elder +Sosibius, was at that time a member of the bodyguard, and as such had +a special eye to the safety of the king and the State,—seeing that the +furious desire of the multitude was implacable, and that the child +was frightened at the unaccustomed faces that surrounded him and the +uproar of the crowd, asked the king whether he would “surrender to +the populace those who had injured him or his mother.” The boy having +nodded assent, Sosibius bade some of the bodyguard announce the king’s +decision, while he raised the young child from his seat and took him +to his own house which was close by to receive proper attention and +refreshment. When the message from the king was declared, the whole +place broke out into a storm of cheering and clapping of hands. But +meanwhile Agathocles and Agathocleia had separated and gone each to +their own lodgings. Without loss of time soldiers, some voluntarily and +others under pressure from the crowd, started in search of them. + +[Sidenote: Death of Agathocles, his sister, and Oenanthe.] + ++33.+ The beginning of actual bloodshed, however, was this. One of +the servants and flatterers of Agathocles, whose name was Philo, came +out to the stadium still flustered with wine. Seeing the fury of the +multitude, he said to some bystanders that they would have cause to +repent it again, as they had only the other day, if Agathocles were +to come there. Of those who heard him some began to abuse him, while +others pushed him about; and on his attempting to defend himself, some +tore his cloak off his back, while others thrust their spears into him +and wounded him mortally. He was dragged into the middle of the crowd +breathing his last gasp; and, having thus tasted blood, the multitude +began to look impatiently for the coming of the other victims. They +had not to wait long. First appeared Agathocles dragged along bound +hand and foot. No sooner had he entered than some soldiers rushed at +him and struck him dead. And in doing so they were his friends rather +than enemies, for they saved him from the horrible death which he +deserved. Nicon was brought next, and after him Agathocleia stripped +naked, with her two sisters; and following them the whole family. Last +of all some men came bringing Oenanthe, whom they had torn from the +temple of Demeter and Persephone, riding stripped naked upon a horse. +They were all given up to the populace, who bit, and stabbed them, and +knocked out their eyes, and, as soon as any one of them fell, tore him +limb from limb, until they had utterly annihilated them all: for the +savagery of the Egyptians when their passions are roused is indeed +terrible. At the same time some young girls who had been brought up +with Arsinoe, having learnt that Philammon, the chief agent in the +murder of that Queen, had arrived three days before from Cyrene, rushed +to his house; forced their way in; killed Philammon with stones and +sticks; strangled his infant son; and, not content with this, dragged +his wife naked into the street and put her to death. + +Such was the end of Agathocles and Agathocleia and their kinsfolk. + +[Sidenote: The contemptible character of Agathocles.] + ++34.+ I am quite aware of the miraculous occurrences and embellishments +which the chroniclers of this event have added to their narrative +with a view of producing a striking effect upon their hearers, making +more of their comments on the story than of the story itself and the +main incidents. Some ascribe it entirely to Fortune, and take the +opportunity of expatiating on her fickleness and the difficulty of +being on one’s guard against her. Others dwell upon the unexpectedness +of the event, and try to assign its causes and probabilities. It was +not my purpose, however, to treat this episode in this way, because +Agathocles was not a man of conspicuous courage or ability as a +soldier; nor particularly successful or worth imitating as a statesman; +nor, lastly, eminent for his acuteness as a courtier or cunning as an +intriguer, by which latter accomplishments Sosibius and many others +have managed to keep one king after another under their influence +to the last day of their lives. The very opposite of all this may +be said of this man. For though he obtained high promotion owing to +Philopator’s feebleness as a king; and though after his death he had +the most favourable opportunity of consolidating his power, he yet soon +fell into contempt, and lost his position and his life at once, thanks +to his own want of courage and vigour. + +[Sidenote: See 12, 15.] + ++35.+ To such a story then no such dissertation is required, as was in +place, for instance, in the case of the Sicilian monarchs, Agathocles +and Dionysius, and certain others who have administered governments +with reputation. For the former of these, starting from a plebeian +and humble position—having been, as Timaeus sneeringly remarks, a +potter—came from the wheel, clay, and smoke, quite a young man to +Syracuse. And, to begin with, both these men in their respective +generations became tyrants of Syracuse, a city that had obtained at +that time the greatest reputation and the greatest wealth of any in the +world; and afterwards were regarded as suzerains of all Sicily, and +lords of certain districts in Italy. While, for his part, Agathocles +not only made an attempt upon Africa, but eventually died in possession +of the greatness he had acquired. It is on this account that the story +is told of Publius Scipio, the first conqueror of the Carthaginians, +that being asked whom he considered to have been the most skilful +administrators and most distinguished for boldness combined with +prudence, he replied, “the Sicilians Agathocles and Dionysius.” Now, in +the case of such men as these, it is certainly right to try to arrest +the attention of our readers, and, I suppose, to speak of Fortune and +the mutability of human affairs, and in fact to point a moral: but in +the case of such men as we have been speaking of, it is quite out of +place to do so. + ++36.+ For these reasons I have rejected all idea of making too much of +the story of Agathocles. But another and the strongest reason was that +all such wonderful and striking catastrophes are only worth listening +to once; not only are subsequent exhibitions of them unprofitable +to ear and eye, but elaborate harping upon them soon becomes simply +troublesome. For those who are engaged on representing anything either +to eye or ear can have only two objects to aim at,—pleasure and profit; +and in history, more than in anything else, excessive prolixity on +events of tragic interest fails of both these objects. For, in the +first place, who would wish to emulate extraordinary catastrophes? And +next, no one likes to be continually seeing and hearing things that +are unnatural and beyond the ordinary conceptions of mankind. We are, +indeed, eager to see and hear such things once and for the first time, +because we want to know that a thing is possible which was supposed to +be impossible: but when once convinced on that point no one is pleased +at lingering on the Unnatural; but in fact would rather not come across +it at all oftener than need be. In fact, the dwelling upon misfortunes +which exceed the ordinary limits is more suitable to tragedy than to +history. But perhaps we ought to make allowances for men who have +studied neither nature nor universal history. They think, I presume, +that the most important and astonishing events in all history are +those which they happen to have come across themselves or to have +heard from others, and they therefore give their attention exclusively +to those. They accordingly do not perceive that they are making a +mistake in expatiating on events which are neither novel,—for they have +been narrated by others before,—nor capable of giving instruction or +pleasure. So much on this point.... + + +ANTIOCHUS + +[Sidenote: Disappointments as to the character of Antiochus the Great.] + ++37.+ King Antiochus, at the beginning of his reign, was thought to +be a man of great enterprise and courage, and great vigour in the +execution of his purposes; but as he grew older his character evidently +deteriorated in itself, and disappointed the expectation of the +world.... + + + + +BOOK XVI + + +PHILIP V. WAGES WAR WITH ATTALUS, KING OF PERGAMUM, AND THE RHODIANS. +See _supra_ 15, 20-24; Livy, 31, 17, _sqq._ + +[Sidenote: Philip’s impious conduct in Asia, B.C. 201.] + +[Sidenote: Zeuxis, Satrap of Antiochus, fails to help Philip +substantially.] + ++1.+ King Philip having arrived at Pergamum, and believing that he +had as good as made an end of Attalus, gave the rein to every kind of +outrage; and by way of gratifying his almost insane fury he vented his +wrath even more against the gods than against man. For his skirmishing +attacks being easily repelled by the garrison of Pergamum, owing to the +strength of the place, and being prevented by the precautions taken +by Attalus from getting booty from the country, he directed his anger +against the seats of the gods and the sacred enclosures; in which, +as it appears to me, he did not wrong Attalus so much as himself. +He threw down the temples and the altars, and even had their stones +broken to pieces that none of the buildings he had destroyed might be +rebuilt. After spoiling the Nicephorium, cutting down its grove, and +demolishing its ring wall, and levelling with the ground many costly +fanes, he first directed his attack upon Thyatira, and thence marched +into the plain of Thebe, thinking that this district would supply him +with the richest spoil. But finding himself again disappointed in this +respect, on arriving at the “Holy Village” he sent a message to Zeuxis, +demanding that he would furnish him with corn, and render the other +services stipulated for in the treaty.[66] Zeuxis, however, though +feigning to fulfil the obligations of the treaty, was not minded to +give Philip real and substantial help.... + + +GREAT SEA-FIGHT OFF CHIOS BETWEEN PHILIP AND THE ALLIED FLEETS OF +ATTALUS AND RHODES, B.C. 201 + +[Sidenote: Philip failing to take Chios sails off to Samos.] + +[Sidenote: Attalus and Theophiliscus follow him.] + ++2.+ As the siege was not going on favourably for him, and the enemy +were blockading him with an increasing number of decked vessels, he +felt uncertain and uneasy as to the result. But as the state of affairs +left him no choice, he suddenly put to sea quite unexpectedly to the +enemy; for Attalus expected that he would persist in pushing on the +mines he had commenced. But Philip was especially keen to make his +putting to sea a surprise, because he thought that he would thus be +able to outstrip the enemy, and complete the rest of his passage along +the coast to Samos in security. But he was much disappointed in his +calculations; for Attalus and Theophiliscus (of Rhodes), directly they +saw him putting to sea, lost no time in taking action. And although, +from their previous conviction that Philip meant to stay where he +was, they were not in a position to put to sea quite simultaneously, +still by a vigorous use of their oars they managed to overtake him, +and attacked,—Attalus the enemy’s right wing, which was his leading +squadron, and Theophiliscus his left. Thus intercepted and surrounded, +Philip gave the signal to the ships of his right wing, ordering them +to turn their prows towards the enemy and engage them boldly; while +he himself retreated under cover of the smaller islands, which lay in +the way, with some light galleys, and thence watched the result of +the battle. The whole number of ships engaged were, on Philip’s side, +fifty-three decked, accompanied by some undecked vessels, and galleys +and beaked ships to the number of one hundred and fifty; for he had +not been able to fit out all his ships in Samos. On the side of the +enemy there were sixty-five decked vessels, besides those which came +from Byzantium, and along with them nine _triemioliae_ (light-decked +vessels), and three triremes. + +[Sidenote: Incidents in the battle.] + +[Sidenote: Loss of Philip’s flagship and admiral.] + +[Sidenote: Deinocrates.] + +[Sidenote: Dionysodorus.] + ++3.+ The fight having been begun on the ship on which King Attalus was +sailing, all the others near began charging each other without waiting +for orders. Attalus ran into an eight-banked ship, and having struck it +a well-directed blow below the water-line, after a prolonged struggle +between the combatants on the decks, at length succeeded in sinking +it. Philip’s ten-banked ship, which, moreover, was the admiral’s, +was captured by the enemy in an extraordinary manner. For one of the +_triemioliae_, having run close under her, she struck against her +violently amidships, just beneath the thole of the topmost bank of +oars, and got fast jammed on to her, the steersman being unable to +check the way of his ship. The result was that, by this craft hanging +suspended to her, she became unmanageable and unable to turn one way +or another. While in this plight, two quinqueremes charged her on both +sides at once, and destroyed the vessel itself and the fighting men on +her deck, among whom fell Democrates, Philip’s admiral. At the same +time Dionysodorus and Deinocrates, who were brothers and joint-admirals +of the fleet of Attalus, charged, the one upon a seven-banked, +the other upon an eight-banked ship of the enemy, and had a most +extraordinary adventure in the battle. Deinocrates, in the first place, +came into collision with an eight-banked ship, and had his ship struck +above the water-line; for the enemy’s ship had its prow built high; but +he struck the enemy’s ship below the water-line,[67] and at first could +not get himself clear, though he tried again and again to back water; +and, accordingly, when the Macedonian boarded him and fought with great +gallantry, he was brought into the most imminent danger. Presently, +upon Attalus coming to his aid, and by a vigorous charge separating +the two ships, Deinocrates unexpectedly found himself free, and the +enemy’s boarders were all killed after a gallant resistance, while +their own vessel being left without men was captured by Attalus. In the +next place, Dionysodorus, making a furious charge, missed his blow; but +running up alongside of the enemy lost all the oars on his right side, +and had the timbers supporting his towers smashed to pieces, and was +thereupon immediately surrounded by the enemy. In the midst of loud +shouts and great confusion, all the rest of his marines perished along +with the ship, but he himself with two others managed to escape by +swimming to the _triemiolia_ which was coming up to the rescue. + +[Sidenote: The skill of the Rhodian sailors.] + ++4.+ The fight between the rest of the fleet, however, was an undecided +one; for the superiority in the numbers of Philip’s galleys was +compensated for by Attalus’s superiority in the number of his decked +ships. Thus on the right wing of Philip’s fleet the state of things was +that the ultimate result was doubtful, but that, of the two, Attalus +had the better hope of victory. As for the Rhodians, they were, at +first starting, as I have said, far behind the enemy, but being much +their superiors in speed they managed to come up with the rear of +the Macedonians. At first they charged the vessels on the stern as +they were retiring, and broke off their oars; but upon Philip’s ships +swinging round and beginning to bring help to those in danger, while +those of the Rhodians who had started later than the rest reached the +squadron of Theophiliscus, both parties turned their ships in line prow +to prow and charged gallantly, inciting each other to fresh exertions +by the sound of trumpets and loud cheers. Had not the Macedonians +placed their galleys between the opposing lines of decked ships, the +battle would have been quickly decided; but, as it was, these proved +a hindrance to the Rhodians in various ways. For as soon as the first +charge had disturbed the original order of the ships, they became +all mixed up with each other in complete confusion, which made it +difficult to sail through the enemy’s line or to avail themselves +of the points in which they were superior, because the galleys kept +running sometimes against the blades of their oars so as to hinder the +rowing, and sometimes upon their prows, or again upon their sterns, +thus hampering the service of steerers and rowers alike. In the direct +charges, however, the Rhodians employed a particular manœuvre. By +depressing their bows they received the blows of the enemy above the +water-line, while by staving in the enemy’s ships below the water-line +they rendered the blows fatal. Still it was rarely that they succeeded +in doing this, for, as a rule, they avoided collisions, because the +Macedonians fought gallantly from their decks when they came to +close quarters. Their most frequent manœuvre was to row through the +Macedonian line, and disable the enemy’s ships by breaking off their +oars, and then, rowing round into position, again charge the enemy on +the stern, or catch them broadside as they were in the act of turning; +and thus they either stove them in or broke away some necessary part of +their rigging. By this manner of fighting they destroyed a great number +of the enemy’s ships. + +[Sidenote: Further incidents in the fight on the left wing. The Rhodian +admiral Theophiliscus mortally wounded.] + ++5.+ But the most brilliant and hazardous exploits were those of three +quinqueremes: the flagship on which Theophiliscus sailed, then that +commanded by Philostratus, and lastly the one steered by Autolycus, +and on board of which was Nicostratus. This last charged an enemy’s +ship, and left its beak sticking in it. The ship thus struck sank +with all hands; but Autolycus and his comrades, as the sea poured +into his vessel through the prow, was surrounded by the enemy. For +a time they defended themselves gallantly, but at last Autolycus +himself was wounded, and fell overboard in his armour, while the rest +of the marines were killed fighting bravely. While this was going on, +Theophiliscus came to the rescue with three quinqueremes, and though he +could not save the ship, because it was now full of water, he yet stove +in three hostile vessels, and forced their marines overboard. Being +quickly surrounded by a number of galleys and decked ships, he lost the +greater number of his marines after a gallant struggle on their part; +and after receiving three wounds himself, and performing prodigies of +valour, just managed to get his own ship safely off with the assistance +of Philostratus, who came to his aid and bravely took his share of the +danger. Having thus rejoined his own squadron, he darted out once more +and ran in upon the enemy, utterly prostrated in body by his wounds, +but more dashing and vehement in spirit than before. + +So that there were really two sea-fights going on at a considerable +distance from each other. For the right wing of Philip’s fleet, +continually making for land in accordance with his original plan, was +not far from the Asiatic coast; while the left wing, having to veer +round to support the ships on the rear, were engaged with the Rhodians +at no great distance from Chios. + +[Sidenote: Attalus intercepted by Philip, and forced to abandon his +ship.] + +[Sidenote: Victory of the Rhodians.] + ++6.+ As the fleet of Attalus, however, was rapidly overpowering the +right wing of Philip, and was now approaching the small islands, under +cover of which Philip was moored watching the result of the battle, +Attalus saw one of his quinqueremes staved in and in the act of being +sunk by an enemy’s ship. He therefore hurried to its assistance with +two quadriremes. The enemy’s ship turning to flight, and making for +the shore, he pursued it somewhat too eagerly in his ardent desire +to effect its capture. Thereupon Philip, observing that Attalus had +become detached a considerable distance from his own fleet, took four +quinqueremes and three _hemioliae_, as well as all the galleys within +reach, and darting out got between Attalus and his ships, and forced +him in the utmost terror to run his three ships ashore. After this +mishap the king himself and his crew made their way to Erythrae, while +Philip captured his vessels and the royal equipage on board them. For +in this emergency Attalus had employed an artifice. He caused the most +splendid articles of the royal equipage to be spread out on the deck of +his ship; the consequence of which was that the first Macedonians who +arrived on the galleys, seeing a quantity of flagons and purple robes +and such like things, abandoned the pursuit, and turned their attention +to plundering these. Thus it came about that Attalus got safe away to +Erythrae; while Philip, though he had distinctly got the worst of it +in the general engagement, was so elated at the unexpected reverse +which had befallen Attalus, that he put to sea again and exerted +himself strenuously in collecting his ships and restoring the spirits +of his men by assuring them that they were the victors. For when they +saw Philip put to sea towing off the royal ship, they very naturally +thought that Attalus had perished. But Dionysodorus, conjecturing what +had really happened to the king, set about collecting his own ships +by raising a signal; and this being speedily done, he sailed away +unmolested to their station in Asia. Meanwhile those Macedonians who +were engaged with the Rhodians, having been for some time past in evil +case, were gradually extricating themselves from the battle, one after +the other retiring on the pretence of being anxious to support their +comrades. So the Rhodians, taking in tow some of their vessels, and +having destroyed others by charging them, sailed away to Chios. + +[Sidenote: B.C. 201. The losses in the battle.] + ++7.+ In the battle with Attalus Philip had had destroyed a ten-banked, +a nine-banked, a seven-banked, and a six-banked ship, ten other +decked vessels, three _triemioliae_, twenty-five galleys and their +crews. In the battle with the Rhodians ten decked vessels and about +forty galleys. While two quadriremes and seven galleys with their +crews were captured. In the fleet of Attalus one _triemiolia_ and two +quinqueremes were sunk, while two quadriremes besides that of the king +were captured. Of the Rhodian fleet two quinqueremes and a trireme +were destroyed, but no ship was taken. Of men the Rhodians lost sixty, +Attalus seventy; while Philip lost three thousand Macedonians and six +thousand rowers. And of the Macedonians and their allies two thousand +were taken prisoners, and of their opponents six hundred. + +[Sidenote: Philip vainly pretends that he won the battle.] + ++8.+ Such was the end of the battle of Chios; in which Philip claimed +the victory on two pretexts. First, because he had driven Attalus +ashore and had captured his ship; and secondly, because, as he had +anchored at the promontory of Argennum, he had the credit of having +taken up his anchorage where the wrecks were floating. He acted in +accordance with this assertion next day by collecting the wrecks, and +causing the corpses which could be recognised to be picked up for +burial, all for the sake of strengthening this pretence. For that he +did not himself believe that he had won was shortly afterwards proved +by the Rhodians and Dionysodorus. For on that very next day, while he +was actually engaged on these operations, after communication with +each other they sailed out to attack him, but, on nobody putting out +to meet them, they returned to Chios. Philip indeed had never before +lost so many men either by land or sea at one time, and was extremely +mortified at what had happened and had lost much of his spirit for the +enterprise. To the outside world, however, he tried to conceal his real +sentiments: though this was forbidden by facts. Besides everything +else, what happened after the battle impressed all who saw it too +strongly. For the slaughter and destruction was so great that, on the +day of battle itself the whole strait was filled with corpses, blood, +arms, and wrecks; while on the subsequent days the strands might be +seen piled up with all these together in wild confusion. Hence the +extreme consternation of the king could not be confined to himself, but +was shared by all his Macedonians. + +[Sidenote: Death of Theophiliscus.] + ++9.+ Theophiliscus survived for one day; and then having written a +despatch home with an account of the battle, and appointed Cleonaeus to +succeed him in his command, died from his wounds. He had shown great +valour in the engagement, and his far-sighted policy deserves to be +remembered. If it had not been for his boldness in attacking Philip in +time, all the allies would have let the opportunity pass, in terror +at Philip’s audacity. But by beginning the war as he did he forced +his countrymen to seize the opportunity, and compelled Attalus not +to lose time in mere preparatory measures for war, but to go to war +energetically and grapple with the danger. The Rhodians, therefore, +were quite right to pay him, even after his death, such honours as +were incentives, not only to men living at the time, but to future +generations also, to prompt service in their country’s cause.... + + +THE INDECISIVE BATTLE OF CHIOS WAS FOLLOWED BY ANOTHER OFF LADE, IN +WHICH PHILIP WAS PARTLY SUCCESSFUL[68] + ++10.+ After the battle of Lade, the Rhodians being out of his way, and +Attalus not having yet appeared on the scene, it is clear that Philip +might have accomplished his voyage to Alexandria. And here we have +evidence stronger than any other of Philip’s infatuation in acting as +he did. What, then, prevented his design? Nothing in the world but what +always occurs in the natural course of affairs. For at a distance many +men at times desire the impossible from the extravagant prospects it +holds out, their ambition over-mastering their reason; but when they +approach the moment of action they quite as irrationally abandon their +purpose, because their calculations are obscured and confused by the +embarrassments and difficulties which meet them.... + + +PHILIP’S OPERATIONS IN CARIA, B.C. 201 + +[Sidenote: The stratagem by which Philip took Prinassus.] + ++11.+ Having made some assaults which proved abortive owing to the +strength of the place, Philip went away again, plundering the forts and +villages in the country. Thence he marched to Prinassus and pitched +his camp under its wall. Having promptly got ready his pent-houses and +other siege artillery, he began to attempt the town by mines. This +plan proving impracticable, owing to the rocky nature of the soil, he +contrived the following stratagem. During the day he caused a noise to +be made under ground, as though the mines were being worked at; while +during the night he caused earth to be brought and piled up at the +mouth of the mine, in order that the men in the city, by calculating +the quantity of earth thrown up, might become alarmed. At first the +Prinassians held out bravely: but when Philip sent them a message +informing them that he had underpinned two plethra of their walls, and +asking them whether they preferred to march out with their lives, or +one and all to perish with their town when he set fire to the props, +then at last, believing that what he said was true, they surrendered +the city. + +[Sidenote: Legends of Iassus and Bargylia.] + ++12.+ The town of Iassus is situated in Asia on the gulf between the +temple of Poseidon, the territory of Miletus, and the city of Myndus, +called the gulf [of Iassus by some], but by most the gulf of Bargylia, +from the names of the cities built upon its inner coast. The Iassians +boast of being originally colonists from Argos, and more recently +from Miletus, their ancestors having invited to their town the son +of Neleus, the founder of Miletus, owing to their losses in the war +with the Carians. The size of the town is ten stades. Among the people +of Bargylia it is a common report widely believed that the statue of +the Kindyan Artemis, though in the open air, is never touched by snow +or rain; and the same belief is held among the Iassians as to the +Artemis Astias.[69] All these stories have been repeated by certain +historians. But, for my part, I have in the whole course of my work +set myself against such statements of our historiographers and have +had no toleration for them. For it appears to me that such tales are +only fit to amuse children, when they transgress not only the limits +of probability but even those of possibility. For instance, to say +that certain bodies when placed in full light cast no shadow argues a +state of quite deplorable folly. But Theopompus has done this; for he +says that those who enter the holy precinct of Zeus in Arcadia cast +no shadow, which is on a par with the statements to which I have just +referred. Now, in so far as such tales tend to preserve the reverence +of the vulgar for religion, a certain allowance may be made for some +historians when they record these miraculous legends. But they must not +be allowed to go too far. Perhaps it is difficult to assign a limit in +such a matter; still it is not impossible. Therefore, in my judgment, +such displays of ignorance and delusion should be pardoned if they +do not go very far, but anything like extravagance in them should be +rejected.... + + +AFFAIRS IN GREECE + +[Sidenote: The tyranny of Nabis. See 13, 6-8.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 202-201.] + ++13.+ I have already described the deliberate policy of Nabis, tyrant +of the Lacedaemonians; how he drove the citizens into exile, freed +the slaves, and gave them the wives and daughters of their masters. +How also, by opening his kingdom as a kind of inviolable sanctuary +for all who fled from their own countries, he collected a number of +bad characters in Sparta. I will now proceed to tell how in the same +period, being in alliance with Aetolians, Eleans, and Messenians, and +being bound by oaths and treaties to support one and all of those +peoples in case of any one attacking them, he yet in utter contempt of +these obligations determined to make a treacherous attack on Messene.... + + +DIGRESSION ON THE MERITS OF THE HISTORIANS ZENO AND ANTISTHENES OF +RHODES + +[Sidenote: The necessity of discussing the histories of Zeno and +Antisthenes.] + ++14.+ As some episodical historians have written on the period which +embraces the affair at Messene and the sea-fights already described, it +is my intention to discuss them briefly. I will not however speak of +them all, but only those whom I suppose to be worthy of commemoration +and full discussion. These are the Rhodian writers Zeno and +Antisthenes, whom I judge to deserve this distinction, for more than +one reason. They were contemporary with the events, and were engaged +in practical politics; and, lastly, they composed their histories with +no view to gain, but for the sake of fame, and as part of the business +of politicians. Since then they write of the same events as myself, +I cannot omit mentioning them; lest, from the reputation of their +country, and the idea that naval affairs are peculiarly the province +of Rhodians, some students may prefer their authority to mine where I +differ from them. + +[Sidenote: Their description of the battle of Lade. See ch. 10.] + +Now both these writers, to begin with, describe the battle of Lade as +not less severe than that of Chios, but more fiercely and daringly +contested, both in detail and as a whole, and finally assert that the +victory was with the Rhodians. For my part I should be inclined to +allow that historians must show some partiality to their own countries; +not however that they should state what is exactly opposite to the +facts regarding them. There are quite enough mistakes which writers +make from ignorance, and which it is difficult for poor human nature +to avoid: but if we deliberately write what is false for the sake +of country, friends, or favour, how do we differ from those who do +the same to get a living? For as the latter, by measuring everything +by the standard of private gain, ruin the credit of their works, so +your politicians often fall into the same discredit by yielding to +the influence of hatred or affection. Therefore readers ought to be +jealously watchful on this head; while writers ought to be on their +guard for their own sakes. + ++15.+ The present matter is an example. When coming to details of the +battle of Lade, these writers confess that in it “two quinqueremes of +Rhodes were captured by the enemy; and that upon one ship raising its +studding-sail to escape from the conflict, owing to its having being +staved in and shipping sea, many of the vessels near it did the same +and made for the open sea; and that at last the admiral, being left +with only a few vessels, was forced to follow their example. That for +the present they were forced by unfavourable winds to drop anchor +on the territory of Myndus, but next day put to sea and crossed to +Cos; while the enemy, having secured the quinqueremes, landed at Lade +and took up their quarters in the Rhodian camp: that, moreover, the +Milesians, deeply impressed by what had taken place, presented not only +Philip, but Heracleides also, with a garland of victory on his entrance +to their territory.” And yet, though they give all these particulars, +which all evidently indicate the losing side, they still declare the +Rhodians to have been victorious both in particular combats and in +the whole battle; and that too in spite of the fact that the original +despatch from the admiral concerning the battle, sent to the Senate and +Prytanies, still exists in their Prytaneium, which testifies to the +truth, not of the statements of Antisthenes and Zeno, but of mine. + +[Sidenote: Zeno’s account of the attack of Nabis upon Messene. See ch. +13.] + ++16.+ Next as to their account of the treacherous attempt upon Messene. +Zeno says that “Nabis started from Sparta, crossed the Eurotas near the +tributary called the Hoplites, and advanced along the narrow road past +Poliasium until he arrived at Sallasia, thence past Pharae to Thalamae, +and so to the river Pamisus.” About which I do not know what to say. +It is just as if one were to say that a man started from Corinth and +marched through the Isthmus and arrived at the Scironean way, and then +came straight to the Contoporian road, and journeyed past Mycenae to +Argos. For such a statement would not be merely slightly wrong but +wholly contradictory. For the Isthmus and the Scironian rocks are east +of Corinth, while the Contoporian road and Mycenae are nearly due +south-west; so that it is completely impossible to go by way of the +former to the latter. The same may be said about Lacedaemon; for the +Eurotas and Sallasia are to the north-east of Sparta, while Thalamae, +Pharae, and the Pamisus are to the south-west. Therefore it is not +possible to go to Sallasia, nor necessary to cross the Eurotas, if a +man means to go to Messenia by way of Thalamae. + ++17.+ Besides these mistakes, he says that Nabis started on his return +from Messenia by the gate on the road to Tegea. This is another +absurdity; for Megalopolis is between Tegea and Messene, so that it is +impossible that a gate at Messene should be called the “Gate to Tegea.” +The fact is that there is a gate there called the “Tegean Gate,” by +which Nabis commenced his return; and this led Zeno into the mistake +of supposing that Tegea was near Messene, which is not the fact: for +the Laconian territory, as well as that of Megalopolis, lies between +that of Messene and Tegea. Lastly, he says that the Alpheus flows +underground from its source for a considerable distance, and comes +up near Lycoa, in Arcadia. The truth is that this river does go down +underground not far from its source, and, after remaining hidden for +about ten stades, comes up again, and then flows through the territory +of Megalopolis, at first with a gentle stream, and then gaining volume, +and watering that whole district in a splendid manner for two hundred +stades, at length reaches Lycoa, swollen by the tributary stream of the +Lusius, and become unfordable and deep.... + +However, I think that the points I have mentioned, though all of them +blunders, admit of some palliation and excuse; for the latter arose +from mere ignorance, those connected with the sea-fight from patriotic +affection. But is it not then a fault in Zeno, that he does not bestow +as much pains on investigating the truth and thoroughly mastering his +subject, as upon the ornaments of style; and shows on many occasions +that he particularly plumes himself on this, as many other famous +writers do? To my mind it is quite right to take great care and pay +great attention to the presentation of one’s facts in correct and +adequate language, for this contributes in no small degree to the +effectiveness of history; still I do not think that serious writers +should regard it as their primary and most important object. Far from +it. Quite other are the parts of his history on which a practical +politician should rather pride himself. + +[Sidenote: Zeno’s account of the battle of Panium between Antiochus the +Great and Scopas, B.C. 201.] + ++18.+ The best illustration of what I mean will be the following. +This same writer, in his account of the siege of Gaza and Antiochus’s +pitched battle with Scopas in Coele-Syria, at Mount Panium,[70] +showed such extreme anxiety about ornaments of style, that he made it +quite impossible even for professional rhetoricians or mob orators to +outstrip him in theatrical effect; while he showed such a contempt +of facts, as once more amounted to unsurpassable carelessness and +inaccuracy. For, intending to describe the first position in the field +taken up by Scopas, he says that “the right extremity of his line, +together with a few cavalry, rested on the slope of the mountain, while +its left with all the cavalry belonging to this wing, was in the plains +below. That Antiochus, just before the morning watch, despatched his +elder son Antiochus with a division of his army to occupy the high +ground which commanded the enemy; and that at daybreak he led the rest +of his army across the river which flowed between the two camps, and +drew them up on the plain; arranging his heavy-armed infantry in one +line, facing the enemy’s centre, and his cavalry, some on the right +and the rest on the left wing of the phalanx, among which were the +heavy-armed horsemen, under the sole command of the younger of the +king’s sons Antiochus. That in advance of this line he stationed the +elephants at certain intervals, and the Tarentines[71] commanded by +Antipater; while he filled up the spaces between the elephants with +archers and slingers. And finally, that he took up his own station +on the rear of the elephants with squadron of household cavalry and +bodyguards.” After this preliminary description he continues: “The +younger Antiochus”—whom he had described as being on the level ground +with the heavy-armed cavalry—“charged down from the high ground and put +to flight and pursued the cavalry under Ptolemy, son of Aeropus, who +was in command of the Aetolians in the plain on the left wing; but the +two lines, when they met, maintained a stubborn fight.” But he fails to +observe that, as the elephants, cavalry, and light-armed infantry were +in front, the two lines could not possibly meet at all. + ++19.+ Next he says that “the phalanx, outmatched in agility and forced +backwards by the Aetolians, retired step by step, while the elephants +received the retreating line, and did great service in charging the +enemy.” But how the elephants got on the rear of the phalanx it is not +easy to understand, or how, if they had got there, they could have +done good service. For as soon as the two lines were once at close +quarters, the animals would no longer have been able to distinguish +friend from foe among those that came in their way. Again, he says that +“the Aetolian cavalry were thrown into a panic during the engagement, +because they were unaccustomed to the look of the elephants.” But, by +his own account, the cavalry which was originally stationed on the +right wing remained unbroken; while the other division of the cavalry, +that on the left wing, had all fled before the successful attack of +Antiochus. What portion of the cavalry was it, then, that was on the +centre of the phalanx, and was terrified by the elephants? And where +was the king, or what part did he take in the battle, seeing that he +had with him the very flower of the infantry and cavalry? For not a +word has been told us about these. And where was the elder of the young +Antiochi, who, with a division of the troops, occupied the high ground? +For this prince is not represented even as returning to his quarters +after the battle. And very naturally so. For Zeno started by assuming +two sons of the king named Antiochus, whereas there was only one in +the army on that occasion. How comes it, again, that according to him, +Scopas returned first and also last from the field? For he says: “when +he saw the younger Antiochus, after returning from the pursuit, on the +rear of his phalanx, and accordingly gave up all hopes of victory, he +retired.” But afterwards he says that “he sustained the most imminent +peril when his phalanx got surrounded by the elephants and cavalry, and +was the last man to retire from the field.” + +[Sidenote: Polybius wrote to Zeno on his geographical mistakes.] + ++20.+ These and similar blunders appear to me to reflect very great +discredit upon writers. It is necessary, therefore, to endeavour to +make one’s self master of all departments of history alike. That +is the ideal; but if that is impossible, one ought at least to be +excessively careful on the most essential and important points in +it. I have been induced to say this because I have observed that in +history, as in other arts and sciences, there is a tendency to neglect +the true and essential, while the ostentatious and the showy secure +praise and emulation as something great and admirable. The fact being +that in history, as in other departments of literature, these latter +qualities require less trouble and gain a cheaper reputation. As to +his ignorance of the topography of Laconia, considering that his error +was an important one, I did not hesitate to write to Zeno personally. +For I thought it a point of honour not to look upon the mistakes of +others as personal triumphs, as is the way with some writers; but to do +the best I could to secure correctness, not only of my own historical +writings, but of those of others also, for the benefit of the world at +large. When Zeno received my letter and found that it was impossible to +make the correction, because his history was already published, he was +much vexed, but could do nothing. He, however, put the most friendly +interpretation on my proceeding; and, in regard to this point, I would +beg my own readers, whether of my own or future generations, if I am +ever detected in making a deliberate misstatement, and disregarding +truth in any part of my history, to criticise me unmercifully; but if +I do so from lack of information, to make allowances: and I ask it for +myself more than others, owing to the size of my history and the extent +of ground covered by its transactions.... + + +EGYPT + +[Sidenote: Character and extravagance of Tlepolemus.] + ++21.+ Tlepolemus,[72] the chief minister in the kingdom of Egypt, was +a young man, but one who had spent all his life in the camp, and with +reputation. By nature aspiring and ambitious, he had done much that +was glorious in the service of his country, but much that was evil +also. As a general in a campaign, and as an administrator of military +expeditions, he was a man of great ability, high natural courage, and +extremely well fitted to deal personally with soldiers. But on the +other hand, for the management of complicated affairs, he was deficient +in diligence and sobriety, and had the least faculty in the world for +the keeping of money or the economical administration of finance. +And it was this that before long not only caused his own fall, but +seriously damaged the kingdom as well. For though he had complete +control of the exchequer, he spent the greater part of the day in +playing ball and in matches in martial exercises with the young men; +and directly he left these sports he collected drinking parties, and +spent the greater part of his life in these amusements and with these +associates. But that part of his day which he devoted to business, he +employed in distributing, or, I might rather say, in throwing away the +royal treasures among the envoys from Greece and the Dionysian actors, +and, more than all, among the officers and soldiers of the palace +guard. He was utterly incapable of saying no, and bestowed anything +there was at hand on any one who said anything to please him. The evil +which he himself thus began continually increased. For every one who +had received a favour expressed his gratitude in extravagant language, +both for the sake of what he had got and of what he hoped to get in +the future. And thus being informed of the universal praise which was +bestowed on him, of the toasts proposed in his honour at banquets, +of complimentary inscriptions, and songs sung in his praise by the +public singers all through the town, he became entirely befooled, and +grew daily more and more puffed up with conceit, and more reckless in +squandering favours upon foreigners and soldiers. + +[Sidenote: Tlepolemus suppresses a court intrigue against himself.] + ++22.+ These proceedings were very offensive to the other members of the +court; and, therefore, they watched everything he did with a jealous +eye, and conceived a detestation for his insolence, which they began to +compare unfavourably with the character of Sosibius. For the latter was +considered to show more wisdom in his guardianship of the king than his +age gave reason to expect; and, in his dealings with other persons, to +maintain the dignity proper to his high trust, which was the royal seal +and person. Just at this time, Ptolemy, the son of Sosibius, returned +from his mission to Philip. Before he left Alexandria on his voyage, he +had been full of foolish pride, partly from his own natural disposition +and partly from his father’s success. But upon landing in Macedonia, +and mixing with the young men at court, he conceived the notion that +the virtue of the Macedonians consisted in the better fashion of their +boots and clothes; he therefore came home, got up in imitation of +all these peculiarities, and fully persuaded that his foreign tour +and association with Macedonians had made a man of him. He therefore +immediately began showing jealousy of Tlepolemus, and inveighing +against him; and as all the courtiers joined him, on the ground that +Tlepolemus was treating the business and revenue of the state as +though he were its heir and not its guardian, the quarrel quickly +grew. Meanwhile Tlepolemus, being informed of certain unfriendly +speeches, originating in the jealous observation and malignity of the +courtiers, at first turned a deaf ear to them and affected to despise +them; but when at length they ventured to hold a meeting and openly +express their disapproval of him in his absence, on the ground of his +maladministration of the government of the kingdom, he grew angry; and, +summoning the council, came forward and said that “they brought their +accusations against him secretly and in private, but he judged it right +to accuse them in public and face to face.”... + +After making his public speech, Tlepolemus deprived Sosibius of +the custody of the seal also, and having got that into his hands, +thenceforth conducted the administration exactly as he chose.... + + +THE WAR IN COELE-SYRIA + +[Sidenote: B.C. 332.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 201. Valour of the people of Gaza.] + ++22+ (_a_). It seems to me to be at once just and proper to give the +people of Gaza[73] the praise which they deserve. For though they do +not differ as to bravery in war from the rest of the inhabitants of +Coele-Syria, yet as parties to an international agreement, and in +their fidelity to their promises, they far surpass them, and show +altogether a courage in such matters that is irresistible. In the first +place, when all the other people were terrified at the invasion of the +Persians,[74] in view of the greatness of their power, and one and all +submitted themselves and their countries to the Medes, they alone faced +the danger and stood a siege. Again, on the invasion of Alexander, when +not only did the other cities surrender, but even Tyre was stormed +and its inhabitants sold into slavery; and when it seemed all but +hopeless for any to escape destruction, who resisted the fierce and +violent attack of Alexander, they alone of all the Syrians withstood +him, and tested their powers of defence to the uttermost. Following +the same line of conduct on the present occasion, they omitted nothing +within their power in their determination to keep faith with Ptolemy. +Therefore, just as we distinguish by special mention in our history +individuals of eminent virtue, so ought we, in regard to states as +such, to mention with commendation those which act nobly in any point +from traditional principles and deliberate policy.... + + +ITALY (LIVY, 30, 45) + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s return to Rome and triumph, B.C. 201, cp. 15, 19.] + ++23.+ Publius Scipio returned from Libya soon after the events I +have narrated. The expectation of the people concerning him was +proportionable to the magnitude of his achievements: and the splendour +of his reception, and the signs of popular favour which greeted +him were extraordinary. Nor was this otherwise than reasonable and +proper. For after despairing of ever driving Hannibal from Italy, or +of averting that danger from themselves and their kinsfolk, they now +looked on themselves as not only securely removed from every fear +and every menace of attack, but as having conquered their enemies. +Their joy therefore knew no bounds; and when Scipio came into the +city in triumph, and the actual sight of the prisoners who formed the +procession brought still more clearly to their memories the dangers of +the past, they became almost wild in the expression of their thanks to +the gods, and their affection for the author of such a signal change. +For among the prisoners who were led in the triumphal procession +was Syphax, the king of the Masaesylii, who shortly afterwards died +in prison. The triumph concluded, the citizens celebrated games and +festivals for several days running with great splendour, Scipio, in his +magnificent liberality, supplying the cost.... + + +WAR BETWEEN ROME AND PHILIP V. + +[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 201-200. Coss. P. Sulpicius Galba, Maximus +II., C. Aurelius. Cotta (for B.C. 200).] + +[Sidenote: Philip’s anxieties,] + +[Sidenote: and the starving state of his army.] + ++24.+ At the beginning of the winter in which Publius Sulpicius was +elected consul at Rome, king Philip, who was staying at Bargylia, was +rendered exceedingly uneasy and filled with many conflicting anxieties +for the future, when he observed that the Rhodians and Attalus, far +from dismissing their navy, were actually manning additional ships and +paying more earnest attention than ever to guarding the coasts. He +had a double cause, indeed, for uneasiness: he was afraid of sailing +from Bargylia, and foresaw that he would have to encounter danger +at sea; and at the same time he was not satisfied with the state of +things in Macedonia, and therefore was unwilling on any consideration +to spend the winter in Asia, being afraid both of the Aetolians and +the Romans; for he was fully aware of the embassies sent to Rome to +denounce him [as soon as it was known] that the war in Libya was ended. +These considerations caused him overwhelming perplexity; but he was +compelled for the present to remain where he was, leading the life of +a wolf, to use the common expression: for he robbed and stole from +some, and used force to others, while he did violence to his nature by +fawning on others, because his army was suffering from famine; and by +these means managed sometimes to get meat to eat, sometimes figs, and +sometimes nothing but a very short allowance of corn. Some of these +provisions were supplied to him by Zeuxis, and some by the people of +Mylae, Alabanda, and Magnesia, whom he flattered whenever they gave him +anything, and barked at and plotted against when they did not. Finally, +he made a plot to seize Mylae by the agency of Philocles, but failed +from the clumsiness with which the scheme was contrived. The territory +of Alabanda he harried as though it were an enemy’s, alleging that it +was imperatively necessary to get food for his troops.... + +When this Philip, father of Perseus, was thus overrunning Asia, being +unable to get provisions for his army, he accepted a present of figs +from the Magnesians, as they had no corn. For which reason, when he +conquered Myus, he granted its territory to the Magnesians in return +for their figs.... + +[Sidenote: The visit of Attalus to Athens, B.C. 200.] + ++25.+ The Athenian people sent envoys to king Attalus, both to thank +him for the past, and to urge him to come to Athens to consult with +them on the dangers that still threatened them.[75] The king was +informed a few days afterwards that Roman ambassadors had arrived at +the Peiraeus; and, believing that it was necessary to have an interview +with them, he put to sea in haste. The Athenian people, being informed +of his coming, passed very liberal votes as to the reception and +general entertainment of the king. Arrived at the Peiraeus, Attalus +spent the first day in transacting business with the Roman ambassadors, +and was extremely delighted to find that they were fully mindful of +their ancient alliance with him, and quite prepared for the war with +Philip. Next morning, in company with the Romans and the Athenian +magistrates, he began his progress to the city in great state. For +he was met, not only by all the magistrates and the knights, but by +all the citizens with their children and wives. And when the two +processions met, the warmth of the welcome given by the populace to the +Romans, and still more to Attalus, could not have been exceeded. At his +entrance into the city by the gate Dipylum the priests and priestesses +lined the street on both sides: all the temples were then thrown +open; victims were placed ready at all the altars; and the king was +requested to offer sacrifice. Finally they voted him such high honours +as they had never without great hesitation voted to any of their former +benefactors: for, in addition to other compliments, they named a tribe +after Attalus, and classed him among their eponymous heroes. + +[Sidenote: The Athenians vote for war against Philip.] + ++26.+ They next summoned an ecclesia and invited the king to address +them. But upon his excusing himself, on the plea that it would be +ill-bred for him to appear before the people and recount his own good +services in the presence of those on whom they had been bestowed, they +gave up asking for his personal appearance; but begged him to give them +a written statement as to what he thought was the best thing to do +in view of the existing circumstances. On his consenting to do this, +and writing the document, the magistrates produced the despatch to +the ecclesia. The contents of this written communication were briefly +these: he recalled the good services he had done the people in the +past; enumerated the things he had accomplished in the existing war +against Philip; and lastly exhorted them to activity in this war, and +protested that, if they did not determine resolutely to adopt this +policy of hostility to Philip in common with the Rhodians, Romans, and +himself, and yet afterwards wished to share in the benefits which had +been secured by others, they would miss securing the true interests +of their country. As soon as this despatch had been read, the people, +influenced both by its contents and by their warm feeling towards +Attalus, were prepared to vote the war: and when the Rhodians also +entered and argued at great length to the same effect, the Athenians +at once decreed the war against Philip. They gave the Rhodians also a +magnificent reception, honoured their state with a crown of valour, and +voted all Rhodians equal rights of citizenship at Athens, on the ground +of their having, besides other things, restored the Athenian ships +which had been captured with the men on board them. After concluding +this arrangement, the Rhodian ambassadors sailed to Ceos with their +fleet to visit the islands.... + +[Sidenote: The Romans warn Philip to abstain from attacking Greece, and +to do justice to Attalus, on pain of war.] + ++27.+ While the Roman ambassadors were still at Athens, Nicanor, by +the command of Philip, made a raid upon Attica, and came as far as +the Academy. Thereupon the Romans sent a herald to him and bade him +announce to his master Philip that “The Romans admonished him to make +no war upon any Greek State, and to submit to an arbitration before a +fair tribunal as to the injuries he had inflicted upon Attalus: that, +if he did this, he might have peace with Rome, but, if he refused to +obey, the opposite would immediately follow.” On the receipt of this +message Nicanor retired. Then the Romans sailed along the coast of +Epirus and delivered a similar announcement in regard to Philip in the +town of Phoenice; also to Amynandrus in the district of Athamania; also +to the Aetolians in Naupactus, and the Achaeans in Aegium. And having +thus by the mouth of Nicanor given Philip this clear warning, the Roman +envoys themselves sailed away to visit Antiochus and Ptolemy with a +view to settle their controversies.... + +[Sidenote: The firmness and vigour of Philip in meeting the danger.] + +[Sidenote: 1, 14.] + ++28.+ It appears to me that to make a good beginning, and even to +maintain enthusiasm long enough to secure a considerable measure of +success, is an achievement of which many have been found capable; but +to carry a purpose through to its end, and, even though fortune be +adverse, to make up by cool reason for the deficiency of enthusiasm +is within the power of few. From this point of view one cannot but +disparage the inactivity of Attalus and the Rhodians, while regarding +with admiration the royal and lofty spirit displayed by Philip, and +his constancy to his purpose,—not meaning to speak in praise of his +character as a whole, but simply commending the vigour with which he +acted on this occasion. I make this distinction to prevent any one +supposing that I contradict myself, because I recently praised Attalus +and the Rhodians and found fault with Philip, whereas I am now doing +the reverse. This is just such a case as I referred to at the beginning +of my history, when I said that it was necessary sometimes to praise, +and sometimes to blame the same persons, since it frequently happens +that changes of circumstances for the worse and calamities alter men’s +original dispositions, and frequently also changes for the better; and +sometimes too it is the case that from natural temperament men are at +one time inclined to what is right, at another to the reverse. And it +is a variation of this sort that I think occurred to Philip in this +instance. For, irritated by his defeats, and influenced in a great +degree by anger and passion, he addressed himself with a kind of insane +or inspired eagerness to meet the dangers of the hour; and it was in +this spirit that he rose to the attack upon the Rhodians and king +Attalus, and gained the successes which followed. I was induced to make +these remarks, because I observe that some men, like bad runners in the +stadium, abandon their purposes when close to the goal; while it is at +that particular point, more than at any other, that others secure the +victory over their rivals.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 200.] + ++29.+ Philip was anxious to anticipate the Romans in seizing bases of +operation and landing-places in this country (Asia).... + +In order that, if it should be his purpose again to cross to Asia, he +might have a landing-place at Abydos.... + +[Sidenote: The Dardanelles compared with the Straits of Gibraltar.] + +The position of Abydos and Sestos, and the advantages of the situation +of those towns it would, I think, be waste of time for me to state +in great detail, because the singularity of those sites has made +them familiar to all persons of intelligence. Still I imagine that +it will not be otherwise than useful to remind my readers briefly of +the facts, by way of attracting their attention. A man would best +realise the advantages of these cities, not by regarding their sites by +themselves, but by comparing and contrasting them with those about to +be mentioned. For just as it is impossible to sail from the Ocean,—or +as some call it the Atlantic,—into our sea, except by passing between +the Pillars of Heracles, so is it impossible to sail from our sea into +the Propontis and the Pontus except through the channel separating +Sestos and Abydos. But as though Fortune had designed these two straits +to counterbalance each other, the passage between the Pillars of +Heracles is many times as broad as that of the Hellespont,—the former +being sixty, the latter two stades; the reason being, as far as one may +conjecture, the great superiority in size of the external Ocean to our +sea: while the channel at Abydos is more convenient than that at the +Pillars of Heracles. For the former being lined on both sides by human +habitations is of the nature of a gate admitting mutual intercourse, +sometimes being bridged over by those who determine to cross on foot, +and at all times admitting a passage by sea. But the channel at the +Pillars of Heracles is seldom used, and by very few persons, owing to +the lack of intercourse between the tribes inhabiting those remote +parts of Libya and Europe, and owing to the scantiness of our knowledge +of the external Ocean. The city of Abydos itself is enclosed on both +sides by two European promontories, and possesses a harbour capable of +sheltering ships anchoring in it from every wind; while there is no +possibility of anchoring at any point near the city outside the harbour +mouth, owing to the rapidity and violence of the current setting +through the strait. + +[Sidenote: Siege of Abydos.] + ++30.+ Having then invested Abydos partly by a palisade and partly by +an earthwork, Philip began blockading it by land and sea together. +This siege was not at all remarkable for the extent of the machinery +employed, or the ingenuity displayed in those works on which besiegers +and besieged are wont to exhaust all their invention and skill against +each other; but still it deserves, if any ever did, to be remembered +and recorded for the noble spirit and extraordinary gallantry exhibited +by the besieged. At first, feeling full confidence in themselves, +the inhabitants of Abydos maintained a courageous resistance to the +attempts of Philip; struck and dislodged some of his engines, which he +brought against their walls by sea, with stones from their catapults, +and destroyed others by fire, and with such fierceness, that the +enemy were barely able to drag their ships out of danger. Against the +siege operations on land, too, up to a certain point they offered an +undaunted resistance, not at all despairing of ultimately overpowering +the enemy. But when their outer wall was undermined and fell, and +when moreover the Macedonians by means of these same mines were +approaching the inner wall, which had been erected by the besieged to +cover the breach: then at length they send Iphiades and Pantacnotus as +ambassadors, with an offer to Philip that he should take over the city, +on condition of letting the soldiers from Rhodes and Attalus depart +under a truce; and of permitting all free persons to depart as they +could, and wherever each might choose, with the clothes that each was +wearing. But on Philip bidding them “surrender at discretion or fight +like men,” the ambassadors returned to the town. + +[Sidenote: Desperate resolution of the people of Abydos.] + ++31.+ On being informed of the message the people of Abydos met in +public assembly, and with feelings of utter despair deliberated upon +their position. They thereupon resolved, first to liberate the slaves, +that they might secure their sincere interest and loyalty; next, to +collect all the women into the temple of Artemis, and the children with +their nurses into the gymnasium; and finally to bring together their +silver and gold into the market-place, as well as collect their clothes +which were of any value into the quadrireme of the Rhodians and the +trireme of the Cyzicenes. Having formed these resolutions and acted +on the decree with unanimity, they again assembled in public meeting, +and elected fifty of the older and most trusted men, who at the same +time were possessed of sufficient bodily vigour to enable them to carry +out what had been determined upon; and these they bound on oath in the +presence of the whole of the citizens, that “whenever they saw the +inner wall being captured by the enemy, they would kill the children +and women, and would burn the above-mentioned ships, and, in accordance +with the curses that had been invoked, would throw the silver and gold +into the sea.” After this they brought the priests forward, and all +the citizens swore that they would conquer the enemy or die fighting +for their country. To crown all, they slew victims and compelled the +priests and priestesses to dictate the words of this imprecation over +the burnt offerings. Having bound themselves by this solemn agreement, +they left off attempting to countermine the enemy, and resolved that, +directly the interior wall fell, they would fight to the last in the +breach with the enemy’s storming party and there die. + +[Sidenote: Comparison of this resolution of the Abydenians with similar +ones of the Phocians and Acarnanians.] + ++32.+ This would justify us in saying that the gallantry of the +Abydenians outdid the proverbial Phocian recklessness and Acarnanian +courage.[76] For the Phocians have the reputation of having adopted +a similar resolution as to their families, but not because they +despaired of victory, for they were about to fight a pitched battle +with the Thessalians in the open field. So too the Acarnanians, upon +the mere prospect of an Aetolian invasion, adopted a like resolution; +the details of which I have already narrated. But the Abydenians, at a +time when they were closely invested and in all but complete despair of +being saved, elected by a unanimous resolution to meet their fate along +with their children and wives, rather than to live any longer with the +knowledge that their children and wives would fall into the power of +the enemy. Therefore one might justly complain of Fortune for having, +in the former cases, given victory and safety to those who despaired +of them, while she adopted the opposite decision in regard to the +Abydenians. For the men were killed, and the city was taken, but the +children with their mothers fell into the hands of the enemy. + +[Sidenote: How the city was surrendered and the women and children +saved after all.] + ++33.+ As soon as the interior wall had fallen, the men, according +to their oaths, sprang upon the ruins and fought the enemy with +such desperate courage, that Philip, though he had kept sending the +Macedonians to the front in relays till nightfall, at last abandoned +the contest in despair of accomplishing the capture at all. For not +only did the Abydenian forlorn hope take their stand upon the dead +bodies of the fallen enemies, and maintain the battle with fury; nor +was it only that they fought gallantly with mere swords and spears; +but when any of these weapons had been rendered useless, or had been +knocked out of their hands, they grappled with the Macedonians, and +either hurled them to the ground arms and all, or broke their sarissae, +and stabbing their faces and exposed parts of their bodies with the +broken ends, threw them into a complete panic. But the fight being +interrupted by nightfall, most of the citizens having now fallen in the +breach, and the rest being utterly exhausted by fatigue and wounds, +Glaucides and Theognetus collected a few of the older men together, +and, instigated by hopes of personal safety, lowered the special +eminence and unique glory which their fellow-citizens had acquired. For +they resolved to save the children and women alive, and at daybreak to +send the priests and priestesses with garlands to Philip, to entreat +his mercy and surrender the city to him. + +[Sidenote: A Roman envoy arrives to warn Philip to desist.] + +[Sidenote: The voluntary death of the Abydenians.] + ++34.+ While this was going on, king Attalus, having heard that Abydos +was being besieged, sailed through the Aegean to Tenedos; and similarly +the youngest of the Roman ambassadors, Marcus Aemilius, arrived on +board ship at Abydos itself. For the Roman ambassadors, having learnt +at Rhodes the fact of the siege of Abydos, and wishing in accordance +with their commission to deliver their message to Philip personally, +put off their purpose of visiting the two kings, and despatched +this man to him. Having found the king outside Abydos, he explained +to him that “The Senate had resolved to order him not to wage war +with any Greek state; nor to interfere in the dominions of Ptolemy; +and to submit the injuries inflicted on Attalus and the Rhodians to +arbitration; and that if he did so he might have peace, but if he +refused to obey he would promptly have war with Rome.” Upon Philip +endeavouring to show that the Rhodians had been the first to lay +hands on him, Marcus interrupted him by saying: “But what about the +Athenians? And what about the Cianians? And what about the Abydenians +at this moment? Did any one of them also lay hands on you first?” The +king, at a loss for a reply, said: “I pardon the offensive haughtiness +of your manners for three reasons: first, because you are a young man +and inexperienced in affairs; secondly, because you are the handsomest +man of your time” (this was true); “and thirdly, because you are a +Roman. But for my part, my first demand to the Romans is that they +should not break their treaties or go to war with me; but if they do, +I shall defend myself as courageously as I can, appealing to the gods +to defend my cause.” With these words they separated. On becoming +master of Abydos, Philip found all the property of the citizens +collected by themselves ready to his hand. But when he saw the numbers +and fury of those who were stabbing, burning, hanging, throwing into +wells, or precipitating themselves from housetops, and their children +and wives, he was overpowered with surprise; and resenting these +proceedings he published a proclamation, announcing, that “he gave +three days’ grace to those who wished to hang or stab themselves.” +The Abydenians, already bent on executing their original decree, and +looking upon themselves as traitors to those who had fought and died +for their country, could not endure remaining alive on any terms; and, +accordingly, with the exception of those who had previously been put in +chains or some similar restraint, they all without delay hastened to +their death, each family by itself.... + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians resolve to side with Rome.] + ++35.+ After the capture of Abydos, envoys came from the Achaean nation +to Rhodes urging the Rhodians to make terms with Philip. But upon these +being followed by the arrival of the ambassadors from Rome, who argued +that they should make no terms with Philip without consulting the +Romans, the Rhodian people voted to listen to the latter and to hold to +their friendship with them.... + + +THE PELOPONNESE—WAR WITH NABIS + +[Sidenote: Philopoemen’s device for collecting all the Achaean levies +at Tegea simultaneously, B.C. 200.] + ++36.+ Philopoemen calculated the distances of all the cities of the +Achaean league, and from which of them men could arrive at Tegea along +the same roads. He then wrote despatches to each of them, and sent them +to the most distant cities, so dividing them that each city that was +farthest on a particular road should get, not only the one addressed +to itself, but those also of the other cities on the same road. The +contents of these first despatches addressed to the chief magistrate +were as follows: “As soon as ye receive this despatch, forthwith cause +all the men of military age, with arms, and provisions, and money for +five days, to assemble immediately in the market-place. And as soon as +they are thus collected, march them out and lead them to the next city. +As soon as ye have arrived there, deliver the despatch addressed to its +chief magistrate and follow the instructions therein contained.” Now, +this second despatch contained exactly the same words as the former, +except of course that the name of the next town was changed to which +they were to march. By this arrangement being repeated right along the +road, in the first place no one knew for what purpose or undertaking +the expedition was directed; and in the next place, every one was +absolutely ignorant where he was going, beyond the name of the next +town, but all marched forward in a state of complete mystification, +taking on the successive contingents as they went. But as of course the +most remote towns were not equally distant from Tegea, the letters were +not delivered to them all at the same time, but to each in proportion +to its distance. By which arrangement, without either the Tegeans or +the new arrivals knowing what was going to happen, all the Achaeans +marched into Tegea under arms by all the gates simultaneously. + +[Sidenote: A raid upon Laconia.] + ++37.+ What suggested to Philopoemen this stratagem was the great number +of the tyrant’s eavesdroppers and spies. On the day then on which the +main body of the Achaeans were to arrive at Tegea, he despatched a +band of picked men, so timing their start, that they might pass the +night near Sellasia and at daybreak begin a raid on Laconia. They had +orders that, in case the mercenaries of Nabis left their quarters and +attacked them, they were to retire on Scotita, and in other respects +follow the directions of Didascalondas of Crete; for Philopoemen had +given his confidence to this officer, and full directions as to the +whole expedition. These men therefore set out in good spirits to the +task assigned to them. Philopoemen himself having issued orders to the +Achaeans to sup early, led out his army from Tegea, and after a rapid +night’s march halted it about the time of the morning watch in the +neighbourhood of Scotita, which is between Tegea and Lacedaemon. When +day broke the mercenaries in Pellene, being informed by their scouts of +the raid which the enemy were making, started at once to the rescue, as +was their custom, and bore down upon them; and when the Achaeans, in +accordance with their instructions, retired, they followed, harassing +them with bold and daring assaults. But as soon as they came to the +place where Philopoemen lay in ambush, the Achaeans sprang up and cut +some of them to pieces, and took others prisoners.... + ++38.+ Philip seeing that the Achaeans were disposed to hesitate about +undertaking the war with Rome, tried earnestly by every means to rouse +their feeling of hostility.... + + +COELE-SYRIA + ++39.+ Ptolemy’s general Scopas marched into the upper region during the +winter and subdued the Jewish nation.... + +The siege having been conducted in a desultory manner, Scopas fell into +bad repute and was attacked with all the petulance of youth.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 200. Antiochus conquers Coele-Syria and the Jews after +beating Scopas at Panium. See _supra_, ch. 18.] + +Having conquered Scopas, Antiochus took Batanaea, Samaria, Abila, and +Gadara; and after a while those of the Jews who inhabit the sacred +town called Jerusalem submitted to him also. On the subject of this +town I have a good deal more to say, and especially on account of the +splendour of its temple, but I shall put it off to another opportunity. + + + + +BOOK XVIII[77] + + +THE WAR WITH PHILIP + +[Sidenote: Congress at Nicaea in Locris, winter of B.C. 198-197. Coss. +Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Sext. Aelius Paetus Catus.] + +[Sidenote: Cycliadas expelled for favouring Philip. See Livy, 32, 19.] + +[Sidenote: The Roman demand.] + +[Sidenote: Peace of Epirus B.C. 205. See _supra_ 11, 5-7.] + ++1.+ When the time appointed arrived, Philip put to sea from Demetrias +and came into the Melian Gulf, with five galleys and one beaked +war-ship (pristis), on the latter of which he himself was sailing. +There met him the Macedonian secretaries Apollodorus and Demosthenes, +Brachylles from Boeotia, and the Achaean Cycliadas, who had been driven +from the Peloponnese for the reasons I have already described. With +Flamininus came king Amynandrus, and Dionysodorus, legate of king +Attalus. The commissioners from cities and nations were Aristaenus and +Xenophon from the Achaeans; Acesimbrotus the navarch from the Rhodians; +Phaeneas their Strategus from the Aetolians, and several others of +their statesmen with him. Approaching the sea near Nicaea, Flamininus +and those with him took their stand upon the very edge of the beach, +while Philip, bringing his ship close to shore, remained afloat. Upon +Flamininus bidding him disembark, he stood up on board and refused to +leave his ship. Flamininus again asked him what he feared, he said +that he feared no one but the gods, but he distrusted most of those +who were there, especially the Aetolians. Upon the Roman expressing +his surprise, and remarking that the danger was the same to all and +the risk common, Philip retorted that “He was mistaken in saying that: +for that, if anything happened to Phaeneas, there were many who would +act as Strategi for the Aetolians; but if Philip were to perish at the +present juncture, there was no one to be king of the Macedonians.” +Though all thought this an unconciliatory way of opening the +discussion, Flamininus nevertheless bade him speak on the matters he +had come to consider. Philip however said that “The word was not with +himself but with Flamininus; and therefore begged that he would state +clearly what he was to do in order to have peace.” The Roman consul +replied that “What he had to say was simple and obvious: it was to +bid him evacuate Greece entirely; restore the prisoners and deserters +in his hands to their several states; hand over to the Romans those +parts of Illyricum of which he had become possessed since the peace of +Epirus; and, similarly, to restore to Ptolemy all the cities which he +had taken from him since the death of Ptolemy Philopator. + +[Sidenote: Demands of Attalus,] + +[Sidenote: of the Rhodians,] + +[Sidenote: of the Achaeans,] + +[Sidenote: and of the Aetolians.] + ++2.+ Having said this Flamininus refrained from any further speech +of his own; but turning to the others he bade them deliver what +they had been severally charged to say by those who sent them. And +first Dionysodorus, the envoy of Attalus, took up the discourse by +declaring that “Philip ought to restore the king’s ships which had +been captured in the battle at Chios and their crews with them; and to +restore also the temple of Aphrodite to its original state, as well +as the Nicephorium, both of which he had destroyed.” He was followed +by the Rhodian navarch Acesimbrotus, who demanded “That Philip should +evacuate Peraea, which he had taken from them; withdraw his garrisons +from Iasus, Bargylia, and Euromus; restore the Perinthians to their +political union with Byzantium; and evacuate Sestos, Abydos, and all +commercial ports and harbours in Asia.” Following the Rhodians the +Achaeans demanded “The restoration of Corinth and Argos uninjured.” +Then came the Aetolians, who first demanded, like the Romans, that +“Philip should entirely evacuate Greece; and, secondly, that he should +restore to them uninjured all cities formerly members of the Aetolian +league.” + +[Sidenote: Speech of Alexander Isius.] + ++3.+ When Phaeneas the Aetolian strategus had delivered this demand, +a man called Alexander Isius, who had the reputation of being an able +politician and good speaker, said that “Philip was neither sincere +at the present moment in proposing terms, nor bold in his manner of +making war, when he had to do that. In conferences and colloquies +he was always setting ambushes and lying in wait, and using all the +practices of war, but in actual war itself took up a position at +once unjust and ignoble: for he avoided meeting his enemies face to +face, and, as he fled before them, employed himself in burning and +plundering the cities; and by this policy, though himself beaten, he +spoilt the value of the victor’s reward. Yet former kings of Macedonia +had not adopted this plan, but one exactly the reverse: for they were +continually fighting with each other in the open field, but rarely +destroyed and ruined cities. This was shown clearly by Alexander’s war +in Asia against king Darius; and again in the contentions between his +successors, when they combined to fight Antigonus for the possession of +Asia. So too had the successors of these kings followed the same policy +down to the time of Pyrrhus: they had been prompt to war against each +other in the open field, and to do everything they could to conquer +each other in arms, but had spared the cities, that they might rule +them if they conquered, and be honoured by their subjects. But that +a man should abandon war, and yet destroy that for which the war was +undertaken, seemed an act of madness, and madness of a very violent +sort. And this was just what Philip was doing at that moment; for he +had destroyed more cities in Thessaly, on his rapid march from the pass +of Epirus, though he was a friend and ally of that country, than any +one who had ever been at war with the Thessalians.” + +After a good deal more to the same effect he ended by asking Philip, +“On what grounds he was holding the town of Lysimacheia with a +garrison, having expelled the strategus sent by the Aetolian league, of +which it was a member? Also on what grounds he had enslaved the Ciani +who were also in alliance with the Aetolians? Lastly, on what plea he +was in actual occupation of Echinus, Phthiotid Thebes, Pharsalus, and +Larisa?” + +[Sidenote: The rejoinder of Philip.] + ++4.+ When Alexander had concluded his speech, Philip came somewhat +nearer to the shore than he was before, and, rising on board his +ship, said that “Alexander had composed and delivered a speech in the +true Aetolian and theatrical style. For every one knew quite well +that nobody willingly destroys his own allies, but that, at times of +special danger, military commanders are compelled to do many things +contrary to their natural feelings.” While the king was still speaking, +Phaeneas, who was very short-sighted, interrupted him by saying, “You +are trifling with us; you must either fight and conquer, or obey the +commands of the stronger.” Philip, in spite of the unfortunate position +of his affairs, could not refrain from his habitual humour: turning +towards Phaeneas he said, “Even a blind man could see that.” Such a +knack had he of cutting repartee. Then he turned to Alexander again and +said, “You ask me, Alexander, why I took possession of Lysimacheia. +I reply, in order that it might not by your neglect be devastated by +Thracians, as it has now actually been; because I was compelled by this +war to remove my soldiers, who indeed were no hostile garrison, as you +say, but were there for its protection. As for the Ciani, I did not go +to war with them, but only assisted Prusias to take them who was at war +with them. And of this you yourselves were the cause. For though I sent +envoy after envoy to you desiring that you would repeal the law which +allows you the privilege of taking ‘spoil from spoil,’ you replied that +rather than abolish this law you would remove Aetolia from Aetolia.” + +[Sidenote: Philip explains the peculiar law of the Aetolians.] + ++5.+ When Flamininus expressed some wonder at what he meant by this, +the king tried to explain it to him by saying that “The Aetolian +custom was this. They not only plundered those with whom they were at +war, and harried their country; but, if certain other nations were at +war with each other, even though both were friends and allies of the +Aetolians, none the less the Aetolians might, without a formal decree +of the people, take part with both combatants and plunder the territory +of both. The result was that in the eyes of the Aetolians there were +no defined limits of friendship or enmity, but they were ready to be +the enemies and assailers of all who had a dispute on anything. “How +then,” he added, “have they any right to blame me if, while on terms +of friendship with the Aetolians, I did anything against the Ciani in +support of my own allies? But the most outrageous part of their conduct +is that they try to rival Rome, and bid me entirely evacuate Greece! +The demand in itself is sufficiently haughty and dictatorial: still, in +the mouths of Romans, it is tolerable, but in that of Aetolians quite +intolerable. What is this Greece, pray, from which ye bid me depart? +How do you define it? Why, most of the Aetolians themselves are not +Greeks; for neither the Agrai, nor the Apodoti, nor the Amphilochi are +counted as Greek. Do you then give up those tribes to me?” + +[Sidenote: Philip’s answer to the Rhodians and Attalus,] + +[Sidenote: and the Achaeans.] + ++6.+ Upon Flamininus laughing at these words, Philip proceeded: “Well, +enough said to the Aetolians! But to the Rhodians and Attalus I have to +say that, in the eyes of a fair judge, it would be held more just that +they should restore to me the ships captured, than I to them. For I did +not begin the attack upon Attalus and the Rhodians, but they upon me, +as everybody acknowledges. However, at your instance, Titus, I restore +Peraea to the Rhodians, and to Attalus his ships and as many of the men +as are still alive. As for the destruction of the Nicephorium and the +grove of Aphrodite, I am not able to do anything else towards their +restoration, but I will send plants and gardeners to attend to the +place and the growth of the trees that have been cut down.” Flamininus +once more laughing at the king’s sarcastic tone, Philip turned to the +Achaeans, and first went through the list of benefactions received by +them from Antigonus and himself; then quoted the extraordinary honours +Antigonus and he had received from them; and concluded by reading their +decree for abandoning him and joining Rome. Taking this for his text, +he expatiated at great length on the fickleness and ingratitude of +the Achaeans. Still he said he would restore Argos to them, and as to +Corinth would consult with Flamininus. + +[Sidenote: A retort of Flamininus.] + ++7.+ Having thus concluded his conversation with the other envoys, he +asked Flamininus, observing that the discussion was really confined to +himself and the Romans, “Whether he considered that he was bound to +evacuate only those places in Greece which he had himself acquired, or +those also which he had inherited from his ancestors?” On Flamininus +making no answer, Aristaenus for the Achaeans, and Phaeneas for the +Aetolians, were on the point of replying. But as the day was closing +in, time prevented them from doing so; and Philip demanded that they +should all hand into him a written statement of the terms on which +peace was to be granted: for being there alone he had no one with whom +to consult; and therefore wished to turn their demands over in his own +mind. Now Flamininus was much amused at Philip’s sarcastic banter; but +not wishing the others to think so, he retaliated on him by a sarcasm +also, saying: “Of course you are alone, Philip: for you have killed +all the friends likely to give you the best advice!” The king smiled +sardonically, but said nothing. And for the present, all having handed +in the written statements of their demands as aforesaid, the conference +broke up, after appointing to meet again next day at Nicaea. But next +morning, though Flamininus came to the appointed place and found the +others there, Philip did not arrive. + +[Sidenote: Second day’s conference, Philip comes late.] + +[Sidenote: Philip’s final offers.] + ++8.+ When the day, however, had nearly come to an end, and Titus and +the others had almost given him up, Philip appeared accompanied as +before, and excused himself by saying that he had spent the whole day +in perplexity and doubt, caused by the severity of the demands made +upon him. But every one else thought that he had acted thus from a wish +to prevent, by the lateness of the hour, the delivery of invectives +by the Achaeans and Aetolians: for he saw, as he was going away on +the previous evening, that both were ready to attack him and state +grievances. Therefore, as soon as he approached the meeting this time, +he demanded that “The Roman Consul should discuss the matter with him +in private; that they might not have a mere war of words on both sides, +but that a definite settlement should be come to on the points in +dispute.” On his several times repeating this request and pressing it +strongly, Flamininus asked those present what he ought to do. On their +bidding him meet the king and hear what he had to say, he took with +him Appius Claudius, at that time a military Tribune, and telling the +others to retire a short way from the sea and remain there, he himself +bade Philip disembark. Accordingly the king, attended by Apollodorus +and Demosthenes, left his ship, and, joining Flamininus, conversed with +him for a considerable time. What was said by the one and the other on +that occasion it is not easy to state. However, when Philip and he had +parted, Flamininus, in explaining the king’s views to the others, said +that he consented to restore Pharsalus and Larisa to the Aetolians, +but not Thebes: and that to the Rhodians he surrendered Peraea, but +not Iasus and Bargylia: to the Achaeans he gave up Corinth and Argos: +to the Romans he promised that he would surrender Illyricum and all +prisoners: and to Attalus the ships, and as many of the men captured in +the sea-fights as survived. + +[Sidenote: Dissatisfaction of the Congress.] + ++9.+ All present expressed their dissatisfaction at these terms, and +alleged that it was necessary before all that he should perform the +general injunction, that, namely, of evacuating all Greece: otherwise +these particular concessions were vain and useless. Observing that +there was an animated discussion going on among them, and fearing at +the same time that they would indulge in accusations against himself, +Philip requested Flamininus to adjourn the conference till next day, +as the evening was closing in; and promised that he would then either +persuade them to accept his terms or submit to theirs. Flamininus +consenting, they separated, after appointing to meet next day on the +beach near Thronium. + +[Sidenote: Third day’s conference. A reference to the Senate agreed on.] + +Next day all came to the appointed place in good time. Philip in a +short speech called on all, and on Flamininus, “Not to break off +the negotiation for peace now that by far the greater number were +inclined to come to some arrangement; but, if possible, to come to an +understanding by themselves on the points in dispute; or, if that could +not be, to send envoys to the Senate, and either convince it as to this +controversy, or submit to whatever it enjoined.” + +On this proposition of the king, all the others declared that they +preferred war to such a demand. But the Roman Consul said that “He was +quite aware that it was improbable that Philip would submit to any of +their demands, yet, as it did not in the least stand in the way of +such action as they chose to take to grant the favour demanded by the +king, he would concede it. For not one of the proposals actually made +at present could be confirmed without the authority of the Senate; and +besides the season now coming on was a favourable one for ascertaining +its opinion; for, even as things were, the armies could do nothing +owing to the winter: it was therefore against no one’s interests, but, +on the contrary, very convenient for them all, to devote this time to a +reference to the Senate on the present state of affairs.” + +[Sidenote: The embassies to Rome.] + ++10.+ Seeing that Flamininus was not averse to referring the matter +to the Senate, all the others presently consented, and voted to allow +Philip to send envoys to Rome, and that they too should severally send +envoys of their own to plead their cause before the Senate, and state +their grievances against Philip. + +The business of the conference having thus been concluded in accordance +with his views and the opinions he had originally expressed, Flamininus +at once set about carefully securing his own position, and preventing +Philip from taking any undue advantage. For though he granted him +three months’ suspension of hostilities, he stipulated that he should +complete his embassy to Rome within that time, and insisted on his +immediately removing his garrisons from Phocis and Locris. He was +also very careful to insist on behalf of the Roman allies, that no +act of hostility should be committed against them during this period +by the Macedonians. Having made these terms in writing with Philip, +he immediately took the necessary steps himself to carry out his own +policy. First, he sent Amynandrus to Rome at once, knowing that he +was a man of pliable character, and would be easily persuaded by his +own friends in the city to take any course they might propose; and +at the same time would carry with him a certain prestige, and rouse +men’s curiosity and interest by his title of royalty. Next to him he +sent as personal envoys his wife’s nephew Quintus Fabius, Quintus +Fulvius, and Appius Claudius Nero. From the Aetolians went Alexander +Isius, Damocritus of Calydon, Dicaearchus of Trichonium, Polemarchus of +Arsinoe, Lamius of Ambracia, Nicomachus of Acarnania,—one of those who +had fled from Thurium and settled in Ambracia,—and Theodotus of Pherae, +an exile from Thessaly who settled in Stratus: from the Achaeans +Xenophon of Aegium: from King Attalus only Alexander: and from the +Athenian people Cephisodorus and his colleagues. + +[Sidenote: The speeches of the Greek envoys in the Senate.] + ++11.+ Now these envoys arrived in Rome before the Senate had settled +the provinces of the Consuls appointed for this year, and whether +it would be necessary to send both to Gaul, or one of them against +Philip. But the friends of Flamininus having assured themselves that +both Consuls would remain in Italy owing to the threat of an attack +from the Celts, all the ambassadors appeared and bluntly stated their +grievances against Philip. The bulk of their accusations was to the +same effect as what they had before stated to the king himself; but +they also endeavoured carefully to instil this idea in the minds of +the Senators, “That so long as Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias were +subject to Macedonia, it was impossible for the Greeks to think of +liberty; for Philip himself had spoken the exact truth when he called +these places the ‘fetters of Greece.’ For neither could the Peloponnese +breathe while a royal garrison was stationed in Corinth, nor the +Locrians, Boeotians, and Phocians feel any confidence while Philip was +in occupation of Chalcis and the rest of Euboea; nor indeed could the +Thessalians or Magnesians raise a spark of liberty[78] while Philip +and the Macedonians held Demetrias. That, therefore, Philip’s offer to +evacuate the other places was a mere pretence in order to escape the +immediate danger; and that on the very first day he chose he would with +ease reduce the Greeks again under his power, if he were in possession +of these places.” They accordingly urged the Senate “either to force +Philip to evacuate the cities they had named, or to stand by the policy +they had begun, and vigorously prosecute the war against him. For in +truth the most difficult part of the war was already accomplished, +the Macedonians having already been twice defeated, and most of their +resources on land already expended.” + +They concluded by beseeching the Senate “not to beguile the Greeks of +their hopes of liberty, nor deprive themselves of the most glorious +renown.” Such, or nearly so, were the arguments advanced by the Greek +envoys. Philip’s envoys were prepared to make a long speech in reply: +but they were stopped at the threshold. For being asked whether they +were prepared to evacuate Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias, they +declared that they had not any instructions as to those towns. They +were accordingly rebuked by the Senate and obliged to discontinue their +speech. + +[Sidenote: B.C. 197 Coss. G. Cornelius Cethegus, Q. Minucius Rufus.] + ++12.+ The Senate then, as I have said before, assigned Gaul to both +the consuls as their province, and ordered that the war against Philip +should go on, assigning to Titus Flamininus the entire control of +Greek affairs. These decrees having been quickly made known in Greece, +Flamininus found everything settled to his mind, partly no doubt by the +assistance of chance, but for the most part by his own foresight in +the management of the whole business. For he was exceedingly acute, if +ever Roman was. The skill and good sense with which he conducted public +business and private negotiations could not be surpassed, and yet he +was quite a young man, not yet more than thirty, and the first Roman +who had crossed to Greece with an army.... + +[Sidenote: Was Aristaenus a traitor or a wise Opportunist?] + ++13.+ It has often and in many cases occurred to me to wonder at the +mistakes men make; but none seems to me so surprising as that of +traitors. I wish, therefore, to say a word in season on the subject. I +know very well that it is one which does not admit of easy treatment or +definition. For it is not at all easy to say whom we ought to regard as +a real traitor. Plainly all those, who at a time of tranquillity make +compacts with kings or princes, cannot be reckoned such off hand; nor, +again, those who in the midst of dangers transfer their country from +existing friendships and alliances to others. Far from it. For such men +have again and again been the authors of manifold advantages to their +own countries. But not to go any further for example, my meaning can be +made clear by the circumstances of the present case. For, if Aristaenus +had not at this time opportunely caused the Achaeans to leave their +alliance with Philip and join that of Rome, it is clear that the whole +league would have been utterly ruined. But as it was, this man and this +policy were confessedly the sources, not only of security to individual +Achaeans at the time, but of the aggrandisement of the whole league. +Therefore he was not looked upon as a traitor, but universally honoured +as a benefactor and saviour of the country. The same principle will +hold good in the case of all others who regulate their policy and +measures by the necessities of the hour. + +[Sidenote: Comparison of the policy of the Achaeans and other +Peloponnesians towards Philip V. with that recommended by Demosthenes +towards Philip II.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 338.] + ++14.+ From this point of view fault might be found with Demosthenes, +admirable as he is in many respects, for having rashly and +indiscriminately launched an exceedingly bitter charge at the most +illustrious Greeks. For he asserted that in Arcadia, Cercidas, +Hieronymus, and Eucampidas were traitors to Greece for making an +alliance with Philip; in Messene the sons of Philiades, Neon and +Thrasylochus; in Argos, Mystis, Teledamus, one Mnaseas; in Thessaly, +Daochus and Cineas; in Boeotia, Theogeiton and Timolas: and many +more besides he has included in the same category, naming them city +by city; and yet all these men have a weighty and obvious plea to +urge in defence of their conduct, and above all those of Arcadia and +Messene.[79] For it was by their bringing Philip into the Peloponnese, +and humbling the Lacedaemonians, that these men in the first place +enabled all its inhabitants to breathe again, and conceive the idea of +liberty; and in the next place, by recovering the territory and cities +which the Lacedaemonians in the hour of prosperity had taken from the +Messenians, Megalopolitans, Tegeans, and Argives, notoriously raised +the fortunes of their own countries.[80] In return for this they were +bound not to make war on Philip and the Macedonians, but to do all they +could to promote his reputation and honour. Now, if they had been doing +all this, or if they had admitted a garrison from Philip into their +native cities, or had abolished their constitutions and deprived their +fellow-citizens of liberty and freedom of speech, for the sake of their +own private advantage or power, they would have deserved this name +of traitor. But if, while carefully maintaining their duty to their +countries, they yet differed in their judgment of politics, and did not +consider that their interests were the same as those of the Athenians, +it is not, I think, fair that they should have been called traitors on +that account by Demosthenes. The man who measures everything by the +interests of his own particular state, and imagines that all the Greeks +ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens, on the pain of being styled +traitors, seems to me to be ill-informed and to be labouring under a +strange delusion, especially as the course which events in Greece took +at that time has borne witness to the wisdom, not of Demosthenes, but +of Eucampidas, Hieronymus, Cercidas, and the sons of Philiades. For +what did the Athenians eventually get by their opposition to Philip? +Why, the crowning disaster of the defeat at Chaeronea. And had it not +been for the king’s magnanimity and regard for his own reputation, +their misfortunes would have gone even further, thanks to the policy +of Demosthenes. Whereas, owing to the men I have mentioned, security +and relief from attacks of the Lacedaemonians were obtained for Arcadia +and Messenia generally, and many advantages accrued to their states +separately. + +[Sidenote: The true traitor is the man who acts with personal objects +or from party spirit.] + +[Sidenote: The reward of treason.] + +[Sidenote: Demosth. _de Corona_, § 47.] + ++15.+ It is not easy then to define to whom one may properly apply this +name. The nearest approach to truth would be to assign it to those who +in times of public danger, either for the sake of personal security or +advantage, or to retaliate upon political opponents, put their cities +into the hands of the enemy: or indeed to those who, by admitting +a foreign garrison, and employing external assistance to carry out +private aims and views, bring their country under the direction of a +superior power. All such men as these one might include in the category +of traitors with perfect reasonableness. Such men, indeed, gain neither +profit nor honour, but the reverse, as every one acknowledges. And +this brings me back to my original observation, that it is difficult +to understand with what object, and supported by what reasoning, men +rush upon such a disastrous position. For no one ever yet betrayed his +city or camp or fort without being detected; but even if a man here and +there managed to conceal it at the moment of his crime, yet all have +been detected in the course of time. Nor when known has any such ever +had a happy life; but, as a rule, they meet with the punishment they +deserve from the very persons in whose favour they act. For, indeed, +though generals and princes constantly employ traitors for their own +purposes; yet when they have got all they can out of them, they treat +them thenceforth as traitors, as Demosthenes says; very naturally +considering that those, who have put their country and original friends +into the hands of their enemies, are never likely to be really loyal or +to keep faith with themselves. Nay, even though they escape violence +at the hands of these, yet they do not easily avoid the vengeance of +those whom they betrayed. Or if, finally, they manage to evade the +designs of both the one and the other, yet all over the world fame +dogs their footsteps with vengeance to their lives’ end, suggesting to +their imaginations night and day numberless terrors, false and true; +helping and hounding on all who design any evil against them; and, +finally, refusing to allow them even in sleep to forget their crimes, +but forcing them to dream of every kind of plot and disaster, because +they are aware of the universal loathing and hatred which attend them. +Yet, though all this is true, nobody who wanted one was ever at a loss +for a traitor, except in the rarest cases. From which one might say +with some plausibility that man, reputed the most cunning of animals, +gives considerable grounds for being regarded as the stupidest. For the +other animals, which obey their bodily appetites alone, can be deceived +by these alone; while man, though he has reason to guide him, is led +into error by the failure of that reason no less than by his physical +appetites.... + +[Sidenote: Attalus in Sicyon, B.C. 198.] + ++16.+ King Attalus had for some time past been held in extraordinary +honour by the Sicyonians, ever since the time that he ransomed the +sacred land of Apollo for them at the cost of a large sum of money; in +return for which they set up the colossal statue of him, ten cubits +high, near the temple of Apollo in the market-place. But on this +occasion, on his presenting them with ten talents and ten thousand +medimni of wheat, their devotion to him was immensely increased; and +they accordingly voted him a statue of gold, and passed a law to offer +sacrifice in his honour every year. With these honours, then, Attalus +departed to Cenchreae....[81] + +[Sidenote: The cruelty of Apéga, wife of Nabis.] + ++17.+ The tyrant Nabis, leaving Timocrates of Pellene at Argos,—because +he trusted him more than any one else and employed him in his most +important undertakings,—returned to Sparta: and thence, after some few +days, despatched his wife with instructions to go to Argos and raise +money. On her arrival she far surpassed Nabis himself in cruelty. For +she summoned women to her presence either privately or in families, and +inflicted every kind of torture and violence upon them, until she had +extorted from almost all of them, not only their gold ornaments, but +also the most valuable parts of their clothing.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 197. King Attalus before the assembled Boeotians. See +Livy, 33, 2.] In a speech of considerable length Attalus reminded them +of the ancient valour of their ancestors.... + + +THE END OF THE FIRST MACEDONIAN WAR + +[Sidenote: B.C. 197, at the beginning of spring. Livy, 33, 1.] + +[Sidenote: The methods of forming palisades among the Greeks and +Romans.] + ++18.+ Flamininus being unable to ascertain where the enemy were +encamped, but yet being clearly informed that they had entered +Thessaly, gave orders to all his men to cut stakes to carry with them, +ready for use at any moment. This seems impossible to Greek habits, +but to those of Rome it is easy. For the Greeks find it difficult +to hold even their sarissae on the march, and can scarcely bear the +fatigue of them; but the Romans strap their shields to their shoulders +with leathern thongs, and, having nothing but their javelins in their +hands, can stand the additional burden of a stake. There is also a +great difference between the stakes employed by the two peoples. The +Greeks hold that the best stake is that which has the largest and most +numerous shoots growing round the stem; but the Roman stakes have only +two or three side shoots, or at most four; and those are selected which +have these shoots on one side only. The result is that their porterage +is very easy (for each man carries three or four packed together), +and they make an exceedingly secure palisade when put into use. For +the Greek palisading, when set in the front of the camp, in the first +place can easily be pulled down; for since the part that is firm and +tightly fixed in the ground is single, while the projecting arms of it +are many and large, two or three men can get hold of the same stake +by its projecting arms, and easily pull it up; and directly that is +done, its breadth is so great that a regular gateway is made: and +because in such a palisade the stakes are not closely interlaced or +interwoven with each other, when one is pulled up the part next to it +is made insecure. With the Romans it is quite different. For as soon +as they fix their stakes, they interlace them in such a manner that +it is not easy to know to which of the stems fixed in the ground the +branches belong, nor on which of these branches the smaller shoots +are growing. Moreover, it is impossible to insert the hand and grasp +them, owing to the closeness of the interlacing of the branches and the +way they lie one upon another, and because the main branches are also +carefully cut so as to have sharp ends. Nor, if one is got hold of, is +it easy to pull up: because, in the first place, all the stakes are +sufficiently tightly secured in the ground to be self-supporting; and, +in the second place, because the man who pulls away one branch must, +owing to the close interlacing, be able to move several others in its +train; and it is quite unlikely that two or three men should happen to +get hold of the same stake. But even if, by the exertion of enormous +force, a man has succeeded in pulling one or another up, the gap is +scarcely perceptible. Considering, therefore, the vast superiority of +this method, both in the readiness with which such stakes are found, +the ease with which they are carried, and the security and durability +of the palisade made with them, it is plain, in my opinion, that if any +military operation of the Romans deserves to be admired and imitated, +it is this. + +[Sidenote: Flamininus marches to Pherae in Thessaly.] + +[Sidenote: Thebae Pthiotides.] + +[Sidenote: The advanced guards of the two armies meet.] + ++19.+ After providing for contingencies by these preparations, +Flamininus advanced with his whole force at a moderate pace, and, +having arrived at about fifty stades from Pherae, pitched a camp +there; and next morning, just before the morning watch, sent out some +reconnoitring parties to see whether they could get any opportunity of +discovering the position and movements of the enemy. Philip, at the +same time, being informed that the Romans were encamped near Thebes, +started with his whole force from Larisa in the direction of Pherae. +When about thirty stades from that town, he pitched his camp there, +and gave orders for all his men to make their preparations early next +morning, and about the morning watch got his troops on the march. The +division whose usual duty it was to form the advance guard he sent +forward first, with instructions to cross the heights above Pherae, +while he personally superintended the main army’s advance from the +camp as the day was breaking. The advanced guards of the two armies +were within a very little of coming into collision in the pass; for +the darkness prevented their seeing each other until they were quite a +short distance apart. Both sides halted, and sent speedy intelligence +to their respective leaders of what had happened, and asking for +instructions.... + +[The generals decided] to remain in their intrenchments, and recall +these advanced guards. Next morning both sent out about three hundred +cavalry and light infantry to reconnoitre, among which Flamininus also +sent two squadrons of Aetolians, because they were acquainted with +the country. These opposing reconnoitring parties fell in with each +other on the road between Pherae and Larisa, and joined battle with +great fury. The men under Eupolemus the Aetolian fighting gallantly, +and urging the Italian troops to do the same, the Macedonians were +repulsed; and, after skirmishing for a long while, both parties retired +to their respective camps. + +[Sidenote: Autumn of B.C. 197. Both Philip and Flamininus advance +towards Scotusa, on opposite sides of a range of hills.] + ++20.+ Dissatisfied with the country near Pherae, as being thickly +wooded and full of walls and gardens, both parties broke up their +camps next day. Philip directed his march towards Scotusa, because he +desired to supply himself with provisions from that town, and thus, +with all his preparations complete, to find a district more suitable +to his army: while Flamininus, divining his intention, got his army +on the march at the same time as Philip, in great haste to anticipate +him in securing the corn in the territory of Scotusa. A range of hills +intervening between their two lines of march, the Romans could not see +in what direction the Macedonians were marching, nor the Macedonians +the Romans. Both armies, however, continued their march during this +day, Flamininus to Eretria in Phthiotis, and Philip to the river +Onchestus; and there they respectively pitched their camps. Next day +they advanced again, and again encamped: Philip at Melambium in the +territory of Scotusa, and Flamininus at the temple of Thetis in that of +Pharsalus, being still ignorant of each other’s whereabouts. A violent +storm of rain and thunder coming on next day, the whole atmosphere +descended from the clouds to the earth about the time of the morning +watch, so that the darkness was too dense to see even those who were +quite close. In spite of this, Philip was so eager to accomplish his +object, that he started with his whole army; but finding himself much +embarrassed on the march by the mist, after accomplishing a very +small distance he again encamped; but he sent his reserve back, with +instructions to halt upon the summit of the intervening hills.[82] + +[Sidenote: Another skirmish between detached parties.] + ++21.+ Flamininus, in his camp near the temple of Thetis, being +uncertain as to the position of the enemy, sent out ten troops of +cavalry and a thousand light infantry in advance, with instructions to +keep a careful look-out as they traversed the country. As these men +were approaching the ridge of the hills they came upon the Macedonian +reserve without expecting it, owing to the dimness of the light. After +a short interval of mutual alarm, both sides began irregular attacks +on each other, and both despatched messengers to their respective +chiefs to give information of what had occurred; and when the Romans +began to get the worst of it in the encounter, and to suffer heavily at +the hands of the Macedonian reserve, they sent to their camp begging +for supports. Flamininus accordingly despatched the Aetolians under +Archedamus and Eupolemus, as well as two of his own tribunes, with a +force altogether of five hundred cavalry and two thousand infantry, +after properly exhorting them to do their duty. On their arrival to the +support of the skirmishing party already engaged, the aspect of affairs +was promptly changed. For the Romans, inspired by the hope which this +reinforcement gave, renewed the contest with redoubled spirit; while +the Macedonians, though offering a gallant defence, were now in their +turn hard pressed, and being forced to make a general retreat, retired +to the highest points in the hills, and despatched messengers to the +king for help. + +[Sidenote: Philip sends supports.] + +[Sidenote: Valour of the Aetolian cavalry.] + +[Sidenote: Cynoscephalae. Flamininus offers battle, which Philip, +against his better judgment, accepts.] + ++22.+ But Philip, who had not expected, for reasons indicated above, +that a general engagement would take place on that day, happened to +have sent a considerable part of his troops out of camp foraging. But +when informed of what was taking place by these messengers, the mist at +the same time beginning to lift, he despatched, with due exhortation, +Heracleides of Gyrton, the commander of his Thessalian cavalry; Leon, +the general of his Macedonian horse; and Athenagoras, with all the +mercenaries except those from Thrace. The reserve being joined by these +troops, and the Macedonian force having thus become a formidable one, +they advanced against the enemy, and in their turn drove the Romans +back from the heights. But what prevented them, more than anything +else, from entirely routing the enemy was the gallantry of the Aetolian +cavalry, which fought with desperate fury and reckless valour. For the +Aetolians are as superior to the rest of the Greeks in cavalry for +fighting in skirmishing order, troop to troop, or man to man, as they +are inferior to them both in the arms and tactics of their infantry +for the purpose of a general engagement. The enemy being held in check +therefore by these troops, the Romans were not forced back again quite +on to the level ground, but, after retiring to a short distance, faced +round and halted. But when Flamininus saw that not only had the cavalry +and light infantry retired, but that, owing to them, his whole force +was rendered uneasy, he drew out his entire army and got them into +order of battle close to the hills. Meanwhile one man after another +of the Macedonian reserve ran towards Philip shouting out, “King, the +enemy are flying: do not let slip the opportunity. The barbarians +cannot stand before us: now is the day for you to strike: now is your +opportunity!” The result was that he was induced to fight in spite of +his dissatisfaction with the ground. For these hills, which are called +Cynoscephalae, are rough, precipitous, and of considerable height; and +it was because he foresaw the disadvantages of such a ground, that he +was originally disinclined to accept battle there; but, being excited +now by the extravagantly sanguine reports of these messengers, he gave +the order for his army to be drawn out of camp. + +[Sidenote: Flamininus addresses his men, and advances to the attack.] + +[Sidenote: The advanced guard are encouraged.] + ++23.+ Having got his main body into order, Flamininus gave his +attention at the same time to relieving his advanced guard, and to +going along the ranks to encourage his men. His exhortation was short, +but clear and intelligible to the hearers: for, pointing to the enemy +with his hand, he said to his soldiers: “Are not these the Macedonians, +my men, whom, when occupying in their own country the pass to Eordaea, +you routed in open battle, under the command of Sulpicius, and drove +to take refuge on the hills with the loss of many of their comrades? +Are not these the Macedonians whom, when defended by what seemed an +impassable country in Epirus, you dislodged by sheer valour, and forced +to throw away their shields and fly right into Macedonia? Why then +should you feel any hesitation when you are to fight the same men on +equal ground? Why look anxiously to the past, rather than let that past +minister courage to you for the present? Therefore, my men, rouse each +other by mutual exhortations, and hasten in your might to the struggle! +For, with God’s will, I am persuaded that this battle will quickly +have the same issue as the contests in the past.” With these words he +ordered his right wing to remain where they were, and the elephants in +front of them; while with his left, supported by the light infantry, +he advanced in gallant style to attack the enemy. And the Roman troops +already on the field, finding themselves thus reinforced by the legions +on their rear, once more faced round and charged their opponents. + +[Sidenote: Philip also advances and occupies the hills.] + +[Sidenote: Philip’s advanced guard defeated.] + ++24.+ Meanwhile, when he had seen the main part of his army in position +outside the camp, Philip himself advanced with his peltasts and the +right wing of his phalanx, commencing the ascent of the hills with +great rapidity, and having left instructions with Nicanor, surnamed the +Elephant, to see that the rest of the army followed at once. As soon as +his first files reached the summit, he deployed his men into line by +the left, and occupied the range of high ground: for the Macedonians +who had been sent in advance had forced the Romans a considerable +distance down the other side of the hills, and therefore he found the +ridges unoccupied by the enemy. But while he was still engaged in +getting the right wing of his army into line, his mercenaries came on +the ground, having been decisively repulsed by the enemy. For when the +Roman light infantry found themselves supported by the heavy, as I +said just now, with their assistance, which they regarded as turning +the scale in their favour, they made a furious charge on the enemy, +and killed a large number of them. When the king first came on the +ground, and saw that the fighting between the light armed was going +on near the enemy’s camp, he was delighted: but when, on the other +hand, he saw his own men giving ground and requiring support, he was +compelled to give it, and allow the necessities of the moment to decide +the fortunes of the whole day, in spite of the fact that the greater +part of his phalanx was still on the march and engaged in mounting the +hills. Receiving therefore the men who had been already engaged, he +massed them all upon his right wing, both infantry and cavalry; while +he ordered the peltasts and heavy armed to double their depth and close +up to the right. By the time this was effected the enemy were close +at hand; and, accordingly, the word was given to the phalanx to lower +spears and charge; to the light infantry to cover their flank. At the +same time Flamininus also, having received his advanced party into the +intervals between his maniples, charged the enemy. + +[Sidenote: The battle.] + +[Sidenote: Philip’s right wing repulse the Roman left.] + +[Sidenote: Successful advance of the Roman right.] + ++25.+ The charge was made with great violence and loud shouting on +both sides: for both advancing parties raised their war cry, while +those who were not actually engaged shouted encouragement to those that +were; and the result was a scene of the wildest excitement, terrible +in the last degree. Philip’s right wing came off brilliantly in the +encounter, for they were charging down hill and were superior in +weight, and their arms were far more suited for the actual conditions +of the struggle: but as for the rest of the army, that part of it which +was in the rear of the actual fighters did not get into contact with +the enemy; while the left wing, which had but just made the ascent, was +only beginning to show on the ridge. Seeing that his men were unable +to stand the charge of the phalanx, and that his left wing was losing +ground, some having already fallen and the rest slowly retiring, but +that hopes of saving himself still remained on the right, Flamininus +hastily transferred himself to the latter wing; and when he perceived +that the enemy’s force was not well together—part being in contact with +the actual fighters, part just in the act of mounting the ridge, and +part halting on it and not yet beginning to descend,[83]—keeping the +elephants in front he led the maniples of his right against the enemy. +The Macedonians having no one to give them orders, and unable to form a +proper phalanx, owing to the inequalities of the ground and to the fact +that, being engaged in trying to come up with the actual combatants, +they were still in column of march, did not even wait for the Romans to +come to close quarters: but, thrown into confusion by the mere charge +of the elephants, their ranks were disordered and they broke into +flight. + +[Sidenote: The Macedonian phalanx outflanked.] + +[Sidenote: The king quits the field and flies.] + ++26.+ The main body of the Roman right followed and slaughtered +the flying Macedonians. But one of the tribunes, with about twenty +maniples, having made up his mind on his own account what ought to +be done next, contributed by his action very greatly to the general +victory. He saw that the division which was personally commanded by +Philip was much farther forward than the rest of the enemy, and was +pressing hard upon the Roman left by its superior weight; he therefore +left the right, which was by this time clearly victorious, and +directing his march towards the part of the field where a struggle was +still going on, he managed to get behind the Macedonians and charge +them on the rear. The nature of the phalanx is such that the men cannot +face round singly and defend themselves: this tribune, therefore, +charged them and killed all he could get at; until, being unable to +defend themselves, they were forced to throw down their shields and +fly; whereupon the Romans in their front, who had begun to yield, +faced round again and charged them too. At first, as I have said, +Philip, judging from the success of his own division, felt certain of +a complete victory; but when he saw his Macedonians all on a sudden +throwing away their shields, and the enemy close upon their rear, he +withdrew with a small body of foot and horse a short distance from +the field and took a general survey of the whole battle: and when +he observed that the Romans in their pursuit of his left wing were +already approaching the tops of the hills, he rallied as many Thracians +and Macedonians as he could at the moment, and fled. As Flamininus +was pursuing the fugitives he came upon the lines of the Macedonian +left, just as they were scaling the ridge in their attempt to cross +the hills, and at first halted in some surprise because the enemy +held their spears straight up, as is the custom of the Macedonians +when surrendering themselves or intending to pass over to the enemy. +Presently, having had the reason of this movement explained to him, he +held his men back, thinking it best to spare the lives of those whom +fear had induced to surrender. But whilst he was still reflecting on +this matter, some of the advanced guard rushed upon these men from +some higher ground and put most of them to the sword, while the few +survivors threw away their shields and escaped by flight. + +[Sidenote: Philip retreats to Tempe.] + ++27.+ The battle was now at an end in every part of the field; the +Romans everywhere victorious; and Philip in full retreat towards Tempe. +The first night he passed at what is called Alexander’s tower; the next +day he got as far as Gonni, on the pass into Tempe, and there remained, +with a view of collecting the survivors of the battle. + +[Sidenote: The Romans soon abandon pursuit and devote themselves to the +plunder.] + +[Sidenote: The losses on both sides.] + +But the Romans, after following the fugitives for a certain distance, +returned; and some employed themselves in stripping the dead; others +in collecting the captives; while the majority hurried to the plunder +of the enemy’s camp. But there they found that the Aetolians had been +beforehand with them; and thinking, therefore, that they were deprived +of their fair share of the booty, they began grumbling at the Aetolians +and protesting to their general that “he imposed the dangers upon +them, but yielded the spoil to others.” For the present, however, +they returned to their own camp, and passed the night in their old +quarters: but next morning they employed themselves in collecting the +prisoners and the remainder of the spoils, and then started on the +march towards Larisa. In the battle the Romans lost seven hundred men; +the Macedonians eight thousand killed, and not less than five thousand +taken prisoners. + +Such was the result of the battle at Cynoscephalae in Thessaly between +the Romans and Philip. + ++28.+ In my sixth book I made a promise, still unfulfilled, of taking +a fitting opportunity of drawing a comparison between the arms of the +Romans and Macedonians, and their respective system of tactics, and +pointing out how they differ for better or worse from each other. +I will now endeavour by a reference to actual facts to fulfil that +promise. For since in former times the Macedonian tactics proved +themselves by experience capable of conquering those of Asia and +Greece; while the Roman tactics sufficed to conquer the nations of +Africa and all those of Western Europe; and since in our own day there +have been numerous opportunities of comparing the men as well as their +tactics,—it will be, I think, a useful and worthy task to investigate +their differences, and discover why it is that the Romans conquer and +carry off the palm from their enemies in the operations of war: that +we may not put it all down to Fortune, and congratulate them on their +good luck, as the thoughtless of mankind do; but, from a knowledge +of the true causes, may give their leaders the tribute of praise and +admiration which they deserve. + +[Sidenote: The Roman defeats in the Punic wars were not from inferior +tactics, but owing the genius of Hannibal.] + +Now as to the battles which the Romans fought with Hannibal, and the +defeats which they sustained in them, I need say no more. It was not +owing to their arms or their tactics, but to the skill and genius of +Hannibal that they met with those defeats: and that I made quite clear +in my account of the battles themselves. And my contention is supported +by two facts. First, by the conclusion of the war: for as soon as the +Romans got a general of ability comparable with that of Hannibal, +victory was not long in following their banners. Secondly, Hannibal +himself, being dissatisfied with the original arms of his men, and +having immediately after his first victory furnished his troops with +the arms of the Romans, continued to employ them thenceforth to the +end.[84] Pyrrhus, again, availed himself not only of the arms, but also +of the troops of Italy, placing a maniple of Italians and a company +of his own phalanx alternately, in his battles against the Romans. +Yet even this did not enable him to win; the battles were somehow or +another always indecisive. + +It was necessary to speak first on these points, to anticipate any +instances which might seem to make against my theory. I will now return +to my comparison. + ++29.+ Many considerations may easily convince us that, if only the +phalanx has its proper formation and strength, nothing can resist it +face to face or withstand its charge. For as a man in close order +of battle occupies a space of three feet; and as the length of the +sarissae is sixteen cubits according to the original design, which +has been reduced in practice to fourteen; and as of these fourteen +four must be deducted, to allow for the distance between the two hands +holding it, and to balance the weight in front; it follows clearly that +each hoplite will have ten cubits of his sarissa projecting beyond his +body, when he lowers it with both hands, as he advances against the +enemy: hence, too, though the men of the second, third, and fourth rank +will have their sarissae projecting farther beyond the front rank than +the men of the fifth, yet even these last will have two cubits of their +sarissae beyond the front rank; if only the phalanx is properly formed +and the men close up properly both flank and rear, like the description +in Homer[85]— + + + “So buckler pressed on buckler; helm on helm; + And man on man: and waving horse-hair plumes + In polished head-piece mingled, as they swayed + In order: in such serried rank they stood.” + + +And if my description is true and exact, it is clear that in front of +each man of the front rank there will be five sarissae projecting to +distances varying by a descending scale of two cubits. + ++30.+ With this point in our minds, it will not be difficult to imagine +what the appearance and strength of the whole phalanx is likely to be, +when, with lowered sarissae, it advances to the charge sixteen deep. +Of these sixteen ranks, all above the fifth are unable to reach with +their sarissae far enough to take actual part in the fighting. They, +therefore, do not lower them, but hold them with the points inclined +upwards over the shoulders of the ranks in front of them, to shield the +heads of the whole phalanx; for the sarissae are so closely serried, +that they repel missiles which have carried over the front ranks and +might fall upon the heads of those in the rear. These rear ranks, +however, during an advance, press forward those in front by the weight +of their bodies; and thus make the charge very forcible, and at the +same time render it impossible for the front ranks to face about. + +[Sidenote: The Roman more open order compared with the phalanx.] + +Such is the arrangement, general and detailed, of the phalanx. It +remains now to compare with it the peculiarities and distinctive +features of the Roman arms and tactics. Now, a Roman soldier in full +armour also requires a space of three square feet. But as their method +of fighting admits of individual motion for each man—because he defends +his body with a shield, which he moves about to any point from which +a blow is coming, and because he uses his sword both for cutting and +stabbing,—it is evident that each man must have a clear space, and +an interval of at least three feet both on flank and rear, if he is +to do his duty with any effect. The result of this will be that each +Roman soldier will face two of the front rank of a phalanx, so that he +has to encounter and fight against ten spears, which one man cannot +find time even to cut away, when once the two lines are engaged, nor +force his way through easily—seeing that the Roman front ranks are not +supported by the rear ranks, either by way of adding weight to their +charge, or vigour to the use of their swords. Therefore it may readily +be understood that, as I said before, it is impossible to confront a +charge of the phalanx, so long as it retains its proper formation and +strength. + +[Sidenote: Why the phalanx fails.] + ++31.+ Why is it then that the Romans conquer? And what is it that +brings disaster on those who employ the phalanx? Why, just because +war is full of uncertainties both as to time and place; whereas there +is but one time and one kind of ground in which a phalanx can fully +work. If, then, there were anything to compel the enemy to accommodate +himself to the time and place of the phalanx, when about to fight a +general engagement, it would be but natural to expect that those who +employed the phalanx would always carry off the victory. But if the +enemy finds it possible, and even easy, to avoid its attack, what +becomes of its formidable character? Again, no one denies that for +its employment it is indispensable to have a country flat, bare, and +without such impediments as ditches, cavities, depressions, steep +banks, or beds of rivers: for all such obstacles are sufficient to +hinder and dislocate this particular formation. And that it is, I may +say, impossible, or at any rate exceedingly rare to find a piece of +country of twenty stades, or sometimes of even greater extent, without +any such obstacles, every one will also admit. However, let us suppose +that such a district has been found. If the enemy decline to come down +into it, but traverse the country sacking the towns and territories +of the allies, what use will the phalanx be? For if it remains on the +ground suited to itself, it will not only fail to benefit its friends, +but will be incapable even of preserving itself; for the carriage of +provisions will be easily stopped by the enemy, seeing that they are +in undisputed possession of the country: while if it quits its proper +ground, from the wish to strike a blow, it will be an easy prey to the +enemy. Nay, if a general does descend into the plain, and yet does not +risk his whole army upon one charge of the phalanx or upon one chance, +but manœuvres for a time to avoid coming to close quarters in the +engagement, it is easy to learn what will be the result from what the +Romans are now actually doing. + ++32.+ For no speculation is any longer required to test the accuracy +of what I am now saying: that can be done by referring to accomplished +facts. + +[Sidenote: Flexibility of the Roman order.] + +The Romans do not, then, attempt to extend their front to equal that +of a phalanx, and then charge directly upon it with their whole force: +but some of their divisions are kept in reserve, while others join +battle with the enemy at close quarters. Now, whether the phalanx in +its charge drives its opponents from their ground, or is itself driven +back, in either case its peculiar order is dislocated; for whether +in following the retiring, or flying from the advancing enemy, they +quit the rest of their forces: and when this takes place, the enemy’s +reserves can occupy the space thus left, and the ground which the +phalanx had just before been holding, and so no longer charge them +face to face, but fall upon them on their flank and rear. If, then, +it is easy to take precautions against the opportunities and peculiar +advantages of the phalanx, but impossible to do so in the case of its +disadvantages, must it not follow that in practice the difference +between these two systems is enormous? Of course those generals who +employ the phalanx must march over ground of every description, must +pitch camps, occupy points of advantage, besiege, and be besieged, +and meet with unexpected appearances of the enemy: for all these +are part and parcel of war, and have an important and sometimes +decisive influence on the ultimate victory. And in all these cases the +Macedonian phalanx is difficult, and sometimes impossible to handle, +because the men cannot act either in squads or separately. The Roman +order on the other hand is flexible: for every Roman, once armed and +on the field, is equally well equipped for every place, time, or +appearance of the enemy. He is, moreover, quite ready and needs to make +no change, whether he is required to fight in the main body, or in a +detachment, or in a single maniple, or even by himself. Therefore, as +the individual members of the Roman force are so much more serviceable, +their plans are also much more often attended by success than those of +others. + +I thought it necessary to discuss this subject at some length, because +at the actual time of the occurrence many Greeks supposed when +the Macedonians were beaten that it was incredible; and many will +afterwards be at a loss to account for the inferiority of the phalanx +to the Roman system of arming. + +[Sidenote: Prudent conduct of Philip.] + ++33.+ Philip having thus done all he could in the battle, but having +been decisively beaten, after taking up as many of the survivors as he +could, proceeded through Tempe into Macedonia. On the night previous +to his start he sent one of his guard to Larisa, with orders to +destroy and burn the king’s correspondence. And it was an act worthy +of a king to retain, even in the midst of disaster, a recollection +of a necessary duty. For he knew well enough that, if these papers +came into the possession of the Romans, they would give many handles +to the enemy both against himself and his friends. It has, perhaps, +been the case with others that in prosperity they could not use power +with the moderation which becomes mortal men, while in disaster they +displayed caution and good sense; but certainly this was the case with +Philip. And this will be made manifest by what I shall subsequently +relate. For as I showed without reserve the justice of his measures at +the beginning of his reign, and the change for the worse which they +subsequently underwent; and showed when and why and how this took +place, with a detailed description of the actions in this part of his +career;[86] in the same way am I bound to set forth his repentance, and +the dexterity with which he changed with his change of fortune, and may +be said to have shown the highest prudence in meeting this crisis in +his affairs. + +As for Flamininus, having after the battle taken the necessary measures +as to the captives and the rest of the spoils, he proceeded to +Larisa.... + +[Sidenote: Estrangement of Aetolians.] + +[Sidenote: Flamininus grants fifteen days’ truce to Philip.] + ++34.+ Flamininus was much annoyed at the selfishness displayed by the +Aetolians in regard to the spoils; and had no idea of leaving them to +be masters of Greece after he had deprived Philip of his supremacy +there. He was irritated also by their braggadocio, when he saw that +they claimed all the credit of the victory, and were filling Greece +with the report of their valour. Wherefore, wherever he met them +he behaved with hauteur, and never said a word on public business, +but carried out all his measures independently or by the agency of +his own friends. While the relations between these two were in this +strained state, some few days after the battle Demosthenes, Cycliadas, +and Limnaeus came on a mission from Philip; and, after considerable +discussion with them, Flamininus granted an immediate armistice of +fifteen days, and agreed to have a personal interview also with Philip +in the course of them to discuss the state of affairs. And this +interview being conducted in a courteous and friendly manner, the +suspicions entertained of Flamininus by the Aetolians blazed forth with +double fury. For as corruption, and the habit of never doing anything +without a bribe, had long been a common feature in Greek politics, and +as this was the acknowledged characteristic of the Aetolians, they +could not believe that Flamininus could so change in his relations with +Philip without a bribe. They did not know the habits and principles of +the Romans on this subject; but judging from themselves they concluded +that there was every probability of Philip in his present position +offering a large sum of money, and of Flamininus being unable to resist +the temptation. + +[Sidenote: The disinterestedness of the Romans generally as to money.] + +[Sidenote: Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus Minor.] + +[Sidenote: Lucius Aemilius Paulus.] + ++35.+ If I had been speaking of an earlier period, and expressing what +was generally true, I should have had no hesitation in asserting of the +Romans as a nation that they would not be likely to do such a thing,—I +mean in the period before they engaged in wars beyond the sea, and +while they retained their own habits and principles uncontaminated.[87] +But in the present times I should not venture to say this of them all; +still, as individuals, I should be bold to say of the majority of the +men of Rome that they are capable of preserving their honesty in this +particular: and as evidence that I am making no impossible assertion, +I would quote two names which will command general assent,—I mean +first, Lucius Aemilius who conquered Perseus, and won the kingdom +of Macedonia. In that kingdom, besides all the other splendour and +wealth, there was found in the treasury more than six thousand talents +of gold and silver: yet he was so far from coveting any of this, +that he even refused to see it, and administered it by the hands of +others; though he was far from being superfluously wealthy himself, +but, on the contrary, was very badly off. At least, I know that on +his death, which occurred shortly after the war, when his own sons +Publius Scipio and Quintus Maximus wished to pay his wife her dowry, +amounting to twenty-five talents, they were reduced to such straits +that they would have been quite unable to do so if they had not sold +the household furniture and slaves, and some of the landed property +besides. And if what I say shall appear incredible to any one, he may +easily convince himself on the subject: for though there are many +controversies at Rome, and especially on this particular point, arising +from the antagonistic parties among them, yet he will find that what +I have just said about Aemilius is acknowledged by every one. Again, +Publius Scipio, son by blood of this Aemilius, and son by adoption of +Publius called the Great, when he got possession of Carthage, reckoned +the wealthiest city in the world, took absolutely nothing from it for +his own private use, either by purchase or by any other manner of +acquisition whatever, although he was by no means a very rich man, but +very moderately so for a Roman. But he not only abstained from the +wealth of Carthage itself, but refused to allow anything from Africa +at all to be mixed up with his private property. Therefore, in regard +to this man once more, any one who chooses to inquire will find that +his reputation in this particular is absolutely undisputed at Rome. +I shall, however, take a more suitable opportunity of treating this +subject at greater length. + +[Sidenote: The congress of Tempe, B.C. 197.] + +[Sidenote: Speech of King Amynandros.] + +[Sidenote: Alexander the Aetolian.] + ++36.+ Titus then having appointed Philip a day for the congress, +immediately wrote to the allies announcing when they were to appear; +and a few days afterwards came himself to the pass of Tempe at the +appointed time. When the allies had assembled, and the congress met, +the Roman imperator rose and bade each say on what terms they ought +to make peace with Philip. King Amynandros then delivered a short +and moderate speech, merely asking that “they would all have some +consideration for him, to prevent Philip, as soon as the Romans left +Greece, from turning the whole weight of his anger upon him; for the +Athamanes were always an easy prey to the Macedonians, because of +their weakness and the close contiguity of their territory.” When he +had finished, Alexander the Aetolian rose and complimented Flamininus +for “having assembled the allies in that congress to discuss the terms +of peace; and, above all, for having on the present occasion called +on each to express his opinion. But he was deluded and mistaken,” +he added, “if he believed that by making terms with Philip he would +secure the Romans peace or the Greeks freedom. For neither of these was +possible. But if he desired to accomplish both the design of his own +government and his own promises, which he had given to all the Greeks, +there was one way, and one only, of making terms with Macedonia, and +that was to eject Philip from his throne; and this could easily be done +if he did not let slip the present opportunity.” + +After some further arguments in support of this view he sat down. + +[Sidenote: Reply of Flamininus.] + ++37.+ Flamininus here took up the argument, and said that “Alexander +was mistaken not only as to the policy of Rome, but also as to the +object which he proposed to himself, and above all as to the true +interests of Greece. For it was not the Roman way to utterly destroy +those with whom they had been at open war. A proof of his assertion +might be found in the war with Hannibal and the Carthaginians; for +though the Romans had received the severest provocation at their +hands, and afterwards had it in their power to do absolutely what they +pleased to them, yet they had adopted no extreme measures against the +Carthaginians. For his part, moreover, he had never entertained the +idea that it was necessary to wage an inexpiable war with Philip; +but on the contrary had been prepared before the battle to come to +terms with him, if he would have submitted to the Roman demands. He +was surprised, therefore, that those who had taken part in the former +peace conference should now adopt a tone of such irreconcilable +hostility. Have we not conquered? (say they). Yes, but this is the most +senseless of arguments. For brave men, when actually at war, should be +terrible and full of fire; when beaten, undaunted and courageous; when +victorious, on the other hand, moderate, placable, and humane. But your +present advice is the reverse of all this. Yet, in truth, to the Greeks +themselves it is greatly to their interest that Macedonia should be +humbled, but not at all so that she should be destroyed. For it might +chance thereby that they would experience the barbarity of Thracians +and Gauls, as has been the case more than once already.” He then added +that “the final decision of himself and Roman colleagues was, that, if +Philip would consent to fulfil all the conditions formerly enjoined +by the allies, they would grant him peace, subject, of course, to +the approval of the Senate: and that the Aetolians were free to take +what measures they chose for themselves.” Upon Phaeneas attempting to +reply that “Everything done hitherto went for nothing; for if Philip +managed to extricate himself from his present difficulties, he would +at once find some other occasion for hostilities,”—Flamininus sprang +at once from his seat, and said, with some heat, “Cease this trifling, +Phaeneas! For I will so settle the terms of the peace that Philip will +be unable, even if he wished it, to molest the Greeks.” + +[Sidenote: On the third day of the conference Philip appears.] + +[Sidenote: The Aetolians checkmated by Flamininus.] + ++38.+ After this they separated for that day. On the next the king +arrived: and on the third, when all the delegates were met for +discussion, Philip entered, and with great skill and tact diverted the +anger which they all entertained against him. For he said that “He +conceded the demands made on the former occasion by the Romans and +the allies, and remitted the decision on the remaining points to the +Senate.” But Phaeneas, one of the Aetolians present, said: “Why then, +Philip, do not you restore to us Larisa Cremaste, Pharsalus, Phthiotid +Thebes, and Echinus?” Whereupon Philip bade them take them over. But +Flamininus here interposed, and forbade the Aetolians to take over any +of the towns except Phthiotid Thebes; “for upon his approaching this +town with his army, and summoning it to submit to the Roman protection, +the Thebans had refused; and, as it had now come into his hands in +the course of war, he had the right of taking any measures he chose +regarding it.” Phaeneas and his colleagues indignantly protested at +this, and asserted that it was their clear right to recover the towns +previously members of their league, “first on the ground that they had +taken part in the recent war; and secondly in virtue of their original +treaty of alliance, according to which the movable property of the +conquered belonged to the Romans, the towns to the Aetolians.” To which +Flamininus answered that “they were mistaken in both points; for their +treaty with Rome had been annulled when they abandoned the Romans, and +made terms with Philip: and, even supposing that treaty to be still in +force, they had no right to recover or take over such cities as had +voluntarily put themselves under the protection of Rome, as the whole +of the cities in Thessaly had done, but only such as were taken by +force.[88] + +[Sidenote: The terms of the peace settled. Winter of B.C. 197.] + ++39.+ The other members of the congress were delighted at this speech +of Flamininus. But the Aetolians listened with indignation; and what +proved to be the beginning of serious evils was engendered. For this +quarrel was the spark from which, not long afterwards, both the war +with the Aetolians and that with Antiochus flamed out. The principal +motive of Flamininus in being thus forward in coming to terms was the +information he had received that Antiochus had started from Syria with +an army, with the intention of crossing over into Europe. Therefore he +was anxious lest Philip, catching at this chance, should determine to +defend the towns and protract the war; and lest meanwhile he should +himself be superseded by another commander from home, on whom the +honour of all that he had achieved would be diverted. Therefore the +terms which the king asked were granted: namely, that he should have +four months’ suspension of hostilities, paying Flamininus at once the +two hundred talents; delivering his son Demetrius and some others of +his friends as hostages; and sending to Rome to submit the decision +on the whole pacification to the Senate. Flamininus and Philip then +separated, after interchanging mutual pledges of fidelity, on the +understanding that, if the treaty were not confirmed, Flamininus was +to restore to Philip the two hundred talents and the hostages. All the +parties then sent ambassadors to Rome, some to support and others to +oppose the settlement.... + +[Sidenote: Foolish credulity, see ch. 13; and 31, 21.] + ++40.+ Why is it that, though deceived again and again by the same +things and persons, we are unable to abandon our blind folly? For +this particular kind of fraud has often been committed before now, +and by many. That other men should allow themselves to be taken in is +perhaps not astonishing; but it is wonderful that those should do so +who are the authors and origin of the same kind of malpractice. But I +suppose the cause is the absence of that rule so happily expressed by +Epicharmus: + + + “Cool head and wise mistrust are wisdom’s sinews.”... + + +ASIA + ++41.+ [They endeavoured] to prevent Antiochus from sailing along their +coast, not from enmity to him, but from a suspicion that by giving +support to Philip he would become an obstacle in the way of Greek +liberty.... + +King Antiochus was very desirous of possessing Ephesus, owing to its +extremely convenient position; for it appeared to occupy the position +of an Acropolis for expeditions by land and sea against Ionia and the +cities of the Hellespont, and to be always a most convenient base of +operations for the kings of Asia against Europe.... + +Of King Attalus, who now died, I think I ought to speak a suitable +word, as I have done in the case of others. [Sidebar: Death of +King Attalus, who had fallen ill at Thebes, before the battle +of Cynoscephalae, and had been brought home to die at Pergamum, +autumn, B.C. 197. Livy, 33, 21.] Originally he had no other external +qualification for royalty except money alone, which, indeed, if handled +with good sense and boldness, is of very great assistance in every +undertaking, but without these qualities is in its nature the origin +of evil, and, in fact, of utter ruin to very many. For in the first +place it engenders envy and malicious plots, and contributes largely +to the destruction of body and soul. For few indeed are the souls that +are able by the aid of wealth to repel dangers of this description. +This king’s greatness of mind therefore deserves our admiration, +because he never attempted to use his wealth for anything else but the +acquisition of royal power,—an object than which none greater can be +mentioned. Moreover he made the first step in this design, not only +by doing services to his friends and gaining their affection, but +also by achievements in war. For it was after conquering the Gauls, +the most formidable and warlike nation at that time in Asia, that he +assumed this rank and first puts himself forward as king. And though he +obtained this honour, and lived seventy-two years, of which he reigned +forty-four, he passed a life of the utmost virtue and goodness towards +his wife and children; kept faith with all allies and friends; and died +in the midst of a most glorious campaign, fighting for the liberty of +the Greeks; and what is more remarkable than all, though he left four +grown-up sons, he so well settled the question of succession, that +the crown was handed down to his children’s children without a single +dispute.... + + +ITALY + +[Sidenote: B.C. 196. Coss. L. Furius Purpureo, M. Claudius Marcellus. +The treaty with Philip is confirmed.] + ++42.+ After Marcus Marcellus had entered upon the consulship the +ambassadors from Philip, and from Flamininus and the allies, arrived +at Rome to discuss the treaty with Philip; and after a lengthened +hearing the confirmation of the terms was decreed in the Senate. But on +the matter being brought before the people, Marcus Claudius, who was +ambitious of being himself sent to Greece, spoke against the treaty, +and did his best to get it rejected. The people however ratified the +terms, in accordance with the wish of Flamininus; and, upon this being +settled, the Senate immediately despatched a commission of ten men +of high rank to arrange the settlement of Greece in conjunction with +Flamininus, and to confirm the freedom of the Greeks. Among others +Damoxenus of Aegium and his colleagues, envoys from the Achaean +league, made a proposal in the Senate for an alliance with Rome; but +as some opposition was raised to this at the time, on account of a +counter-claim of the Eleians upon Triphylia, and of the Messenians, who +were at the time actually in alliance with Rome, upon Asine and Pylus, +and of the Aetolians upon Heraea,—the decision was referred to the +commission of ten. Such were the proceedings in the Senate.... + + +GREECE + +[Sidenote: Philip allows his Boeotian followers to return home.] + +[Sidenote: Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, heads of the Romanising party, +determine to get rid of Brachylles, B.C. 196.] + ++43.+ After the battle of Cynoscephalae, as Flamininus was wintering +at Elateia, the Boeotians, being anxious to recover their citizens +who had served in Philip’s army, sent an embassy to Flamininus to +try and secure their safety. Wishing to encourage the loyalty of the +Boeotians to himself, because he was already anxious as to the action +of Antiochus, he readily assented to their petition. These men were +promptly restored from Macedonia, and one of them named Brachylles +the Boeotians at once elected Boeotarch; and in a similar spirit +honoured and promoted, as much as before, such of the others as were +thought to be well disposed to the royal house of Macedonia. They +also sent an embassy to Philip to thank him for the return of the +young men, thus derogating from the favour done them by Flamininus,—a +measure highly disquieting to Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, and all who +were regarded as partisans of Rome; because they foresaw what would +happen to themselves and their families, knowing quite well that if +the Romans quitted Greece, and Philip remained closely supporting the +political party opposed to themselves, it would be unsafe for them to +remain citizens of Boeotia. They therefore agreed among themselves +to send an embassy to Flamininus in Elateia: and having obtained an +interview with him, they made a lengthy and elaborate statement on this +subject, describing the state of popular feeling which was now adverse +to themselves, and discanting on the untrustworthiness of democratic +assemblies. And finally, they ventured to say that “Unless they could +overawe the common people by getting rid of Brachylles, there could +be no security for the party in favour of Rome as soon as the legions +departed.” After listening to these arguments Flamininus replied that +“He would not personally take any part in such a measure, but he +would not hinder those who wished to do so.” Finally, he bade them +speak to Alexamenus the Strategus of the Aetolians. Zeuxippus and his +colleagues accepted the suggestion, and communicated with Alexamenus, +who at once consented; and agreeing to carry out their proposal sent +three Aetolians and three Italians, all young men, to assassinate +Brachylles.... + +[Sidenote: Zeuxippus condemned by his own conscience. See Livy, 33, 28.] + +There is no more terrible witness, or more formidable accuser, than the +conscience which resides in each man’s breast.... + +[Sidenote: The Senatus Consultum.] + ++44.+ About this same time the ten commissioners arrived from Rome +who were to effect the settlement of Greece, bringing with them the +decree of the Senate on the peace with Philip. The main points of the +decree were these: “All other Greeks, whether in Asia or Europe, to be +free and enjoy their own laws; but that Philip should hand over to the +Romans those at present under his authority, and all towns in which he +had a garrison, before the Isthmian games; and restore Euromus, Pedasa, +Bargylia, Iasus, Abydos, Thasus, Marinus, and Perinthus to freedom, and +remove his garrisons from them. That Flamininus should write to Prusias +commanding him to liberate Cius, in accordance with the decree of the +Senate. That Philip should restore to the Romans within the same period +all captives and deserters; and likewise all decked ships, except three +and his one sixteen-banked vessel; and should pay a thousand talents, +half at once, and half by instalments spread over ten years.” + +[Sidenote: Objections of the Aetolians.] + ++45.+ Upon this decree being published in Greece, it created a feeling +of confidence and gratification in all the communities except the +Aetolians. These last were annoyed at not getting all they expected, +and attempted to run down the decree by saying that it was mere words, +without anything practical in it; and they based upon the clauses of +the decree itself some such arguments as follow, by way of disquieting +those who would listen to them. They said “That there were two distinct +clauses in the decree relating to the cities garrisoned by Philip: one +ordering him to remove those garrisons and to hand over the cities to +the Romans; the other bidding him withdraw his garrisons and set the +cities free. Those that were to be set free were definitely named, and +they were towns in Asia; and it was plain, therefore, that those which +were to be handed over to the Romans were those in Europe, namely, +Oreus, Eretria, Chalcis, Demetrias, and Corinth. Hence it was plain +that the Romans were receiving the ‘fetters of Greece’ from the hands +of Philip, and that the Greeks were getting, not freedom, but a change +of masters.” + +[Sidenote: The commissioners sit at Corinth, and declare all Greek +cities free, except the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis.] + +These arguments of the Aetolians were repeated _ad nauseam_. But, +meanwhile, Flamininus left Elateia with the ten commissioners, and +having crossed to Anticyra, sailed straight to Corinth, and there sat +in council with the commissioners, and considered the whole settlement +to be made. But as the adverse comments of the Aetolians obtained +wide currency, and were accepted by some, Flamininus was forced to +enter upon many elaborate arguments in the meetings of the commission, +trying to convince the commissioners that if they wished to acquire +unalloyed praise from the Greeks, and to establish firmly in the minds +of all that they had originally come into the country not to gain any +advantage for Rome, but simply to secure the freedom of Greece, they +must abandon every district and free all the cities now garrisoned by +Philip. But this was just the point in dispute among the commissioners; +for, as to all other cities, a decision had been definitely arrived at +in Rome, and the ten commissioners had express instructions; but about +Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias they had been allowed a discretion on +account of Antiochus, in order that they might take such measures as +they thought best from a view of actual events. For it was notorious +that this king had for some time past been meditating an interference +in Europe. However, as far as Corinth was concerned, Flamininus +prevailed on the commissioners to free it at once and restore it to the +Achaean league, from respect to the terms of the original agreement; +but he retained the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis. + +[Sidenote: The Isthmian games, July B. C. 196.] + +[Sidenote: Proclamation of the freedom of the Greek cities.] + ++46.+ When these decisions had been come to, the time for the +celebration of the Isthmian games arrived, The expectation of what +would happen there drew the men of highest rank from nearly every +quarter of the world; and there was a great deal of talk on the subject +from one end of the assembled multitude to the other, and expressed in +varied language. Some said that from certain of the places and towns it +was impossible that the Romans could withdraw; while others asserted +that they would withdraw from those considered most important, but +would retain others that were less prominent, though capable of being +quite as serviceable. And such persons even took upon themselves in +their ingenuity to designate the precise places which would be thus +treated. While people were still in this state of uncertainty, all the +world being assembled on the stadium to watch the games, the herald +came forward, and having proclaimed silence by the sound of a trumpet, +delivered the following proclamation: “The senate of Rome and Titus +Quintius, proconsul and imperator, having conquered King Philip and +the Macedonians in war, declare the following peoples free, without +garrison, or tribute, in full enjoyment of the laws of their respective +countries: namely, Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Achaeans +of Phthiotis, Magnesians, Thessalians, Perrhaebians.” + +[Sidenote: An exciting scene.] + +Now as the first words of the proclamation were the signal for a +tremendous outburst of clapping, some of the people could not hear it +at all, and some wanted to hear it again; but the majority feeling +incredulous, and thinking that they heard the words in a kind of +dream, so utterly unexpected was it, another impulse induced every one +to shout to the herald and trumpeter to come into the middle of the +stadium and repeat the words: I suppose because the people wished not +only to hear but to see the speaker, in their inability to credit the +announcement. But when the herald, having advanced into the middle +of the crowd, once more, by his trumpeter, hushed the clamour, and +repeated exactly the same proclamation as before, there was such an +outbreak of clapping as is difficult to convey to the imagination of +my readers at this time. When at length the clapping ceased, no one +paid any attention whatever to the athletes, but all were talking +to themselves or each other, and seemed like people bereft of their +senses. Nay, after the games were over, in the extravagance of +their joy, they nearly killed Flamininus by the exhibition of their +gratitude. Some wanted to look him in the face and call him their +preserver; others were eager to touch his hand; most threw garlands +and fillets upon him; until between them they nearly crushed him to +death. But though this expression of popular gratitude was thought to +have been extravagant, one might say with confidence that it fell short +of the importance of the actual event. For that the Romans and their +leader Flamininus should have deliberately incurred unlimited expense +and danger, for the sole purpose of freeing Greece, deserved their +admiration; and it was also a great thing that their power was equal to +their intention. But the greatest thing of all is that Fortune foiled +their attempt by none of her usual caprices, but that every single +thing came to a successful issue at the same time: so that all Greeks, +Asiatic and European alike, were by a single proclamation become “free, +without garrison or tribute, and enjoying their own laws.” + +[Sidenote: Answer of commissioners to King Antiochus.] + +[Sidenote: Final arrangements.] + ++47.+ The Isthmian festival having come to an end, the first persons +with whom the commissioners dealt were the ambassadors from Antiochus. +They instructed them that “Their master must abstain from attacking +those cities in Asia which were autonomous, and go to war with none +of them; and must evacuate those that had been subject to Ptolemy or +Philip. In addition to this they forbade him to cross over into Europe +with an army; for no Greek henceforth was to be attacked in war or +to be enslaved to any one. Finally, they said that some of their own +number would go to visit Antiochus.” With this answer Hegesianax and +Lysias returned to Antiochus. They next summoned the representatives +of all the nations and cities, and declared to them the decisions of +the commissioners. The Macedonian tribe of the Orestae, on the ground +of their having joined Rome during the war, they declared autonomous; +the Perrhaebians, Dolopes, and Magnesians they declared to be free. +To the Thessalians, in addition to their freedom, they assigned the +Phthiotid Achaeans, with the exception, however, of Phthiotid Thebes +and Pharsalus: for the Aetolians made such a point of their claim to +Pharsalus, as also to Leucas, on the ground of the rights secured +them by the original treaty, that the commissioners referred the +consideration of their demand in regard to these places back again to +the Senate, but allowed them to retain Phocis and Locris as members of +their league, as they had been before. Corinth, Triphylia, and Heraea +they handed over to the Achaeans. Oreus and Eretria the majority wished +to give to King Eumenes, but on the instance of Flamininus this design +was not confirmed; and, accordingly, a short time afterwards these +towns, with Carystus, were declared free by the Senate. To Pleuratus +they assigned Lychnis and Parthus in Illyria, towns which had been +subject to Philip; and Amynandros they allowed to retain all such +strongholds as he had taken from Philip during the war. + +[Sidenote: The commissioners separate and go to various parts of +Greece.] + +[Sidenote: Two go to Antiochus and others to Philip.] + +[Sidenote: Gnaeus Cornelius at the congress of the Aetolian league.] + ++48.+ This business completed, the commissioners separated in various +directions: Publius Lentulus sailed to Bargylia and announced its +freedom; Lucius Stertinius did the same to Hephaestia, Thasus, and the +cities in Thrace; while Publius Villius and Lucius Terentius started +to visit Antiochus; and Gnaeus Cornelius with his colleagues went to +king Philip. They met him near Tempe, and after speaking with him on +the other matters about which they had instructions, they advised him +to send an embassy to Rome, to ask for an alliance, in order to obviate +all suspicion of being on the watch for an opportunity in expectation +of the arrival of Antiochus. The king agreeing to follow this advice, +Cornelius left him and went to the league congress at Thermus; and +coming into the public assembly urged the Aetolians in a lengthy speech +to abide by the policy they had adopted, from the first, and maintain +their good disposition towards the Romans. Many rose to answer: of whom +some expressed dissatisfaction with the Romans in moderate and decorous +language, for not having used their good fortune with sufficient regard +to their joint interests, and for not observing the original compact; +while others delivered violent invectives, asserting that the Romans +would never have set foot on Greece or conquered Philip if it had not +been for them. Cornelius disdained to answer these speeches in detail, +but he advised them to send ambassadors to Rome, for they would get +full justice in the Senate: which they accordingly did. Such was the +conclusion of the war with Philip.... + + +ASIA + ++49.+ Whenever they are reduced to the last extremity, as the phrase +goes, they will fly to the Romans for protection and commit themselves +and their city to them....[89] + +[Sidenote: Antiochus in the Chersonesus and Thrace, B.C. 196.] + +[Sidenote: Speech of Lucius Cornelius.] + ++50.+ Just when the designs of Antiochus in Thrace were succeeding +to his heart’s desire, Lucius Cornelius and his party sailed into +Selybria. These were the envoys sent by the Senate to conclude a peace +between Antiochus and Ptolemy. And at the same time there arrived +Publius Lentulus from Bargylia, Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius +from Thasus, three of the ten commissioners for Greece. Their arrival +having been promptly announced to Antiochus, they all assembled within +the next few days at Lysimacheia; and it so happened that Hegesianax +and Lysias, who had been on the mission to Flamininus, arrived about +the same time. The private intercourse between the king and the Romans +was informal and friendly; but when presently they met in conference +to discuss public affairs, things took quite another aspect. Lucius +Cornelius demanded that Antiochus should evacuate all the cities +subject to Ptolemy which he had taken in Asia; while he warned him in +solemn and emphatic language that he must do so also to the cities +subject to Philip, “for it was ridiculous that Antiochus should come in +and take the prizes of the war which Rome had waged with Philip.” He +also admonished him to abstain from attacking autonomous cities, and +added that “He was at a loss to conjecture with what view Antiochus +had crossed over to Europe with such a powerful army and fleet; for if +it were not with the intention of attacking the Romans, there was no +explanation left that any reasonable person could accept.” With these +words the Romans ceased speaking. + +[Sidenote: The reply of Antiochus.] + +[Sidenote: Lysimachus conquered by Seleucus Nicanor, B.C. 281.] + ++51.+ The king began his reply by saying that “He did not understand +by what right the Romans raised a controversy with him in regard to +the cities in Asia. They were the last people in the world who had any +claim to do so.” Next he claimed that “They should refrain entirely +from interfering in the affairs of Asia, seeing that he never in the +least degree interposed in those of Italy. He had crossed into Europe +with his army to recover his possessions in the Chersonese and the +cities in Thrace; his right to the government of these places being +superior to that of any one in the world. For this was originally +the principality of Lysimachus; and as Seleucus waged war with and +conquered that prince, the whole domain of Lysimachus passed to +Seleucus[90]: then owing to the multifarious interests which distracted +the attention of his predecessors, first Ptolemy and then Philip had +managed to wrest this country from them and secure it for themselves. +He had not then availed himself of Philip’s difficulties to take +it, but had _recovered_ possession of it in the exercise of his +undoubted rights. It was no injury to the Romans that he should now be +restoring to their homes, and settling again in their city, the people +of Lysimacheia who had been expelled by an unexpected raid of the +Thracians. He was doing this, not from any intention of attacking the +Romans, but to prepare a place of residence for his son Seleucus. As +for the autonomous cities of Asia, they must acquire their freedom by +his free grace, not by an injunction from Rome. As for Ptolemy, he was +about to settle matters amicably with him: for it was his intention to +confirm their friendship by a matrimonial alliance.” + +[Sidenote: Antiochus refuses to acknowledge the Romans as arbitrators.] + ++52.+ But upon Lucius expressing an opinion that they ought to call +in the representatives of Lampsacus and Smyrna and give them a +hearing, this was done. The envoys from Lampsacus were Parmenio and +Pythodorus, and from Smyrna Coeranus. These men expressing themselves +with much openness, Antiochus was irritated at the idea of defending +himself against accusers before a tribunal of Romans, and interrupting +Parmenio, said: “A truce to your long speeches: I do not choose to have +my controversies with you decided before a Roman but before a Rhodian +court.” Thereupon they broke up the conference very far from pleased +with each other.... + + +EGYPT + +[Sidenote: Death of Scopas. See _supra_, 13, 2; 16, 18, B.C. 196.] + ++53.+ Many people have a yearning for bold and glorious undertakings, +but few dare actually attempt them. Yet Scopas had much fairer +opportunities for a hazardous and bold career than Cleomenes. For the +latter, though circumvented by his enemies, and reduced to depend +upon such forces as his servants and friends could supply, yet left +no chance untried, and tested every one to the best of his ability, +valuing an honourable death more highly than a life of disgrace. But +Scopas, with all the advantages of a formidable body of soldiers and +of the excellent opportunity afforded by the youth of the king, by his +own delays and halting counsels allowed himself to be circumvented. +For having ascertained that he was holding a meeting of his partisans +at his own house, and was consulting with them, Aristomenes sent +some of the royal bodyguards and summoned him to the king’s council. +Whereupon Scopas was so infatuated that he was neither bold enough to +carry out his designs, nor able to make up his mind to obey the king’s +summons,—which is in itself the most extreme step,—until Aristomenes, +understanding the blunder he had made, caused soldiers and elephants to +surround his house, and sent Ptolemy son of Eumenes in with some young +men, with orders to bring him quietly if he would come, but, if not, by +force. When Ptolemy entered the house and informed Scopas that the king +summoned him, he refused at first to obey, but remained looking fixedly +at Ptolemy, and for a long while preserved a threatening attitude as +though he wondered at his audacity; and when Ptolemy came boldly up +to him and took hold of his chlamys, he called on the bystanders to +help him. But seeing that the number of young men who had accompanied +Ptolemy into the house was large, and being informed by some one of the +military array surrounding it outside, he yielded to circumstances, and +went, accompanied by his friends, in obedience to the summons. + +[Sidenote: Scopas before the council.] + +[Sidenote: Death of Dicaearchus.] + ++54.+ On his entering the council chamber the king was the first to +state the accusation against him, which he did briefly. He was followed +by Polycrates lately arrived from Cyprus; and he again by Aristomenes. +The charges made by them all were much to the same effect as what I +have just stated; but there was now added to them the seditious meeting +with his friends, and his refusal to obey the summons of the king. On +these charges he was unanimously condemned, not only by the members +of the council, but also by the envoys of foreign nations who were +present. And when Aristomenes was about to commence his accusation +he brought in a large number of other Greeks of rank also to support +him, as well as the Aetolian ambassadors who had come to negotiate +a peace, among whom was Dorimachus son of Nicostratus. When these +speeches had been delivered, Scopas endeavoured to put forward certain +pleas in his defence: but gaining no attention from any one, owing to +the senseless nature of his proceedings, he was taken along with his +friends to prison. There after nightfall Aristomenes caused Scopas and +his family to be put to death by poison; but did not allow Dicaearchus +to die until he had had him racked and scourged, thus inflicting on him +a punishment which he thoroughly deserved in the name of all Greece. +For this was the Dicaearchus whom Philip, when he resolved upon his +treacherous attack on the Cyclades and the cities of the Hellespont, +appointed leader of the whole fleet and the entire enterprise: who +being thus sent out to perform an act of flagrant wickedness, not only +thought that he was doing nothing wrong, but in the extravagance of +his infatuation imagined that he would strike terror into the gods as +well as man. For wherever he anchored he used to build two altars, to +Impiety and Lawlessness, and, offering sacrifice upon these altars, +worshipped them as his gods. Therefore in my opinion he met with a just +retribution both from gods and men: for as his life had been spent +in defiance to the laws of nature, his end was properly also one of +unnatural horror. All the other Aetolians who wished to depart were +allowed by the king to go in possession of their property. + +[Sidenote: Enormous wealth collected by Scopas.] + ++55.+ As in the lifetime of Scopas his love of money had been +notorious, for his avarice did in fact surpass that of any man in the +world, so after his death was it made still more conspicuous by the +enormous amount of gold and other property found in his house; for by +the assistance of the coarse manners and drunken habits of Charimortus +he had absolutely pillaged the kingdom. + +[Sidenote: The anacleteria of Ptolemy Epiphanes, B.C. 176. Aet. 12.] + +Having thus settled the Aetolian business to their liking, the +courtiers turned their attention to the ceremony of instituting the +king into the management of his office, called the _Anacleteria_. His +age was not indeed yet so far advanced as to make this necessary; but +they thought that the kingdom would gain a certain degree of firmness +and a fresh impulse towards prosperity, if it were known that the king +had assumed the independent direction of the government. They then made +the preparations for the ceremony with great splendour, and carried +it out in a manner worthy of the greatness of the kingdom, Polycrates +being considered to have contributed very largely to the accomplishment +of their efforts. For this man had enjoyed even during his youth, +in the reign of the late king, a reputation second to no one in the +court for fidelity and practical ability; and this reputation he had +maintained during the present reign also. For having been entrusted +with the management of Cyprus and its revenues, when its affairs were +in a critical and complicate state, he not only preserved the island +for the young king, but collected a very considerable sum of money, +with which he had just arrived and had paid to the king, after handing +over the government of Cyprus to Ptolemy of Megalopolis. But though +he obtained great applause by this, and a large fortune immediately +afterwards, yet, as he grew older, he drifted into extravagant +debauchery and scandalous indulgence. Nor was the reputation of +Ptolemy, son of Agesarchus very different in the later part of his +life. But in regard to these men, when we come to the proper time, I +shall not shrink from stating the circumstances which disgraced their +official life.... + + + + +BOOK XIX + + +The only fragment we possess of the nineteenth book of Polybius is +a statement quoted by Plutarch as to M. Porcius Cato, to the effect +that by his orders the walls of all the numerous Spanish cities north +of the Baetis were dismantled on the same day. Cato was in Spain B.C. +195. The means taken by him to secure this simultaneous destruction of +fortifications are told by Frontinus, _Strateg._ 1, 1, 1. + +We thus lose the history of the years B.C. 195, 194, 193; as well as +the greater part of that of B.C. 192, 191, contained in the early part +of book 20, of which only a few fragments remain. Livy, however, has +evidently translated from Polybius in his history of these years, and a +brief abstract of events in Greece may help the reader in following the +fragmentary book which follows with more interest. + + + B.C. 195. + Lucius Valerius Flaccus, } Coss. + M. Porcius Cato, } + + +Flamininus’s imperium is extended for this year, because of the danger +from Antiochus and Nabis. The Aetolians, still discontented, push their +demand for Pharsalus and Leucas, and are referred by the Senate back to +Flamininus. The latter summons a conference of Greek states at Corinth, +and a war is decreed against Nabis, the Aetolians still expressing +their dislike of Roman interference. The levies are collected; Argos +is freed from Nabis; Sparta all but taken; and Nabis forced to submit +to most humiliating terms: the Aetolians again objecting to his being +allowed to remain at Sparta on any terms at all. In this year also +legates from Antiochus visit Flamininus, but are referred to the Senate. + + + B.C. 194. + Publius Cornelius Scipio II., } Coss. + Tiberius Sempronius Longus, } + + +Flamininus leaves Greece after a speech at Corinth to the assembled +league advising internal peace and loyalty to Rome, and enters Rome in +triumph. There is a time of comparative tranquillity in Greece. + + + B.C. 193. + L. Cornelius Merula, } Coss. + Q. Minucius Thermus, } + + +The legates from Antiochus are sent back with the final answer that, +unless the king abstains from entering Europe in arms, the Romans will +free the Asiatic Greek cities from him. Roman legates, P. Sulpicius, +P. Villius, P. Aelius, are sent to him. Hannibal arrives at the court +of Antiochus, and urges him to resist; and the Aetolians urge the same +course, trying also to stir up Nabis and Philip of Macedon. Antiochus +accordingly will give the Roman envoys no satisfactory answer. + + + B.C. 192. + L. Quintius Flamininus, } Coss. + Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, } + + +The Romans therefore prepare for war. A fleet under the praetor Atilius +is sent against Nabis: commissioners are sent into Greece—T. Quintius +Flamininus, C. Octavius, Cn. Servilius, P. Villius—early in the year: +M. Baebius is ordered to hold his army in readiness at Brundisium. +Then news is brought to Rome by Attalus of Pergamum (brother of king +Eumenes) that Antiochus has crossed the Hellespont, and the Aetolians +on the point of joining him. Therefore Baebius is ordered to transport +his army to Apollonia. + +Meanwhile Nabis takes advantage of the alarm caused by Antiochus to +move. He besieges Gythium, and ravages the Achaean territory. The +league, under Philopoemen, proclaim war against him, and, after losing +an unimportant naval battle, decisively defeat him on land and shut him +up in Sparta. + +The Aetolians now formally vote to call in Antiochus, “to liberate +Greece and arbitrate between them and Rome.” They occupy Demetrias; +and kill Nabis by a stratagem. “Whereupon Philopoemen annexes Sparta +to the Achaean league. Later in the year Antiochus meets the assembly +of the Aetolians at Lamia in Thessaly, is proclaimed “Strategus”; and +after a vain attempt to conciliate the Achaeans seizes Chalcis, where +he winters, and marries a young wife. + + + B.C. 191. + P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, } Coss. + M. Acilius Glabrio, } + + +The Romans declare war with Antiochus. Manius Acilius is selected to go +to Greece, where he takes over the army of Baebius, and after taking +many towns in Thessaly meets and defeats Antiochus at Thermopylae; +where the Aetolian league did after all little service to the king, who +retires to Ephesus. + +See Livy, 34, 43——36, 21. See also Plutarch, _Philopoemen_, and +_Flamininus_; Appian, _Syriacae_, 6-21. + + + + +BOOK XX + + +GREECE + +[Sidenote: Antiochus the Great at a meeting of Aetolians at Lamia, +autumn of B.C. 192. Livy, 35, 43-46.] + ++1.+ The Aetolians chose thirty of the Apocleti[91] to confer with King +Antiochus.... + +He accordingly summoned a meeting of the Apocleti and consulted them on +the state of affairs.... + ++2.+ When Antiochus sent an embassy to the Boeotians, they answered +that they would not consider his proposals until the king came in +person.... + +[Sidenote: Antiochus passes the winter of B.C. 192-191 at Chalcis. +Visit of envoys from Epirus and Elis.] + ++3.+ As Antiochus was staying at Chalcis, just as the winter was +beginning, two ambassadors came to visit him, Charops from Epirus, +and Callistratus from Elis. The prayer of the Epirotes was that “The +king would not involve them in the war with Rome for they dwelt on the +side of Greece immediately opposite Italy; but that, if he could, he +would secure their safety by defending the frontier of Epirus: in that +case he should be admitted into all their towns and harbours: but if +he decided not to do so at present, they asked his indulgence if they +shrank from a war with Rome.” The Eleans, in their turn, begged him “To +send a reinforcement to their town; for as the Achaeans had voted war +against them, they were in terror of an attack from the troops of the +league.” The king answered the Epirotes by saying that he would send +envoys to confer with them on their mutual interests; but to Elis he +despatched a thousand foot soldiers under the command of Euphanes of +Crete.... + +[Sidenote: The decline of Boeotia,] + +[Sidenote: from B.C. 371-361.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 245. See Plutarch, _Arat._ 16.] + ++4.+ The Boeotians had long been in a very depressed state, which +offered a strong contrast to the former prosperity and reputation of +their country. They had acquired great glory as well as great material +prosperity at the time of the battle of Leuctra; but by some means or +another from that time forward they steadily diminished both the one +and the other under the leadership of Amaeocritus; and subsequently not +only diminished them, but underwent a complete change of character, and +did all that was possible to wipe out their previous reputation. For +having been incited by the Achaeans to go to war with the Aetolians, +they adopted the policy of the former and made an alliance with them, +and thenceforth maintained a steady war with the Aetolians. But on +the Aetolians invading Boeotia, they marched out with their full +available force, and without waiting for the arrival of the Achaeans, +who had mustered their men and were on the point of marching to their +assistance, they attacked the Aetolians; and being worsted in the +battle were so completely demoralised, that, from the time of that +campaign, they never plucked up spirit to claim any position of honour +whatever, and never shared in any enterprise or contest undertaken by +the common consent of the Greeks. They devoted themselves entirely to +eating and drinking, and thus became effeminate in their souls as well +as in their bodies. + +[Sidenote: B.C. 222.] + +[Sidenote: The rise of the house of Neon.] + +[Sidenote: Demetrius II. B.C. 239-229.] + ++5.+ Such were, briefly, the steps in the degeneracy of Boeotia. +Immediately after the battle just mentioned they abandoned the Achaeans +and joined the Aetolians.[92] But on the latter presently going to war +with Philip’s father Demetrius, they once more abandoned the Aetolians; +and upon Demetrius entering Boeotia with an army, without attempting +resistance they submitted completely to the Macedonians. But as a +spark of their ancestral glory still survived, there were found some +who disliked the existing settlement and the complete subservience to +Macedonia: and they accordingly maintained a violent opposition to the +policy of Ascondas and Neon, the ancestors of Brachylles, who were +the most prominent in the party which favoured Macedonia. However, +the party of Ascondas eventually prevailed, owing to the following +circumstance. Antigonus (Doson), who, after the death of Demetrius, +was Philip’s guardian, happened to be sailing on some business along +the coast of Boeotia; when off Larymna he was surprised by a sudden +ebb of the tide, and his ships were left high and dry. Now just at +that time a rumour had been spread that Antigonus meant to make a raid +upon the country; and therefore Neon, who was Hipparch at the time, +was patrolling the country at the head of all the Boeotian cavalry to +protect it, and came upon Antigonus in this helpless and embarrassed +position: and having it thus in his power to inflict a serious blow +upon the Macedonians, much to their surprise he resolved to spare them. +His conduct in so doing was approved by the other Boeotians, but was +not at all pleasing to the Thebans. Antigonus, however, when the tide +flowed again and his ships floated, proceeded to complete the voyage +to Asia on which he was bound, with deep gratitude to Neon for having +abstained from attacking him in his awkward position. Accordingly, when +at a subsequent period he conquered the Spartan Cleomenes and became +master of Lacedaemon, he left Brachylles in charge of the town, by +way of paying him for the kindness done him by his father Neon. This +proved to be the beginning of a great rise in importance of the family +of Brachylles. But this was not all that Antigonus did for him: from +that time forward either he personally, or king Philip, continually +supported him with money and influence; so that before long this family +entirely overpowered the political party opposed to them in Thebes, and +forced all the citizens, with very few exceptions, to join the party of +Macedonia. Such was the origin of the political adherence to Macedonia +of the family of Neon, and of its rise to prosperity. + +[Sidenote: Disorganised state of Boeotia.] + +[Sidenote: Antigonus Gonatas, _ob._ B.C. 239.] + +[Sidenote: Cleomenic war B.C. 227-221.] + ++6.+ But Boeotia as a nation had come to such a low pitch, that for +nearly twenty-five years the administration of justice had been +suspended in private and public suits alike. Their magistrates were +engaged in despatching bodies of men to guard the country or in +proclaiming national expeditions, and thus continually postponed their +attendance at courts of law. Some of the Strategi also dispensed +allowances to the needy from the public treasury; whereby the common +people learnt to support and invest with office those who would +help them to escape the penalties of their crimes and undischarged +liabilities, and to be enriched from time to time with some portion of +the public property obtained by official favour. No one contributed +to this lamentable state of things more than Opheltas, who was always +inventing some plan calculated to benefit the masses for the moment, +while perfectly certain to ruin them in the future. To these evils was +added another unfortunate fashion. It became the practice for those +who died childless not to leave their property to the members of their +family, as had been the custom of the country formerly, but to assign +it for the maintenance of feasts and convivial entertainments to be +shared in by the testator’s friends in common; and even many who did +possess children left the larger part of their property to the members +of their own club. The result was that there were many Boeotians who +had more feasts to attend in the month than there were days in it. +The people of Megara therefore, disliking this habit, and remembering +their old connexion with the Achaean league, were inclined once more +to renew their political alliance with it. For the Megarians had been +members of the Achaean league since the time of Antigonus Gonatas; +but upon Cleomenes blockading the Isthmus, finding themselves cut off +from the Achaeans they joined the Boeotians, with the consent of the +former. But a little before the time of which we are now speaking, +becoming dissatisfied with the Boeotian constitution, they again joined +the Achaeans. The Boeotians, incensed at what they considered acts +of contempt, sallied out in full force to attack Megara; and on the +Megarians declining to listen to them, they determined in their anger +to besiege and assault their city. But being attacked by a panic, on a +report spreading that Philopoemen was at hand at the head of a force of +Achaeans, they left their scaling ladders against the walls and fled +back precipitately to their own country. + ++7.+ Such being the state of Boeotian politics, it was only by +extraordinary good fortune that they evaded destruction in the +dangerous periods of the wars of Philip and Antiochus. But in the +succeeding period they did not escape in the same way. Fortune, on the +contrary, seemed determined to make them pay for their former good luck +by a specially severe retribution, as I shall relate hereafter.... + +[Sidenote: Antiochus received in Thebes, B.C. 192.] + +Many of the Boeotians defended their alienation from the Romans by +alleging the assassination of Brachylles,[93] and the expedition +made by Flamininus upon Coronea owing to the murders of Romans on +the roads.[94] But the real reason was their moral degeneracy, +brought about by the causes I have mentioned. For as soon as the king +approached, the Boeotian magistrates went out to meet him, and after +holding a friendly conversation with him conducted him into Thebes.... + +[Sidenote: Antiochus wintering in Chalcis, B.C. 192-191.] + ++8.+ Antiochus the Great came to Chalcis in Euboea, and there completed +his marriage, when he was fifty years old, and had already undertaken +his two most important labours, the liberation of Greece—as he called +it—and the war with Rome. However, having fallen in love with a young +lady of Chalcis, he was bent on marrying her, though the war was +still going on; for he was much addicted to wine and delighted in +excesses. The lady was a daughter of Cleoptolemus, a man of rank, and +was possessed of extraordinary beauty. He remained in Chalcis all the +winter occupied in marriage festivities, utterly regardless of the +pressing business of the time. He gave the girl the name of Euboea, and +after his defeat[95] fled with his bride to Ephesus.... + +[Sidenote: Heracleia Trachinia taken by Acilius after the battle of +Thermopylae, B.C. 191.] + +[Sidenote: Embassy of the Aetolians.] + ++9.+ When the Romans took Heracleia, Phaeneas the Aetolian Strategus, +in view of the danger threatening Aetolia, and seeing what would happen +to the other towns, determined to send an embassy to Manius Acilius to +demand a truce and treaty of peace. With this purpose he despatched +Archidamus, Pantaleon and Chalesus, who on meeting the Roman consul +were intending to enter upon a long argument, but were interrupted in +the middle of their speech and prevented from finishing it. For Acilius +remarked that “For the present he had no leisure to attend to them, +being much engaged with the distribution of the spoils of Heracleia: +he would, however, grant a ten days’ truce and send Lucius Valerius +Flaccus with them, with instructions as to what he was to say.” The +truce being thus made, and Valerius having come to Hypata, a lengthened +discussion took place on the state of affairs. The Aetolians sought +to establish their case by referring to their previous services to +Rome. But Valerius cut this line of argument short by saying that +“Such justification did not apply to the present circumstances; for +as these old friendly relations had been broken off by them, and the +existing hostility was owing entirely to the Aetolians themselves, +the services of the past could be of no assistance to them in the +present. They must therefore abandon all idea of justification, and +adopt a tone of supplication, and beseech the consul’s pardon for +their transgressions.” After a long discussion on various details, the +Aetolians eventually decided to leave the whole matter to Acilius, and +commit themselves without reserve to the good faith of the Romans. +They had no comprehension of what this really involved; but they were +misled by the word “faith” into supposing that the Romans would thereby +be more inclined to grant them terms. But with the Romans for a man +“to commit himself to their good faith” is held to be equivalent to +“surrendering unconditionally.” + +[Sidenote: Aetolian embassy to Acilius.] + +[Sidenote: Roman terms.] + +[Sidenote: The Aetolians fail to ratify the peace.] + ++10.+ Having come to this resolution, Phaeneas despatched legates with +Valerius to announce the decision of the Aetolians to Acilius. On being +admitted to the presence of the Consul, these legates, after once +more entering upon a plea of self-justification, ended by announcing +that the Aetolians had decided to commit themselves to the good faith +of the Romans. Hereupon Acilius interrupted them by saying, “Is this +really the case, men of Aetolia?” And upon their answering in the +affirmative, he said: “Well then, the first condition is that none +of you, individually or collectively, must cross to Asia; the second +is that you must surrender Menestratus the Epirote” (who happened at +that time to be at Naupactus, where he had come to the assistance of +the Aetolians), “and also King Amynander, with such of the Athamanians +as accompanied him in his desertion to your side.” Here Phaeneas +interrupted him by saying: “But it is neither just nor consonant with +Greek customs, O Consul, to do what you order.” To which Acilius +replied,—not so much because he was angry, as because he wished to +show him the dangerous position in which he stood, and to thoroughly +frighten him,—“Do you still presume to talk to me about Greek customs, +and about honour and duty, after having committed yourselves to my +good faith? Why, I might if I chose put you all in chains and commit +you to prison!” With these words he ordered his men to bring a chain +and an iron collar and put it on the neck of each of them. Thereupon +Phaeneas and his companions stood in speechless amazement, as though +bereft of all power of thought or motion, at this unexpected turn of +affairs. But Valerius and some others who were present besought Acilius +not to inflict any severity upon the Aetolians then before him, as +they were in the position of ambassadors. And on his yielding to these +representations, Phaeneas broke silence by saying that “He and the +Apocleti were ready to obey the injunctions, but they must consult the +general assembly if they were to be confirmed.” Upon Acilius agreeing +to this, he demanded a truce often days to be granted. This also having +been conceded, they departed with these terms, and on arrival at Hypata +told the Apocleti what had been done and the speeches that had been +made. This report was the first thing which made their error, and the +compulsion under which they were placed, clear to the Aetolians. It +was therefore decided to write round to the various cities and call +the Aetolians together, to consult on the injunctions imposed upon +them. When the news of the reception Phaeneas had met with was noised +abroad, the Aetolian people were so infuriated that no one would even +attend the meeting to discuss the matter at all. It was thus impossible +to hold the discussion. They were further encouraged by the arrival +of Nicander, who just at that time sailed into Phalara, on the Malian +gulf, from Asia, bringing news of the warm reception given him by +Antiochus, and the promises for the future which the king had made; +they therefore became quite indifferent as to the non-completion of the +peace. Thus when the days of the truce had elapsed the Aetolians found +themselves still at war with Rome. + +[Sidenote: The fate of Nicander.] + ++11.+ But I ought not to omit to describe the subsequent career and +fate of Nicander. He arrived back at Phalara on the twelfth day after +leaving Ephesus, and found the Romans still engaged in Heracleia, +and the Macedonians having already evacuated Lamia, but encamped at +no great distance from the town: he thereupon conveyed his money +unexpectedly into Lamia, and attempted himself to make his way +between the two camps into Hypata. But, falling into the hands of the +Macedonian pickets, he was taken to Philip, while his evening party +was still at the midst of their entertainment, greatly alarmed lest +he should meet with rough treatment from having incurred Philip’s +resentment, or should be handed over to the Romans. But when the +matter was reported to the king, he at once gave orders that the +proper officers should offer Nicander refreshments, and show him +every politeness and attention. After a time he got up from table and +went personally to visit him; and after enlarging at great length +on “the folly of the Aetolians, for having first brought the Romans +into Greece, and afterwards Antiochus,” he still, even at this hour, +urged that “they should forget their past, adhere to their loyalty to +himself, and not show a disposition to take advantage of each other’s +difficulties.” He bade Nicander convey this message to the leaders of +the Aetolians, and exhorting him personally to remember the favours +which he had received at his hands, he despatched him with a sufficient +escort, which he ordered to see him safe into Hypata. This result was +far beyond Nicander’s hopes or expectations. He was restored in due +course to his friends, and from the moment of this adventure remained +devoted to the royal family of Macedonia. Thus, in the subsequent +period of the war with Perseus, the obligations which this favour had +imposed upon him caused him to offer such an unwilling and lukewarm +opposition to the designs of Perseus, that he exposed himself to +suspicion and denunciation, and at last was summoned to Rome and died +there.... + +[Sidenote: The Spartans wish to offer Philopoemen the palace of Nabis +as a reward, and as an inducement to defend their liberty. Plutarch, +_Philop._ 15.] + ++12.+ The Spartans could not find one of their own citizens willing +to address Philopoemen on this subject. To men who for the most part +undertake work for what they can get by it there are plenty of people +to offer such rewards, and to regard them as the means of founding +and consolidating friendship: but in the case of Philipoemen no one +could be found willing to convey this offer to him at all. Finally, +being completely at a loss, they elected Timolaus to do it, as being +his ancestral guest-friend and very intimate with him. Timolaus twice +journeyed to Megalopolis for this express purpose, without daring +to say a word to Philopoemen about it. But having goaded himself to +making a third attempt, he at length plucked up courage to mention +the proposed gifts. Much to his surprise Philopoemen received the +suggestion with courtesy; and Timolaus was overjoyed by the belief +that he had attained his object. Philopoemen, however, remarked that +he would come to Sparta himself in the course of the next few days; +for he wished to offer all the magistrates his thanks for this favour. +He accordingly came, and, being invited to attend the Senate, he said: +“He had long been aware of the kindness with which the Lacedaemonians +regarded him; but was more convinced than ever by the compliments and +extraordinary mark of honour they now offered him. But while gratefully +accepting their intention, he disliked the particular manner of its +exhibition. They should not bestow such honour and rewards on their +friends, the poison of which would indelibly infect the receiver, but +rather upon their enemies; that the former might retain their freedom +of speech and the confidence of the Achaeans when proposing to offer +assistance to Sparta; while the latter, by swallowing the bait, might +be compelled either to support their cause, or at any rate to keep +silence and do them no harm....” + + +_The remaining events of the war against Antiochus in this year are +related by Livy, 36, 41-45. Acilius was engaged for two months in the +siege of Naupactus: while the Roman fleet under Gaius Livius defeated +that of Antiochus, under his admiral Polyxenidas, off Phocaea._ + + +To see an operation with one’s own eyes is not like merely hearing +a description of it. It is, indeed, quite another thing; and the +confidence which such vivid experience gives is always greatly +advantageous.... + + + + +BOOK XXI + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 190. Embassy from Sparta, and the answer of the Roman +Senate.] + ++1.+ At this time also it happened that the embassy, which the +Lacedaemonians had sent to Rome, returned disappointed. The subject of +their mission was the hostages and the villages. As to the villages the +Senate answered that they would give instructions to envoys sent by +themselves; and as to the hostages they desired to consider further. +But as to the exiles of past times, they said that they wondered +why they were not recalled, now that Sparta had been freed from her +tyrants.... + ++2.+ At the same period the Senate dealt with the ambassadors from +Philip. They had come to set forth the loyalty and zeal of the king, +which he had shown to the Romans in the war against Antiochus. On +hearing what the envoys had to say, the Senate released the king’s +son Demetrius from his position as hostage at once, and promised that +they would also remit part of the yearly indemnity, if he kept faith +with Rome in future. The Senate likewise released the Lacedaemonian +hostages, except Armenas, son of Nabis; who subsequently fell ill and +died.... + +[Sidenote: Supplicatio for the victory off Phocaea.] + +[Sidenote: Answer to the Aetolian Envoys sent, on the intercession of +Flamininus, when Acilius was about to take Naupactus. Livy, 36, 34-35; +37, 1.] + ++3.+ Directly the news of the victory at sea reached Rome, the +Senate first decreed a public _supplicatio_ for nine days,—which +means a public and universal holiday, accompanied by the sacrifice +of thank-offerings to the gods for the happy success,—and next gave +audience to the envoys from Aetolia and Manius Acilius. When both +parties had pleaded their cause at some length, the Senate decreed +to offer the Aetolians the alternative of committing their cause +unconditionally to the arbitration of the Senate, or of paying a +thousand talents down and making an offensive and defensive alliance +with Rome. But on the Aetolians desiring the Senate to state definitely +on what points they were to submit to such arbitration, the Senate +refused to define them. Accordingly the war with the Aetolians went +on.... + +[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 190. Coss. L. Cornelius Scipio, C. Laelius.] + +[Sidenote: P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus in Greece as legatus to his +brother Lucius. (March.)] + +[Sidenote: Aetolian envoys visit the consuls.] + ++4.+ While Amphissa was still being besieged by Manius Acilius, the +Athenians, hearing at that time both of the distress of the Amphissians +and of the arrival of Publius Scipio, despatched Echedemus and others +on an embassy to him, with instructions to pay their respects to both +Lucius and Publius Scipio, and at the same time to try what could +be done to get peace for the Aetolians. On their arrival, Publius +welcomed them gladly and treated them with great courtesy; because he +saw that they would be of assistance to him in carrying out his plans. +For he was very desirous of effecting a settlement in Aetolia on good +terms; but had resolved that, if the Aetolians refused to comply, +he would at all hazards relinquish that business for the present, +and cross to Asia: for he was well aware that the ultimate object of +the war and of the entire expedition was not to reduce the Aetolian +nation to obedience, but to conquer Antiochus and take possession of +Asia. Therefore, directly the Athenians mentioned the pacification, +he accepted their suggestion with eagerness, and bade them sound the +Aetolians also. Accordingly, Echedemus and his colleagues, having sent +a preliminary deputation to Hypata, presently followed in person, and +entered into a discussion with the Aetolian magistrates on the subject +of a pacification. They, too, readily acquiesced in the suggestion, +and certain envoys were appointed to meet the Romans. They found +Publius and the army encamped sixty stades from Amphissa, and there +discoursed at great length on their previous services to Rome. Publius +Scipio adopted in reply a still milder and more conciliatory style, +quoting his own conduct in Iberia and Libya, and explaining how he had +treated all who in those countries had confided to his honour: and +finally expressing an opinion that they had better put themselves in +his hands. At first, all who were present felt very sanguine that the +pacification was about to be accomplished. But when, in answer to the +Aetolian demand to know on what terms they were to make the peace, +Lucius Scipio explained that they had two alternatives—to submit their +entire case unconditionally to the arbitrament of Rome, or to pay a +thousand talents down and to make an offensive and defensive alliance +with her—the Aetolians present were thrown into the state of the most +painful perplexity at the inconsistency of this announcement with +the previous talk: but finally they said that they would consult the +Aetolians on the terms imposed. + +[Sidenote: See bk. 20, ch. 10.] + +[Sidenote: A six months’ truce with the Aetolians.] + ++5.+ On the return of the Aetolian envoys for the purpose of consulting +their countrymen, Echedemus and his colleagues joined the council of +the _apocleti_ in their deliberations on this subject. One of the +alternatives was impossible owing to the amount of money demanded, +and the other was rendered alarming in their eyes by the deception +they had experienced before, when, after submitting to the surrender, +they had narrowly escaped being thrown into chains. Being then much +perplexed and quite unable to decide, they sent the same envoys back +to beg the Scipios that they would either abate part of the money, so +as to be within their power to pay, or except from the surrender the +persons of citizens, men and women. But upon their arrival in the Roman +camp and delivering their message, Lucius Scipio merely replied that +“The only terms on which he was commissioned by the Senate to treat +were those which he had recently stated.” They therefore returned once +more, and were followed by Echedemus and his colleagues to Hypata, who +advised the Aetolians that “Since there was at present a hitch in the +negotiations for peace, they should ask for a truce; and, having thus +at least delayed the evils threatening them, should send an embassy to +the Senate. If they obtained their request, all would be well; but, if +they did not, they must trust to the chapter of accidents: for their +position could not be worse than it was now, but for many reasons might +not impossibly be better.” The advice of Echedemus was thought sound, +and the Aetolians accordingly voted to send envoys to obtain a truce; +who, upon reaching Lucius Scipio, begged that for the present a truce +of six months might be granted them, that they might send an embassy +to the Senate. Publius Scipio, who had for some time past been anxious +to begin the campaign in Asia, quickly persuaded his brother to grant +their request. The agreement therefore was reduced to writing, and +thereupon Manius Acilius handed over his army to Lucius Scipio, and +returned with his military tribunes to Rome.... + + +ASIA + +[Sidenote: A party at Phocaea wish to join Antiochus, B.C. 190.] + ++6.+ Factions became rife at Phocaea,[96] partly because they suffered +from the Romans left with the ships being quartered on them, and partly +because they were annoyed at the tribute imposed on them.... + +Then the Phocaean magistrates, alarmed at the state of popular +excitement caused by the dearth of corn, and the agitation kept up by +the partisans of Antiochus, sent envoys to Seleucus,[97] who was on +their frontiers, ordering him not to approach the town, as they were +resolved to remain neutral and await the final decision of the quarrel, +and then obey orders. Of these ambassadors the partisans of Seleucus +and his faction were Aristarchus, Cassander, and Rhodon; those, on +the contrary, who inclined to Rome were Hegias and Gelias. On their +arrival Seleucus at once showed every attention to Aristarchus and his +partisans, but treated Hegias and Gelias with complete neglect. But +when he was informed of the state of popular feeling, and the shortness +of provisions in Phocaea, he threw aside all negotiation or discussion +with the envoys, and marched towards the town.... + +[Sidenote: The Roman Fleet at Sestos. Intercession of the Galli or +priests of Cybele. Livy, 37, 9.] + +Two Galli, with sacred images and figures on their breasts, advanced +from the town, and besought them not to adopt any extreme measures +against the city....[98] + +[Sidenote: The Rhodian firing apparatus.] + ++7.+ The fire-carrier used by Pausistratus, the navarch of the +Rhodians, was a scoop or basket. On either side of the prow two staples +were fixed into the inner part of the two sides of the ship, into which +poles were fitted with their extremities extending out to sea. To the +end of these the scoop filled with fire was attached by an iron chain, +in such a way that in charging the enemy’s ship, whether on the prow or +the broadside, fire was thrown upon it, while it was kept a long way +off from his own ship by the slope of the poles.... + +[Sidenote: Pausistratus beaten by Polyxenidas, the admiral of the king. +Livy, 37, 10, 11.] + +The Rhodian admiral Pamphilidas was thought to be better capable than +Pausistratus of adapting himself to all possible contingencies, because +his character was more remarkable for its depth and solidity than for +its boldness. For most men judge not from any fixed principle but by +results. Thus, though they had recently elected Pausistratus to the +command, on the ground of his possessing these very qualities of energy +and boldness, their opinions at once underwent a complete revolution +when he met with his disaster.... + +[Sidenote: The Aetolian truce announced to Eumenes and Antiochus.] + ++8.+ At this time a letter arrived at Samos for Lucius Aemilius and +Eumenes from the consul Lucius Scipio, announcing the agreement made +with the Aetolians for the truce, and the approaching advance of the +land forces to the Hellespont. Another to the same effect was sent to +Antiochus and Seleucus from the Aetolians.... + +[Sidenote: Achaean contingent sent to the war. Livy, 37, 20.] + ++9.+ An embassy from King Eumenes having arrived in Achaia proposing +an alliance, the Achaeans met in public assembly and ratified it, and +sent out some soldiers, a thousand foot and a hundred horse, under the +command of Diophanes of Megalopolis.... + +Diophanes was a man of great experience in war; for during the +protracted hostilities with Nabis in the neighbourhood of Megalopolis, +he had served throughout under Philopoemen, and accordingly had gained +a real familiarity with the operations of actual warfare. And besides +this advantage, his appearance and physical prowess were impressive; +and, most important of all, he was a man of personal courage and +exceedingly expert in the use of arms.... + +[Sidenote: Antiochus proposes peace with Rome, Eumenes, and Rhodes.] + +[Sidenote: Eumenes opposes the peace, on the grounds of honour and +prudence.] + ++10.+ King Antiochus had already penetrated into the territory of +Pergamum; but when he heard that king Eumenes was close at hand, and +saw that the land forces as well as the fleet were ready to attack +him, he began to consider the propriety of proposing a pacification +with the Romans, Eumenes, and the Rhodians at once. He therefore +removed with his whole army to Elaea, and having seized a hill facing +that town, he encamped his infantry upon it, while he entrenched his +cavalry, amounting to over six thousand, close under the walls of the +town. He took up his own position between these two, and proceeded to +send messengers to Lucius Aemilius in the town, proposing a peace. +The Roman imperator thereupon called Eumenes and the Rhodians to a +meeting, and desired them to give their opinions on the proposal. +Eudemus and Pamphilidas were not averse to making terms; but the king +said that “To make peace at the present moment was neither honourable +nor possible. How could it be an honourable conclusion of the war that +they should make terms while confined within the walls of a town? And +how was it possible to give validity to those terms without waiting for +the Consul and obtaining his consent? Besides, even if they did give +any indication of coming to an agreement with Antiochus, neither the +naval nor military forces could of course return home until the Senate +and people had ratified the terms of it. All that would be left for +them to do would be to spend the winter where they were, waiting idly +for the decision from home, doing nothing, and exhausting the wealth +and resources of their allies. And then, if the Senate withheld its +approval of the terms, they would have to begin the war all over again, +having let the opportunity pass, which, with God’s help, would have +enabled them to put a period to the whole war.” Such was the speech of +king Eumenes. Lucius Aemilius accepted the advice, and answered the +envoys of Antiochus that the peace could not possibly be made until +the Proconsul arrived. On hearing this Antiochus immediately began +devastating the territory of Elaea; and subsequently, while Seleucus +remained in occupation of that district, Antiochus continued his march +through the country as far as the plain of Thebe, and having there +entered upon an exceedingly fertile and wealthy district, he gorged his +army with spoil of every description.... + +[Sidenote: Prusias, King of Bithynia.] + +[Sidenote: Letter of the Scipios to Prusias.] + ++11.+ On his arrival at Sardis after this expedition, Antiochus at once +sent to Prusias to urge him to an alliance. Now in former times Prusias +had by no means been disinclined to join Antiochus, because he was much +alarmed lest the Romans should cross over to Asia for the purpose of +putting down all crowned heads. But the perusal of a letter received +from Lucius and Publius Scipio had served to a great extent to relieve +his anxiety, and give him a tolerably correct forecast of the result +of the war. For the Scipios had put the case with great clearness +in their letter, and had supported their assertions by numerous +proofs. They entered not only upon a defence of the policy adopted by +themselves, but of that also of the Roman people generally; by which +they showed that, so far from depriving any of the existing kings of +their sovereignties, they had themselves been the authors in some cases +of their establishment, in others of the extension of their powers and +the large increase of their dominions. To prove this they quoted the +instances of Andobales and Colichas in Iberia, of Massanissa in Libya, +and of Pleuratus in Illyria, all of whom they said they had raised from +petty and insignificant princes to the position of undisputed royalty. +They further mentioned the cases of Philip and Nabis in Greece. As to +Philip, they had conquered him in war and reduced him to the necessity +of giving hostages and paying tribute: yet, after receiving a slight +proof of his good disposition, they had restored his son and the young +men who were hostages with him, had remitted the tribute, and given him +back several of the towns that had been taken in the course of war. +While as for Nabis, though they might have utterly destroyed him, they +had not done so, but had spared him, tyrant as he was, on receiving +the usual security for his good faith. With these facts before his +eyes they urged Prusias in their letter not to be in any fear for his +kingdom, but to adopt the Roman alliance without misgiving, for he +would never have reason to regret his choice. This letter worked an +entire change in the feelings of Prusias; and when, besides, Caius +Livius and the other legates arrived at his court, after conversation +with them, he entirely relinquished all ideas of looking for support +from Antiochus. Foiled, therefore, of hope in this quarter, Antiochus +retired to Ephesus: and being convinced on reflection that the only +way of preventing the transport of the enemy’s army, and in fact of +repelling an invasion of Asia at all, was to keep a firm mastery of the +sea, he determined to fight a naval battle and leave the issue of the +struggle to be decided by his success in that.... + +[Sidenote: On its voyage from Samos to Teos the Roman fleet sight some +pirate vessels. Livy, 37, 27.] + ++12.+ When the pirates saw that the Roman fleet was coming they turned +and fled.... + + +_The battle between the fleets of Rome and Antiochus took place between +the promontories Myonnesus and Corycum, which form the bay of Teos. +Antiochus was beaten with a loss of forty-two ships early in B.C. 190. +Livy, 37, 30._ + + +[Sidenote: Antiochus despairs of resistance, and sends an envoy to the +Scipios to treat of peace.] + +[Sidenote: The laws relating to the Salii or priests of Mars.] + ++13.+ After sustaining this defeat at sea, Antiochus remained in +Sardis, neglecting to avail himself of such opportunities as he had +left, and taking no steps whatever to prosecute the war; and when he +learnt that the enemy had crossed into Asia he lost all heart, and +determined in despair to send an envoy to Lucius and Publius Scipio +to treat of peace. He selected Heracleides of Byzantium for this +purpose, and despatched him with instructions to offer to surrender +the territories of Lampsacus and Smyrna as well as Alexandria (Troas), +which were the original cause of the war, and any other cities in +Aeolis and Ionia of which they might wish to deprive him, as having +embraced their side in the war; and in addition to this to promise an +indemnity of half the expenses they had incurred in their quarrel with +him. Such were the offers which the envoy was instructed to make in his +public audience; but, besides these, there were others to be committed +to Publius Scipio’s private ear, of which I will speak in detail +later on. On his arrival at the Hellespont the envoy found the Romans +still occupying the camp which they had constructed immediately after +crossing. At first he was much cheered by this fact, for he thought it +would materially aid his negotiation that the enemy were exactly where +they were at first, and had not as yet taken any further action. But +when he learnt that Publius Scipio was still on the other side of the +water he was much disturbed, because the turn which his negotiations +were to take depended principally on Scipio’s view of the matter. The +reason of the army being still in their first camp, and of Publius +Scipio’s absence from the army, was that he was one of the Salii. These +are, as I have before stated, one of the three colleges of priests by +whom the most important sacrifices to the gods are offered at Rome. And +it is the law that, at the time of these sacrifices, they must not quit +the spot for thirty days in which it happens to find them.[99] This +was the case at the present time with Publius Scipio; for just as the +army was on the point of crossing this season arrived, and prevented +him from changing his place of abode. Thus it came about that he was +separated from the legions and remained in Europe, while, though the +army crossed, it remained encamped, and could take no further step, +because they were waiting for him. + +[Sidenote: Speech of Heracleides.] + +[Sidenote: The Consul’s answer.] + ++14.+ However, Publius arrived a few days afterwards, and Heracleides +being summoned to attend the Council delivered the message with which +he was charged, announcing that Antiochus abandoned Lampsacus, Smyrna, +and Alexandria; and also all such towns in Aeolis and Ionia as had +sided with Rome; and that he offered, further, an indemnity of half +their expenses in the present war. He added many arguments besides, +urging the Romans “Not to tempt fortune too far, as they were but +men; nor to extend their empire indefinitely, but rather to keep it +within limits, if possible those of Europe,—for even then they would +have an enormous and unprecedented dominion, such as no nation before +them had attained;—but if they were determined at all hazards to grasp +parts of Asia also, let them say definitely what parts those were, for +the king would go to the utmost stretch of his power to meet their +wishes.” After the delivery of this speech the council decided that the +Consul should answer that “It was only fair that Antiochus should pay, +not the half, but the whole expense of the war, seeing that he, and +not they, had originally begun it; and as to the cities, he must not +only liberate those in Aeolis and Ionia, but must surrender his whole +dominion on this side of Mount Taurus.” On receiving this answer from +the council, conveying demands which went far beyond his instructions, +the envoy, without answering a word, abstained from a public audience +thenceforth, but exerted himself to conciliate Publius Scipio. + +[Sidenote: The secret offers of Antiochus to Publius Scipio.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s reply.] + ++15.+ Having at length got a suitable opportunity, he disclosed to him +the offers with which he was charged. These were that the king would +first restore his son without ransom, who had been taken prisoner in +the early part of the war; and was prepared, secondly, to pay him any +sum of money he might name, and thenceforth share with him the wealth +of his kingdom, if he would only support the acceptance of the terms +offered by the king. Publius replied that the promise as to his son +he accepted, and would feel under an obligation to the king if he +fulfilled it; but as to the rest he assured him that the king, among +his other delusions, was under a complete mistake as to the course +demanded by his own interests. “For if he had made these offers while +still master of Lysimacheia and the entrance into the Chersonese, he +would at once have got what he asked: and so too, even after evacuating +these places, if he had appeared with his army at the Hellespont and +shown that he meant to prevent our crossing, and then had sent his +envoys, he might even thus have obtained his demands. But when he comes +with his proposals of equitable terms, after allowing our troops to +set foot in Asia, and having so not only submitted to the bridle, but +allowed the rider to mount, he must expect to fail and be disappointed +of his hopes. Therefore, I advise him to adopt wiser measures, and look +at the facts in their true light. In return for his promise in regard +to my son, I will give him a hint which is well worth the favour he +offers me: make any concession, do anything, rather than fight with +the Romans.” With this answer Heracleides returned and told the king +everything. And Antiochus, considering that no severer terms could be +imposed on him if he were beaten in the field, abandoned all idea of +negotiation, and began making preparations of all sorts and in every +direction for the battle.... + + +_Antiochus sent Scipio’s son back. The decisive battle took place in +the neighbourhood of Thyatira, and proved a decisive victory for the +Romans. This was in the late autumn of B.C. 190. See Livy, 37, 38-44._ + + ++16.+ After the victory the Romans took Sardis and its Acropolis, and +there they were visited by Musaeus bringing a message from Antiochus. +Being politely received by the Scipios, he announced that Antiochus +wished to send envoys to treat on the terms of peace, and therefore +desired that a safe conduct should be given them. This was granted +and the herald returned; and some days after, Zeuxis, formerly Satrap +of Lydia, and Antipater, his nephew, came as ambassadors from king +Antiochus. Their first anxiety was to meet king Eumenes, because they +feared that his old quarrel would cause him to be only too ready +to do them a bad turn. But when they found him, contrary to their +expectation, disposed to moderate and gentle methods, they at once +addressed themselves to meeting the council. Being summoned to attend +it they made a lengthy speech, among other things exhorting the Romans +to use their victory with mildness and generosity; and alleging that +such a course was still more to the interest of the Romans than of +Antiochus, since Fortune had committed to them the empire and lordship +of the world. Finally, they asked “What they were to do to obtain peace +and the friendship of Rome?” The members of the council had already in +a previous sitting discussed and agreed upon this point, and now bade +Publius Scipio deliver their decision. + +[Sidenote: The Roman terms imposed on Antiochus.] + +[Sidenote: The terms are accepted, and missions sent to Rome.] + ++17.+ Scipio began by saying that victory never made the Romans more +severe than before, and accordingly the envoys would receive the +same answer as they had previously received when they came to the +Hellespont before the battle. “They must evacuate Europe and all Asia +this side Taurus: must pay the Romans fifteen thousand Euboic talents +as an indemnity for the expenses of the war, five hundred at once, two +thousand five hundred on the ratification of the treaty by the people, +and the rest in twelve yearly instalments of a thousand talents. +Further, Antiochus must pay Eumenes the four hundred talents owing to +him, and the balance of the corn due in accordance with the treaty made +with his father Attalus. He must at the same time deliver Hannibal +the Carthaginian, Thoas the Aetolian, Mnasilochus the Acarnanian, and +Philo and Eubulides the Chalcidians. As security for the fulfilment +of these terms, Antiochus must at once give twenty hostages named in +the treaty.” Such was the decision announced by Publius Scipio in the +name of the whole Council. Antipater and Zeuxis having expressed their +consent to them, it was agreed by all to send envoys to Rome to appeal +to the Senate and people to confirm the treaty. The ambassadors of +Antiochus departed with this understanding: and during the following +days the Roman commanders divided their forces into their winter +quarters; and when some few days later the hostages arrived, both +Eumenes and the envoys of Antiochus started on their voyage to Rome. +Nor were they alone in their mission; for Rhodes also, and Smyrna, and +nearly all the nations and states on this side Taurus sent ambassadors +to Rome.... + + +[Sidenote: Eumenes.] + +[Sidenote: The audiences in the Senate.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 189. Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior. +Reception of king Eumenes and the ambassadors at Rome.] + ++18.+[100] At the beginning of the summer following the victory of +the Romans over Antiochus, the ambassadors of that king, and those +from Rhodes, as well as from the other states arrived in Rome. For, +as I said, nearly all the states in Asia began sending envoys to Rome +immediately after the battle, because the hopes of all as to their +future position rested at that time on the Senate. All who arrived were +graciously received by the Senate; but the most imposing reception was +that accorded to king Eumenes, both in the complimentary processions +sent out to meet him and the arrangements made for his entertainment; +and next in cordiality to his reception was that given to the Rhodians. +When the time for the audiences came, they first called in the king +and bade him say freely what he wished to obtain at the hands of the +Senate. But Eumenes at first evaded the task by saying: “If I had been +desirous of obtaining any favour from others, I should have looked to +the Romans for advice, that I might neither desire anything that was +wrong nor ask anything unfair; but seeing that I am here to prefer +my request to the Romans themselves, I think it better to leave the +interests of myself and my brothers unreservedly in their hands.” And +though one of the Senators rose and begged him to have no apprehension, +but to speak his mind, he still adhered to this view. And so after a +certain time had elapsed the king withdrew; and the Senate, remaining +in the curia, debated what was to be done. Eventually it was decreed +to call upon Eumenes to declare with his own mouth the objects of his +visit without reserve, on the ground that he knew best what his own +kingdom required, and what was the state of things in Asia. He was then +called in; and, one of the Senators having informed him of the vote, he +was compelled to speak on the business. + +[Sidenote: Speech of Eumenes.] + ++19.+ He said therefore that “He would not say another word on his own +concerns, but would adhere strictly to his resolution of leaving the +decision as to them entirely in the hands of the Romans. But there was +one subject on which he felt anxiety, namely, the policy of Rhodes; +and it was this that induced him to address the Senate on the present +occasion. These Rhodians had come to Rome to further the interests of +their own country, and their own prosperity, quite as much as he had +come to promote those of his own kingdom at that moment; but their +professions were entirely at variance with their real purpose. And +it was easy to satisfy one’s self of this: for, when they enter the +Senate house, they will say that they come neither to ask anything +for themselves nor to thwart Eumenes in any way whatever; but are +ambassadors for the liberty of the Greek inhabitants of Asia. ‘To +secure this,’ they will say, ‘is not so much a favour to themselves as +an act incumbent on the Romans, and in consonance with their former +achievements.’ Such will be their specious professions; but the real +truth of the case will be wholly different. For if these cities are +once set free, the result will be that their dominion will be many +times increased, while his own would be in a manner entirely broken up. +For the attractive name of liberty and autonomy would draw from his +rule not only the cities to be freed at present, but those also which +had been under his rule from of old, directly it is made apparent that +the Senate has adopted that policy, and would add them to the dominion +of Rhodes. That was the natural course for things to take. Imagining +that they owed their freedom to Rhodes, those cities would become in +name its allies, but in reality entirely subservient, owing to the +heavy obligation under which they will find themselves. He begged the +Senators, therefore, to be on their guard on that point: lest they +should find that they had unwittingly aggrandised one friendly nation +too much, and disproportionately weakened another; or even that they +were benefiting men who had once been their foes, to the neglect and +contempt of their genuine friends.” + ++20.+ “For myself,” he continued, “though in every other point I would +yield, if it were necessary, to my neighbours, yet in the matter of +your friendship and of my goodwill towards you I will never, if I can +help it, yield to any one alive. And I think that my father, if he +had been living, would have said the same: for as he was the first to +become your friend and ally, so of all the inhabitants of Asia and +Greece he was the most nobly loyal to you to the last day of his life, +not only in heart but in deed. For he took his part in all your wars +in Greece, and furnished the largest contingents of men and ships of +all your allies; contributed the largest share of supplies; and faced +the most serious dangers: and to sum up all, ended his life actually +engaged in the war with Philip, while employed in urging the Boeotians +to join your alliance. I, too, when I succeeded to his kingdom, while +fully maintaining my father’s views, for it was impossible to do more, +have yet gone even beyond him in actual achievements: for the state of +the times brought me to a more fiery test than they did him. Antiochus +offered me his daughter and a share in his whole kingdom: offered me +immediate restoration of all the cities that had been before wrested +from me: and finally promised me any price I chose if I would join him +in his war with you. But so far from accepting any one of these offers, +I joined you in your struggle against Antiochus with the largest +military and naval contingents of any of your allies; contributed the +largest share of supplies at the time of your utmost need; and exposed +myself unreservedly to every danger along with your generals. Finally, +I submitted to being invested in Pergamos itself, and risked my life as +well as my crown in my loyalty to your people. + ++21.+ “Therefore, men of Rome, as many of you have been eye-witnesses +of the truth of my words, and all of you know it, it is but just that +you should have a corresponding regard for my interests. You have made +Massanissa king of the greater part of Libya, though he had once been +your enemy and at last deserted to your side accompanied only by a few +horsemen, only because he kept faith with you in one war: you have +raised Pleuratus to the first position among the princes of Illyria, +though he had done absolutely nothing for you beyond keeping loyal; it +would be the height of inconsistency if you should neglect me and my +family, who from generation to generation have co-operated in your most +important and glorious undertakings. What is it, then, that I am asking +you to do, and what do I claim at your hands? I will tell you openly, +since you have called upon me to speak my mind to you. If you decide, +then, to continue holding certain parts of Asia which are on this side +Taurus, and were formerly subject to Antiochus, that is what I should +wish to see best of all: for I consider that the security of my realm +would best be secured by having you for neighbours, and especially by +my sharing in your prestige. But if you decide not to do this, but to +evacuate Asia entirely, there is no one to whom you may with greater +justice surrender the prizes you have won in the field than to me. But +it may be said, it is a more honourable thing still to set the enslaved +free. Yes! if they had not ventured to join Antiochus in the war +against you. But since they had the hardihood to do so, it is a much +more honourable course to make a proper return to your sincere friends, +than to benefit those who have shown themselves your enemies.” + +[Sidenote: The legates from Smyrna.] + ++22.+ After the delivery of this effective speech Eumenes retired. The +Senate received both the king himself and the speech with every mark of +favour, and were enthusiastic for doing everything in their power to +gratify him. They wished to call in the Rhodians next after him; but +one of the Rhodian ambassadors not being there in time, they called in +those from Smyrna, who delivered a long disquisition on the goodwill +and zeal which they had displayed towards Rome during the late war. But +as there are no two opinions about the fact of their having been, of +all the autonomous states in Asia, the most strenuous in the cause, I +do not think it necessary to set forth their speech in detail. + +[Sidenote: Speech of the Rhodians.] + +But next to them came in the Rhodians: who, after a short preamble +as to their services to the Romans, quickly came to the discussion +of the position of their own country. They said that “It was a very +great embarrassment to them, in the discharge of their ambassadorial +duties, to find themselves placed by the necessities of the case in +opposition to a sovereign with whom their public and private relations +were of the most friendly description. It was the opinion of their +countrymen that the most honourable course, and the one which above +all others would redound to the credit of Rome, was, that the Greeks +in Asia should be set free, and should recover that possession dearest +to all mankind—autonomy: but this was the last thing to suit Eumenes +and his brothers. It was the nature of monarchy to hate equality, +and to endeavour to have everybody, or at least as many as possible, +subject and obedient. But though that was the case now, still they +felt convinced that they should gain their object, not because they +had greater influence with the Romans than Eumenes, but because they +would be shown to be suggesting a course more just in itself and more +indisputably advantageous to all concerned. If, indeed, the only +way the Romans could requite Eumenes was by handing over to him the +autonomous towns, they might reasonably be at a loss to determine what +to do; for they would have had to decide between neglecting a sincere +friend and disregarding their own honour and duty, and thus entirely +obscuring and degrading the glory of their great achievements. But if, +on the other hand, it were possible adequately to consult for both +these objects at the same time, who could doubt about the matter any +longer? Yet the fact was that, as in a costly banquet, there was enough +and to spare for all. Lycaonia, Phrygia on the Hellespont, and Pisidia, +the Chersonese also and the districts bordering on it, were at the +disposal of the Romans to give to whom they chose; only a few of which +added to the kingdom of Eumenes would double its present extent, while +if all, or even the great part were assigned to him, it would become +second to that of no other prince in Asia. + ++23.+ “It was therefore in the power of the Romans to strengthen their +friends very materially without destroying the glory of their own +policy. For the end which they proposed to themselves in their war +was not the same as that of other nations, but widely different. The +rest of the world all entered upon war with the view of conquering +and seizing cities, wealth, or ships: but heaven had ordained that +they should want none of these things, by having put everything in +the whole world under their rule. What was it, then, that they had +still occasion to wish for, and to take the securest means to obtain? +Plainly praise and glory among mankind; which it was difficult indeed +to gain, but most difficult of all to preserve when gained. Their +war with Philip might show them their meaning. That war they had, as +they professed, undertaken with the sole object of liberating Greece; +and that was in fact the only prize they gained in it, and no other +whatever: yet the glory they got by it was greater than that which the +tribute of the Carthaginians had brought them. And justly so: for money +is a possession common to all mankind, but honour and praise and glory +are attributes of the gods and of those men who approach nearest to +them. Therefore, the most glorious of all their achievements was the +liberation of Greece; and if they now completed that work their fame +would receive its consummation: but if they neglected to do so, even +what they had already accomplished would lose its lustre.” They finally +wound up by saying, “As for us, gentlemen, having once deliberately +adopted this policy and joined with you in the severest battles and in +genuine dangers, we do not now propose to abandon the part of friends; +but have not hesitated to say openly what we believe to be for your +honour and your interests alike, with no ulterior design whatever, and +with a single eye to our duty as the highest earthly object.” + +[Sidenote: Treaty with Antiochus confirmed.] + +[Sidenote: Settlement of Asia, B.C. 189.] + ++24.+ This speech of the Rhodians was universally regarded as temperate +and fair. The Senate next caused Antipater and Zeuxis, the ambassadors +of Antiochus, to be introduced: and on their speaking in a tone of +entreaty and supplication, an approval of the agreement made by him +with Scipio in Asia was voted. A few days later the people also +ratified it, and oaths were accordingly interchanged with Antipater +and his colleague. This done, the other ambassadors from Asia were +introduced into the Senate: but a very brief hearing was given to each, +and the same answer was returned to all; namely, that ten commissioners +would be sent to decide on all points of dispute between the cities. +The Senate then appointed ten commissioners, to whom they gave the +entire settlement of particulars; while as a general principle they +decided that of Asia this side Taurus such inhabitants as had been +subject to Antiochus were to be assigned to Eumenes, except Lycia and +Caria up to the Maeander, which were to belong to the Rhodians; while +of the Greek cities, such of them as had been accustomed to pay tribute +to Attalus were to pay the same to Eumenes; and only those who had done +so to Antiochus were to be relieved of tribute altogether. Having given +the ten commissioners these outlines of the general settlement, they +sent them out to join the consul, Cnaeus Manlius Vulso, in Asia. + +[Sidenote: Soli in Cilicia.] + +[Sidenote: Summer B.C. 189.] + +After these arrangements had been completed, the Rhodian envoys came to +the Senate again with a request in regard to Soli in Cilicia, alleging +that they were called upon by ties of kindred to think of the interests +of that city; for the people of Soli were, like the Rhodians, colonists +from Argos. Having listened to what they had to say, the Senate invited +the attendance of the ambassadors from Antiochus, and at first were +inclined to order Antiochus to evacuate the whole of Cilicia; but upon +these ambassadors resisting this order, on the ground of its being +contrary to the treaty, they once more discussed the case of Soli by +itself. The king’s ambassadors still vehemently maintaining their +rights, the Senate dismissed them and called in the Rhodians. Having +informed them of the opposition raised by Antipater, they added that +they were ready to go any length in the matter, if the Rhodians, on a +review of the whole case, determined to push their claim. The Rhodian +envoys, however, were much gratified by the spirit shown by the Senate, +and said that they would ask nothing more. This question, therefore, +was left as it was; and just as the ten commissioners and the other +ambassadors were on the point of starting, the two Scipios, and Lucius +Aemilius, the victor in the sea fight with Antiochus, arrived at +Brundisium; and after certain days all three entered Rome in triumph.... + + +_Amynandrus was restored to the kingdom of Athamania, which was +occupied by a garrison of Philip’s, by the aid of the Aetolians, +who then proceeded to invade Amphilochia and the Dolopes. Hence the +Aetolian war, beginning with the siege of Ambracia by M. Fulvius +Nobilior. Livy, 38, 1-11._ + + +[Sidenote: Summer of 190.] + +[Sidenote: Late autumn of B.C. 190.] + +[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 189.] + ++25.+ Amynandrus, king of the Athamanes, thinking that he had now +permanently recovered his kingdom, sent envoys to Rome and to the +Scipios in Asia, for they were still in the neighbourhood of Ephesus, +partly to excuse himself for having, as it appeared, secured his +recall by the help of the Aetolians, but chiefly to entreat that he +might be received again into the Roman alliance. But the Aetolians, +imagining that they had now a good opportunity of once more annexing +Amphilochia and Aperantia, determined on an expedition against those +countries; and when Nicander their Strategus had mustered the league +army, they invaded Amphilochia. Finding most of the people willing +to join them, they advanced into Aperantia; and the Aperantians also +willingly yielding to them, they continued their expedition into +Dolopia. The Dolopians for a time made a show of resistance, and of +keeping loyal to Philip; but on considering what had happened to the +Athamanes, and the check which Philip had received there, they quickly +changed their minds and gave in their adhesion to the Aetolians. After +this successful issue of his expedition Nicander led his army home, +believing that Aetolia was secured by the subjection of these tribes +and places, against the possibility of any one injuring its territory. +But immediately after these events, and when the Aetolians were still +in the full elation of their successes, a report reached them of the +battle in Asia, in which they learnt that Antiochus had been utterly +defeated. This caused a great revulsion of feeling; and when presently +Damoteles came from Rome and announced that a continuation of the war +was decreed against them, and that Marcus Fulvius and an army had +crossed to attack them, they were reduced to state of complete despair; +and not knowing how to meet the danger which was impending over them, +they resolved to send to Rhodes and Athens, begging them to despatch +envoys to Rome to intercede in their behalf, and, by softening the +anger of the Romans, to find some means of averting the evils that +threatened Aetolia. They also sent ambassadors of their own to Rome +once more, Alexander Isius, and Phaeneas, accompanied by Callippus of +Ambracia and Lycopus.... + +[Sidenote: M. Fulvius Nobilior at Apollonia.] + +[Sidenote: Fulvius advances upon Ambracia.] + +[Sidenote: The Aetolian envoys intercepted.] + ++26.+ Some envoys from Epirus having visited the Roman Consul, he +consulted with them as to the best way of attacking the Aetolians. +They advised that he should begin by attacking Ambracia, which was at +that time a member of the Aetolian league. They gave as their reasons +that, if the Aetolians ventured to give battle, the neighbourhood of +Ambracia was very favourable for the legions to fight in; and that if, +on the other hand, the Aetolians avoided an engagement, the town was +an excellent one to besiege: for the district round it would supply +abundant timber for the construction of siege artillery; and the river +Arachthus, which flowed right under the walls, would be of great use +in conveying supplies to the army in the summer season, and serve as +a protection to their works. Fulvius thought the advice good, and +accordingly marched through Epirus to attack Ambracia. On his arrival +there, as the Aetolians did not venture to meet him, he reconnoitred +the city, and set vigorously to work on the siege. Meanwhile the +Aetolian envoys that had been sent to Rome were caught off Cephallenia +by Sibyrtus, son of Petraeus, and brought into Charadrus. The Epirotes +first resolved to place these men at Buchetus and keep them under +strict guard. But a few days afterwards they demanded a ransom of them +on the ground that they were at war with the Aetolians. It happened +that one of them, Alexander, was the richest man in Greece, while the +others were badly off, and far inferior to Alexander in the amount of +their property. At first the Epirotes demanded five talents from each. +The others did not absolutely refuse this, but were willing to pay if +they could, because they cared above everything to secure their own +safety. But Alexander refused to consent, for it seemed a large sum +of money, and he lay awake at night bewailing himself at the idea of +being obliged to pay five talents. The Epirotes, however, foresaw what +would happen, and were extremely alarmed lest the Romans should hear +that they had detained men who were on a mission to themselves, and +should send a despatch ordering their release; they, therefore, lowered +their demand to three talents a-piece. The others gladly accepted the +offer, gave security, and departed: but Alexander said that he would +not pay more than a talent, and that was too much; and at last, giving +up all thought of saving himself, remained in custody, though he was an +old man, and possessed property worth more than two hundred talents; +and I think he would have died rather than pay the three talents. So +extraordinarily strong in some men is the passion for accumulating +money. But on this occasion Fortune so favoured his greed, that the +result secured all men’s praise and approval for his infatuation. +For, a few days afterwards, a despatch arrived from Rome ordering the +release of the ambassadors; and, accordingly, he was the only one of +them that was set free without ransom. When the Aetolians learnt what +had happened to him, they elected Damoteles as their ambassador to +Rome; who, however, when as far as Leucas on his voyage, was informed +that Marcus Fulvius was marching through Epirus upon Ambracia, and, +therefore, gave up the mission as useless, and returned back to +Aetolia.... + +[Sidenote: Siege of Ambracia, and the gallant resistance of the +Aetolians.] + ++27.+ The Aetolians being besieged by the consul Marcus Fulvius, +offered a gallant resistance to the assault of the siege artillery and +battering rams. Marcus having first strongly secured his camp began +the siege on an extensive scale; he opened three separate parallel +works across the plain against the Pyrrheium, and a fourth opposite +the temple of Asclepius, and a fifth directed against the Acropolis. +And the attack being pushed on energetically at all these points at +once, the besieged became terribly alarmed at the prospect before them. +Still, as the rams vigorously battered the walls, and the long poles +with their iron sickles tore off the battlements, they tried to invent +machines to baffle them, letting down huge masses of lead and stones +and oak logs by means of levers upon the battering rams; and putting +iron hooks upon the sickles and hauling them inside the walls, so that +the poles to which they were fastened broke against the battlements, +and the sickles fell into their hands. Moreover they made frequent +sallies, in which they fought with great courage: sometimes making a +descent by night upon the pickets quartered at the works, and at others +attacking in broad daylight the day-parties of the besiegers: and by +these means they managed to protract the siege.... + +Nicander was outside the city, and sent five hundred horse into it. +They carried the intervening entrenchment of the enemy and forced their +way into the town. With these he had fixed on a day on which they were +to sally out, and he was to be ready to support them. They accordingly +made the sally with great courage and fought gallantly; but either from +fear of the danger, or because he conceived that what he was engaged +upon at the time could not be neglected, Nicander failed to come up to +time, and accordingly the attempt failed....[101] + +[Sidenote: The Romans begin mining operations.] + +[Sidenote: Counter-mines by the besieged.] + +[Sidenote: The Romans smoked out.] + ++28.+ By assiduously working the battering rams the Romans were always +breaking down this or that part of the wall. But yet they could not +succeed in storming any of these breaches, because the besieged were +energetic in raising counter walls, and the Aetolians fought with +determined gallantry on the débris. They, therefore, in despair had +recourse to mines and underground tunnels. Having safely secured the +central one of their three works, and carefully concealed the shaft +with wattle screens, they erected in front of it a covered walk or stoa +about two hundred feet long, parallel with the wall; and beginning +their digging from that, they carried it on unceasingly day and night, +working in relays. For a considerable number of days the besieged did +not discover them carrying the earth away through the shaft; but when +the heap of earth thus brought out became too high to be concealed from +those inside the city, the commanders of the besieged garrison set +to work vigorously digging a trench inside, parallel to the wall and +to the stoa which faced the towers. When the trench was made to the +required depth, they next placed in a row along the side of the trench +nearest the wall a number of brazen vessels made very thin; and, as +they walked along the bottom of the trench past these, they listened +for the noise of the digging outside. Having marked the spot indicated +by any of these brazen vessels, which were extraordinarily sensitive +and vibrated to the sound outside, they began digging from within, at +right angles to the trench, another underground tunnel leading under +the wall, so calculated as to exactly hit the enemy’s tunnel. This was +soon accomplished, for the Romans had not only brought their mine up +to the wall, but had underpinned a considerable length of it on either +side of their mine; and thus the two parties found themselves face to +face. At first they conducted this underground fighting with their +spears: but as neither side could do much good, because both parties +protected themselves with shields and wattles, some one suggested +another plan to the defenders. Putting in front of them an earthenware +jar, made to the width of the mine, they bored a hole in its bottom, +and, inserting an iron funnel of the same length as the depth of the +vessel, they filled the jar itself with fine feathers, and putting a +little fire in it close to the mouth of the jar, they clapped on an +iron lid pierced full of holes. They carried this without accident +through the mine with its mouth towards the enemy. When they got near +the besiegers they stopped up the space all round the rim of the jar, +leaving only two holes on each side through which they thrust spears +to prevent the enemy coming near the jar. They then took a pair of +bellows such as blacksmiths use, and, having attached them to the +orifice of the funnel, they vigorously blew up the fire placed on the +feathers near the mouth of the jar, continually withdrawing the funnel +in proportion as the feathers became ignited lower down. The plan was +successfully executed; the volume of smoke created was very great, and, +from the peculiar nature of feathers, exceedingly pungent, and was +all carried into the faces of the enemy. The Romans, therefore, found +themselves in a very distressing and embarrassing position, as they +could neither stop nor endure the smoke in the mines.[102] The siege +being thus still further protracted the Aetolian commander determined +to send an envoy to the Consul.... + +[Sidenote: Intercession of Athens, Rhodes, and king Amynandrus.] + ++29.+ About this time the ambassadors from Athens and Rhodes came +to the Roman camp for the purpose of furthering, if they could, the +conclusion of a peace. The Athamanian king, Amynandrus, also arrived, +very eager to relieve the Ambraciots from their miserable position, and +having received a safe conduct from Marcus Fulvius in consideration of +the urgent nature of the business: For he had a very friendly feeling +towards the Ambraciots, from having passed most of the time of his +exile in that town[103]. A few days afterwards also some Acarnanians +arrived, bringing Damoteles and his fellow envoys. For Marcus Fulvius, +having been informed of their misfortunes, had written to the people +of Thyreum to bring the men to him. All these various persons, +therefore, having assembled, the negotiations for peace were pushed +on energetically. For his part, Amynandrus was urgent in his advice +to the Ambraciots to save themselves from the destruction which would +not be long in coming to them unless they adopted wiser counsels. On +his coming again and again up to the wall and conversing with them on +this subject, the Ambraciots decided to invite him inside the town. The +consul having given the king leave to enter the walls, he went in and +discussed the situation with the inhabitants. Meanwhile the Athenian +and Rhodian envoys got hold of the consul and tried by ingenious +arguments to mollify his anger. Some one also suggested to Damoteles +and Phaeneas to apply to Caius Valerius and endeavour to win him over. +He was the son of that Marcus Valerius Laevinus who made the first +alliance with the Aetolians; and half brother, by the mother’s side, of +the consul Marcus Fulvius, and being a young man of vigorous character +enjoyed the greatest confidence of the consul. Being appealed to by +Damoteles, and thinking that in a way he had a family interest in the +matter, and was bound to undertake the patronage of the Aetolians, he +exerted himself with the greatest zeal and enthusiasm to rescue that +people from their perilous position. The matter then being vigorously +pushed forward on all sides at once was at length accomplished. For the +Ambraciots, by the persuasion of the king, surrendered to the consul +unreservedly as far as they themselves were concerned, and gave up the +town, on the one condition that the Aetolian garrison should march out +under truce. This primary exception they made that they might keep +faith with their allies. + +[Sidenote: Terms granted to the Aetolians.] + ++30.+ So the consul agreed to grant the Aetolians peace on condition +of receiving two hundred Euboic talents down, and three hundred in six +yearly instalments of fifty: of the restoration to the Romans of all +prisoners and deserters within six months without ransom: of their +retaining no city in their league, nor thenceforth admitting any fresh +one, of such as had been captured by the Romans, or had voluntarily +embraced their friendship since Titus Quinctius crossed into Greece: +the Cephallenians not to be included in these terms. + +[Sidenote: The Aetolian people confirm the treaty.] + +Such was the sketch in outline of the main points of the treaty. But it +required first the consent of the Aetolians, and then to be referred to +Rome: and meanwhile the Athenian and Rhodian envoys remained where they +were, waiting for the decision of the Aetolians. On being informed by +Damoteles and his colleagues on their return of the nature of the terms +that had been granted them, the Aetolians consented to the general +principle—for they were in fact much better than they had expected,—but +in regard to the towns formerly included in their league they hesitated +for some time; finally, however, they acquiesced. Marcus Fulvius +accordingly took over Ambracia, and allowed the Aetolian garrison to +depart under terms; but removed from the town the statues and pictures, +of which there was a great number, owing to the fact of Ambracia +having been a royal residence of Pyrrhus. He was also presented with +a crown[104] weighing one hundred and fifty talents. After this +settlement of affairs he directed his march into the interior of +Aetolia, feeling surprised at meeting with no communication from the +Aetolians. But on arriving at Amphilochian Argos, a hundred and eighty +stades from Ambracia, he pitched his camp; and being there met by +Damoteles and his colleagues with the information that the Aetolians +had resolved to ratify the treaty which they had concluded, they went +their several ways, the Aetolians back to their own country, and Marcus +to Ambracia, where he busied himself about getting his army across +to Cephallenia; while the Aetolians appointed Phaeneas and Nicander +ambassadors to go to Rome about the peace: for not a single line of the +above treaty held good until ratified by the Roman people. + +[Sidenote: Speech of Damis.] + ++31.+ While these envoys, accompanied by those from Rhodes and Athens, +were on their voyage with this object, Marcus Fulvius sent Caius +Valerius also, and some others of his friends to Rome to secure the +ratification of the treaty. But when they arrived at Rome they found +that a fresh cause of anger with the Aetolians had arisen by the +instrumentality of king Philip; who, looking upon himself as wronged +by the Aetolians having taken Athamania and Dolopia from him, had sent +to some of his friends at Rome, urging them to share his displeasure +and secure the rejection of the pacification. Accordingly, on the first +arrival of the Aetolians, the Senate would not listen to them; but +afterwards, at the intercession of the Rhodians and Athenians, changed +its mind and consented to their request: for Damis[105], besides other +excellences displayed in his speech, was thought to have introduced +a very apt simile, extremely applicable to the case in hand. He said +“The Romans had good cause for anger with the Aetolians; for, instead +of being grateful for the many kindnesses received at their hands, +they had brought the Roman Empire into great danger by causing the war +with Antiochus to break out. But the Senate were wrong in one point, +namely in directing their anger against the masses. For in states the +common people were like the sea, which left to its own nature was ever +calm and unmoved, and not in the least likely ever to trouble any of +those who approached or used it; but directly violent winds blew upon +and disturbed it, and forced it against its nature to become agitated, +then indeed nothing could be more dreadful or formidable than the sea. +This was just the case with the Aetolians. As long as they were left to +themselves, no people in Greece were more loyal to you or more staunch +in supporting your active measures. But when Thoas and Dicaearchus +brought a storm from Asia, and Mnestas and Damocritus from Europe, and, +disturbing the calm of the Aetolian masses, compelled them to become +reckless of what they said or did,—then indeed their good disposition +gave way to bad, and while intending to do mischief to you they really +inflicted damage upon themselves. It is against these mischief-makers +therefore that you should be implacable; while you should take pity on +the masses and make peace with them: with the assurance that, if once +more left to themselves, with the additional feeling of having owed +their safety on the present occasion to you, their attachment to you +will be the warmest in Greece.” + +[Sidenote: Treaty with Aetolia, B.C. 189.] + ++32.+ By these arguments the Athenian envoy persuaded the Senate +to make peace with the Aetolians. The decree therefore having been +passed and confirmed by a vote of the people, the treaty was formally +ratified, of which the text was as follows: “The people of the +Aetolians shall in good faith maintain the empire and majesty of the +people of Rome. + +“They shall not allow hostile forces to pass through their territory or +cities against the Romans, their allies or friends; nor grant them any +supplies from the public fund. + +“They shall have the same enemies as the people of Rome; and if the +Roman people go to war with any, the Aetolian people shall do so also. + +“The Aetolians shall surrender to the praefectus in Corcyra, within +a hundred days from the completion of the treaty, runaway slaves, +and prisoners of the Romans and their allies, except such as having +been taken during the war have returned to their own land and been +subsequently captured; and except such as were in arms against Rome +during the time that the Aetolians were fighting on the side of the +Romans. + +“If there should be any not found within that time, they shall hand +them over as soon as they are forthcoming, without deceit or fraud. And +such persons, after the completion of the treaty, shall not be allowed +to return to Aetolia. + +“The Aetolians shall pay the consul in Greece at once two hundred +Euboic talents of silver, of a standard not inferior to the Attic. In +place of one third of this silver, they may, if they so choose, pay +gold, at the rate of a mina of gold to ten minae of silver. They shall +pay the money in the six years next following the completion of the +treaty in yearly installments of fifty talents; and shall deliver the +money in Rome. + +“The Aetolians shall give the Consul forty hostages, not less than +ten or more than forty years old, to remain for the six years; they +shall be selected by the Romans freely, excepting only the Strategus, +Hipparch, public secretary, and such as have already been hostages at +Rome. + +“The Aetolians shall deliver such hostages in Rome; and if any one of +them die, they shall give another in his place. + +“Cephallenia shall not be included in this treaty. + +[Sidenote: B.C. 192.] + +“Of such territories, cities, and men as once belonged to the +Aetolians, and, in the consulship of Titus Quinctius and Cnaeus +Domitius, or subsequently, were either captured by the Roman or +voluntarily embraced their friendship, the Aetolians shall not annex +any, whether city or men therein. + +“The city and territory of Oeniadae shall belong to the Acarnanians.” + +The treaty having been solemnly sworn, peace was concluded, and the war +in Aetolia, as in the rest of Greece, thus came to an end.... + + +THE WAR WITH THE GAULS OF ASIA + ++33.+ While the negotiations for peace with Antiochus, and for the +settlement of Asia generally were going on at Rome, and the Aetolian +war was being fought in Greece, it happened that another war in Asia, +that, namely, against the Gauls, was brought to a conclusion, the +account of which I am now about to give.... + ++34.+ Moagĕtes was Tyrant of Cibyra, a cruel and crafty man, whose +career deserves somewhat more than a passing reference.... + +[Sidenote: Coss. Cn. Manlius Vulso, M. Fulvius Nobilior, B.C. 189; +Moagĕtes reduced to submission.] + +When Cnaeus Manlius was approaching Cibyra and had sent Helvius to find +out the intentions of Moagĕtes, the latter begged him by ambassadors +not to damage the country, because he was a friend of Rome, and ready +to do anything that was required of him; and, at the same time, he +offered Helvius a compliment of fifteen talents. In answer to this, +Helvius said that he would refrain from damaging the territory; but +that as to the general question Moagĕtes must communicate with the +Consul, for he was close behind with his army. Moagĕtes accordingly +sent ambassadors to Cnaeus, his own brother being one of them. When +the Consul met them in the road, he addressed them in threatening +and reproachful terms, asserting that “Not only had Moagĕtes shown +himself the most determined enemy of Rome, of all the princes in Asia, +but had done his very best to overthrow their empire, and deserved +punishment rather then friendship.”[106] Terrified by this display +of anger, the ambassadors abstained from delivering the rest of the +message with which they were charged, and merely begged him to have +an interview with Moagĕtes: and when Cnaeus consented they returned +to Cibyra. Next morning the Tyrant came out of the town accompanied +by his friends, displaying his humility by a mean dress and absence +of all pomp; and, in conducting his defence, descanted in melancholy +terms on his own helplessness and the poverty of the towns under his +rule (which consisted of Cibyra, Syleium, and the town in the Marsh), +and entreated Cnaeus to accept the fifteen talents. Astonished at his +assurance, Cnaeus made no answer, except that, “If he did not pay five +hundred talents, and be thankful that he was allowed to do so, he would +not loot the country, but he would storm and sack the city.” In abject +terror Moagĕtes begged him not to do anything of the sort; and kept +adding to his offer little by little, until at last he persuaded Cnaeus +to take one hundred talents, and one thousand medimni of corn, and +admit him to friendship....[107] + +[Sidenote: Pacification of Pamphylia.] + ++35.+ When Cnaeus Manlius was crossing the River Colobatus, ambassadors +came to him from the town of Sinda (in Pisidia) begging for help, +because the people of Termessus had called in the aid of the people +of Philomelus, and had depopulated their territory and sacked their +town; and were at that very moment besieging its citadel, into which +all the citizens, with wives and children, had retreated. On hearing +this, Cnaeus immediately promised them aid with the greatest readiness; +and thinking the affair was a stroke of luck for himself, directed +his march towards Pamphylia. On his arrival in the neighbourhood of +Termessus, he admitted the Termessians to friendship on the payment of +fifty talents. He did the same with the Aspendians: and having received +the ambassadors of the other towns in Pamphylia, he impressed on them +in these interviews the conviction mentioned above,[108] and having +relieved the Sindians from their siege, he once more directed his march +against the Gauls.... + +[Sidenote: Conquest of Pisidia.] + ++36.+ After taking the town of Cyrmasa (in Pisidia), and a very large +booty, Cnaeus Manlius continued his advance. And as he was marching +along the marsh, envoys came from Lysinoe, offering an unconditional +surrender. After accepting this, Cnaeus entered the territory of +Sagalassus, and having driven off a vast quantity of spoil waited to +see what the Sagalassians were prepared to do. When their ambassadors +arrived he received them; and accepting a compliment of fifty talents, +twenty thousand medimni of barley, and twenty thousand of wheat, +admitted them to friendship with Rome.... + +[Sidenote: Cnaeus Manlius in Galatia.] + ++37.+ Cnaeus sent envoys to Eposognatus the Gaul, desiring him to send +embassies to the kings of the Gauls. Eposognatus in his turn sent +envoys to Cnaeus begging him not to move his quarters or attack the +Tolistobogian Gauls; and assuring him that he would send embassies +to the kings, and propose peace to them, and felt quite certain that +he would be able to bring them to a proper view of affairs in all +respects.... + +In the course of his march through the country Cnaeus made a bridge +over the River Sangorius, which was extremely deep and difficult to +cross. And having encamped on the bank of the river, he was visited by +some Galli[109] sent by Attis and Battacus, the priests of the mother +of the gods at Pesinus, wearing figures and images on their breasts, +and announcing that the goddess promised him victory and power; to whom +Cnaeus gave a courteous reception.... + +When Cnaeus was at the small town of Gordieium, ambassadors came +from Eposognatus, announcing that he had been round and talked with +the kings of the Gauls, but that they would not consent to make any +overtures of friendship whatever; on the contrary, they had collected +their children and women on Mount Olympus, and were prepared to give +battle.... + + +_The victory of the Romans over the Tolistoboii at Mount Olympus is +described by Livy, 38, 19-23; that over the Tectosages, a few miles +from Ancyra, in 38, 24-27. The second battle took place in mid-autumn, +B.C. 189; and the result was that the Gauls gave in their submission at +Ephesus, and were forced to engage to leave off predatory excursions, +and to confine themselves to their own frontiers. Livy, 38, 27 and 40._ + + +[Sidenote: The vengeance of Chiomara, wife of the Gallic chief Ortiago. +See Livy, 38, 24.] + ++38.+ It chanced that among the prisoners made when the Romans won +the victory at Olympus over the Gauls of Asia, was Chiomara, wife of +Ortiago. The centurion who had charge of her availed himself of his +chance in soldierly fashion, and violated her. + +He was a slave indeed both to lust and money: but eventually his love +of money got the upper hand; and, on a large sum of gold being agreed +to be paid for the woman, he led her off to put her to ransom. There +being a river between the two camps, when the Gauls had crossed it, +paid the man the money, and received the woman, she ordered one of +them by a nod to strike the Roman as he was in the act of taking a +polite and affectionate farewell of her. The man obeyed, and cut off +the centurion’s head, which she picked up and drove off with, wrapped +in the folds of her dress. On reaching her husband she threw the head +at his feet; and when he expressed astonishment and said: “Wife to +keep faith is a good thing,” she replied: “Yes; but it is a better +thing that there should be only one man alive who has lain with me!” +[Polybius says that he conversed with the woman at Sardis, and was +struck with her dignified demeanour and intelligence.][110]... + +[Sidenote: The Gauls try to take Cnaeus Manlius by a stratagem, but are +foiled. See Livy, 38, 25.] + ++39.+ After the victory over the Gauls at Olympus, when the Romans +were encamped at Ancyra, and Cnaeus was on the point of continuing his +advance, ambassadors came from the Tectosages asking that Cnaeus would +leave his troops in their quarters, and advance himself in the course +of the next day into the space between the two camps; and promising +that their kings would come to meet him, and discuss the terms of a +peace. But when Cnaeus consented, and duly arrived at the appointed +place with five hundred horse, the kings did not appear. After his +return to the camp, however, the ambassadors came again, and, offering +some excuses for the kings, begged him to come once more, as they +would send some of their chief men to discuss the whole question. +Cnaeus consented; but, without leaving the camp himself, sent Attalus +and some tribunes with three hundred horse. The envoys of the Gauls +duly appeared and discussed the business: but finally said that it was +impossible for them to conclude the matter or ratify anything they +agreed upon; but they engaged that the kings would come next day to +agree on the terms, and finally settle the treaty, if the Consul would +also come to them. Attalus promised that Cnaeus would come, and they +separated for that day. But the Gauls were deliberately contriving +these postponements, and amusing the Romans, because they wanted to get +some part of their families and property beyond the river Halys; and, +first of all, to get the Roman Consul into their hands if they could, +but if not, at any rate to kill him. With this purpose they watched +next day for the coming of the Romans, with a thousand horse ready to +fall upon him. When Cnaeus heard the result of Attalus’s interview, +believing that the kings would come, he left the camp, attended as +usual by five hundred horse. Now it happened that, on the days of the +previous interviews, the foraging parties which went out from the Roman +camp to fetch wood and hay had gone in the same direction, in order +to have the protection of the squadron which went to the parley. A +numerous foraging party acted in the same way on this third occasion, +and the tribunes ordered them to proceed in the same direction, with +the usual number of horsemen to protect them as they advanced. And +their being out on this duty proved accidentally to be the salvation of +their comrades in the danger which threatened them.... + + +CEPHALLENIA. + +[Sidenote: The citadel of Same in Cephallenia taken by a night +surprise.] + ++40.+ M. Fulvius took the quarter of the town in which was the citadel +by a night surprise, and introduced the Romans into the town.[111] + + +[Sidenote: Philopoemen’s policy towards Sparta. See above, bk. 19.] + ++41.+ The good and the expedient are seldom compatible, and rare indeed +are those who can combine and reconcile them. For as a general rule +we all know that the good shuns the principles of immediate profit, +and profit those of the good. However, Philopoemen attempted this +task, and succeeded in his aim. For it was a good thing to restore the +captive exiles to Sparta; and it was an expedient thing to humble the +Lacedaemonian state, and to punish those who had served as bodyguards +to a tyrant. But seeing clearly that money is ever the support on which +every dynasty rests, and having a clear head and the instincts of a +ruler, he took measures to prevent the introduction into the town of +money from outside.... + +[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 188.] + +[Sidenote: Cnaeus Manlius spends the winter of 189-188 B.C. at Ephesus, +the last year of the 147th Olympiad, and arranges the settlement of +Asia.] + ++43.+[112] Meanwhile in Asia the Roman consul Cnaeus Manlius wintered +at Ephesus, in the last year of this Olympiad, and was there visited +by embassies from the Greek cities in Asia and many others, bringing +complimentary crowns to him for his victories over the Gauls. For the +entire inhabitants of Asia this side Taurus were not so much rejoiced +at the prospect given them by Antiochus’s defeat of being relieved from +tribute, garrisons, or other royal exactions, as at the removal of +all fear of the barbarians, and at their escape from their insolence +and lawlessness. Among the rest Musaeus came from Antiochus, and some +envoys from the Gauls, desiring to ascertain the terms upon which +friendship would be granted them; and also from Ariarathes, the king +of Cappadocia. For this latter prince, having attached himself to the +fortunes of Antiochus, and having taken part in his battle with the +Romans, had become alarmed and dismayed for his own fate, and therefore +was endeavouring by frequent embassies to ascertain what he would have +to pay or do to get pardon for his error. The Consul complimented the +ambassadors from the cities, and dismissed them after a very favourable +reception; but he replied to the Gauls that he would not make a treaty +with them until king Eumenes, whom he expected, had arrived. To the +envoys from Ariarathes he said that they might have peace on the +payment of six hundred talents. With the ambassador of Antiochus he +arranged that he would come with his army to the frontier of Pamphylia, +to receive the two thousand five hundred talents, and the corn with +which the king had undertaken to furnish the Roman soldiers before +his treaty with Lucius Scipio. This business being thus settled, he +solemnly purified his army; and, as the season for military operations +was now beginning, he broke up his quarters, and, taking Attalus with +him, arrived at Apameia in eight days’ march, and remained there three +days. On the fourth he continued his advance; and, pushing on at great +speed, arrived on the third day at the rendezvous with Antiochus, and +there pitched his camp. Here he was visited by Musaeus, who begged +him to wait, as the carts and cattle that were bringing the corn and +money were late. He consented to wait: and, when the supply arrived, he +distributed the corn among the soldiers, and handed over the money to +one of his tribunes, with orders to convey it to Apameia. + +[Sidenote: A faithful officer at Perga.] + ++44.+ He himself started in full force for Perga, where he heard that +a commander of a garrison placed in that town by Antiochus had neither +left it himself nor withdrawn his garrison. When he came within a +short distance of the place he was met by the captain of the garrison, +who begged Cnaeus not to condemn him unheard. “He had received the +city from Antiochus in trust, and was holding it until he should be +instructed what to do by the sovereign who had entrusted it to him.” +And he therefore begged for thirty days’ respite, to enable him to +send and ask the king for instructions. Observing that Antiochus was +behaving straightforwardly in other particulars, Cnaeus consented to +allow him to send and ask the king the question. After some days the +officer accordingly received an answer, and surrendered the city. + +[Sidenote: Summer, B.C. 188. The ten Roman commissioners arrive in +Asia. See ch. 24.] + +About this time, just at the beginning of summer, the ten commissioners +and king Eumenes arrived by sea at Ephesus; and, after giving +themselves two days to recover from the voyage, proceeded up the +country to Apameia. When their arrival was known to Cnaeus Manlius, he +sent his brother Lucius with four thousand men to Oroanda (in Pisidia), +as a forcible hint that they must pay the money owing, in accordance +with the terms agreed on; while he himself marched his army at full +speed to meet Eumenes and the commissioners. On his arrival he found +the king and the ten commissioners, and immediately held a consultation +with them on the measures to be taken. The first resolution come to was +to confirm the sworn agreement and treaty with Antiochus, about which +I need say no more, beyond giving the actual text of the treaty, which +was as follows:— + +[Sidenote: Text of the treaty between Antiochus and Rome.] + ++45.+ “There shall be perpetual peace between Antiochus and the Romans +if he fulfils the provisions of the treaty. + +“Neither Antiochus nor any subject to him shall allow any to pass +through their territories to attack the Romans or their allies, nor +supply them with aught. Neither shall the Romans or their allies do the +like for those attacking Antiochus or those subject to him. + +“Antiochus shall not wage war upon the Islanders or the dwellers in +Europe. + +“He shall evacuate all cities and territory (this side Taurus[113]). +His soldiers shall take nothing out with them except the arms they are +carrying. If they chance to have taken anything away they shall restore +it to the same cities. + +“He shall receive neither soldiers nor other men from the territory of +king Eumenes. + +“If there be any men in the army of Antiochus coming from any of the +cities taken over by the Romans, he shall deliver them up at Apameia. + +“If there be any from the kingdom of Antiochus with the Romans or their +allies, they may remain or depart as they choose. + +“Antiochus and those subject to him shall give back the slaves, +captives, and deserters of the Romans or their allies and any captive +received from any quarter. Antiochus shall give up, if it be within +his power so to do, Hannibal, son of Hamilcar, the Carthaginian, +Mnesilochus the Acarnanian, Thoas the Aetolian, Euboulidas and Philo +the Chalcidians, and such of the Aetolians as have held national +offices. + +“Antiochus shall give up all his elephants, and shall have none +henceforth. + +“Antiochus shall surrender his ships of war, their tackle, and +fittings, and henceforth have only ten decked ships. He shall not have +a vessel rowed by thirty oars, [or by less][114] for purposes of war +begun by himself. + +“He shall not sail west of the river Calycadnus and the promontory of +Sarpedon, except to convey tribute or ambassadors or hostages. + +“It shall not be lawful for Antiochus to enlist soldiers or receive +exiles from the territory subject to Rome. + +“Such houses as belonged to the Rhodians or their allies, in the +territory subject to Antiochus, shall continue to belong to the +Rhodians as before the war: any money owed to them shall still be +recoverable: and any property left behind by them, if sought for, shall +be restored. + +“The Rhodians shall, as before the war, be free from tribute. + +“If Antiochus has given any of the towns to others which he is bound to +restore, he shall remove from them also his garrisons and men. And if +any shall wish hereafter to desert to him, he shall not receive them. + +“Antiochus shall pay to the Romans ten thousand talents, in ten yearly +instalments, of the best Attic silver, each talent to weigh not less +than eighty Roman pounds, and ninety thousand medimni of corn. + +“Antiochus shall pay to king Eumenes three hundred and fifty talents +in the five years next following, in yearly instalments of seventy +talents; and in lieu of the corn, according to the valuation of +Antiochus himself, one hundred and twenty-seven talents, two hundred +and eight drachmae, which sum Eumenes has consented to accept ‘as +satisfying his claims.’ + +“Antiochus shall give twenty hostages, not less than eighteen nor more +than forty-five years old, and change them every three years. + +“If there be in any year a deficit in the instalment paid, Antiochus +shall make it good in the next year. + +“If any of the cities or nations, against whom it has been hereby +provided that Antiochus should not make war, should commence war +against him, it shall be lawful for Antiochus to war with them; but of +such nations and cities he shall not have sovereignty nor attach them +as friends to himself. + +“Such complaints as arise between the parties to this treaty shall be +referred to arbitration. + +“If both parties agree in wishing anything to be added to or taken from +this treaty, it shall be lawful so to do.” + +[Sidenote: Burning of Antiochus’s ships at Patara in Lycia.] + ++46.+ Immediately after this treaty had been solemnly sworn to, the +proconsul Cnaeus sent Quintus Minucius Thermus and his brother Lucius, +who had just brought the money from Oroanda to Syria, with orders to +receive the oath from the king, and confirm the several clauses of the +treaty. And to Quintus Fabius Labeo, who was in command of the fleet, +he sent a despatch ordering him to sail back to Patara, and take over +and burn the ships there.... + +[Sidenote: Ariarathes V. King of Cappadocia.] +47.+ The proconsul +Cnaeus Manlius made Ariarathes a friend of Rome on receipt of three +hundred talents.... + +[Sidenote: Final settlement of the affairs of Asia Minor by the +commissioners. B. C. 188.] + ++48.+ At Apameia the Proconsul and the ten commissioners, after +listening to all who appealed to them, assigned in the case of disputed +claims to territory, money, or anything else, certain cities in which +the parties might have their claims settled by arbitration. The general +scheme which they drew out was as follows: Those of the autonomous +cities which, having formerly paid tribute to Antiochus, had remained +faithful to Rome, they relieved from tribute altogether. Those that +had been tributary to Attalus they ordered to pay the same tribute to +his successor Eumenes. Such as had abandoned the Roman friendship and +joined Antiochus in the war, they ordered to pay Eumenes the amount of +tribute imposed on them by Antiochus. The people of Colophon, Notium, +Cymae, and Mylae, they freed from tribute. To the Clazomenians, besides +this relief, they gave the Island Drymussa. To the Ephesians they +restored the sacred district which they had been obliged by the enemy +to evacuate....[115] To the people of Chios, Smyrna, and Erythrae, +besides other marks of honour, they assigned the territory which +they severally expressed a wish to have at the time, and alleged was +their right, from regard for their loyalty and zeal which they had +shown to Rome during the war. To the Phocaeans they restored their +ancestral city and the territory which they possessed of old. They +next transacted business with the Rhodians, giving them Lycia and +Caria up to the river Maeander, except Telmissus. As to king Eumenes +and his brothers, not content with the liberal provision made for them +in their treaty with Antiochus, they now assigned him in addition +the Chersonese, Lysimacheia, and the castles on the borders of these +districts, and such country as had been subject to Antiochus in Europe; +and in Asia, Phrygia on the Hellespont, Great Phrygia, so much of Mysia +as he had before subjugated, Lycaonia, Milyas, Lydia, Tralles, Ephesus, +and Telmissus: all these they gave to Eumenes. As to Pamphylia, Eumenes +alleged that it was on this side Taurus, the ambassadors of Antiochus +on the other; and the commissioners feeling unable to decide, referred +the question to the Senate. Having thus decided the largest number and +most important of the matters brought before them, they started on +the road towards the Hellespont, intending on their journey to still +further secure the settlement arrived at with the Gauls.... + + + + +BOOK XXII + + +CONTENTS + + +_In the 148th Olympiad (B.C. 188-184) embassies came from Philip and +the tribes bordering on Macedonia to Rome. The decrees of the Senate +concerning them. In Greece the quarrel of Philip with the Thessalians +and Perrhaebians about the cities held by Philip in their countries +from the time of the war with Antiochus. The decision concerning them +before Q. Caecilius at Tempe. Decisions of Caecilius. A difference of +Philip with the ambassadors of Eumenes and the exiles from Maroneia; +the pleadings on these points at Thessalonica and the decision of +Caecilius. The massacre at Maroneia instigated by king Philip. The +arrival of the Roman legates, and their decisions. The causes of the +war between the Romans and Perseus. Arrival of ambassadors from kings +Ptolemy and Eumenes and Seleucus in the Peloponnese. The decision of +the Achaeans on the alliance with Ptolemy, and on the gifts offered +them by these kings. Arrival of Q. Caecilius and his disapprobation +of the measures taken in regard to Sparta. Embassy of Areus and +Alcibiades, two of the earlier exiles from Sparta, to Rome, and their +accusations against Philopoemen and the Achaeans. The Roman envoys come +to Cleitor, where there is an Achaean assembly. The speeches delivered +for both parties, and the Achaean decrees in the affair of Sparta._[116] + + +[Sidenote: An appeal to Rome against Philopoemen. B.C. 187. Coss. M. +Aemilius Lepidus, C. Flamininus.] + ++3.+ After the execution of the men at Compasium,[117] some of the +Lacedaemonians, incensed at what had been done, and believing that +the power and authority of the Romans had been set at naught by +Philopoemen, went to Rome and accused Philopoemen and his proceedings; +and finally obtained a letter addressed to the Achaeans from Marcus +Lepidus, the consul of the year, and afterwards Pontifex Maximus, in +which he told the Achaeans that they had not acted equitably in the +matters of the Lacedaemonians. At the same time as this mission from +Sparta, Philopoemen also appointed Nicodemus of Elis and others to go +on an embassy to Rome. + +[Sidenote: Renewal of the treaty between the Achaean league and +Ptolemy.] + +[Sidenote: The accomplishments of Ptolemy Epiphanes.] + +Just at that time Demetrius of Athens came on a mission from Ptolemy, +to renew the existing alliance between the king and the Achaean league. +This was eagerly accepted, and my father, Lycortas, and Theodoridas, +and Rhositeles of Sicyon were appointed ambassadors to take the oaths +on behalf of the Achaeans, and receive those of the king. And on +that occasion a circumstance occurred, which, though not important +perhaps, is still worth recording. After the completion of this renewal +of alliance on behalf of the Achaeans, Philopoemen entertained the +ambassador; and in the course of the banquet the ambassador introduced +the king’s name, and said a great deal in his praise, quoting anecdotes +of his skill and boldness in hunting, as well as his excellence in +riding and the use of arms; and ended by quoting, as a proof of what +he said, that the king on horseback once transfixed a bull with a +javelin.... + +[Sidenote: The effect of the collapse of Antiochus upon Boeotia.] + +[Sidenote: Resistance to the recall of Zeuxippus.] + +[Sidenote: See 18, 43. Livy, 33, 28.] + ++4.+ In Boeotia, after the formation of the treaty between Rome and +Antiochus, the hopes of the whole revolutionary party were destroyed. +Politics therefore began to assume a new aspect; and whereas the +administration of justice among them had been postponed for nearly the +last twenty years, voices began to make themselves heard in the cities +to the effect that “there ought to be an end and settlement of their +mutual disputes.” But after considerable controversy on this point, +because the discontented were more numerous than the wealthy, the +following circumstance occurred which helped accidently to support the +party of order. Titus Flamininus had for some time past been zealously +working in Rome to secure the restoration of Zeuxippus to Boeotia, +because he had found him serviceable on many occasions during the wars +with Antiochus and Philip. And just at this time he had induced the +Senate to send a despatch to the Boeotians ordering them to recall +Zeuxippus and his fellow exiles. When this despatch arrived, the +Boeotians, fearing that, if these men were restored, they would become +detached from their good understanding with Macedonia, determined that +the legal sentence upon Zeuxippus and the rest should be publicly +proclaimed,[118] which they had formerly drawn up against them. Thus +they condemned them on two charges, first, of sacrilege for having +stripped off the silver from the plated table of Zeus, and, secondly, +of murder for having killed Brachylles. Having made this arrangement, +they assumed that they need pay no further attention to the despatch +of the Senate, but contented themselves with sending Callicritus and +others to Rome with the message that they were unable to rescind what +had been settled by their laws. Zeuxippus having sent an embassy to the +Senate at the same time, the Romans wrote to the Aetolians and Achaeans +an account of the attitude assumed by the Boeotians, and ordered them +to restore Zeuxippus to his country. The Achaeans refrained from +invading the country with an army, but selected some ambassadors to go +and persuade the Boeotians to obey the orders from Rome; and also to +settle the legal disputes existing between them and the Achaeans, on +the same principles as they conducted the administration of justice at +home: for it happened that there were some controversies between the +two nations that had been dragging on for a long time. On receiving +this message the Boeotians, whose Strategus was then Hippias, promised +at the moment that they would do what was demanded of them, but shortly +afterwards neglected it at every point. Therefore, when Hippias had +laid down his office and Alcetas had succeeded him, Philopoemen gave +all who chose license to make reprisals on the territories of the +Boeotians; which proved the beginning of a serious quarrel between the +two nations. For on the cattle of Myrrhichus and Simon being driven +off,[1] and a struggle arising over this transaction, the contest soon +ceased to be political, and became the beginning and prelude of open +war. If indeed the Senate had persisted in carrying out the restoration +of Zeuxippus, war would quickly have been kindled; but as it maintained +silence on the subject, the Megareans were induced by an embassy +proposing terms to stop the reprisals.[119]... + +[Sidenote: Rhodes and the Lycians.] + ++5.+ A quarrel arose between the Lycians and Rhodians from the +following causes. When the ten commissioners were employed in the +settlement of Asia, they were visited by Theaetetus and Philophron +on a mission from Rhodes, demanding that Lycia and Caria should be +given to them in return for the goodwill and zeal displayed by them in +the war with Antiochus. At the same time Hipparchus and Satyrus came +from Ilium begging, on the ground of their kindred with the Lycians, +that the latter should receive pardon for their transgressions. The +commissioners listened to these pleadings, and tried to do what they +could to satisfy both. For the sake of the people of Ilium, they +inflicted no severity on the Lycians, but gratified the Rhodians by +presenting them with the sovereignty over that people. This decision +was the origin of a serious division and controversy between the +Lycians and Rhodians. For the envoys of Ilium visited the Lycian +cities, giving out that they had succeeded in pacifying the Roman +anger, and that they owed their liberty to them; while Theaetetus and +his colleague took back word to their countrymen that Lycia and all +Caria south of the Maeander had been given as a free gift by the Romans +to Rhodes. Presently an embassy came from Lycia to Rhodes desiring +an alliance; while the Rhodians on their part had elected certain of +their citizens to go to Lycia and give orders to the several cities as +to what they were to do. They were thus entirely at cross purposes, +and for some time the cause of the misunderstanding was not generally +intelligible. But when the Lycian ambassadors appeared in the assembly +and began talking about an alliance, and Pothion the Prytanis rose +after them and explained the different ideas which the two people +entertained on the subject, and moreover, sternly rebuked the Lycian +envoys,[120] the latter declared that they would endure anything rather +than be subject to the Rhodians.... + + +EGYPT UNDER PTOLEMY EPIPHANES AFTER THE DEATH OF ARISTOMENES (18, 53, +54) + +[Sidenote: Contrast of the conduct of Philip II. of Macedon to Athens +in B.C. 338 with that of Ptolemy.] + ++6.+ All men admire the magnanimity of Philip towards Athens; for +though he had been injured as well as abused by them, yet when he +conquered them at Chaeroneia, so far from using this opportunity for +injuring his opponents, he caused the corpses of the Athenians to be +buried with the proper ceremonies; while those of them who had been +taken prisoners he actually presented with clothes, and restored to +their friends without ransom. But though men praise they do not imitate +such conduct. They rather try to outdo those with whom they are at +war, in bitterness of passion and severity of vengeance. Ptolemy, for +instance, had men tied naked to carts and dragged at their tail, and +then put to death with torture.... + +[Sidenote: Lycopolis in the Thebaid.] + +[Sidenote: Suppression of the revolt in Lower Egypt, B.C. 186-185.] + ++7.+ When this same Ptolemy was besieging Lycopolis, the Egyptian +nobles surrendered to the king at discretion; and his cruel treatment +of them involved him in manifold dangers. The same was the result at +the time Polycrates suppressed the revolt. For Athinis, Pausiras, +Chesuphus, and Irobastus, who still survived of the rebellious nobles, +yielding to necessity, appeared at the city of Sais and surrendered +at discretion to the king. But Ptolemy, regardless of all pledges, +had them tied naked to the carts and dragged off, and then put to +death with torture. He then went to Naucratis with his army, where he +received the mercenaries enlisted for him by Aristonicus from Greece, +and thence sailed to Alexandria, without having taken any part whatever +in the actual operations of the war, thanks to the dishonest advice of +Polycrates, though he was now twenty-five years old.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 186. The origin of the last Macedonian war.] + +[Sidenote: Abrupolis, a Thracian prince and friend of the Romans. See +Livy, 42, 13, 40. Death of Philip V. B.C. 179.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 176-172.] + +[Sidenote: See bk. 3, ch. 6.] + ++8.+ At this time were sowed the seeds of fatal evils to the royal +house of Macedonia. I am aware that some historians of the war between +Rome and Perseus, when they wish to set forth the causes of the quarrel +for our information, assign as the primary one the expulsion of +Abrupolis from his principality, on the ground of having made a raid +upon the mines at Pangaeum after the death of Philip, which Perseus +repulsed, finally expelling him entirely out of his own dominions. +Next they mention the invasion of Dolopia, and the visit of Perseus +to Delphi, the plot against Eumenes at Delphi, and the murder of +the ambassadors in Boeotia; and from these they say sprang the war +between Perseus and the Romans. But my contention is that it is of +most decisive advantage, both to historians and their readers, to +know the causes from which the several events are born and spring. +Most historians confound these, because they do not keep a firm hold +upon the distinction between a pretext and a cause, or again between +a pretext and a beginning of a war. And since events at the present +time recall this distinction I feel compelled to renew my discussion of +this subject. For instance, of the events just referred to, the first +three are pretexts; the last two—the plot against Eumenes, the murder +of the ambassadors, and other similar things that happened during the +same period—are clear _beginnings_ of the war between Rome and Perseus, +and of the final overthrow of the Macedonian kingdom; but not one of +them is a _cause_ of these things. I will illustrate by examples. Just +as we say that Philip son of Amyntas contemplated and determined upon +accomplishing the war with Persia, while Alexander put into execution +what he had projected, so in the present instance we say that Philip +son of Demetrius first projected the last war against Rome, and had all +his preparations ready for the execution of his design, but that after +his death Perseus became the agent in carrying out the undertaking +itself. If this be true, the following also is clear: it is impossible +that the causes of the war should have been subsequent to the death of +him who resolved upon and projected it; which would be the case if we +accepted the account of these historians; for the events alleged by +them as its causes were subsequent to the death of Philip.... + +[Sidenote: Complaints lodged against Philip at Rome, B. C. 185.] + +[Sidenote: A commission of investigation appointed.] + ++9.+ About the same time ambassadors came to Rome from king Eumenes, +informing the Senate of the encroachment of Philip upon the cities in +Thrace. There came also the exiles of the Maronitae denouncing Philip, +and charging him with being the cause of their expulsion. These were +followed by Athamanians, Perrhaebians, and Thessalians, demanding the +restoration of their cities which Philip had taken from them during the +war with Antiochus. Ambassadors also came from Philip to make answer +to all accusers. After repeated debates between all these envoys and +the ambassadors of Philip, the Senate decided to appoint a commission +at once, to investigate the actions of Philip, and to protect all +who chose to state their views and their complaints of the king to +his face. The legates thus appointed were Quintus Caecilius, Marcus +Baebius, and Tiberius Claudius.[121]... + +[Sidenote: Aenus in Thrace.] + +There was again a war of parties among the Aenii, one side inclining to +Eumenes, the other to Macedonia.... + + +_The result of these embassies was the Congress of Tempe, at which no +definite settlement was made. Livy, 39, 25-28._ + + +A MEETING OF THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE PARLIAMENT + +[Sidenote: Philopoemen Achaean Strategus for two years running, from +May B.C. 189 to May B.C. 187.] +10.+ I have already stated that in the +Peloponnese, while Philopoemen was still Strategus, the Achaean league +sent an embassy to Rome on the subject of Sparta, and another to king +Ptolemy to renew their ancient alliance. + +[Sidenote: Aristaenus. May, B.C. 187 to May, B.C. 186.] + +[Sidenote: Seleucus Philopator succeeded his father Antiochus the +Great, B.C. 187.] + +[Sidenote: Business of the Achaean assembly.] + +[Sidenote: Letter from the Senate on the subject of Philopoemen’s +actions at Sparta.] + +Immediately after Philopoemen had been succeeded by Aristaenus as +Strategus, the ambassadors of king Ptolemy arrived, while the league +meeting was assembled at Megalopolis. King Eumenes also had despatched +an embassy offering to give the Achaeans one hundred and twenty +talents, on condition that it was invested and the interest used to +pay the council of the league at the time of the federal assemblies. +Ambassadors came also from king Seleucus, to renew his friendship +with them, and offering a present of a fleet of ten ships of war. +But when the assembly got to business, the first to come forward to +speak was Nicodemus of Elis, who recounted to the Achaeans what he and +his colleagues had said in the Roman Senate about Sparta, and read +the answer of the Senate; which was to the effect that the Senate +disapproved of the destruction of the walls, and of the execution of +the men put to death at Compasium, but that it did not rescind any +arrangement made. No one saying a word for or against this, the subject +was allowed to pass. + +[Sidenote: The offer of Eumenes.] + +Next came the ambassadors from Eumenes, who renewed the ancestral +friendship of the king with the Achaeans, and stated to the assembly +the offer made by him. They spoke at great length on these subjects, +and retired after setting forth the greatness of the king’s kindness +and affection to the nation. + +[Sidenote: Answer of Apollonidas.] + ++11.+ After they had finished their speech, Apollonidas of Sicyon rose +and said that: “As far as the amount of the money was concerned, it was +a present worthy of the Achaeans. But if they looked to the intention +of the donor, or the purpose to which the gift was to be applied, +none could well be more insulting and more unconstitutional. The laws +prohibited any one, whether a private individual or magistrate, from +accepting presents from a king on any pretence whatever; but if they +took this money they would every one of them be plainly accepting a +present, which was at once the gravest possible breach of the law, +and confessedly the deepest possible personal disgrace. For that the +council should take a great wage from Eumenes, and meet to deliberate +on the interests of the league after swallowing such a bait, was +manifestly disgraceful and injurious. It was Eumenes that offered +money now; presently it would be Prusias; and then Seleucus. But as +the interests of democracies and of kings are quite opposite to each +other, and as our most frequent and most important deliberations +concern the points of controversy arising between us and the kings, +one of two things must necessarily happen; either the interests of the +king will have precedence over our own, or we must incur the reproach +of ingratitude for opposing our paymasters.” He therefore urged +the Achaeans not only to decline the offer, but to hold Eumenes in +detestation for thinking of making it. + +[Sidenote: Speech of Cassander of Aegina.] + +Next rose Cassander of Aegina and reminded the Achaeans of “The +misfortunes which the Aeginetans had met with through being members of +the Achaean league; when Publius Sulpicius sailed against them with +the Roman fleet, and sold all the unhappy Aeginetans into slavery.” In +regard to this subject I have already related how the Aetolians, having +got possession of Aegina in virtue of their treaty with Rome, sold it +to Attalus for thirty talents. Cassander therefore drew the attention +of the Achaeans to these facts; and demanded that Eumenes should not +seek to gain the affection of the Achaeans by offering them money, +but that he should establish an incontestable claim to every sign of +devotion by giving back Aegina. He urged the Achaeans not to accept +presents which would place them in the position of being the destroyers +of the hopes of Aeginetan restoration for all time. + +[Sidenote: The present of Eumenes is refused.] + +After these speeches had been delivered, the people showed such signs +of enthusiastic approval that no one ventured to speak on the side of +the king; but the whole assembly rejected the offer by acclamation, +though its amount certainly made it exceedingly tempting. + +[Sidenote: Ptolemy. The speech of Lycortas.] + +[Sidenote: A mistake discovered.] + ++12.+ The next subject introduced for debate was that of king Ptolemy. +The ambassadors who had been on the mission to Ptolemy were called +forward, and Lycortas, acting as spokesman, began by stating how they +had interchanged oaths of alliance with the king; and next announced +that they brought a present from the king to the Achaean league of +six thousand stands of arms for peltasts, and two thousand talents in +bronze coinage. He added a panegyric on the king, and finished his +speech by a brief reference to the goodwill and active benevolence of +the king towards the Achaeans. Upon this the Strategus of the Achaeans, +Aristaenus, stood up and asked Lycortas and his colleagues in the +embassy to Ptolemy “which alliance it was that he had thus renewed?” + +No one answering the question, but all the assembly beginning to +converse with each other, the Council chamber was filled with +confusion. The cause of this absurd state of things was this. There +had been several treaties of alliance formed between the Achaeans and +Ptolemy’s kingdom, as widely different in their provision as in the +circumstances which gave rise to them: but neither had Ptolemy’s envoy +made any distinction when arranging for the renewal, merely speaking +in general terms on the matter, nor had the ambassadors sent from +Achaia; but they had interchanged the oaths on the assumption of there +being but one treaty. The result was, that, on the Strategus quoting +all the treaties, and pointing out in detail the differences between +them, which turned out to be important, the assembly demanded to know +which it was that it was renewing. And when no one was able to explain, +not even Philopoemen himself, who had been in office when the renewal +was made, nor Lycortas and his colleagues who had been on the mission +to Alexandria, these men all began to be regarded as careless in +conducting the business of the league; while Aristaenus acquired great +reputation as being the only man who knew what he was talking about; +and finally, the assembly refused to allow the ratification, voting on +account of this blunder that the business should be postponed. + +[Sidenote: Offer of Seleucus.] + +Then the ambassadors from Seleucus entered with their proposal. The +Achaeans, however, voted to renew the friendship with Seleucus, but to +decline for the present the gift of the ships. + +[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 185.] + ++13.+ Having thus finished their deliberations, the assembly broke up +and the people separated to their several cities. But subsequently, +while the (Nemean) games were in course of celebration, Quintus +Caecilius arrived from Macedonia, on his way back from the embassy +which he had been conducting to Philip. Aristaenus having called a +meeting of the league magistrates in Argos, Quintus attended and +upbraided them for having exceeded justice in the harshness and +severity with which they had treated the Lacedaemonians, and urged +them strongly to repair the error. Aristaenus said not a word, showing +clearly by his silence that he disapproved of what had been done and +agreed with the words of Caecilius. But Diophanes of Megalopolis, who +was more of a soldier than a statesman, stood up to speak, and so far +from offering any defence of the Achaeans, suggested to Caecilius, from +hostility to Philopoemen, another charge that might be brought against +them. For he said that “the Lacedaemonians were not the only people who +had been badly treated; the Messenians had been so also.” There were +as a fact some controversies going on among the Messenians, in regard +to the decree of Flamininus concerning the exiles, and the execution +of it by Philopoemen: and Caecilius, thinking that he now had a party +among the Achaeans themselves of the same opinion as himself, expressed +still greater anger at the hesitation on the part of the assembled +magistrates in obeying his orders. However, when Philopoemen, Lycortas, +and Archon argued long and elaborately to prove that what had been done +at Sparta was right, and advantageous to the Lacedaemonians themselves +more than to any one else, and that it was impossible to disturb any +existing arrangements without violating justice to man and piety to +the gods, they came to the decision that they would maintain them, and +give an answer to that effect to the Roman legate. Seeing what the +disposition of the magistrates was, Caecilius demanded that the public +assembly should be summoned, to which the Achaean magistrates demanded +to see the instructions which he had from the Senate on these points: +and when he gave no answer to this demand, they said that they would +not summon the assembly for him, as their laws forbade them to do so +unless a man brought written instructions from the Senate, stating +the subject on which they were to summon it. Caecilius was so angry +at this uncompromising opposition to his orders, that he refused to +receive his answer from the magistrates, and so departed without any +answer at all. The Achaeans laid the blame both of the former visit +of Marcus Fulvius and the present one of Caecilius on Aristaenus and +Diophanes, on the ground that they had invited them on account of their +political opposition to Philopoemen; and accordingly the general public +felt a certain suspicion of these two men. Such was the state of the +Peloponnese.... + +[Sidenote: Philopoemen on Archon.] + ++14.+ Philopoemen had a sharp difference in debate with Archon the +Strategus. In course of time, however, Philopoemen was convinced by +Archon’s arguments, and, changing his mind, spoke in warm commendation +of Archon as having managed his business with skill and address. But +when I heard the speech at the time it did not seem to me right to +praise a man and yet do him an injury, nor do I think so now in my +maturer years. For I think that there is as wide a distinction in +point of morality between practical ability and success secured by +absence of scruples, as there is between skill and mere cunning. The +former are in a manner the highest attainments possible, the latter the +reverse. But owing to the lack of discernment so general in our day, +these qualities, which have little in common, excite the same amount of +commendation and emulation in the world.... + +[Sidenote: Ambassadors from Philip and the Achaeans heard on the report +of Caecilius, B.C. 185-184.] + ++15.+ When Caecilius returned from Greece and made his report to the +Senate concerning Macedonia and the Peloponnese, the ambassadors who +had come to Rome on these matters were introduced into the Senate. +First came those from Philip and Eumenes, as well as the exiles from +Aenus and Maroneia; and on their saying much the same as they had said +before Caecilius and his colleagues at Thessalonica, the Senate voted +to send another deputation to Philip, to see first of all whether he +had evacuated the cities in Perrhaebia in conformity with the answer he +gave to Caecilius: and secondly, to order him to remove his garrison +from Aenus and Maroneia; and in a word, to abandon all fortresses, +positions, and towns on the seaboard of Thrace. + +[Sidenote: The Achaean ambassadors make their defence.] + +After these the ambassadors from the Peloponnese were introduced. +For the Achaeans on their part had sent Apollonidas of Sicyon, and +others, to justify themselves to Caecilius for his having received no +answer, and generally to inform the Senate on the question of Sparta; +and at the same time Areus and Alcibiades had come from Sparta as +ambassadors,—two of the old exiles recently restored by Philopoemen +and the Achaeans. And this was a circumstance that particularly roused +the anger of the Achaeans; because they thought it the height of +ingratitude on the part of the exiles, after receiving so important and +recent a service at their hands, to be now sending a hostile embassy, +and accusing to the sovereign people those who had been the authors of +their unlooked-for preservation and restoration to their country. + +[Sidenote: The Spartan envoys.] + +[Sidenote: The decision.] + ++16.+ Both parties were heard in their defence in each other’s +presence. Apollonidas of Sicyon and his colleagues tried to convince +the Senate that the affairs of Sparta could not have been better +managed than they were managed by Philopoemen. Areus and his colleagues +attempted to establish the reverse: alleging, first of all, that the +power of the city was entirely destroyed by the violent withdrawal +of so large a number; and, in the second place, that even those that +were left were so few that their position was insecure, now that the +walls were pulled down; and that their freedom of speech was entirely +destroyed by the fact that they were not only amenable to the general +decrees of the Achaean league, but were also made specially subject to +the magistrates set over them from time to time. After hearing these +envoys also, the Senate decided to give the same legates instructions +regarding them as well as the others, and appointed Appius Claudius and +his colleagues commissioners for Greece. + +[Sidenote: Defence of the refusal to call the Achaean assembly.] + +But the ambassadors from the Achaeans offered an explanation also to +Caecilius in the Senate, on behalf of the magistrates, asserting that +“They did not act wrongly or deserve blame for refusing to summon the +assembly, unless it were requisite to decide on an alliance or a war, +or unless some one brought a letter from the Senate. The magistrates +had therefore impartially considered the subject of summoning the +assembly, but were prevented from doing so by the laws, because he +neither brought a despatch from the Senate nor would show them any +written instructions.” At the conclusion of this speech Caecilius +rose and made an attack on Philopoemen and Lycortas, and the Achaeans +generally, and on the policy they had pursued towards the city of +Sparta. After listening to the arguments, the Senate answered the +Achaeans by saying that they would send commissioners to investigate +the matter of Sparta; and they accompanied this answer by an admonition +to them to pay attention to the ambassadors sent by them from time to +time, and show them proper respect, as the Romans did to ambassadors +who came to them.... + +[Sidenote: Philip’s vengeance on the people of Maroneia, early in B. C. +184. Livy, 39, 33.] + +[Sidenote: He attempts to evade responsibility for it.] + ++17.+ When Philip learnt, by a message from his own ambassadors at +Rome, that he would be obliged to evacuate the cities in Thrace, he +was extremely annoyed, because he regarded his kingdom as being now +curtailed on every side; and he vented his wrath upon the unhappy +people of Maroneia. He sent for Onomastus, his governor in Thrace, and +communicated with him on the subject. And Onomastus on his return sent +Cassander to Maroneia, who, from long residence there, was familiar +with the inhabitants,—for Philip’s practice had long been to place +members of his court in these cities, and accustom the people to their +residence among them. Some few days after his arrival, the Thracians +having been prepared for what they had to do, and having obtained +entrance to the city by night through the instrumentality of Cassander, +a great massacre took place, and many of the Maronites were killed. +Having wreaked this vengeance on those who opposed him, and satisfied +his own anger, Philip waited for the arrival of the Roman legates, +persuaded that no one would venture for fear of him to denounce his +crime. But when Appius and his colleagues presently arrived, they were +promptly informed of what had happened at Maroneia, and expostulated in +severe terms with Philip for it. The king attempted to defend himself +by asserting that he had nothing to do with this act of violence; +but that the Maronites, being divided into two hostile parties, one +inclined to Eumenes and the other to himself, inflicted this misfortune +upon themselves. He moreover bade them confront him with any one who +wished to accuse him. He said this from a conviction that no one would +venture to do so; because they would consider that Philip’s vengeance +upon those who opposed him would be near at hand, while assistance from +Rome would have a long way to come. But when Appius and his colleagues +said that “they required to hear no defence, for they were well aware +of what had happened, and who was the cause of it,” Philip became much +confused. + +[Sidenote: The guilty agents are to be sent to Rome.] + +[Sidenote: Another crime.] + +[Sidenote: Philip’s hostility to Rome.] + ++18.+ They went no further than this in the first interview: but during +the next day Appius ordered Philip to send Onomastus and Cassander at +once to Rome, that the Senate might inform itself on what had happened. +The king was disturbed at this to the greatest possible degree, and for +some time did not know what to say; but at last he said that he would +send Cassander, who was the actual author of the business, that the +Senate might learn the truth from him; but he tried to get Onomastus +excused, both in this and subsequent interviews with the legates, +alleging as a reason that not only had Onomastus not been in Maroneia +at the time of the massacre, but not even in any part of the country +in its neighbourhood. His real motive, however, was fear lest, if he +got to Rome, having been engaged with him in many similar transactions, +he would not only tell the Romans the story of Maroneia, but all the +others also. Eventually he did get Onomastus excused; and having, after +the departure of the legates, sent off Cassander, he sent some agents +with him as far as Epirus, and there had him poisoned.[122] But Appius +and his colleagues left Philip with their minds fully made up both as +to his guilt in the matter of Maroneia and his alienation from Rome. + +[Sidenote: King Philip meditates a breach with Rome.] + +[Sidenote: Sends his son Demetrius there, in hopes of putting off the +war for a time.] + +The king, thus relieved of the presence of the legates, after +consulting with his friends Apelles and Philocles became clearly +conscious that his quarrel with Rome had now become serious, and that +it could no longer be concealed, but was become notorious to most +people in the world. He was therefore now wholly bent on measures of +self-defence and retaliation. But as he was as yet unprepared for +some of the plans which he had in his mind, he cast about to find +some means of putting matters off, and gaining time for making his +preparations for war. He accordingly resolved to send his youngest son +Demetrius to Rome: partly to make his defence on the charges brought +against him, and partly also to beg pardon for any error which he +might have committed. He felt certain that everything he wished would +be obtained from the Senate by means of this young prince, because +of the extraordinary attentions which had been shown him when he was +acting as a hostage. He no sooner conceived this idea than he set about +making preparations for sending the prince and those of his own friends +destined to accompany him on his mission. At the same time he promised +the Byzantines to give them help: not so much because he cared for +them, as from a wish under cover of their name to strike terror into +the princes of the Thracians living beyond the Propontis, as a step +towards the fulfilment of his main purpose.... + +[Sidenote: Disputes in Crete.] + ++19.+ In Crete, while Cydas son of Antalces was _Cosmus_,[123] the +Gortynians, who sought in every way to depress the Gnossians, deprived +them of a portion of their territory called Lycastium, and assigned it +to the Rhaucii, and another portion called Diatonium to the Lyctii. +But when about this time Appius and his colleagues arrived in the +island from Rome, with the view of settling the controversies which +existed among them, and addressed remonstrances to the cities of +Gnossus and Gortyn on these points, the Cretans gave in, and submitted +the settlement of their disputes to Appius. He accordingly ordered +the restoration of their territory to the Gnossians; and that the +Cydoniates should receive back the hostages which they had formerly +left in the hands of Charmion, and should surrender Phalasarna, without +taking anything out of it. As to sharing in the legal jurisdiction of +the whole island, he left it free to the several cities to do so or not +as they pleased, on condition that in the latter case they abstained +from entering the rest of Crete, they and the exiles from Phalasarna +who murdered Menochius and his friends, their most illustrious +citizens.... + +[Sidenote: The Queen-Dowager, widow of Attalus, and her sons.] + +[Sidenote: Herodotus, 1, 31.] + ++20.+ Apollonias, the wife of Attalus, father of king Eumenes, was a +native of Cyzicus, and a woman who for many reasons deserves to be +remembered, and with honour. Her claims upon a favourable recollection +are that, though born of a private family, she became a queen, and +retained that exalted rank to the end of her life, not by the use of +meretricious fascinations, but by the virtue and integrity of her +conduct in private and public life alike. Above all, she was the mother +of four sons with whom she kept on terms of the most perfect affection +and motherly love to the last day of her life. And so Attalus and his +brother gained a high character, while staying at Cyzicus, by showing +their mother proper respect and honour. For they took each of them one +of her hands and led her between them on a visit to the temples and on +a tour of the town, accompanied by their suite. At this sight all who +saw it received the young princes with very warm marks of approval, +and, recalling the story of Cleobis and Biton, compared their conduct +with theirs; and remarked that the affectionate zeal shown by the young +princes, though perhaps not going so far as theirs, was rendered quite +as illustrious by the fact of their more exalted position. This took +place in Cyzicus, after the peace made with king Prusias.... + +[Sidenote: The policy of Ostiagon in Galatia.] + ++21.+ Ostiagon the Gaul, king of the Gauls of Asia, endeavoured to +transfer to himself the sovereignty of all the Gauls; and he had many +qualifications for such a post, both natural and acquired. For he was +open-handed and generous, a man of popular manners and ready tact; +and, what was most important in the eyes of the Gauls, he was a man of +courage and skill in war.... + +[Sidenote: Character of Aristonicus. See above, ch. 7.] + ++22.+ Aristonicus was one of the eunuchs of Ptolemy, king of Egypt, +and had been brought up from childhood with the king. As he grew up he +displayed more manly courage and tastes than are generally found in +an eunuch. For he had a natural predilection for a military life, and +devoted himself almost exclusively to that and all that it involved. +He was also skilful in dealing with men, and, what is very rare, took +large and liberal views, and was naturally inclined to bestow favours +and kindnesses.... + + + + +BOOK XXIII + + +[Sidenote: 149th Olympiad, B.C. 184-180.] + +[Sidenote: Coss. P. Claudius Pulcher, L. Porcius Licinus, B.C. 184.] + ++1.+ In the 149th Olympiad a greater number of embassies came to +Rome from Greece than were almost ever seen before. For as Philip +was compelled by treaty to submit disputes with his neighbours to +arbitration, and as it was known that the Romans were willing to +receive accusations against Philip, and would secure the safety of +those who had controversies with him, all who lived near the frontier +of Macedonia came to Rome, some in their private capacity, some from +cities, others from whole tribes, with complaints against Philip. At +the same time also came ambassadors from Eumenes, accompanied by his +brother Athenaeus, to accuse Philip in regard to the Thracian cities +and the aid sent to Prusias. Philip’s son, Demetrius, also came to +make answer to all these various envoys, accompanied by Apelles and +Philocles, who were at that time considered the king’s first friends. +Ambassadors also came from Sparta, representatives of each faction of +the citizens. + +[Sidenote: B.C. 183, Coss. M. Claudius Marcellus, Q. Fabius Labeo.] + +The first summoned to the Senate was Athenaeus, from whom the Senate +accepted the compliments of fifteen thousand gold pieces, and passed +a decree highly extolling Eumenes and his brothers for their answer, +and exhorting them to continue in the same mind. Next the praetors +called upon all the accusers of Philip, and brought them forward by one +embassy at a time. But as they were numerous, and their entry occupied +three days, the Senate became embarrassed as to the settlement to be +made in each case. For from Thessaly there were ambassadors from the +whole nation, and also from each city separately; so also from the +Perrhaebians, Athamanians, Epirotes, and Illyrians. And of these some +brought cases of dispute as to territory, slaves, or cattle; and some +about contracts or injuries sustained by themselves. Some alleged +that they could not get their rights in accordance with the treaty, +because Philip prevented the administration of justice; while others +impeached the justice of the decisions given, on the ground that Philip +had corrupted the arbitrators. And, in fact, there was an inextricable +confusion and multiplicity of charges. + +[Sidenote: Demetrius in the Senate. Livy, 39, 47.] + ++2.+ In such a state of things the Senate felt unable to come to a +clear decision itself, and did not think it fair that Demetrius should +have to answer each of the several indictments; for it regarded him +with great favour, and saw at the same time that his extreme youth +unfitted him to cope with business of such intricacy and complexity. +Besides, what it desired most was not to hear speeches of Demetrius, +but to ascertain with certainty the disposition of Philip. Excusing him +therefore from pleading his cause, the Senate asked the young man and +his friends whether they were the bearers of any written memoir from +the king; and upon Demetrius answering that he was, and holding out a +paper of no great size, the Senate bade him give a summary of what the +paper contained in answer to the accusations alleged. It amounted to +this, that on each point Philip asserted that he had carried out the +injunctions of the Senate, or, if he had not done so, laid the blame +upon his accusers; while to the greater number of his declarations he +had added the words, “though the commissioners with Caecilius were +unfair to me in this point,” or again, “though I am unjustly treated in +this respect.” Such being Philip’s mind, as expressed in the several +clauses of the paper, the Senate, after hearing the ambassadors who +were come to Rome, comprehended them all under one measure. By the +mouth of the praetor it offered an honourable and cordial reception to +Demetrius, expressed in ample and emphatic language, and answered his +speech by saying that “The Senate fully believe that on all the points +mentioned by Demetrius, or read by him from his paper of instructions, +full justice was already done or would be done. But, in order that +Philip might be made aware that the Senate paid this honour to +Demetrius, ambassadors would be sent to see that everything was being +done in accordance with the will of the Senate, and at the same time to +inform the king that he owed this grace to his son Demetrius.” Such was +the arrangement come to on this part of the business. + +[Sidenote: The ambassadors of Eumenes complain that Philip has not +evacuated Thrace.] + ++3.+ The next to enter the Senate were the ambassadors of king Eumenes, +who denounced Philip on account of the assistance sent to Prusias, and +concerning his actions in Thrace, alleging that even at that moment he +had not withdrawn his garrisons from the cities. But upon Philocles +showing his wish to offer a defence on these points, as having been +formerly charged with a mission to Prusias, and being now sent to +the Senate to represent Philip on this business, the Senate, without +listening very long to his speech, answered that “With regard to +Thrace, unless the legates found everything there settled in accordance +with its will, and all the cities restored to the entire control of +Eumenes, the Senate would be unable any longer to allow it to pass, or +to submit to being continually disobeyed.” + +[Sidenote: The high honour paid to Demetrius at Rome, and its fatal +result.] + +Though the ill-feeling between the Romans and Philip was becoming +serious, a check was put to it for the time by the presence of +Demetrius. And yet this young prince’s mission to Rome proved +eventually no slight link in the chain of events which led to the final +ruin of his house. For the Senate, by thus making much of Demetrius, +somewhat turned the young man’s head, and at the same time gravely +annoyed Perseus and the king, by making them feel that the kindness +they received from the Romans was not for their own sakes, but for +that of Demetrius. And T. Quintius Flamininus contributed not a little +to the same result by taking the young prince aside and communicating +with him in confidence. For he flattered him by suggesting that the +Romans meant before long to invest him with the kingdom; while he +irritated Philip and Perseus by sending a letter ordering the king +to send Demetrius to Rome again, with as many friends of the highest +character as possible. It was, in fact, by taking advantage of these +circumstances that Perseus shortly afterwards induced his father to +consent to the death of Demetrius. But I shall relate that event in +detail later on. + +[Sidenote: The four Spartan embassies. 1. Lysis, for the men banished +by Nabis. 2. Areus and Alcibiades.] + +[Sidenote: 3. Serippus.] + +[Sidenote: 4. Chaeron, for the recent exiles.] + +[Sidenote: Decision of the IIIviri.] + ++4.+ The next ambassadors called in were the Lacedaemonians. Of these +there were four distinct factions. Lysis and his colleagues represented +the old exiles, and their contention was that they ought to have back +the possessions from which they had originally been driven. Areus +and Alcibiades, on the contrary, contended that they should receive +the value of a talent from their original property, and divide the +rest among deserving citizens. Serippus pleaded that things should +be left in exactly the state in which they were when they formerly +belonged to the Achaean league. Lastly, Chaeron and his colleagues +represented those who had been condemned to death or exile by the +votes of the Achaean league, and demanded their own recall and the +restoration of the constitution. These all delivered speeches against +the Achaeans in conformity with their several objects. The Senate, +finding itself unable to come to a clear decision on these particular +controversies, appointed a committee of investigation, consisting +of the three who had already been on a mission to the Peloponnese +on these matters, namely Titus Flamininus, Q. Caecilius, and Appius +Claudius Pulcher.[124] After long discussions before this committee +it was unanimously decided that the exiles and the condemned were to +be recalled, and that the city should remain a member of the Achaean +league. But as to the property, whether the exiles were each to select +a talent’s worth from what had been theirs [or to receive it all back], +on this point they continued to dispute. That they might not, however, +have to begin the whole controversy afresh [the committee] caused the +points agreed upon to be reduced to writing, to which all affixed +their seals. But the committee, also wishing to include the Achaeans +in the agreement, called in Xenarchus and his colleagues, who were at +that time on a mission from the Achaeans, to renew their alliance with +Rome, and at the same time to give an eye to their controversy with +the Lacedaemonians. These men, being unexpectedly asked whether they +consented to the terms contained in the written document, were somewhat +at a loss what to answer. For they did not approve of the restoration +of the exiles and the condemned persons, as being contrary to the +decree of the league, and the contents of the tablet on which that +decree was engraved; and yet they approved of the document as a whole, +because it contained the clause providing that Sparta should remain a +member of the league. Finally, however, partly from this difficulty, +and partly from awe of the Roman commissioners, they affixed their +seal. The Senate, therefore, selected Quintus Marcius to go as legate +to settle the affairs of Macedonia and the Peloponnese.... + +[Sidenote: Deinocrates of Messene.] + ++5.+ When Deinocrates of Messene arrived on a mission at Rome, he was +delighted to find that Titus Flamininus had been appointed by the +Senate to go as ambassador to Prusias and Seleucus. For having been +very intimate with Titus during the Lacedaemonian war, he thought that +this friendship, combined with his disagreements with Philopoemen, +would induce him on his arrival in Greece to settle the affairs +of Messene in accordance with his own views. He therefore gave up +everything else to attach himself exclusively to Titus, on whom he +rested all his hopes.... + +This same Deinocrates was a courtier and a soldier by nature as well +as habit, but he assumed the air of consummate statesmanship. His +parts, however, were showy rather than solid. In war his fertility +of resource and boldness were beyond the common run; and he shone in +feats of personal bravery. Nor were these his only accomplishments: he +was attractive and ready in conversation, versatile and courteous in +society. But at the same time he was devoted to licentious intrigue, +and in public affairs and questions of policy was quite incapable of +sustained attention or far-sighted views, of fortifying himself with +well-considered arguments, or putting them before the public. On this +occasion, for instance, though he had really given the initiative to +grave misfortunes, he did not think that he was doing anything of +importance; but followed his usual manner of life, quite regardless +of the future, indulging day after day in amours, wine, and song. +Flamininus, however, did once force him to catch a glimpse of the +seriousness of his position. For seeing him on a certain occasion in +a party of revellers dancing in long robes, he said nothing at the +time; but next morning, being visited by him with some request in +behalf of his country, he said: “I will do my best, Deinocrates; but +it does astonish me that you can drink and dance after having given +the start to such serious troubles for Greece.” He appears, indeed, +at that to have a little recovered his soberer senses, and to have +understood what an improper display he had been making of his tastes +and habits. However, he arrived at this period in Greece in company +with Flamininus, fully persuaded that the affairs of Messene would +be settled at a blow in accordance with his views. But Philopoemen +and his party were fully aware that Flamininus had no commission from +the Senate in regard to affairs in Greece; they therefore awaited +his arrival without taking any step of any sort. Having landed at +Naupactus, Flamininus addressed a despatch to the Strategus and +Demiurgi[125] bidding them summon the Achaeans to an assembly; to +which they wrote back that “they would do so, if he would write them +word what the subjects were on which he wished to confer with the +Achaeans; for the laws enjoined that limitation on the magistrates.” +As Flamininus did not venture to write this, the hopes of Deinocrates +and the so-called “old exiles,” but who had at that time been recently +banished from Sparta, came to nothing, as in fact did the visit of +Flamininus and the plans which he had formed.... + +[Sidenote: See 4, 35.] + ++6.+ About the same period some ambassadors were sent by the exiled +citizens of Sparta to Rome, among whom was Arcesilaus and Agesipolis +who, when quite a boy, had been made king in Sparta. These two men +were fallen upon and killed by pirates on the high seas; but their +colleagues arrived safely at Rome.... + +[Sidenote: The popularity of Demetrius in Macedonia. His father’s anger +and his brother’s jealousy.] + ++7.+ On the return of Demetrius from Rome, bringing with him the formal +reply, in which the Romans referred all the favour and confidence +which they avowed to their regard for Demetrius, saying that all they +had done or would do was for his sake,—the Macedonians gave Demetrius +a cordial reception, believing that they were relieved from all fear +and danger: for they had looked upon war with Rome as all but at their +doors, owing to the provocations given by Philip. But Philip and +Perseus were far from pleased, and were much offended at the idea of +the Romans taking no account of them, and referring all their favour +to Demetrius. Philip however concealed his displeasure; but Perseus, +who was not only behind his brother in good feelings to Rome, but much +his inferior in other respects, both in natural ability and acquired +accomplishments, made no secret of his anger: and was beginning to be +thoroughly alarmed as to his succession to the crown, and lest, in +spite of being the elder, he should be excluded. Therefore he commenced +by bribing the friends of Demetrius.... + + +_The end of this fraternal jealousy is described in Livy, 40, 5-24. +By a forged letter purporting to come from Flamininus, Philip is +persuaded that his son played the traitor at Rome and gives an order +or a permission for his being put to death; which is accordingly done, +partly by poison and partly by violence, at Heracleia_, B.C. 181. + +[Sidenote: Philip feigns submission to Rome, B.C. 183.] + +[Sidenote: The plain of the Hebrus.] + ++8.+ Upon Quintus Marcius arriving on his mission in Macedonia, +Philip evacuated the Greek cities in Thrace entirely and withdrew his +garrisons, though in deep anger and heaviness of spirit; and he put +on a right footing everything else to which the Roman injunctions +referred, wishing to give them no indication of his estrangement, but +to secure time for making his preparations for war. In pursuance of +this design he led out an army against the barbarians, and marching +through the centre of Thrace he invaded the Odrysae, Bessi, and +Dentheleti. Coming to Philippopolis, the inhabitants flying for +safety to the heights, he took it without a blow. And thence, after +traversing the plain, and sacking some of the villages, and exacting a +pledge of submission from others, he returned home, leaving a garrison +in Philippopolis, which was after a time expelled by the Odrysae in +defiance of their pledge of fidelity to Philip.... + +[Sidenote: After midsummer of B. C. 183.] + +[Sidenote: February, B.C. 182.] + ++9.+ In the second year of this Olympiad, on the arrival of ambassadors +from Eumenes, Pharnaces, and the Achaean league, and also from the +Lacedaemonians who had been banished from Sparta,[126] and from those +who were in actual possession of it, the Senate despatched their +business. But there came after them a mission from Rhodes in regard to +the disaster at Sinope; to whom the Senate replied that it would send +legates to investigate the case of the Sinopeans and their grievances +against those kings. And Quintus Marcius having recently arrived from +Greece and made his report on the state of affairs in Macedonia and +the Peloponnese, the Senate did not require to hear much more; but +having called in the envoys from the Peloponnese and Macedonia they +listened indeed to what they had to say, but founded its reply, without +any reference to their speeches, wholly on the report of Marcius, in +which he had stated, in reference to king Philip, that he had indeed +done all that was enjoined on him, but with great reluctance; and +that, if he got an opportunity, he would go all lengths against the +Romans. The Senate accordingly composed a reply to the king’s envoys +in which, while praising Philip for what he had done, they warned him +for the future to be careful not to be found acting in opposition to +the Romans. As to the Peloponnese, Marcius had reported that, as the +Achaeans were unwilling to refer any matter whatever to the Senate, +but were haughtily inclined and desirous of managing all their affairs +themselves, if the Senate would only reject their present application +and give ever so slight an indication of displeasure, Sparta would +promptly come to an understanding with Messene; and then the Achaeans +would be glad enough to appeal to the protection of Rome. In +consequence of this report they answered the Lacedaemonian Serippus and +his colleagues, wishing to leave this city in a state of suspense, that +they had done their best for them, but that for the present they did +not think this matter concerned them. But when the Achaeans besought +for help against the Messenians[127] in virtue of their alliance with +Rome, or at least that they would take precautions to prevent any +arms or corn from being brought from Italy into Messene, the Senate +refused compliance with either request and answered that the Achaeans +ought not to be surprised if Sparta or Corinth or Argos renounced +their league, if they would not conduct their hegemony in accordance +with the Senate’s views. This answer the Senate made public, as a +kind of proclamation that any people who chose might break off from +the Achaeans for all the Romans cared; and they further retained the +ambassadors in Rome, waiting to see the issue of the quarrel between +the Achaeans and Messenians.... + +[Sidenote: The conflict of feelings in Philip’s mind.] + +[Sidenote: See 5, 9.] + ++10.+ In this period a certain dreadful foreshadowing of misfortune +fell upon king Philip and the whole of Macedonia, of a kind well worthy +of close attention and record. As though Fortune had resolved to exact +from him at once the penalties for all the impieties and crimes which +he had committed in the whole course of his life, she now visited +him with furies, those deities of retribution, those powers that had +listened to the prayers of the victims of his cruelties, who, haunting +him day and night, so plagued him to the last day of his life, that +all the world was forced to acknowledge the truth of the proverb, that +“Justice has an eye” which mere men should never despise. The first +idea suggested to him by this evil power was that, as he was about +to go to war with Rome, he had better remove from the most important +cities, and those along the sea-coast, the leading citizens, with +their wives and children, and place them in Emathia, formerly called +Paeonia, and fill up the cities with Thracians and other barbarians, +as likely to be more securely loyal to him in the coming hour of +danger. The actual carrying out of this measure, and the uprooting of +these men and their families, caused such an outburst of grief, and so +violent an outcry, that one might have supposed the whole district to +have been taken by the sword. Curses and appeals to heaven were rained +upon the head of the king without any further attempt at concealment. +His next step, prompted by the wish to leave no element of hostility +or disaffection in the kingdom, was to write to the governors of the +several cities ordering them to search out the sons and daughters of +such Macedonians as had been put to death by him, and place them in +ward; in which he referred especially to Admetus, Pyrrhicus, and Samus, +and those who had perished with them: but he also included all others +whosoever that had been put to death by order of the king, quoting this +verse, we are told:—[128] + + + “Oh fool! to slay the sire and leave the sons.” + + +Most of these men being persons of distinguished families, their fate +made a great noise and excited universal pity. But Fortune had a third +act in this bloody drama in reserve for Philip, in which the young +princes plotted against each other; and their quarrels being referred +to him, he was forced to choose between becoming the murderer of +his sons and living the rest of his life in dread of being murdered +by them in his old age; and to decide which of the two he had the +greater reason to fear. Tortured day and night by these anxieties, +the miseries and perturbations of his spirit lead to the inevitable +reflection that the wrath of heaven fell upon his old age for the sins +of his previous life: which will be rendered still more evident by what +remains to be told.... Just when his soul was stung to madness by these +circumstances, the quarrel between his sons blazed out: Fortune, as it +were of set purpose, bringing their misfortunes upon the scene all at +one time.... + +[Sidenote: Fragment referring to the military sham fight in which +Perseus and Demetrius quarrelled, B. C. 182. See Livy, 40, 6.] The +Macedonians make offerings to Xanthus as a hero, and perform a +purification of the army with horses fully equipped.... + + +[Sidenote: Part of a speech of Philip to his two sons after the quarrel +at the manœuvres. See Livy, 40, 8.] + ++11.+ “One should not merely read tragedies, tales, and histories, but +should understand and ponder over them. In all of them one may learn +that whenever brothers fall out and allow their quarrel to go any +great length, they invariably end not only by destroying themselves +but in the utter ruin of their property, children, and cities; while +those who keep their self-love within reasonable bounds, and put up +with each other’s weaknesses, are the preservers of these, and live in +the fairest reputation and fame. I have often directed your attention +to the kings in Sparta, telling you that they preserved the hegemony +in Greece for their country just so long as they obeyed the ephors, +as though they were their parents, and were content to reign jointly. +But directly they in their folly tried to change the government to +a monarchy, they caused Sparta to experience every misery possible. +Finally, I have pointed out to you as an example the case of Eumenes +and Attalus; showing you that, though they succeeded to but a small +and insignificant realm, they have raised it to a level with the best, +simply by the harmony and unity of sentiment, and mutual respect which +they maintained towards each other. But so far from taking my words to +heart, you are, as it seems to me, whetting your angry passions against +each other....” + + +THE FALL OF PHILOPOEMEN + +[Sidenote: The death of Philopoemen, B. C. 183, or perhaps early in B. +C. 182.] + ++12.+ Philopoemen rose[129] and proceeded on his way, though he was +oppressed at once by illness and the weight of years, being now in the +seventieth year of his age. Conquering his weakness, however, by the +force of his previous habits he reached Megalopolis, from Argos, in one +day’s journey.... + +[Sidenote: Philopoemen was murdered by the Messenians, who had +abandoned the league and were at war with it. See Livy, 39, 49-50.] + +He was captured, when Achaean Strategus, by the Messenians and +poisoned. Thus, though second to none that ever lived before him in +excellence, his fortune was less happy; yet in his previous life he +seemed ever to have enjoyed her favour and assistance. But it was, +I suppose, a case of the common proverb, “a man may have a stroke +of luck, but no man can be lucky always.” We must, therefore, call +our predecessors fortunate, without pretending that they were so +invariably—for what need is there to flatter Fortune by a meaningless +and false compliment? It is those who have enjoyed Fortune’s smiles in +their life for the longest time, and who, when she changes her mind, +meet with only moderate mishaps, that we must speak of as fortunate.... + +[Sidenote: Character of Philopoemen. He is succeeded by Lycortas as +Strategus.] + +Philopoemen was succeeded by Lycortas,[130] ... and though he had +spent forty years of an active career in a state at once democratic +and composed of many various elements, he had entirely avoided giving +rise to the jealousy of the citizens in any direction: and yet he had +not flattered their inclinations, but for the most part had used great +freedom of speech, which is a case of very rare occurrence.... + +[Sidenote: Character of Hannibal, who poisoned himself at the court of +Prusias, B. C. 183. See Livy, 39, 1.] + ++13.+ An admirable feature in Hannibal’s character, and the strongest +proof of his having been a born ruler of men, and having possessed +statesmanlike qualities of an unusual kind, is that, though he was for +seventeen years engaged in actual warfare, and though he had to make +his way through numerous barbaric tribes, and to employ innumerable men +of different nationalities in what appeared desperate and hazardous +enterprises, he was never made the object of a conspiracy by any +of them, nor deserted by any of those who had joined him and put +themselves under his command.... + +[Sidenote: Character of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, whose death +Polybius places in this year, but according to Livy wrongly, who +assigns it to the previous year (39, 52.)] + ++14.+ Publius Scipio, in the course of an active career in an +aristocratic state, secured such popularity with the multitude and +such credit with the Senate, that when some one took upon himself to +bring him to trial before the people in the manner usual at Rome, and +produced many bitter accusations against him, he came forward and +said nothing but that “It ill became the Roman people to listen to +accusations against P. Cornelius Scipio, to whom his accusers owed +it that they had the power of speech at all.” At this the populace +dispersed, and quitting the assembly, left the accuser alone.... Once +when there was a sum of money required in the Senate for some pressing +business, and the quaestor, on the ground of a legal difficulty, +refused to open the treasury on that particular day, Scipio said that +“he would take the keys himself and open it; for he was the cause of +the treasury being locked at all.” And again, when some one in the +Senate demanded an account of the money which he had received from +Antiochus before the treaty for the pay of his army, he said that +he had the ledger, but that he ought not to be called to account by +any one. But on his questioner persisting, and urging him to produce +it, he bade his brother bring it. When the schedule was brought, he +held it out in front of him, and tearing it to pieces in the sight of +everybody bade the man who asked for it seek it out of these fragments, +and he demanded of the rest “How they could ask for the items of the +expenditure of these three thousand talents, and yet no longer ask for +an account of how and by whose agency the fifteen thousand talents +which they received from Antiochus came into the treasury, nor how it +is that they have become masters of Asia, Libya, and Iberia?” This +speech not only made a strong impression on the rest, but also reduced +the man who demanded the account to silence. + +These anecdotes have been related by me for the double purpose +of enhancing the fame of the departed, and of encouraging future +generations in the paths of honour.... + ++15.+ For my part, I never concur with those who indulge their anger +against men of their own blood to the length of not only depriving +them of the year’s harvest when at war with them, but even of cutting +down their trees and destroying their buildings, and of leaving them +no opportunity for repentance. Such proceedings seem to me to be rank +folly. For, while they imagine that they are dismaying the enemy by the +devastation of their territory, and the deprivation of their future as +well as their present means of getting the necessaries of life, they +are all the while exasperating the men, and converting an isolated +ebullition of anger into a lasting hatred.... + +[Sidenote: Lycortas, the successor of Philopoemen, compels the +Messenians to sue for peace, B.C. 183-182.] + +[Sidenote: Summer B.C. 182.] + ++16.+ Lycortas the Achaean Strategus crushed the spirits of the +Messenians in the war. Up to this time the populace at Messene had +been afraid of their magistrates; but now at length, relying on the +protection of the enemy, some of them plucked up courage to break +silence and to say that the time was come to send an embassy to +negotiate a peace. Deinocrates and his colleagues, being no longer +able to face the people under this storm of popular odium, yielded to +circumstances and retired to their own houses. Thereupon the people, +acting under the advice of the older men, and especially under that +of Epaenetus and Apollodorus, the ambassadors from Boeotia,—who, +having arrived some time before to negotiate a peace, happened +fortunately to be at that time at Messene,—appointed and despatched +envoys, begging forgiveness for their transgressions. The Achaean +Strategus, having summoned his colleagues[131] to council, and given +the envoys a hearing, answered that “There was but one way in which +the Messenians could reconcile themselves to the league, and that +was by at once surrendering to him the authors of the revolt and of +the murder of Philopoemen, leave the rest to the authority of the +league assembly, and at once receive a garrison into their citadel.” +When this message was announced to the Messenian populace, those who +had long been bitterly opposed to the authors of the war were ready +enough to surrender them and to arrest them; while the rest, being +persuaded that they would not be severely dealt with by the Achaeans, +readily consented to submit the general question to the decision of +the assembly. But what chiefly induced them to unanimously accept +the proposal was, that they in fact had no choice in the matter. The +Strategus accordingly at once took over the citadel and marched his +peltasts into it; and then, taking some picked troops with him, entered +the city; and having summoned a meeting of the people, addressed them +in terms befitting the occasion, promising that “they would never have +reason to repent having committed themselves to the honour of the +Achaeans.” The general question of what was to be done he thus referred +to the league,—for it happened conveniently that the Achaeans were just +then reassembling at Megalopolis for the second Congress,[132]—but of +those who were guilty of the disturbances, he ordered all such as were +actually implicated in the summary execution of Philopoemen to put an +end to their own lives.... + +[Sidenote: Abia, Thuria, and Pharae make a separate league.] + ++17.+ The Messenians were reduced by their own folly to the brink of +ruin, but were restored to their former position in the league by +the magnanimity of Lycortas and the Achaeans. But the towns of Abia, +Thuria, and Pharae during these transactions abandoned their connection +with Messene, and, setting up a pillar engraved with a treaty of +alliance between themselves, formed a separate league. When the Romans +were informed that the Messenian war had turned out successfully for +the Achaeans, without taking any account of their previous declaration +they gave a different answer to the same ambassadors, asserting that +they had taken measures to prevent any one from conveying arms or +corn from Italy into Messene. By this they showed clearly that, so +far from avoiding or disregarding the affairs of foreign nations not +directly concerning themselves, they were, on the contrary, annoyed at +everything not being referred to them and carried out in accordance +with their opinion. + +[Sidenote: Achaean meeting at Sicyon.] + +When the ambassadors arrived in Sparta with their answer, the Achaean +Strategus as soon as he had settled the Messenian business, summoned a +congress at Sicyon, and on its assembling, proposed a resolution for +the reception of Sparta into the league, alleging that “The Romans had +declined the arbitration which had previously been offered to them in +regard to this city,—for they had answered that they had now no concern +with any of the affairs of Sparta. Those, however, at present in power +at Sparta were desirous of being admitted to the privileges of the +league. Therefore he advised that they should admit the town; for this +would be advantageous in two ways: first, because they would be thus +admitting men who had remained unshaken in their loyalty to the league; +and secondly, because they would not be admitting those of the old +exiles, who had behaved with ingratitude and impiety towards them, to +any share of their privileges; but by confirming the measures of those +who had excluded them, would at the same time be showing, with God’s +help, due gratitude to the latter.” With these words Lycortas exhorted +the Achaeans to receive the city of Sparta into the league. But +Diophanes and some others attempted to put in a word for the exiles, +and urged the Achaeans “Not to join in pressing heavily upon these +banished men; and not to be influenced by a mere handful of men to +strengthen the hands of those who had impiously and lawlessly expelled +them from their country.” + +[Sidenote: Sparta admitted to the league.] + ++18.+ Such were the arguments employed on either side. The Achaeans, +after listening to both, decided to admit the city, and accordingly the +agreement was engraved on a tablet, and Sparta became a member of the +Achaean league: the existing citizens having agreed to admit such of +the old exiles as were not considered to have acted in a hostile spirit +against the Achaeans. After confirming this arrangement the Achaeans +sent Bippus of Argos and others as ambassadors to Rome, to explain to +the Senate what had been done in the matter. The Lacedaemonians also +sent Chaeron and others; while the exiles too sent a mission led by +Cletis Diactorius[133] to oppose the Achaean ambassadors in the Senate. + + + + +BOOK XXIV + + +[Sidenote: Embassies at Rome from the Achaeans, the Spartan exiles, +Eumenes of Pergamus, Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, and Pharnaces, +king of Pontus, B.C. 182.] + ++1.+ The ambassadors from the Spartan exiles and from the Achaeans +arrived in Rome simultaneously with those of Eumenes, king Ariarathes, +and Pharnaces; and the Senate attended to these latter first. A short +time previously a report had been made to the Senate by Marcus,[134] +who had been despatched on a mission respecting the war that had broken +out between Eumenes and Pharnaces, speaking highly of the moderation +of Eumenes in every particular, and the grasping temper and insolence +of Pharnaces. The Senate accordingly did not require any lengthened +arguments; but, after listening to the ambassadors, answered that they +would once more send legates to examine more minutely into the points +in dispute between the kings. Then came in the ambassadors from the +Lacedaemonian exiles, and with them the ambassadors from the citizens +actually in the city; and after giving them a long hearing, the Senate +expressed no disapproval of what had been done, but promised the exiles +to write to the Achaeans on the subject of their restoration to their +country. Some days afterwards, Bippus of Argos and his colleagues, +sent by the Achaeans, entered the Senate with a statement as to the +restoration of order in Messene; and the Senate, without showing +displeasure at any part of the arrangement, gave the ambassadors a +cordial reception.... + +[Sidenote: Terms granted to the Messenians.] + +[Sidenote: The request of the Spartan exiles refused.] + ++2.+ When the ambassadors of the Spartan exiles arrived in the +Peloponnese from Rome with a letter from the Senate to the Achaeans, +desiring that measures should be taken for their recall and restoration +to their country, the Achaeans resolved to postpone the consideration +of the question until their own ambassadors should return. After +making this answer, they caused the agreement between themselves and +the Messenians to be engraved on a tablet: granting them, among other +favours, a three years’ remission of taxes, in order that the damage +done to their territory should fall upon the Achaeans equally with the +Messenians. But when Bippus and his colleagues arrived from Rome, and +reported that the letter in regard to the exiles was not due to any +strong feeling on the part of the Senate, but to the importunity of the +exiles themselves, the Achaeans voted to make no change.... + +[Sidenote: M. Haemus. Livy, 46, 21.] + ++3.+ Mount Haemus is close to the Pontus, the most extensive and +loftiest of the ranges in Thrace, which it divides into two nearly +equal parts, from which a view of both seas may be obtained....[135] + +[Sidenote: Crete in B.C. 182. See bk. 22, ch. 19.] + ++4.+ In Crete there was the beginning of great troubles set in motion, +if one should speak of “a beginning of troubles” in Crete: for owing +to the persistency of civil wars and the acts of savagery practised +against each other, beginning and end are much the same in Crete; and +what appears to some people to be an incredible story is a spectacle of +everyday occurrence there.... + +[Sidenote: End of the war between Eumenes and Pharnaces, which the +former had undertaken to support his father-in-law Ariarathes. See +Livy, 38, 39, B.C. 182-181.] + ++5.+ Having come to terms with each other, Pharnaces, Attalus, and the +rest returned home. While this was going on, Eumenes had recovered +from his illness, and was staying at Pergamus; and when his brother +arrived to announce the arrangements that had been made, he approved of +what had been done, and resolved to send his brothers to Rome: partly +because he hoped to put and end to the war with Pharnaces by means of +their mission, and partly because he wished to introduce his brothers +to his own private friends at Rome, and officially to the Senate. +Attalus and his brother were eager for this tour; and when they arrived +in Rome the young men met with a cordial reception from everybody in +private society, owing to the intimacies which they had formed during +the Roman wars in Asia, and a still more honourable welcome from the +Senate, which made liberal provision for their entertainment and +maintenance, and treated them with marked respect in such conferences +as it had with them. Thus, when the young men came formally before +the Senate, and, after speaking at considerable length of the renewal +of their ancient ties of friendship with Rome and inveighing against +Pharnaces, begged the Senate to adopt some active measures to inflict +on him the punishment he deserved, the Senate gave them a favourable +hearing, and promised in reply to send legates to use every possible +means of putting an end to the war.... + +[Sidenote: Ptolemy Epiphanes sends a present to the Achaeans. Lycortas, +Polybius, and Aratus sent to return thanks, B.C. 181.] + +[Sidenote: Bk. 22, ch. 12.] + +[Sidenote: Ptolemy Epiphanes poisoned in B.C. 181.] + ++6.+ About the same time king Ptolemy, wishing to make friends with the +Achaean league, sent an ambassador to them with an offer of a fleet of +ten penteconters fully equipped; and the Achaeans, thinking the present +worthy of their thanks, for the cost could not be much less than ten +talents, gladly accepted the offer. Having come to this resolution, +they selected Lycortas, Polybius, and Aratus, son of Aratus of Sicyon, +to go on a mission to the king, partly to thank him for the arms which +he had sent on a former occasion, and partly to receive the ships and +make arrangements for bringing them across. They appointed Lycortas, +because, as Strategus at the time that Ptolemy renewed the alliance, he +had worked energetically on the king’s side; and Polybius, though below +the legal age for acting as ambassador,[136] because his father has +been ambassador at the renewal of the alliance with Ptolemy, and had +brought the present of arms and of money to the Achaeans; and Aratus, +similarly, on account of his former intercourse with the king. However, +this mission never went after all as Ptolemy died just at this time.... + +[Sidenote: Chaeron’s malversations at Sparta.] + +[Sidenote: Assassination of Apollonides.] + ++7.+ There was at this time in Sparta a man named Chaeron, who in the +previous year had been on an embassy to Rome, a man of ready wit and +great ability in affairs, but still young, in a humble position of +life, and without the advantages of a liberal education. By flattering +the mob, and starting questions which no one else had the assurance to +move, he soon acquired a certain notoriety with the people. The first +use he made of his power was to confiscate the land granted by the +tyrants to the sisters, wives, mothers, and children of the exiles, +and to distribute it on his own authority among the poor without any +fixed rule or regard to equality. He next squandered the revenue, using +the public money as though it were his own, without the authority +of law, public decree, or magistrate. Annoyed at these proceedings, +certain men managed to get themselves appointed auditors of the +treasury in accordance with the laws. Seeing this, and conscious of his +maladministration of the government, Chaeron sent some men to attack +Apollonides, the most illustrious of the auditors, and the most able to +expose his embezzlements, who stabbed him to death in broad daylight as +he was coming from the bath. Upon this being reported to the Achaeans, +and the people expressing great indignation at what had been done, +the Strategus at once started for Sparta; and when he arrived there +he brought Chaeron to trial for the murder of Apollonides, and having +condemned him, threw him into prison. He then incited the remaining +auditors to make a real investigation into the public funds, and to see +that the relations of the exiles got back the property of which Chaeron +had shortly before deprived them.... + +[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 181-180.] + +[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 180.] + +[Sidenote: Eumenes enters Cappadocia.] + +[Sidenote: Two Galatian chiefs.] + +[Sidenote: Calpitus in Galatia (?). Parnassus, a town on the Halys.] + +[Sidenote: Mocissus, N. of the Halys.] + ++8.+ In Asia king Pharnaces, once more treating the reference to Rome +with contempt, sent Leocritus in the course of the winter with ten +thousand men to ravage Galatia, while he himself at the beginning of +spring collected his forces and invaded Cappadocia. When Eumenes heard +of it, he was much enraged at Pharnaces thus breaking through the +terms of the agreement to which he was pledged, but was compelled to +retaliate by acting in the same way. When he had already collected his +forces, Attalus and his brother landed from their voyage from Rome, and +the three brothers, after meeting and interchanging views, marched out +at once with the army. But on reaching Galatia they found Leocritus +no longer there; and when Carsignatus and Gaesotorius, who had before +embraced the cause of Pharnaces, sent them a message desiring that +their lives might be spared, and promising that they would do anything +that might be required of them, they refused the request on the ground +of the treachery of which they had been guilty, and advanced with +their full force against Pharnaces; and having performed the distance +from Calpitus to the river Halys in five days, they reached Parnassus +in six more, and being there joined by Ariarathes, the king of the +Cappadocians, with his own army, they entered the territory of the +Mocissians. Just as they had pitched their camp, news came that the +ambassadors from Rome had arrived to effect a pacification. When the +heard this, Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to receive them; while he +devoted himself to doubling the number of his troops, and improving +them to the utmost: partly with a view to prepare them for actual +service, and partly to impress the Romans with the belief that he was +able to defend himself against Pharnaces, and beat him in war. + +[Sidenote: The Roman legates arrive and undertake to negotiate.] + +[Sidenote: The negotiation fails.] + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians engaged in putting down a rising of the +Lycians. See Bk. 22, ch. 5.] + ++9.+ When the Roman legates arrived and urged the putting an end to the +war, Eumenes and Ariarathes professed to be ready to obey; but begged +the Romans to bring them, if possible, to an interview with Pharnaces, +that they might see fully from what was said in their own presence how +faithless and cruel a man Pharnaces was; and, if this proved to be +impossible, to take a fair and impartial view of the controversy and +decide it themselves. The legates replied that they would do everything +that was in their power and was consistent with honour; but they +required the kings to remove their army from the country: for it was +inconsistent that, when they were there with proposals for a peace, +operations of war should be going on and mutual acts of hostility be +committed. Eumenes and his ally yielded to this representation, and +immediately marched off in the direction of Galatia. The Roman legates +then visited Pharnaces, and first demanded that he should meet Eumenes +and Ariarathes in a conference, as that would be the surest way of +settling the affair; but when he expressed repugnance to that measure, +and absolutely refused to do so, the Romans at once perceived that he +plainly thought himself in the wrong, and distrusted his own cause; +but, being anxious in any and every way to put an end to the war, they +continued to press him until he consented to send plenipotentiaries +to the coast, to conclude a peace on such terms as the legates might +command. When these plenipotentiaries, the Roman legates, and Eumenes +and Ariarathes met, the latter showed themselves ready to consent to +any proposal for the sake of concluding a peace. But the envoys of +Pharnaces disputed every point, and did not hold even to what they +had once accepted, but continually brought forward some fresh demand, +and altered their mind again and again. The Roman legates, therefore, +quickly came to the conclusion that they were wasting their labour, +as Pharnaces could not be induced to consent to the pacification. The +conference accordingly having come to nothing, and the Roman legates +having left Pergamum, and the envoys of Pharnaces having gone home, the +war went on, Eumenes and his allies proceeding in their preparations +for it. Meanwhile, however, the Rhodians earnestly requested Eumenes to +help them; and he accordingly set out in great haste to carry on a war +against the Lycians.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 180. Debate in the Achaean assembly on the Roman +despatch.] + ++10.+ This year the Achaean Strategus Hyperbatus brought before the +assembly the question of the letter from Rome as to the recall of the +Lacedaemonian exiles. Lycortas and his party recommended that no change +should be made, on the ground that “The Romans had only acted as they +were bound to do in listening to the petition of men who, on the face +of it, were deprived of their rights, so far as that petition seemed +reasonable; but when they were convinced that of a petition some points +were impossible, and others such as to inflict great disgrace and +damage upon their friends, it had never been their custom to insist +upon them peremptorily, or force their adoption. So in this case also, +if it were shown to them that the Achaeans by obeying their letter +would be breaking their oaths, their laws, and the provisions engraved +on the tablets, the very bonds of our league, they will retract their +orders, and will admit that we are right to hesitate and to ask to +be excused from carrying out its injunctions.” Such was the speech +of Lycortas. But Hyperbatus and Callicrates advised submission to +the letter, and that they should hold its authority superior to law +or tablet or anything else. Such being the division of opinion, the +Achaeans voted to send ambassadors to the Senate, to put before it the +points contained in the speech of Lycortas. Callicrates of Leontium, +Lydiades of Megalopolis, and Aratus of Sicyon were forthwith nominated +for this mission, and were despatched with instructions to this effect. +But on their arrival at Rome Callicrates went before the Senate, and, +so far from addressing it in accordance with his instructions, he on +the contrary entered upon an elaborate denunciation of his political +opponents; and, not contented with that, he undertook to rebuke the +Senate itself. + +[Sidenote: Callicrates, instead of obeying his instructions, denounces +his opponents, and persuades the Senate that their interference is +necessary.] + ++11.+ For he said that “The Romans were themselves responsible for the +Greeks neglecting their letters and orders instead of obeying them. For +in all the democratic states of the day there were two parties,—one +recommending obedience to the Roman rescripts, and holding neither law +nor tablet nor anything else to be superior to the will of Rome; the +other always quoting oaths and tablets, and exhorting the people to +be careful about breaking them. Now the latter policy was by far the +most popular in Achaia, and the most influential with the multitude; +consequently the Romanisers were discredited and denounced among the +populace—their opponents glorified. If then the Senate would give some +sign of their interest in the matter, the leaders, in the first place, +would quickly change to the Romanising party, and, in the next place, +would be followed by the populace from fear. But if this were neglected +by the Senate, the tendency towards the latter of the two parties would +be universal, as the more creditable and honourable in the eyes of the +populace. Thus it came about that at that very time certain statesmen, +without any other claims whatever, had obtained the highest offices +in their own cities, merely from coming forward to speak against the +rescripts of the Senate, with the view of maintaining the validity +of the laws and decrees made in the country. If then the Senate was +indifferent about having their rescripts obeyed by the Greeks, by all +means let it go on as it is now doing. But if the Senate wished that +its orders should be carried out, and its rescripts be despised by no +one, it must give serious attention to that subject. If it did not +do so, he knew only too well that the exact opposite of the Senate’s +wishes would come about, as in fact had already been the case. For but +lately, in the Messenian disturbance, though Quintus Marcius had taken +many precautions to prevent the Achaeans adopting any measures with +regard to the Messenians without the consent of the Romans, they had +disobeyed that order; had voted the war on their own authority; had not +only wasted the whole country in defiance of justice, but had in some +cases driven its noblest citizens into exile, and in others put them +to death with every extremity of torture, though they had surrendered, +and were guilty of no crime but that of appealing to Rome on the points +in dispute. Again, too, though the Senate had repeatedly written to +order the restoration of the Lacedaemonian exiles, the Achaeans were +so far from obeying, that they had actually set up an engraved tablet, +and made a sworn agreement with the men actually in possession of the +city that these exiles should never return. With these instances before +their eyes, the Romans should take measures of precaution for the +future.” + +[Sidenote: The Romans adopt the policy of raising a party in Greece +against the Achaean league.] + ++12.+ After delivering a speech in these words, or to this effect, +Callicrates left the Senate-house. He was followed by the envoys of +the exiles, who retired after delivering a short address, stating +their case, and containing some of the ordinary appeals to pity. The +Senate was persuaded that much of what Callicrates had said touched +the interests of Rome, and that it was incumbent upon it to exalt +those who supported its own decrees, and to humble those who resisted +them. It was with this conviction, therefore, and at this time that +it first adopted the policy of depressing those who in their several +states took the patriotic and honourable side, and promoting those +who were for appealing to its authority on every occasion, right or +wrong. The result of which was that gradually, as time went on,the +Senate had abundance of flatterers, but a great scarcity of genuine +friends. However, on this occasion the Senate did not write about +the restoration of the exiles to the Achaeans only, but also to the +Aetolians, Epirotes, Athenians, Boeotians, and Acarnanians, calling +them all as it were to witness, in order to break down the power of the +Achaeans. Moreover, they added to their answer, without saying a word +to his colleagues, a remark confined entirely to Callicrates himself, +that “everybody in the various states should be as Callicrates.” This +man accordingly arrived in Greece with his answer, in a great state of +exultation, little thinking that he had become the initiator of great +miseries to all the Greeks, but especially to the Achaeans. This nation +had still at that time the privilege of dealing on something like equal +terms with Rome, because it had kept faith with her from the time that +it had elected to maintain the Roman cause, in the hour of her greatest +danger—I mean during the wars with Philip and Antiochus.... The league, +too, had made progress in material strength and in every direction +from the period from which my history commences; but the audacious +proceeding of Callicrates proved the beginning of a change for the +worse.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 180-179.] + +The Romans having the feelings of men, with a noble spirit and generous +principles, commiserate all who have met with misfortunes, and show +favour to all who fly to them for protection; but directly any one +claims anything as of right, on the ground of having been faithful to +their alliance, they at once draw in and correct their error to the +best of their ability. Thus then Calibrates, who had been sent to Rome +to plead for the rights of the Achaeans, acted in exactly the opposite +spirit; and dragging in the subject of the Messenian war, on which +the Romans themselves had made no complaint, returned to Achaia to +overawe the people with the threat of the hostility of Rome. Having +therefore by his official report frightened and dismayed the spirits of +the populace, who were of course ignorant of what he had really said +in the Senate, he was first of all elected Strategus, and, to make +matters worse, proved to be open to bribery; and then, having got the +office, carried out the restoration of the Lacedaemonian and Messenian +exiles.[137]... + +[Sidenote: Comparison between the characters of Philopoemen and +Aristaenus.] + ++13.+ Philopoemen and Aristaenus, the Achaeans, were unlike both in +character and policy. Philopoemen was formed by nature in body and mind +for the life of a soldier, Aristaenus for a statesman and debater. In +politics they differed in this, that whereas during the periods of the +wars with Philip and Antiochus, Roman influence had become supreme in +Greece, Aristaenus directed his policy with the idea of carrying out +with alacrity every order from Rome, and sometimes even of anticipating +it. Still he endeavoured to keep up the appearance of abiding by the +laws, and did, in fact, maintain the reputation of doing so, only +giving way when any one of them proved to plainly militate against the +rescripts from Rome. But Philopoemen accepted, and loyally performed, +all Roman orders which were in harmony with the laws and the terms of +their alliance; but when such orders exceeded these limits, he could +not make up his mind to yield a willing obedience, but was wont first +to demand an arbitration, and to repeat the demand a second time; and +if this proved unavailing, to give in at length under protest, and so +finally carry out the order.... + +[Sidenote: The view of Aristaenus on the right attitude towards Rome.] + ++14.+ Aristaenus used to defend his policy before the Achaeans by some +such arguments as these: “It was impossible to maintain the Roman +friendship by holding out the spear and the herald’s staff together. +If we have the resolution to withstand them face to face, and can do +so, well and good. But if Philopoemen himself does not venture to +assert this,[138]... why should we lose what is possible in striving +for the impossible? There are but two marks that every policy must aim +at—honour and expediency. Those to whom honour is a possible attainment +should stick to that, if they have political wisdom; those to whom +it is not must take refuge in expediency. To miss both is the surest +proof of unwisdom: and the men to do that are clearly those who, while +ostensibly consenting to obey orders, carry them out with reluctance +and hesitation. Therefore we must either show that we are strong enough +to refuse obedience, or, if we dare not venture even to suggest that, +we must give a ready submission to orders.” + +[Sidenote: Philopoemen’s answer in defence of his policy.] + ++15.+ Philopoemen, however, said that “People should not suppose him +so stupid as not to be able to estimate the difference between the +Achaean and Roman states, or the superiority of the power of the +latter. But as it is the inevitable tendency of the stronger to oppress +the weaker, can it be expedient to assist the designs of the superior +power, and to put no obstacle in their way, so as to experience as soon +as possible the utmost of their tyranny? Is it not, on the contrary, +better to resist and struggle to the utmost of our power?... And +if they persist in forcing their injunctions upon us,[138]... and +if, by reminding them of the facts we do something to soften their +resolution, we shall at any rate mitigate the harshness of their rule +to a certain extent; especially as up to this time the Romans, as you +yourself say, Aristaenus, have always made a great point of fidelity +to oaths, treaties, and promises to allies. But if we at once condemn +the justice of our own cause, and, like captives of the spear, offer an +unquestioning submission to every order, what will be the difference +between the Achaeans and the Sicilians or Capuans, who have been +notoriously slaves this long time past? Therefore it must either be +admitted that the justice of a cause has no weight with the Romans, or, +if we do not venture to say that, we must stand by our rights, and not +abandon our own cause, especially as our position in regard to Rome is +exceedingly strong and honourable. That the time will come when the +Greeks will be forced to give unlimited obedience, I know full well. +But would one wish to see this time as soon or as late as possible? +Surely as late as possible! In this, then, my policy differs from that +of Aristaenus. He wishes to see the inevitable arrive as quickly as +possible, and even to help it to come: I wish to the best of my power +to resist and ward it off.” + +From these speeches it was made clear that while the policy of the +one was honourable, of the other undignified, both were founded on +considerations of safety. Wherefore while both Romans and Greeks were +at that time threatened with serious dangers from Philip and Antiochus, +yet both these statesmen maintained the rights of the Achaeans in +regard to the Romans undiminished; though a report found its way about +that Aristaenus was better affected to the Romans than Philopoemen.... + + + + +BOOK XXV + + ++1.+ Tiberius Gracchus destroyed three hundred cities of the +Celtiberes.[139]... + +[Sidenote: B. C. 179. Coss. Q. Fulvius, L. Manlius. The ex-praetors +Ti. Sempronius Gracchus and L. Postumius were still in Spain, where +they had been since B.C. 182. Livy, 40, 1, 44. Renewed war of Eumenes +and Ariarathes upon Pharnaces. See bk. 24, chs. 8, 9.] +2.+ The attack +upon him being sudden and formidable, Pharnaces was reduced to submit +to almost any terms; and on his sending an embassy, Eumenes and +Ariarathes immediately accepted his proposals, and sent ambassadors to +Pharnaces in return. When this had been repeated several times, the +pacification was concluded on the following terms: “Eumenes, Prusias, +and Ariarathes, shall maintain perpetual peace with Pharnaces and +Mithridates. + +“Pharnaces shall not enter Galatia on any pretence. + +“Such treaties as exist between Pharnaces and Gauls are hereby +rescinded. + +“Pharnaces shall likewise evacuate Paphlagonia, after restoring the +inhabitants whom he had previously expelled, with their shields, +javelins, and other equipment. + +“Pharnaces shall restore to Ariarathes all territory of which he has +deprived him, with the property thereon and the hostages. + +[Sidenote: See bk. 5, ch. 77.] + +“He shall restore Tium by the Pontus, which some time before was given +freely and liberally by Eumenes to Prusias. + +“Pharnaces shall restore, without ransom, all prisoners of war and all +deserters. + +“He shall repay to Morzius and Ariarathes, in lieu of all money and +treasure taken from them, the sum of nine hundred talents, and shall +add thereto three hundred talents for Eumenes towards the expenses of +the war. + +“Mithridates, the Satrap of Armenia, shall also pay three hundred +talents, because he attacked Ariarathes in defiance of the treaty with +Eumenes. + +“The persons included under this treaty are, of the princes in Asia, +Artaxias, lord of the greater part of Armenia, and Acusilochus: of +those in Europe, Gatalus the Sarmatian: of the autonomous peoples, the +Heracleotes, the Mesembrians in the Chersonese, and the Cyzicenes.” + +The number and quality of hostages to be given by Pharnaces was also +specified. The armies of the several parties then marched away, and +thus was concluded the war of Eumenes and Ariarathes against Pharnaces. + + +_Philip V. died at Amphipolis towards the end of B.C. 179. His last +days were embittered by remorse for the death of his son Demetrius, +whose innocence had been demonstrated to him. He wished to leave his +crown to Antigonus, the son of Echecrates and nephew of Antigonus +Doson, in order to punish his elder son Perseus for his treachery in +securing his brother’s death. But Philip died suddenly before this +could be secured, and Perseus succeeded him without opposition. See +Livy, 40, 55-57._ + + +[Sidenote: The opening of the reign of Perseus.] + ++3.+ Having renewed the alliance with Rome, Perseus immediately began +intriguing in Greece. He invited back into Macedonia absconding +debtors, condemned exiles, and those who had been compelled to leave +their country on charges of treason. He caused notices to be put +up to that effect at Delos, Delphi, and the temple of Athena at +Iton,[140] offering not only indemnity to all who returned, but also +the restoration of the property lost by their exile. Such also as +still remained in Macedonia he released from their debts to the Royal +exchequer, and set free those who had been confined in fortresses upon +charges of treason. By these measures he raised expectations in the +minds of many, and was considered to be holding out great hopes to +all the Greeks. Nor were other parts of his life and habits wanting +in a certain royal magnificence. His outward appearance was striking, +and he was well endowed with all the physical advantages requisite +for a statesman. His look and mien were alike dignified and such as +became his age. He had moreover avoided his father’s weakness for wine +and women, and not only drank moderately at dinner himself, but was +imitated in this respect by his intimates and friends. Such was the +commencement of the reign of Perseus.... + +[Sidenote: Philip V. in misfortune.] + +When king Philip had become powerful and had obtained supremacy over +the Greeks, he showed the most utter disregard of faith and principle; +but when the breeze of fortune again set against him, his moderation +was as conspicuous in its turn. But after his final and complete +defeat, he tried by every possible expedient to consolidate the +strength of his kingdom. + +[Sidenote: Laodice, daughter of Seleucus IV. Livy, 42, 12.] + +[Sidenote: Embassy from Lycia against Rhodes. See bk. 24, ch. 9.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 177. Coss. C. Claudius Pulcher, Ti. Sempronius +Gracchus.] + ++4.+ After despatching the consuls Tiberius and Claudius against the +Istri and Agrii,[141] the Senate towards the end of summer transacted +business with the ambassadors that had come from the Lycians. They had +not arrived at Rome until the Lycians had been completely conquered, +but they had been despatched a considerable time before. For the +people of Xanthus in Lycia, when about to embark upon the war, had +sent Nicostratus and others to Achaia and Rome as ambassadors: who +coming to Rome at that time moved many of the Senators to pity them, +by laying before them the oppressiveness of the Rhodians and their +own danger; and at length induced the Senate to send envoys to Rhodes +to declare that “On inspecting the record of the arrangements made +by the ten commissioners in Asia, when settling the dominions of +Antiochus, it appeared that the Lycians had been given to the Rhodians, +not as a gift, but rather as friends and allies.” But many were +still dissatisfied with this solution of the matter. For the Romans +seemed to wish, by thus pitting Rhodes against Lycia, to exhaust the +accumulations and treasures of the Rhodians, because they had heard of +the recent conveyance of the bride of Perseus by the Rhodians, and of +their grand naval review. For shortly before this the Rhodians had been +holding, with great splendour and elaboration of equipment, a review of +all vessels belonging to them; the fact being that a vast quantity of +timber for shipbuilding had been presented to them by Perseus. Moreover +he had presented a gold tiara to each of the rowers on the upper bench +in the ship that had brought him his bride Laodice.[142]... + +[Sidenote: Excitement at Rhodes; and a fresh determination of the +Lycians to assert independence.] + ++5.+ When the envoys from Rome reached Rhodes and announced the decrees +of the Senate, there was a great excitement in the island, and much +confused discussion among the leading politicians. They were much +annoyed at the allegation that the Lycians had not been given them as +a gift but as allies; for having just satisfied themselves that the +Lycian war was successfully concluded, they saw the commencement of +fresh trouble for themselves growing up. For no sooner had the Romans +arrived and made this announcement to the Rhodians, than the Lycians +began a fresh revolt, and showed a determination of fighting to the +last extremity for autonomy and freedom. However, after hearing the +Roman envoys, the Rhodians made up their minds that the Romans had been +deceived by the Lycians, and forthwith appointed Lycophron to lead an +embassy to offer an explanation to the Senate. And the state of affairs +was such that there was momentary expectation of a fresh rising of the +Lycians.... + +[Sidenote: Rhodian question deferred.] + +[Sidenote: Reports of the intrigues of Perseus. See Livy, 41, 19, B. C. +176-175.] + ++6.+ When the Rhodian envoys arrived in Rome the Senate, after +listening to their address, deferred its answer. Meanwhile the +Dardanian envoys came with reports as to the number of the Bastarnae, +the size of their men, and their courage in the field. They gave +information also of the treacherous practices of Perseus and the Gauls, +and said that they were more afraid of him than of the Bastarnae, and +therefore begged the help of the Romans. The report of the Dardani +being supported by that of the Thessalian envoys who arrived at that +time, and who also begged for help, the Senators determined to send +some commissioners to see with their own eyes the truth of these +reports; and they accordingly at once appointed and despatched Aulus +Postumius, accompanied by some young men.... + + + + +BOOK XXVI + + + Seleucus Philopator, whom we last heard of as king of Syria, was + assassinated by one of his nobles—Heliodorus—in the twelfth year + of his reign. Antiochus his younger brother had been a hostage at + Rome, and being, according to agreement, exchanged in B.C. 175 for + Philopator’s son Demetrius, he was returning to Syria. At Athens, + on his journey home, he heard of the death of Seleucus, and the + attempt of Heliodorus to usurp the kingdom. By the help of Eumenes + Heliodorus was expelled and Antiochus installed, to the satisfaction + of the people, who gave him at first the surname of Epiphanes. He is + the Antiochus Epiphanes whose cruelties are recorded in the books + of the Maccabees. He died mad at Tabae in Persia, B.C. 164. See + 31, 11. For the following extract preserved by Athenaeus, see the + translation of Livy, 41, 19. + +[Sidenote: Antiochus Epiphanes, B.C. 175-164.] + ++1.+ Antiochus Epiphanes, nicknamed from his actions Epimanes (the +Madman), would sometimes steal from the court, avoiding his attendants, +and appear roaming wildly about in any chance part of the city with one +or two companions. His favourite place to be found was the shops of +the silversmiths or goldsmiths, chatting and discussing questions of +art with the workers in relief and other artists; at another time he +would join groups of the people of the town and converse with any one +he came across, and would drink with foreign visitors of the humblest +description. Whenever he found any young men carousing together he +would come to the place without giving notice, with fife and band, like +a rout of revellers, and often by his unexpected appearance cause the +guests to rise and run away. He would often also lay aside his royal +robes, and, putting on a tebenna,[143] go round the market-place as +though a candidate for office, shaking hands and embracing various +people whom he intreated to vote for him, sometime as aedile, and +sometimes as tribune. And when he got the office and took his seat +on an ivory curule chair, after the fashion of the Romans, he heard +law cases which came on in the agora, and decided them with the +utmost seriousness and attention. This conduct was very embarrassing +to respectable people, some of whom regarded him as a good natured +easy-going man, and others as a madman. In regard to making presents, +too, his behaviour was on a par with this. Some he presented with +dice made of gazelle horn, some with dates, others with gold. There +were even instances of his making unexpected presents to men whom he +met casually, and whom he had never seen before. In regard to public +sacrifices and the honours paid to the gods, he surpassed all his +predecessors on the throne; as witness the Olympieium at Athens and +the statues placed round the altar at Delos. He used also to bathe in +the public baths, when they were full of the townspeople, pots of the +most expensive unguents being brought in for him; and on one occasion +on some one saying, “Lucky fellows you kings, to use such things and +smell so sweet!” without saying a word to the man, he waited till he +was bathing the next day, and then coming into the bath caused a pot +of the largest size and of the most costly kind of unguent called +_stactè_ to be poured over his head, so that there was a general rush +of the bathers to roll themselves in it; and when they all tumbled +down, the king himself among them, from its stickiness, there was loud +laughter.... + + + + +BOOK XXVII + + +_The events of the years B.C. 174, 173, 172, which gradually led up to +the war with Perseus, to be described in the twenty-seventh book, were +briefly these_:— + + +In B.C. 174 Perseus forced the Dolopes, who had appealed against him +to Rome, to submit to his authority. After this successful expedition +he marched through Central and Northern Greece, visiting Delphi, where +he stayed three days, Phthiotid Achaia, and Thessaly. He carefully +abstained from inflicting any damage in the districts through which he +passed, and tried to gain the confidence of the various states. In the +same year he made friendly advances to the Achaeans, who had forbidden +any Lacedaemonian to enter their territory, by offering to restore +their fugitive slaves. But in spite of the exertions of Xenarchus the +Strategus, the Achaeans refuse to make any change (Livy, 41, 22-24). + +The same year saw also commotions in Aetolia, which were settled by +five Roman commissioners: and in Crete, on the old score of the status +of the Lycians. Q. Minucius was sent to settle this also (Livy, 41, 25). + +In B.C. 173 Perseus entered on still more active intrigues in +Greece, and in spite of the wildest scandals that were afloat as to +his tyranny, he gained a powerful hold in Aetolia, Thessaly, and +Perrhaebia. The Senate accordingly sent Marcellus to Aetolia and +Achaia, and App. Claudius to Thessaly, to inquire into the facts; +and a commission of five into Macedonia, with directions to proceed +afterwards to Alexandria (Livy, 42, 5, 6). + +In B.C. 172 king Eumenes visited Rome and urged the Senate to take +measures in time to counteract the attempts of Perseus; warning them +that he had already obtained strong hold upon the Boeotians and +Aetolians, and had an inexhaustible recruiting ground in Thrace. That +everywhere he had secured the death or exile of the partisans of Rome, +and was overrunning in arms Thessaly and Perrhaebia (Livy, 42, 11-13). + +The Senate, already inclined to listen to these representations, +was still more inclined to do so by the defiant tone of Harpalus, +the representative of king Perseus; by the attempted assassination +of Eumenes by emissaries of Perseus at Delphi on his home journey; +by receiving a report from Greece from C. Valerius confirming the +speech of Eumenes; and lastly by the confession of one L. Rammius of +Brundisium, that he had been requested to poison certain Roman envoys +who were accustomed to stay at his house on their journeys to and from +Macedonia and Greece (Livy, 42, 15-17). + +War was now determined on for the next year, and the praetor ordered to +enroll troops. And Eumenes also, now recovered from the wounds of the +assassins, made preparations to join in the struggle (Livy, 42, 18-27). + +In B.C. 171, fresh legions having been enrolled, and an army of sixteen +thousand infantry and eight hundred cavalry ordered to Macedonia, +envoys appeared from Perseus demanding the reason. The Senate would +not allow them to enter the Pomoerium, but received them in the temple +of Bellona: and after listening to a report from Sp. Cavilius that +Perseus had, among other acts of hostility, taken cities in Thessaly +and entered Perrhaebia in arms, the Senate answered the Macedonian +envoys that any complaint they had to make must be made to the consul, +P. Licinius, who would presently be in Macedonia, but that they must +not come into Italy again (Livy, 42, 36). + +A few days afterwards five commissioners were sent into Greece, who +distributed the districts to be visited among themselves: Servius +and Publius Lentulus and Lucius Decimius were to go to Cephallenia, +the Peloponnese, and the west coast generally; Q. Marcius and Aulus +Atilius to Epirus, Aetolia, Thessaly, and thence to Boeotia and Euboea, +where they were to meet the Lentuli. Meanwhile a letter from Perseus, +demanding the cause of their coming and of the presence of troops +in Macedonia, was received and left unanswered. After visiting the +districts assigned to them, in the course of doing which Marcius and +Atilius had met Perseus on the river Peneus, and granted him a truce to +enable him to send envoys to Rome (Marcius knowing well that the Romans +were not yet fully prepared for war[144]), the commissioners reached +their destination at Chalcis, where the earlier events narrated in the +following extracts occurred (Livy, 42, 36-43). + + +THE WAR WITH PERSEUS + +[Sidenote: Thebes.] + +[Sidenote: The Roman commissioners at Chalcis: ambassadors from +Thespiae and Neon of Boeotia.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 171. Coss. P. Licinius Crassus, C. Cassius Longinus.] + ++1.+ At this time Lases and Callias arrived at the head of an embassy +from the Thespians, and Ismenias[145] from Neon. Lases and his +colleagues offered to put their city wholly into the hands of the +Romans; Ismenias proposed to submit all the cities of Boeotia as one +nation to the discretion of the commissioners. But this latter proposal +was diametrically opposed to the policy of Marcius and his colleagues. +What suited that policy best was to split up Boeotia into separate +cities: and they therefore received Lases and his party, as well as +the envoys from Chaeronea and Lebadea, and all who came from single +cities, with great favour and lavish courtesy; but treated Ismenias +with ostentatious neglect and coldness. Some of the exiles[146] also +attacked Ismenias and were very near stoning him to death, and would +have done so if he had not saved himself by taking refuge through the +door[147] of the chamber where the commissioners were sitting. At the +same period there were disturbances and party contests at Thebes. One +party were for committing the town unconditionally to Rome; but the +Coroneans and Haliartians flocked to Thebes and vehemently maintained +that they ought to maintain the alliance with Perseus. For a time +neither of the two parties showed any disposition to give in to each +other; but when Olympichus of Coronea set the example of changing +sides and asserting that they ought to cleave to the Romans, a great +change and revolution came over the feelings of the populace. First, +they compelled Dicetas to go on an embassy to Marcius and the other +commissioners to excuse them for their alliance with Perseus. Next, +they expelled Neon and Hippias, crowding to their houses, and bidding +them go and make their own defence for the terms that they had made; +for they were the men who had negotiated the alliance. When these men +had left the town, the people immediately collected into the assembly +and first voted honours and gifts to the Romans, and then ordered +the magistrates to push on the alliance. Last of all they appointed +ambassadors to hand over the city to the Romans and to restore their +exiles. + +[Sidenote: The cause of the exiles’ triumph at Chalcis.] + ++2.+ Whilst these things were being accomplished at Thebes, the +exiles in Chalcis appointed Pompides to state their grievances +against Ismenias, Neon, and Dicetas. The bad policy of these men +being manifest, and the Romans lending their support to the exiles, +Hippias and his party were rendered so odious that they were in danger +of falling victims to the fury of the populace, until the Romans, by +checking the assaults of the mob, secured them a certain degree of +safety. + +[Sidenote: Dissolution of the Boeotian league, B.C. 171.] + +When the Theban envoys arrived, bringing with them to the commissioners +the decrees and honours I have mentioned, a rapid change passed over +the face of things in each of the towns, for they were separated by a +very narrow interval from each other. The commissioners with Marcius +received the Theban envoys, complimented their town and counselled +them to restore the exiles, and bade the several towns send embassies +to Rome submitting themselves individually and unreservedly to the +protection of the Romans. Their policy, therefore, of splitting up +the league of the Boeotian towns, and of destroying the popularity +of the Macedonian royal house with the Boeotian populace having thus +completely succeeded, the commissioners sent for Servius Lentulus from +Argos, and leaving him in charge at Chalcis went themselves to the +Peloponnese; while Neon a few days afterwards retired to Macedonia; +and Ismenias and Dicetas, being thrown at once into prison, shortly +afterwards put an end to their lives. Thus it came about that the +Boeotians, who had for a long period of years, and through many +strange vicissitudes, maintained a national league, by now rashly and +inconsiderately adopting the cause of Perseus, and giving way to an +outburst of unreasoning excitement, were entirely disintegrated and +split up into separate cities. + +[Sidenote: The Commissioners in the Peloponnese.] + +When Aulus and Marcius arrived at Argos, after communication with the +council of the Achaean league, they called upon Archon the Strategus +to despatch a thousand men to Chalcis, to garrison the town until the +arrival of the Romans; an order which Archon readily obeyed. Having +thus settled affairs in Greece during the winter, and met Publius +Lentulus and his two colleagues, the commissioners sailed back to +Rome.... + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians prepare to co-operate with Rome.] + ++3.+ Meanwhile Tiberius Claudius and Aulus Postumius had been engaged +on a visitation of the islands and Greek cities in Asia, and had spent +the longest time in Rhodes; though the Rhodians at that time did not +require any supervision, for the prytanis that year was Agesilochus, +a man of high rank, who had once been on an embassy to Rome. Even +before the legates came, as soon as it became clear that the Romans +intended to go to war with Perseus he had urged his people to throw +in their fortunes with those of Rome; and, among other things, had +counselled them to repair forty ships, in order that, if any occasion +for using them should arise, it should not find them still in the midst +of preparations, but ready to answer to the call and to carry out +their resolve at once. By stating these facts to the Roman envoys, and +showing them the preparations visibly progressing, he let them return +to Rome in a high state of satisfaction with Rhodes.... + +[Sidenote: Perseus sends a circular despatch to the Greek States.] + +[Sidenote: The reply of the Rhodians.] + ++4.+ After the conferences had been held between the Roman envoys +and the Greeks, Perseus drew up a despatch containing a statement of +his case, and the arguments employed on either side; partly from an +idea that he would thus be shown to have the superiority of right on +his side, and partly because he wished to test the feelings of the +several states. Copies of this despatch he sent to the other states +by his ordinary letter-carriers; but to Rhodes he sent also Antenor +and Philip as ambassadors, who, on their arrival in the island, handed +over the document to the magistrates, and a few days afterwards entered +the Council chamber and urged the Rhodians “To remain neutral for the +present and watch what happened; and, if the Romans attacked Perseus +in violation of the treaty, to endeavour to mediate. For this was the +interest of all, and pre-eminently of the Rhodians, who more than most +peoples desired equality and freedom of speech, and were ever the +protectors, not only of their own liberty, but of that of the rest +of Greece also; and therefore ought to be proportionally careful to +provide and guard against a policy of an opposite tendency.” These +and similar arguments of the envoys found favour with the Rhodian +people. But, as they were already pledged to an attitude of friendship +to Rome, the influence of the upper classes so far prevailed that, +though a friendly reception was given to the Macedonian envoys, they +demanded in their formal answer that Perseus should not ask them to +take any measure which would involve the appearance of hostility to +Rome. Antenor and his colleagues would not accept this reply, but with +thanks for the kindness of their general reception, sailed back to +Macedonia.... + +[Sidenote: Mission of Perseus to Boeotia.] + +[Sidenote: Truce made with Q. Marcius. See Livy, 42, 43, B.C. 171.] + ++5.+ Being informed that some of the cities of Boeotia remained +faithful to him, Perseus sent Alexander on a mission to them. On his +arrival in Boeotia, Alexander was obliged to abstain from visiting any +of the cities except Coronea, Thisbae,[148] and Haliartus, finding +that they offered him no facilities for securing close relations. But +he entered those three towns and exhorted their inhabitants to cling +to their loyalty to the Macedonians. They received his words with +enthusiasm, and voted to send ambassadors to Macedonia. Alexander +accordingly returned to the king and reported the state of things in +Boeotia. A short time afterwards the ambassadors arrived, desiring the +king to send aid to the cities which favoured the Macedonian cause; for +the Thebans were oppressing them severely, because they would not agree +with them and side with Rome. But Perseus replied that he was precluded +by the truce from sending any aid to any one; but he begged them to +resist the Thebans to the best of their power, and yet not to go to war +with the Romans, but to remain neutral.... + +[Sidenote: War is decided upon at the expiration of the truce.] + +[Sidenote: Attempted assassination of Eumenes at Delphi. Livy, 42, 16, +B.C. 172.] + ++6.+ When the report of the commissioners from Asia concerning Rhodes +and the other states had been made at Rome, the Senate called in the +ambassadors of Perseus, Solon and Hippias: who endeavoured to argue the +whole case and to deprecate the anger of the Senate; and particularly +to defend their master on the subject of the attempt upon the life of +Eumenes. When they had finished all they had to urge, the Senate, which +had all the while been resolved on war, bade them depart forthwith +from Rome; and ordered all other Macedonians also that happened to be +staying in the country to quit Italy within thirty days. The Senate +then called upon the Consuls to act at once and see that they moved in +good time.... + +[Sidenote: Jealousy of Eumenes.] + +[Sidenote: The Macedonian party.] + +[Sidenote: The Romanising party.] + +[Sidenote: Politics at Rhodes.] + ++7.+ Caius Lucretius[149] being at anchor off Cephallenia, wrote +a letter to the Rhodians, requesting them to despatch some ships, +and entrusted the letter to a certain trainer named Socrates. This +letter arrived at Rhodes in the second six months of the Prytany of +Stratocles. When the question came on for discussion, Agathagetus, +Rhodophon, Astymedes, and many others were for sending the ships and +taking part in the war from the first, without any further pretence; +but Deinon and Polyaratus, though really displeased at the favour +already shown to Rome, now for the present used the case of Eumenes as +their pretext, and began by that means to alienate the feelings of the +populace. There had in fact been a long standing feeling of suspicion +and dislike in the minds of the Rhodians against Eumenes, dating from +the time of his war with Pharnaces; when, upon king Eumenes blockading +the entrance of the Hellespont to prevent ships sailing into the +Pontus, the Rhodians had interfered with his design and thwarted him. +This ill-feeling had again been recently exasperated during the Lycian +war on the question of certain forts, and a strip of territory on the +frontier of the Rhodian Peraea, which was being damaged by some of +Eumenes’s subjects. These incidents taken together made the Rhodians +ready to listen to anything against the king. Seizing on this pretext, +the party of Deinon tried to discredit the despatch, asserting that it +did not come from the Romans but from Eumenes, who wished to involve +them on any possible pretext in a war, and bring expense and perfectly +unnecessary suffering upon the people. In support of their contention +they put forward the fact that the man who brought the letter was some +obscure trainer or another; and asserted that the Romans were not +accustomed to employ such messengers, but were rather inclined to act +with unnecessary care and dignity in the despatch of such missives. +When they said this they were perfectly aware that the letter had +really been written by Lucretius: their object was to persuade the +Rhodian people to do nothing for the Romans readily, but rather to +perpetually make difficulties, and thus give occasions for offence and +displeasure to crop up between the two nations. For their deliberate +purpose was to alienate Rhodes from the Roman friendship, and to join +it to that of Perseus, by every means in their power. Their motives for +thus clinging to Perseus were that Polyaratus, who was ostentatious and +vain, had become heavily in debt; and that Deinon, who was avaricious +and unscrupulous, had from the first relied on increasing his wealth +by getting presents from princes and kings. These speeches having been +delivered, the Prytanis Stratocles rose, and, after inveighing at some +length against Perseus, and speaking with equal warmth in praise of the +Romans, induced the people to confirm the decree for the despatch of +the ships. Forthwith six quadriremes were prepared, five of which were +sent to Chalcis under the command of Timagoras, and the other under +the command of another Timagoras to Tenedos. This latter commander +fell in at Tenedos with Diophanes, who had been despatched by Perseus +to Antiochus, and captured both him and his crew. All such allies +as arrived with offers of help by sea Lucretius thanked warmly, but +excused from taking part in this service, observing that the Romans had +no need of naval support.... + + +_Perseus now collected a large army at Citium, thirty-nine thousand +foot and four thousand horse, and advanced through the north of +Thessaly taking many towns, and finally taking up his quarters at +Sicyrium, at the foot of Mount Ossa. The Roman consul, P. Licinius, +marched from the south-west through Gomphi, and thence to Larisa, where +he crossed the river Peneus. After some cavalry skirmishes, which were +generally favourable to the king, Perseus advanced nearer to the Roman +camp, and a more important battle was fought, in which the king again +scored a considerable success with his cavalry and light-armed troops. +The Romans lost two hundred cavalry killed and as many prisoners and +two thousand infantry, while Perseus only had twenty cavalry and +forty infantry killed. He did not, however, follow up the victory +sufficiently to inflict a crushing blow upon the Roman army; and though +the Consul withdrew to the south of the Peneus, after some days’ +reflection the king made proposals of peace. See Livy, 42, 51-62. B.C. +171 (summer.)_ + + +[Sidenote: After beating the Roman cavalry on the Peneus, and obliging +Licinius to retire south of the river, Perseus endeavours to make +terms.] + +[Sidenote: The Romans are inexorable.] + +[Sidenote: Perseus returns to Sicyrium.] + ++8.+ After the Macedonian victory Perseus summoned his Council, when +some of his friends expressed an opinion that he ought to send an +embassy to the Roman general, to signify his readiness even now to +pay the Romans the same amount of tribute as his father had formerly +undertaken to pay when beaten in war, and to evacuate the same places. +“For if,” they argued, “the Romans accept the terms the war will be +ended in a manner honourable to the king after his victory in the +field; and the Romans, after this taste of Macedonian valour, will +be much more careful in the future not to impose an unjust or harsh +burden upon the Macedonians. And if, on the other hand, in spite of +the past, they prove obstinate and refuse to accept them, the anger +of heaven will with justice fall on them; while the king by his +moderation will gain the support of Gods and men alike.” The majority +of his friends held this view, and Perseus expressing his assent to +it, Pantauchus, son of Balacrus, and Midon of Beroea, were forthwith +sent as ambassadors to Licinius. On their arrival, Licinius summoned +his Council, and the ambassadors having stated their proposals in +accordance with their instructions, Pantauchus and his colleague were +requested to withdraw, and they deliberated on the proposition thus +made to them. They decided unanimously to return as stern an answer +as possible. For this is a peculiarity of the Romans, which they have +inherited from their ancestors, and are continually displaying,—to +show themselves most peremptory and imperious in the presence of +defeat, and most moderate when successful: a very noble peculiarity, as +every one will acknowledge; but whether it be feasible under certain +circumstances may be doubted. However that may be, on the present +occasion they made answer that Perseus must submit without reserve +himself, and give the Senate full power to take whatever measures it +might think good concerning Macedonia and all in it. On this being +communicated to Pantauchus and Midon, they returned and informed +Perseus and his friends; some of whom were roused to anger at this +astonishing display of haughtiness, and advised Perseus to send no more +embassies or messages about anything whatever. Perseus, however, was +not the man to take such a line. He sent again and again to Licinius, +with continually enhanced offers, and promising a larger and larger +sum of money. But as nothing that he could do had any effect, and as +his friends found fault with him, and told him that, though he had +won a victory, he was acting like one who had been defeated and lost +all, he was at length compelled to renounce the sending of embassies, +and remove his camp back to Sicyrium. Such was the position of the +campaign.... + +[Sidenote: The effect of the success of Perseus upon the Greeks.] + +[Sidenote: A scene at Olympia.] + ++9.+ When the report of the favourable result for Perseus of the +cavalry engagement, and of the victory of the Macedonians, spread +through Greece, the inclination of the populace to the cause of +Perseus blazed out like a fire, most of them having up to that time +concealed their real feelings. Their conduct, to my mind, was like what +one sees at gymnastic contests. When some obscure and far inferior +combatant descends into the arena with a famous champion reputed to be +invincible, the spectators immediately bestow their favour upon the +weaker of the two, and try to keep up his spirits by applause, and +eagerly second his efforts by their enthusiasm. And if he succeeds +so far as even to touch the face of his opponent, and make a mark to +prove the blow, the whole of the spectators again show themselves on +his side. Sometimes they even jeer at his antagonist: not because they +dislike or undervalue him, but because their sympathies are roused by +the unexpected, and they are naturally inclined to take the weaker +side. But if any one checks them at the right moment, they are quick to +change and see their mistake. And this is what Cleitomachus is said to +have done. He had the character of being an invincible athlete, and, +as his reputation was spread all over the world, King Ptolemy is said +to have been inspired with the ambition of putting an end to it. He +therefore had Aristonicus the boxer, who was thought to have unusual +physical capabilities for that kind of thing trained with extraordinary +care, and sent to Greece. When he appeared on the arena at Olympia a +great number of the spectators, it seems, immediately showed their +favour for him, and cheered him on, being rejoiced that some one should +have had the courage to make some sort of stand against Cleitomachus. +But when, as the fight went on, he showed that he was a match for +his antagonist, and even gave him a well-placed wound, there was a +general clapping of hands, and the popular enthusiasm showed itself +loudly on his side, the spectators calling out to Aristonicus to keep +up his spirits. Thereupon they say that Cleitomachus stepped aside, +and after waiting a short time to recover his breath, turned to the +crowd and asked them “Why, they cheered Aristonicus, and supported him +all they could? Had they detected him in playing foul in the combat? +Or were they not aware that Cleitomachus was at that moment fighting +for the honour of Greece, Aristonicus for that of king Ptolemy? Would +they prefer an Egyptian to carry off the crown by beating Greeks, or +that a Theban and Boeotian should be proclaimed victor in boxing over +all comers?” Upon this speech of Cleitomachus, they say that such a +revulsion of feeling came over the spectators, that Aristonicus in +his turn was conquered more by the display of popular feeling than by +Cleitomachus. + ++10.+ What happened in the case of Perseus in regard to the feeling of +the multitude was very similar to this. For if any one had pulled them +up and asked them plainly, in so many words, whether they wished such +great power to fall to one man, and were desirous of trying the effect +of an utterly irresponsible despotism, I presume that they would have +promptly bethought themselves, recanted all they had said, and gone +to the other extreme of feeling. Or if some one had briefly recalled +to their recollection all the tyrannical acts of the royal house of +Macedonia from which the Greeks had suffered, and all the benefits they +had received from the Romans, I imagine they would have at once and +decisively changed their minds. However, for the present, at the first +burst of thoughtless enthusiasm, the people showed unmistakable signs +of joy at the news, being delighted at the unlooked-for appearance of a +champion able to cope with Rome. I say this much to prevent anyone, in +ignorance of human nature, from bringing a rash charge of ingratitude +against the Greeks for the feelings which they displayed at that +time.... + +[Sidenote: A new kind of missile used in the army of Perseus.] + ++11.+ The _cestros_ was a novel invention, made during the war with +Perseus. This weapon consisted of an iron bolt two palms long, half +of which was spike, and half a tube for the reception of the wooden +shaft which was fixed into the tube, and measured a span in length and +a finger-breadth in diameter. At the middle point of the shaft three +wooden “plumes” were morticed in. The sling had thongs of unequal +length, and on the leather between them the missile was loosely set. +When the sling was being swung round, with the two thongs taut, the +missile kept its place; but when the slinger let go one of the thongs, +it flew from the leather like a leaden bullet, and was projected from +the sling with such force as to inflict a very grievous wound upon any +one whom it hit.[150] + +[Sidenote: Character of Cotys, king of the Odrysae, an ally of Perseus.] + ++12.+ Cotys was a man of distinguished appearance and of great ability +in military affairs, and besides, quite unlike a Thracian in character. +For he was of sober habits, and gave evidence of a gentleness of temper +and a steadiness of disposition worthy of a man of gentle birth.... + +[Sidenote: A prudent governor of Cyprus. See above, bk. 18, ch. 55.] + ++13.+ Ptolemy, the general serving in Cyprus, was by no means like +an Egyptian, but was a man of sense and administrative ability. He +received the governorship of the island when the king of Egypt was +quite a child, and devoted himself with great zeal to the collection of +money, refusing payments of any kind to any one, though he was often +asked for them by the king’s agents, and subjected to bitter abuse for +refusing to part with any. But when the king came of age he made up a +large sum and sent it to Alexandria, so that both king Ptolemy himself +and his courtiers expressed their approval of his previous parsimony +and determination not to part with any money.... + + +_The battle on the Peneus was followed by other engagements of no +great importance; and finally Perseus returned to Macedonia, and the +Romans went into winter quarters in various towns in Thessaly, without +a decisive blow having been struck on either side. Winter of B.C. +171-170. Livy, 42, 64-67._ + + +[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 171-170. Dispute at Rhodes as to the release +of Diophanes, the envoy of Perseus, captured at Tenedos. See ch. 7.] + ++14.+ Just about the time when Perseus retired for the winter from the +Roman war, Antenor arrived at Rhodes from him, to negotiate for the +ransom of Diophanes and those who were on board with him. Thereupon +there arose a great dispute among the statesmen as to what course they +ought to take. Philophron, Theaetetus, and their party were against +entering into such arrangement on any terms; Deinon and Polyaratus +and their party were for doing so. Finally they did enter upon an +arrangement with Perseus for their redemption.... + +[Sidenote: Aetolian leaders arrested.] + +[Sidenote: Charops.] + +[Sidenote: What induced the leading men in Epirus to join Perseus.] + ++15.+ Cephalus came [to Pella] from Epirus. He had long been connected +by friendship with the royal house of Macedonia, but was now compelled +by the force of circumstances to embrace the side of Perseus, the +cause of which was as follows: There was a certain Epirote named +Charops, a man of high character, and well disposed to Rome, who, when +Philip was holding the passes into Epirus, was the cause of his being +driven from the country, and of Titus Flamininus conquering Epirus +and Macedonia. Charops had a son named Machatus, who had a son also +named Charops. Machatus having died when this son was quite a youth, +the elder Charops sent his grandson with a suitable retinue to Rome +to learn to speak and read Latin. In the course of time the young man +returned home, having made many intimate friendships at Rome. The elder +Charops then died, and the young man, being of a restless and designing +character, began giving himself airs and attacking the distinguished +men in the country. At first he was not much noticed, Antinous and +Cephalus, his superiors in age and reputation, managing public affairs +as they thought right. But when the war with Perseus broke out, the +young man at once began laying information against these statesmen +at Rome, grounding his accusations on their former intimacy with the +Macedonian royal family; and by watching everything they said or did, +and putting the worst construction on it, suppressing some facts and +adding others, he succeeded in getting his accusations against them +believed. Now Cephalus had always shown good sense and consistency, +and at the present crisis had adhered to a course of the highest +wisdom. He had begun by praying heaven that the war might not take +place, or the question come to the arbitrament of arms; but when the +war was actually begun, he was for performing all treaty obligations +towards Rome, but for not going a step beyond this, or showing any +unbecoming subservience or officiousness. When Charops then vehemently +accused Cephalus at Rome, and represented everything that happened +contrary to the wishes of the Romans as malice prepense on his part, at +first he and others like him thought little of the matter, being not +conscious of entertaining any designs hostile to Rome. But when they +saw Hippolochus, Nicander, and Lochagus arrested without cause, and +conveyed to Rome after the cavalry battle, and that the accusations +made against them by Lyciscus were believed,—Lyciscus being a leader +of the same party in Aetolia as Charops was in Epirus,—they at length +began to be anxious about what would happen, and to consider their +position. They resolved therefore to try every possible means to +prevent themselves from being similarly arrested without trial and +carried to Rome, owing to the slanders of Charops. It was thus that +Cephalus and his friends were compelled, contrary to their original +policy, to embrace the cause of Perseus.... + +[Sidenote: Coss. A. Hostilius Mancinus, A. Atilius Serranus, B.C. 170.] + +[Sidenote: Attempt of two Molossian leaders to seize the consul.] + ++16.+ Theodotus and Philostratus committed an act of flagrant impiety +and treachery. They learnt that the Roman consul Aulus Hostilius was +on his way to Thessaly to join the army; and thinking that, if they +could deliver Aulus to Perseus, they would have given the latter the +strongest possible proof of their devotion, and have done the greatest +possible damage to the Romans at this crisis, they wrote urgently to +Perseus to make haste. The king was desirous of advancing at once and +joining them; but he was hindered by the fact that the Molossians had +seized the bridge over the Aous, and was obliged to give them battle +first. Now it chanced that Aulus had arrived at Phanota,[151] and put +up at the house of Nestor the Cropian,[152] and thus gave his enemies +an excellent opportunity; and had not fortune interfered on his behalf, +I do not think that he would have escaped. But, in fact, Nestor +providentially suspected what was brewing, and compelled him to change +his quarters for the night to the house of a neighbour. Accordingly he +gave up the idea of going by land through Epirus, and, having sailed to +Anticyra,[153] thence made his way into Thessaly.... + +[Sidenote: Pharnaces, king of Pontus.] +17.+ Pharnaces was the worst of +all his predecessors on the throne.... + + +[Sidenote: Attalus desires that his brother Eumenes should be restored +to honour in the Peloponnese.] + ++18.+ While Attalus was spending the winter in Elateia (in Phocis), +knowing that his brother Eumenes was annoyed in the highest possible +degree at the splendid honours which had been awarded to him having +been annulled by a public decree of the Peloponnesians, though he +concealed his annoyance from every one,—he took upon himself to send +messages to certain of the Achaeans, urging that not only the statues +of honour, but the complimentary inscriptions also, which had been +placed in his brother’s honour, should be restored. His motive in +acting thus was the belief that he could give his brother no greater +gratification, and at the same time would display to the Greeks by this +act his own brotherly affection and generosity.[154]... + +[Sidenote: Preparations for the attack upon Coele-Syria by the +ministers of Ptolemy Philometor.] + ++19.+ When Antiochus saw that the government of Alexandria was openly +making preparations for a war of annexation in Coele-Syria, he sent +Meleager at the head of an embassy to Rome, with instructions to inform +the Senate of the fact, and to protest that Ptolemy was attacking him +without the least justification.... + +[Sidenote: The need of promptness,] + ++20.+ In all human affairs perhaps one ought to regulate every +undertaking by considerations of time; but this is especially true in +war, in which a moment makes all the difference between success and +failure, and to miss this is the most fatal of errors.... + +[Sidenote: and of persistency.] + +Many men desire honour, but it is only the few who venture to attempt +it; and of those who do so, it is rare to find any that have the +resolution to persevere to the end.... + + + + +BOOK XXVIII + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 169, Antiochus and Ptolemy both appeal to Rome on the +subject of Coele-Syria.] + ++1.+ When the war between the kings Antiochus and Ptolemy[155] for +the possession of Coele-Syria had just begun, Meleager, Sosiphanes, +and Heracleides came as ambassadors from Antiochus, and Timotheos and +Damon from Ptolemy. The one actually in possession of Coele-Syria and +Phoenicia was Antiochus; for ever since his father’s victory over +the generals of Ptolemy at Panium[156] all those districts had been +subject to the Syrian kings. Antiochus, accordingly, regarding the +right of conquest as the strongest and most honourable of all claims, +was now eager to defend these places as unquestionably belonging to +himself: while Ptolemy, conceiving that the late king Antiochus had +unjustly taken advantage of his father’s orphan condition to wrest the +cities in Coele-Syria from him, was resolved not to acquiesce in his +possession of them. Therefore Meleager and his colleagues came to Rome +with instructions to protest before the Senate that Ptolemy had, in +breach of all equity, attacked him first; while Timotheos and Damon +came to renew their master’s friendship with the Romans, and to offer +their mediation for putting an end to the war with Perseus; but, above +all, to watch the communications made by Meleager’s embassy. As to +putting an end to the war, by the advice of Marcus Aemilius they did +not venture to speak of it; but after formally renewing the friendly +relations between Ptolemy and Rome, and receiving a favourable answer, +they returned to Alexandria. To Meleager and his colleagues the Senate +answered that Quintus Marcius should be commissioned to write to +Ptolemy on the subject, as he should think it most to the interest of +Rome and his own honour. Thus was the business settled for the time.... + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians ask for license to import corn.] + ++2.+ About this time there came also ambassadors from the Rhodians +towards the end of summer, Agesilochus, Nicagoras, and Nicander. The +objects of their mission were to renew the friendship of Rhodes and +Rome; to obtain a license for importing corn from the Roman dominions; +and to defend their state from certain charges that had been brought +against it. For there were most violent party contests going on in +Rhodes: Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon, and Theaetetus resting +all their hopes on the Romans, and Deinon and Polyaratus on Perseus +and the Macedonians; and as these divisions gave rise to frequent +debates in the course of their public business, and many contradictory +expressions were used in their deliberations, plenty of opportunities +were afforded to those who wished to make up stories against the state. +On this occasion, however, the Senate affected to be ignorant of all +this, though perfectly acquainted with what went on in the island, +and granted them a license to import one hundred thousand medimni of +corn from Sicily. This answer was given by the Senate to the Rhodians +separately. Audience was then given collectively to all the envoys from +the rest of Greece that were united in the same policy.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 169. Aulus Hostilius, in Greece with proconsular +authority, sends Popilius and Octavius to visit the Greek towns and +read the decree of the Senate.] + +[Sidenote: Lycortas, Archon, and Polybius are supposed to be +particularly aimed at.] + +[Sidenote: They visit the Peloponnese, and express some dissatisfaction +at the backward policy of certain Achaeans.] + ++3.+ Aulus being thus Proconsul, and wintering in Thessaly with +the army, sent Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius to visit certain +places in Greece. They first came to Thebes, where, after speaking in +complimentary terms of the Thebans, they exhorted them to maintain +their good disposition towards Rome. They then went a round of the +cities in the Peloponnese, and endeavoured to convince the people of +the clemency and humanity of the Senate by producing the[157] decree +which I recently mentioned. At the same time they made it clearly +understood that the Senate was aware who in the several states were +hanging back and trying to evade their obligations, and who were +forward and zealous; and they let it be seen that they were as much +displeased with those who thus hung back as with those who openly took +the opposite side. This brought hesitation and doubt to the minds of +the people at large, as to how to frame their words and actions so +as to exactly suit the necessities of the times. Gaius and Gnaeus +were reported to have resolved, as soon as the Achaean congress was +assembled, to accuse Lycortas, Archon, and Polybius, and to point out +that they were opposed to the policy of Rome; and were at the present +moment refraining from active measures, not because that was their +genuine inclination, but because they were watching the turn of events, +and waiting their opportunity. They did not, however, venture to do +this, because they had no well-founded pretext for attacking these men. +Accordingly, when the council[158] met at Aegium, after delivering +a speech of mingled compliments and exhortation, they took ship for +Aetolia. + +[Sidenote: The legates in Aetolia.] + +[Sidenote: Various Aetolians accuse each other.] + +[Sidenote: Proandrus.] + +[Sidenote: Lyciscus.] + +[Sidenote: Pantaleon.] + +[Sidenote: Thoas stoned.] + ++4.+ The Aetolian congress being summoned to meet them at Thermum, +they came before the assembled people, and again delivered a speech +in which expressions of benevolence were mixed with exhortations. But +the real cause of summoning the congress was to announce that the +Aetolians must give hostages. On their leaving the speakers’ platform, +Proandrus stood forward and desired leave to mention certain services +performed by himself to the Romans, and to denounce those who accused +him. Gaius thereupon rose; and, though he well knew that Proandrus was +opposed to Rome, he paid him some compliments, and acknowledged the +truth of everything he had said. After this, Lyciscus stood forward, +and, without accusing any one person by name, yet cast suspicion on a +great many. For he said that “The Romans had been quite right to arrest +the ringleaders and take them to Rome” (whereby he meant Eupolemus, +Nicander, and the rest): “but members of their party still remained in +Aetolia, all of whom ought to meet with the same correction, unless +they gave up their children as hostages to the Romans.” In these +words he meant to point especially to Archedamus and Pantaleon; and, +accordingly, when he retired, Pantaleon stood up, and, after a brief +denunciation of Lyciscus for his shameless and despicable flattery of +the stronger side, turned to Thoas, conceiving him to be the man whose +accusations of himself obtained the greater credit from the fact that +he had never been supposed to be at enmity with him. He reminded Thoas +first of the events in the time of Antiochus; and then reproached him +for ingratitude to himself, because, when he had been surrendered +to Rome, he obtained an unexpected release at the intercession of +Nicander and himself. He ended by calling upon the Aetolians, not only +to hoot Thoas down if he tried to speak, but to join with one accord +in stoning him. This was done; and Gaius, after administering a brief +reproof to the Aetolians for stoning Thoas, departed with his colleague +to Acarnania, without any more being said about hostages. Aetolia, +however, was filled with mutual suspicions and violent factions. + +[Sidenote: Acarnania.] + ++5.+ In Acarnania the assembly was held at Thurium, at which Aeschrion, +Glaucus, and Chremes, who were all partisans of Rome, begged Gaius +and Gnaeus to place a garrison in Acarnania; for they had among them +certain persons who were for putting the country in the hands of +Perseus and the Macedonians. The advice of Diogenes was the opposite. +“A garrison,” he said, “ought not to be put into any of their cities, +for that was what was done to those who had been at war with Rome +and had been beaten; whereas the Acarnanians had done no wrong, and +did not deserve in any respect to have a garrison thrust upon them. +Chremes and Glaucus and their partisans were slandering their political +opponents, and desired to bring in a garrison which would support their +selfseeking policy, in order to establish their own tyrannical power.” +After these speeches, Gaius and his colleague, seeing that the populace +disliked the idea of having garrisons, and wishing to follow the line +of policy marked out by the Senate, expressed their adherence to the +view of Diogenes; and departed to join the Proconsul at Larisa, after +paying some compliments to the Acarnanians.... + +[Sidenote: Meeting of Achaean statesmen to consider their policy, B.C. +169.] + +[Sidenote: Lycortas is for complete neutrality.] + +[Sidenote: Apollonides and Stratius for suppressing rash declarations +for Rome, and yet not openly opposing her.] + +[Sidenote: The Strategus Archon is for bending to the storm, and acting +frankly for Rome.] + +[Sidenote: Polybius Hipparch.] + ++6.+ The Greeks made up their minds that this embassy required much +consideration on their part. They therefore called to council such +men as were of one mind in other political questions,—Arcesilaus and +Ariston of Megalopolis, Stratius of Tritaea, Xenon of Patrae and +Apollonides of Sicyon. But Lycortas stood firm to his original view: +which was that they should send no help to either Perseus or Rome in +any way, nor, on the other hand, take part against either. For he held +that co-operation with either would be disadvantageous to the Greeks at +large, because he foresaw the overwhelming power which the successful +nation would possess; while active hostility, he thought, would be +dangerous, because they had already in former times been in opposition +to many of the most illustrious Romans in their state policy. +Apollonides and Stratius did not recommend open and avowed hostility +to Rome, but thought that “Those who were for plunging headlong into +the contest, and wished to use the action of the nation to secure their +own personal favour at Rome, ought to be put down and boldly resisted.” +Archon said that “They must yield to circumstances, and not give their +personal enemies a handle for accusations; nor allow themselves to fall +into the same misfortune as Nicander, who, before he had learnt what +the power of Rome really was, had met with the gravest calamities.” +With this last view, Polyaenus, Arcesilaus, Ariston, and Xenon agreed. +It was thereupon decided that Archon should go without delay to his +duties as Strategus, and Polybius to those of Hipparch. + +[Sidenote: Embassy from Attalus to the Achaeans desiring the +restoration of the honours formally decreed to his brother Eumenes. See +27, 18.] + +[Sidenote: Speech of Polybius.] + ++7.+ Very soon after these events, and when Archon had made up his +mind that the Achaeans must take active part with Rome and her allies, +it happened most conveniently that Attalus made his proposal to him +and found him ready to accept it. Archon at once eagerly promised his +support to Attalus’s request: and when thereupon that prince’s envoys +appeared at the next congress, and addressed the Achaeans about the +restoration of king Eumenes’s honours, begging them to do this for the +sake of Attalus, the people did not show clearly what their feeling +was, but a good many rose to speak against the proposal from many +various motives. Those who were originally the advisers of the honours +being paid to the king were now desirous to confirm the wisdom of their +own policy; while those who had private reasons for animosity against +the king thought this a good opportunity for revenging themselves upon +him; while others again, from spite against those who supported him, +were determined that Attalus should not obtain his request. Archon, +however, the Strategus, rose to support the envoys,—for it was a matter +that called for an expression of opinion from the Strategus,—but after +a few words he stood down, afraid of being thought to be giving his +advice from interested motives and the hope of making money, because +he had spent a large sum on his office. Amidst a general feeling of +doubt and hesitation, Polybius rose and delivered a long speech. But +that part of it which best fell in with the feelings of the populace +was that in which he showed that “The original decree of the Achaeans +in regard to these honours enacted that such honours as were _improper +and contrary to law_ were to be abolished, but not _all_ honours by any +means. That Sosigenes and Diopeithes and their colleagues, however, who +were at the time judges, and for private reasons personally hostile to +Eumenes, seized the opportunity of overturning all the erections put up +in honour of the king; and in doing so had gone beyond the meaning of +the decree of the Achaeans, and beyond the powers entrusted to them, +and, what was worst of all, beyond the demands of justice and right. +For the Achaeans had not resolved upon doing away with the honours +of Eumenes on the ground of having received any injury at his hands; +but had taken offence at his making demands beyond what his services +warranted, and had accordingly voted to remove everything that seemed +excessive. As then these judges had overthrown these honours, because +they had a greater regard for the gratification of their private +enmity than for the honour of the Achaeans, so the Achaeans, from the +conviction that duty and honour must be their highest consideration, +were bound to correct the error of the judges, and the unjustifiable +insult inflicted upon Eumenes: especially as, in doing so, they would +not be bestowing this favour on Eumenes only, but on his brother +Attalus also.” The assembly having expressed their agreement with this +speech, a decree was written out ordering the magistrates to restore +all the honours of king Eumenes, except such as were dishonourable to +the Achaean league or contrary to their law. It was thus, and at this +time, that Attalus secured the reversal of the insult to his brother +Eumenes in regard to the honours once given him in the Peloponnese.... + +[Sidenote: Early in B.C. 169,[159] + +[Sidenote: Perseus goes back to Hyscana in Illyria.] + +[Sidenote: A second mission to Genthius.] + +[Sidenote: Genthius temporises.] + ++8.+ Perseus sent Pleuratus the Illyrian, an exile living at his court, +and Adaeus of Beroea on a mission to king Genthius, after taking +Hyscana in Illyria, Perseus advances to Stubera, and thence sends +envoys to king Genthius at Lissus. Livy, 43, 19.] with instructions to +inform him of what he had achieved in his war with the Romans, Dardani, +Epirotes, and Illyrians up to the present time; and to urge him to make +a friendship and alliance with him in Macedonia. These envoys journeyed +beyond Mount Scardus, through Illyria Deserta, as it is called,—a +region a short time back depopulated by the Macedonians, in order to +make an invasion of Illyria and Macedonia difficult for the Dardani. +Their journey through this region was accompanied by much suffering; +but they reached Scodra, and being there informed that Genthius was at +Lissus, they sent a message to him. He promptly responded: and having +been admitted to an interview with him, they discussed the business +to which their instructions referred. Genthius had no wish to forfeit +the friendship of Perseus; but he alleged want of means as an excuse +for not complying with the request at once, and his inability to +undertake a war with Rome without money. With this answer, Adaeus and +his colleagues returned home. Meanwhile Perseus arrived at Stubera, +and sold the booty and gave his army a rest while waiting for the +return of Pleuratus and Adaeus. On their arrival with the answer from +Genthius, he immediately sent another mission, consisting again of +Adaeus, Glaucias, one of his bodyguards, and the Illyrian (Pleuratus) +also, because he knew the Illyrian language, with the same instructions +as before: on the ground that Genthius had not stated distinctly what +he wanted, and what would enable him to consent to the proposals. When +these envoys had started the king himself removed with his army to +Hyscana.[160]... + +[Sidenote: Genthius being unpersuaded by the second mission, Perseus +sends a third, but still without offering money.] + +[Sidenote: The dislike of Perseus to give money turned out happily for +Greece.] + ++9.+ The ambassador sent to Genthius returned without having +accomplished anything more than the previous envoys, and without any +fresh answer; for Genthius remained of the same mind,—willing to +join with Perseus in his war, but professing to be in want of money. +Perseus disregarded the hint, and sent another mission under Hippias to +conclude the treaty, without taking any notice of the main point, while +professing a wish to do whatever Genthius wished. It is not easy to +decide whether to ascribe such conduct to mere folly, or to a spiritual +delusion. For my part, I am inclined to regard it as a sheer spiritual +delusion when men aim at bold enterprises, and risk their life, and +yet neglect the most important point in their plans, though they see +it all the time and have the power to execute it. For I do not think +it will be denied by any man of reflection that, had Perseus at that +time been willing to make grants of money either to states as such, or +individually to kings and statesmen, I do not say on a great scale, but +even to a moderate extent, they would all—Greeks and kings alike—have +yielded to the temptation. As it was, he happily did not take that +course, which would have given him, if successful, an overweening +supremacy; or, if unsuccessful, would have involved many others in his +disaster. But he took the opposite course: which resulted in confining +the numbers of the Greeks who adopted the unwise policy at this crisis +to very narrow limits.... + + [Perseus now returned from Stubera to Hyscana, and after a vain + attempt upon Stratus in Aetolia, retired into Macedonia for the + rest of the winter. In the early spring of B.C. 169 Q. Marcius + Philippus began his advance upon Macedonia from his permanent camp + in Perrhaebia. Perseus stationed Asclepiodotus and Hippias to defend + two passes of the Cambunian mountains, while he himself held Dium, + which commanded the coast road from Thessaly into Macedonia. Marcius + however, after only a rather severe skirmish with the light-armed + troops of Hippias, effected the passage of the mountains and + descended upon Dium. The king was taken by surprise: he had not + secured the pass of Tempe, which would have cut off the Romans from + retreat; and he now hastily retired to Pydna. Q. Marcius occupied + Dium, but after a short stay there retired upon Phila, to get + provisions and secure the coast road. Whereupon Perseus reoccupied + Dium, and contemplated staying there to the end of the summer. Q. + Marcius took Heracleum, which was between Phila and Dium, and made + preparations for a second advance on Dium. But the winter (B.C. + 169-168) was now approaching, and he contented himself with seeing + that the roads through Thessaly were put in a proper state for the + conveyance of provisions. Livy, 43, 19-23; 44, 1-9.] + +[Sidenote: Perseus lays the blame of his failure on his generals. Livy, +44, 8.] + ++10.+ Having been completely worsted on the entrance of the Romans +into Macedonia, Perseus found fault with Hippias. But in my opinion it +is easy to find fault with others and to see their mistakes, but it +is the hardest thing in the world to do everything that can be done +one’s self, and to be thoroughly acquainted with one’s own affairs. And +Perseus was now an instance in point.... + +[Sidenote: The testudo. Livy, 44, 9.] + ++11.+ The capture of Heracleum was effected in a very peculiar manner. +The city wall at one part and for a short distance was low. The Romans +attacked with three picked maniples: and the first made a protection +for their heads by locking their shields together over them so closely, +that they presented the appearance of a sloping tiled roof.... + +This manœuvre the Romans used also in mock fights.... + + +_While C. Marcius Figulus, the praetor, was engaged in Chalcidice, Q. +Marcius sent M. Popilius to besiege Meliboea in Magnesia. Perseus sent +Euphranor to relieve it, and, if he succeeded, to enter Demetrias. +This he did, and was not attacked at the latter place by Popilius or +Eumenes—scandal saying that the latter was in secret communication with +Perseus. Livy_, _44, 10-13_, B.C. _169_. + + +[Sidenote: The Achaeans decide to co-operate actively with the Romans +in Thessaly.] + +[Sidenote: Polybius sent to the Consul.] + +[Sidenote: Ptolemy Physcon celebrates his anacleteria.] + ++12.+ Upon Perseus designing to come into Thessaly and there decide +the war by a general engagement, as he probably would have done, +Archon and his colleagues resolved to defend themselves against the +suspicions and slanders that had been thrown upon them, by taking some +practical steps. They therefore brought a decree before the Achaean +congress, ordering an advance into Thessaly, with the full force of +the league, to co-operate energetically with the Romans. The decree +being confirmed, the Achaeans also voted that Archon should superintend +the collection of the army and the necessary preparations for the +expedition, and should also send envoys to the Consul in Thessaly, to +communicate to him the decree of the Achaeans, and to ask when and +where their army was to join him. Polybius and others were forthwith +appointed, and strictly instructed that, if the Consul approved of +the army joining him, they should at once send some messengers to +communicate the fact, that they might not be too late on the field; and +meanwhile, that Polybius himself should see that the whole army found +provisions in the various cities through which it was to pass, and +that the soldiers should have no lack of any necessaries. With these +instructions the envoys started. The Achaeans also appointed Telocritus +to conduct an embassy to Attalus, bearing the decree concerning the +restoration of the honours of Eumenes. And as news arrived about the +same time that king Ptolemy had just celebrated his _anacleteria_, the +usual ceremony when the kings come of age, they voted to send some +ambassadors to confirm the friendly relations existing between the +league and the kingdom of Egypt, and thereupon appointed Alcithus and +Pasiadas for this duty. + +[Sidenote: Summer of B.C. 169.] + +[Sidenote: Autumn of B.C. 169.] + +[Sidenote: Q. Marcius declines the offered army of Achaeans.] + +[Sidenote: Appius Claudius Cento defeated at Hyscana in B.C. 170. Livy, +43, 10.] + +[Sidenote: See above, p. 372.] + ++13.+ Polybius and his colleagues found the Romans moved from +Thessaly and encamped in Perrhaebia, between Azorium and Doliche. +They therefore postponed communication with the Consul, owing to the +critical nature of the occasion, but shared in the dangers of the +invasion of Macedonia. When the Roman army at length reached the +district of Heracleum, it seemed the right moment for their interview +with Q. Marcius, because he considered that the most serious part of +his undertaking was accomplished. The Achaean envoys therefore took +the opportunity of presenting the decree to Marcius, and declaring +the intention of the Achaeans, to the effect that they wished with +their full force to take part in his contests and dangers. In addition +to this they demonstrated to him that every command of the Romans, +whether sent by letter or messenger, had been during the present war +accepted by the Achaeans without dispute. Marcius acknowledged with +great warmth the good feeling of the Achaeans, but excused them from +taking part in his labours and expenses, as there was no longer any +need for the assistance of allies. The other ambassadors accordingly +returned home; but Polybius stayed there and took part in the campaign, +until Marcius, hearing that Appius Cento asked for five thousand +Achaean soldiers to be sent to Epirus, despatched Polybius with orders +to prevent the soldiers being granted, or such a heavy expense being +causelessly imposed on the Achaeans; for Appius had no reason whatever +for asking for these soldiers. Whether he did this from consideration +for the Achaeans, or from a desire to prevent Appius from obtaining +any success, it is difficult to say. Polybius, however, returned to +the Peloponnese and found that the letter from Epirus had arrived, and +that the Achaean congress had been soon afterwards assembled at Sicyon. +He was therefore in a situation of great embarrassment. When Cento’s +demand of soldiers was brought before the Congress he did not think it +by any means proper to reveal the charge which Q. Marcius had given +him privately: and on the other hand to oppose the demand, without +some clear pretext, was exceedingly dangerous. In this difficult +and delicate position he called to his aid the decree of the Roman +Senate, forbidding compliance with the written demands of commanders +unless made in accordance with its own decree. Now, no mention of such +a decree occurred in the despatch from Appius. By this argument he +prevailed with the people to refer the matter to the Consul, and by +his means to get the nation relieved of an expense which would amount +to over a hundred and twenty talents. Still he gave a great handle to +those who wished to denounce him to Appius, as having thwarted his +design of obtaining a reinforcement.... + +[Sidenote: Crete. The Cydonians attack and take Apollonia near Cnossus.] + ++14.+ The people of Cydon at this time committed a shocking act of +indisputable treachery. Though many such have occurred in Crete, +yet this appeared to go beyond them all. For though they were bound to +Apollonia, not only by the ties of friendship, but by those of common +institutions also, and in fact by everything which mankind regard +as sacred, and though these obligations were confirmed by a sworn +treaty engraved and preserved in the temple of Idaean Zeus, yet they +treacherously seized Apollonia, put the men to the sword, plundered the +property, and divided among themselves the women, children, city, and +territory.... + +[Sidenote: The Cydonians ask help from Eumenes.] + ++15.+ Afraid of the Gortynians, because they had narrowly escaped +losing their city in the previous year by an attack led by Nothocrates, +the Cydonians sent envoys to Eumenes demanding his assistance in virtue +of their alliance with him. The king selected Leon and some soldiers, +and sent them in haste to Crete; and on their arrival the Cydonians +delivered the keys of their city to Leon, and put the town entirely in +his hands.... + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians determine to send a mission to Rome, B.C. 170.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 169.] + +[Sidenote: See _supra_, ch. 2.] + ++16.+ The factions in Rhodes kept continually becoming more and more +violent. For when the decree of the Senate, directing that they should +no longer conform to the demands of the military magistrates but +only to those contained in the Senate’s decrees, was communicated to +them, and the people at large expressed satisfaction at the care of +the Senate for their interests; Philophron and Theaetetus seized the +occasion to carry out their policy further, declaring that they ought +to send envoys to the Senate, and to Q. Marcius Philippus the Consul, +and Gaius Marcius Figulus, the commander of the fleet. For it was by +that time known to everybody which of the magistrates designate in Rome +were to come to Greece. The proposal was loudly applauded, though some +dissent was expressed: and at the beginning of the summer Agesilochus, +son of Hegesias, and Nicagoras, son of Nicander, were sent to Rome; +Agepolis, Ariston, and Pancrates to the Consul and commander of the +fleet, with instructions to renew the friendship of the Cretans with +Rome, and to make their defence against the accusations that were being +uttered against their state; while Agesilochus and his colleagues were +at the same time to make a proposal about a license to export corn from +the Roman dominions. The speech made by these envoys to the Senate, and +the reply made by the Senate, and the successful termination of their +mission, I have already mentioned in the section devoted to Italian +affairs. But it is useful to repeat such points, as I am careful to +do, because I am obliged frequently to record the actual negotiations +of ambassadors before mentioning the circumstances attending their +appointment and despatch. For since I am recording under each year the +contemporary events in several countries, and endeavouring to take a +summary review of them all together at the end, this must of necessity +form a feature in my history. + +[Sidenote: The envoys visit Q. Marcius Philippus at Heracleum.] + +[Sidenote: Why do not the Rhodians stop the war between Antiochus and +Ptolemy?] + +[Sidenote: They endeavour to make peace between Antiochus Epiphanes and +Ptolemy Physcon.] + +[Sidenote: Effect of the warm reception of their ambassadors on the +Rhodians.] + ++17.+ Agepolis and his colleagues found Q. Marcius himself encamped +near Heracleum in Macedonia, and delivered their commission to him +there. In answer, he said that “He himself paid no attention to those +calumnies, and advised them not to pay any to those who ventured to +speak against Rome.” He added many other expressions of kindness, +and even wrote them in a despatch to the people of Rhodes. Agepolis +was much charmed by his whole reception; and observing this, the +Consul took him aside and said to him privately that “He wondered +at the Rhodians not trying to put an end to the war,[161] which it +would be eminently in their interests to do.” Did the Consul act +thus because he was suspicious of Antiochus, and was afraid, if he +conquered Alexandria, that he would prove a formidable second enemy to +themselves, seeing that the war with Perseus was becoming protracted, +and the war for Coele-Syria had already broken out? Or was it because +he saw that the war with Perseus was all but decided, now that the +Roman legions had entered Macedonia, and because he had confident hopes +of its result; and therefore wished, by instigating the Rhodians to +interfere between the kings, to give the Romans a pretext for taking +any measures they might think good concerning them? It would not be +easy to say for certain; but I am inclined to believe that it was the +latter, judging from what shortly afterwards happened to the Rhodians. +However, Agepolis and his colleagues immediately afterwards proceeded +to visit Gaius Marcius Figulus: and, having received from him still +more extraordinary marks of favour than from Quintus Marcius, returned +with all speed to Rhodes. When they received the report of the embassy, +and knew that the two commanders had vied with each other in warmth, +both by word of mouth and in their formal answers, the Rhodians were +universally elated and filled with pleasing expectation. But not all in +the same spirit: the sober-minded were delighted at the good feeling +of the Romans towards them; but the restless and fractious calculated +in their own minds that this excessive complaisance was a sign that +the Romans were alarmed at the dangers in which they found themselves, +and at their success not having answered to their expectations. But +when Agepolis communicated to his friends that he had a private message +from Q. Marcius to the Cretan Council about putting an end to the war +(in Syria), then Deinon and his friends felt fully convinced that the +Romans were in a great strait; and they accordingly sent envoys also to +Alexandria to put an end to the war then existing between Antiochus and +Ptolemy.... + + +_Ptolemy Epiphanes, who died B.C. 181, left two sons, Ptolemy +Philometor and Ptolemy Physcon, and a daughter, Cleopatra, by his wife +Cleopatra, sister of Antiochus Epiphanes. After the death of Ptolemy’s +mother Cleopatra, his ministers, Eulaeus and Lenaeus, engaged in a war +with Antiochus for the recovery of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, which +had been taken by Antiochus the Great, and which they alleged had been +assigned as a dower to the late Cleopatra. Their war was singularly +unsuccessful. Antiochus Epiphanes defeated their troops at Pelusium, +took young Ptolemy Philometor captive, and advanced as far as Memphis. +Thereupon Ptolemy Physcon assumed the royal title at Alexandria as +Euergetes II., and sent envoys to Antiochus at Memphis. Antiochus, +however, treated Ptolemy Philometor with kindness, established him as +king at Memphis, and advanced to Naucratis, and thence to Alexandria, +which he besieged on the pretext of re-establishing Philometor_. B.C. +171. See _infra, bk. 29. ch. 23._ + + +[Sidenote: Character of Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes).] + ++18.+ King Antiochus was a man of ability in the field and daring in +design, and showed himself worthy of the royal name, except in regard +to his manœuvres at Pelusium.... + +[Sidenote: Comanus and Cineas, Physcon’s ministers, determine to send +embassies to Antiochus, B. C. 169.] + ++19.+ When Antiochus was actually in occupation of Egypt, Comanus and +Cineas, after consultation with king Ptolemy Physcon, determined upon +summoning a conference of the most distinguished Egyptian nobles to +consult about the danger which threatened them. The first resolution +the conference came to was to send the Greek envoys who were then at +Alexandria as envoys to Antiochus to conclude a pacification. There +were at that time in the country two embassies from the Achaean league, +one which had been sent to renew the alliance between the league and +Egypt, and which was composed of Alcithus of Aegium, son of Xenophon, +and Pasiodes, and another sent to give notice of the festival of the +Antigoneia.[162] There was also an embassy from Athens led by Demaratus +on the subject of some present, and two sacred embassies, one in +connexion with the Panathenaea under the presidency of Callias the +pancratiast, and the other on the subject of the mysteries, of which +Cleostratus was the active member and spokesman. There were also there +Eudemus and Hicesius from Miletus, and Apollonides and Apollonius from +Clazomenae. The king also sent with them Tlepolemus and Ptolemy the +rhetorician as envoys. These men accordingly sailed up the river to +meet Antiochus.... + +[Sidenote: Antiochus occupies Naucratis and thence advances to +Alexandria.] + +[Sidenote: Reply of Antiochus.] + +[Sidenote: Their arguments.] + +[Sidenote: The Greek envoys visit Antiochus and endeavour to make +peace.] + ++20.+ While Antiochus was occupying Egypt,[163] he was visited +by the Greek envoys sent to conclude terms of peace. He received +them courteously, devoted the first day to giving them a splendid +entertainment and on the next granted them an interview, and bade them +deliver their instructions. The first to speak were the Achaeans, +the next the Athenian Demaratus, and after him Eudemus of Miletus. +And as the occasion and subject of their speeches were the same, the +substance of them was also nearly identical. They all laid the blame +of what had occurred on Eulaeus, and referring to Ptolemy’s youth and +his relationship to himself, they intreated the king to lay aside his +anger. Thereupon Antiochus, after acknowledging the general truth of +their remarks, and even supporting them by additional arguments of his +own, entered upon a defence of the justice of his original demands. He +attempted to establish the claim of the king of Syria on Coele-Syria, +“Insisting upon the fact that Antigonus, the founder of the Syrian +kingdom, exercised authority in that country; and referring to the +formal cession of it to Seleucus,[164] after the death of Antigonus, +by the sovereigns of Macedonia. Next he dwelt on the last conquest +of it by his father Antiochus; and finally he denied that any such +agreement was made between the late king Ptolemy and his father as the +Alexandrian ministers asserted, to the effect that Ptolemy was to take +Coele-Syria as a dowry when he married Cleopatra, the mother of the +present king.” Having by these arguments not only persuaded himself, +but the envoys also, of the justice of his claim, he sailed down the +river to Naucratis. There he treated the inhabitants with humanity, and +gave each of the Greeks living there a gold piece, and then advanced +towards Alexandria. He told the envoys that he would give them an +answer on the return of Aristeides and Thesis, whom he had sent on +a mission to Ptolemy; and he wished, he said, that the Greek envoys +should all be cognisant and witnesses of their report.... + +[Sidenote: The evil influence of Eulaeus upon Ptolemy Philometor. He +advises him to yield to Antiochus and retire to Samothrace.] + ++21.+ The eunuch Eulaeus persuaded Ptolemy to collect his money, +give up his kingdom to his enemies, and retire to Samothrace. This +will be to any one who reflects upon it a convincing proof of the +supreme mischief done by evil companions of boyhood. That a monarch +so entirely out of reach of personal danger and so far removed from +his enemies, should not make one effort to save his honour, while in +possession too of such abundant resources, and master over such wide +territory and such numerous subjects, but should at once without a +blow surrender a most splendid and wealthy kingdom,—is not this the +sign of a spirit utterly effeminate and corrupted? And if this had +been Ptolemy’s natural character, we must have laid the blame upon +nature and not upon any external influence. But since by his subsequent +achievements his natural character has vindicated itself, by proving +Ptolemy to be sufficiently resolute and courageous in the hour of +danger, we may clearly, without any improbability, attribute to this +eunuch, and his companionship with the king in his boyhood, the ignoble +spirit displayed by him on that occasion, and his idea of going to +Samothrace.... + +[Sidenote: Antiochus leaves Alexandria for a time, being met by some +Roman envoys. See 29, 25.] + ++22.+ After raising the siege of Alexandria, Antiochus sent envoys to +Rome, whose names were Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heracleides, agreeing +to pay one hundred and fifty talents, fifty as a complimentary present +to the Romans, and the rest as a gift to be divided among certain +cities in Greece.... + +[Sidenote: Envoys from Rhodes visit Antiochus in his camp not far from +Alexandria.] + ++23.+ In the course of these same days envoys sailed in from Rhodes to +Alexandria, headed by Pration, to negotiate a pacification; and a few +days afterwards presented themselves at the camp of Antiochus. Admitted +to an interview, they argued at considerable length, mentioning their +own country’s friendly feelings to both kingdoms, and the ties of blood +existing between the two kings themselves, and the advantage which +a peace would be to both. But the king interrupted the envoy in the +middle of his speech by saying that there was no need of much talking, +for the kingdom belonged to the elder Ptolemy, and with him he had long +ago made terms, and they were friends, and if the people wished now to +recall him Antiochus would not prevent them. And he kept his word.... + + + + +BOOK XXIX + + +[Sidenote: B. C. 168. Coss. L. Aemilius Paullus, C. Licinius Crassus. +A fragment of the speech of L. Aemilius before starting for Macedonia. +See Livy, 44, 22.] + ++1.+ “Their one idea, expressed at parties or conversations in the +street, was, that they should manage the war in Macedonia while +remaining quietly at home in Rome, sometimes by criticising what the +generals were doing, at others what they were leaving undone. From this +the public interests never got any good, and often a great deal of +harm. The generals themselves were at times greatly hampered by this +ill-timed loquacity. For as it is the invariable nature of slander +to spread rapidly and stop at nothing, the people got thoroughly +infected by this idle talk, and the generals were consequently rendered +contemptible in the eyes of the enemy.”... + +[Sidenote: In answer to an embassy from Ptolemy Physcon and his sister +Cleopatra, the Senate sends Gaius Popilius Laenas to Alexandria. Livy, +44, 19.] + ++2.+ The Senate being informed that Antiochus had become master +of Egypt, and all but taken Alexandria, and conceiving that the +aggrandisement of that king was a matter affecting themselves, +appointed Gaius Popilius and others to go as ambassadors to put an end +to the war, and generally to inspect the state of affairs.... + +[Sidenote: Genthius joins Perseus on being supplied with 300 talents;] + +[Sidenote: and also consents to join in a mission to Rhodes.] + ++3.+ Hippias, and the other ambassadors sent by Perseus, to Genthius +to make an alliance with him, returned before the winter, and reported +that Genthius would undertake to join in the war with Rome if he was +paid three hundred talents and received proper securities. Thereupon +Perseus sent Pantauchus, one of his chief friends, with the following +instructions: He was to agree to pay Genthius the money; to interchange +oaths of alliance; to take from Genthius such hostages as he himself +might select, and send them at once to Macedonia; and to allow Genthius +to have such hostages from Perseus as he might name in the text of +the treaty; further, he was to make arrangements for the transport +of the three hundred talents. Pantauchus immediately started and met +Genthius at Mebeōn, in the country of the Labeates, and quickly bought +the young monarch over to join in the projects of Perseus. The treaty +having been sworn to and reduced to writing, Genthius at once sent the +hostages whose names Pantauchus had caused to be entered in the text of +the treaty; and with them he despatched Olympion to receive the oaths +and hostages from Perseus, with others who were to have charge of the +money. Pantauchus persuaded him to send also some ambassadors to join +in a mission to Rhodes with some sent by Perseus, in order to negotiate +a mutual alliance between the three states. For if this were effected, +and the Rhodians consented to embark upon the war, he showed that they +would be easily able to conquer the Romans. Genthius listened to the +suggestion, and appointed Parmenio and Morcus to undertake the mission; +with instructions that, as soon as they had received the oaths and +hostages from Perseus, and the question of the money had been settled, +they were to proceed on the embassy to Rhodes. + +[Sidenote: Perseus meets the envoys from Genthius;] + ++4.+ So these various ambassadors started together for Macedonia. But +Pantauchus stayed by the side of the young king, and kept reminding +him of the necessity of making warlike preparations, and urging him +not to be too late with them. He was especially urgent that he should +prepare for a contest at sea; for, as the Romans were quite unprepared +in that department on the coasts both of Epirus and Illyria, any +purpose he might form would be easily accomplished by himself and the +forces he might despatch. Genthius yielded to the advice and set about +his preparations, naval and military alike: and Perseus, as soon as +the ambassadors and hostages from Genthius entered Macedonia, set off +from his camp on the River Elpeius,[165] with his whole cavalry, to +meet them at Dium. His first act on meeting them was to take the oaths +to the alliance in the presence of the whole body of cavalry; for he +was very anxious that the Macedonians should know of the adhesion +of Genthius, hoping that this additional advantage would have the +effect of raising their courage: and next he received the hostages +and handed over his own to Olympion and his colleagues, the noblest +of whom were Limnaeus, the son of Polemocrates, and Balacrus, son of +Pantauchus. Lastly, he sent the agents who had come for the money to +Pella, assuring them that they would receive it there: and appointed +the ambassadors for Rhodes to join Metrodorus at Thessalonica, and hold +themselves in readiness to embark. + +[Sidenote: and sends others to Eumenes and Antiochus.] + +This embassy succeeded in persuading the Rhodians to join in the war. +And, having accomplished this, Perseus next sent Herophon, who had been +similarly employed before, on a mission to Eumenes; and Telemnastos of +Crete to Antiochus to urge him “Not to let the opportunity escape; nor +to imagine that Perseus was the only person affected by the overbearing +and oppressive conduct of Rome: but to be quite sure that, if he did +not now assist Perseus, if possible by putting an end to the war, or, +if not, by supporting him in it, he would quickly meet with the same +fate himself.”... + +[Sidenote: The intrigues of Perseus and Eumenes.] + ++5.+ In venturing upon a narrative of the intrigues of Perseus and +Eumenes, I have felt myself in a position of great embarrassment. For +to give full and accurate details of the negotiations, which these two +kings conducted in secret between themselves, appeared to me to be +an attempt open to many obvious criticisms and exceedingly liable to +error: and yet to pass over in complete silence what seemed to have +exercised the most decisive influence in the war, and which alone +can explain many of the subsequent events, seemed to me to wear the +appearance of a certain sluggishness and entire want of enterprise. On +the whole, I decided to state briefly what I believed to be truth, and +the probabilities and surmises on which I founded that opinion; for I +was, in fact, during this period more struck than most people at what +happened. + +[Sidenote: The Romans become suspicious of Eumenes, and ostentatiously +transfer their favour to his brother Attalus.] + ++6.+ I have already stated[166] that Cydas of Crete, while, serving +in the army of Eumenes and held in especial honour by him, had in the +first place had interviews with Cheimarus, one of the Cretans in the +army of Perseus, and again had approached the walls of Demetrias, and +conversed first with Menecrates, and then with Antimachus. Again, that +Herophon had been twice on a mission from Perseus to Eumenes, and that +the Romans on that account began to have reasonable suspicions of king +Eumenes, is rendered clear from what happened to Attalus. For they +allowed this prince to come to Rome from Brundisium, and to transact +the business he had on hand, and finally gave him a favourable answer +and dismissed him with every mark of kindness, although he had done +them no service of any importance in the war with Perseus; while +Eumenes, who had rendered them the most important services, and had +assisted them again and again in their wars with Antiochus and Perseus, +they not only prevented from coming to Rome, but bade him leave Italy +within a certain number of days, though it was mid-winter. Therefore +it is quite plain that some intriguing had been taking place between +Perseus and Eumenes to account for the alienation of the Romans from +the latter. What this was, and how far it went, is our present subject +of inquiry. + +[Sidenote: The origin of the intrigue between Eumenes and Perseus was +the idea of the former that, both sides being tired of the war, he +might intervene with profit to himself.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 168.] + ++7.+ We can easily satisfy ourselves that Eumenes cannot have wished +Perseus to be the victor in the war and become supreme in Greece. For +to say nothing of the traditional enmity and dislike existing between +these two, the similarity of their respective powers was sufficient to +breed distrust, jealousy, and, in fact, the bitterest animosity between +them. It was always open to them to intrigue and scheme against each +other secretly, and that they were both doing. For when Eumenes saw +that Perseus was in a bad way, and was hemmed in on every side by his +enemies, and would accept any terms for the sake of putting an end to +the war, and was sending envoys to the Roman generals year after year +with this view; while the Romans also were uneasy about the result, +because they made no real progress in the war until Paulus took the +command, and because Aetolia was in a dangerous state of excitement, he +conceived that it would not be impossible that the Romans would consent +to some means of ending the war and making terms: and he looked upon +himself as the most proper person to act as mediator and effect the +reconciliation. With these secret ideas in his mind, he began sounding +Perseus by means of Cydas of Crete, the year before, to find out how +much he would be inclined to pay for such a chance. This appears to me +to be the origin of their connexion with each other. + +[Sidenote: The bargain attempted between Eumenes and Perseus.] + ++8.+ Two kings, one of whom was the most unprincipled and the other +the most avaricious in the world, being now pitted against each +other, their mutual struggles presented a spectacle truly ridiculous. +Eumenes held out every kind of hope, and threw out every species of +bait, believing that he would catch Perseus by such promises. Perseus, +without waiting to be approached, rushed to the bait held out to him, +and made for it greedily; yet he could not make up his mind to swallow +it, to such an extent as to give up any money. The sort of huckstering +contest that went on between them was as follows. Eumenes demanded +five hundred talents as the price of his abstention from co-operating +with the Romans by land and sea during the fourth year of the war, +and fifteen hundred for putting an end to the war altogether, and +promised to give hostages and securities for his promise at once. +Perseus accepted the proposal of hostages, named the number, the time +at which they were to be sent, and the manner of their safe custody +at Cnosus. But as to the money, he said that it would be disgraceful +to the one who paid, and still more to the one who received it, to be +supposed to remain neutral for hire; but the fifteen hundred talents he +would send in charge of Polemocrates and others to Samothrace, to be +held as a deposit there. Now Perseus was master of Samothrace; but as +Eumenes, like a poor physician, preferred a retaining-fee to a payment +after work, he finally gave up the attempt, when he found that his own +craftiness was no match for the meanness of Perseus. They thus parted +on equal terms, leaving, like good athletes, the battle of avarice a +drawn one. Some of these details leaked out at the time, and others +were communicated subsequently to Perseus’s intimate friends; and he +has taught us by them that every vice is clinched, so to speak, by +avarice. + +[Sidenote: Reflexions on the blindness of the avaricious kings.] + +[Sidenote: See Plutarch, _Aemilius_, ch. 12.] + ++9.+ I add the further question from my own reflexions, whether avarice +is not also short-sighted? For who could fail to remark the folly of +both the kings? How could Eumenes on the one hand expect to be trusted +by a man with whom he was on such bad terms; and to get so large a sum +of money, when he was able to give Perseus absolutely no security for +recovering it, in case of his not carrying out his promises? And how +could he expect not to be detected by the Romans in taking so large a +sum? If he had concealed it at the time he certainly would not have +done so long. Moreover, he would have been bound at any rate, in return +for it, to have adopted the quarrel with Rome; in which he would have +been certain to have lost the money and his kingdom together, and very +probably his life also, by coming forward as an enemy of the Romans. +For if, even as it was, when he accomplished nothing, but only imagined +it, he fell into the gravest dangers, what would have happened to +him if this design had been brought to perfection? And again, as to +Perseus—who could fail to be surprised at his thinking anything of +higher importance, or more to his advantage, than to give the money and +allow Eumenes to swallow the bait? For if, on the one hand, Eumenes had +performed any part of his promises, and had put an end to the war, the +gift would have been well bestowed; and if, on the other hand, he had +been deceived of that hope, he could at least have involved him in the +certain enmity of Rome; for he would have had it entirely in his own +power to make these transactions public. And one may easily calculate +how valuable this would have been to Perseus, whether he succeeded or +failed in the war: for he would have regarded Eumenes as the guilty +cause of all his misfortunes, and could in no way have retaliated upon +him more effectually than by making him an enemy of Rome. What then was +the root of all this blind folly? Nothing but avarice. It could have +been nothing else; for, to save himself from giving money, Perseus was +content to suffer anything, and neglect every other consideration. On a +par too with this was his conduct to the Gauls and Genthius.... + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians take active steps to form a confederation +against Rome, in case their intervention fails.] + ++10.+ The question being put to the vote at Rhodes, it was carried to +send envoys to negotiate a peace; and this decree thus decided the +relative strength of the opposite political parties at Rhodes [as has +been stated in my essay on public speaking], showing that the party for +siding with Perseus was stronger than that which was for preserving +their country and its laws. The Prytanies immediately appointed +ambassadors to negotiate the cessation of the war: Agepolis, Diocles, +and Cleombrotus were sent to Rome; Damon, Nicostratus, Agesilochus, +and Telephus to Perseus and the consul. The Rhodians went on in the +same spirit to take further steps, so that they eventually committed +themselves past all excuse. For they at once sent ambassadors to Crete, +to renew their friendly relations with the entire Cretan people, and +to urge that, in view of the dangers that threatened them, they should +throw in their lot with the people of Rhodes, and hold the same people +to be friends and enemies as they did, and also to address the separate +cities to the same effect.... + +[Sidenote: The manner in which this vote of the Rhodians was carried, +B.C. 168.] + ++11.+ When the embassy led by Parmenio and Morcus from Genthius, +accompanied by those led by Metrodorus, arrived in Rhodes, the +assembly summoned to meet them proved very turbulent, the party of +Deinon venturing openly to plead the cause of Perseus, whilst that of +Theaetetus was quite overpowered and dismayed. For the presence of +the Illyrian galleys, the number of the Roman cavalry that had been +killed, and the fact of Genthius having changed sides, quite crushed +them. Thus it was that the result of the meeting of the assembly was +as I have described it. For the Rhodians voted to return a favourable +answer to both kings, to state that they had resolved to put an end to +the war, and to exhort the kings themselves to make no difficulty about +the terms. They also received the ambassadors of Genthius at the common +altar-hearth or Prytaneum of the city with every mark of friendship.... + +[Sidenote: A digression on Polybius’s method in writing history, and +his avoidance of imaginary details.] + ++12.+ Other historians [have spoken in exaggerated terms][167] of the +Syrian war. And the reason is one which I have often mentioned. Though +their subjects are simple and without complications, they seek the name +and reputation of historians not from the truth of their facts, but +the number of their books; and accordingly they are obliged to give +petty affairs an air of importance, and fill out and give rhetorical +flourishes to what was originally expressed briefly; dress up actions +and achievements which were originally quite secondary; expatiate on +struggles; and describe pitched battles, in which sometimes ten or a +few more infantry fell, and still fewer cavalry. As for sieges, local +descriptions, and the like one cannot say that their treatment is +adequate, because they have no facts to give. But a writer of universal +history must pursue a different plan; and therefore I ought not to be +condemned for minimising the importance of events, if I sometimes pass +over affairs that have met with wide fame and laboured description, +or for mentioning them with brevity; but I ought to be trusted to +give to each subject the amount of discussion which it deserves. Such +historians as I refer to, when they are describing in the course of +their work the siege, say of Phanoteia, or Coroneia, or [Haliartus], +are forced to display all the contrivances, bold strokes, and other +features of a siege; and when they come to the capture of Tarentum, the +sieges of Corinth, Sardis, Gaza, Bactra, and, above all, of Carthage, +they must draw on their own resources to prolong the agony and heighten +the picture, and are not at all satisfied with me for giving a more +truthful relation of such events as they really occurred. Let this +statement hold good also as to my description of pitched battles and +public harangues, as well as other departments of history; in all of +which I might fairly claim considerable indulgence, as also in what is +now about to be narrated, if I am detected in some inconsistency in +the substance of my story, the treatment of my facts, or the style of +language; and also if I make some mistakes in the names of mountains or +rivers, or the special features of localities: for indeed the magnitude +of my work is a sufficient excuse in all these points, unless, indeed, +I am ever detected in deliberate or interested misstatements in my +writings: for such I ask no indulgence, as I have repeatedly and +explicitly remarked in the course of my history.... + +[Sidenote: Intemperance and brutality of Genthius.] + ++13.+ Genthius, king of the Illyrians, disgraced himself by many +abominable actions in the course of his life from his addiction to +drink, in which he indulged continually day and night. Among other +things he killed his brother Plastor, who was about to marry the +daughter of Monunius, and married the girl himself. He also behaved +with great cruelty to his subjects.... + + +_In the spring of B.C. 168 Genthius was forced to surrender to the +praetor L. Anicius Gallus (Livy, 44, 30-31). The consul L. Aemilius +Paulus found Perseus on the left bank of the Macedonian river Enipeus +in a very strong position, which was however turned by a gallant +exploit of Nasica and Q. Fabius Maximus, who made their way with a +considerable force over the mountains, thus getting on the rear of +Perseus. Livy, 44 30-35. Plutarch,_ Aemil. _15._ + + +[Sidenote: Nasica, Fabius, and others volunteer to cross the mountains +into Macedonia by Gytheum.] + ++14.+ The first man to volunteer to make the outflanking movement was +Scipio Nasica, son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, who afterwards became +the most influential man in the Senate,[168] and who now undertook +to lead the party. The second was Fabius Maximus, the eldest of the +sons of the consul Aemilius Paulus,[169] still quite a young man, who +stood forward and offered to join with great enthusiasm. Aemilius was +therefore delighted and assigned them a body of soldiers.[170]... + +[Sidenote: Struggle in the bed of the Enipeus. Livy, 44, 35.] +15.+ The +Romans offered a gallant resistance by aid of their strong targets or +Ligurian shields.... + +[Sidenote: The Romans force the heights by way of Gytheum.] + +Perseus saw that Aemilius had not moved, and did not reckon on what was +taking place, when suddenly a Cretan, who had deserted from the Roman +army on its march, came to him with the information that the Romans +were getting on his rear. Though thrown into the utmost panic he did +not strike his camp, but despatched ten thousand mercenaries and two +thousand Macedonians under Milo, with orders to advance with speed +and seize the heights. The Romans fell upon these as they were lying +asleep.[171]... + ++16.+ An eclipse of the moon occurring, the report went abroad, and +was believed by many, that it signified an eclipse of the king. And +this circumstance raised the spirits of the Romans and depressed those +of the Macedonians. So true is the common saying that “war has many a +groundless scare.”[172]... + + +_Perseus finding himself thus on the point of being outflanked retired +on Pydna, near which town Aemilius Paulus, after considerable delay, +about midsummer inflicted a crushing defeat upon him. Perseus fled to +Amphipolis, and thence to Samothrace, where he was captured by Paulus +and taken to Rome to adorn his triumph, and afterwards allowed to +live as a private person at Alba. This was the end of the Macedonian +kingdom. (Livy, 44, 36-43; 45, 1-8. Plutarch,_ Aemil. _16-23.)_ + + +[Sidenote: The phalanx the battle of Pydna, B.C. 168.] + ++17.+ The consul Lucius Aemilius had never seen a phalanx until he saw +it in the army of Perseus on this occasion; and he often confessed to +some of his friends at Rome subsequently, that he had never beheld +anything more alarming and terrible than the Macedonian phalanx: and +yet he had been, if any one ever had not only a spectator but an actor +in many battles.... + +Many plans which look plausible and feasible, when brought to the test +of actual experience, like base coins when brought to the furnace, +cease to answer in any way to their original conceptions.... + +When Perseus came to the hour of trial his courage all left him, +like that of an athlete in bad training. For when the danger was +approaching, and it became necessary to fight a decisive battle, his +resolution gave way.... + +As soon as the battle began, the Macedonian king played the coward and +rode off to the town, under the pretext of sacrificing to Hercules,—who +certainly does not accept craven gifts from cravens, nor fulfil +unworthy prayers.... + +[Sidenote: Scipio Africanus the younger, cf. Livy, 44, 44 (?)] + ++18.+ He was then very young, and it was his first experience of actual +service in the field, and having but recently begun to taste the sweets +of promotion, he was keen, ambitious, and eager to be first.... + +[Sidenote: The Rhodian mission deliver their message too late.] + +[Sidenote: Uncompromising answer of the Senate.] + ++19.+ Just when Perseus had been beaten and was trying to save himself +by flight, the Senate determined to admit the ambassadors, who had +come from Rhodes to negotiate a peace, to an audience: Fortune +thus appearing designedly to parade the folly of the Rhodians on +the stage,—if we may say “of the Rhodians,” and not rather “of the +individuals who were then in the ascendant at Rhodes.” When Agesipolis +and his colleagues entered the Senate, they said that “They had come +to arrange an end to the war; for the people of Rhodes,—seeing that +the war was become protracted to a considerable length of time, and +seeing that it was disadvantageous to all the Greeks, as well as to +the Romans themselves, on account of its enormous expenses,—had come +to that conclusion. But as the war was already ended, and the wish of +the Rhodians was thus fulfilled, they had only to congratulate the +Romans.” Such was the brief speech of Agesipolis. But the Senate seized +the opportunity of making an example of the Rhodians, and produced +an answer of which the upshot was that “They did not regard this +embassy as having been sent by the Rhodians in the interests either +of the Greeks or themselves, but in those of Perseus. For if they had +meant to send an embassy in behalf of the Greeks, the proper time for +doing so was when Perseus was plundering the territory and cities of +Greece, while encamped for nearly two years in Thessaly. But to let +that time pass without notice, and to come now desiring to put an end +to the war, at a time when the Roman legions had entered Macedonia, +and Perseus was closely beleagured and almost at the end of his hopes, +was a clear proof to any one of observation that the Rhodians had sent +their embassy, not with the desire of ending the war, but to rescue and +save Perseus to the best of their ability. Therefore they deserved no +indulgence at the hands of the Romans at this time, nor any favourable +reply.” Such was the Senate’s answer to the Rhodians.... + +[Sidenote: Perseus, being brought a prisoner before Aemilius Paulus and +his council, refuses to reply to his questions, Paulus addresses the +king in Greek and then his council in Latin. Livy, 45, 8.] + ++20.+ Then Aemilius Paulus speaking once more in Latin bade the members +of his council, “With such a sight before their eyes,”—pointing to +Perseus,—“not to be too boastful in the hour of success, nor to take +any extreme or inhuman measures against any one, nor in fact ever +to feel confidence in the permanence of their present good fortune. +Rather it was precisely at the time of greatest success, either private +or public, that a man should be most alive to the possibility of a +reverse. Even so it was difficult for a man to exhibit moderation in +good fortune. But the distinction between fools and wise was that the +former only learnt by their own misfortunes, the latter by those of +others.”... + +[Sidenote: Demetrius of Phalerum on mutability.] + ++21.+ One is often reminded of the words of Demetrius of Phalerum. In +his treatise on Fortune, wishing to give the world a distinct view +of her mutability, he fixed upon the period of Alexander, when that +monarch destroyed the Persian dynasty, and thus expresses himself: “If +you will take, I don’t say unlimited time or many generations, but only +these last fifty years immediately preceding our generation, you will +be able to understand the cruelty of Fortune. For can you suppose, if +some god had warned the Persians or their king, or the Macedonians +or their king, that in fifty years the very name of the Persians, +who once were masters of the world, would have been lost, and that +the Macedonians, whose name was before scarcely known, would become +masters of it all, that they would have believed it? Nevertheless it +is true that Fortune, whose influence on our life is incalculable, +who displays her power by surprises, is even now I think, showing all +mankind, by her elevation of the Macedonians into the high prosperity +once enjoyed by the Persians, that she has merely lent them these +advantages until she may otherwise determine concerning them.” And this +has now come to pass in the person of Perseus; and indeed Demetrius has +spoken prophetically of the future as though he were inspired. And as +the course of my history brought me to the period which witnessed the +ruin of the Macedonian kingdom, I judged it to be right not to pass it +over without proper remark, especially as I was an eye-witness of the +transaction. It was a case I thought both for enlarging on the theme +myself, and for recalling the words of Demetrius, who appeared to me to +have shown something more than mere human sagacity in his remarks; for +he made a true forecast of the future almost a hundred and fifty years +before the event.... + +[Sidenote: The unexpected always happens.] + +[Sidenote: Eumenes disappointed of his hope of quiet by a rising in +Galatia, and was the case now with Eumenes. He imagined that at last +his own kingdom was safe, and that he might look forward to a time of +ease, now that Perseus and the whole kingdom of Macedonia were utterly +destroyed; yet it was then that he was confronted with the gravest +dangers, by the Gauls in Asia seizing the opportunity for an unexpected +rising.... + + +_After reigning in Memphis for a time Philometor made terms with his +brother and sister, returned to Alexandria, and there all three were +being besieged by Antiochus. See above, 28, 18._ + + +[Sidenote: Autumn of B.C. 169.] + ++22.+ After the conclusion of the battle between Perseus and the +Romans, king Eumenes found himself in what people call an unexpected +and extraordinary trouble, but what, if we regard the natural course of +human concerns, was quite an everyday affair. For it is quite the way +of Fortune to confound human calculations by surprises; and when she +has helped a man for a time, and caused her balance to incline in his +favour, to turn round upon him as though she repented, throw her weight +into the opposite scale, and mar all his successes. + +[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 169-168.] + ++23.+ In the Peloponnesus a mission arrived before the end of the +winter from the two kings, Ptolemy (Philometor) and Ptolemy (Physcon), +asking for help. This gave rise to repeated and animated discussions. +The party of Callicrates and Diophanes were against granting the help; +while Archon, Lycortas, and Polybius were for sending it to the kings +in accordance with the terms of their alliance. For by this time it +had come to pass that the younger Ptolemy had been proclaimed king +by the people (at Alexandria), owing to the danger which threatened +them; and that the elder had subsequently returned from Memphis, +and was reigning jointly with his sister. As they stood in need of +every kind of assistance, they sent Eumenes and Dionysodorus to the +Achaeans, asking a thousand foot and two hundred horse, with Lycortas +to command the foot and Polybius the horse. They sent a message also to +Theodoridas of Sicyon, urging him to hire them a thousand mercenaries. +For the kings chanced to have become intimately acquainted with these +particular men, owing to the transactions I have related before. +The ambassadors arrived when the Achaean congress was in session in +Corinth. They therefore came forward, and after recalling the many +evidences of friendship shown by the Achaeans to the kingdom of Egypt, +and describing to them the danger in which the kings then were, +they entreated them to send help. The Achaeans generally were ready +enough to go to the help of the kings (for both now wore the diadem +and exercised regal functions), and not only with a detachment, but +with their full levy. But Callicrates and his party spoke against it; +alleging that they ought not to meddle in such affairs at all, and +certainly not at that time, but should reserve their undivided forces +for the service of Rome. For there was a general expectation just then +of a decisive battle being fought, as Q. Philippus was wintering in +Macedonia. + +[Sidenote: Polybius advocates the cause of the Ptolemies.] + ++24.+ The people were alarmed lest they should be thought to fail the +Romans in any way: and accordingly Lycortas and Polybius rose in their +turn, and, among other advice which they impressed upon them, argued +that “When in the previous year the Achaeans had voted to join the +Roman army with their full levy, and sent Polybius to announce that +resolution, Quintus Marcius, while accepting the kindness of their +intention, had yet stated that the assistance was not needed, since +he had won the pass into Macedonia. Their opponents therefore were +manifestly using the need of helping the Romans merely as a pretext +for preventing this aid being sent to Alexandria. They entreated the +Achaeans, in view of the greatness of the danger surrounding the king +of Egypt, not to neglect the right moment for acting; but keeping in +mind their mutual agreement and good services, and above all their +oaths, to fulfil the terms of their agreement.” + +[Sidenote: Callicrates defeats the motion,] + +[Sidenote: but at a smaller meeting at Sicyon Polybius prevails.] + +The people were once more inclined to grant the aid when they heard +this: but Callicrates and his party managed to prevent the decree +being passed, by staggering the magistrates with the assertion that it +was unconstitutional to discuss the question of sending help abroad +in public assembly.[173] But a short time afterwards a meeting was +summoned at Sicyon, which was attended not only by the members of the +council, but by all citizens over thirty years of age; and after a +lengthened debate, Polybius especially dwelling on the fact that the +Romans did not require assistance,—in which he was believed not to be +speaking without good reason, as he had spent the previous summer in +Macedonia at the headquarters of Marcius Philippus,—and also alleging +that, even supposing the Romans did turn out to require their active +support, the Achaeans would not be rendered incapable of furnishing +it by the two hundred horse and one thousand foot which were to be +despatched to Alexandria,—for they could, without any inconvenience, +put thirty or forty thousand men into the field,—the majority of the +meeting were convinced, and were inclined to the idea of sending the +aid. Accordingly, on the second of the two days on which, according +to the laws, those who wished to do so were bound to bring forward +their motions, Lycortas and Polybius proposed that the aid should be +sent. Callicrates, on the other hand, proposed to send ambassadors +to reconcile the two Egyptian kings with Antiochus. So once more, on +these two motions being put, there was an animated contest; in which, +however, Lycortas and Polybius got a considerable majority on their +side. For there was a very wide distinction between the claims of the +two kingdoms. There were very few instances to be found in past times +of any act of friendship on the part of Syria to the Greeks,—though the +liberality of the present king was well known in Greece,—but from Egypt +the acts of kindness in past times to the Achaeans had been as numerous +and important as any one could possibly expect. By dwelling on this +point Lycortas made a great impression, because the distinction between +the two kingdoms in this respect was shown to be immense. For it was as +difficult to count up all the benefactions of the Alexandrine kings, +as it was impossible to find a single act of friendship done by the +dynasty of Antiochus to the Achaeans.... + +[Sidenote: The measure is again defeated by a trick of Callicrates.] + +[Sidenote: The kings ask for Lycortas and Polybius.] + ++25.+ For a time Andronidas and Callicrates kept on arguing in support +of the plan of putting an end to the war: but as no one was persuaded +by them, they employed a stratagem. A letter-carrier came into the +theatre (where the meeting was being held) who had just arrived with a +despatch from Quintus Marcius, urging those Achaeans who were of the +pro-Roman party to reconcile the kings; for it was a fact that the +Senate had sent a mission under T. Numisius to do so. But this really +made against their argument: for Titus Numisius and his colleagues +had been unable to effect the pacification, and had returned to Rome +completely unsuccessful in the object of their mission. However, as +Polybius and his party did not wish to speak against the despatch, from +consideration for Marcius, they retired from the discussion: and it +was thus that the proposal to send an aid to the kings fell through. +The Achaeans voted to send ambassadors to effect the pacification: +and Archon of Aegeira, and Arcesilaus and Ariston of Megalopolis +were appointed to the duty. Whereupon the envoys of Ptolemy, being +disappointed of obtaining the help, handed over to the magistrate the +despatch from the kings, in which they asked that they would send +Lycortas and Polybius to take part in the war.... + +[Sidenote: Annoyed by the two Ptolemies thus joining each other, +Antiochus renews the war, B.C. 168.] + ++26.+ Forgetful of all he had written and said Antiochus began +preparing for a renewal of the war against Ptolemy. So true are the +words of Simonides,—“‘Tis hard to be good.” For to have certain +impulses towards virtue, and even to hold to it up to a certain point, +is easy; but to be uniformly consistent, and to allow no circumstances +of danger to shake a resolute integrity, which regards honour and +justice as the highest considerations, is indeed difficult.... + +[Sidenote: Antiochus is met near Alexandria (Livy, 45, 12) by C. +Popilius Laenas, who forces him to abstain from the war.] + ++27.+ When Antiochus had advanced to attack Ptolemy in order to possess +himself of Pelusium, he was met by the Roman commander Gaius Popilius +Laenas. Upon the king greeting him from some distance, and holding out +his right hand to him, Popilius answered by holding out the tablets +which contained the decree of the Senate, and bade Antiochus read that +first: not thinking it right, I suppose, to give the usual sign of +friendship until he knew the mind of the recipient, whether he were +to be regarded as a friend or foe. On the king, after reading the +despatch, saying that he desired to consult with his friends on the +situation, Popilius did a thing which was looked upon as exceedingly +overbearing and insolent. Happening to have a vine stick in his hand, +he drew a circle round Antiochus with it, and ordered him to give his +answer to the letter before he stepped out of that circumference. The +king was taken aback by this haughty proceeding. After a brief interval +of embarrassed silence, he replied that he would do whatever the Romans +demanded. Then Popilius and his colleagues shook him by the hand, and +one and all greeted him with warmth. The contents of the despatch was +an order to put an end to the war with Ptolemy at once. Accordingly a +stated number of days was allowed him, within which he withdrew his +army into Syria, in high dudgeon indeed, and groaning in spirit, but +yielding to the necessities of the time. + +[Sidenote: Popilius goes on to Cyprus and forces the army of Antiochus +to evacuate it.] + +[Sidenote: The previous defeat of Perseus really secured the salvation +of Egypt.] + +Popilius and his colleagues then restored order in Alexandria; and +after exhorting the two kings to maintain peaceful relations with +each other, and charging them at the same time to send Polyaratus to +Rome, they took ship and sailed towards Cyprus, with the intention of +promptly ejecting from the island the forces that were also gathered +there. When they arrived, they found that Ptolemy’s generals had +already sustained a defeat, and that the whole island was in a state +of excitement. They promptly caused the invading army to evacuate the +country, and remained there to keep watch until the forces had sailed +away for Syria. Thus did the Romans save the kingdom of Ptolemy, when +it was all but sinking under its disasters. Fortune indeed so disposed +of the fate of Perseus and the Macedonians, that the restoration of +Alexandria and the whole of Egypt was decided by it; that is to say, by +the fate of Perseus being decided previously: for if that had not taken +place, or had not been certain, I do not think that Antiochus would +have obeyed these orders. + + + + +BOOK XXX + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 167. Coss. Q. Aelius Paetus, M. Junius Pennus.] + +[Sidenote: Attalus at Rome, is persuaded to try by the Roman help to +supplant his brother.] + ++1.+ Attalus, brother of king Eumenes, came to Rome this year, +pretending that, even if the disaster of the Gallic rising had not +happened to the kingdom, he should have come to Rome, to congratulate +the Senate, and to receive some mark of its approval for having been +actively engaged on their side and loyally shared in all their dangers; +but, as it happened, he had been forced to come at that time to Rome +owing to the danger from the Gauls. Upon finding a general welcome from +everybody, owing to the acquaintance formed with him on the campaign, +and the belief that he was well disposed to them, and meeting with a +reception that surpassed his expectation, the young man’s hopes were +extraordinarily raised, because he did not know the true reason of +this friendly warmth. The result was that he narrowly escaped ruining +his own and his brother’s fortunes, and indeed the entire kingdom. +The majority at Rome were thoroughly angry with king Eumenes, and +believed that he had been playing a double game during the war, keeping +up communications with Perseus, and watching his opportunity against +them: and accordingly some men of high rank got Attalus under their +influence, and urged him to lay aside the character of ambassador for +his brother, and to speak in his own behalf; as the Senate was minded +to secure a separate kingdom and royal government for him, because +of their displeasure with his brother. This excited the ambition of +Attalus still more, and in private conversation he signified his assent +to those who advised this course. Finally, he arranged with some men of +position that he would actually appear before the Senate and deliver a +speech on the subject. + +[Sidenote: Stratius is sent to dissuade Attalus from his meditated +treason.] + ++2.+ While Attalus was engaged on this intrigue, Eumenes, fearing +what would happen, sent his physician Stratius to Rome, putting him +in possession of the facts and charging him to employ every means to +prevent Attalus from following the advice of those who wished to ruin +their kingdom. On arriving at Rome and getting Attalus by himself, he +used a great variety of arguments to him (and he was a man of great +sense and powers of persuasion), and at length, with much trouble, +succeeded in his object, and in recalling him from his mad project. +He represented to him that “he was already practically joint-king +with his brother, and only differed from him in the fact that he wore +no diadem, and was not called king, though in everything else he +possessed an equal and identical authority: that in the future he was +the acknowledged heir to the crown, and with no very distant prospect +of possession; as the king, from the weak state of his health, was in +constant expectation of his departure, and being childless could not, +even if he wished it, leave the crown to any one else.” (For in fact +that natural son of his, who afterwards succeeded to the crown, had +not as yet been acknowledged.) “Above all, he was surprised at the +hindrance Attalus was thus interposing to the measures necessary at +that particular crisis. For they ought to thank heaven exceedingly if +they proved able, even with hearty co-operation and unanimity, to repel +the threatened attack of the Gauls; but if he should at such a time +quarrel with and oppose his brother, it was quite clear that he would +ruin the kingdom, and deprive himself both of his present power and his +future expectations, and his other brothers also of the kingdom and the +power they possessed in it.” By these and similar arguments Stratius +dissuaded Attalus from taking any revolutionary steps. + +[Sidenote: Embassy to Galatia.] + ++3.+ Accordingly, when Attalus appeared before the Senate, he +congratulated it on what had happened; expatiated on the loyalty and +zeal shown by himself in the war with Perseus; and urged at some +length that the Senate should send envoys to restrain the audacity +of the Gauls, and compel them to confine themselves once more to +their original boundaries. He also said something about the cities +of Aeneus and Maronea, desiring that they might be given as a free +gift to himself. But he said not a single word against the king, or +about the partition of the kingdom. The senators, supposing that +he would interview them privately on a future occasion upon these +points, promised to send the envoys, and loaded him lavishly with the +customary presents, and, moreover, promised him these cities. But when, +after receiving these marks of favour, he at once left Rome without +fulfilling any of its expectations, the Senate, though foiled in its +hopes, had nothing else which it could do; but before he had got out +of Italy it declared Aeneus and Maronea free cities,—thus rescinding +its promise,—and sent Publius Licinius at the head of a mission to +the Gauls. And what instructions these ambassadors had given to them +it is not easy to say, but it may be guessed without difficulty from +what subsequently happened. And this will be rendered clear from the +transactions themselves. + +[Sidenote: Fresh embassies from Rhodes, B.C. 167. See 29, 27.] + +[Sidenote: Terror of the Rhodian envoys at the threat of war.] + +[Sidenote: A criticism on the speech of the Rhodian Astymedes.] + ++4.+ There also came embassies from Rhodes, the first headed by +Philocrates, the second by Philophron and Astymedes. For when the +Rhodians received the answer given to the embassy of Agesipolis +immediately after the battle of Pydna, they understood the anger +and threatening attitude of the Senate towards them, and promptly +despatched these embassies. Astymedes and Philophron, observing in the +course of public and private conversations the suspicions and anger +entertained towards them at Rome, were reduced to a state of great +discouragement and distress. But when one of the praetors mounted the +Rostra and urged the people to declare war against Rhodes, then indeed +they were beside themselves with terror at the danger that threatened +their country. They assumed mourning garments, and in their various +interviews with their friends dropped the tone of persuasion or demand, +and pleaded instead, with tears and prayers, that they would not adopt +any measure of supreme severity towards them. A few days afterwards +Antony, one of the tribunes, introduced them to the Senate, and dragged +the praetor who advised the war down from the Rostra. Philophron spoke +first, and was followed by Astymedes; and, having thus uttered the +proverbial “swan’s song,” they received an answer which, while freeing +them from actual fear of war, conveyed a bitter and stern rebuke from +the Senate for their conduct. Now Astymedes considered himself to have +made a good speech on behalf of his country, but did not at all satisfy +the Greeks visiting or residing at Rome. For he afterwards published +the speech containing his argument in defence, which, to all those +into whose hands it fell, appeared absurd and quite unconvincing. For +he rested his plea not alone on the merits of his country, but still +more on an accusation of others. Comparing the good services done and +the co-operation undertaken by the others, he endeavoured to deny or +minimise them; while he exaggerated those of Rhodes as far above their +actual amount as he could. The errors of others, on the contrary, he +inveighed against in bitter and hostile terms, while those of the +Rhodians he attempted to cloak and conceal, in order that, by this +comparison, those of his own country might appear insignificant and +pardonable, those of others grave and beyond excuse, “all of whom,” he +added, “had already been pardoned before.” But this sort of pleading +can in no circumstances be considered becoming to a statesman. Take the +case of the betrayal of secrets. It is not those who, for fear or gain, +turn informers that we commend; but those who endure any torture and +punishment rather than involve an accomplice in the same misfortune. +These are the men whom we approve and consider noble. But a man who, +from some undefined alarm, exposes to the view of the party in power +all the errors of others, and who recalls what time had obliterated +from the minds of the ruling people, cannot fail to be an object of +dislike to all who hear of it. + +[Sidenote: Dismayed by this answer the Rhodians endeavour to propitiate +the Senate. Livy, 45, 25.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate declare Caria and Lycia free. See 22, 5.] + +[Sidenote: Caunus, in Peraea, and Mylassa, in Caria, revolt.] + +[Sidenote: The astuteness of the Rhodian policy.] + ++5.+ After receiving the above answer Philocrates and his colleagues +immediately started home; but Astymedes and his fellows stayed where +they were and kept on the watch, that no report or observation against +their country might be made unknown to them. But when this answer of +the Senate was reported at Rhodes, the people, considering themselves +relieved of the worst fear—that, namely, of war—made light of the +rest, though extremely unfavourable. So true it ever is that a dread +of worse makes men forget lighter misfortunes. They immediately voted +a complimentary crown worth ten thousand gold pieces[174] to Rome, +and appointed Theaetetus at once envoy and navarch to convey it at +the beginning of summer, accompanied by an embassy under Rhodophon, +to attempt in every possible way to make an alliance with the Romans. +They acted thus because they wished that, if the embassy failed by +an adverse answer at Rome, the failure might take place without the +people having passed a formal decree, the attempt being made solely +on the initiative of the navarch, and the navarch having by the law +power to act in such a case. For the fact was that the republic of +Rhodes had been administered with such consummate statesmanship, +that, though it had for nearly a hundred and forty years been engaged +in conjunction with Rome in actions of the greatest importance and +glory, it had never yet made an alliance with her. Nor ought I to omit +stating the reason of this policy of the Rhodians. They wished that +no ruler or prince should be entirely without hope of gaining their +support or alliance; and they therefore did not choose to bind or +hamper themselves beforehand with oaths and treaties; but, by remaining +uncommitted, to be able to avail themselves of all advantages as they +arose. But on this occasion they were much bent upon securing this mark +of honour from Rome, not because they were anxious for the alliance, +or because they were afraid of any one else at the time except the +Romans, but because they wished, by giving an air of special importance +to their design, to remove the suspicions of such as were inclined to +entertain unfavourable thoughts of their state. For immediately after +the return of the ambassadors under Theaetetus, the Caunians revolted +and the Mylassians seized on the cities in Eurōmus. And about the same +time the Roman Senate published a decree declaring all Carians and +Lycians free who had been assigned to the Rhodians after the war with +Antiochus. The Caunian and Mylassian revolts were speedily put down by +the Rhodians; for they compelled the Caunians, by sending Lycus with a +body of soldiers, to return to their allegiance, though the people of +Cibyra had come to their assistance; and in an expedition into Eurōmus +they conquered the Mylassians and Alabandians in the field, these two +peoples having combined their forces to attack Orthosia. But when the +decree concerning the Lycians and Carians was announced they were once +more in a state of dismay, fearing that their gift of the crown had +proved in vain, as well as their hopes of an alliance.... + +[Sidenote: The three classes of men who in the various states got into +trouble for their conduct during the Macedonian war.] + ++6.+ I have already directed my readers’ attention to the policy +of Deinon and Polyaratus. For Rhodes was not the only place which +experienced grave danger and important changes. Nearly all the states +suffered in the same way. It will therefore be instructive to take a +review of the policy adopted by the statesmen in the several countries, +and to ascertain which of them will be proved to have acted with +wisdom, and which to have done otherwise: in order that posterity in +similar circumstances of danger may, with these examples as models, +so to speak, before their eyes, be able to choose the good and avoid +the bad with a genuine insight; and may not in the last hour of their +lives dishonour their previous character and achievements, from failing +to perceive where the path of honour lies. There were, then, three +different classes of persons who incurred blame for their conduct in +the war with Perseus. One consisted of those who, while displeased at +seeing the controversy brought to a decisive end, and the control of +the world fall into the power of one government, nevertheless took +absolutely no active steps for or against the Romans, but left the +decision entirely to Fortune. A second consisted of those who were glad +to see the question settled, and wished Perseus to win, but were unable +to convert the citizens of their own states or the members of their +race to their sentiments. And a third class consisted of those who +actually succeeded in inducing their several states to change round and +join the alliance of Perseus. Our present task is to examine how each +of these conducted their respective policies. + +[Sidenote: Antinous, Theodotus, and Cephalus of the Molossi are +instances of the third class.] + ++7.+ In the last class were Antinous, Theodotus, and Cephalus, who +induced the Molossians to join Perseus. These men, when the results of +the campaign went completely against them, and they found themselves +in imminent danger of the worst consequences, put a bold face upon +it and met an honourable death in the field. These men deserve our +commendation for their self-respect, in refusing to allow themselves to +lapse into a position unworthy of their previous life. + +[Sidenote: Several instances of the first class in Achaia Phthiotis, +Thessaly, and Perrhaebia.] + +Again, in Achaia and Thessaly and Perrhaebia several persons incurred +blame by remaining neutral, on the ground that they were watching their +opportunity, and were in heart on the side of Perseus; and yet they +never let a word to that effect get abroad, nor were ever detected +in sending letter or message to Perseus on any subject whatever, but +conducted themselves with unexceptionable discretion. Such men as these +therefore very properly determined to face judicial inquiry and stand +their judgment, and to make every effort to save themselves. For it is +quite as great a sign of cowardice to abandon life voluntarily when a +man is conscious of no crime, from fear of the threats of political +opponents or of the power of the conquerors, as it is to cling to life +to the loss of honour. + +[Sidenote: Instances of the second class in Rhodes, Cos, and other +places.] + +Again, in Rhodes and Cos, and several other cities, there were men +who favoured the cause of Perseus, and who were bold enough to speak +in behalf of the Macedonians in their own cities, and to inveigh +against the Romans, and to actually advise active steps in alliance +with Perseus, but who were not able to induce their states to transfer +themselves to alliance with the king. The most conspicuous of such men +were in Cos the two brothers Hippias and Diomedon, and in Rhodes Deinon +and Polyaratus. + ++8.+ And it is impossible not to view the policy of these men with +disapproval. To begin with, all their fellow-citizens were aware of +everything they had done or said; in the next place, the letters were +intercepted and made public which were coming from Perseus to them, and +from themselves to Perseus, as well as the messengers from both sides: +yet they could not make up their minds to yield and put themselves +out of the way, but still disputed the point. The result of this +persistence and clinging to life, in the face of a desperate position, +was that they quite ruined their character for courage and resolution, +and left not the least ground for pity or sympathy in the minds of +posterity. For being confronted with their own letters and agents, +they were regarded as not merely unfortunate, but rather as shameless. +One of those who went on these voyages was a man named Thoas. He had +frequently sailed to Macedonia on a mission from these men, and when +the decisive change in the state of affairs took place, conscious of +what he had done, and fearing the consequences, he retired to Cnidos. +But the Cnidians having thrown him into prison, he was demanded by +the Rhodians, and on coming to Rhodes and being put to the torture, +confessed his crime; and his story was found to agree with everything +in the cipher of the intercepted letters, and with the despatches from +Perseus to Deinon, and from Deinon and Polyaratus to him. Therefore it +was a matter of surprise that Deinon persuaded himself to cling to life +and submit to so signal an exposure. + +[Sidenote: The vain attempts of Polyaratus to escape,] + +[Sidenote: at Phaselis,] + +[Sidenote: at Caunus,] + +[Sidenote: and at Cibyra.] + ++9.+ But in respect to folly and baseness of spirit, Polyaratus +surpassed Deinon. For when Popilius Laenas charged king Ptolemy to send +Polyaratus to Rome, the king, from a regard both to Polyaratus himself +and his country, determined not to send him to Rome but to Rhodes, this +being also what Polyaratus himself asked him to do. Having therefore +caused a galley to be prepared, the king handed him over to Demetrius, +one of his own friends, and despatched him, and wrote a despatch to the +Rhodians notifying the fact. But touching at Phaselis in the course +of the voyage, Polyaratus, from some notion or another which he had +conceived, took suppliant branches in his hand, and fled for safety to +the city altar. If any one had asked him his intention in thus acting, +I am persuaded that he could not have told it. For if he wanted to go +to his own country, where was the need of suppliant branches? For his +conductors were charged to take him there. But if he wished to go to +Rome, that was sure to take place whether he wished it or no. What +other alternative was there? Other place that could receive him with +safety to himself there was none. However, on the people of Phaselis +sending to Rhodes to beg that they would receive Polyaratus, and take +him away, the Rhodians came to the prudent resolution of sending an +open vessel to convoy him; but forbade the captain of it to actually +take him on board, on the ground that the officers from Alexandria had +it in charge to deliver the man in Rhodes. When the vessel arrived +at Phaselis, and its captain, Epichares, refused to take the man +on board, and Demetrius, who had been deputed by the king for that +business, urged him to leave the altar and resume his voyage; and when +the people of Phaselis supported his command, because they were afraid +they would incur some blame from Rome on that account, Polyaratus +could no longer resist the pressure of circumstances, but once more +went on board Demetrius’s galley. But in the course of the voyage he +seized an opportunity of doing the same again at Caunus, flying for +safety there in the same way, and begging the Caunians to save him. +Upon the Caunians rejecting him, on the grounds of their being leagued +with Rhodes, he sent messages to Cibyra, begging them to receive him +in their city, and to send him an escort. He had some claim upon this +city, because the sons of its tyrant, Pancrates, had been educated at +his house; accordingly, they listened to his request, and did what he +asked. But when he got to Cibyra, he placed himself and the Cibyratae +into a still greater difficulty than that which he caused before when +at Phaselis. For they neither dared to retain him in their town for +fear of Rome, nor had the power of sending him to Rome, because of +their ignorance of the sea, being an entirely inland folk. Eventually +they were reduced to send envoys to Rhodes and the Roman proconsul in +Macedonia, begging them to take over the man. Lucius Aemilius wrote to +the Cibyratae, ordering them to keep Polyaratus in safe custody; and to +the Rhodians to make provision for his conveyance by sea and his safe +delivery upon Roman territory. Both peoples obeyed the despatch: and +thus Polyaratus eventually came to Rome, after making a spectacle of +his folly and cowardice to the best of his ability; and after having +been, thanks to his own folly, four times surrendered—by king Ptolemy, +the people of Phaselis, the Cibyratae, and the Rhodians. + +The reason of my having dwelt at some length on the story of Polyaratus +and Deinon is not that I have any desire to trample upon their +misfortunes, for that would be ungenerous in the last degree; but in +order that, by clearly showing their folly, I might instruct those who +fall into similar difficulties and dangers how to take a better and +wiser course.... + +[Sidenote: The columns constructed at Delphi for statues of Perseus +used by Aemilius. Autumn of B.C. 167. Livy, 45, 27.] + ++10.+ The most striking illustration of the mutability and +capriciousness of Fortune is when a man, within a brief period, turns +out to have been preparing for the use of his enemies the very things +which he imagined that he was elaborating in his own honour. Thus +Perseus was having some columns made, which Lucius Aemilius, finding +unfinished, caused to be completed, and placed statues of himself on +them.... + +[Sidenote: Aemilius at Corinth.] + +He admired the situation of the city, and the excellent position of the +acropolis for commanding the districts on both sides of the Isthmus.... + +[Sidenote: At Olympia.] + +Having been long anxious to see Olympia, he set out thither.... + +Aemilius entered the sacred enclosure at Olympia, and was struck with +admiration at the statue of the god, remarking that, to his mind, +Pheidias was the only artist who had represented the Zeus of Homer; and +that, though he had had great expectations of Olympia, he found the +reality far surpassed them.... + +[Sidenote: The disturbed state of Aetolia,] + ++11.+ The Aetolians had been accustomed to get their livelihood from +plundering and such like lawless occupations; and as long as they +were permitted to plunder and loot the Greeks, they got all they +required from them, regarding every country as that of an enemy. +But subsequently, when the Romans obtained the supremacy, they were +prevented from this means of support, and accordingly turned upon +each other. Even before this, in their civil war, there was no horror +which they did not commit; and a little earlier still they had had a +taste of mutual slaughter in the massacres at Arsinoe;[175] they were, +therefore, ready for anything, and their minds were so infuriated that +they would not allow their magistrates to have even a voice in their +business. Aetolia, accordingly, was a scene of turbulence, lawlessness, +and blood: nothing they undertook was done on any calculation or fixed +plan; everything was conducted at haphazard and in confusion, as though +a hurricane had burst upon them.... + +[Sidenote: and of Epirus. See 27, 15.] + ++12.+ The state of Epirus was much the same. For in proportion as the +majority of its people are more law-abiding than those of Aetolia, +so their chief magistrate surpassed every one else in wickedness and +contempt for law. For, I think, there never was and never will be a +character more ferocious and brutal than that of Charops.... + +[Sidenote: The selection of suspected Greeks, especially Achaeans, to +be sent to Italy, B.C. 167.] + ++13.+ After the destruction of Perseus, immediately after the decisive +battle, embassies were sent on all sides to congratulate the Roman +commanders on the event. And as now all power tended towards Rome, in +every city those who were regarded as of the Romanising party were in +the ascendant, and were appointed to embassies and other services. +Accordingly they flocked into Macedonia—from Achaia, Callicrates, +Aristodamus, Agesias, and Philippus; from Boeotia, Mnasippos; from +Acarnania, Chremas; from Epirus, Charops and Nicias; from Aetolia, +Lyciscus and Tisippus. These all having met, and eagerly viewing with +each other in attaining a common object; and there being no one to +oppose them, since their political opponents had all yielded to the +times and completely retired, they accomplished their purpose without +trouble. So the ten commissioners issued orders to the other cities +and leagues through the mouths of the strategi themselves as to what +citizens were to go to Rome. And these turned out to be, for the most +part, those whom the men I have named had made a list of on party +grounds, except a very few of such as had done something conspicuous. +But to the Achaean league they sent two men of the highest rank of +their own number, Gaius Claudius and Gnaeus Domitius. They had two +reasons for doing so: the first was that they were uneasy lest the +Achaeans should refuse to obey the written order, and lest Callicrates +and his colleagues should be in absolute danger from being reputed +to be the authors of the accusations against all the Greeks,—which +was about true; and in the second place, because in the intercepted +despatches nothing distinct had been discovered against any Achaean. +Accordingly, after a while, the proconsul sent the letter and envoys +with reference to these men, although in his private opinion he did +not agree with the charges brought by Lyciscus and Callicrates, as was +afterwards made clear by what took place.... + +[Sidenote: Triumph of L. Anicius Gallus over the Illyrians at the +Quirinalia, February 17, B.C. 167.] + +[Sidenote: A scene in a Roman theatre.] + ++14.+ Lucius Anicius, who had been praetor, after his victory over the +Illyrians, and on bringing Genthius prisoner to Rome with his children, +while celebrating his triumph, did a very ridiculous thing. He sent for +the most famous artists from Greece, and having constructed an immense +theatre in the circus, he brought all the flute-players on the stage +together first. Their names were Theodorus the Boeotian, Theopompus and +Hermippus of Lysimacheia, the most celebrated of the day. He placed +them on the proscenium with the chorus, and bid them all play at once. +But on their beginning to play the tune, accompanied by appropriate +movements, he sent to them to say that they were not playing well, +and must put more excitement into it. At first they did not know what +to make of this, until one of the lictors showed them that they must +form themselves into two companies, and facing round, advance against +each other as though in a battle. The flute-players caught the idea +at once, and, adopting a motion suitable to their own wild strains, +produced a scene of great confusion. They made the middle group of the +chorus face round upon the two extreme groups, and the flute-players, +blowing with inconceivable violence and discordance, led these groups +against each other. The members of the chorus meanwhile rushed, with a +violent stamping which shook the stage, against those opposite them, +and then faced round and retired. But when one of the chorus, whose +dress was closely girt up, turned round on the spur of the moment +and raised his hands, like a boxer, in the face of the flute-player +who was approaching him, then the spectators clapped their hands and +cheered loudly. Whilst this sort of sham fight was going on, two +dancers were brought into the orchestra to the sound of music; and four +boxers mounted upon the stage, accompanied by trumpeters and clarion +players. The effect of these various contests all going on together +was indescribable. But if I were to speak about their tragic actors, I +should be thought by some to be jesting.[176]... + ++15.+ It requires the same sort of spirit to arrange public games +well, and to set out great banquets and wine with fitting splendour, +as it does to draw up an army in presence of the enemy with strategic +skill.... + +[Sidenote: Aemilius in Epirus.] + ++16.+ Aemilius Paulus took seventy cities in Epirus after the conquest +of the Macedonians and Perseus, most of which were in the country of +the Molossi; and enslaved one hundred and fifty thousand men.... + +[Sidenote: Release of Menalcidas.] + ++17.+ In Egypt the first thing the kings did after being relieved from +the war with Antiochus was to send Numenius, one of their friends, as +an envoy to Rome to return thanks for the favours received; and they +next released the Lacedaemonian Menalcidas, who had made active use of +the occasion against the kingdom for his own advantage; Gaius Popilius +Laenas asked the king for his release as a favour to himself.[177]... + +[Sidenote: Cotys, king of the Odrysae, cp. bk. 27, ch. 12.] + ++18.+ At this period Cotys, king of the Odrysae, sent ambassadors to +Rome, asking for the restoration of his son, and pleading his defence +for having acted on the side of Perseus. The Romans, considering that +they had effected their purpose by the successful issue of the war +against Perseus, and that they had no need to press their quarrel with +Cotys any further, allowed him to take his son back—who, having been +sent as a hostage to Macedonia, had been captured with the children of +Perseus,—wishing to display their clemency and magnanimity, and with +the idea at the same time of binding Cotys to themselves by so great a +favour.... + +[Sidenote: The abject conduct of king Prusias.] + ++19.+ About the same time king Prusias also came to Rome to +congratulate the Senate and the generals on their success. This Prusias +was in no sense worthy of the royal title, as we may judge from the +following facts: When the Roman envoys first appeared at his court, he +met them with shorn head and wearing a cap, toga, and shoes, and in +fact exactly in the garb worn by those recently manumitted at Rome, +whom they call _liberti_: and greeting the envoys respectfully, he +exclaimed, “Behold your freedman, who is willing to obey you in all +things and to imitate your fashions!” than which a more contemptible +speech it would be difficult to imagine. And now, again, when he +reached the entrance of the Senate-house he stopped at the door facing +the senators, and, dropping both his hands he paid reverence to the +threshold and the seated Fathers, exclaiming, “Hail, ye gods my +preservers!” seeming bent on surpassing all who might come after him +in meanness of spirit, unmanliness, and servility. And his behaviour +in the conference which he held when he had entered the Senate-house +was on a par with this; and was such as might make one blush even to +write. However this contemptible display served in itself to secure him +a favourable answer. + +[Sidenote: To prevent a visit from Eumenes the Senate pass a decree +forbidding all kings to visit Rome.] + +[Sidenote: Eumenes stopped at Brundisium.] + ++20.+ Just as he had got his answer, news came that Eumenes was on his +way. This caused the Senators much embarrassment. They were thoroughly +incensed with him, and were entirely fixed in their sentiments towards +him; and yet they did not wish to betray themselves. For having +proclaimed to all the world that this king was their foremost and +most esteemed friend, if they now admitted him to an interview and +allowed him to plead his cause, they must either, by answering as they +really thought and in harmony with their sentiments, signalise their +own folly in having marked out such a man in past times for special +honour; or if, in deference to appearances, they gave him a friendly +answer, they must disregard truth and the interests of their country. +Therefore, as both these methods of proceeding could have consequences +of a disagreeable nature, they hit upon the following solution of the +difficulty. On the ground of a general dislike of the visits of kings, +they published a decree that “no king was to visit Rome.” Having been +informed subsequently that Eumenes had landed at Brundisium in Italy, +they sent the quaestor to convey the decree to him, and to bid him to +communicate with himself if he wanted anything from the Senate; or, if +he did not want anything, to bid him depart at the earliest possible +opportunity from Italy. When the quaestor met the king and informed him +of the decree, the latter, thoroughly understanding the intention of +the Senate, said not a single word, except that “he wanted nothing.” + +[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 167-166.] + +This is the way in which Eumenes was prevented from coming to Rome. +And it was not the only important result of this decree. For the Gauls +were at that time threatening the kingdom of Eumenes; and it was soon +made apparent that by this repulse the king’s allies were all greatly +depressed, while the Gauls were doubly encouraged to press on the war. +And it was in fact their desire to humiliate him in every possible way +that induced the Senate to adopt this resolution. These things were +going on at the beginning of the winter: but to all other ambassadors +who arrived—and there was no city or prince or king who had not at that +time sent an embassy of congratulation—the Senate returned a gracious +and friendly answer, except to the Rhodians; and these they dismissed +with displeasure, and with ambiguous declarations as to the future. As +to the Athenians again the Senate hesitated.... + +[Sidenote: The Athenians ask for the restoration of Haliartus; failing +that, to have its territory, with Delos and Lemnos themselves.] + ++21.+ The first object of the Athenian embassy was the restoration of +Haliartus;[178] but when they met with a refusal on that point, they +changed the subject of their appeal and put forward their own claim +to the possession of Delos, Lemnos, and the territory of Haliartus. +No one could properly find fault with them for this, as far as Delos +and Lemnos were concerned, for they had of old laid claim to them; but +there is good reason for reproaching them in respect to the territory +of Haliartus. Haliartus was nearly the most ancient city in Boeotia; +had met with a heavy misfortune: instead of endeavouring in every +possible way to restore it,—to contribute to its utter annihilation, +and to deprive its dispossessed inhabitants of even their hopes for the +future, was an act which would be thought worthy of no Greek nation, +and least of all of the Athenians. They open their own territory to all +comers; and to take away that of others can never appear consonant with +the spirit of their State. However, the Senate granted them Delos and +Lemnos. Such was the decision in the Athenian business.... + +[Sidenote: The possession of these places a misfortune to Athens. See +32, 17.] As to Lemnos and Delos they had, according to the proverb, +“got the wolf by the ears:” for they suffered much ill fortune from +their quarrels with the Delians; and from the territory of Haliartus +they reaped shame rather than profit.... + +[Sidenote: Death of Theaetetus of Rhodes.] + +[Sidenote: Caunus and Stratoniceia in Caria.] + ++22.+ At this time Theaetetus being admitted into the Senate spoke +on the subject of the alliance. The Senate, however, postponed the +consideration of the proposal, and in the meantime Theaetetus died in +the course of nature, for he was more than eighty years old. But on +the arrival in Rome of exiles from Caunus and Stratoniceia, and their +admission to the Senate, a decree was passed ordering the Rhodians to +withdraw their garrisons from Caunus and Stratoniceia. And the embassy +of Philophron and Astymedes having received this answer sailed with all +speed home, alarmed lest the Rhodians should disregard the order for +withdrawing the garrisons, and so give a fresh ground for complaints.... + +[Sidenote: The effect of the message from the Romans in the Achaean +league. _Supra_ ch. 13.] + ++23.+ In the Peloponnese, when the ambassadors arrived and announced +the answers from Rome, there was no longer mere clamour, but downright +rage and hatred against Callicrates and his party.... + +[Sidenote: Unpopularity of Callicrates, Adronidas, and their party.] + +An instance of the hatred entertained for Callicrates and Adronidas, +and the others who agreed with them, was this. The festival of the +Antigoneia was being held at Sicyon,—the baths being all supplied with +large public bathing tubs, and smaller ones placed by them used by +bathers of the better sort,—if Adronidas or Callicrates entered one of +these, not a single one of the bystanders would get into it any more, +until the bathman had let every drop of water run out and filled it +with fresh. They did this from the idea that they would be polluted +by entering the same water as these men. Nor would it be easy to +describe the hissing and hooting that took place at the public games in +Greece when any one attempted to proclaim one of them victor. The very +children in the streets as they returned from school ventured to call +them traitors to their faces. To such height did the anger and hatred +of these men go.... + +[Sidenote: Joy of the people of Peraea at the Roman decree emancipating +them from Rhodes.] + ++24.+ The inhabitants of Peraea were like slaves unexpectedly released +from chains, who are scarcely able to believe their present good +fortune, thinking it a change almost too great to be natural; and +cannot believe that those they meet can understand or fully see that +they are really released, unless they do something strange and out of +the ordinary course.... + + + + +BOOK XXXI + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 165. War in Crete of Cnosus and Gortyn against Rhaucus.] + ++1.+ At this time the Cnosians, in alliance with the Gortynians, made +war upon the Rhaucians, and swore a mutual oath that they would not end +the war until they had taken Rhaucus. + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians are again refused an alliance.] + +But when the Rhodians received the decree regarding Caunus, and saw +that the anger of the Romans was not abating, after having scrupulously +carried out the orders contained in the Senate’s replies, they +forthwith sent Aristotle at the head of an embassy to Rome, with +instructions to make another attempt to secure the alliance. They +arrived in Rome at the height of summer, and, having been admitted to +the Senate, at once declared how their people had obeyed the Senate’s +orders, and pleaded for the alliance, using a great variety of +arguments in a speech of considerable length. But the Senate returned +them a reply in which, without a word about their friendship, they +said that, as to the alliance, it was not proper for them to grant the +Rhodians this favour at present.... + +[Sidenote: Autonomy to Galatia on conditions.] + ++2.+ To the ambassadors of the Gauls in Asia they granted autonomy, on +condition that they remained within their dwellings, and went on no +warlike expeditions beyond their own frontiers.... + +[Sidenote: The grand festival held by Antiochus Epiphanes at Daphne, a +suburb of Antioch, sacred to Apollo.] + ++3.+ When this same king (Antiochus Epiphanes) heard of the games in +Macedonia held by the Roman proconsul Aemilius Paulus, wishing to +outdo Paulus by the splendour of his liberality, he sent envoys to the +several cities announcing games to be held by him at Daphne; and it +became the rage in Greece to attend them. The public ceremonies began +with a procession composed as follows: first came some men armed in the +Roman fashion, with their coats made of chain armour, five thousand in +the prime of life. Next came five thousand Mysians, who were followed +by three thousand Cilicians armed like light infantry, and wearing gold +crowns. Next to them came three thousand Thracians and five thousand +Gauls. They were followed by twenty-thousand Macedonians, and five +thousand armed with brass shields, and others with silver shields, who +were followed by two hundred and forty pairs of gladiators. Behind +these were a thousand Nisaean cavalry and three thousand native +horsemen, most of whom had gold plumes and gold crowns, the rest having +them of silver. Next to them came what are called “companion cavalry,” +to the number of a thousand, closely followed by the corps of king’s +“friends” of about the same number, who were again followed by a +thousand picked men; next to whom came the _Agema_ or guard, which was +considered the flower of the cavalry, and numbered about a thousand. +Next came the “cataphract” cavalry, both men and horses acquiring that +name from the nature of their panoply; they numbered fifteen hundred. +All the above men had purple surcoats, in many cases embroidered with +gold and heraldic designs. And behind them came a hundred six-horsed, +and forty four-horsed chariots; a chariot drawn by four elephants and +another by two; and then thirty-six elephants in single file with all +their furniture on. + +The rest of the procession was almost beyond description, but I must +give a summary account of it. It consisted of eight hundred young men +wearing gold crowns, about a thousand fine oxen, foreign delegates to +the number of nearly three hundred, and eight hundred ivory tusks. +The number of images of the gods it is impossible to tell completely: +for representations of every god or demigod or hero accepted by +mankind were carried there, some gilded and others adorned with +gold-embroidered robes; and the myths, belonging to each, according +to accepted tradition, were represented by the most costly symbols. +Behind them were carried representations of Night and Day, Earth, +Heaven, Morning and Noon. The best idea that I can give of the amount +of gold and silver plate is this: one of the king’s friends, Dionysius +his secretary, had a thousand boys in the procession carrying silver +vessels, none of which weighed less than a thousand drachmae;[179] and +by their side walked six hundred young slaves of the king holding gold +vessels. There were also two hundred women sprinkling unguents from +gold boxes; and after them came eighty women sitting in litters with +gold feet, and five hundred in litters with silver feet, all adorned +with great costliness. These were the most remarkable features of the +procession. + ++4.+ The festival, including the gladiatorial shows and hunting, lasted +thirty days, in the course of which there was continual round of +spectacles. During the first five of these everybody in the gymnasium +anointed himself with oil scented with saffron in gold vessels, of +which there were fifteen, and the same number scented with cinnamon and +nard. On the following days other vessels were brought in scented with +fenugreek, marjoram, and lily, all of extraordinary fragrancy. Public +banquets were also given, at which couches were prepared, sometimes for +a thousand and sometimes for fifteen hundred, with the utmost splendour +and costliness. + +The whole of the arrangements were made personally by the king. He +rode on an inferior horse by the side of the procession, ordering one +part to advance, and another to halt, as occasion required; so that, +if his diadem had been removed, no one would have believed that he +was the king and the master of all; for his appearance was not equal +to that of a moderately good servant. At the feasts also he stood +himself at the entrance, and admitted some and assigned others their +places; he personally ushered in the servants bringing the dishes; +and walking about among the company sometimes sat down and sometimes +lay down on the couches. Sometimes he would jump up, lay down the +morsel of food or the cup that he was raising to his lips, and go to +another part of the hall; and walking among the guests acknowledge the +compliment, as now one and now another pledged him in wine, or jest +at any recitations that might be going on. And when the festivity had +gone on for a long time, and a good many of the guests had departed, +the king was carried in by the mummers, completely shrouded in a robe, +and laid upon the ground, as though he were one of the actors; then, +at the signal given by the music, he leapt up, stripped, and began to +dance with the jesters; so that all the guests were scandalised and +retired. In fact every one who attended the festival, when they saw +the extraordinary wealth which was displayed at it, the arrangements +made in the processions and games, and the scale of the splendour on +which the whole was managed, were struck with amazement and wonder +both at the king and the greatness of his kingdom: but when they fixed +their eyes on the man himself, and the contemptible conduct to which he +condescended, they could scarcely believe that so much excellence and +baseness could exist in one and the same breast.[180]... + +[Sidenote: Roman envoys at Antioch. Antiochus affects extreme +cordiality.] + ++5.+ After the completion of the festival, the envoys with Tiberius +Gracchus arrived, who had been sent from Rome to investigate the state +of affairs in Syria. Antiochus received them with such tact and with so +many expressions of kindness, that Tiberius not only had no suspicion +that he was meditating any active step, or cherishing any sinister +feeling on account of what had happened at Alexandria, but was even +induced by the extraordinary kindness of his reception to discredit +those who made any such suggestion. For, besides other courtesies, +the king gave up his own hall for the use of the envoys, and almost +his crown in appearance; although his true sentiments were not at all +of this kind, and he was on the contrary profoundly incensed with the +Romans.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 164. Complaints against Eumenes at Rome from Prusias of +Bithynia, and other parts of Asia.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate’s policy in Galatia.] + +[Sidenote: Failure of the mission of Gracchus.] + ++6.+ A large number of ambassadors from various quarters having arrived +at Rome, the most important of which were those with Astymedes from +Rhodes, Eureus, Anaxidamus and Satyrus from the Achaeans, and those +with Pytho from Prusias,—the Senate gave audience to these last. The +ambassadors from Prusias complained of king Eumenes, alleging that he +had taken certain places belonging to their country, and had not in +any sense evacuated Galatia, or obeyed the decrees of the Senate; but +had been supporting all who favoured himself, and depressing in every +possible way those who wished to shape their policy in accordance with +the Senate’s decrees. There were also some ambassadors from certain +towns in Asia, who accused the king on the grounds of his intimate +association with Antiochus. The Senate listened to the accusers, +and neither rejected their accusations nor openly expressed its own +opinion; but acted with close reserve, thoroughly distrusting both +Eumenes and Antiochus: and meanwhile contented itself by continually +supporting Galatia and contriving some fresh security for its freedom. +But the envoys under Tiberius Gracchus, on their return from their +mission, had no clearer idea themselves in regard to Eumenes and +Antiochus than before they left Rome, nor could they give the Senate +one either. So completely had the kings hoodwinked them by the +cordiality of their reception. + +[Sidenote: Rhodians appeal against the injury done to their trade, B.C. +165.] + +[Sidenote: Speech of Astymedes.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate is mollified by this speech and by the report of +Gracchus, and grants the alliance.] + ++7.+ The Senate next called in the Rhodians and heard what they had +to say. When Astymedes entered, he adopted a more moderate and more +effective line of argument than on his former embassy. He omitted +the invectives against others, and took the humble tone of men who +are being flogged, begging to be forgiven, and declaring that his +country had suffered sufficient punishment, and a more severe one +than its crime deserved. And then he went briefly through the list of +the Rhodian losses. “First, they have lost Lycia and Caria, which had +already cost them a large sum of money, having been forced to support +three wars against them; while at the present moment they have been +deprived of a considerable revenue which they used to draw from those +countries. But perhaps,” he added, “this is as it should be: you gave +them to our people as a free gift, because you regarded us with favour; +and in now recalling your gift, because you suspect and are at variance +with us, you may seem only to be acting reasonably. But Caunus, at any +rate, we purchased from Ptolemy’s officers for two hundred talents; +and Stratoniceia we received as a great favour from Antiochus, son +of Seleucus; and from those two towns our people had a revenue of a +hundred and twenty talents a year. All these sources of revenue we +have surrendered, in our submission to your injunctions. From which it +appears that you have imposed a heavier penalty on the Rhodians for one +act of folly, than on the Macedonians that have been continually at war +with you. But the greatest disaster of all to our State is that the +revenue from its harbour has been abolished by your making Delos a free +port; and by your depriving our people of that independence by which +the harbour, as well as other interests of the States, were maintained +in suitable dignity.[181] And it is easy to satisfy yourselves of the +truth of my words. Our revenue from harbour dues amounted in past years +to one million drachmae, from which you have now taken one hundred +and fifty thousand; so that it is only too true, gentlemen of Rome, +that your anger has affected the resources of the country. Now, if the +mistake committed, and the alienation from Rome, had been shared in by +the entire people, you might perhaps have seemed to be acting rightly +in maintaining a lasting and irreconcilable anger against us; but if +the fact is made clear to you that it was an exceedingly small number +who shared in this foolish policy, and that these have all been put to +death by this very people itself, why still be irreconcilable to those +who are in no respect guilty? Especially when to every one else you +are reputed to exhibit the highest possible clemency and magnanimity. +Wherefore, gentlemen, our people having lost their revenues, their +freedom of debate, and their position of independence, in defence of +which in time past they have been ever willing to make any sacrifices, +now beg and beseech you all, as having been smitten sufficiently, to +relax your anger, and to be reconciled and make this alliance with +them: that it may be made manifest to all the world that you have put +away your anger against Rhodes, and have returned to your old feelings +and friendship towards them.” Such among others were the words of +Astymedes. He was thought to have spoken much to the point in the +circumstances; but what helped the Rhodians to the alliance more than +anything else was the recent return of the embassy under Tiberius +Gracchus. For he gave evidence, in the first place, that the Rhodians +had obeyed all the decrees of the Senate; and in the next place, that +the men who were the authors of their hostile policy had all been +condemned to death; and by this testimony overcame all opposition, and +secured the alliance between Rome and Rhodes.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 165. Embassy from Achaia asking for the trial or +release of the Achaean _détenus_, who to the number of over 1000 had +been summoned to Italy in B. C. 167. See 30, 13. Pausan. 7, 10, 11.] + ++8.+ After an interval the envoys of the Achaeans were admitted with +instructions conformable to the last reply received, which was to +the effect that “The Senate were surprised that they should apply to +them for a decision on matters which they had already decided for +themselves.” Accordingly another embassy under Eureus now appeared to +explain that “The league had neither heard the defence of the accused +persons, nor given any decision whatever concerning them; but wished +the Senate to take measures in regard to these men, that they might +have a trial and not perish uncondemned. They begged that, if possible, +the Senate should itself conduct the investigation, and declare who are +the persons guilty of those charges; but, if its variety of business +made it impossible to do this itself, that it should intrust the +business to the Achaeans, who would show by their treatment of the +guilty their detestation of their crime.” The Senate recognised that +the tone of the embassy was in conformity with its own injunctions, but +still felt embarrassed how to act. Both courses were open to objection. +To judge the case of the men was, it thought, not a task it ought to +undertake; and to release them without any trial at all evidently +involved ruin to the friends of Rome. In this strait the Senate, +wishing to take all hope from the Achaean people of the restitution +of the men who were detained, in order that they might obey without a +murmur Callicrates in Achaia, and in the other states those who sided +with Rome, wrote the following answer: “We do not consider it advisable +either for ourselves or for your nationalities that these men should +return home.” The publication of this answer not only reduced the men +who had been summoned to Italy to complete despair and dejection, +but was regarded by all Greeks as a common sorrow, for it seemed to +take away all hope of restoration from these unfortunate men. When it +was announced in Greece the people were quite crushed, and a kind of +desperation invaded the minds of all; but Charops and Callicrates, and +all who shared their policy, were once more in high spirits.... + +[Sidenote: Reduction of the Cammani in Cappadocia.] + ++9.+ Tiberius Gracchus, partly by force and partly by persuasion, +reduced the Cammani to obedience to Rome.... + +A large number of embassies having come to Rome, the Senate gave a +reply to Attalus and Athenaeus. For Prusias, not content with earnestly +pressing his accusations himself against Eumenes and Attalus, had also +instigated the Gauls and Selgians (in Pisidia), and many others in +Asia, to adopt the same policy; consequently king Eumenes had sent his +brothers to defend him against the accusations thus brought. On their +admission to the Senate they were thought to have made a satisfactory +defence against all accusers; and finally returned to Asia, after not +only rebutting the accusations, but with marks of special honour. The +Senate, however, did not altogether cease to be suspicious of Eumenes +and Antiochus. They sent Gaius Sulpicius and Manius Sergius as envoys +to investigate the state of Greece; to decide the question of territory +that had arisen between Megalopolis and the Lacedaemonians; but, above +all, to give attention to the proceedings of Antiochus and Eumenes, and +to discover whether any warlike preparations were being made by either +of them, or any combination being formed between them against Rome.... + +[Sidenote: The mission, Sulpicius Gallus in Asia; he collects facts +against Eumenes.] + ++10.+ Besides his other follies, Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, on arriving +in Asia, put up notices in the most important cities, ordering any one +who wished to bring any accusation against king Eumenes to meet him at +Sardis within a specified time. He then went to Sardis, and, taking his +seat in the Gymnasium, gave audience for ten days to those who had such +accusations to make: admitting every kind of foul and abusive language +against the king, and, generally, making the most of every fact and +every accusation; for he was frantic and inveterate in his hatred of +Eumenes.... + +But the harder the Romans appeared to bear upon Eumenes, the more +popular did he become in Greece, from the natural tendency of mankind +to feel for the side that is oppressed.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 164. Death of Antiochus Epiphanes on his return from +Susiana. See 26, 1.] + ++11.+ In Syria king Antiochus, wishing to enrich himself, determined +on an armed attack upon the temple of Artemis, in Elymais. But having +arrived in this country and failed in his purpose, because the native +barbarians resisted his lawless attempt, he died in the course of +his return at Tabae, in Persia, driven mad, as some say, by some +manifestations of divine wrath in the course of his wicked attempt upon +this temple.... + + +_Antiochus Epiphanes left a son and daughter; the former, nine years +old, was called Antiochus Eupator, and succeeded to the kingdom, +Lysias acting as his guardian. Demetrius, his cousin, son of Seleucus +Philopator, being at Rome as a hostage in place of the late Antiochus +Epiphanes, endeavoured to persuade the Senate to make him king of Syria +instead of the boy._ + + +[Sidenote: Demetrius, son of Seleucus, and grandson of Antiochus the +Great, wishes to be restored to the kingdom of Syria.] + +[Sidenote: The commissioners are also to visit Galatia, Cappadocia, and +Alexandria.] + +[Sidenote: A Syrian commission appointed.] + ++12.+ Demetrius, son of Seleucus, who had been long detained at Rome as +an hostage, had been for some time past of opinion that his detention +was unjust. He had been given by his father Seleucus as a pledge of his +good faith; but, when Antiochus (Epiphanes) succeeded to the throne, +he considered that he ought not to be a hostage in behalf of that +monarch’s children. However, up to this time he kept quiet, especially +as he was unable, being still a mere boy, to do anything. But now, +being in the very prime of youthful manhood, he entered the Senate +and made a speech: demanding that the Romans should restore him to +his kingdom, which belonged to him by a far better right than to the +children of Antiochus. He entered at great length upon arguments to the +same effect, affirming that Rome was his country and the nurse of his +youth; that the sons of the Senators were all to him as brothers, and +the Senators as fathers, because he had come to Rome a child, and was +then twenty-three years old.[182] All who heard him were disposed in +their hearts to take his part: the Senate however, as a body voted to +detain Demetrius, and to assist in securing the crown for the boy left +by the late king. Their motive in thus acting was, it seems to me, a +mistrust inspired by the vigorous time of life to which Demetrius had +attained, and an opinion that the youth and weakness of the boy who +had succeeded to the kingdom were more to their interest. And this was +presently made manifest. For they appointed Gnaeus Octavius, Spurius +Lucretius, and Lucius Aurelius as commissioners to arrange the affairs +of the kingdom in accordance with the will of the Senate, on the ground +that no one would resist their injunctions, the king being a mere +child, and the nobles being quite satisfied at the government not being +given to Demetrius, for that was what they had been most expecting. +Gnaeus and his colleagues therefore started with instructions, first +of all to burn the decked ships, next to hamstring the elephants, and +generally to weaken the forces of the kingdom. They were also charged +with the additional task of making an inspection of Macedonia; for the +Macedonians, unaccustomed to democracy and a government by popular +assembly, were splitting up into hostile factions.[183] Gnaeus and his +colleagues were also to inspect the state of Galatia and of the kingdom +of Ariarathes. After a time the further task was imposed on them, by +despatch from the Senate, of reconciling as well as they could the two +kings in Alexandria.... + +[Sidenote: Mission to Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, in regard to the +encroachments of the Gauls.] + ++13.+ While this was going on at Rome, envoys from the city, under +Marcus Junius, had arrived to arbitrate on the disputes between the +Gauls and king Ariarathes. For the Trocmi, having found themselves +unable to annex any portion of Cappadocia by their unaided efforts, +and having been promptly foiled in their audacious attempts,[184] +sought refuge with the Romans, and endeavoured to bring Ariarathes +into discredit there. On this account an embassy under M. Junius was +sent to Cappadocia. The king gave them a satisfactory account of the +affair, treated them with great courtesy, and sent them away loud +in his praises. And when subsequently Gnaeus Octavius and Spurius +Lucretius arrived, and again addressed the king on the subject of +his controversies with the Gauls, after a brief conversation on that +subject, and saying that he would acquiesce in their decision without +difficulty, he directed the rest of his remarks to the state of Syria, +being aware that Octavius and his colleagues were going thither. +He pointed out to them the unsettled state of the kingdom and the +unprincipled character of the men at the head of affairs there; and +added that he would escort them with an army, and remain on the watch +for all emergencies, until they returned from Syria in safety. Gnaeus +and his colleagues acknowledged the king’s kindness and zeal, but +said that for the present they did not need the escort: on a future +occasion, however, if need should arise, they would let him know +without delay; for they considered him as one of the true friends of +Rome.... + + +_Ariarathes died soon after this embassy, and was succeeded by his son +Ariarathes Philopator. B.C. 164. Livy,_ Ep. _46._ + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 163. Ariarathes Philopator continues his father’s +policy of friendship with Rome.] + ++14.+ About this time ambassadors arrived from Ariarathes, who had +recently succeeded to the kingdom of Cappadocia, to renew the existing +friendship and alliance with Rome, and in general to exhort the Senate +to accept the king’s affection and goodwill, which he entertained, +both in their private and public capacity, for all the Romans. The +Senate, on hearing this, acceded to the request for the renewal of the +friendship and alliance, and graciously acknowledged the general amity +of the king. The chief reason for this warmth on the part of the Senate +was the report of the envoys under Tiberius, who, when sent to inspect +the state of Cappadocia, had returned full of the praises of the late +king and of his kingdom generally. It was on the credit of this report +that the Senate received the ambassadors of Ariarathes graciously, and +acknowledged the goodwill of the king.... + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians ask for Calynda in Caria, and for the retention +of private property in Caria and Lycia.] + +[Sidenote: A colossal statue of Rome.] + ++15.+ Having somewhat recovered from their previous disaster, the +Rhodians sent Cleagoras with ambassadors to Rome to ask that Calynda +should be ceded to them, and to petition the Senate that those of their +citizens who had properties in Lycia and Caria might be allowed to +retain them as before. They had also voted to raise a colossal statue +of the Roman people thirty cubits high, to be set up in the temple of +Athenè.... + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians undertake the protection of Calynda.] + ++16.+ The Calyndians having broken off from Caunus, and the Caunians +being about to besiege Calynda, the Calyndians first called in the +aid of the Cnidians; and, on their sending the required support, they +held out against their enemies for a time: but becoming alarmed as to +what would happen, they sent an embassy to Rhodes, putting themselves +and their city in its hands. Thereupon the Rhodians sent a naval and +military force to their relief, forced the Caunians to raise the siege, +and took over the city.... + +[Sidenote: Ariarathes’s joy at the favourable answer from Rome.] + +[Sidenote: He recovers the ashes of his mother and sister from Antioch.] + ++17.+ When Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, had received his ambassadors +on their return from Rome, judging from the answers they brought that +his kingdom was secured, because he had gained the goodwill of Rome, +he offered a thank-offering to the gods for what had happened, and +entertained his nobles at a feast. He then sent ambassadors to Lysias +in Antioch, desiring to be allowed to bring away the bones of his +sister and mother. He determined not to say a word of blame as to the +crime that had been committed, lest he should irritate Lysias, and +so fail to effect his present object, though he was in fact greatly +incensed at it. He gave his envoys therefore instructions couched in +terms of courteous request. Lysias and his friends acceded to his +wishes; and the bones having been conveyed to Cappadocia, the king +received them in great state, and buried them next the tomb of his +father with affectionate reverence....[185] + +[Sidenote: The influence of good men, Artaxias of Armenia. See 25, 2.] + +Artaxias wished to kill a man, but on the remonstrances of Ariarathes +did not do so, and held him on the contrary in higher respect than +ever. So decisive is the influence of justice, and of the opinions and +advice of good men, that they often prove the salvation of foes as well +as of friends, and change their whole characters for the better.... + +Good looks are a better introduction than any letter.... + + +_The quarrels of the two kings of Egypt, Ptolemy VI. Philometor and +Euergetes II. (or Ptolemy VII.) Physcon. The former had been expelled +by the latter, and had taken refuge in Cyprus, but had been restored +by a popular outbreak in his favour, and under the authority of +Commissioners sent from Rome, B.C. 164. (Livy,_ Ep. 46. _Diod._ Sic. +_fr. xi.) Fresh quarrels however broke out, in the course of which +Physcon was much worsted by his brother_, (_Diod._ Sic. _fr. of 31), +and at length it was arranged that one should reign in Egypt the other +in Cyrene. B.C. 162. (Livy,_ Ep. 47.) + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 162. Euergetes II. (Ptolemy Physcon), who had Cyrene as +his share, asks for Cyprus.] + +[Sidenote: The members of the Commission who had been in Egypt support +the elder brother.] + +[Sidenote: The object of the Senate is to divide and weaken Egypt.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate decide in favour of Physcon.] + ++18+. After the Ptolemies had made their partition of the kingdom, the +younger brother arrived in Rome desiring to set aside the division made +between himself and his brother, on the ground that he had not acceded +to the arrangement voluntarily, but under compulsion, and yielding to +the force of circumstances. He therefore begged the Senate to assign +Cyprus to his portion; for, even if that were done, he should still +have a much poorer share than his brother. Canuleius and Quintus +supported Menyllus, the ambassador of the elder Ptolemy, by protesting +that “the younger Ptolemy owed his possession of Cyrene and his very +life to them, so deep was the anger and hatred of the common people to +him[186]; and that, accordingly, he had been only too glad to receive +the government of Cyrene, which he had not hoped for or expected; and +had exchanged oaths with his brother with the customary sacrifices.” +To this Ptolemy gave a positive denial: and the Senate, seeing that +the division was clearly an unequal one, and at the same time wishing +that, as the brothers themselves were the authors of the division being +made at all, it should be effected in a manner advantageous to Rome, +granted the petition of the younger Ptolemy with a view to their own +interest. Measures of this class are very frequent among the Romans, +by which they avail themselves with profound policy of the mistakes +of others to augment and strengthen their own empire, under the guise +of granting favours and benefiting those who commit the errors. On +this principle they acted now. They saw how great the power of the +Egyptian kingdom was; and fearing lest, if it ever chanced to obtain a +competent head, he would grow too proud, they appointed Titus Torquatus +and Gnaeus Merula to establish Ptolemy Physcon in Cyprus, and thus to +carry out their own policy while satisfying his. These commissioners +were accordingly at once despatched with instructions to reconcile the +brothers to each other, and to secure Cyprus to the younger.... + + +_When the Roman commissioners (see ch. 12) arrived in Syria, and +began carrying out their orders, by burning the ships and killing +the elephants, the popular fury could not be restrained; and Gnaeus +Octavius was assassinated in the gymnasium at Laodicea by a man named +Leptines. Lysias did his best to appease the anger of the Romans, by +giving Octavius honourable burial, and by sending an embassy to Rome to +protest his innocence. Appian_, Syr. 46. + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 162. The Senate pay little attention to Lysias’s +excuses.] + ++19.+ News having come to Rome of the disaster by which Gnaeus Octavius +lost his life, ambassadors also arrived from king Antiochus, sent by +Lysias, who vehemently protested that the king’s friends had had no +part in the crime. But the Senate showed scant attention to the envoys, +not wishing to make any open declaration on the subject or to allow +their opinion to become public in any way. + +[Sidenote: Demetrius thinks there is again a chance for him.] + +[Sidenote: Polybius advises, “act for yourself.”] + +[Sidenote: He however again appeals to the Senate,] + +[Sidenote: and is again refused.] + +But Demetrius was much excited by the news, and immediately summoned +Polybius to an interview, and consulted him as to whether he should +once more bring his claims before the Senate. Polybius advised him +“not to stumble twice on the same stone,” but to depend upon himself +and venture something worthy of a king; and he pointed out to him that +the present state of affairs offered him many opportunities. Demetrius +understood the hint, but said nothing at the time; but a short while +afterwards consulted Apollonius one of his intimate friends, on the +same subject. This man, being simple minded and very young, advised +him to make another trial of the Senate. “He was convinced,” he said, +“that, since it had deprived him of his kingdom without any just +excuse, it would at least release him from his position of hostage; for +it was absurd that, when the boy Antiochus had succeeded to the kingdom +in Syria, Demetrius should be a hostage for him.” Persuaded by these +arguments he once more obtained a hearing of the Senate, and claimed +to be relieved of his obligations as a hostage, since they had decided +to secure the kingdom to Antiochus. But, though he pleaded his cause +with many arguments, the Senate remained fixed in the same resolve as +before. And that was only what was to be expected. For they had not, +on the former occasion, adjudged the continuance of the kingdom to +the child on the ground that the claim of Demetrius was not just, but +because it was advantageous to Rome that it should be so; and as the +circumstances remained precisely the same, it was only natural that the +policy of the Senate should remain unchanged also. + +[Sidenote: Demetrius resolves to escape from Rome, and again consults +Polybius.] + ++20.+ Demetrius having thus delivered himself in vain of his swan’s +song, his last appeal, and becoming convinced that Polybius had given +him good advice, repented of what he had done. But he was naturally +of a lofty spirit, and possessed sufficient daring to carry out his +resolutions. He promptly called Diodorus, who had recently arrived from +Syria, to his aid, and confided his secret purpose to him. Diodorus had +had the charge of Demetrius as a child, and was a man of considerable +adroitness, who had besides made a careful inspection of the state of +affairs in Syria. He now pointed out to Demetrius that “The confusion +caused by the murder of Octavius,—the people mistrusting Lysias, and +Lysias mistrusting the people, while the Senate was convinced that +the lawless murder of their envoy really originated with the king’s +friends,—presented a most excellent opportunity for his appearing on +the scene: for the people there would promptly transfer the crown to +him, even though he were to arrive attended by but one slave; while the +Senate would not venture to give any further assistance or support to +Lysias after such an abominable crime. Finally, it was quite possible +for them to leave Rome undetected, without any one having any idea of +his intention.” This course being resolved upon, Demetrius sent for +Polybius, and telling him what he was going to do, begged him to lend +his assistance, and to join him in contriving to manage his escape. + +[Sidenote: Menyllus of Alabanda (in Caria) helps him by hiring a +vessel.] + +There happened to be at Rome a certain Menyllus of Alabanda, on a +mission from the elder Ptolemy to confront and answer the younger +before the Senate. Between this man and Polybius there was a strong +friendship and confidence, and Polybius therefore thought him just +the man for the purpose in hand. He accordingly introduced him with +all speed to Demetrius, and with warm expressions of regard. Being +trusted with the secret, Menyllus undertook to have the necessary ship +in readiness, and to see that everything required for the voyage was +prepared. Having found a Carthaginian vessel anchored at the mouth of +the Tiber, which had been on sacred service, he chartered it. (These +vessels are carefully selected at Carthage, to convey the offerings +sent by the Carthaginians to their ancestral gods at Tyre.) He made no +secret about it but chartered the vessel for his own return voyage; +and therefore was able to make his arrangements for provisions also +without exciting suspicion, talking openly with the sailors and making +an appointment with them. + +[Sidenote: Preparations for the flight.] + +[Sidenote: Polybius sends a warning to Demetrius.] + ++21.+ When the shipmaster had everything ready, and nothing remained +except for Demetrius to do his part, he sent Diodorus to Syria to +gather information, and to watch the disposition of the people there. +His foster-brother Apollonius took part in this expedition; and +Demetrius also confided his secret to the two brothers of Apollonius, +Meleager and Menestheus, but to no one else of all his suite, though +that was numerous. These three brothers were the sons of the Apollonius +who occupied so important a position at the court of Seleucus, but who +had removed to Miletus at the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes. As the +day agreed upon with the sailors approached, it was arranged that one +of his friends should give an entertainment to serve as an excuse for +Demetrius going out. For it was impossible that he should sup at home; +as it was his constant habit, when he did so, to invite all his suite. +Those who were in the secret were to leave the house after supper and +go to the ship, taking one slave each with them; the rest they had sent +on to Anagnia, saying that they would follow next day. It happened +that at this time Polybius was ill and confined to his bed; but he was +kept acquainted with all that was going on by constant communications +from Menyllus. He was therefore exceedingly anxious, knowing Demetrius +to be fond of conviviality and full of youthful wilfulness, lest, by +the entertainment being unduly prolonged, some difficulty should arise +from over-indulgence in wine to prevent his getting away. He therefore +wrote and sealed a small tablet; and just as it was getting dusk sent +a servant of his own, with orders to ask for Demetrius’s cupbearer and +give him the tablet, without saying who he was or from whom he came, +and to bid the cupbearer to give it to Demetrius to read at once. His +orders were carried out, and Demetrius read the tablet, which contained +the following apophthegms[187]:— + + + “The ready hand bears off the sluggard’s prize.” + + + + “Night favours all, but more the daring heart.” + + + + “Be bold: front danger: strike! then lose or win, + Care not, so you be true unto yourself.” + + + + “Cool head and wise distrust are wisdom’s sinews.” + + +[Sidenote: Demetrius takes the hint, and the voyage is safely begun.] + ++22.+ As soon as Demetrius had read these lines, he understood their +purport, and from whom they came; and at once pretending that he felt +sick, he left the banquet escorted by his friends. Arrived at his +lodging, he sent away those of his servants who were not suited to +his purpose to Anagnia, ordering them to take the hunting nets and +hounds and meet him at Cerceii, where it had been his constant custom +to go boar hunting, which, in fact, was the origin of his intimacy +with Polybius. He then imparted his plan to Nicanor and his immediate +friends, and urged them to share his prospects. They all consented +with enthusiasm; whereupon he bade them return to their own lodgings, +and arrange with their servants to go before daybreak to Anagnia and +meet them at Cerceii, while they got travelling clothes and returned +to him, telling their domestics that they would join them, accompanied +by Demetrius, in the course of the next day at Cerceii. Everything +having been done in accordance with this order, he and his friends +went to Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, by night. Menyllus preceded +them and had a conversation with the sailors; telling them that orders +had arrived from the king which made it necessary for him to remain at +Rome for the present, and to send some of the most trustworthy of his +young men to his Majesty, to inform him of what had been done about +his brother. He should not, therefore, he said, go on board himself; +but the young men who were to sail would come about midnight. The +shipmasters made no difficulty about it, as the passage money for which +they had originally bargained was in their hands; and they had long +made all their preparations for sailing, when Demetrius and his friends +arrived about the third watch. There were altogether eight of them, +besides five slaves and three boys. Menyllus entered into conversation +with them, showed them the provisions in store for the voyage, and +commended them earnestly to the care of the shipmaster and crew. They +then went on board, and the pilot weighed anchor and started just as +day was breaking, having absolutely no idea of the real state of the +case, but believing that he was conveying some soldiers from Menyllus +to Ptolemy. + +[Sidenote: The absence of Demetrius is not ascertained in Rome until +the fourth day.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate is summoned, but decides not to attempt pursuit.] + +[Sidenote: Commissioners appointed for Greece and Asia, B.C. 162.] + ++23.+ At Rome, during the whole of the following day, no one was likely +to make any inquiry for Demetrius or those who had gone with him. For +those of his household who stayed in the city supposed him to have +gone to Cerceii; and those at Anagnia were expecting him to come there +too. The flight from Rome, therefore, was entirely unremarked; until +one of his slaves, having been flogged at Anagnia, ran off to Cerceii, +expecting to find Demetrius there; and not finding him, ran back again +to Rome, hoping to meet him on the road. But as he failed to meet him +anywhere, he went and informed his friends in Rome and the members of +his household who had been left behind in his house. But it was not +until the fourth day after his start that, Demetrius being looked for +in vain, the truth was suspected. On the fifth the Senate was hastily +summoned to consider the matter, when Demetrius had already cleared +the Straits of Messina. The Senate gave up all idea of pursuit: both +because they imagined that he had got a long start on the voyage (for +the wind was in his favour), and because they foresaw that, though +they might wish to hinder him, they would be unable to do so. But some +few days afterwards they appointed Tiberius Gracchus, Lucius Lentulus, +and Servilius Glaucia as commissioners: first to inspect the state of +Greece; and, next, to cross to Asia and watch the result of Demetrius’s +attempt, and examine the policy adopted by the other kings, and +arbitrate on their controversies with the Gauls. Such were the events +in Italy this year.... + +Demetrius expecting the arrival of the commissioner who was to be sent +to him.... + +[Sidenote: Cato on the growth of luxury.] + ++24.+ The dissoluteness of the young men in Rome had grown to such +a height, and broke out in such extravagances, that there were many +instances of men purchasing a jar of Pontic salt-fish for three hundred +drachmae.[188] In reference to which Marcus Porcius Cato once said to +the people in indignation, that no better proof could be shown of the +degeneracy of the state than that good-looking slaves[189] should fetch +more than a farm, and a jar of salt-fish more than a carter.... + +[Sidenote: The Rhodians accept money to pay their schoolmasters, B.C. +162.] + ++25.+ The Rhodians, though in other respects maintaining the dignity +of their state, made in my opinion a slight lapse at this period. They +had received two hundred and eighty thousand medimni of corn from +Eumenes, that its value might be invested and the interest devoted +to pay the fees of the tutors and schoolmasters of their sons. One +might accept this from friends in a case of financial embarrassment, +as one might in private life, rather than allow children to remain +uneducated for want of means; but where means are abundant a man would +rather do anything than allow the schoolmaster’s fee to be supplied by +a joint contribution from his friends. And in proportion as a state +should hold higher notions than an individual, so ought governments +to be more jealous of their dignity than private men, and above all a +Rhodian government, considering the wealth of the country and its high +pretensions.... + +[Sidenote: Ptolemy Physcon returning with the commissioners, collects +mercenaries in Greece, but is persuaded to disband them, B.C. 162.] + +[Sidenote: He, however, takes about 1000 Cretans back with him to +Africa.] + +[Sidenote: ch. 18.] + ++26.+ After this the younger Ptolemy arrived in Greece with the Roman +commissioners, and began collecting a formidable army of mercenaries, +among whom he enlisted Damasippus the Macedonian, who, after murdering +the members of the council at Phacus, fled with his wife and children +from Macedonia, and after reaching Peraea, opposite Rhodes, and being +entertained by the people there, determined to sail to Cyprus. But +when Torquatus and his colleagues saw that Ptolemy had collected a +formidable corps of mercenaries, they reminded him of their commission, +which was to restore him “without a war,” and at last persuaded him to +go as far as Side (in Pamphylia), and there disband his mercenaries, +give up his idea of invading Cyprus, and meet them on the frontiers of +Cyrene. Meanwhile, they said that they would sail to Alexandria, and +induce the king to consent to their demands, and would meet him on the +frontiers, bringing the other king with them. The younger Ptolemy was +persuaded by these arguments, gave up the attack upon Cyprus, dismissed +the mercenaries, and first sailed to Crete, accompanied by Damasippus +and Gnaeus Merula, one of the commissioners; and, after enlisting about +a thousand soldiers in Crete, put to sea and crossed to Libya, landing +at Apis. + +[Sidenote: Ptolemy Physcon invades the dominions of his brother.] + ++27.+ Meanwhile Torquatus had crossed to Alexandria and was trying +to induce the elder Ptolemy to be reconciled to his brother, and +yield Cyprus to him. But Ptolemy, by alternate promises and refusals +and the like, managed to waste the time, while the younger king lay +encamped with his thousand Cretans at Apis in Libya, according to his +agreement. Becoming thoroughly irritated at receiving no intelligence, +he first sent Gnaeus Merula to Alexandria, hoping by this means to +bring Torquatus and those with him to the place of meeting. But Merula +was like the others in protracting the business: forty days passed +without a word of intelligence, and the king was in despair. The fact +was that the elder king, by using every kind of flattery, had won the +commissioners over, and was keeping them by him, rather against their +will than with it. Moreover, at this time the younger Ptolemy was +informed that the people of Cyrene had revolted, that the cities were +conspiring with them, and that Ptolemy Sympetesis had also taken their +side. This man was an Egyptian by birth, and had been left by the king +in charge of his whole kingdom when he was going on his journey to +Rome. When the king was informed of this, and learned presently that +the Cyreneans were encamped in the open country, afraid lest, in his +desire to add Cyprus to his dominions, he might lose Cyrene also, he +threw everything else aside and marched towards Cyrene. When he came +to what is called the Great Slope, he found the Libyans and Cyreneans +occupying the pass. Ptolemy was alarmed at this: but, putting half his +forces on board boats, he ordered them to sail beyond the difficult +ground, and show themselves on the rear of the enemy; while with the +other half he marched up in their front and tried to carry the pass. +The Libyans being panic-stricken at this double attack on front and +rear, and abandoning their position, Ptolemy not only got possession +of the pass, but also of Tetrapyrgia, which lay immediately below it, +in which there was an abundant supply of water. Thence he crossed +the desert in seven days, the forces under Mochyrinus coasting along +parallel to his line of march. The Cyreneans were encamped eight +thousand five hundred strong, eight thousand infantry and five hundred +cavalry: for having satisfied themselves as to the character of Ptolemy +from his conduct at Alexandria, and seeing that his government and +policy generally were those of a tyrant rather than a king, they could +not endure the idea of becoming his subjects, but were determined to +venture everything in their desire for freedom. And at last he was +beaten.... + +[Sidenote: The Roman commission fails to secure peace between the +brothers.] + ++28.+ At this time Gnaeus Merula also came from Alexandria, informing +the king (Physcon) that his brother would consent to none of the +proposals, but maintained that they ought to abide by the original +agreements. On hearing this, Physcon selected the brothers Comanus and +Ptolemy[190] to go as ambassadors to Rome with Gnaeus, and inform the +Senate of his brother’s selfish and haughty behaviour. At the same +time the elder Ptolemy sent away Titus Torquatus also without having +attained the object of his mission. Such was the state of things in +Alexandria and Cyrene.... + + + + +BOOK XXXII + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 161. The Senate break off relations with Ptolemy +Philometor, and encourage Ptolemy Physcon in his claim on Cyprus.] + ++1.+ This year Comanus and his brother arrived at Rome on their +mission from the younger Ptolemy, and Menyllus of Alabanda from the +elder. Their interview with the Senate was the occasion of many +mutual recriminations expressed with great bitterness; and when Titus +Torquatus and Gnaeus Merula gave evidence in favour of the younger +king, and supported him with great earnestness, the Senate voted that +Menyllus and his colleagues should leave Rome within five days, and +that the treaty of alliance with the elder Ptolemy should be annulled; +but that they should send envoys to the younger to inform him of +the decree of the Senate. Publius Apustius and Gaius Lentulus were +appointed to this service, who immediately sailed to Cyrene, and with +great despatch announced to Physcon the decree of the Senate. Greatly +elated by this, Ptolemy began collecting mercenaries, and devoted his +whole attention and energies to the acquisition of Cyprus. This was +what was going on in Italy.... + +[Sidenote: Between the second and third Punic wars Massanissa +constantly encroached on Carthaginian territory. Both sides refer to +Rome,] + +[Sidenote: and the Romans invariably support Massanissa.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 193, cp. Livy, 34, 62.] + ++2.+ Not long before this period Massanissa resolved to try his +strength with the Carthaginians. He saw how numerous the cities +built along the lesser Syrtis were, and noticed the excellence of +the district which they call Emporia, and he had long been casting +an envious eye upon the revenues which those places produced. He +quickly possessed himself of the open part of the country, because the +Carthaginians were always averse from service in the field, and were +at that time completely enervated by the long peace. But he was unable +to get possession of the towns, because they were carefully guarded +by the Carthaginians. Both parties then referring their case to the +Roman Senate, and frequent embassies coming to Rome from both sides, +it always happened that the Carthaginians got the worst of it in the +judgment of the Romans, not on the merits of the case, but because the +judges were convinced that such a decision was in their interests. For +instance, not many years before this Massanissa was himself at the +head of an army in pursuit of Aphther, who had revolted from him, and +asked permission of the Carthaginians to go through this territory, +which they refused on the ground that it had nothing to do with him. +Owing, however, to the decisions given at Rome during this period, the +Carthaginians were put into such difficulties that they not only lost +the cities and territory, but had to pay besides five hundred talents +as mesne profits from the district. And this was the origin of the +present controversy.[191]... + +[Sidenote: Further complaints against Eumenes by Prusias and the Gauls. +See 31, 4, B.C. 161.] + ++3.+ Prusias sent envoys to Rome with some Gauls to accuse Eumenes; and +Eumenes in his turn sent his brother Attalus to rebut the accusations. +Ariarathes sent a present of ten thousand gold pieces, and envoys to +inform the Senate of the reception given to Tiberius Gracchus; and +generally to ask for their commands, and to assure them that he would +do anything they told him.... + +[Sidenote: Surrenders the murderer of Octavius.] + +[Sidenote: Demetrius induces Tiberius Gracchus to salute him as king.] + ++4.+ When Menochares arrived in Antioch to visit Demetrius, and +informed the king[192] of the conversation he had had with the +commission under Tiberius Gracchus in Cappadocia, the king, thinking +it a matter of the most urgent necessity to get these men on his side +as much as he could, devoted himself, to the exclusion of every other +business, to sending messages to them, first to Pamphylia, and then +to Rhodes, undertaking to do everything the Romans wished; till at +last he extracted their acknowledgment of him as king. The fact was +that Tiberius was very favourably disposed to him; and, accordingly, +materially contributed to the success of his attempt, and to his +acquisition of the royal power. Demetrius took advantage of this to +send envoys to Rome, taking with them a complimentary crown, the +murderer of Gnaeus Octavius, and with them Isocrates the critic.... + +[Sidenote: Ambassadors from Ariarathes.] + +[Sidenote: Attalus again in Rome early in B.C. 160. Coss. L. Anicius +Gallus. M. Cornelius Cethegus.] + ++5.+ At this time came ambassadors from Ariarathes, bringing a +complimentary present of ten thousand gold pieces, and announcing +the king’s faithful attachment to Rome; and of this they appealed to +Tiberius and his colleagues as witnesses. Tiberius and his colleagues +confirmed their statements: whereupon the Senate accepted the present +with warm thanks, and sent back in return presents, which with them +are the most honourable they can give—a sceptre and ivory chair. These +ambassadors were dismissed at once by the Senate before the winter. But +after them arrived Attalus when the new Consuls had already entered on +their office; as well as the Gauls who had accusations against him, +and whom Prusias had sent, with as many more from Asia. After giving +all a hearing, the Senate not only acquitted Attalus of all blame, but +dismissed him with additional marks of their favour and kindness: for +their friendship for and active support of Attalus was in the same +proportion as their hostility and opposition to king Eumenes.... + +[Sidenote: Reception of the ambassadors of Demetrius.] + +[Sidenote: Previous career of Isocrates.] + +[Sidenote: His conduct in Syria.] + ++6.+ The ambassadors with Menochares arrived in Rome from Demetrius, +bringing the present of ten thousand gold pieces, as well as the man +who had assassinated Gnaeus Octavius. The Senate was for a long time +doubtful what to do about these matters. Finally they received the +ambassadors and accepted the present, but declined to receive the +men who were thus brought prisoners. Yet Demetrius had sent not only +Leptines, the actual assassin of Octavius, but Isocrates as well. +The latter was a grammarian and public lecturer; but being by nature +garrulous, boastful, and conceited, he gave offence even to the Greeks, +Alcaeus and his friends being accustomed to direct their wit against +him and hold him up to ridicule in their scholastic discussions.[193] +When he arrived in Syria, he displayed contempt for the people of the +country; and not content with lecturing on his own subjects, he took +to speaking on politics, and maintained that “Gnaeus Octavius had +been rightly served; and that the other ambassadors ought to be put +to death also, that there might be no one left to report the matter +to the Romans; and so they might be taught to give up sending haughty +injunctions and exercising unlimited power.” By such random talk he got +into this trouble. + +[Sidenote: The boldness of Leptines.] + +[Sidenote: Extraordinary conduct of Isocrates.] + ++7.+ And there is a circumstance connected with both these men that +is worth recording. After assassinating Gnaeus, Leptines immediately +went openly about Laodicea, asserting that what he had done was just, +and that it had been effected in accordance with the will of the gods. +And when Demetrius took possession of the government, he went to the +king exhorting him to have no fear about the murder of Gnaeus, nor to +adopt any measures of severity against the Laodiceans; for that he +would himself go to Rome and convince the Senate that he had done this +deed in accordance with the will of the gods. And finally, thanks to +his entire readiness and even eagerness to go, he was taken without +chains or a guard. But directly Isocrates found himself included under +this charge, he went entirely beside himself with terror; and, after +the collar and chain were put on his neck, he would rarely touch food, +and completely neglected all care of his body. He accordingly arrived +at Rome a truly astonishing spectacle, sufficient to convince us that +nothing can be more frightful than a man, in body and soul alike, +when once divested of his humanity. His aspect was beyond all measure +terrifying and savage, as might be expected in a man who had neither +washed the dirt from his body, nor pared his nails, nor cut his hair, +for a year. The wild glare and rolling of his eyes also showed such +inward horror, that any one who saw him would have rather approached +any animal in the world than him. Leptines, on the contrary, maintained +his original view: was ready to appear before the Senate; owned plainly +to all who conversed with him what he had done; and asserted that he +would meet with no severity at the hands of the Romans. And eventually +his expectation was fully justified. [The Senate decide to keep the +question of the murder open.] For the Senate, from the idea, I believe, +that, if it received and punished the guilty men, the populace would +consider that full satisfaction had been taken for the murder, refused +almost outright to receive them; and thus kept the charge in reserve, +that they might have the power of using the accusation whenever they +chose. They therefore confined their answer to Demetrius to these +words: “He shall find all favour at our hands, if he satisfy the Senate +in accordance with the obedience which he owed to it before.”... + +[Sidenote: Fruitless embassy from Achaia on behalf of Polybius and the +other Achaean detenus, B.C. 160.] + +There came also ambassadors from the Achaeans, headed by Xenon and +Telecles, in behalf of their accused compatriots, and especially in +behalf of Polybius and Stratius; for lapse of time had now brought +an end to the majority, or at any rate to those of any note. The +ambassadors came with instructions couched in a tone of simple +entreaty, in order to avoid anything like a contest with the Senate. +But when they had been admitted and delivered their commission in +proper terms, even this humble tone failed to gain their end, and the +Senate voted to abide by their resolve.... + +[Sidenote: The small property left by Aemilius Paulus at his death is a +proof of his disinterestedness.] + +[Sidenote: See 18, 35.] + +[Sidenote: Polybius has the fear of Roman critics before his eyes.] + ++8.+ The strongest and most honourable proof of the integrity of Lucius +Aemilius Paulus was made public after his death. For the character +which he enjoyed while alive was found to be justified at his death, +than which there can be no clearer proof of virtue. No one of his +contemporaries brought home more gold from Iberia than he; no one +captured such enormous treasures as he did in Macedonia; and yet, +though in both these countries he had the most unlimited authority, he +left so small a private fortune, that his sons could not pay his wife’s +jointure wholly from the sale of his personalty, and were obliged to +sell some of his real estate also to do so, a fact of which I have +already spoken in some detail. This forces us to acknowledge that the +fame of the men who have been admired in Greece in this respect suffers +by a comparison. For if to abstain from appropriating money, entrusted +to a man for the benefit of the depositor, deserves our admiration,—as +is said to have happened in the case of the Athenian Aristeides and the +Theban Epaminondas,—how much more admirable is it for a man to have +been master of a whole kingdom, with absolute authority to do with it +as he chose, and yet to have coveted nothing in it! And if what I say +appears incredible to any of my readers, let them consider that the +present writer was fully aware that Romans, more than any other people, +would take his books into their hands,—because the most splendid and +numerous achievements recorded therein belong to them; and that with +them the truth about the facts could not possibly be unknown, nor +the author of a falsehood expect any indulgence. No one then would +voluntarily expose himself to certain disbelief and contempt. And let +this be kept in mind throughout the whole course of my work, when I +seem to be making a startling assertion about the Romans. + +[Sidenote: The origin of the friendship between Scipio Aemilianus and +Polybius.] + +[Sidenote: Young Scipio opens his heart to Polybius.] + ++9.+ As the course of my narrative and the events of the time have +drawn our attention to this family, I wish to carry out fully, for the +sake of students, what was left as a mere promise in my previous book. +I promised then that I would relate the origin and manner of the rise +and unusually early glory of Scipio’s reputation in Rome; and also +how it came about that Polybius became so attached to and intimate +with him, that the fame of their friendship and constant companionship +was not merely confined to Italy and Greece, but became known to more +remote nations also. We have already shown that the acquaintance began +in a loan of some books and the conversation about them. But as the +intimacy went on, and the Achaean detenus were being distributed among +the various cities, Fabius and Scipio, the sons of Lucius Aemilius +Paulus,[194] exerted all their influence with the praetor that Polybius +might be allowed to remain in Rome. This was granted: and the intimacy +was becoming more and more close, when the following incident occurred. +One day, when they were all three coming out of the house of Fabius, it +happened that Fabius left them to go to the Forum, and that Polybius +went in another direction with Scipio. As they were walking along, in +a quiet and subdued voice, and with the blood mounting to his cheeks, +Scipio said, “Why is it, Polybius, that though I and my brother eat +at the same table, you address all your conversation and all your +questions and explanations to him, and pass me over altogether? Of +course you too have the same opinion of me as I hear the rest of the +city has. For I am considered by everybody, I hear, to be a mild effete +person, and far removed from the true Roman character and ways, because +I don’t care for pleading in the law courts. And they say that the +family I come of requires a different kind of representative, and not +the sort that I am. That is what annoys me most.” + +[Sidenote: Scipio Aemilianus, b. B.C. 185.] + +[Sidenote: Polybius is somewhat alarmed at the responsibility.] + ++10.+ Polybius was taken aback by the opening words of the young man’s +speech (for he was only just eighteen), and said, “In heaven’s name, +Scipio, don’t say such things, or take into your head such an idea. +It is not from any want of appreciation of you, or any intention of +slighting you, that I have acted as I have done: far from it! It is +merely that, your brother being the elder, I begin and end my remarks +with him, and address my explanations and counsels to him, in the +belief that you share the same opinions. However, I am delighted to +hear you say now that you appear to yourself to be somewhat less +spirited than is becoming to members of your family: for you show +by this that you have a really high spirit, and I should gladly +devote myself to helping you to speak or act in any way worthy of +your ancestors. As for learning, to which I see you and your brother +devoting yourselves at present with so much earnestness and zeal, you +will find plenty of people to help you both; for I see that a large +number of such learned men from Greece are finding their way into Rome +at the present time. But as to the points which you say are just now +vexing you, I think you will not find any one more fitted to support +and assist you than myself.” While Polybius was still speaking the +young man seized his right hand with both of his, and pressing it +warmly, said, “Oh that I might see the day on which you would devote +your first attention to me, and join your life with mine. From that +moment I shall think myself worthy both of my family and my ancestors.” +Polybius was partly delighted at the sight of the young man’s +enthusiasm and affection, and partly embarrassed by the thought of the +high position of his family and the wealth of its members. However, +from the hour of this mutual confidence the young man never left the +side of Polybius, but regarded his society as his first and dearest +object. + +[Sidenote: Scipio's high character for continence as a young man.] + +[Sidenote: The deterioration in Roman morals and its causes.] + ++11.+ From that time forward they continually gave each other practical +proof of an affection which recalled the relationship of father and +son, or of kinsmen of the same blood. The first impulse and ambition +of a noble kind with which he was inspired was the desire to maintain +a character for chastity, and to be superior to the standard observed +in that respect among his contemporaries. This was a glory which, +great and difficult as it generally is, was not hard to gain at that +period in Rome, owing to the general deterioration of morals. Some had +wasted their energies on favourite youths; others on mistresses; and +a great many on banquets enlivened with poetry and wine, and all the +extravagant expenditure which they entailed, having quickly caught +during the war with Perseus the dissoluteness of Greek manners in +this respect. And to such monstrous lengths had this debauchery gone +among the young men, that many of them had given a talent for a young +favourite. This dissoluteness had as it were burst into flame at this +period: in the first place, from the prevalent idea that, owing to +the destruction of the Macedonian monarchy, universal dominion was +now secured to them beyond dispute; and in the second place, from +the immense difference made, both in public and private wealth and +splendour, by the importation of the riches of Macedonia into Rome. +Scipio, however, set his heart on a different path in life; and by a +steady resistance to his appetites, and by conforming his whole conduct +to a consistent and undeviating standard, in about the first five years +after this secured a general recognition of his character for goodness +and purity. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s liberality to his mother.] + ++12.+ His next object was to cultivate lofty sentiments in regard +to money, and to maintain a higher standard of disinterestedness +than other people. In this respect he had an excellent start in his +association with his natural father (L. Aemilius): but he also had good +natural impulses towards the right; and chance contributed much to his +success in this particular aim. For he first lost the mother of his +adoptive father, who was the sister of his natural father Lucius, and +wife of his adoptive grandfather, Scipio the Great. She left a large +fortune, to which he was heir, and which gave him the first opportunity +of giving a proof of his principles. Aemilia, for that was this lady’s +name, was accustomed to attend the women’s processions in great state, +as sharing the life and high fortune of Scipio. For besides the +magnificence of her dress and carriage, the baskets, cups, and such +implements for the sacrifice, which were carried in her train, were all +of silver or gold on great occasions; and the number of maid-servants +and other domestics that made up her train was in proportion to this +splendour. All this establishment, immediately after Aemilia’s funeral, +Scipio presented to his own mother, who had long before been divorced +by his father Lucius, and was badly off considering the splendour of +her birth.[195] She had therefore in previous years refrained from +taking part in grand public processions; but now, as there chanced +to be an important state sacrifice, she appeared surrounded with all +the splendour and wealth which had once been Aemilia’s, using among +other things the same muleteers, pair of mules, and carriage. The +ladies, therefore, who saw it were much impressed by the kindness and +liberality of Scipio, and all raised their hands to heaven and prayed +for blessings upon him. This act, indeed, would be thought honourable +anywhere, but at Rome it was quite astonishing: for there no one ever +thinks of giving any of his private property to any one if he can help +it. This was the beginning of Scipio’s reputation for nobility of +character, and it spread very widely,—for women are talkative and prone +to exaggeration whenever they feel warmly. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s liberality to his cousins, sisters to his adoptive +father.] + ++13.+ The next instance was his conduct to the daughters of the +Great Scipio, sisters to his adoptive father.[196] When he took the +inheritance he was bound to pay them their portion. For their father +covenanted to give each of his two daughters a marriage portion of +fifty talents. Half of this their mother paid down at once to their +husbands, but left the other half undischarged when she died. Now, the +Roman law enjoins the payment of money due to women as dowry in three +annual instalments, the personal outfit having been first paid within +ten months according to custom.[197] But Scipio instructed his banker +at once to pay the twenty-five talents to each within the ten months. +When, therefore, Tiberius Gracchus and Scipio Nasica, for they were the +husbands of these ladies, called on the banker at the expiration of the +ten months, and asked whether Scipio had given him any instructions as +to the money, he told them they might have it at once, and proceeded +to enter the transfer of twenty-five talents to each.[198] They then +said that he had made a mistake, for they had no claim for the whole as +yet, but only took a third according to the law; and upon the banker +answering that such were his instructions from Scipio, they could not +believe him, and went to call on the young man, supposing him to have +made a mistake. And, indeed, their feelings were natural: for at Rome, +so far from paying fifty talents three years in advance, no one will +pay a single talent before the appointed day; so excessively particular +are they about money, and so profitable do they consider time. However, +when they reached Scipio and asked him what instructions he had given +his banker, on his replying, “To pay both sisters the whole sum due to +them,” they told him he had made a mistake; and with a show of friendly +regard pointed out to him that, according to the laws, he had the use +of the money for a considerable time longer. But Scipio replied that +he was quite aware of all that; but that close reckoning and legal +exactness were for strangers; with relations and friends he would do +his best to behave straightforwardly and liberally. He therefore bade +them draw on the banker for the whole sum. When Tiberius and Nasica +heard this they returned home in silence, quite confounded at the +magnanimity of Scipio, and condemning themselves for meanness, though +they were men of as high a character as any at Rome. + +[Sidenote: The liberality of Scipio to his brother and sisters, B.C. +160.] + ++14.+ Two years afterwards, when his natural father, Lucius Aemilius, +died, and left him and his brother Fabius joint heirs to his property, +he did an act honourable to himself and worthy to be recorded. Lucius +died without children in the eyes of the law, for the two elder had +been adopted into other families, and the other sons, whom he was +bringing up to be the successors to himself and to continue his family, +all died;[199] he therefore left his property to these two. But Scipio, +perceiving that his brother was worse off than himself, renounced the +whole of his share of the inheritance, though the property was valued +altogether at over sixty talents, with a view of thus putting Fabius +on an equality with himself in point of wealth. This was much talked +about; but he afterwards gave a still clearer proof of his liberality. +For when his brother wished to give some gladiatorial games in honour +of his father, but was unable to support the expense, because of the +enormous costliness of such things, Scipio contributed half of this +also from his own pocket. Now the cost of such an exhibition, if it +is done on a large scale, does not amount in all to less than thirty +talents. While the fame of his liberality to his mother was still +fresh, she died; and so far from taking back any part of the wealth he +had recently bestowed on her, of which I have just spoken, Scipio gave +it and the entire residue of his mother’s property to his sisters,[200] +though they had no legal claim at all upon it. Accordingly his sisters +again adopted the splendour and retinue which Aemilia had employed +in the public processions; and once more the liberality and family +affection of Scipio were recalled to the minds of the people. + +With such recommendations dating from his earliest years, Publius +Scipio sustained the reputation for high morality and good principles, +which he had won by the expenditure of perhaps sixty talents, for +that was the sum which he bestowed from his own property. And this +reputation for goodness did not depend so much on the amount of the +money, as on the seasonableness of the gift and the graciousness with +which it was bestowed. By his strict chastity, also, he not only saved +his purse, but by refraining from many irregular pleasures he gained +sound bodily health and a vigorous constitution, which accompanied +him through the whole of his life and repaid him with many pleasures, +and noble compensations for the immediate pleasures from which he had +formerly abstained. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s physical strength and courage were confirmed by the +exercise of hunting in Macedonia,] + +[Sidenote: and his taste continued after his return to Rome, and was +encouraged by Polybius.] + ++15.+ Courage, however, is the most important element of character for +public life in every country, but especially in Rome: and he therefore +was bound to give all his most serious attention to it. In this he +was well seconded by Fortune also. For as the Macedonian kings were +especially eager about hunting, and the Macedonians devoted the most +suitable districts to the preservation of game, these places were +carefully guarded during all the war time, as they had been before, and +yet had not been hunted the whole of the four years owing to the public +disturbances: the consequence was that they were full of every kind of +animal. But when the war was decided, Lucius Aemilius, thinking that +hunting was the best training for body and courage his young soldiers +could have, put the royal huntsmen under the charge of Scipio, and +gave him entire authority over all matters connected with the hunting. +Scipio accepted the duty, and, looking upon himself as in a quasi-royal +position, devoted his whole time to this business, as long as the army +remained in Macedonia after the battle of Pydna. Having then ample +opportunity for following this kind of pursuit, and being in the very +prime of his youth and naturally disposed to it, the taste for hunting +which he acquired became permanent. Accordingly when he returned to +Rome, and found his taste supported by a corresponding enthusiasm on +the part of Polybius, the time that other young men spent in law courts +and formal visits,[201] haunting the Forum and endeavouring thereby to +ingratiate themselves with the people, Scipio devoted to hunting; and, +by continually displaying brilliant and memorable acts of prowess, won +a greater reputation than others, whose only chance of gaining credit +was by inflicting some damage on one of their fellow-citizens,—for +that was the usual result of these law proceedings. Scipio, on the +other hand, without inflicting annoyance on any one, gained a popular +reputation for manly courage, rivalling eloquence by action. The result +was that in a short time he obtained a more decided superiority of +position over his contemporaries, than any Roman is remembered to have +done; although he struck out a path for his ambition which, with a view +to Roman customs and ideas, was quite different from that of others. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s subsequent success, therefore, was the natural +result of his early conduct, and not the offspring of chance.] + ++16.+ I have spoken somewhat at length on the character of Scipio, +because I thought that such a story would be agreeable to the older, +and useful to the younger among my readers. But especially because +I wished to make what I have to tell in my following books appear +credible; that no one may feel any difficulty because of the apparent +strangeness of what happened to this man; nor deprive him of the credit +of achievements which were the natural consequences of his prudence, +and attribute them to Fortune and chance. I must now return from this +digression to the regular course of my history.... + +[Sidenote: The Delians having been allowed to leave their island with +“all their property,” found many occasions of legal disputes with the +Athenians, to whom the island was granted. See 30, 21. They remove +to Achaia, and sue the Athenians under the Achaean convention. Roman +decision against Athens.] + ++17.+ Thearidas and Stephanus conducted a mission from Athens and the +Achaeans on the matter of the reprisals. For when the Delians were +ordered, in answer to an embassy to Rome after Delos had been granted +to Athens, to depart from the island, but to take all their goods with +them, they removed to Achaia; and having been enrolled as citizens of +the league, wished to have their claims upon the Athenians decided, +according to the convention existing between the Achaeans and Athens. +But, on the Athenians denying that they had any right to plead under +that agreement, the Delians demanded from the Achaeans license to make +reprisals on the Athenians. The latter, therefore, sent an embassy to +Rome on these points, and were answered that decisions made by the +Achaeans according to their laws concerning the Delians were to be +binding.... + +[Sidenote: Piracies of the Dalmatians on the island of Issa, B.C. 158.] + ++18.+ The people of Issa having often sent embassies to Rome, +complaining that the Dalmatians damaged their territory and the cities +subject to them,—meaning thereby Epetium and Tragyrium,—and the Daorsi +also bringing similar complaints, the Senate sent a commission under +Gaius Fannius to inspect the state of Illyria, with special reference +to the Dalmatians. This people had been subject to Pleuratus as long +as he was alive; but when he died, and was succeeded on the throne +by Genthius, they revolted, overran the bordering territories, and +reduced the neighbouring cities, some of which even paid them a tribute +of cattle and corn. So Fannius and his colleague started on their +mission.... + +[Sidenote: Death of Lyciscus.] + ++19.+ Lyciscus the Aetolian was a factious turbulent agitator, and +directly he was killed the Aetolians from that hour lived harmoniously +and at peace with each other, simply from the removal of one man. Such +decisive influence has character in human affairs, that we find not +only armies and cities, but also national leagues and whole divisions +of the world, experiencing the greatest miseries and the greatest +blessings through the vice or virtue of one man.... + +Though he was a man of the worst character, Lyciscus ended his life +by an honourable death; and accordingly, most people with some reason +reproach Fortune for sometimes giving to the worst of men what is the +prize of the good—an easy death.... + +[Sidenote: Death of Charops, B.C. 157.] + +[Sidenote: The tyranny of Charops in Epirus after the battle of Pydna, +B.C. 168-157.] + +[Sidenote: He extorts money from the rich under threat of exile.] + ++20.+ There was a great change for the better in Aetolia when the +civil war was stopped after the death of Lyciscus; and in Boeotia when +Mnasippus of Coronea died; and similarly in Acarnania when Chremas +was got out of the way. Greece was as though purified by the removal +from life of those accursed pests of the country. For in the same year +Charops of Epirus chanced to die at Brundisium. Affairs in Epirus had +been still in disorder and confusion as before, owing to the cruelty +and tyranny of Charops, ever since the end of the war with Perseus. For +Lucius Anicius having condemned some of the leading men in the country +to death, and transported all others to Rome against whom there was the +slightest suspicion, Charops at once got complete power to do what he +chose; and thereupon committed every possible act of cruelty, sometimes +personally, at others by the agency of his friends: for he was quite +a young man himself, and was quickly joined by a crowd of the worst +and most unprincipled persons, who gathered round him for the sake of +plunder from other people. But what protected him and inclined people +to believe that he was acting on a fixed design, and in accordance with +the will of the Romans, was his former intimacy with them, and the +support of the old man Myrton and his son Nicanor. These two had the +character of being men of moderation and on good terms with the Romans; +but though up to that time they had been widely removed from all +suspicion of injustice, they now gave themselves up wholly to support +and share in the lawless acts of Charops. This man, after murdering +some openly in the market-place, others in their own houses, others by +sending secret assassins to waylay them in the fields or on the roads, +and selling the property of all whom he had thus killed, thought of +another device. He put up lists of such men and women as were rich, +condemning them to exile; and having held out this threat, he extracted +money out of them, making the bargain himself with the men, and by the +agency of his mother Philotis with the women; for this lady was well +suited to the task, and for any act of violence was even more helpful +than could have been expected in a woman. + +[Sidenote: The people of Phoenice terrified or cajoled into supporting +him.] + +[Sidenote: Charops goes to Rome, but is forbidden by the leading nobles +to enter their houses,] + +[Sidenote: and repudiated by the Senate.] + +[Sidenote: He suppresses the reply of the Senate.] + ++21.+ When he and his mother had thus got all the money they could +out of these persons, they none the less caused all the proscribed to +be impeached before the people; and the majority in Phoenice, partly +from fear and partly induced by the baits held out by Charops and +his friends, condemned all thus impeached, for being ill-disposed to +Rome, to death instead of banishment. These men, however, fled while +Charops visited Rome, whither he went with money, and accompanied +by Myrton and Nicanor, wishing to get a seal of approval put to his +wickedness by means of the Senate. On that occasion a very honourable +proof was given of Roman principles; and a spectacle was displayed +exceedingly gratifying to the Greeks residing in Rome, especially the +detenus. Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who was Pontifex Maximus and Princeps +Senatus, and Lucius Aemilius, the conqueror of Perseus, a man of the +highest credit and influence, learning what had been done by Charops +in Epirus, refused to admit him into their houses. This becoming much +talked about, the foreign residents in Rome were exceedingly rejoiced, +and observed with pleasure that the Romans discountenanced evil. And +on Charops being afterwards admitted to the Senate-house, the Senate +refused to consent to his demands, but answered that “They would give +instructions to commissioners to examine into what had taken place.” +But when Charops returned home he entirely suppressed this reply; and +having written one to suit his own ideas, gave out that the Romans +approved of what had been done by him.... + +[Sidenote: Death and character of Eumenes, B.C. 159.] + +[Sidenote: He raised his kingdom to the first rank;] + +[Sidenote: was exceedingly bountiful;] + +[Sidenote: and was loyally served by four brothers.] + ++22.+ King Eumenes was entirely broken in bodily strength, but still +maintained his brilliancy of mind. He was a man who in most things was +the equal of any king of his time; and in those which were the most +important and honourable, was greater and more illustrious than them +all. First, he succeeded his father in a kingdom reduced to a very few +insignificant cities; and he raised it to the level of the largest +dynasties of his day. And it was not chance which contributed to this, +or a mere sudden catastrophe, it was his own acuteness, indefatigable +industry, and personal labour. Again, he was exceedingly ambitious of +establishing a good reputation, and showed it by doing good services +to a very large number of cities, and enriching privately a great many +men. And in the third place, he had three brothers grown up and active, +and he kept all four of them loyal to himself, and acting as guards of +his person and preservers of the kingdom: and that is a thing of which +there are very rare instances in history.... + +[Sidenote: Attalus restores Ariarathes.] + +On succeeding his brother Eumenes on the throne, Attalus at once gave a +specimen of his principles and activity by restoring Ariarathes to his +kingdom.[202]... + +[Sidenote: Fannius and his colleagues roughly treated by the +Dalmatians, B.C. 157.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate decide on declaring war with the Dalmatians.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 168-157.] + ++23.+ When the envoys under Fannius returned from Illyria, and reported +that, so far from the Dalmatians making any restitution to those who +asserted that they were being continually wronged by them, they refused +even to listen to the commissioners at all, saying that they had +nothing to do with the Romans. Besides, they reported that no lodging +or entertainment of any sort had been supplied to them; but that the +very horses, which they had procured from another city, the Dalmatians +had forcibly taken from them; and would have laid violent hands upon +themselves, if they had not yielded to necessity and retired as quietly +as they could. The Senate listened attentively to the report; they were +exceedingly angry at the disobedience and rudeness of the Dalmatians, +but their prevailing feeling was that the present time was a suitable +one for declaring war against this people for more reasons than one. +For, in the first place, the coasts of Illyria towards Italy had been +entirely neglected by them ever since they had expelled Demetrius of +Pharos; and, in the next place, they did not wish their own citizens to +become enervated by a long-continued peace; for it was now the twelfth +year since the war with Perseus and the campaigns in Macedonia. They +therefore planned that, by declaring war against the Dalmatians, they +would at once renew as it were the warlike spirit and enterprise of +their own people, and terrify the Illyrians into obedience to their +injunctions. Such were the motives of the Romans for going to war with +the Dalmatians. But to the world at large they gave out that they had +determined on war owing to the insults offered to their legates.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 157. Coss. Sext. Julius Caesar, L. Aurelius Orestes.] + ++24.+ King Ariarathes arrived in Rome in the course of the summer.[203] +And when Sextus Julius Caesar and his colleague had entered on their +consulship, the king visited them privately, presenting in his personal +appearance a striking picture of the dangers with which he was +surrounded. + +Ambassadors also arrived from Demetrius, headed by Miltiades, prepared +to act in two capacities—to defend the conduct of Demetrius in regard +to Ariarathes, and to accuse that king with the utmost bitterness. +Orophernes also had sent Timotheus and Diogenes to represent him, +conveying a crown for Rome, and charged to renew the friendship and +alliance of Cappadocia with the Romans; but, above all, to confront +Ariarathes, and both to answer his accusations and bring their own +against him. In these private interviews Diogenes and Miltiades and +their colleagues made a better show, because they were many to one in +the controversy; besides their personal appearance was better than that +of Ariarathes, for they were at present on the winning side and he had +failed. They had also the advantage of him, in making their statement +of the case, that they were entirely unscrupulous, and cared nothing +whatever about the truth of their words; and what they said could not +be confuted, because there was no one to take the other side. So their +lying statements easily prevailed, and they thought everything was +going as they wished.... + +[Sidenote: The evil rule of Orophernes.] + ++25.+ After reigning for a short time in Cappadocia in utter contempt +of the customs of his country, Orophernes introduced the organised +debaucheries of Ionia.[204]... + +It has happened to not a few, from the desire for increasing their +wealth, to lose their life along with their money. It was from being +captivated by such passions that Orophernes, king of Cappadocia, +perished and was expelled from his kingdom. But having briefly narrated +the restoration of this king (Ariarathes), I will now bring back +my narrative to its regular course; for at present I have, to the +exclusion of Greek affairs, selected from those of Asia the events +connected with Cappadocia out of their proper order, because it was +impossible to separate the voyage of Ariarathes from Italy from his +restoration to his kingdom.[205] I will therefore now go back to +the history of Greece during this period, in which a peculiar and +extraordinary affair took place in regard to the city of Oropus, of +which I will give the whole story from beginning to end, going both +backward and forward in point of time, that I may not render the +history of an episode which was made up of separate events, and was +not on the whole important, still more insignificant and indistinct by +relating it under different years. For when an event as a whole does +not appear to readers to be worth attention, I cannot certainly expect +a student to follow its details scattered at intervals through my +history.[206]... + +For the most part when things go well men generally get on together; +but in times of failure, in their annoyance at events, they become +sore and irritable with their friends. And this is what happened +to Orophernes, when his affairs began to take a wrong turn in his +relations with Theotimus,—both indulging in mutual recriminations.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 156. Coss L. Cornelius Lentulus, C. Marcius Figulus II.] + ++26.+ Ambassadors having arrived from Epirus about this time, sent both +from those who were in actual possession of Phoenice and from those who +been banished from it; and both parties having made their statement +in presence of each other, the Senate answered that they would give +instructions on this point to the commissioners that were about to be +sent into Illyria with Gaius Marcius the Consul.[207]... + +[Sidenote: Prusias, king of Bithynia, attacks Attalus of Pergamum.] + +[Sidenote: 5, 11.] + +[Sidenote: Elaea on the Casius, the port of Pergamum.] + ++27.+ After defeating Attalus, and advancing to Pergamum, Prusias +prepared a magnificent sacrifice and brought it to the sacred enclosure +of Asclepius, and after offering the victims, and having obtained +favourable omens, went back into his camp for that day; but on the +next he directed his forces against the Nicephorium, and destroyed +all the temples and sacred enclosures, and plundered all the statues +of men and the marble images of the gods. Finally he carried off the +statue of Asclepius also, an admirably executed work of Phyromachus, +and transferred it to his own country,—the very image before which the +day before he had poured libations and offered sacrifice; desiring, +it would seem, that the god might in every way be propitious and +favourable to him. I have spoken of such proceedings before, when +discoursing on Philip, as sheer insanity. For at one time to offer +sacrifice, and endeavour to propitiate heaven by their means, +worshipping and uttering the most earnest prayers before holy tables +and altars, as Prusias was wont to do, with bendings of the knee and +effeminate prostrations, and at the same time to violate these sacred +objects and to flout heaven by their destruction,—can we ascribe such +conduct to anything but a mind disordered and a spirit lost to sober +reason? I am sure this was the case with Prusias: for he led his army +off to Elaea, without having performed a single act of manly courage in +the course of his attempts on Pergamum, and after treating everything +human and divine with petty and effeminate spite. He attempted to take +Elaea, and made some assaults upon it; but being unable to effect +anything, owing to Sosander, the king’s foster-brother, having thrown +himself into the town with an army and repelling his assaults, he +marched off towards Thyateira. In the course of his march, he plundered +the temple of Artemis in the Holy village; and the sacred enclosure +of Apollo Cynneius at Temnus[208] likewise he not only plundered but +destroyed by fire. After these achievements he returned home, having +waged war against the gods as well as against men. But Prusias’s +infantry also suffered severely from famine and dysentery on their +return march, so that the wrath of heaven appears to have quickly +visited him for these crimes.[209]... + +[Sidenote: Attalus sends his brother to Rome.] + +[Sidenote: Prusias had sent his son Nicomedes and some ambassadors to +represent his case at Rome.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate send fresh commissioners to investigate.] + ++28.+ After his defeat by Prusias Attalus appointed his brother +Athenaeus to accompany Publius Lentulus to Rome to inform the Senate +of what had happened. At Rome they had not paid much attention when a +previous messenger named Andronicus had come from Attalus, with news +of the original invasion; because they suspected that Attalus wished +to attack Prusias himself, and was therefore getting up a case against +him beforehand, and trying to prejudice him in their eyes by these +accusations; and when Nicomedes and some ambassadors from Prusias, +headed by Antiphilus, arrived and protested that there was not a word +of truth in the statement, the Senate was still more incredulous of +what had been said about Prusias. But when after a time the real truth +was made known, the Senate still felt uncertain, and sent Lucius +Apuleius and Gaius Petronius to investigate what was the state of the +case in regard to these two kings. + + + + +BOOK XXXIII + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 155. The Roman legate Publius Lentulus, and Athenaeus, +brother of Attalus, reach Rome and declare the truth.] + ++1.+ Before spring this year the Senate, after hearing the report of +Publius Lentulus and his colleagues, who had just reached Rome from +Asia, in the business of king Prusias, called in Athenaeus also, +brother of king Attalus. The matter, however, did not need many words: +the Senate promptly appointed Gaius Claudius Cento, Lucius Hortensius, +and Gaius Arunculeius, to accompany Athenaeus home, with instructions +to prevent Prusias from waging war against Attalus. + +[Sidenote: Another embassy in behalf of the Achaean detenus.] + +[Sidenote: It fails by the action of the praetor, who, by putting the +question simply “yes” or “no” for release, forced the party who were +for postponing it to vote “no.”] + +Also Xeno of Aegium and Telecles of Tegea arrived as ambassadors from +the Achaeans in behalf of the Achaean detenus. After the delivery of +their speech, on the question being put to the vote, the Senators only +refused the release of the accused persons by a very narrow majority. +The man who really prevented the release from being carried was Aulus +Postumius, who was praetor, and as such presided in the Senate on that +occasion. Three alternatives were proposed—one for an absolute release, +another for an absolute refusal, and a third for a postponement of the +release for the present. The largest numbers were for the first of +these three; but Postumius left out the third, and put the two first +to the vote together, release or no release; the result was that those +who were originally for the postponement transferred their votes to the +party that were against the release, and thus gave a majority against +release.... + +[Sidenote: The Achaeans are encouraged to try again.] + ++3.+[210] When the ambassadors returned to Achaia with the news that +the restoration of all the detenus had been only lost in the Senate by +a narrow majority, the people becoming hopeful and elated sent Telecles +of Megalopolis and Anaxidamus on a fresh mission at once. That was the +state of things in the Peloponnese.... + +[Sidenote: Aristocrates proves a failure in the war with Crete.] + ++4.+ Aristocrates, the general of the Rhodians, was in appearance a +man of mark and striking ability; and the Rhodians, judging from this, +believed that they had in him a thoroughly adequate leader and guide +in the war.[211] But they were disappointed in their expectations: for +when he came to the test of experience, like spurious coin when brought +to the furnace, he was shown to be a man of quite a different sort. And +this was proved by actual facts.... + ++5.+ [Demetrius] offered him five hundred talents if he would surrender +Cyprus to him, with other similar advantages and honours from himself +if he would do him this service.... + +Archias, therefore, wishing to betray Cyprus to Demetrius, and being +caught in the act and led off to stand his trial, hanged himself with +one of the ropes of the awnings in the court. For it is a true proverb +that led by their desires “the reckonings of the vain are vain.” This +man, for instance, imagining that he was going to get five hundred +talents, lost what he had already, and his life into the bargain.... + +[Sidenote: Honesty of the people of Priene (in Caria) in preserving the +money deposited by Orophernes.] + ++6.+ About this time an unexpected misfortune befell the people of +Priene. They had received a deposit of four hundred talents from +Orophernes when he got possession of the kingdom; and subsequently +when Ariarathes recovered his dominion he demanded the money of them. +But they acted like honest men, in my opinion, in declaring that they +would deliver it to no one as long as Orophernes was alive, except to +the person who deposited it with them; while Ariarathes was thought by +many to be committing a breach of equity in demanding a deposit made by +another. + +However, up to this point, one might perhaps pardon his making the +attempt, because he looked upon the money as belonging to his own +kingdom; but to push his anger and imperious determination as much +farther as he did seems utterly unjustifiable. At the period I +refer to, then, he sent troops to pillage the territory of Priene, +Attalus assisting and urging him on from the private grudge which he +entertained towards the Prienians. After losing many slaves and cattle, +some of them being slaughtered close to the city itself, the Prienians, +unable to defend themselves, first sent an embassy to the Rhodians, and +eventually appealed for protection to Rome.... + +But he would not listen to the proposal. So it came about that the +Prienians, who had great hopes from the possession of so large a sum +of money, found themselves entirely disappointed. For they repaid +Orophernes his deposit, and, thanks to this same deposit, were unjustly +exposed to severe damage at the hands of Ariarathes.... + +[Sidenote: B.C. 155. The Ligurians harass Marseilles and besiege +Antibes and Nice.] + ++7.+ This year there came ambassadors also from the people of +Marseilles, who had long been suffering from the Ligurians, and at +that time were being closely invested by them, while their cities of +Antipolis and Nicaea were also subjected to a siege. They, therefore, +sent ambassadors to Rome to represent the state of things and beg for +help. On their being admitted, the Senate decided to send legates to +see personally what was going on, and to endeavour by persuasion to +correct the injurious proceedings of the barbarians.... + + +_The peaceful mission failed, and the consul Opimius subdued the +Oxybii, a Ligurian tribe, in arms, B.C. 154. Livy_, Ep. 47. + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 154. Coss. Q. Opimius, L. Postumius Albinus. Ptolemy +Physcon charges his brother with inciting a plot against his life.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate refuses to hear the ambassadors of Ptolemy +Philometor,] + +[Sidenote: and send commissioners to restore Physcon to Cyprus.] + ++8.+ At the same time as the Senate despatched Opimius to the war with +the Oxybii, Ptolemy the younger arrived at Rome; and being admitted +to the Senate brought an accusation against his brother, laying on +him the blame of the attack against his life. He showed the scars of +his wounds, and speaking with all the bitterness which they seemed +to suggest, moved his hearers to pity him; and when Neolaidas and +Andromachus also came on behalf of the elder Ptolemy, to answer the +charges brought by his brother, the Senate refused even to listen to +their pleas, having been entirely prepossessed by the accusations of +the younger. They commanded them to leave Rome at once; while they +assigned five commissioners to the younger, headed by Gnaeus Merula and +Lucius Thermus, with a quinquereme for each commissioner, and ordered +them to restore Ptolemy (Physcon) to Cyprus; and at the same time sent +a circular to their allies in Greece and Asia, granting permission to +them to assist in the restoration of Ptolemy.... + +[Sidenote: Prusias having refused obedience to the former commission +(see _supra_, ch. 1), a new commission is sent out with peremptory +orders.] + ++9.+ When the commissioners under Hortensius and Arunculeius returned +from Pergamum, and reported Prusias’s disregard of the orders of the +Senate; and how by an act of treachery he had besieged them and Attalus +in Pergamum,[212] and had given rein to every kind of violence and +lawlessness: the Senate, enraged and offended at what had happened, +immediately appointed ten commissioners, headed by Lucius Anicius, +Gaius Fannius, and Quintus Fabius Maximus, and sent them out with +instructions to put an end to the war, and compel Prusias to indemnify +Attalus for the injuries received by him during the war.... + +[Sidenote: The Ligurians prevent the commissioners from landing, and +wound Flaminius who had already landed, and drive him to his ship.] + +[Sidenote: War ordered with the Oxybii and Deciatae, B.C. 154.] + ++10.+ On the complaint of the ambassadors of Marseilles as to their +injuries sustained at the hands of the Ligurians, the Senate at once +appointed a commission, consisting of Flaminius, Popilius Laenas, and +Lucius Pupius, who sailed with the envoys of Marseilles, and landed +in the territory of the Oxybii at the town of Aegitna. The Ligurians, +hearing that they were come to bid them raise the siege, descended upon +them as they lay at anchor, and prevented the rest from disembarking; +but finding Flaminius already disembarked and his baggage landed, they +began by ordering him to leave the country, and on his refusal they +began to plunder his baggage. His slaves and freedmen resisting this, +and trying to prevent them, they began to use violence and attacked +them with their weapons. When Flaminius came to the rescue of his men +they wounded him, and killed two of his servants, and chased the rest +down to their ship, so that Flaminius only escaped with his life by +cutting away the hawsers and anchors. He was conveyed to Marseilles and +his wound attended to with all possible care; but when the Senate was +informed of the transaction, it immediately ordered one of the consuls, +Quintus Opimius, to lead an army against the Oxybii and Deciatae.[213] + +[Sidenote: Opimius orders his soldiers to join at Placentia, and +marches into Gaul,] + +[Sidenote: takes Aegitna,] + +[Sidenote: and defeats the Oxybii and Deciatae.] + +[Sidenote: Opimius winters in Gaul, B.C. 154-153.] + ++11.+ Having collected his army at Placentia, Quintus Opimius marched +over the Apennines and arrived in the territory of the Oxybii; and, +pitching his camp on the river Apro, awaited the enemy, being informed +that they were mustering their forces and were eager to give him +battle. Meanwhile, he advanced to Aegitna, where the ambassadors had +been outraged, took the city by assault, and sold its inhabitants as +slaves, sending the ringleaders in the outrage to Rome in chains. +Having done this, he went to meet the enemy. The Oxybii, convinced that +their violence to the ambassadors admitted of no terms being granted +them, with all the courage of desperation, and excited to the highest +pitch of furious enthusiasm, did not wait to be joined by the Deciatae, +but, having collected to the number of about four thousand, rushed +to the attack upon their enemy. Quintus was somewhat dismayed at the +boldness of their attack, and at the desperate fury of the barbarians; +but was encouraged by observing that the enemy were advancing in +complete disorder, for he was an experienced soldier and a man of +great natural sagacity. He therefore drew out his men, and, after a +suitable harangue, advanced at a slow pace towards the enemy. His +charge was delivered with great vigour: he quickly repulsed the enemy, +killed a great many of them, and forced the rest into headlong flight. +Meanwhile, the Deciatae had mustered their forces, and appeared on the +ground intending to fight side by side with the Oxybii; but finding +themselves too late for the battle, they received the fugitives in +their ranks, and after a short time charged the Romans with great fury +and enthusiasm; but being worsted in the engagement, they immediately +all surrendered themselves and their city at discretion to the Romans. +Having thus become masters of these tribes, Opimius delivered over +their territory on the spot to the people of Marseilles, and for the +future forced the Ligurians to give hostages at certain fixed intervals +to the Marsilians. He then deprived the tribes that had fought with +them of their arms, and divided his army among the cities there for the +winter, and himself took up his winter quarters in the country. Thus +the war had a conclusion as rapid as its commencement.... + + +[Sidenote: The commissioners visit Attalus and Prusias early in B.C. +154.] + +[Sidenote: Prusias will not yield till too late.] + +[Sidenote: The Romans promote a combination against Prusias.] + ++12.+ All the previous winter Attalus had been busy collecting a large +army, Ariarathes and Mithridates having sent him a force of cavalry +and infantry, in accordance with the terms of their alliance with him. +While he was still engaged in these preparations the ten commissioners +arrived from Rome: who, after meeting and conferring with him at Cadi +about the business, started to visit Prusias, to whom on meeting him +they explained the orders of the Senate in terms of serious warning. +Prusias at once yielded to some of the injunctions, but refused to +submit to the greater part. The Romans grew angry, renounced his +friendship and alliance, and one and all started to return to Attalus. +Thereupon Prusias repented; followed them a certain distance with +vehement entreaties; but, failing to gain any concession, left them in +a state of great doubt and embarrassment. The Romans, on their return +to Attalus, bade him station himself with his army on his own frontier, +and not to begin the war himself, but to provide for the security of +the towns and villages in his territory: while they divided themselves, +one party sailing home with all speed to announce to the Senate the +disobedience of Prusias; another departing for Ionia; and a third to +the Hellespont and the ports about Byzantium, all with one and the same +purpose namely, to detach the inhabitants from friendship and alliance +with Prusias, and to persuade them to adhere to Attalus and assist him +to the best of their power.... + +[Sidenote: Summer of B.C. 154. Attalus’s brother Athenaeus harasses the +coast of Prusias’s kingdom.] + ++13.+ At the same time Athenaeus set sail with eighty decked ships, +of which five were quadriremes sent by the Rhodians for the Cretan +war, twenty from Cyzicus, twenty-seven Attalus’s own, and the rest +contributed by the other allies. Having sailed to the Hellespont, and +reached the cities subject to Prusias, he made frequent descents upon +the coast, and greatly harassed the country. But when the Senate heard +the report of the commissioners who had returned from Prusias, they +immediately despatched three new ones, Appius Claudius, Lucius Oppius, +and Aulus Postumius: who, on arriving in Asia, put an end to the war +by bringing the two kings to make peace, on condition of Prusias at +once handing over to Attalus twenty decked ships, and paying him five +hundred talents in twenty years, both retaining the territory which +they had at the commencement of the war. Farther, that Prusias should +make good the damage done to the inhabitants of Methymna, Aegae, Cymae, +Heracleia, by a payment of a hundred talents to those towns. The treaty +having been drawn out in writing on those terms, Attalus withdrew his +army and navy to his own country. Such are the particulars of the +events which took place in the quarrel between Attalus and Prusias.... + +[Sidenote: B. C. 153. Another fruitless embassy from Achaia.] + ++14.+ An embassy again coming to Rome from Achaia in behalf of the +detenus, the Senate voted to make no change.... + + +[Sidenote: Heracleides brings to Rome Laodice, daughter of Antiochus +Epiphanes, and his supposed son Alexander Balas.] + ++15.+Heracleides came to Rome in the middle of summer, bringing Laodice +and Alexander, and stayed there a long time, employing all the arts of +cunning and corruption to win the support of the Senate.... + + +[Sidenote: The quarrel of Rhodes and Crete.] + +Astymedes of Rhodes being appointed ambassador and navarch at the same +time, came forward immediately and addressed the Senate on the war with +Crete. The Senate listened with attention, and immediately appointed +Quintus at the head of a commission to put an end to the war.... + +[Sidenote: The Achaeans decline to help either Rhodes or Crete,] + +[Sidenote: although inclined to support Rhodes.] + ++16.+ This year the Cretans sent Antiphatas, son of Telamnestus of +Gortyn, with envoys to the Achaeans asking for help, and the Rhodians +sent Theophanes with a similar mission. The Congress of the Achaeans +was that year at Corinth: and on each body of ambassadors pleading +their respective causes, the assembled people were more inclined +towards the Rhodians, from respect to the reputation of their state, +and the general character of their policy and statesmen. When +Antiphatas saw this, he wished to come forward to make another speech; +and, having obtained permission from the Strategus to do so, he spoke +in weightier and more exalted terms than might be expected from a +Cretan; for, in fact, the young man was in no way of the ordinary +Cretan type, but had shunned the characteristic principles of his +countrymen. Accordingly the Achaeans received his plain speaking with +favour; and still more for the sake of his father Telamnestus, who had +taken a spirited part with them at the head of five hundred Cretans +in their war against Nabis. However, none the less for that, after +listening to him they were still inclined to aid the Rhodians, until +Callicrates of Leontium stood up and said that they ought not to go to +war in favour of either, or to send aid to either of the two peoples +without the consent of the Romans. This argument decided them in favour +of non-intervention.... + ++17.+ Dispirited with the course things were taking, the Rhodians +entered upon some measures and designs which were strange and +unreasonable. In fact, they were much in the same state as men +suffering from chronic diseases. It frequently happens that such men, +when, in spite of following all the rules of medicine and obeying the +prescriptions of the doctors, they are unable to make any advance +towards improvement, give up all such efforts in despair, and either +listen wholly to priests and seers, or try every sort of charm or +amulet. So it was with the Rhodians. When their hopes were baffled +in every direction, they were reduced to listen to every kind of +suggestion, and to magnify and accept every kind of chance. Nor was +this unnatural. For when nothing dictated by reason proves successful, +and yet some action or another must necessarily be pushed on, there is +no alternative but to try something which does not depend on reason. +The Rhodians, having come to this dilemma, acted accordingly; and, +among other things that were in defiance of reason, reelected as their +archon a man of whom they disapproved.... + +[Sidenote: Demetrius, son of Ariarathes VI.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 152. Visit of the young Attalus, son of the late king +Eumenes.] + ++18.+ Many different embassies having come to Rome, the Senate admitted +Attalus,[214] son of king of the young Eumenes I. For he had arrived +at Rome at this time, still quite a young boy, to be introduced to +the Senate, and to renew in his person the ancestral friendship and +connexion with the Romans. After a kindly reception by the Senate and +his father’s friends, and after receiving the answer which he desired, +and such honours as suited his time of life, he returned to his native +land, meeting with a warm and liberal reception in all the Greek cities +through which he passed on his return journey. Demetrius also came at +this time, and, after receiving a fairly good reception for a boy, +returned home. + +[Sidenote: Laodice and Alexander Balas. See ch. 15.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate’s decree in favour of Alexander and Laodice.] + +Then Heracleides entered the Senate, bringing Laodice and Alexander +with him. The youthful Alexander first addressed the Senate, and begged +the Romans “to remember their friendship and alliance with his father +Antiochus, and if possible to assist him to recover his kingdom; +or if they could not do that, at least to give him leave to return +home, and not to hinder those who wished to assist him in recovering +his ancestral crown.” Heracleides then took up the word, and, after +delivering a lengthy encomium on Antiochus, came to the same point, +namely, that they ought in justice to grant the young prince and +Laodice leave to return and claim their own, as they were the true-born +children of Antiochus. Sober-minded people were not all attracted by +any of these arguments. They understood the meaning of this theatrical +exhibition, and made no secret of their distaste for Heracleides. But +the majority had fallen under the spell of Heracleides’s cunning, and +were induced to pass the following decree: + +“Alexander and Laodice, children of a king, our friend and ally, +appeared before the Senate and stated their case; and the Senate gave +them authority to return to the kingdom of their forefathers; and help, +in accordance with their request, is hereby decreed to them.” Seizing +on this pretext, Heracleides immediately began hiring mercenaries, and +calling on some men of high position to assist him. He accordingly +went to Ephesus and devoted himself to the preparations for his +attempt.[215]... + +[Sidenote: Demetrius’s intemperance.] + ++19.+ Demetrius, who, when residing as a hostage at Rome, had fled and +become king in Syria, was a man so much addicted to drunkenness that he +spent the greater part of the day in drinking.... + ++20.+ When once the multitude feel the impulse to violent love or +hatred of any one, any pretext is good enough for indulging their +feelings.... + +However, I am afraid I may fall under the common dilemma, “Which is +the greater fool, the man who milks a he-goat, or the man who holds +a sieve to catch the milk?” For I seem to be doing something of this +sort in arguing and writing an essay on what every one acknowledges to +be false. It is, then, waste time to speak of such things, unless one +cares to write down dreams, or look at dreams with one’s eyes open.... + + + + +BOOK XXXIV + +GEOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS + + +_Polybius devoted one book of his history to a separate treatise on the +geography of the continents. Strabo, 9, 1, 1._ + + ++1.+ In their Greek histories Eudoxus gave a good, but Ephorus the +best, account of the foundations, blood connexions, migrations, and +founders of states; but I shall now give some information on the +position of countries and their distances, which are the subjects most +properly belonging to the science of Geography.... + +[Sidenote: Homer true to nature.] + ++2.+ It is not Homer’s manner to indulge in mere mythological stories +founded on no substratum of truth. For there is no surer way of giving +an air of verisimilitude to fiction than to mix with it some particles +of truth. And this is the case with the tale of the wanderings of +Odysseus.... + +For instance, Aeolus, who taught the way of getting through the +straits, where there are currents setting both ways, and the passage +is rendered difficult by the indraught of the sea, came to be called +and regarded as the dispenser and king of the winds; just as Danaus, +again, who discovered the storages of water in Argos, and Atreus, who +discovered the fact of the sun’s revolution being in the opposite +direction to that of the heaven, were called seers and priest-kings. +So the priests of the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the Magi, being +superior to the rest of the world in wisdom, obtained rule and honour +in former generations. And on this principle, too, each one of the +gods is honoured as the inventor of something useful to man. I do not +allow therefore that Aeolus is wholly mythical, nor the wanderings of +Odysseus generally. Some mythical elements have been undoubtedly added, +as they have in the War of Ilium; but the general account of Sicily +given by the poet agrees with that of other historians who have given +topographical details of Italy and Sicily. I cannot agree therefore +with the remark of Eratosthenes that “we shall discover where Odysseus +wandered, when we find the cobbler who sewed up the leather bag of the +winds.” See for instance how Homer’s description of Scylla agrees with +what really happens at the Scyllaean rock, and the taking of the sword +fish:[216] + + + “And there she fishes, roaming round the rock, + For dog-fish and for dolphins, or what else + Of huger she may take that swims the sea.” + + +For the fact is that tunnies swimming in great shoals along the Italian +coast, if they are drifted from their course and are prevented from +reaching Sicily, fall a prey to the larger fish, such as dolphins, +dog-fish, or other marine monsters; and from hunting these the +sword-fish (called also xiphiae, or sometimes sea-dogs) are fattened. +The same thing happens at a rise of the Nile, and other rivers, as in +the case of a fire or a burning forest; the animals crowd together, +and, in their effort to escape the fire or the water, fall a prey to +stronger animals. + +[Sidenote: Fishing for sword-fish.] + ++3.+ Fishing for sword-fish at the Scyllaean rock is carried on in this +way. A number of men lie in wait, two each in small two-oared boats, +and one man is set to look out for them all. In the boat one man rows, +while the other stands on the prow holding a spear. When the look-out +man signals the appearance of a sword-fish (for the animal swims with +one-third of its body above water), the boat rows up to it, and the +man with the spear strikes it at close quarters, and then pulls the +spear-shaft away leaving the harpoon in the fish’s body; for it is +barbed and loosely fastened to the shaft on purpose, and has a long +rope attached to it. They then slacken the rope for the wounded fish, +until it is wearied out with its convulsive struggles and attempts to +escape, and then they haul it on to land, or, if its size is not too +great, into the boat. And if the spear-shaft falls into the sea it is +not lost; for being made of two pieces, one oak and the other pine, the +oak end as the heavier dips under water, the other end rises above it +and is easily got hold of. But sometimes it happens that the man rowing +is wounded, right through the boat, by the immense size of the animal’s +sword; for it charges like a boar, and hunting the one is very like +hunting the other. + +This would lead us to conjecture that the wandering described by Homer +was near Sicily, because he has assigned to Scylla the kind of fishing +which is indigenous to the Scyllaean rock; and because what he says of +Charybdis correctly describes what does happen in the Straits. But the + + + “Thrice sends she up the darksome tide,” + + +[Sidenote: Island of Meninx, off the lesser Syrtis. See 1, 39.] instead +of twice “a day,” is an error to be ascribed to the copyist or the +geographer.[217] So also Meninx answers to his description of the +Lotophagi. + ++4.+ Or if there are some points which do not answer, we must lay +the blame on ignorance or poetic licence, which uses real history, +picturesque detail, and mythological allusion. The object of history +is truth, as when in the catalogue of ships the poet describes the +features of the several localities, calling one city “rocky,” another +“frontier-placed,” another “with wealth of doves,” or “hard by the +sea.” But the object of picturesque detail is vividness, as when he +introduces men fighting; and that of mythological allusion is to give +pleasure or rouse wonder. But a narrative wholly fictitious creates +no illusion and is not Homeric. For all look upon his poetry as a +philosophical work; and Eratosthenes is wrong in bidding us not judge +his poems with a view to having any serious meaning, or to seek for +history in them. + +It is better, again, to take the line[218] + + “Thence for nine days the foul winds drave us on,” + +to mean that he made but a short distance—for foul winds do not favour +a straight course—than to imagine him to have got into the open ocean +as running before favouring winds. The distance from Malea to the +Pillars is twenty-two thousand five hundred stades. If we suppose this +to have been accomplished at an even speed in the nine days, he would +make two thousand five hundred stades a day. Now, who has ever asserted +that any one made the voyage from Lycia or Rhodes to Alexandria in four +days, a distance of four thousand stades? + +To those who ask how it was that Odysseus, though he came to Sicily +three times, never once went through the straits, I answer that all +subsequent sailors avoided that passage also.... + +[Sidenote: Cadiz to the Don.] + ++5.+ In treating of the geography of Europe I shall say nothing of the +ancient geographers, but shall confine my attention to their modern +critics, Dicaearchus, Eratosthenes, who is the most recent writer on +geography, and Pytheas, who has misled many readers by professing to +have traversed on foot the whole of Britain, the coastline of which +island, he says, is more than forty thousand stades. And again by his +stories of Thule and the countries in its neighbourhood, “in which,” +he says, “there is neither unmixed land or sea or air, but a kind of +compound of all three (like the jellyfish or Pulmo Marinus), in which +earth and sea and everything else are held in suspense, and which +forms a kind of connecting link to the whole, through which one can +neither walk nor sail.” This substance, which he says is like the +Pulmo Marinus, he saw with his own eyes, the rest he learnt by report. +Such is Pytheas’s story, and he adds that, on his return thence, he +traversed the whole of the coast of Europe from Gades to the Tanais. +But we cannot believe that a private person, who was also a poor +man, should have made such immense journeys by land and sea. Even +Eratosthenes doubted this part of his story, though he believed what he +said about Britain, and Gades, and Iberia. I would much rather believe +the Messenian (Euhemerus) than him. The latter is content with saying +that he sailed to one country which he calls Panchaia;[219] while the +former asserts that he has actually seen the whole northern coast +of Europe up to the very verge of the world, which one would hardly +believe of Hermes himself if he said it. Eratosthenes calls Euhemerus +a Bergaean,[220] yet believes Pytheas, though Dicaearchus himself did +not.[221]... Eratosthenes and Dicaearchus give mere popular guesses as +to distances. + ++6.+ For instance, Dicaearchus says that the distance from the +Peloponnese to the Pillars is ten thousand stades and still further to +the head of the Adriatic; and from the Peloponnesus to the Sicilian +straits three thousand; and therefore the remainder, from the Straits +to the Pillars, is seven thousand stades. I say nothing about the +three thousand stades, whether they are right or wrong; but the seven +thousand cannot be made out, whether you measure along the coast +or straight across the sea. The coast route is a kind of obtuse +angle, contained by two lines resting on the straits and the pillars +respectively; so that we have a triangle, of which the apex is Narbo, +and the base the straight line representing the course by the open +sea; of the two sides of the triangle which contain the obtuse angle, +that which extends from the straits to Narbo is more than eleven +thousand two hundred stades, the other from Narbo to the Pillars is +a little under eight thousand. The longest distance from Europe to +Libya across the Tuscan sea is allowed to be not more than three +thousand stades, that by the Sardinian sea is somewhat less; but let +us call it three thousand stades. Now suppose a perpendicular let down +through the gulf of Narbo to the base of the triangle, that is to the +straight sea-course, measuring two thousand stades; it requires only a +schoolboy’s geometry to prove that the coasting voyage is longer than +the direct sea voyage by nearly five hundred stades.[222] And when the +three thousand stades from the Peloponnese to the straits are added, +the whole number of the stades even of the straight sea course will +be more than double Dicaearchus’s reckoning. And if we measure to the +head of the Adriatic we must add still more by his own admission; that +is to say, from the Peloponnese to Leucas is seven hundred stades, +from Leucas to Corcyra seven hundred, from Corcyra to Ceraunia seven +hundred, and from Ceraunia along the Illyrian coast six thousand one +hundred and fifty.[223] + +In talking such nonsense he might well be regarded as having gone +beyond even Antiphanes of Berga, and, in fact, to have left no folly +for his successors to commit.... + ++7.+ From Ithaca to Corcyra is more than nine hundred stades; from +Epidamnus to Thessalonica more than two thousand. From Marseilles to +the Pillars is more than nine thousand; from the Pyrenees, rather +less than eight thousand.... The Pagus from source to mouth is eight +thousand, not following its windings, but taking a direct line.... +Eratosthenes is quite ignorant of the geography of Iberia, and +sometimes makes statements about it entirely contradictory. He says, +for instance, that its western coast as far as Gades is inhabited by +Gauls, since the whole western side of Europe, as far south as Gades, +is occupied by that people: and then, quite forgetting he has said +this, when taking a survey of the whole of Spain, he nowhere mentions +the Gauls.... The length of Europe is less than that of Libya and Asia +put together by the distance between the sunrise in summer and at the +point of the equinox; for the source of the Tanais is at the former, +and the Pillars are at the western equinox, and between them lies +Europe, while Asia occupies the northern semicircle between the Tanais +and equinoctial sunrise.... + +[Sidenote: Polybius’s fivefold division of the European peninsulas, as +opposed to the threefold division of Eratosthenes.] + +Southern Europe is divided into five peninsulas—Iberia; Italy; a third +ending in the Capes Malea and Sunium, in which are included Greece and +Illyria, and a part of Thrace; a fourth called the Thracian Chersonese, +bounded by the strait between Sestos and Abydos; and a fifth along the +Cimmerian Bosphorus and the entrance to the Maeotis.... + ++8.+ In the sea off Lusitania acorn-bearing oaks grow, upon which the +tunnies feed and fatten themselves, which may, therefore, well be +called sea-hogs, as they feed like hogs on acorns.... + +These acorns are sometimes carried by the tide as far as the coast of +Latium, unless they may be thought to be the produce of Sardinia or +neighbouring islands.... + +In Lusitania both animals and man are extraordinarily productive, owing +to the excellent temperature of the air; the fruits never wither; there +is not more than three months in the year in which roses, white violets +(or gilly-flowers), and asparagus do not grow; while the fish caught in +its sea is far superior to what is found in our waters for quantity, +quality, and beauty. There, too, a Sicilian medimnus of barley is sold +for a drachma, and one of wheat for nine Alexandrine obols. A metreta +of wine costs a drachma, and a good kid or hare an obol, and a lamb +from three to four obols; a fat pig weighing a hundred minae costs five +drachmae, and a sheep two. A talent of figs is sold for three obols, a +calf for five drachmae, a draught-ox for ten. The flesh of wild animals +is not thought worth fixing a price upon at all, but the people give it +to each other for nothing and as a present.[224]... + +[Sidenote: Tribes in Baetica.] + ++9.+ The Turduli live on the immediate north of the Turdetani.... + +The fertility of their country has had a civilising influence on the +Turditani and on their Celtic kinsfolk, and taught them the art of +social life.... + +The Pillars are at either side of the straits.... + +[Sidenote: A tidal spring at Gades.] + +There is a fountain in the Heracleum at Gades, the water of which is +sweet and is reached by steps. This fountain has a tide which rises and +falls exactly in the reverse order of the sea tide. When it is high +tide at sea it is low tide in the fountain, and high in the fountain +when it is low at sea. The explanation of this is that the wind, which +rises from the bowels of the earth to the surface, is prevented from +finding its natural egress when the earth is covered with water at +the rise of the tide, and being thus turned back into the interior of +the earth, it stops up the underground channels of the fountain and +produces a deficiency of water; but when the earth is again uncovered, +the wind having once more found an easy egress, sets the veins of the +fountain free again, and the water spurts up freely.... + +[Sidenote: The process of producing silver in the mines near New +Carthage.] + +There are very large silver mines about twenty stades from New +Carthage, extending to a circuit of four hundred stades, in which forty +thousand men are continually employed, who produce for the benefit of +the Roman people twenty-five thousand drachmae a day. It would take too +long to describe the whole process of working them, but I may mention +that the alluvial soil containing the silver ore is first broken up, +and sifted in sieves held in water; that then the deposit is again +broken, and being again filtered with running water, is broken a third +time. This is done five times; the fifth deposit is smelted, and, the +lead having been run off, pure silver remains.... + +[Sidenote: The Guadiana and Guadalquivir.] + +The Anas and Baetis both flow from Celtiberia, their streams being +about nine hundred stades apart.... + +Among other cities of the Vaccaei and Celtiberians are Segesama and +Intercatia.... + +[Sidenote: Homer, _Odyss._ 8, 248.] + +One of the Iberian kings had such a magnificent and richly furnished +palace, that he rivalled the luxury of the Phaeacians, except that the +vessels standing in the interior of the house, though made of gold and +silver, were full of barley-wine.... + +[Sidenote: River Aude. The Tech and the Ruscino or Tet.] + +[Sidenote: A mistake of Timaeus as to the Rhone.] + ++10.+ From the Pyrenees to the river Narbo the country is flat; and +through it flow the Illeberis and Ruscinus, past some cities of the +same name inhabited by Celts. In this plain there are found what are +called underground fish. The soil is light, and produces a quantity of +grass called _agrostis_; and below this soil the earth is sandy for a +depth of two or three cubits, through which the overflow of the river +percolates; and with this water, as it makes its way, the fish also get +below the soil to feed, for they are exceedingly fond of the root of +the _agrostis_, and have thus made the whole plain full of subterranean +fish, which people dig up and take.... + +The Rhone has not five, but two mouths.... + +[Sidenote: The Loire between Poitou and Nantes. Coiron.] + +[Sidenote: Britain is quite unknown to the southern Gauls.] + +The Liger discharges itself between the Pictŏnes and Namnitae. There +was in ancient times an emporium on this river called Corbilo, but +none of its inhabitants, nor those of Massalia or Narbo, could give +Scipio[225] any information worth mentioning on the subject of Britain +when questioned by him, though they were the most important cities in +that part of the country; and yet Pytheas has ventured on all those +stories about it.... + +[Sidenote: The Elk.] + +An animal is produced on the Alps of a peculiar form; its shape is that +of a stag except its neck and coat, which resemble that of a he-goat. +Beneath its chin it has an excrescence about a span long, hairy at the +end, about as thick as a colt’s tail.... + +[Sidenote: A gold mine near Aquileia.] + +Near Aquileia, in the territory of the Noric Taurisci, in my own time +a gold mine was discovered, so easy to work, that by scraping away the +surface soil for two feet, gold could be found immediately. The seam +of gold was not more than fifteen feet; some of it was found unmixed +with alloy in nuggets of the size of a bean or lupine, only an eighth +of it disappearing in the furnace; and some wanted more elaborate +smelting, but would still pay thoroughly well. Accordingly, on the +Italians joining the barbarians in working this mine, in two months the +price of gold went down a third throughout Italy: and when the Taurisci +found out that, they expelled their Italian fellow-workers and kept the +monopoly themselves.... + +[Sidenote: The four passes of the Alps,—the Cornice, Argentière, +Genèvre (Val d’Aosta), Cenis.] + +[Sidenote: Lago Maggiore.] + +[Sidenote: Lago di Garda, Lago di Como.] + +If we compare the mountains in Greece—Taygetus, Lycaeus, Parnassus, +Olympus, Pelion, Ossa, and those in Thrace—Haemus, Rhodope, Dunax, +with the Alps, we may state the case thus. Each one of the former may +be ascended or skirted by an active traveller in a single day; but no +one could ascend the Alps even in five days, the distance from the +plain being two thousand two hundred stades. There are but four passes, +one through Liguria, nearest the Tyrrhenian Sea; the next through the +Taurini, which was the one used by Hannibal; the third through the +Salassi; and the last by the Rhaeti,[226] all of them excessively +precipitous. There are several lakes in the mountains, three of great +size, the Benacus, five hundred by one hundred and thirty stades, out +of which the Mincius flows; the Larius, four hundred stades long, and +somewhat narrower than the Benacus, discharging the Addua; and thirdly, +the Verbanus, about three hundred stades by thirty, from which comes +a considerable river—the Ticinus. All these three rivers discharge +themselves into the Padus.... + +[Sidenote: Capuan wine.] + ++11.+ There is an excellent wine made at Capua called _Anadendrites_, +or the “wine of the climbing vine,” with which no other can compare.... + +The length of the coast from Iapygia to the straits is three thousand +stades by land, and it is washed by the Sicilian sea. Sailing, however, +the distance is less than five hundred stades.... + +The largest distance of the Etrurian coast is from Luna to Ostia, a +distance of one thousand three hundred and thirty stades.[227]... + +The island Lemnos is called Aethaleia.... + +[Sidenote: The Bay of Naples.] + +The bay between the two promontories of Misenum and Minerva is called +the Crater (the Bowl). Above this coast lies the whole of Campania, the +most fertile plain in the country. Round the Bowl live the Opici and +the Ausones.... + +[Sidenote: Eastern coast-road from S. to N. of Italy.] + +The north road from Iapygia has been marked out with miles, five +hundred and sixty to Sena, and one hundred and seventy thence to +Aquileia.... + +[Sidenote: The Lacinian promontory.] + +Then comes Lacinium ... from the straits to this place is a distance +of one thousand three hundred stades, and thence to the Iapygian +promontory seven hundred.... + +[Sidenote: The craters in the volcanic Holy Island one of the Lipari +group.] + +Of the three craters one has partly fallen in, the other two remain +perfect. The largest has a circular orifice with a circumference of +five stades, but it gradually contracts to a diameter of fifty feet; +it runs right down to the sea for a stade, so that the sea is visible +in clear weather. When a south wind is about to blow, a thick mist +envelopes the little island, so that even Sicily is invisible from it: +but if there is going to be a north wind, bright flames rise from the +crater and shoot up high, and louder rumblings are emitted; but a west +wind causes a medium display of both. The other two craters are of the +same shape, but their eruptions are less violent. From the difference +in the sound of the rumbling, and by observing from what point the +eruptions and flames and smoke begin, the wind which is to blow on the +third day from that time can be foretold. At least, some men in the +Lipari Islands when weather-bound have foretold what wind was coming +and have not been deceived. Therefore, it appears that Homer did not +speak without meaning, but was stating a truth allegorically when he +called Aeolus[228] “steward of the winds.”... + +[Sidenote: The _Via Egnatia_.] + +[Sidenote: Thessalonica half-way to the Hebrus from Apollonia.] + ++12.+ The road from Apollonia to Macedonia is called the _Via Egnatia_, +which has been measured in miles and marked out with milestones as +far as Cypselus and the River Hebrus, a distance of five hundred +and thirty-five miles. Reckoning eight and one-third stades to a +mile, the number of stades will be four thousand four hundred and +fifty-eight.[229] The distance is exactly the same whether you start +from Apollonia or Epidamnus. The whole road is called the Egnatia, but +its first part has got a name from Candavia, a mountain of Illyria, +and leads through the town of Lycnidus, and through Pylon, which is +the point on the road where Illyria and Macedonia join. Thence it +leads over Mount Barnūs, through Heracleia, Lyncestia, and Eordea, to +Edessa and Pella, and finally to Thessalonica; and the number of miles +is altogether two hundred and sixty-seven.... And the whole distance +from the Ionian Gulf at Apollonia to Byzantium is seven thousand five +hundred stades.... + +[Sidenote: The Peloponnesus.] + +The circumference of the Peloponnesus, if you do not follow the +indentations, is four thousand stades.... + +[Sidenote: From C. Malea to the Danube.] + +The distance from Cape Malea to the Ister is ten thousand +stades.[230]... + ++13.+ On matters concerning the country between the Euphrates and +India, Eratosthenes is a better authority than Artemidorus.... + +[Sidenote: State of Alexandria.] + ++14.+ A personal visit to Alexandria filled me with disgust at the +state of the city. It is inhabited by three distinct races,—native +Egyptians, an acute and civilised race; secondly, mercenary soldiers +(for the custom of hiring and supporting men-at-arms is an ancient +one), who have learnt to rule rather than obey owing to the feeble +character of the kings; and a third class, consisting of native +Alexandrians, who have never from the same cause become properly +accustomed to civil life, but who are yet better than the second class; +for though they are now a mongrel race, yet they were originally Greek, +and have retained some recollection of Greek principles. But this +last class has become almost extinct, thanks to Euergetes Physcon, in +whose reign I visited Alexandria; for that king being troubled with +seditions, frequently exposed the common people to the fury of the +soldiery and caused their destruction. So that in this state of the +city the poet’s words only expressed the truth—[231] + + + “To Egypt ’tis a long and toilsome road.” + + + + +BOOK XXXV + + + Spain, the eastern and southern parts of which were, since the 2d + Punic war, governed by the Romans under a kind of military + occupation without being reduced to the form of regular + provinces, was always in a disturbed state, partly from sudden + uprisings of various tribes against the Roman authority, and + partly from numerous bodies of banditti, who seized strongholds + or fortified towns and carried on their depredations from these + centres. Hence it had been the policy of the Roman praetors and + consuls to insist on the demolition of fortresses and city walls, + as we learn from the accounts of Cato in B.C. 195 and others. In + B.C. 177 Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus had inflicted a severe + defeat upon the Celtiberians, and had made a settlement of the + country, which for a few years produced comparative quiet and + content. But in B.C. 154 an outbreak of the Lusitani led to a + considerable disaster to the Roman army under Lucius Mummius; and + when the consul Q. Fulvius Nobilior arrived in B.C. 153, he found + that the war had accordingly spread to the Celtiberian tribes, + the Belli and Titthi, who attempted to build the walls of Segeda. + On Nobilior ordering them to desist, in accordance with Gracchan + settlement, most of them obeyed after some resistance, but some + of them fled to the Arevacae (near the sources of the Douro and + Tagus); and this powerful tribe, after defeating the Roman army, + entrenched themselves in Numantia, under the walls of which + Nobilior sustained further losses. He was superseded in B.C. 152 + by Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who, partly by strategy, and partly + by administrative skill and conciliation, restored the Roman + fortunes to a better position. The Belli and Titthi became allies + of Rome, and the Arevacae at least thought it worth while to ask + for a truce to enable them to send envoys to Rome to arrange + peace.—Appian, _Hispan._ 44-50. + +[Sidenote: B.C. 153-151. The war with the Celtiberian Arevacae +conducted by Q. Fulvius Nobilior and M. Claudius Marcellus.] + ++1.+ The war between the Romans and Celtiberians was called the “fiery +war;” for it was of a peculiarly fierce kind and remarkable for the +frequency of its battles. The wars in Greece and Asia were as a rule +settled by one battle, or in rare cases by two; and the battles +themselves were decided by the result of the first charge and shock of +the two armies. But in this war things were quite different. As a rule +the battles were only stopped by the fall of night; the men neither +lost heart nor would yield to bodily fatigue; but returned again and +again with fresh resolution to renew the combat. The whole war, and its +series of pitched battles, was at length interrupted for a time by the +winter. One therefore could hardly conceive a war more nearly answering +to our notion of a “fiery war” than this.... + +[Sidenote: M. Claudius Marcellus winters at Cordova. B.C. 152-151.] + +[Sidenote: The envoys from Spain.] + +[Sidenote: demand the settlement of Tiberius Gracchus, B.C. 177.] + +[Sidenote: The Arevacae] + +[Sidenote: Speech of the Belli and Titthi.] + ++2.+ The Celtiberians, after making a truce with the consul M. Claudius +Marcellus, had sent ambassadors to Rome who remained there quietly +waiting for the answer of the Senate. Meanwhile M. Claudius went on +an expedition against the Lusitani, took Nercobrica by assault, and +then went into winter quarters at Corduba. Of the ambassadors who +came to Rome the Senate admitted those from the Belli and Titthi, who +were on the side of Rome, to enter the city; but ordered those from +the Arevacae to lodge on the other side of the Tiber, as being at war +with Rome, until such time as the Senate should have decided the whole +question. When the time for the interview was come,[232] the praetor +introduced the envoys from their allies first. Barbarians as they were, +they made a set speech, and endeavoured to explain clearly the causes +of all the dissension prevailing in their country: pointing out that +“Unless those who had broken out into war were reduced to tranquillity +and punished as they deserved, the very moment the Roman legions left +Iberia, they would inflict punishment upon the Belli and Titthi as +traitors; and that if they escaped unpunished for their first act +of hostility, they would make all the tribes in Iberia ripe for an +outbreak from the belief that they were capable of coping with Rome.” +They begged, therefore, that the legions should remain in Iberia, and +that each year a consul should come thither[233] to protect the allies +of Rome and punish the depredations of the Arevacae; or, if they wished +to withdraw the legions, they should first take signal vengeance for +the outbreak of this tribe, that no one might venture to do the like +again.” Such, or to this effect, was the speech of the envoys of the +Belli and Titthi who were in alliance with Rome. The envoys of the +hostile tribe were then introduced. On coming forward the Arevacae +assumed a feigned tone of submission and humility in the language of +their answer, without being, as was evident, at all yielding in their +hearts or acknowledging themselves beaten. On the contrary, they +continually hinted at the uncertainty of fortune; and speaking of the +battles that had taken place as undecided, they conveyed the impression +that they had had the best of the contest in them all. The upshot of +their speech was this: “If they must submit to some definite mulct for +their error, they were ready to do so: but, when that was completed, +they demanded that things should revert to the position fixed by their +treaty made with the Senate in the time of Tiberius Gracchus.” + +[Sidenote: The Senate refer both the deputations to Marcellus,] + +[Sidenote: but secretly determine to go on with the war and to +supersede Marcellus.] + +[Sidenote: B.C. 151. Coss. Lucius Licinius Lucullus, Aulus Postumius +Albinus.] + ++3.+ The Senators having thus heard both sides called in the legates +from Marcellus; and when they saw that they also were inclined to a +pacification, and that Marcellus was more inclined to favour the enemy +than the allied tribes, they answered the Arevacae that Marcellus +would declare in Iberia to both parties the decision of the Senate. +However, they were convinced in their own minds that their true +interests were such as the envoys of the allied tribes suggested, and +that the Arevacae were still inclined to haughty independence, and that +their own commander was afraid of them: they therefore gave secret +instructions to the legates of Marcellus to carry on the war with +spirit, and as the honour of the country demanded. But when they had +thus determined on a continuance of the war, feeling no confidence in +Marcellus, they determined first of all to send a commander to relieve +him in Iberia, as the new consuls Aulus Postumius and Lucius Licinius +Lucullus had just taken up their office. They then entered with spirit +and vigour on their preparations, because they believed that the +Iberian question would be decided by the result of this campaign: if +these enemies were beaten, they assumed that all others would accept +the orders of Rome; but that, if the Arevacae proved able to ward off +the punishment that threatened them, not only would their spirits be +again raised, but those of all the other Iberian tribes besides. + +[Sidenote: The terror of the Celtiberians at Rome made men use every +pretext for avoiding service in the army.] + +[Sidenote: Scipio volunteers to act as legatus or tribune.] + +[Sidenote: This offer shames others into doing the same.] + ++4.+ The more determined however the Senate was to carry on the war, +the greater became their embarrassment. For the report brought to +Rome by Q. Fulvius Nobilior, the commander in Iberia in the previous +year (B.C. 153), and those who had served under him, of the perpetual +recurrence of the pitched battles, the number of the fallen, and the +valour of the Celtiberians, combined with the notorious fact that +Marcellus shrank in terror from the war, caused such a panic in the +minds of the new levies as the old men declared had never happened +before. To such an extent did the panic go, that sufficient men were +not found to come forward for the office of military tribune, and these +posts were consequently not entirely filled up; whereas heretofore a +larger number than were wanted had been wont to volunteer for the duty: +nor would the men nominated by the Consuls as _legati_ to accompany the +commanders consent to serve; and, worst of all, the young men tried +to avoid the levies, and put forward such excuses as were disgraceful +for them to allege, and beneath the investigation of the Consuls, and +yet impossible to refute. But at length, in this embarrassment of the +Senate and magistrates, when they were wondering what was to be the +end of this shameless conduct of the young men, for they could call it +nothing else, Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, who, though still a +young man, had been one of those to advise the war, and who, though he +had already acquired a reputation for high principle and pure morality, +had not been known for his personal courage, seeing the Senate was +in a difficulty, stood up and bade them send him to Iberia, either +as military tribune or legatus, for he was ready to serve in either +capacity. “Though, as far as I am concerned,” he said, “my mission to +Macedonia would be safer and more appropriate”—for it happened that at +that time Scipio was personally and by name invited by the Macedonians +to come and settle the disputes which were raging among them—“yet +the needs of my own country are the more pressing of the two, and +imperatively summon to Iberia all who have a genuine love of honour.” +This offer was unexpected by all, both from the youth of Scipio and his +general character for caution, and consequently he became exceedingly +popular on the spot, and still more so on subsequent days. For those +who had before shrunk from the danger of the service, now, from +dislike of the sorry figure they made in comparison with him, began +volunteering to serve. Some offered to go as _legati_ to the generals, +and others in groups and clubs entered their names on the muster +rolls.... + + +_Lucius Lucinius Lucullus, consul for B.C. 151, is sent to Spain, +Scipio Aemilianus acting as his legatus. They found that the Arevacae +had already submitted to Marcellus; but being in want of money Lucullus +was determined not to be deprived of a campaign. He therefore attacked +the next tribe, the Vaccaei, who lived on the other side of the Tagus, +nominally on the pretext of their having injured the Carpetani. The war +which followed was marked by signal acts of cruelty and treachery on +the part of Lucullus, as on that of the praetor Servius Sulpicius Galba +among the Lusitani. Appian,_ Hisp. 49-55. + + +[Sidenote: Incidents in Scipio’s Spanish campaign.] + ++5.+ In Scipio’s mind there rose a contest of feelings, and a +hesitation as to whether he ought to meet the barbarian and fight him +in single combat.[234]... + +Scipio’s horse was much distressed by the blow, but did not come down +entirely, and accordingly Scipio managed to light on his feet.... + +[Sidenote: Restoration of the Achaean detenus, B.C. 151.] + ++6.+ Cato was consulted by Scipio, at the request of Polybius, on +behalf of the Achaeans; and when the debate in the Senate, between +the party who wished to grant it and the party that opposed it, was +protracted to a considerable length, Cato stood up and said: “As +though we had nothing else to do, we sit here the whole day debating +whether some old Greek dotards should be buried by Italian or Achaean +undertakers!” Their restoration being voted, Polybius and his friends, +after a few days’ interval, were for appearing before the Senate again, +with a petition that the exiles should enjoy the same honours in Achaia +as they had before. Cato, however, remarked with a smile that Polybius, +like another Odysseus, wanted to go a second time into the cave of the +Cyclops, because he had forgotten his cap and belt.... + + + + +BOOK XXXVI + +THE THIRD PUNIC WAR + + +[Sidenote: The dramatic representation of debates though convenient is +not history.] + ++1.+ It may occur to some to ask why I have not given a dramatic turn +to my narrative, now that I have so striking a theme and a subject of +such importance, by recording the actual speeches delivered; a thing +which the majority of historians have done, by giving the appropriate +arguments used on either side. That I do not reject this method +altogether I have shown in several parts of my work, in which I have +recorded popular harangues and expositions delivered by statesmen; but +that I am not inclined to employ it on every occasion alike will now be +made clear; for it would not be easy to find a subject more remarkable +than this, nor material more ample for instituting a comparison of +such a character. Nor indeed could any form of composition be more +convenient to me. Still, as I do not think it becoming in statesmen +to be ready with argument and exposition on every subject of debate +without distinction, but rather to adapt their speeches to the nature +of the particular occasion, so neither do I think it right for +historians to practise their skill or show off their ability upon their +readers: they ought on the contrary to devote their whole energies to +discover and record what was really and truly said, and even of such +words only those that are the most opportune and essential.... + +[Sidenote: The Romans were careful to have a fair pretext for war.] + +[Sidenote: 32, 20.] + ++2.+ This idea having been firmly fixed in the minds of all, they +looked out for a suitable opportunity and a decent pretext to justify +them in the eyes of the world. For indeed the Romans were quite rightly +very careful on this point. For instance, the general impression that +they were justified in entering upon the war with Demetrius enhances +the value of their victories, and diminishes the risks incurred by +their defeats; but if the pretext for doing so is lame and poor the +contrary effects are produced. Accordingly, as they differed as to the +sentiments of the outer world on the subject, they were very nearly +abandoning the war.... + + +_The policy of Rome in Africa of constantly supporting Massanissa +against Carthage was mentioned in 32, 2. Frequent complaints came to +Rome from the Numidian king, and the Carthaginians were said to be +collecting an army contrary to treaty. Commissioners were sent over in +154 B.C. on the advice of Cato, who were roughly treated at Carthage; +and when, in B.C. 151, Massanissa sent his son Gulussa with similar +complaints to Rome, Cato urged immediate war. The Senate, however, +again sent commissioners, among whom was Cato himself, to examine +into the matter. They reported that the Carthaginians had an army and +navy. An ultimatum was therefore sent, that the army and navy were to +be broken up within the year, or that the next consuls should bring +the question of war before the Senate (B.C. 150). Just at this crisis +Utica, in enmity with Carthage, placed itself under the protection of +Rome. Livy_, Ep. 48; _Appian_, Pun. 75. + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 149. Utica puts itself under the protection of Rome.] + +[Sidenote: Carthaginian plenipotentiaries at Rome.] + ++3.+ When the Carthaginians had been some time deliberating how they +should meet the message from Rome they were reduced to a state of the +utmost embarrassment by the people of Utica anticipating their design +by putting themselves under the protection of Rome. This seemed their +only hope of safety left: and they imagined that such a step must +win them favour at Rome: for to submit to put themselves and their +country under control was a thing which they had never done even in +their darkest hour of danger and defeat, with the enemy at their very +walls. And now they had lost all the fruit of this resolve by being +anticipated by the people of Utica; for it would appear nothing novel +or strange to the Romans if they only did the same as that people. +Accordingly, with a choice of two evils only left, to accept war +with courage or to surrender their independence, after a long and +anxious discussion held secretly in the Senate-house, they appointed +two ambassadors with plenary powers, and instructed them, that, in +view of the existing state of things, they should do what seemed for +the advantage of their country. The names of these envoys were Gisco +Strytanus, Hamilcar, Misdes, Gillimas, and Mago. When they reached Rome +from Carthage, they found war already decreed and the generals actually +started with their forces. Circumstances, therefore, no longer giving +them any power of deliberating, they offered an unconditional surrender. + +[Sidenote: What is implied by their surrender. See 20, 9-10.] + +[Sidenote: The Senate regrant their liberty and territory to the +Carthaginians,] + +[Sidenote: but on condition of giving 300 hostages, and obeying certain +orders not yet expressed.] + ++4.+ I have spoken before about what this implies, but I must in this +place also briefly remind my readers of its import. Those who thus +surrender themselves to the Roman authority, surrender all territory +and the cities in it, together with all men and women in all such +territory or cities, likewise rivers, harbours, temples, and tombs, so +that the Romans should become actual lords of all these, and those who +surrender should remain lords of nothing whatever. On the Carthaginians +making a surrender to this effect, they were summoned into the +Senate-house and the Praetor delivered the Senate’s decision, which was +to this effect: “They had been well advised, and therefore the Senate +granted them freedom and the enjoyment of their laws; and moreover, all +their territory and the possession of their other property, public or +private.” The Carthaginian envoys were much relieved when they heard +this; thinking that, where the alternatives were both miserable, the +Senate had treated them well in conceding their most necessary and +important requirements. But presently the Praetor went on to state +that they would enjoy these concessions on condition of sending three +hundred hostages to Lilybaeum within thirty days, sons of members of +the Hundred[235] or the Senate, and obeying such commands as should be +imposed on them by the consuls. This dashed their satisfaction for a +time, because they had no means of knowing what orders were to be given +them through the consuls; however, they started at once, being anxious +to report what had occurred to their countrymen with all speed. When +they arrived in Carthage and stated the facts, the citizens considered +that the envoys had in all respects acted with proper caution; but they +were greatly alarmed and distressed by the fact that in the answer no +mention was made of the city itself. + +[Sidenote: Speech of Mago Brettius.] + +[Sidenote: The hostages are sent to Lilybaeum.] + ++5.+ At this juncture they say that Mago Brettius delivered a manly and +statesmanlike speech. He said: “The Carthaginians had two opportunities +of taking counsel in regard to themselves and their country, one +of which they had let pass; for in good truth it was no use now to +question what was going to be enjoined on them by the consuls, and why +it was that the Senate had made no mention of the city: they should +have done that when they made the surrender. Having once made that, +they must clearly make up their mind to the necessity of submitting +to every possible injunction, unless it should prove to be something +unbearably oppressive or beyond what they could possibly expect. If +they would not do this, they must now consider whether they preferred +to stand an invasion and all its possible consequences, or, in terror +of the attack of the enemy, accept without resistance every order +they might impose upon them.” But as the imminence of war and the +uncertainty of the future made every one inclined to submit to these +injunctions, it was decided to send the hostages to Lilybaeum. Three +hundred young men were forthwith selected and sent to Lilybaeum amidst +loud expressions of sorrow and tears, each of them being escorted +by his nearest friends and relations, the whole scene being made +especially moving by the lamentations of the women. On landing at +Lilybaeum the hostages were at once handed over by the consuls to +Quintus Fabius Maximus, who had been appointed to the command in Sicily +at that time. By him they were safely conveyed to Rome and confined in +the dockyard of the six-benched ships. + +[Sidenote: The Consuls, L. Marcius Censorinus, M’. Manilius, land in +Africa. B.C. 149.] + +[Sidenote: They demand the total disarming of the Carthaginians.] + ++6.+ The hostages being thus disposed of, the consuls brought their +fleet to the citadel of Utica. When news of this reached Carthage, +the city was in the utmost excitement and panic, not knowing what to +expect next. However, it was decided to send envoys to ask the consuls +what they were to do, and to state that they were all prepared to obey +orders. The envoys arrived at the Roman camp: the general’s council +was summoned: and they delivered their commission. The senior Consul +thereupon, after complimenting them on their policy and readiness to +obey, bade them hand over all arms and missiles in their possession +without subterfuge or concealment. The envoys answered that they would +carry out the directions, but begged the Consul to consider what would +happen if the Carthaginians surrendered all their arms, and the Romans +took them and sailed away from the country. However, they gave them +up.... + +It was clearly shown that the resources of the city were enormous, for +they surrendered to the Romans more than two hundred thousand stands of +arms and two thousand catapults.... + + +_This was followed by a second injunction of the consuls that the whole +people of Carthage should remove to some other spot, to be not less +than ten miles from the sea, and there build a new city. Livy_, Ep. 49. + + +[Sidenote: Return of the envoys with the last orders from the Consuls.] + ++7.+ The people had no idea what the announcement was going to be, but +suspecting it from the expression of the envoys’ countenances, they +immediately burst into a storm of cries and lamentations.... + +[Sidenote: The popular fury.] + +Then all the Senators,[236] uttering a cry of horror, remained as +though paralysed by the shock. But the report having quickly spread +among the people, the general indignation at once found expression. +Some made an attack on the envoys, as the guilty authors of their +misfortunes, while others wreaked their wrath upon all Italians caught +within the city, and others rushed to the town gates.... + + +_The Carthaginians determine to resist, and the consuls, who had not +hurried themselves, because they believed that resistance from an +unarmed populace was impossible, found, when they approached Carthage, +that it was prepared to offer a vigorous resistance. The scene which +followed the announcement of the Consul’s orders, and the incidents of +the siege, are chiefly known to us from Appian_, Pun. 91 sq. _Livy_, +Ep. 49. _Scipio was serving as military Tribune, B.C. 149-148; consul, +B.C. 147._ + + +[Sidenote: Hamilcar Phameas, the commander of the Punic cavalry. +Appian, _Pun._ 100.] + ++8.+ Hamilcar Phameas[237] was the general of the Carthaginians, a man +in the very prime of life and of great physical strength. What is of +the utmost importance too for service in the field, he was an excellent +and bold horseman.... + +When he saw the advanced guard, Phameas, though not at all deficient +in courage, avoided coming to close quarters with Scipio: and on one +occasion when he had come near his reserves, he got behind the cover of +the brow of a hill and halted there a considerable time.... + +The Roman maniples fled to the top of a hill; and when all had given +their opinions, Scipio said, “When men are consulting what measures to +take at first, their object should be to avoid disaster rather than to +inflict it.”[238]... + +[Sidenote: Polybius’s personal knowledge of Scipio.] + +It ought not to excite surprise that I am more minute than usual in my +account of Scipio and that I give in detail everything which he said.... + +When Marcius Porcius Cato heard in Rome of the glorious achievements +of Scipio he uttered a palinode to his criticisms of him: “What have +you heard? He alone has the breath of wisdom in him: the rest are but +flitting phantoms.”[239] + + + + +BOOK XXXVII + + +[Sidenote: The various views held in Greece as to the Roman policy.] + ++1.+ There was a great deal of talk of all sorts in Greece, first as +to the Carthaginians when the Romans conquered them, and subsequently +as to the question of the pseudo-Philip. The opinions expressed +in regard to the Carthaginians were widely divided, and indicated +entirely opposite views. Some commended the Romans for their wise +and statesmanlike policy in regard to that kingdom. For the removal +of a perpetual menace, and the utter destruction of a city which had +disputed the supremacy with them, and could even then if it got an +opportunity have still been disputing it,—thus securing the supremacy +for their own country,—were the actions of sensible and far-sighted +men. Others contradicted this, and asserted that the Romans had no +such policy in view when they obtained their supremacy; and that +they had gradually and insensibly become perverted to the same +ambition for power, which had once characterised the Athenians and +Lacedaemonians; and though they had advanced more slowly than these +last, that they would from all appearances yet arrive at the same +consummation. For in old times they had only carried on war until +their opponents were beaten, and induced to acknowledge the obligation +of obedience and acceptance of their orders; but that nowadays they +had given a foretaste of their policy by their conduct to Perseus, +in utterly destroying the Macedonian dynasty root and branch, and +had given the finishing stroke to that policy by the course adopted +in regard to the Carthaginians; for though this latter people had +committed no act of irretrievable outrage, they had taken measures +of irretrievable severity against them, in spite of their offering +to accept any terms, and submitting to any injunctions that might be +placed upon them. Others again said that the Romans were generally a +truly civilised people; and that they had this peculiarity, on which +they prided themselves, that they conducted their wars openly and +generously, not employing night surprises or ambuscades, but scorning +every advantage to be gained by stratagem and deceit, and regarding +open and face-to-face combats as alone becoming to their character: +but that in the present instance their whole campaign against the +Carthaginians had been conducted by means of stratagem and deceit. +Little by little,—by holding out inducements here, and practising +concealment there,—they had deprived them of all hopes of assistance +from their allies. This was a line of conduct more appropriate by +rights to the intriguing chicanery of a monarchy, than to a republican +and Roman policy. Again, there were some who took the opposite line +to these. They said that if it were really true that, before the +Carthaginians had made the surrender, the Romans had behaved as +alleged, holding out inducements here, and making half revelations +there, they would be justly liable to such charges; but if, on the +contrary, it was only after the Carthaginians had themselves made the +surrender,—acknowledging the right of the Romans to take what measures +they chose concerning them,—that the latter in the exercise of their +undoubted right had imposed and enjoined what they determined upon, +then this action must cease to be looked on as partaking of the nature +of impiety or treachery. And some denied that it was an impiety at all: +for there were three ways in which such a thing could be defined, none +of which applied to the conduct of the Romans. An impiety was something +done against the gods, or one’s parents, or the dead; treachery +was something done in violation of oaths or written agreements; an +injustice something done in violation of law and custom. But the Romans +could not be charged on any one of these counts: they had offended +neither the gods, their parents, nor the dead; nor had they broken +oaths or treaties, but on the contrary charged the Carthaginians with +breaking them. Nor again had they violated laws, customs, or their own +good faith; for having received a voluntary surrender, with the full +power of doing what they pleased in the event of the submitting party +not obeying their injunctions, they had, in view of that eventuality +having arisen, applied force to them. + +[Sidenote: The pretended Philip, son of Perseus, B.C. 149.] + ++2.+ Such were the criticisms commonly made on the dealings of the +Romans with the Carthaginians. But as to the Pseudo-Philip, the report +at first appeared quite beneath consideration. A Philip suddenly +appears in Macedonia, as though he had dropped from the skies, in +contempt of Macedonians and Romans alike, without having the least +reasonable pretext for his claim, as every one knew that the real +Philip had died in Alba in Italy two years after Perseus himself. But +when, three or four months afterwards, a report arrived that he had +conquered the Macedonians in a battle in the territory of the Odomanti +beyond the Strymon, some believed it, but the majority were still +incredulous. But presently, when news came that he had conquered the +Macedonians in a battle on this side of the Strymon, and was master of +all Macedonia; and when letters and envoys came from the Thessalians to +the Achaeans imploring help, as though the danger were now affecting +Thessaly, it seemed an astonishing and inexplicable event; for there +was nothing to give it the air of probability, or to supply a rational +explanation of it. + +Such was the view taken of these things in Greece.... + +[Sidenote: Polybius sent for to negotiate with Carthage, B.C. 149.] + ++3.+ A despatch from Manius Manilius to the Achaeans having reached the +Peloponnese, saying that they would oblige him by sending Polybius of +Megalopolis with all speed to Lilybaeum, as he was wanted on account of +certain public affairs, the Achaeans decided to send him in accordance +with the letter of the consul. And as I felt bound to obey the Romans, +I put everything else aside, and sailed at the beginning of summer. +But when we arrived at Corcyra, we found another despatch from the +consul to the Corcyreans had come, announcing that the Carthaginians +had already surrendered all the hostages to them, and were prepared to +obey them.[240] Thinking, therefore, that the war was at an end, and +that there was no more occasion for our services, we sailed back to the +Peloponnese.... + ++4.+ It should not excite surprise that I sometimes designate +myself by my proper name, and at other times by the common forms of +expression—for instance, “when _I_ had said this,” or “we had agreed to +this.” For as I was much personally involved in the transactions about +to be related, it becomes necessary to vary the methods of indicating +myself; that I may not weary by continual repetition of my own name, +nor again by introducing the words “of me,” or “through me,” at every +turn, fall insensibly into an appearance of egotism. I wished, on the +contrary, by an interchangeable use of these terms, and by selecting +from time to time the one which seemed most in place, to avoid, as +far as could be, the offensiveness of talk about one’s self; for such +talk, though naturally unacceptable, is frequently inevitable, when one +cannot in any other way give a clear exposition of the subjects. I am +somewhat assisted in this point by the accident that, as far as I know, +no one up to our own time has ever had the same name as myself.[241]... + ++5.+ The statues of Callicrates[242] were carried in under the cover +of darkness, while those of Lycortas were brought out again by broad +daylight, to occupy their original position: and this coincidence drew +the remark from every one, that we ought never to use our opportunities +against others in a spirit of presumption, knowing that it is extremely +characteristic of Fortune to subject those who set a precedent to the +operation of their own ideas and principles in their turn.... + +The mere love of novelty inherent in mankind is a sufficient incentive +to any kind of change.... + +[Sidenote: Mission to Bithynia to investigate the quarrel between +Nicomedes (II.) and his father Prusias II. See _supra_, 32, 28, B.C. +148.] + ++6.+ The Romans sent envoys to restrain the impetuosity of Nicomedes +and to prevent Attalus from going to war with Prusias. The men +appointed were Marcus Licinius, who was suffering from gout, and was +quite lamed by it, and with him Aulus Mancinus, who, from a tile +falling on his head, had so many and such great scars on it, that +it was a matter of wonder that he escaped with his life, and Lucius +Malleolus who was reputed the stupidest man in Rome. As the business +required speed and boldness, these men seemed the least suitable +possible for the purpose that could be conceived; and accordingly they +say that Marcus Porcius Cato remarked in the Senate that “Not only +would Prusias perish before they got there, but that Nicomedes would +grow old in his kingdom. For how could a mission make haste, or if it +did, how could it accomplish anything, when it had neither feet, head, +nor intelligence?”... + +[Sidenote: Character of Prusias II.] + ++7.+ King Prusias was exceedingly repulsive in personal appearance, +though his reasoning powers were somewhat superior: but externally he +seemed only half a man, and was cowardly and effeminate in all matters +pertaining to war. For not only was he timid, but he was averse to +all hardships, and in a word was utterly unmanned in mind and body +throughout his whole life; qualities which all the world object to +in kings, but the Bithynians above all people. Moreover, he was also +exceedingly dissolute in regard to sensual pleasures; was completely +without education or philosophy, or any of the knowledge which they +embrace; and had not the remotest idea of what virtue is. He lived the +barbaric life of a Sardanapallus day and night. Accordingly, directly +his subjects got the least hope of being able to do so, they conceived +an implacable resolution not only to throw off allegiance to the king, +but to press for vengeance upon him.[243]... + ++8.+ Museium is a place near Olympus in Macedonia.... + +[Sidenote: Limits to the belief of the direct interference of +Providence in human affairs.] + +[Sidenote: The inexplicable conduct of the Macedonians.] + ++9.+ As I blame those who assign fortune and destiny as the moving +causes in common events and catastrophes, I wish now to enter as +minutely on the discussion of this subject as the nature of an +historical work will admit. Those things of which it is impossible or +difficult for a mere man to ascertain the causes, such as a continuous +fall of rains and unseasonable wet, or, on the contrary, droughts +and frosts, one may reasonably impute to God and Fortune, in default +of any other explanation; and from them come destruction of fruits, +as well as long-continued epidemics, and other similar things, of +which it is not easy to find the cause. On such matters then, we, in +default of a better, follow the prevailing opinions of the multitude, +attempting by supplications and sacrifices to appease the wrath of +heaven, and sending to ask the gods by what words or actions on our +part a change for the better may be brought about, and a respite be +obtained for the evils which are afflicting us. But those things, of +which it is possible to find the origin and cause of their occurrence, +I do not think we should refer to the gods. I mean such a thing as the +following. In our time all Greece was visited by a dearth of children +and generally a decay of population, owing to which the cities were +denuded of inhabitants, and a failure of productiveness resulted, +though there were no long-continued wars or serious pestilences among +us. If, then, any one had advised our sending to ask the gods in regard +to this, what we were to do or say in order to become more numerous +and better fill our cities,—would he not have seemed a futile person, +when the cause was manifest and the cure in our own hands? For this +evil grew upon us rapidly, and without attracting attention, by our men +becoming perverted to a passion for show and money and the pleasures +of an idle life, and accordingly either not marrying at all, or, if +they did marry, refusing to rear the children that were born, or at +most one or two out of a great number, for the sake of leaving them +well off or bringing them up in extravagant luxury. For when there are +only one or two sons, it is evident that, if war or pestilence carries +off one, the houses must be left heirless: and, like swarms of bees, +little by little the cities become sparsely inhabited and weak. On this +subject there is no need to ask the gods how we are to be relieved from +such a curse: for any one in the world will tell you that it is by the +men themselves if possible changing their objects of ambition; or, if +that cannot be done, by passing laws for the preservation of infants. +On this subject there is no need of seers or prodigies. And the same +holds good of all similar things. But in regard to events of which +the causes are impossible or difficult to discover, it is reasonable +to feel a difficulty. And in this class may be reckoned the course of +Macedonian history. For the Macedonians had enjoyed many important +favours at the hands of the Romans, having been as a nation liberated +from arbitrary government and imports, and having obtained undisputed +freedom in the place of slavery; and having been individually relieved +to a great extent from intestine factions and civil bloodshed.[244]... +They had been worsted by the Romans formerly when fighting on the side +of Demetrius[245] and again on that of Perseus; yet when engaged on the +side of a man of odious character,[246] and in support of his claims +to the throne, they displayed great courage and conquered a Roman +army. These facts may well seem a puzzle to us, for it is difficult to +discover their cause. And accordingly one would be inclined to say in +such matters that what had happened was a heaven-sent infatuation, and +that the wrath of God had fallen upon the Macedonians. And this will be +rendered evident from what remains to be told.... + +[Sidenote: Death of Massanissa B.C. 148. His fortunate career and +physical vigour.] + ++10.+ Massanissa, king of the Numidians in Africa, was the best man of +all the kings of our time, and the most completely fortunate; for he +reigned more than sixty years in the soundest health and to extreme old +age,—for he was ninety when he died. He was, besides, the most powerful +man physically of all his contemporaries: for instance, when it was +necessary to stand, he would do so without moving a foot all day long; +and again, when he had once sat down to business he remained there the +whole day; nor did it distress him the least to remain in the saddle +day and night continuously; and at ninety years old, at which age he +died, he left a son only four years old, called Sthembanus, who was +afterwards adopted by Micipses, and four sons besides. Owing, again, +to the affection existing between these sons, he kept his whole life +free from any treasonable plot and his kingdom unpolluted by any family +tragedy. But his greatest and most divine achievement was this: Numidia +had been before his time universally unproductive, and was looked upon +as incapable of producing any cultivated fruits. He was the first and +only man who showed that it could produce cultivated fruits just as +well as any other country whatever, by cultivating farms to the extent +of ten thousand plethra for each of his sons in different parts of it. +On this man’s death, then, so much may reasonably and justly be said. +Scipio arrived at Cirta on the third day after his departure, and +settled everything properly and fairly.[247]... + +A little while before his death he was seen, on the day following a +great victory over the Carthaginians, sitting outside his tent eating +a piece of dirty bread, and on those who saw it expressing surprise at +his doing so, he said.[248]... + + + + +BOOK XXXVIII + + +[Sidenote: The siege of Carthage, B.C. 147. Coss. P. Cornelius Scipio +Africanus Aemilianus, C. Livius Drusus.] + +[Sidenote: Interview between Hasdrubal and King Gulussa.] + ++1.+ Hasdrubal, the general of the Carthaginians, was a vain +ostentatious person, very far from possessing real strategic ability. +There are numerous proofs of his want of judgment. In the first place +he appeared in full armour in his interview with Gulussa, king of +the Numidians, with a purple dyed robe over his armour fastened by +a brooch, and attended by ten bodyguards armed with swords; and in +the next place, having advanced in front of these armed attendants +to a distance of about twenty feet, he stood behind the trench and +palisade and beckoned the king to come to him, whereas it ought to +have been quite the other way. However, Gulussa, after the Numidian +fashion, being not inclined to stand on ceremony, advanced towards him +unattended, and when he got near him asked him “Whom he was afraid of +that he had come in full armour?” And on his answering, “The Romans,” +Gulussa remarked: “Then you should not have trusted yourself to the +city, when there was no necessity for your doing so. However, what do +you want, and what do you ask me to do?” To which Hasdrubal replied: +“I want you to go as our ambassador to the Roman commander, and to +undertake for us that we will obey every injunction; only I beg of you +both to abstain from harming this wretched city.” Then said Gulussa: +“Your demand appears to me to be quite childish! Why, my good sir, +what you failed to get by your embassies from the Romans, who were +then quietly encamped at Utica, and before a blow had been struck,—how +can you expect to have granted you now, when you have been completely +invested by sea and land, and have almost given up every hope of +safety?” To which Hasdrubal replied that “Gulussa was ill informed; for +they still had good hopes of their outside allies,”—for he had not yet +heard about the Mauretani, and thought that the forces in the country +were still unconquered,[249]—“nor were they in despair as to their own +ultimate safety. And above all, they trusted in the support of the +gods, and in what they might expect from them; for they believed that +they would not disregard the flagrant violation of treaty from which +they were suffering, but would give them many opportunities of securing +their safety. Therefore he called on the Roman commander in the name +of the gods and of Fortune to spare the city; with the distinct +understanding that, if its inhabitants failed to obtain this grace, +they would be cut to pieces to the last man sooner than evacuate it.” +After some more conversation of the same sort, these men separated for +the present, having made an appointment to meet again on the third day +from that time. + +[Sidenote: Scipio’s scorn of the proposal, B.C. 147.] + +[Sidenote: Comparison between Hasdrubal and Diaeus.] + +[Sidenote: The selfish and tyrannical conduct of Hasdrubal.] + +[Sidenote: He offers Hasdrubal personal security for delivering the +town.] + ++2.+ On Gulussa communicating to him what had been said, Scipio +remarked with a laugh: “Oh, then, it was because you intended to +make this demand that you displayed that abominable cruelty to our +prisoners![250] And you trust in the gods, do you, after violating +even the laws of men?” The king went on to remind Scipio that above +all things it was necessary to finish the business speedily; for, +apart from unforeseen contingencies, the consular elections were now +close at hand, and it was only right to have regard to that, lest, +if the winter found them just where they were, another Consul would +come to supersede him, and without any trouble get all the credit of +his labours. These words induced Scipio to give directions to offer +Hasdrubal safety for himself, his wife and children, and ten families +of his friends and relations, and permission to take ten talents of +his private property and to bring out with him whichever of his slaves +he chose. With these concessions therefore Gulussa went to his meeting +with Hasdrubal on the third day, who again came forward with great pomp +and at a dignified step, clothed in his purple robe and full suit of +armour, so as to cast the tyrants of tragedy far into the shade. He +was naturally fat, but at that time he had grown extremely corpulent, +and had become more than usually red from exposure to the sun, so that +he seemed to be living like fat oxen at a fair; and not at all like +a man to be in command at a time of such terrible miseries as cannot +easily be described in words. When he met the king, and heard the offer +of the Consul, he slapped his thigh again and again, and appealing to +the gods and Fortune declared that “The day would never come on which +Hasdrubal would behold the sun and his native city in flames; for to +the nobly-minded one’s country and its burning houses were a glorious +funeral pile.” These expressions force us to feel some admiration for +the man and the nobility of his language; but when we come to view his +administration of affairs, we cannot fail to be struck by his want +of spirit and courage; for at a time when his fellow-citizens were +absolutely perishing with famine, he gave banquets and had second +courses put on of a costly kind, and by his own excellent physical +condition made their misery more conspicuous. For the number of the +dying surpassed belief, as well as the number who deserted every day +from hunger. However, by fiercely rebuking some, and by executing as +well as abusing others, he cowed the common people: and by this means +retained, in a country reduced to the lowest depths of misfortune, an +authority which a tyrant would scarcely enjoy in a prosperous city. +Therefore I think I was justified in saying that two leaders more like +each other than those who at that time directed the affairs of Greece +and Carthage it would not be easy to find. And this will be rendered +manifest when we come to a formal comparison of them.... + +[Sidenote: The ill-luck which occasioned the fall of Greece.] + +[Sidenote: The fall of Greece was even more lamentable than that of +Carthage.] + ++3.+ My thirty-eighth book embraces the consummation of the misfortunes +of Greece. For though Greece as a whole, as well as separate parts of +it, has on several occasions sustained grave disasters, yet to none +of her previous defeats could the word “misfortune” be more properly +applied, than to those which have befallen her in our time. For it is +not only that the _sufferings_ of Greece excite compassion: stronger +still is the conviction, which a knowledge of the truth of the several +occurrences must bring, that in all she undertook she was supremely +unfortunate. At any rate, though the disaster of Carthage is looked +upon as of the severest kind, yet one cannot but regard that of Greece +as not less, and in some respects even more so. For the Carthaginians +at any rate left something for posterity to say on their behalf; but +the mistakes of the Greeks were so glaring that they made it impossible +for those who wished to support them to do so. Besides, the destruction +of the Carthaginians was immediate and total, so that they had no +feeling afterwards of their disasters: but the Greeks, with their +misfortunes ever before their eyes, handed down to their children’s +children the loss of all that once was theirs. And in proportion as +we regard those who live in pain as more pitiable than those who lose +their lives at the moment of their misfortunes, in that proportion must +the disasters of the Greeks be regarded as more pitiable than those of +the Carthaginians,—unless a man thinks nothing of dignity and honour, +and gives his opinion from a regard only to material advantage. To +prove the truth of what I say, one has only to remember and compare the +misfortunes in Greece reputed to be the heaviest with what I have just +now mentioned. + +[Sidenote: Comparison between the fall of Greece under the Romans with] + +[Sidenote: the Persian invasion, B.C. 480.] + +[Sidenote: The defeat of the Athenians at Aegospotami, B.C. 405,] + +[Sidenote: of the Spartans at Leuctra, B.C. 371.] + +[Sidenote: The destruction of Mantinea, B.C. 362,] + +[Sidenote: and of Thebes, B.C. 335.] + ++4.+ Now, the greatest alarm that fortune ever brought upon the Greeks +was when Xerxes invaded Europe: for at that time all were exposed to +danger though an extremely small number actually suffered disaster. The +greatest sufferers were the Athenians: for, with a prudent foresight +of what was coming, they abandoned their country with their wives and +children. That crisis then caused them damage; for the Barbarians +took Athens and laid it waste with savage violence: but it brought +them no shame or disgrace. On the contrary, they gained the highest +glory in the eyes of all the world for having regarded everything as +of less importance, in comparison with taking their share in the same +fortune as the other Greeks. Accordingly, in consequence of their +exalted conduct, they not only immediately recovered their own city +and territory, but soon afterwards disputed the supremacy in Greece +with the Lacedaemonians. Subsequently, indeed, they were beaten by the +Spartans in war, and forced to submit to the destruction of their own +city walls: but even this one might assert to be a reproach to the +Lacedaemonians, for having used the power put into their hands with +excessive severity, rather than to the Athenians. Then the Spartans +once more, being beaten by the Thebans, lost the supremacy in Greece, +and after that defeat were deprived of their outside rule and reduced +to the frontiers of Laconia. But what disgrace was there in having +retired, while disputing for the most honourable objects, to the limits +of their ancestral dominion? Therefore, these events we may speak of +as failures, but not as misfortunes in any sense. The Mantineans again +were forced to leave their city, being divided out and scattered into +separate villages by the Lacedaemonians; but for this all the world +blamed the folly, not of the Mantineans, but of the Lacedaemonians. +The Thebans, indeed, besides the loss of their army, saw their country +depopulated at the time when Alexander, having resolved on the invasion +of Asia, conceived that by making an example of Thebes he should +establish a tenor that would act as a check upon the Greeks, while his +attention was distracted upon other affairs: but at that time all the +world pitied the Thebans as having been treated with injustice and +harshness, and no one was found to justify this proceeding of Alexander. + +[Sidenote: The tyranny of the later kings of Macedonia.] + +[Sidenote: But the last fall of Greece was embittered by the fact that +it came from the folly of the Greeks themselves] + +[Sidenote: rather than of their leaders.] + ++5.+ Accordingly after a short time they obtained assistance, and +once more inhabited their country in security. For the compassion of +foreigners is no small benefit to those who are unjustly dispossessed; +since we often see that, with the change of feeling among the many, +Fortune also changes; and even the conquerors themselves repent, and +make good the disasters of those who have fallen under undeserved +misfortunes. Once more, at certain periods the Chalcidians and +Corinthians and some other cities, owing to the advantages of their +situation, were attacked by kings of Macedonia, and had garrisons +imposed on them: but when they were thus enslaved all the world were +eager to do their best to liberate them, and loathed their enslavers +and regarded them continually as their enemies. But above all, up to +this time it was generally single states that were depopulated, and +in single states that reverses were met with, in some cases while +disputing for supremacy and empire, and in others from the treacherous +attacks of despots and kings: so that, so far from their losses +bringing them any reproach, they escaped even the name of misfortune. +For we must look on all those who meet with incalculable disasters +whether private or public as the victims of losses, and those only +to be “unfortunate,” to whom events through their own folly bring +dishonour. Instances of this last are the Peloponnesians, Boeotians, +Phocians, ... and Locrians, some of the dwellers on the Ionian gulf, +and next to these the Macedonians, ... who all as a rule did not +merely suffer loss, but were “unfortunate,” with a misfortune of the +gravest kind and for which they were themselves open to reproach: +for they displayed at once want of good faith and want of courage, +brought upon themselves a series of disgraces, lost all that could +bring them honour, ... and voluntarily admitted into their towns the +Roman fasces and axes. They were in the utmost panic, in fact, owing +to the extravagance of their own wrongful acts, if one ought to call +them their own; for I should rather say that the peoples as such were +entirely ignorant, and were beguiled from the path of right: but that +the men who _acted_ wrongly were the authors of this delusion. + ++6.+ In regard to these men, it should not be a matter of surprise if +we leave for a while the ordinary method and spirit of our narrative +to give a clearer and more elaborate exposition of their character. +I am aware that some may be found, regarding it as their first duty +to cast a veil over the errors of the Greeks, to accuse us of writing +in a spirit of malevolence. But for myself, I conceive that with +right-minded persons a man will never be regarded as a true friend +who shrinks from and is afraid of plain speech, nor indeed as a good +citizen who abandons the truth because of the offence he will give +to certain persons at the time. But a writer of public history above +all deserves no indulgence whatever, who regards anything of superior +importance to truth. For in proportion as written history reaches +larger numbers, and survives for longer time, than words spoken to +suit an occasion, both the writer ought to be still more particular +about truth, and his readers ought to admit his authority only so far +as he adheres to this principle. At the actual hour of danger it is +only right that Greeks should help Greeks in every possible way, by +protecting them, veiling their errors or deprecating the wrath of the +sovereign people,—and this I genuinely did for my part at the actual +time: but it is also right, in regard to the record of events to be +transmitted to posterity, to leave them unmixed with any falsehood: +so that readers should not be merely gratified for the moment by a +pleasant tale, but should receive in their souls a lesson which will +prevent a repetition of similar errors in the future. Enough, however, +on this subject.... + + +_In the autumn of_ B.C. _150 the corrupt Menalcidas of Sparta was +succeeded as Achaean Strategus by Diaeus, who, to cover his share +in the corruption of Menalcidas, induced the league to act in the +matter of some disputed claim of Sparta in a manner contrary to the +decisions of the Roman Senate. The Spartans wished to appeal again to +Rome; whereupon the Achaeans passed a law forbidding separate cities +to make such appeals, which were to be only made by the league. The +Lacedaemonians took up arms: and Diaeus professing that the league was +not at war with Sparta, but with certain factious citizens of that +city, named four of its chief men who were to be banished. They fled to +Rome, where the Senate ordered their restoration. Embassies went from +Achaia and from Sparta to Rome to state their respective cases; and on +their return gave false reports,—Diaeus assuring the Achaeans that the +Senate had ordered the Spartans to obey the league; Menalchidas telling +the Spartans that the Romans had released them from all connexion with +the league. War then again broke out (B.C. 148). Metellus, who was in +Macedonia on the business of the Pseudo-Philip, sent legates to the +Achaeans forbidding them to bear arms against Sparta, and announcing +the speedy arrival of commissioners from Rome to settle the dispute. +But the Achaean levies were already mustered under the Strategus +Damocritus, and the Lacedaemonians seem to have almost compelled them +to fight. The Spartans were beaten with considerable loss: and on +Damocritus preventing a pursuit and a capture of Sparta, the Achaeans +regarded him as traitor and fined him fifty talents. He was succeeded +in his office of Strategus by Diaeus (autumn B.C. 148-B.C. 147) who +promised Metellus to await the arrival of the commissioners from +Rome. But the Spartans now assumed their freedom from the league and +elected a Strategus of their own, Menalchidas; who provoked a renewal +of the war by taking the town of Iasos on the Laconian frontier. In +despair of resisting the attack of the Achaeans, and disowned by his +fellow-citizens, he took poison. The Roman commissioners arrived, led +by L. Aurelius Orestes, in B.C. 147, and summoning the magistrates of +the Achaean towns and the Strategus Diaeus before them at Corinth, +announced the decision of the Senate—separating Lacedaemon, Corinth, +Argos, Heraclea near Aete, and Orchomenus in Arcadia from the Achaean +league, as not being united by blood, and only being subsequent +additions. The magistrates, without answering, hastily summoned the +league congress. The people, on hearing the Roman decision, pillaged +the houses of the Lacedaemonian residents in Corinth, and savagely +attacked all who were or who looked like Spartans. The Roman envoys +endeavoured to restrain the popular fury. But they were somewhat +roughly handled themselves; and the people could not be persuaded to +release the Spartans whom they had arrested: though they let all others +go, and sent an embassy to Rome, which, however, meeting the former +embassy on its return, and learning the hopelessness of support in +Rome, returned home. It is this outbreak which is referred to in the +next fragment. See Pausanias, vii. 12-14; Livy_, Ep. 51. + + +[Sidenote: On the report of L. Aurelius Orestes of the disturbance at +Corinth, B.C. 147,] + +[Sidenote: the Senate send a fresh commission to warn the Achaeans.] + ++7.+ When the commissioners with L. Aurelius Orestes arrived in Rome +from the Peloponnese, they reported what had taken place, and declared +that they had a narrow escape of actually losing their lives. They made +the most of the occurrence and put the worst interpretation upon it; +for they represented the violence which had been offered them as not +the result of a sudden outbreak, but of a deliberate intention on the +part of the Achaeans to inflict a signal insult upon them. The Senate +was therefore more angry than it had ever been, and at once appointed +Sextus Julius Caesar and other envoys with instructions to rebuke and +upbraid the Achaeans for what had occurred, yet in terms of moderation, +but to exhort them “not to listen to evil councillors, not to allow +themselves to be betrayed into hostility with Rome, but even yet to +make amends for their acts of folly by inflicting punishment on the +authors of the crime.” This was a clear proof that the Senate gave +its instructions to Aurelius and his colleagues, not with the view +of dismembering the league, but with the object of restraining the +obstinacy and hostility of the Achaeans by terrifying and overawing +them. Some people accordingly imagined that the Romans were acting +hypocritically, because the Carthaginian war was still unfinished; but +this was not the case. The fact is, that they had long regarded the +Achaean league with favour, believing it to be the most trustworthy of +all the Greek governments; and though now they were resolved to give it +an alarm, because it had become too lofty in its pretensions, yet they +were by no means minded to go to war or to have a serious quarrel with +the Achaeans.... + +[Sidenote: Arrival of Sextus Julius and the commissioners in Achaia.] + +[Sidenote: Conference at Aegium. The envoys are conciliatory.] + +[Sidenote: Action of Diaeus ans Critolaus and their party.] + ++8.+ As Sextus Julius Caesar and his colleagues were on their way +from Rome to the Peloponnese, they were met by Thearidas and the +other envoys, sent by the Achaeans to make their excuse and give the +Senate an explanation of the intemperate acts committed in regard to +Aurelius Orestes. But Sextus Julius persuaded them to turn back to +Achaia, on the ground that he and his colleagues were coming with full +instructions to communicate with the Achaeans on all these points. +When Sextus arrived in the Peloponnese, and in a conference with the +Achaeans in Aegium spoke with great kindness, he made no mention of +the injurious treatment of the legates, and scarcely demanded any +defence at all, but took a more lenient view of what had happened than +even the Achaeans themselves; and dwelt chiefly on the subject of +exhorting them not to carry their error any further, in regard either +to the Romans or the Lacedaemonians. Thereupon the more sober-minded +party received the speech with satisfaction, and were strongly moved +to obey the suggestions, because they were conscious of the gravity of +what they had been doing, and had before their eyes what happened to +opponents of Rome; but the majority, though they had not a word to say +against the justice of the injunctions of Sextus Julius, and were quite +silent, yet remained deeply tainted with disaffection. And Diaeus and +Critolaus, and all who shared their sentiments,—and they consisted of +all the greatest rascals in every city, men at war with the gods, and +pests of the community, carefully selected,—took, as the proverb has +it, with the left hand what the Romans gave with the right, and went +utterly and entirely wrong in their calculations. For they supposed +that the Romans, owing to the troubles in Libya and Iberia, feared a +war with the Achaeans and would submit to anything and say anything. +Thinking, therefore, that the hour was their own, they answered the +Roman envoys politely that “They would, nevertheless, send Thearidas +and his colleagues to the Senate; while they would themselves accompany +the legates to Tegea, and there in consultation with the Lacedaemonians +would provide for some settlement of the war that would meet the views +of both parties.” With this answer they subsequently induced the +unhappy nation to follow the senseless course to which they had long +before made up their mind. And this result was only what might have +been expected from the inexperience and corruption of the prevailing +party. + +[Sidenote: Conference at Tegea. Critolaus contrives to avoid a +settlement.] + ++9.+ But the finishing stroke to this ruinous policy was given in the +following manner. When Sextus and his colleagues arrived at Tegea, +and invited the attendance of the Lacedaemonians, in order to arrange +terms between them and the Achaeans, both as to the satisfaction to be +given for previous complaints and for putting a stop to the war, until +the Romans should send commissioners to review the whole question, +Critolaus and his party, having held a conference, decided that all +the rest should avoid the meeting, and that Critolaus should go alone +to Tegea. When Sextus and his fellow-commissioners therefore had +almost given them up, Critolaus arrived; and when the meeting with the +Lacedaemonians took place, he would settle nothing,—alleging that he +had no authority to make any arrangement without the consent of the +people at large; but that he would bring the matter before the Achaeans +at their next congress, which must be held six months from that time. +Sextus and his fellow-commissioners, therefore, convinced of the ill +disposition of Critolaus, and much annoyed at his conduct, dismissed +the Lacedaemonians to their own country, and themselves returned to +Italy with strong views as to the folly and infatuation of Critolaus. + +[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 147-146. Critolaus propagates his anti-Roman +views;] + +[Sidenote: and suspends cash payments.] + +After their departure Critolaus spent the winter in visiting the cities +and holding assemblies in them, on the pretext that he wished to inform +them of what he had said to the Lacedaemonians at Tegea, but in reality +to denounce the Romans and to put an evil interpretation on everything +they said; by which means he inspired the common people in the various +cities with feelings of hostility and hatred for them. At the same +time he sent round orders to the magistrates not to exact money from +debtors, nor to receive prisoners arrested for debt, and to cause loans +on pledge to be held over until the war was decided. By this kind of +appeal to the interests of the vulgar everything he said was received +with confidence; and the common people were ready to obey any order he +gave, being incapable of taking thought for the future, but caught by +the bait of immediate indulgence and relief. + +[Sidenote: Fresh legates are sent from Macedonia to Achaia in the +winter of B.C. 147-146.] + +[Sidenote: Riotous scene at Corinth.] + ++10.+ When Quintus Caecilius Metellus heard in Macedonia of the +commotion and disturbance going on in the Peloponnese, he despatched +thither his legates Gnaeus Papirius and the younger Popilius Laenas, +along with Aulus Gabinius and Gaius Fannius; who, happening to arrive +when the congress was assembled at Corinth, were introduced to the +assembly, and delivered a long and conciliatory speech, much in the +spirit of that of Sextus Julius, exerting themselves with great zeal +to prevent the Achaeans from proceeding to an open breach with Rome, +either on the pretext of their grievance against the Lacedaemonians, +or from any feeling of anger against the Romans themselves. But the +assembled people would not hear them; insulting words were loudly +uttered against the envoys, and in the midst of a storm of yells and +tumult they were driven from the assembly. The fact was that such a +crowd of workmen and artisans had been got together as had never been +collected before; for all the cities were in a state of drivelling +folly, and above all the Corinthians _en masse_; and there were only a +very few who heartily approved of the words of the envoys. + +[Sidenote: Critolaus makes no secret of his hostility to Rome.] + +Critolaus, conceiving that he had attained his purpose, in the midst +of an audience as excited and mad as himself began attacking the +magistrates, abusing all who were opposed to him, and openly defying +the Roman envoys, saying that he was desirous of being a friend of the +Romans, but had no taste for them as his masters. And, finally, he +tried to incite the people by saying that, if they quitted themselves +like men, they would have no lack of allies; but, if they betrayed +womanish fears, they would not want for masters. By many other such +words to the same effect, conceived in the spirit of a charlatan and +huckster, he roused and excited the populace. He attempted also to make +it plain that he was not acting at random in these proceedings, but +that some of the kings and republics were engaged in the same policy as +himself. + +[Sidenote: Critolaus carries his point, and induces the Achaeans to +proclaim war against the Lacedaemonians.] + ++11.+ And when some of the Gerusia wished to check him, and restrain +him from the use of such expressions, he ordered the soldiers +surrounding him to retire, and stood up fronting his opponents, and +bade any one of them come up to him, come near him, or venture to touch +his chlamys. And, finally, he said that “He had restrained himself now +for a long time; but would endure it no longer, and must speak his +mind. The people to fear were not Lacedaemonians or Romans, but the +traitors among themselves who co-operated with their foes: for there +were some who cared more for Romans and Lacedaemonians than for their +own country.” He added, as a confirmation of his words, that Evagoras +of Aegium and Stratius of Tritaea betrayed to Gnaeus Papirius and +his fellow-commissioners all the secret proceedings in the meetings +of the magistrates. And when Stratius acknowledged that he had had +interviews with those men, and should do so again, as they were friends +and allies, but asserted that he had told them nothing of what was +said in the meetings of the magistrates, some few believed him, but +the majority accepted the accusation as true. And so Critolaus, having +inflamed the people by his accusations against these men, induced +the Achaeans once more to decree a war which was nominally against +the Lacedaemonians, but in effect was against the Romans; and he got +another decree added, which was a violation of the constitution, +namely, that whomsoever they should elect as Strategi should have +absolute power in carrying on the war. He thus got for himself +something like a despotism. + +[Sidenote: The Roman envoys retire from Corinth.] + +Having carried these measures, he began intriguing to bring on an +outbreak and cause an attack upon the Roman envoys. He had no pretext +for doing this; but adopted a course which, of all possible courses, +offends most flagrantly against the laws of gods and man. The envoys, +however, separated; Gnaeus Papirius went to Athens and thence to Sparta +to watch the turn of events; Aulus Gabinius went to Naupactus; and the +other two remained at Athens, waiting for the arrival of Caecilius +Metellus. This was the state of things in the Peloponnese.... + + + + +BOOK XXXIX + +[_Including Book XL. of Dindorf’s Text._] + + +[Sidenote: A defence of the historian’s method of parallel histories of +several countries, each kept up to date.] + ++1.+ I am fully aware that some will be found to criticise my work, on +the ground that my narrative of events is incomplete and disconnected; +beginning, for instance, the story of the siege of Carthage, and then +leaving it half told, and interrupting the stream of my history, I pass +over to Greek affairs, and from them to Macedonian or Syrian, or some +other history; whereas students require continuity, and desire to hear +the end of a subject; for the combination of pleasure and profit is +thus more completely secured. But I do not think this: I hold exactly +the reverse. And as a witness to the correctness of my opinion I might +appeal to nature herself, who is never satisfied with the same things +continuously in any of the senses, but is ever inclined to change; and, +even if she is satisfied with the same things, wishes to have them at +intervals and in diversity of circumstance. This may be illustrated +first by the sense of hearing, which is never gratified either in +music or recitations by a continuance of the same strains or subjects; +it is the varied style, and, in a word, whatever is broken up into +intervals and has the most marked and frequent changes, that gives it +pleasurable excitement. Similarly one may notice that the palate can +never remain gratified by the same meats, however costly, but grows to +feel a loathing for them, and delights in changes of diet, and often +prefers plain to rich food merely for the sake of variety. The same may +be noticed as to the sight: it is quite incapable of remaining fixed on +the same object, but it is a variety and change of objects that excites +it. And this is more than all the case with the mind; for changes in +the objects of attention and study act as rests to laborious men. + ++2.+ Accordingly the most learned of the ancient historians have, as it +seems to me, taken intervals of rest in this way: some by digressions +on myths and tales, and others by digressions on historical facts,—not +confining themselves to Greek history, but introducing disquisitions +on points of foreign history as well. As, for instance, when, in the +course of a history of Thessaly and the campaigns of Alexander of +Pherae, they introduce an account of the attempts of the Lacedaemonians +in the Peloponnese; or those made by the Athenians; or actions which +took place in Macedonia or Illyria: and then break off into an account +of the expedition of Iphicrates into Egypt, and the iniquitous deeds +of Clearchus in the Pontus. This will show you that these historians +all employ this method; but, whereas they employ it without any system, +I do so on a regular system. For these men, after mentioning, for +instance, that Bardylis, king of the Illyrians, and Cersobleptes, +king of the Thracians, established their dynasties, neither go on +continuously with the stories nor return to them after an interval to +take them up where they left off, but, treating them like an episode in +a poem, they go back to their original subject. But I made a careful +division of all the most important countries in the world and the +course of their several histories; pursued exactly the same plan in +regard to the order of taking the several divisions; and, moreover, +arranged the history of each year in the respective countries, +carefully keeping to the limits of the time: and the result is that I +have made the transition backwards and forwards between my continuous +narrative and the continually recurring interruptions easy and obvious +to students, so that an attentive reader need never miss anything.... + + +_After various operations during the autumn of B.C. 147, the upshot +of which was to put the whole of the open country in Roman hands, in +the beginning of spring B.C. 146, Scipio delivered his final attack on +Carthage, taking first the quarter of the merchants’ harbour, then the +war harbour, and then the market-place. There only remained the streets +leading to the Byrsa and the Byrsa itself. Appian, Pun. 123-126. Livy_, +Ep. 51. + + +[Sidenote: The fall of Carthage, B.C. 146 (spring).] + +[Sidenote: Scipio within the walls of Carthage.] + ++3.+ Having got within the walls, while the Carthaginians still +held out on the citadel, Scipio found that the arm of the sea which +intervened was not at all deep; and upon Polybius advising him to set +it with iron spikes or drive sharp wooden stakes into it, to prevent +the enemy crossing it and attacking the mole,[251] he said that, having +taken the walls and got inside the city, it would be ridiculous to take +measures to avoid fighting the enemy.... + ++4.+ The pompous Hasdrubal threw himself on his knees before the Roman +commander, quite forgetful of his proud language.... + +When the Carthaginian commander thus threw himself as a suppliant at +Scipio’s knees, the proconsul with a glance at those present said: “See +what Fortune is, gentlemen! What an example she makes of irrational +men! This is the Hasdrubal who but the other day disdained the large +favours which I offered him, and said that the most glorious funeral +pyre was one’s country and its burning ruins. Now he comes with +suppliant wreaths, beseeching us for bare life and resting all his +hopes on us. Who would not learn from such a spectacle that a mere +man should never say or do anything presumptuous?” Then some of the +deserters came to the edge of the roof and begged the front ranks +of the assailants to hold their hands for a little; and, on Scipio +ordering a halt, they began abusing Hasdrubal, some for his perjury, +declaring that he had sworn again and again on the altars that he +would never abandon them, and others for his cowardice and utter +baseness: and they did this in the most unsparing language, and with +the bitterest terms of abuse. And just at this moment Hasdrubal’s wife, +seeing him seated in front of the enemy with Scipio, advanced in front +of the deserters, dressed in noble and dignified attire herself, but +holding in her hands, on either side, her two boys dressed only in +short tunics and shielded under her own robes.[252] First she addressed +Hasdrubal by his name, and when he said nothing but remained with his +head bowed to the ground, she began by calling on the name of the gods, +and next thanked Scipio warmly because, as far as he could secure it, +both she and her children were saved.[253] And then, pausing for a +short time, she asked Hasdrubal how he had had the heart to secure this +favour from the Roman general for himself alone, ... and, leaving his +fellow-citizens who trusted in him in the most miserable plight, had +gone over secretly to the enemy? And how he had the assurance to be +sitting there holding suppliant boughs, in the face of the very men to +whom he had frequently said that the day would never come in which the +sun would see Hasdrubal alive and his native city in flames.... + + +_Hasdrubal’s wife finally threw herself and children from the citadel +into the burning streets. Livy_, Ep. 51. + + +After an interview with [Scipio], in which he was kindly treated, +Hasdrubal desired leave to go away from the town.... + ++5.+ At the sight of the city utterly perishing amidst the flames +Scipio burst into tears, and stood long reflecting on the inevitable +change which awaits cities, nations, and dynasties, one and all, as +it does every one of us men. This, he thought, had befallen Ilium, +once a powerful city, and the once mighty empires of the Assyrians, +Medes, Persians, and that of Macedonia lately so splendid. And +unintentionally or purposely he quoted,—the words perhaps escaping him +unconsciously,—[254] + + + “The day shall be when holy Troy shall fall And Priam, lord of + spears, and Priam’s folk.” + + +And on my asking him boldly (for I had been his tutor) what he meant by +these words, he did not name Rome distinctly, but was evidently fearing +for her, from this sight of the mutability of human affairs.... + +Another still more remarkable saying of his I may record.... [When +he had given the order for firing the town] he immediately turned +round and grasped me by the hand and said: “O Polybius, it is a grand +thing, but, I know not how, I feel a terror and dread, lest some one +should one day give the same order about my own native city.”... Any +observation more practical or sensible it is not easy to make. For +in the midst of supreme success for one’s self and of disaster for +the enemy, to take thought of one’s own position and of the possible +reverse which may come, and in a word to keep well in mind in the midst +of prosperity the mutability of Fortune, is the characteristic of a +great man, a man free from weaknesses and worthy to be remembered.... + + +_After the rejection of the orders conveyed by the legates of Metellus +(38, 11), Critolaus collected the Achaean levies at Corinth, under the +pretext of going to war with Sparta; but he soon induced the league to +declare themselves openly at war with Rome. He was encouraged by the +adhesion of the Boeotarch Pytheas, and of the Chalcidians. The Thebans +were the readier to join him because they had lately been ordered by +Metellus, as arbiter in the disputes, to pay fines to the Phocians, +Euboeans, and Amphissians. When news of these proceedings reached Rome +in the spring of B.C. 146, the consul Mummius was ordered to lead a +fleet and army against Achaia. But Metellus in Macedonia wished to have +the credit of settling the matter himself; he therefore sent envoys +to the Achaeans ordering them to release from the league the towns +already named by the Senate viz. Sparta, Corinth, Argos, Heracleia, +and Orchomenus in Arcadia, and advanced with his army from Macedonia +through Thessaly by the coast road, skirting the Sinus Maliacus. +Critolaus was already engaged in besieging Heraclea Oetea, to compel +it to return to its obedience to the league, and when his scouts +informed him of the approach of Metellus, he retreated to Scarphea +on the coast of Locris, some miles south of the pass of Thermopylae. +But before he could get into Scarphea Metellus caught him up, killed +a large number of his men, and took one thousand prisoners. Critolaus +himself disappeared; Pausanias seems to imagine that he was drowned in +the salt marshes of the coast, but Livy says that he poisoned himself. +Pausanias, 7, 14, 15. Livy_, Ep. 52. _Orosius, 5, 3._ + + +[Sidenote: Character of the Boeotarch Pytheas.] + ++7.+ Pytheas was a brother of Acatidas the runner, and son of +Cleomenes. He had led an evil life, and was reported to have wasted the +flower of his youth in unnatural debauchery. In political life also +he was audacious and grasping, and had been supported by Eumenes and +Philetaerus for these very reasons.... + +[Sidenote: On the death of Critolaus (spring of B.C. 146) Diaeus +succeeds as Strategus.] + +[Sidenote: and a general levy of the free men of military age.] + +[Sidenote: a special contribution by the rich,] + +[Sidenote: He orders the arming of 10,000 slaves,] + ++8.+ Critolaus the Achaean Strategus being dead, and the law providing +that, in case of such an event befalling the existing Strategus, the +Strategus of the previous year should succeed to the office until +the regular congress of the league should meet, it fell to Diaeus +to conduct the business of the league and take the head of affairs. +Accordingly, after sending forward some troops to Megara,[255] he went +himself to Argos; and from that place sent a circular letter to all +the towns ordering them to set free their slaves who were of military +age, and who had been born and brought up in their houses, and send +them furnished with arms to Corinth. He assigned the numbers to be +furnished by the several towns quite at random and without any regard +to equality, just as he did everything else. Those who had not the +requisite number of home-bred slaves were to fill up the quota imposed +on each town from other slaves. But seeing that the public poverty was +very great, owing to the war with the Lacedaemonians, he compelled the +richer classes, men and women alike, to make promises of money and +furnish separate contributions. At the same time he ordered a levy +_en masse_ at Corinth of all men of military age. The result of these +measures was that every city was full of confusion, commotion, and +despair: they deemed those fortunate who had already perished in the +war, and pitied those who were now starting to take part in it; and +everybody was in tears as though they foresaw only too well what was +going to happen. They were especially annoyed at the insolent demeanour +and neglect of their duties on the part of the slaves,—airs which they +assumed as having been recently liberated, or, in the case of others, +because they were excited by the prospect of freedom. Moreover the men +were compelled to make their contribution contrary to their own views, +according to the property they were reputed to possess; while the women +had to do so, by taking the ornaments of their own persons or of their +children, to what seemed deliberately meant for their destruction. + +[Sidenote: The Eleians and Messenians do not move.] + +[Sidenote: Dismay at Patrae.] + +[Sidenote: Thebes abandoned.] + +[Sidenote: The distracted state of Greece.] + ++9.+ As these measures came all at once, the dismay caused by the +hardship of each individually prevented people from attending to or +grasping the general question; or they must have foreseen that they +were all being led on to secure the certain destruction of their +wives and children. But, as though caught in the rush of some winter +torrent and carried on by its irresistible violence, they followed the +infatuation and madness of their leader. The Eleians and Messenians +indeed did not stir, in terror of the Roman fleet; for nothing could +have saved them if the storm had burst when it was originally intended. +The people of Patrae, and of the towns which were leagued with it, had +a short time before suffered disasters in Phocis;[256] and their case +was much the most pitiable one of all the Peloponnesian cities: for +some of them sought a voluntary death; others fled from their towns +through deserted parts of the country, with no definite aim in their +wanderings, from the panic prevailing in the towns. Some arrested and +delivered each other to the enemy, as having been hostile to Rome; +others hurried to give information and bring accusations, although no +one asked for any such service as yet; while others went to meet the +Romans with suppliant branches, confessing their treason, and asking +what penance they were to pay, although as yet no one was asking for +any account of such things. + + +$3 + +$1e whole country seemed to be under an evil spell: everywhere people +were throwing themselves down wells or over precipices; and so dreadful +was the state of things, that as the proverb has it “even an enemy +would have pitied” the disaster of Greece. For in times past the Greeks +had met with reverses or indeed complete disaster, either from internal +dissensions or from treacherous attacks of despots; but in the present +instance it was from the folly of their leaders and their own unwisdom +that they experienced the grievous misfortunes which befell them. The +Thebans also, abandoning their city _en masse_, left it entirely empty; +and among the rest Pytheas retired to the Peloponnese, with his wife +and children, and there wandered about the country.[257]... + +He came upon the enemy much to his surprise. But to my mind the +proverb, “the reckonings of the foolish are foolishness” applies +to him. And naturally to such men things clear as day come as a +surprise.... + +He was even forming plans for getting back home, acting very like a +man who, not having learnt to swim and being about to plunge into the +sea, should not consider the question of taking the plunge; but, having +taken it, should begin to consider how he is to swim to land.... + + +_Having secured Boeotia, Metellus advanced to Megara, where the Achaean +Alcamenes had been posted by Diaeus with five thousand men. Alcamenes +hastily evacuated Megara and rejoined Diaeus at Corinth, the latter +having meanwhile been reelected Strategus. Pausanias, 7, 15, 10._ + + +[Sidenote: Diaeus at Corinth rejects all offers sent by Metellus, +August, B. C. 146,] + +[Sidenote: because he and his party do not believe that they will ever +be amnestied with the rest.] + ++10.+ Diaeus having recently come to Corinth after being appointed +Strategus by the vote of the people, Andronidas and others came from +Caecilius Metellus. Against these men he spread a report that they were +in alliance with the enemy, and gave them up to the mob, who seized on +them with great violence and threw them into chains. Philo of Thessaly +also came bringing many liberal offers to the Achaeans. And on hearing +them, certain of the men of the country attempted to secure their +acceptance; among whom was Stratius, now a very old man, who clung to +Diaeus’s knees and entreated him to yield to the offers of Metellus. +But he and his party would not listen to Philo’s proposals. For the +fact was that they did not believe that the amnesty would embrace them +with the rest; and, as they regarded their own advantage and personal +security as of the highest importance, they spoke as they did, and +directed all their measures on the existing state of affairs to this +end: although, as a matter of fact, they failed entirely to secure +these objects. For as they understood quite clearly the gravity of +what they had done, they could not believe they would obtain any mercy +from Rome; and as to enduring nobly whatever should befall on behalf +of their country and the safety of the people, that they never once +took into consideration; yet that was the course becoming men who cared +for glory, and professed to be the leaders of Greece. But indeed how +or whence was it likely that such a lofty idea should occur to these +men? The members of this conclave were Diaeus and Damocritus, who had +but recently been recalled from exile owing to the disturbed state of +the times, and with them Alcamenes, Theodectes and Archicrates; and +of these last I have already stated at length who they were, and have +described their character, policy, and manner of life. + +[Sidenote: Cruel death of Sosicrates.] + +[Sidenote: Greece is saved by the rapidity of her ruin.] + ++11.+ Such being the men with whom the decision rested, the +determination arrived at was what was to be expected. They not only +imprisoned Andronidas and Lagius and their friends, but even the +sub-Strategus Sosicrates, on the charge of his having presided at +a council and given his voting for sending an embassy to Caecilius +Metellus, and in fact of having been the cause of all their +misfortunes. Next day they empanelled judges to try them; condemned +Sosicrates to death; and having bound him racked him till he died, +without however inducing him to say anything that they expected: but +they acquitted Lagius, Andronidas and Archippus, partly because the +people were scared at the lawless proceeding against Sosicrates, and +partly because Diaeus got a talent from Andronidas and forty minae +from Archippus; for this man could not relax his usual shameless and +abandoned principles in this particular even “in the very pit,”[258] as +the saying is. He had acted with similar cruelty a short time before +also in regard to Philinus of Corinth. For on a charge of his holding +communication with Menalcidas[259] and favouring the Roman cause, he +caused Philinus and his sons to be flogged and racked in each other’s +sight, and did not desist until the boys and Philinus were all dead. +When such madness and ferocity was infecting everybody, as it would +not be easy to parallel even among barbarians, it would be clearly +very natural to ask why the whole nation did not utterly perish. For +my part, I think that Fortune displayed her resources and skill in +resisting the folly and madness of the leaders; and, being determined +at all hazards to save the Achaeans, like a good wrestler, she had +recourse to the only trick left; and that was to bring down and conquer +the Greeks quickly, as in fact she did. For it was owing to this that +the wrath and fury of the Romans did not blaze out farther; that the +army of Libya did not come to Greece; and that these leaders, being +such men as I have described, did not have an opportunity, by gaining +a victory, of displaying their wickedness upon their countrymen. For +what it was likely that they would have done to their own people, +if they had got any ground of vantage or obtained any success, may +be reasonably inferred from what has already been said. And indeed +everybody at the time had the proverb on his lips, “had we not perished +quickly we had not been saved.”[260]... + +[Sidenote: Character of Aulus Postumius Albinus.] + ++12.+ Aulus Postumius deserves some special notice from us here. He was +a member of a family and gens of the first rank, but in himself was +garrulous and wordy, and exceedingly ostentatious. From his boyhood +he had a great leaning to Greek studies and literature: but he was so +immoderate and affected in this pursuit, that owing to him the Greek +style became offensive to the elder and most respectable men at Rome. +Finally he attempted to write a poem and a formal history in Greek, in +the preface to which he desired his readers to excuse him if, being +a Roman, he could not completely command the Greek idiom or method +in the handling of the subject. To whom M. Porcius Cato made a very +pertinent answer. “I wonder,” said he, “on what grounds you make such +a demand. If the Amphictyonic council had charged you to write the +history, you might perhaps have been forced to allege this excuse and +ask for this consideration. But to write it of your own accord, when +there was no compulsion to do so, and then to demand consideration, +if you should happen to write bad Greek, is quite unreasonable. It is +something like a man entering for the boxing match or pancratium in +the public games, and, when he comes into the stadium, and it is his +turn to fight, begging the spectators to pardon him ‘if he is unable to +stand the fatigue or the blows.’ Such a man of course would be laughed +at and condemned at once.”[261] And this is what such historiographers +should experience, to prevent them spoiling a good thing by their rash +presumption. Similarly, in the rest of his life, he had imitated all +the worst points in Greek fashions; for he was fond of pleasure and +averse from toil. And this may be illustrated from his conduct in the +present campaign: for being among the first to enter Greece at the +time that the battle in Phocis took place, he retired to Thebes on the +pretence of illness, in order to avoid taking part in the engagement; +but, when the battle was ended, he was the first to write to the Senate +announcing the victory, entering into every detail as though he had +himself been present at the conflict.... + + +[Sidenote: B.C. 146. Coss. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus, L. Mummius.] + +_On the arrival of the Consul Mummius, Metellus was sent back into +Macedonia. Mummius was accompanied by L. Aurelius Orestes, who had +been nearly murdered in the riot at Corinth (38, 7), and, pitching his +camp in the Isthmus, was joined by allies who raised his army to three +thousand five hundred cavalry and twenty-six thousand infantry. The +Achaeans made a sudden attack upon them and gained a slight success, +which was a few days afterwards revenged by a signal defeat. Instead +of retiring into Corinth, and from that stronghold making some terms +with Mummius, Diaeus fled to Megalopolis, where he poisoned himself, +after first killing his wife. The rest of the beaten Achaean army took +refuge in Corinth, which Mummius took and fired on the third day after +the battle with Diaeus. Then the commissioners were sent from Rome to +settle the whole of Greece. Pausanias, 7, 16-17; Livy_, Ep. 52. + + +[Sidenote: The destruction of the works of art in Corinth, September, +B.C. 146.] + ++13.+ The incidents of the capture of Corinth were melancholy. The +soldiers cared nothing for the works of art and the consecrated +statues. I saw with my own eyes pictures thrown on the ground and +soldiers playing dice on them; among them was a picture of Dionysus by +Aristeides—in reference to which they say that the proverbial saying +arose, “Nothing to the Dionysus,”—and the Hercules tortured by the +shirt of Deianeira.... + ++14.+ Owing to the popular reverence for the memory of Philopoemen, +they did not take down the statues of him in the various cities. +So true is it, as it seems to me, that every genuine act of virtue +produces in the mind of those who benefit by it an affection which it +is difficult to efface.... + +One might fairly, therefore, use the common saying: “He has been foiled +not at the door, but in the road.”...[262] + +[Sidenote: Statues of Philopoemen.] + +There were many statues of Philopoemen, and many erections in his +honour, voted by the several cities; and a Roman at the time of the +disaster which befell Greece at Corinth, wished to abolish them all and +to formally indict him, laying an information against him, as though +he were still alive, as an enemy and ill-wisher to Rome. But after a +discussion, in which Polybius spoke against this sycophant, neither +Mummius nor the commissioners would consent to abolish the honours of +an illustrious man.... + +[Sidenote: Speech of Polybius defending the memory of Philopoemen.] + +Polybius, in an elaborate speech, conceived in the spirit of what has +just been said, maintained the cause of Philopoemen. His arguments +were that “This man had indeed been frequently at variance with the +Romans on the matter of their injunctions, but he only maintained his +opposition so far as to inform and persuade them on the points in +dispute; and even that he did not do without serious cause. He gave a +genuine proof of his loyal policy and gratitude, by a test as it were +of fire, in the periods of the wars with Philip and Antiochus. For, +possessing at those times the greatest influence of any one in Greece, +from his personal power as well as that of the Achaeans, he preserved +his friendship for Rome with the most absolute fidelity, having joined +in the vote of the Achaeans in virtue of which, four months before the +Romans crossed from Italy, they levied a war from their own territory +upon Antiochus and the Aetolians, when nearly all the other Greeks +had become estranged from the Roman friendship.” Having listened to +this speech and approved of the speaker’s view, the ten commissioners +granted that the complimentary erections to Philopoemen in the several +cities should be allowed to remain. Acting on this pretext, Polybius +begged of the Consul the statues of Achaeus, Aratus, and Philopoemen, +though they had already been transported to Acarnania from the +Peloponnese: in gratitude for which action people set up a marble +statue of Polybius himself.[263]... + +[Sidenote: Polybius will have no confiscated goods.] + ++15.+ After the settlement made by the ten commissioners in Achaia, +they directed the Quaestor, who was to superintend the selling of +Diaeus’s property, to allow Polybius to select anything he chose from +the goods and present it to him as a free gift, and to sell the rest +to the highest bidders. But, so far from accepting any such present, +Polybius urged his friends not to covet anything whatever of the goods +sold by the Quaestor anywhere:—for he was going a round of the cities +and selling the property of all those who had been partisans of Diaeus, +as well of such as had been condemned, except those who left children +or parents. Some of these friends did not take his advice; but those +who did follow it earned a most excellent reputation among their +fellow-citizens. + +[Sidenote: B.C. 145. The commissioners return in the spring, leaving +instructions with Polybius to explain the new constitutions.] + ++16.+ After completing these arrangements in six months, the ten +commissioners sailed for Italy, at the beginning of spring, having left +a noble monument of Roman policy for the contemplation of all Greece. +They also charged Polybius, as they were departing, to visit all the +cities and to decide all questions that might arise, until such time +as they were grown accustomed to their constitution and laws. Which he +did: and after a while caused the inhabitants to be contented with the +constitution given them by the commissioners, and left no difficulty +connected with the laws on any point, private or public, unsettled. + +[Sidenote: Note by a friend of Polybius as to the effect of his careful +fulfilment of his commission.] + +[Wherefore the people, who always admired and honoured this man, +being in every way satisfied with the conduct of his last years and +his management of the business just described, honoured him with the +most ample marks of their respect both during his life and after his +death. And this universal verdict was fully justified. For if he +had not elaborated and reduced to writing the laws relating to the +administration of justice, everything would have been in a state of +uncertainty and confusion. Therefore we must look upon this as the most +glorious of the actions of Polybius.]... + +[Sidenote: Mummius acted in Greece with clean hands and great +moderation.] + ++17.+ The Roman Proconsul, after the commissioners had left Achaia, +having restored the holy places in the Isthmus and ornamented the +temples in Olympia and Delphi, proceeded to make a tour of the cities, +receiving marks of honour and proper gratitude in each. And indeed he +deserved honour both public and private, for he conducted himself with +self-restraint and disinterestedness, and administered his office with +mildness, although he had great opportunities of enriching himself, +and immense authority in Greece. And in fact in the points in which he +was thought to have at all overlooked justice, he appears not to have +done it for his own sake, but for that of his friends. And the most +conspicuous instance of this was in the case of the Chalcidian horsemen +whom he put to death.[264]... + +[Sidenote: Death of Ptolemy Philometor in a war in Syria in support of +Demetrius the younger against Alexander Balas. See above, 33, 18.] + ++18.+ Ptolemy, king of Syria,[265] died from a wound received in the +war: a man who, according to some, deserved great praise and abiding +remembrance, and according to others the reverse. If any king before +him ever was, he was mild and benevolent; a very strong proof of which +is that he never put any of his own friends to death on any charge +whatever; and I believe that not a single man at Alexandria either +owed his death to him. Again, though he was notoriously ejected from +his throne by his brother, in the first place, when he got a clear +opportunity against him in Alexandria, he granted him a complete +amnesty; and afterwards, when his brother once more made a plot against +him to seize Cyprus, though he got him body and soul into his hands +at Lapethus, he was so far from punishing him as an enemy, that he +even made him grants in addition to those which formerly belonged to +him in virtue of the treaty made between them, and moreover promised +him his daughter. However, in the course of a series of successes +and prosperity, his mind became corrupted; and he fell a prey to the +dissoluteness and effeminacy characteristic of the Egyptians: and these +vices brought him into serious disasters.... + + +CONCLUSION OF THE HISTORY + ++19.+ Having accomplished these objects, I returned home from Rome, +having put, as it were, the finishing-stroke to my whole previous +political actions, and obtained a worthy return for my constant +loyalty to the Romans. Wherefore I make my prayers to all the gods +that the rest of my life may continue in the same course and in the +same prosperity; for I see only too well that Fortune is envious of +mortals, and is most apt to show her power in those points in which a +man fancies that he is most blest and most successful in life. + +[Sidenote: See 1, 3, and 3, 4.] + +Such was the result of my exertions. But having now arrived at the +end of my whole work, I wish to recall to the minds of my readers the +point from which I started, and the plan which I laid down at the +commencement of my history, and then to give a summary of the entire +subject. I announced then at starting that I should begin my narrative +at the point where Timaeus left off, and that going cursorily over the +events in Italy, Sicily, and Libya—since that writer has only composed +a history of those places,—when I came to the time when Hannibal took +over the command of the Carthaginian army; Philip son of Demetrius the +kingdom of Macedonia; Cleomenes of Sparta was banished from Greece; +Antiochus succeeded to the kingdom in Syria, and Ptolemy Philopator to +that in Egypt,—I promised that starting once more from that period, +namely the 139th Olympiad, I would give a general history of the world: +marking out the periods of the Olympiads, separating the events of each +year, and comparing the histories of the several countries by parallel +narratives of each, up to the capture of Carthage, and the battle of +the Achaeans and Romans in the Isthmus, and the consequent political +settlement imposed on the Greeks. From all of which I said that +students would learn a lesson of supreme interest and instructiveness. +This was to ascertain how, and under what kind of polity, almost the +whole inhabited world came under the single authority of Rome, a fact +quite unparalleled in the past. These promises then having all been +fulfilled, it only remains for me to state the periods embraced in my +history, the number of my books, and how many go to make up my whole +work.... + + +I.—SHORTER FRAGMENTS + + +_The first eight of these fragments belong to book 6, but as they do +not fall in with what remains of the text, I have placed them here. I +have divided these fragments into two classes: (A) those which seem to +have some distinct reference which can be recognised or guessed: (B) +those which though fairly complete in themselves cannot be so classed. +A good many more, generally quoted by Suidas for the sake of some one +word, did not seem worth putting in an English dress. The numbers in +brackets are those of Hultsch’s text._ + + + _A_ + + I (6, 2) + +[Sidenote: B.C. 751.] + +I believe Rome to have been founded in the second year of the 7th +Olympiad.[266] + + II (6, 2) + +[Sidenote: B.C. 672.] + +Polybius, like Aristodemus of Elis, informs us that the register of the +athletic victors at the Olympic games began to be kept from the 27th +Olympiad, at which Coroebus of Elis was first registered as conqueror +in the stadium; and this Olympiad was regarded as an era by the Greeks +from which to calculate dates.[267] + + III (6, 2) + +The Palatine was named after Pallas, who died there. He was the son +of Heracles and Lavina, daughter of Evander. His maternal grandfather +raised a barrow as his tomb on this hill, and called the place after +him the Pallantium. + + IV (6, 2) + +Among the Romans women are forbidden to drink wine; and they drink +what is called _passum_, which is made from raisins, and tastes very +like the sweet wine of Aegosthena or Crete. This is what they drink to +quench their thirst. But it is almost impossible for them to drink wine +without being found out. For, to begin with, the woman has not got the +charge of wine; and, in the next place, she is bound to kiss all her +male relatives and those of her husband, down to his cousins, every day +on seeing them for the first time; and as she cannot tell which of them +she will meet, she has to be on her guard. For if she has but tasted +wine, there is no occasion for any formal accusation.[268] + + V (6, 2) + +[Sidenote: Ancus Marcius, Livy, 1, 33.] + +He also founded Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber. + + VI (6, 2) + +[Sidenote: Lucius Tarquinius Priscus comes to Rome.] + +Lucius, the son of Demaratus of Corinth, came to Rome relying on his +own ability and wealth, and convinced that the advantages he possessed +would place him in the front rank in the state: for he had a wife +who, among other useful qualities, was admirably suited by nature to +assist in any political enterprise. Arrived at Rome, and admitted to +citizenship, he devoted himself to flattering the king; and before very +long his wealth, his natural dexterity, and, more than all, his early +training, enabled him so to please the king’s taste that he gained his +cordial liking and confidence. As time went on his intimacy became so +close that he lived with [Ancus] Marcius, and assisted him in managing +his kingdom. While so engaged, he contrived to make himself useful to +every one. All who were suitors for anything found in him an active +supporter and friend: his wealth was spent with noble liberality and +judgment on various objects of national importance; and thus he secured +for himself the gratitude of many, and the goodwill and good word of +all, and finally obtained the throne.[269]... + +Every branch of virtue should be practised by those who aim at good +training, from childhood, but, above all, courage.... + + (6, 1) + +An impossible lie admits of no defence even. + + (6, 1) + +It is the act of a wise and sensible man to recognise—as Hesiod puts +it—“how much greater the half is than the whole.”[270] + + VII (6, 1) + +To learn sincerity towards the Gods is a kind of image of truthfulness +towards each other. + + VIII (6, 1) + +It generally happens in the world that men who acquire have a natural +turn for keeping; while those who succeed to wealth, without any +trouble to themselves, are apt to squander it. + + IX (10) + +The strongest fortifications are in general dangerous to both sides; +which may be illustrated from what occurs in the case of citadels. +These last are regarded as contributing greatly to the security of the +cities in which they stand, and to the protection of their freedom; +but they often turn out to be the origin of slavery and indisputable +misfortunes.[271] + + X (13) + +Some few approved of his doing so, but the majority objected, saying, +some that it was folly, and others that it was madness for a man thus +to risk and hazard his life, who was quite unacquainted with the kind +of fighting in use among these barbarians.[272] + + XI (16) + + + “Secure retreat in case disaster fall.” + + +One ought always to keep this line in mind. From failing to do so +Lucius the Roman[273] met with a grave disaster. So narrow is the +risk of destruction to the most powerful forces when the leaders are +unwise. A sufficient illustration to thoughtful men is furnished by the +headstrong invasion of Argos by Pyrrhus king of the Epirotes,[274] and +the expedition through Thrace of king Lysimachus against Dorimichaites, +king of Odrysae;[275] and indeed many other similar cases. + + XII (23) + +Marcellus never once conquered Hannibal, who in fact remained unbeaten +until Scipio’s victory.[276] + + XIII (25) + +No darkness, no storm however violent, turned him from his purpose. He +forced his way through all such obstacles; he overcame even disease by +resolute labour, and never once failed in an object or experienced a +variation in his uniform good fortune. + + XIV (29) + +In old times single combats among the Romans were conducted with good +faith [but in our days many contrivances have been hit upon]. + + XV (31) + +The horse, from the agony of the wound, first fell forward, and then +galloped furiously through the middle of the camp. + + XVI (42) + +Seeing that the superstitious feelings of the soldiers were roused by +these portents, he exerted himself to remove the scruples of the men by +means of his own intelligence and strategic skill. + + XVII (63) + +SHIPS WITH SIX BANKS OF OARS + +These vessels appear to be as swift sailers as penteconters, but to be +much inferior to triremes; and their construction has been abandoned +for many years past. Polybius, however, is supposed to lay down the +measurements of such vessels, which the Romans and Carthaginians appear +to have often employed in their wars with each other.[277] + + XVIII (64) + +Getting completely drunk, and all flung on the ground in the various +tents, they neither heard any word of command nor took any thought of +the future whatever.[278] + + XIX (66) + +In consultations of war, as in those relating to bodily sickness, one +ought to take as much account of the symptoms that have since arisen as +of those originally existing. + + XX (90) + +Cappadocia extends from Mount Taurus and Lycaonia up to the Pontic +Sea. The name is Persian and arose thus. A certain Persian [named +Cappadocus?] was present at a hunt with Artaxerxes, or some other king, +when a lion sprang upon the king’s horse. This Persian happened to be +in that part of the hunting company, and drawing his sword rescued +the king from his imminent danger and killed the lion. This Persian +therefore ascending the highest mountain in the neighbourhood received +as a gift from the king as much territory as the human eye could take +in, looking east, west, north, and south.[279] + + XXI (95) + +The Celtiberians have a peculiar manœuvre in war. When they see their +infantry hard pressed, they dismount and leave their horses standing in +their places. They have small pegs attached to their leading reins, and +having fixed them carefully into the ground, they train their horses to +keep their places obediently in line until they come back and pull up +the pegs. + + XXII (96) + +The Celtiberians excel the rest of the world in the construction of +their swords; for their point is strong and serviceable, and they can +deliver a cut with both edges. Wherefore the Romans abandoned their +ancestral swords after the Hannibalian war and adopted those of the +Iberians. They adopted, I say, the construction of the swords, but they +can by no means imitate the excellence of the steel or the other points +in which they are so elaborately finished.[280] + + XXIII (102) + +The Roman praetor Marcus[281] wished to get rid of the war against +the Lusitani, and laying aside war altogether, to shirk—as the saying +is—“the men’s hall for the women’s bower,” because of the recent defeat +of the praetor by the Lusitani. + + (103) + +But those of the Ligurians who fought against Mago were unable to do +anything important or great. + + XXIV (113) + +A _mora_ consisted of nine hundred men.[282] + + XXV (117) + +A general needs good sense and boldness; they are the most necessary +qualities for dangerous and venturesome undertakings. + + XXVI (154) + +The second king of Egypt, called Philadelphus, when giving his daughter +Berenice in marriage to Antiochus king of Syria, was careful to send her +some Nile water, that the young bride might drink no other water. + + XXVII (156) + +I say this to point out the wisdom of the Romans, and the folly of those +who despise the practice of making comparisons with the habits of +foreign nations, and believe themselves competent to reform their own +armies without reference to others.[283] + + XXVIII (157) + +The Romans were wont to take great care not to appear to be the +aggressors, or to attack their neighbours without provocation; but to be +considered always to be acting in self-defence, and only to enter upon +war under compulsion.[284] + + XXIX (166) + +When Scipio Africanus, the younger, was commissioned by the Senate to +settle the kingdoms throughout the world, and see that they were put in +proper hands, he only took five slaves with him; and, on one of these +dying during the journey, he wrote home to his relations to buy another +and send him to take the place of the dead one.[285] + + XXX (184) + +If one ought to speak of _Fortune_ in regard to such things; for I fear +she often gets credit of that sort without good reason; while the real +fault lies with the men who administer public business, who sometimes +act with seriousness and sometimes the reverse. + + + _B_ + + XXXI (1) + +But not making at all a good guess at the king’s mind, he acted in a +most inconsiderate manner. + + XXXII (2) + +Want of civilisation appears to have an extraordinary influence on +mankind in this direction. + + XXXIII (3) + +But the general being unable to endure the unfairness of those who made +these assertions.... + + XXXIV (5) + +But he determined to hold out to the last, trusting to the supplies from +Egypt. + + XXXV (6) + +But having fallen in with him he gained an extremely fortunate victory. + + XXXVI (7) + +In all these things the Aetolians had been deceived. + + XXXVII (8) + +And some he honoured with gold cloths and spears, because he wished that +his promises should agree with his performances. + + XXXVIII (11) + +He wrote in bitter and frantic terms, calling them fiends and murderers +in his letter, if they abandoned the positions thus disgracefully, +before they had suffered or witnessed any hardship. + + XXXIX (12) + +There is a courage in words too which can despise death. + + XXXIX (14) + +Before he had been rejoined by the stragglers of the skirmishing +parties. + + XL (27) + +Being utterly at a loss, at last he rested his chance of escape from the +difficulty which was upon him on some such hope as this. + + XLI (30) + +None of the citizens being aware of what was taking place owing to the +distance, for the city was a large one. + + XLII (32) + +But trusting to them he undertook the war against Ariarathes. + + XLIII (34) + +Harpyia is a city in Illyria near Encheleae, to which Baton, charioteer +of Amphiaraus, removed after the latter’s disappearance. + + XLIV (35) + +And he waited for the coming of Hasdrubal. + + XLV (36) + +Hearing all this through the curtain the king laughed. + + XLVI (39) + +Foreseeing and fearing the fierce temper and obstinacy of the men. + + XLVII (40) + +At that time, persuaded that he was enduring a fiery test, he was +released from the suspicion. + + XLVIII (43) + +He thought therefore that it was dangerous to have shared in their +enterprise when their plan had failed and come to an end. + + XLIX (44) + +Having urged the soldiers to make haste, and exhorted the tribunes to +engage. + + L (46) + +Thinking it better and safer not to be present at the hour of the +enemy’s opportunity, nor when they were under the influence of popular +excitement and fury. + + LI (47) + +Whenever it is possible to obtain satisfaction from those who have +wronged us either by law or by any other settled forms of justice. + + LII (54) + +Having drawn his army from the pass he encamped. + + LII (55) + +And then they took up some sort of order, as though by mutual consent, +and fought the battle in regular formation. + + LIII (56) + +That which causes the most pain at the time involves also the most +signal revulsion of joy. + + LIV (57) + +Having ordered the pilots to steer the ships as fast as they could to +Elaea. + + LV (61) + +They not only drove themselves off the stage, but ruined also all +Greece. + + LV (62) + +But he, from his long experience of war, did not all lose his presence +of mind. + + LVI (67) + +He persuades them by reckoning all the wealth he considered they would +gain in the battle. + + LVII (68) + +The Romans had been inspired by some divine influence, and having +fortified their courage with irresistible might.... + + LVII (69) + +To signalise some by favours, and others by punishments, that they might +be a warning to the rest. + + LVIII (72) + +And they, being persuaded, and throwing themselves in the way of the +enemy’s charge, died gallantly. + + LIX (73) + +He tried to take the city by an intrigue, having long secured a party of +traitors within it. + + LX (74) + +He brought up the transports, by lading which with rocks and sinking +them at the mouth of the harbour he planned to shut out the enemy +entirely from the sea. + + LXI (80) + +Though I have much more to say, I fear lest some of you may think that I +am unnecessarily diffuse. + + LXII (81) + +They are reserving themselves for an opportunity, and are quite ready to +meet them again. + + LXIII (85) + +To be eager for life and to cling to it is a sign of the greatest +baseness and weakness. + + LXIV (86) + +He was feeling something like starters in horse races, which are started +by the raising of torches. + + LXV (88) + +Their boldness transgresses the bounds of propriety, and their actions +are a violation of duty. + + LXV (91) + +Seeing that the Carthaginians had obeyed all injunctions in the most +honourable spirit. + + LXVI (92) + +To have fifty ships built entirely new, and to launch fifty of those +already existing from the docks. + + LXVII (100) + +Lucius being appointed to go on a mission to the Lapateni and speak to +them in favour of an unconditional surrender, was unprepared for the +task before him. + + LXVIII (101) + +Of all the determining forces in war the most decisive of failure or +success is the spirit of the combatants. + + LXIX (104) + +Having mentioned summarily the defeats they had sustained, and putting +before them the successes of the Macedonians. + + LXX (105) + +For he perceived that the Macedonian kingdom would become contemptible, +if the rebels succeeded in their first attempt. + + LXXI (109) + +Therefore it was intolerable that the Romans even then should make their +way into Macedonia unobserved. + + LXXII (110) + +He, if any one of our time has done so, has examined all that has been +said scientifically on tactics. + + LXXIII (111) + +Metrodorus and his colleagues, frightened at the threatening aspect of +Philip, departed. + + LXXIV (112) + +The Romans made no show of bearing a grudge for what had taken place. + + LXXV (113) + +But putting both spurs to his horse he rode on as hard as he could. + + LXXVI (114) + +Being annoyed at the treaty, Nabis paid no attention to its provisions. + + LXXVII (120) + +It was neither possible to examine the man closely in his state of +physical weakness, nor to put a question to him for fear of worrying +him. + + LXXVIII (122) + +The Pannonians having seized the fort at the beginning of the war, had +taken it as a base of operations, and had fitted it up for the reception +of booty. + + LXXIX (124) + +But wishing to point the contrast between his policy to those who +trusted and those who disobeyed him, he commenced the siege. + + LXXX (126) + +So that those in the assembly were thunderstruck and unable to collect +their thoughts, sympathising with the poignant sorrow of those thus +dispossessed of their all. + + LXXXI (131) + +They immediately sent a courier to Perseus to tell him what had +happened. (132) It was Perseus’s design to keep it close, but he could +not hide the truth. + + LXXXII (133) + +In other respects he was well equipped for service, but his spear was +limp. + + LXXXIII (134) + +Publius was anxious to engage and avail himself of the enthusiasm of the +barbarians. (135) He put in at Naupactus in Aetolia. (136) He escorted +Publius out with great respect. (137) Having received Publius and Gaius +with kindness and honour. + + LXXXIV (140) + +It was the deliberate intention of the Romans to fight at sea. + + LXXXV (141) + +While they were still together and were fighting at close quarters with +their swords, taking his stand behind them he stabbed him under the +armpit. + + LXXXVI (151) + +This man presented Prusias with many silver and gold cups during the +banquet. + + LXXXVII (153) + +Taking a wise view of the future, he came to the conclusion to get rid +of the garrison sent by Ptolemy. + + LXXXVIII (158) + +On that occasion both Romans and Carthaginians bivouacked on the +embankment. + + LXXXIX (159) + +Not being able to persuade him again, owing to that king’s cautious and +inactive character, he was forced to offer five hundred talents. And so +Seleucus agreed to give the aid. + + XC (161) + +Chance and Fortune, so to speak, enhanced the achievements of Scipio, so +that they always appeared more illustrious than was expected. + + XCI (162) + +One must not pass over even a minor work of his, as in the case of a +famous artist. + + XCII (163) + +Scipio counselled him either not to try, or to do so in such a manner as +to succeed at all risks. For to make an attempt on the same man twice +was dangerous in itself, and was apt to make a man altogether +contemptible. + + XCIII (164) + +But being jealous of Scipio they tried to decry his achievements. + + XCIV (168) + +Fixing the stocks upright in the ground in a semicircle touching each +other. + + XCV (170) + +The important point of their resolution was that they would not admit a +garrison or governor, and would not give up their constitution as +established by law. + + XCV (177-179) + +He said that we should not let the enemy escape, or encourage their +boldness by shirking a battle.... + +Conceiving a slight hope from the besieged garrison, he made the most of +it.... + +Pretending warm friendship, he tried every manœuvre whereby he might +promote the enemy’s interests, and surround us by the gravest perils.... + + XCVI (182) + +As the rock caused them difficulty because they were obliged to bore a +hole in it, they completed the mine which they were making by using +wooden bolts. + + XCVII (183) + +He did not think it right to leave the war in Etruria, and give his +attention to the cities in that part of the country. He feared that he +should waste all the time, which was not very long to begin with, in +less important details. + + XCVIII (185) + +And having got his boats and hemioliae dragged across the Isthmus he put +to sea, being anxious to be in time for the Achaean congress. + + XCIX (191) + +Philip was annoyed at the request of the Corcyreans. + + C (192) + +Since circumstances debar Philip, the king wishes to give that man the +credit of the achievement, making the proposal to him in the light of a +favour. + + CI (193) + +Philip, having given out that he was about to serve out rations, made a +proclamation that a return should be made to him of all who had not +provisions for more than thirty days. + + CII (195) + +After two days from starting for the seat of war Philip passed the order +to make two rations three, whenever he wanted an additional day, and +sometimes to make two four. (? Cp. Livy, 35, 28.) + + CIII (195) + +A swipe (φρεατοτόπανον) is one of the implements mentioned by Polybius. +(See 9, 43, Hultsch.) + + CIV (199) + +It was impossible to convey the equipments and provisions for the +legions by sea or upon beasts of burden; they must carry ten days’ +provisions in their wallets. + + + + II.—GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES + QUOTED BY STEPHANUS AND OTHERS + AS HAVING BEEN USED BY POLYBIUS + + Achriane, a town in Hyrcania. + + Adrane, a town in Thrace. + + Aegosthena, a town in Megaris. + + Allaria, a town in Crete. + + Ancara, a town in Italy. + + Aperanteia, a city and district in Thessaly. + + Apsyrtus, an island off Illyricum. + + Ares, plain of, “A desolate plain in Thrace with low trees.” + + Arsinoe, a town in Aetolia and in Libya. + + Atella, a town of the Opici, in Campania. “The Atellani surrendered.” + + Badiza, a town in Bruttium. + + Babrantium, a place near Chios. + + Cabyle, a town in Thrace. + + Calliope, a town in Parthia. + + Candasa, a fort in Caria. + + Carthaea, one of the four cities of Ceos. + + Corax, a mountain between Callipolis and Naupactus. + + Cyathus, a river in Aetolia, near Arsinoe (a tributary of the Achelous). + + Dassaretae, an Illyrian tribe. + + Digeri, a Thracian tribe. + + Ellopium, a town in Aetolia. + + Gitta, a town in Palestine (Gath). + + Hella, in Asia, a port belonging to Attalus. + + Hippo (Regius), a town in Libya. + + Hyrtacus, a town in Crete. + + Hyscana, a town in Illyria. + + Ilattia, a town in Crete. + + Lampeteia, a town in Bruttium. + + Mantua, in N. Italy. + + Massyleis, a Libyan tribe. + + Melitusa, a town in Illyria. + + Oricus (m.), a town in Epirus, “The first town on the right as + one sails into the Adriatic.” + + Parthus, a town in Illyria. + + Philippi, a town in Macedonia. + + Phorynna, a town in Thrace. + + Phytaeum, a town in Aetolia. + + Rhyncus, in Aetolia. + + Sibyrtus, a town in Crete. + + Singa, a town in Libya. + + Tabraca, a town in Libya. + + Temesia, a town in Bruttium. + + Volci, a town in Etruria. + + Xynia, a town in Thessaly. + + + + APPENDIX I. + + THE DIVISIONS OF THE MACEDONIAN EMPIRE AFTER THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER. + + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + + ALEXANDER THE GREAT, OB. JUNE B.C. 323. + + Justin, 12, 16; Arrian, _An._ 7, 28. + + {Philip III. (Arrhidaeus) half-brother of Alexander, + οἱ βασιλεῖς { ob. B.C. 317. + {Alexander IV. (posthumous son of Alexander by Roxana). + + Successive Guardians {Perdiccas, killed B.C. 321. + (οἱ ἐπιμεληταί) {Arrhidaeus and Python (for a few months), + resigned B.C. 321. + + Hipparch ... Seleucus. Captain of the Bodyguards ... Cassander. + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + Macedonia and Greece. Antipater. + + Egypt, and parts of Libya and Asia. Ptolemy s. of Lagus. + + Pamphylia(1). Lycia. Greater Phrygia. Antigonus. + + Caria. Cassander. + + Thrace. Lysimachus. + + Paphlagonia. Cappadocia. Eumenes. + + Media Major. Python. + + Syria. Laomedon. + + Phrygia Hellespontiaca. Leonnatus. + + Lydia. Meleager.(2) + + Cilicia. Philotas. + + Media Minor. Atropatos. + + _Bactria ulterior._ Unchanged.(3) + + _India._ Unchanged. + + _Indian Colonies._ _Pithon s. of Agenor._ + + _Punjaub._ _Taxiles._ + + _Parapamisos._ _Oxyartes._ + + _Arachossi_ and _Cedrussi._ _Silyrtias._ + + _Draucae_ and _Arei._ _Stasanor._ + + _Bactria._ _Amyntas._ + + _Sogdiani._ _Stasandros._ + + _Parthians._ _Philip._ + + _Hyrcani._ _Phrataphernes._ + + _Carmani._ _Tleptolemus._ + + _Persis._ _Peucestes._ + + _Babylonians._ _Archon._ + + _Mesopotamia._ _Arcesilaus._ + + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + (1) Justin gives Pamphylia and Lycia to Nearchus. + + (2) Justin calls him Menander. + + (3) The provinces and governors printed in italics are not mentioned + by Diodorus here, who merely says that they were unchanged, But + the list given by Justin agrees with that of Diodorus in the + next settlement, with certain exceptions, which may be regarded + as changes arising from death or other causes. + + SECOND ARRANGEMENT, B.C. 321. + + οἱ βασιλεῖς { Philip III. (Arrhidaeus) ob. 317 B.C. + { Alexander IV. (son of Alexander + by Roxana). + + Regent with absolute powers ... Antipater, ob. B.C. 318. + ” ” ... Polysperchon, B.C. 318-315. + + Strategus of the Empire ... Antigonus. + + Chiliarch ” ... Cassander (s. of Antigonus). + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + B.C. 321. SECOND ARRANGEMENT OF THE PROVINCES. Diod. 18, 39. + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + + (Unchanged.) Macedonia and Greece. (Unchanged.) Antipater. + + (Unchanged.) Egypt & parts of Libya + & Asia. Ptolemy, s. of Lagus. + + Greater Phrygia, Lycia, & Susiana added. Antigonus. + + (Unchanged.) Cassander. + + (Unchanged.) Thrace. Lysimachus. + + (Unchanged.) Media. Python. + + (Unchanged.) Syria. Laomedon. + + Cilicia. Philoxenus. + + Babylonia. Seleucus. + + Cappadocia. Nicanor. + + Lydia Cheiton. + + Phrygia Hellespontiaca. Arrhidaeus. + + Mesopotamia and Asbelitis. Amphimachus. + + The other provinces as in the previous list. + + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + THIRD ARRANGEMENT, B.C. 312-311. + + King ... Alexander IV. (in charge of Roxana). + + Strategus in Europe till the king comes of age ... Cassander. + + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + B.C. 312-311. THIRD ARRANGEMENT OF THE PROVINCES OF THE EMPIRE. + Diod. Sic. 19, 105. + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + + Egypt. Ptolemy, s. of Lagus. + + Thrace. Lysimachus. + + Macedonia. Cassander. + + All Asia (ἀφηγεῖσθαι). Antigonus. + + Babylonia. Seleucus Nicanor. + + Greece nominally free, B.C. 307 + Demetrius (s. of Antigonus) becomes + Master of Athens. + + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + B.C. 311. Alexander IV. and Roxana murdered by order of Cassander. + + B.C. 306. FOURTH ARRANGEMENT. +Kingdoms+ + FORMED, AFTER THE NAVAL VICTORY OF DEMETRIUS OVER PTOLEMY. + Diod. 30, 53. + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + + King of Egypt. Ptolemy, s. of Lagus. + + King of Syria and Asia. Antigonus. + + King of Upper Asia. Seleucus. + + King of Thrace. Lysimachus. + + King of Macedonia. Cassander. + + Demetrius Poliorcetes (s. of Antigonus) + also takes the title of _king_, + and in B.C. 304 returns to Athens + and wages war with Cassander. + + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + + B.C. 301. SETTLEMENT AFTER THE BATTLE OF IPSUS, + IN WHICH ANTIGONUS FELL. + + (Lysimachus and Seleucus against Antigonus and Demetrius.) + + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + + King of Egypt. Ptolemy, s. of Lagus, ob. 283. + + King of Syria. Seleucus Nicanor, ob. B.C. 280. + + King of Thrace. Lysimachus, ob. 281. + + King of Macedonia. Cassander, ob. B.C. 297. + + Greece is nominally free, but in B.C. 295 + Demetrius takes Athens, and becoming King of + Macedonia in B.C. 295 to B.C. 287, he retains + Greece as part of the kingdom. In the confusion + which followed it was practically free. + + ---------------------------------------------------------------------- + + + APPENDIX II + + THE KINGS OF EGYPT, SYRIA, AND MACEDONIA, TO THE END OF THE + PERIOD EMBRACED IN POLYBIUS’S HISTORY + + + +---------+-------------------------------------------+ + | B.C. | EGYPT | + +---------+-------------------------------------------+ + | 306-285 | Ptolemy, s. of Lagus | + | 283-247 | Ptolemy II. Philadelphus | + | 247-222 | Ptolemy III. Euergetes | + | 222-205 | Ptolemy IV. Philopator | + | 205-181 | Ptolemy V. Epiphanes | + | 181-146 | Ptolemy VI. Philometor | + | 170-154 | Ptolemy VII. Physcon, joint king with his | + | | brother, Ptolemy VI | + | 146-117 | Ptolemy VII. sole king | + +---------+-------------------------------------------+ + | | SYRIA | + +---------+-------------------------------------------+ + | 306-301 | Antigonus the One-eyed | + | 301-280 | Seleucus Nicanor | + | 280-261 | Antiochus I. Soter, s. of | + | | Antigonus the One-eyed | + | 246-226 | Seleucus II. Callinicus | + | 226-223 | Seleucus III. Alexander or Ceraunus | + | 223-187 | Antiochus III. the Great | + | 187-175 | Seleucus IV. Philopator | + | 175-164 | Antiochus IV. Epiphanes | + | 164-162 | Antiochus V. Eupator | + | 162-150 | Demetrius I. Soter | + | 150-147 | Alexander Balas | + | 147-125 | Demetrius II. Nicator | + +---------+-------------------------------------------+ + | | MACEDONIA | + +---------+-------------------------------------------+ + | 323-311 | {Alexander IV. | + | 323-317 | {Philip III. (Arrhidaeus) | + | 311-306 | Regency of Cassander | + | 306-296 | Cassander | + | 296 | Philip IV. s. of Cassander | + | 296-294 | Antipater} sons of Cassander | + | | Alexander} | + | 294-287 | Demetrius I. Poliercetes, ob. 283 | + | 287-281 | Divided between Lysimachus and Pyrrhus | + | 281-280 | {Seleucus, Nicanor | + | | {Ptolemy Ceraunus, s. of Ptolemy of Egypt | + | 280-277 | [Various claimants] | + | 277-239 | Antigonus Gonatas, s. of Demetrius I. | + | 239-229 | Demetrius II. s. of Gonatas. | + | 229-179 | Philip V. s. of Demetrius II. | + | | [Antigonus Doson, nominally his guardian | + | | assumes the crown B.C. 229-220] | + | 179-168 | Perseus [Macedonia a Roman province] | + +---------+-------------------------------------------+ + + + APPENDIX III + + + 1, 21. The capture of Cornelius Asina is ascribed by Livy + (_Ep._ 17) to an act of treachery, _per fraudem velut in colloquium + evocatus captus est_. He is copied by Florus (2, 2) and Eutropius + (2, 10). See also Valerius Max. 6, 6, 2. This is perhaps not + incompatible with the narrative of Polybius, which, however, does + not suggest it. He must have been released at the time of the + entrance of Regulus into Africa, for being captured in B.C. 260, + we find him Consul for B.C. 254, without any account of his + release being preserved. + + + 1, 32-36.—XANTHIPPUS THE LACEDAEMONIAN + + The fate of Xanthippus has been variously reported. Polybius + represents him as going away voluntarily, and Mommsen supposes + him to have taken service in the Egyptian army. Appian, + however, asserts that he and his men were drowned on their way + home to Sparta by the Carthaginian captains who were conveying + them, and who were acting on secret orders from home (8, 4). + Mommsen also regards the account of Polybius of the reforms + introduced in the Carthaginian tactics by Xanthippus as exaggerated: + “The officers of Carthage can hardly have waited for + foreigners to teach them that the light African cavalry can be + more appropriately employed on the plain than among hills and + forests.” The doubt had apparently occurred to others [Diodor. + Sic. fr. bk. 23.] The mistake, however, was not an unnatural one. + For other references to Xanthippus see Cicero _de Off._ 3, 26, 7; + Valerius Max. 1, 1, 14; Dio Cassius, fr. 43, 24. + + + 1, 34.—M. ATILIUS REGULUS + + No more is told us of the fate of Regulus, and Mommsen says + “nothing more is known with certainty.” Arnold, following + Niebuhr, declared the story of his cruel death to be a fabrication. + The tradition, however, of his mission home to propose peace, his + subsequent return after advising against it, and his death under + torture, was received undoubtingly by the Roman writers of the + time of Cicero and afterwards. See Cicero, _Off._ 3, § 99; _ad Att._ + 16, 11; _de Sen._ § 74; _Paradox._ 2, 16; _Tusc._ 5, § 14. Horace, + _Od._ 3, 5; Livy, _Ep._ 18; Valerius Max. 1, 1, 14; Dio Cassius, + fr. 43, 28. To Appian (8, 4) is due the additional particular of the + barrel full of nails, καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι καθείρξαντες ἐν + γαλεάγρᾳ κέντρα πάντοθεν ἐχούσῃ διέφθειραν. Against this + uniformity of tradition is to be set the silence of Polybius. But + on the other hand, in this introductory part of his history, Polybius + does not profess to give full particulars (see note to 1, 21); and + in the case of Regulus, he has not stated what we learn from Livy + (_Ep._ 18) and Valerius Max. 4, 4, 6, that his stay in Africa for + the second year was against his own express wish, his private + business requiring, as he thought, his presence in Italy. + + + 1, 60.—LUTATIUS + + Lutatius is represented by Polybius as directing the operations + at the battle of Aegusa; but it appears that he had + received some hurt a few days before, and was confined to his + lectica during the action (_lectica claudum jacuisse_). The chief + direction therefore devolved upon the praetor, Q. Valerius Falto, + who accordingly claimed to share his triumph, but was refused + on the technical ground that the victory had not been won under + his _auspicia_. Valerius Max. 2, 8, 2. + + + 1, 76.—HAMILCAR + + (Vol. i. p. 85.) Dr. Warre writes on the manœuvre of + Hamilcar as follows: “Hamilcar’s army is in column of route; + elephants leading, then cavalry, then light-armed infantry, and + heavy-armed infantry in the rear. He observes the enemy bearing + down hastily; gives orders to his whole force to turn about, and + then forms line (ἐξέτασις) by successive wheels of his heavy-armed + troops. He would thus have changed his heavy-armed from + column of route into line by wheeling them while retiring to the + right (or left) about. The light-armed apparently passed through + the intervals; the cavalry halted when they came to the line now + formed up, and at once turned to their front and faced the enemy, + and the remainder marched forward to meet them. Polybius + does not tell us with what front Hamilcar was marching; but I + think it is clear that he was in column of route and not in battle + array (ἐκ παρατάξεως). Thus the deployment of his columns, + _while retiring, by right (or left) about wheel_ into line by successive + συντάγματα, or battalions, would be a very pretty manœuvre, and + only such as an able tactician would resort to.” + + + 11, 22-23.—SCIPIO AND HASDRUBAL SON OF GESCO + + (Vol. ii. p. 67.) Of this passage Dr. Warre has again favoured + me with a note and a translation which I append: “The passage in + Polybius is very interesting. It is a good tactical example of an + attack on both flanks, refusing the centre, the effect being to keep + the enemy from moving the troops in his centre to the assistance + of his wings. The inversion of order, by which the right became + the left in the case of those troops who had first orders ‘right + turn, left wheel from line into column,’ and then ‘left wheel into + line,’ is an ordinary instance of doing what might be called + ‘clubbing’ a battalion or brigade. It is of course on parade a + clumsy mistake to make; but Scipio rightly took no notice of it + in battle, as Polybius, who sees the matter with a soldier’s eye, + observes. Scipio’s army was inferior in numbers, and so he first + moved his Romans _outwards_ while still in line, and then formed + for attack with the cavalry, light infantry, and three battalions + (cohorts) on each flank.” + + [Illustration] + + The following is Dr. Warre’s translation:— + + “Polybius 11, 22.—On this occasion Scipio seems to have + employed two stratagems. He observed that Hasdrubal was in + the habit of marching out late in the day, of keeping his Libyan + troops in the centre, and of posting his elephants in front of each + wing. His own custom was to march out at the said hour to + oppose him, and to set the Romans in his centre opposite to the + Libyans, while he posted his Spanish troops upon his wings. On + the day upon which he determined to decide matters he did the + reverse of this, and thereby greatly assisted his forces towards + gaining a victory, and placed the enemy at no small disadvantage. + At daybreak he sent his aides and gave orders to all the tribunes + and to the soldiers that they were first to get their breakfast, + and then to arm and to parade in front of the ramparts. This + was done. The soldiers obeyed eagerly, having an idea of his + intention. He sent forward the cavalry and light infantry, giving + them joint orders to approach the camp of the enemy, and to + skirmish up to it boldly; but he himself took the heavy infantry, + and at sunrise advanced, and when he had reached the middle of + the plain formed line in just the opposite order to his previous + formation. For he proceeded to deploy the Iberians on the + centre and the Romans on the flanks.” + + * * * * * + + “For a while the Romans remained as usual silent, but + after the day had worn, and the light infantry engagement was + indecisive and on equal terms, since those who were hard + pressed retired on their own heavy infantry and (ἐκ μεταβολῆς + κινδυνεύειν), after retreating formed again for attack, then it + was that Scipio withdrew his skirmishers through the intervals + of the troops under the standards, and divided them on + either wing in rear of his line, first the velites, and in succession + to them his cavalry, and at first made his advance _in + line direct_. But when distant (? five) furlongs from the enemy he + directed the Iberians to advance in the same formation, but gave + orders to the wings to turn outwards (to the right wing for the + infantry to turn to their right, and to their left to the left). Then + he himself took from the right and Lucius Marcius and Marcus + Junius from the left the three leading squadrons of cavalry, and + in front of these the usual number of velites, and three cohorts + (for this is the Roman term), but the one body wheeled to the left + and the other to the right, were led in column against the enemy, + advancing at full speed, the troops in succession forming and + following as they wheeled.... + + (They were in line, and the cavalry and velites got the word + turn, left wheel, and the infantry right wheel and forward, _i.e._ the + light troops and cavalry wheeled from their outer flank, and the + heavy infantry from their inner flank.) + + “And when these troops were not far off the enemy, and the + Iberians in the line direct were still a considerable distance + behind, as they were advancing slowly, they came in contact with + either wing of the enemy, the Roman forces being in column + according to his original intention. + + “The subsequent movements by which the troops in rear of + these columns came into line with those leading were exactly the + reverse, generally, in the case of the right and the left wings, and + particularly, in case of the light troops and cavalry and the heavy + infantry. For the cavalry and velites on the right wing forming + to the right into line were trying to outflank the enemy, but the + infantry formed on the contrary to the left. On the left wing the + cavalry and light infantry left formed into line, and the heavy + infantry right formed into line. And so it came to pass that on + both wings the cavalry and light troops were in inverted order, _i.e._ + their proper right had become their left. The general took little + heed of this, but cared only for that which was of greater importance, + the outflanking of the enemy; and rightly so, for while + a general ought to know what has happened, he should use the + movements that are suitable to the circumstances.” + + + 34, 5, 10.—PYTHEAS + + The date of these voyages of Pytheas is uncertain beyond the + fact that they were somewhere in the 4th century B.C. His + Periplus, or notes of his voyage, was extant until the 5th + century A.D. The fragments remaining have been published by + Arvedson, Upsala, 1824. The objection raised by Polybius to + the impossibility of a poor man making such voyages is sometimes + answered by the supposition that he was sent officially by the + Massilian merchants to survey the north of Europe and look out + for places suitable for commerce. The northern sea, which he + describes as “like a jellyfish through which one can neither walk + nor sail,” is referred “to the rotten and spongy ice which sometimes + fills those waters.” This is assuming Thule to be Iceland. + Tacitus supposed it to be Shetland (_Agr._ 10), and described the + waters there as sluggish, and not subject to the influence of the + wind. See Elton (_Origins of English History_, pp. 73-74). Elton + quotes Wallace (_Concerning Thule_, 31), who comments on Tacitus + by saying, “This agrees with the sea in the north-east of Scotland, + not for the reason given by Tacitus, but because of the contrary + tides, which drive several ways, and stop not only boats with oars + but ships under sail.” + + + 34, 10.—THE SUBTERRANEAN FISH + + Schweighaeuser in his note on this passage quotes Aristotle _de + Anim._ 6, 15, who states that gudgeon thus hide themselves in the + earth; and Seneca, _Nat. Q._, 3, 17 and 19, who refers to the fact + _piscem posse vivere sub terra et effodi_, and quotes an instance as + occurring in Caria. See also Livy, 42, 2, who, among other + prodigies occurring in B.C. 173, says, _in Gallico agro qua induceretur + aratrum sub existentibus glebis pisces emersisse dicebantur_. + Eels and other fish have been found in the mud of ponds long + after the ponds have been dried up. The truer account is given + in Strabo (4, 1, 6): “There was a lake near Ruscino, and a + swampy place a little above the sea, full of salt, and containing + mullets (κεστρεῖς), which are dug out; for if a man dig down + two or three feet, and drive a trident into the muddy water, he + may spear fish which is of considerable size, and which feeds on + the mud like the eels.” + + FOOTNOTES: + +[1] The port of Brundisium was known long before. See Herod. 4, 99. The +Romans colonised the town in B.C. 244. See Livy, epit. 19. + +[2] See on 3, 66. + +[3] Dr. Arnold declares it “all but an impossibility that an army +should have marched the distance (not less than 325 Roman miles) in a +week.” Livy (26, 42) accepts the statement without question. + +[4] Mr. Strachan-Davidson explains this to mean from the sea to the +lake, as Scipio’s lines would not have extended right round the lake to +the other sea. + +[5] Escombrera (Σκομβραρία). I must refer my readers to Mr. +Strachan-Davidson’s appendix on _The Site of the Spanish Carthage_ for +a discussion of these details. See above 2, 13; Livy, 26, 42. + +[6] This seems to be the distinction between the words γερουσία and +σύγκλητος. Cp. 36, 4. The latter is the word used by Polybius for the +Roman Senate: for the nature of the first see Bosworth Smith, _Carthage +and the Carthaginians_, p. 27. It was usually called “The Hundred.” +Mommsen (_Hist. of Rome_, vol. ii. p. 15) seems to doubt the existence +of the larger council: its authority at any rate had been superseded by +the oligarchical gerusia. + +[7] This and the following chapter were formerly assigned to the +description of Scipio’s proceedings in Spain and followed, ch. 20. +Hultsch, however, seems right in placing them thus, and assigning them +to the account of the tactics of Philopoemen. + +[8] On the margin of one MS. the following is written, which may be +a sentence from the same speech, or a comment of the Epitomator: “A +confederacy with democratic institutions always stands in need of +external support, owing to the fickleness of the multitude.” + +[9] See 5, 44. + +[10] This goddess is variously called Anaitis (Plut. _Artax._ 27) and +Nanea (2 Macc. 1, 13). And is identified by Plutarch with Artemis, and +by others with Aphrodite. + +[11] This proverb perhaps arose from the frequent employment of the +non-Hellenic Carians as mercenaries. Cp. Plato, _Laches_, 187 B; +_Euthydemus_, 285 B; Euripides, _Cyclops_, 654. + +[12] See 9, 11. + +[13] This passage does not occur in the extant treatise of Aeneas; +but is apparently referred to (ch. 7, § 4) as being contained in a +preparatory treatise (παρασκευαστικὴ βίβλος). + +[14] The grouping of these letters will be as follows:— + + + 1 2 3 4 5 + + 1 α ζ λ π φ + 2 β η μ ρ χ + 3 γ θ ν σ ψ + 4 δ ι ξ τ ω + 5 ε κ ο υ + + +[15] Polybius confuses the Tanais (Don) with another Tanais or Iaxartes +flowing into the south-east part of the Caspian. + +[16] King of Bactria, see 11, 34. + +[17] See Livy, 27, 39. + +[18] Livy, 27, 44. + +[19] There is nothing to show positively that a Rhodian is the speaker: +but Livy mentions envoys from Rhodes and Ptolemy this year. For the +special attempts of the Rhodians to bring about a peace between Philip +and the Aetolians, see 5, 24, 100. + +[20] The “Tarentines” were horsemen armed with light skirmishing +javelins. See 4, 77; 16, 18; and cp. Arrian, _Tact._ 4, § 5; 18, § 2. +Livy, 35, 28; 37, 40. + +[21] See on 27, 4. + +[22] The text is certainly corrupt here, and it is not clear what +the general sense of the passage is beyond this,—that Philopoemen +calculated on defeating the enemy, as he did, while struggling through +the dyke: or on their exposing themselves to attack if they retreated +from the dyke without crossing it. + +[23] Or, according to another reading “five stades.” Livy, 28, 14, says +_quingentos passus_. + +[24] The text is imperfect. + +[25] Handing it over to L. Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus, Livy, 28, +38. + +[26] That is the _Caucasus Indicus_ or Paropamisus: mod. Hindú Kúsh. + +[27] Cp. a similar custom of the Lycians, Herod. 1, 173. + +[28] He may have been referring to pre-homeric times, cp. Herod. 6, +137, οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σφίσι κω οὐδὲ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Ἕλλησι +οἰκέτας. + +[29] The text is very imperfect here. + +[30] For this title see on 22, 19. It is found in inscriptions in +Thasos, Crete, and Cibyra. C.I.G. 2163, _c_; 2583; 4380, _b_. + +[31] Both Curtius and Arrian seem to have found in their authorities +that Darius crossed the Pinarus. Curt. 3, 8; Arrian, 2, 8. + +[32] Reckoning the stade at 600 feet (Greek). + +[33] See note to previous chapter. + +[34] The Cilician gates. + +[35] That is, sixteen or thirty-two deep. + +[36] The text here is in hopeless confusion. + +[37] Homer, who is generally spoken of as “the poet.” We may remember +Horace (_Ep._ 1, 19, 6) _Laudibus arguitur vini vinosus Homerus_. + +[38] See 3, 37. The point seems to be that the remark was too +commonplace to put into the mouth of a hero. + +[39] The text is again hopeless. + +[40] The text is uncertain, and I am not at all sure of the meaning +of ἐπ’ ὀνόματος, cp. 25 _k_, 27. These public harangues of doctors to +attract patients are noticed in Xenophon, _Memorab._ 4, 2, 5. + +[41] Tyrant of Salamis in Cyprus, B.C. 404-374. See Isocrates, _Orat._ +x. + +[42] For this proverb see Plutarch, _Nicias_, ch. 9, ἡδέως μεμνημένοι +τοῦ εἰπόντος ὅτι τοὺς ἐν εἰρήνῃ καθεύδοντας οὐ σάλπιγγες ἀλλ’ +ἀλεκτρυόνες ἀφυπνίζουσι. + +[43] _Ib._ ch. 25. + +[44] Homer, _Il._ 5, 890. + +[45] Homer, _Il._ 9, 63. + +[46] Euripides, fr. + +[47] Battle of the Crimesus. See Plutarch, _Timol._ ch. 27. + +[48] He refers to the habit of Eastern nations thrusting their hands +into long sleeves in the presence of their rulers. See Xenophon, +_Hellen._ 2, 1, 8. + +[49] Homer, _Odyss._ 1, 1-4; 8, 183. + +[50] _Republic_, v. 473 C. vi. 499 B. + +[51] The Rhodians had proclaimed war against the Cretan pirates. Philip +had secretly commissioned one of his agents, the Aetolian Dicaearchus, +to aid the Cretans. Diodor. fr. xxviii. + +[52] Heracleides having gained credence at Rhodes by pretending to +betray Philip’s intrigue with the Cretans, waited for an opportunity, +and, setting fire to their arsenal, escaped in a boat. Polyaen. 5, 17, +2. + +[53] The text of these last sentences is so corrupt that it is +impossible to be sure of having rightly represented the meaning of +Polybius. + +[54] These raids on the territory of Megalopolis, however, did not lead +to open war till B.C. 202. See 16, 16. + +[55] Caepio was commanding in Bruttium, Servilius in Etruria and +Liguria. Livy, 30, 1. + +[56] Sophanisba, the daughter of Hasdrubal son of Gesco. Livy, 29, 23; +30, 12, 15. + +[57] Some words are lost from the text. + +[58] παρενέβαλλε, which Schweig. translates _castra locavit_: but +though the word does sometimes bear that meaning, I cannot think that +it does so here. Scipio seems to have retained his camp on the hill, +only two and a half miles’ distant, and to have come down into the +plain to offer battle each of the three days. Hence the imperfect. + +[59] The war with Antiochus, B.C. 218-217. See 5, 40, 58-71, 79-87. + +[60] A civil war, apparently in a rebellion caused by his own feeble +and vicious character. It seems to be that referred to in 5, 107. + +[61] Homer, _Iliad_, 4, 437. + +[62] Homer, _Iliad_, 4, 300. + +[63] A line of which the author is unknown; perhaps it was Theognis. + +[64] See Livy, 31, 31; Strabo, 12, c. 4. Philip handed over Cius to +Prusias. + +[65] That is, from Rhodes and other states. + +[66] That is the treaty between Philip and Antiochus. + +[67] The word βίαχα in the text is unknown, and certainly corrupt. The +most obvious remedy is ὑπόβρυχα or ὑποβρύχια. But we cannot be sure. + +[68] _Jam cum Rhodiis et Attalo navalibus certaminibus, neutro +feliciter, vires expertus._ Livy, 31, 14. + +[69] An inscription found at Iassus [C.I.G. 2683] has confirmed this +name which is found in one MS. instead of _Hestias_. Whether the +meaning of the title is Artemis of the City, or some local designation, +is uncertain. + +[70] Called Panion or Paneion. See Josephus _B. Jud._ 3, 10, 7, +Ἰορδάνου πήγη τὸ Πάνειον. The town near it was called Paneas, and +afterwards Paneas Caesarea, and later still Caesarea Philippi. Scopas, +the Aetolian, was now serving Ptolemy Epiphanes; see 13, 2; 18, 53. + +[71] See on 4, 77; 13, 1. + +[72] See 15, 25. + +[73] Ptolemy Philopator had made Gaza his chief depôt of war material; +see 5, 68. Antiochus destroyed it in B.C. 198 for its loyalty to the +King of Egypt. + +[74] Syria was conquered by the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pilezer about +B.C. 747, and was afterwards a part of the Babylonian and Persian +empires. It does not seem certain to what invasion Polybius is here +referring. + +[75] That is from the wars undertaken by them against Philip. Livy, 31, +14, 24. + +[76] For the Phocians see Pausan. 10, 1, 6. For the Acarnanians see +_supra_, 9, 40. + +[77] According to Hultsch no fragments or extracts of book 17 are +preserved. In it would have been contained the campaign of B.C. 199, in +the war between Rome and Philip, for which see Livy, 31, 34-43. And the +operations of Flamininus in the season of B.C. 198, Livy, 32, 9-18. The +first seventeen chapters of this book are generally classed in book 17. + +[78] The reading ἐναύσασθαι, which I attempt to represent, is doubtful. +Schweig. suggests ἐγγεύσασθαι “to taste.” + +[79] Demosthenes, _de Corona_, §§ 43, 48, 295. + +[80] B.C. 338 after the battle of Chaeronea. See Thirlwall, 6, 77; +Grote, 11, 315 (ch. 90); Kennedy’s translation of the _de Corona_, +Appendix vi. The argument of Polybius is of course an _ex post facto_ +one. It is open still to maintain that, had the advice of Demosthenes +been followed, these states might have been freed from the tyranny +of Sparta without becoming subject to another master in the king of +Macedonia. + +[81] Attalus spent the winter of B.C. 198-197 at Aegina, in the course +of which he seems to have visited Sicyon. + +[82] That is of Cynoscephalae. _Supergressi tumulos qui Cynoscephalae +vocantur, relicta ibi statione firma peditum equitumque, posuerunt +castra._ Livy, 33, 7. + +[83] I have given the meaning which I conceive this sentence to have; +but the editors generally suspect the loss of a word like ἄπρακτα +or ἀπραγοῦντα after τὰ μὲν συνεχῆ τοῖς διαγωνιζομένοις. This is +unnecessary if we regard συνεχῆ as predicative, and I think this way +of taking it gives sufficient sense. Polybius is thinking of the +Macedonian army as being so dislocated by the nature of the ground, +that, while some parts were in contact with the enemy, the rest had not +arrived on the scene of the fighting. + +[84] See 3, 87. + +[85] _Iliad_, 13, 131. + +[86] See 4, 77; 7, 12; 10, 26. + +[87] See 6, 56; 32, 11. + +[88] Livy (33, 13) has mistaken the meaning of Polybius in this +passage, representing the quarrel of the Aetolians and Flamininus as +being for the possession of Thebes,—the only town, in fact, on which +there was no dispute. + +[89] Referring apparently to the conduct of the Hellenic cities in +Asia in presence of Antiochus, who, having wintered in Ephesus (B. C. +197-196), was endeavouring in 196 by force or stratagem to consolidate +his power in Asia Minor. Livy, 33, 38. + +[90] Justin. 17, 1-2; Appian _Syr._ 62. The battle was in the plain of +Corus in Phrygia. + +[91] The Apocleti, of the numbers of whom we have no information, acted +as a consultative senate to prepare measures for the Aetolian Assembly. +See Freeman, _History of Federal Government_, p. 335. Livy, 35, 34. + +[92] προσένειμαν Αἰτώλοις τὸ ἔθνος, cp. 2, 43. Some have thought that +a regular political union with the Aetolian League is meant. But the +spirit of the narrative seems to point rather to an alliance. + +[93] Brachylles, when a Boeotarch in B.C. 196, was assassinated by a +band of six men, of whom three were Italians and three Aetolians, on +his way home from a banquet. Livy, 33, 28. + +[94] Livy, 33, 29. + +[95] At Thermopylae, in which battle Livy (36, 19) states on the +authority of Polybius that only 500 men out of 10,000 brought by +Antiochus into Greece escaped, B.C. 191. + +[96] Livy, 37, 9. + +[97] Son of Antiochus the Great, afterwards King Seleucus IV. + +[98] This extract, preserved by Suidas, s. v. προστηθιδίων has been +restored by a brilliant emendation of Toupe, who reads ἐξελθόντες +μὲν Γάλλοι for the meaningless ἐξελθόντες μεγάλοι. Livy calls them +_fanatici Galli_. + +[99] _Dies forte, quibus Ancilia moventur, religiosi ad iter +inciderant._ Livy, 37. 33. The festival of Mars, during which the +_ancilia_ were carried about, was on the 1st of March and following +days. If this incident, therefore, took place in the late spring or +summer of B.C. 190, the Roman Calendar must have been very far out. + +[100] The remaining chapters of this book are placed by Schweighaeuser +and others in book 22, 1-27. + +[101] The text of this fragment is much dislocated. + +[102] Smoking out an enemy in a mine was one of the regular manœuvres. +See Aen. Tact. 37. It was perhaps suggested by the illegal means +taken by workmen in the silver mines to annoy a rival; for we find an +Athenian law directed against it. See Demosth. _in Pantaen._ § 36. + +[103] Nothing seems to be known of this exile of Fulvius, who had been +granted an ovation in B.C. 191 for his victories in Spain. He was, +however, in opposition to Cato, one of whose numerous prosecutions may +have been against him. + +[104] Or “a compliment.” The Greek word στέφανος seems to be used for +any present made to a victor. So also in ch. 34, and elsewhere. + +[105] Hultsch’s text, supported by the MSS., has Δάμις ὁ κιχησίων, +from which no sense seems obtainable. According to Suidas, Damis was +a philosopher from Nineveh who had settled in Athens. Livy (38, 10), +has _Leon Hicesiae filius_. He must therefore have found the name Leon +in his copy, which could hardly have been substituted for Δᾶμις by +mistake, though ἹΚΕΣίου may have become κιχησίων. + +[106] The Greek text is corrupt. The sense is given from Livy, 38, 14. + +[107] The dynasty lasted until the time of the Mithridatic wars. The +last Moagĕtes being deposed by Muraena, when Cibyra was joined to +Lycia. Strabo, 13, 4, 71. + +[108] That is probably “of the necessity of submitting to Rome;” but +the passage referred to is lost. + +[109] See ch. 6. + +[110] This is really Plutarch’s version of a story he found in +Polybius, and, to judge from Livy, 38, 24, not a very complete one. It +took place near Ancyra. Plutarch _de mulierum virtutibus_. + +[111] See Livy, 38, 28, 29. The fragment here seems to be that +translated by Livy in ch. 29, _Romani nocte per arcem, quam Cyatidem +vocant (nam urbs in mare devexa in Occidentem vergit) muro superato in +forum pervenerunt_. The people of Same suddenly threw off the terms +under which the rest of Cephallania had submitted and stood a four +months’ siege. + +[112] A fragment, arranged in Hultsch’s text as ch. 42, is too much +mutilated to be translated with any approach to correctness. + +[113] These words are wanting in the text. From Livy (38, 38) it +appears that the territory was defined as between the Taurus and the R. +Halys as far as the borders of Lycaonia. + +[114] Livy (_l.c._) has _neve monerem ex belli causa quod ipse +illaturus erit_. + +[115] See Livy, 38, 39. Some words are lost referring to grants to the +people of Ilium. + +[116] This summary is arranged by Hultsch as chs. 1 and 2 of book 22. +It appears as book 23, chs. 4, 5 in Schweighaeuser’s text. + +[117] In B.C. 191 Philopoemen secured the adhesion of Sparta to the +Achaean league: but the Spartans were never united in their loyalty to +it, and during his year as Strategus (B.C. 189) he punished a massacre +of some Achaean sympathisers in Sparta by an execution of eighty +Spartans at Compasium on the frontier of Laconia. This number Plutarch +gives on the authority of Polybius, but another account stated it at +three hundred and fifty. Plut. _Phil._ 16. + +[118] Some words are lost from the text describing their method of +procedure. + +[119] Some words are lost in the text which would more fully explain +the transaction. + +[120] Something is lost in the text. + +[121] Livy (39, 24) gives the names as Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. +Baebius Tamphilus, Ti. Sempronius. + +[122] Livy (39, 34) more cautiously says: veneno _creditur_ sublatus. +Such accusations were easily made, and not easily proved or confuted. + +[123] For the ten Cosmi of Crete, see Aristot. _Pol._ 2, 10; and +Muller’s _Dorians_, vol. ii. p. 133 _sq._ Cydas gives his name to the +year as πρωτόκοσμος, see C.I.G. 2583. The same inscription contains the +title κοσμόπολις, apparently like πολιοῦχος, as a name for a guardian +hero of the city. We have already had this latter title as that of a +chief magistrate at Locri. See bk. 12, ch. 16. + +[124] There is some loss in the text as to these names. The last is +mentioned on a Greek embassy in 22, 16. See also the index. Livy, 39, +41, says nothing of this committee of three. + +[125] The ten federal magistrates of the league, who formed a council +to act with the general. Their number probably arose from the number +of the Achaean cantons or towns, after two of the twelve—Helice and +Olenus—were destroyed. Polybius nowhere else gives them this title +in any part of the history we possess, but its use by Livy, 32, 22, +seems to point to his having used it in other places. It also occurs +in a letter of Philip II. (perhaps genuine) quoted in Demosth. _de +Cor._ 157. Polybius calls them also οἱ ἄρχοντες, ἀρχαί, προεστῶτες +συνάρχοντες, συναρχίαι. See Freeman’s _Federal Gov._ p. 282. + +[126] That is, apparently, by some fresh disturbance towards the end of +B. C. 183. See Strachan-Davidson, p. 495. + +[127] The Messenians revolted from the league B. C. 183, and in the +course of the fighting which ensued Philopoemen fell into an ambush, +was taken prisoner, and put to death by them. See ch. 12. + +[128] Stasinus _fr._ + +[129] He was ill with fever. Plutarch, _Phil._ 18. + +[130] Livy (39, 50) speaks of Lycortas at the time of Philopoemen’s +death as _alter imperator Achaeorum_. If he had been the ὑποστρατηγός +we know that he would not by law have succeeded on the death of the +Strategus. Plutarch, _Phil._ 21, seems to assert that an election was +held at once, but not the ordinary popular election. + +[131] That is the ten Demiurgi. + +[132] The second congress of the year seems to mean not that held for +election of the Strategus for the next year, which met about 12th May, +but the second regular meeting in August. + +[133] This looks like a local name, but no place is known corresponding +to it. A Diactorides of Sparta is mentioned in Herodotus, 6, 127; and +perhaps, as Hultsch suggests, we ought to read “Cletis and Diactorius.” + +[134] The mission to Eumenes and Pharnaces has been already mentioned +in bk. 23, ch. 9, but the name of the ambassador was not given; nor is +it mentioned by Livy (40, 20), who records the mission. It is uncertain +who is meant by Marcus, some editors have altered it to Marcius, _i.e._ +Q. Marcius Philippus, who had been sent to Macedonia, imagining him to +have fulfilled both missions. + +[135] From Strabo (vii. 5, 13), who adds: “But this is not true, for +the distance from the Adriatic is immense, and there are many obstacles +in the way to obscure the view.” + +[136] Perhaps thirty, which seems to have been the legal age for +admission to political functions. See 29, 24. + +[137] See Hicks’s _Greek Inscriptions_, p. 330. + +[138] Something is lost from the text. + +[139] From Strabo 3, ch. 4, who quotes Poseidonius as criticising this +statement by remarking that Polybius must count every tower as a city. + +[140] The notices are put up at the three places visited yearly by +great numbers, and by many separate pilgrims. It is interesting to +notice the persistence in a custom common from the earliest times, +at any rate as far as Delos and Delphi are concerned. Iton was in +Thessaly, and the temple and oracle of Athena there was celebrated +throughout Greece, and was the central place of worship for the +Thessalians. The town stood in a rich plain on the river Cuarius, and +hence its name—sometimes written Siton—was connected by some with +σιτόφορος, “corn-bearing” (Steph. Byz. Homer calls it μητέρα μήλων, +“mother of sheep.” Pyrrhus hung up in this temple the spoils of +Antigonus and his Gallic soldiers about B. C. 273. [Pausan. 1, 13, 2]. +“Itonian Athena” had temples in other parts of Greece also, _e.g._ in +Boeotia [Paus. 91, 34, 1]. + +[141] The war in Istria, and the mutiny of the troops against the +consul Manlius, are described in Livy, 41, 8-11. + +[142] Besides this connexion with Seleucus of Syria, sure to be +offensive to Rome, Perseus gave a sister to Prusias, another enemy of +Rome and Eumenes. Livy, 42, 12. + +[143] This word, of unknown origin, seems to be used here for the toga, +or some dress equivalent to it. See 10, 4. + +[144] Marcius on his return to Rome gloried in having thus deceived +the king and gained time for preparations at Rome, but his action was +repudiated by the Senate. Livy, 42, 47. + +[145] Ismenias had just been elected Strategus of Boeotia; but the +party who had supported a rival candidate had in revenge obtained a +decree of the league banishing the Boeotarchs from all the Boeotian +cities. They had, however been received at Thespiae, whence they were +recalled to Thebes and reinstated by a reaction in popular feeling. +Then they obtained another decree banishing the twelve men who, though +not in office, had convened the league assembly; and Ismenias as +Strategus sentenced them to the loss of all rights in their absence. +These are the “exiles” here meant (Livy, 42, 43). Who Neon was is not +certain; but we find in the next chapter that he had been a leader in +the Macedonising party at Thebes, perhaps a son of Brachylles, whose +father’s name was Neon (see 20, 5). He was captured in B.C. 167 and put +to death by the Romans (Livy, 45, 31). + +[146] See note 2, page 356. + +[147] τὰ δίθυρα, Livy (42, 44) says in _tribunal legatorum_, and +Casaubon contents himself with the same word. Schweighaeuser translates +it _podium_, as if a “raised platform” on which the commissioners sat +was meant. I think it is used in the natural sense of a “door” leading +into the hall in which they were sitting, and into which Ismenias fled +for refuge. Livy used _tribunal_ from the ideas of his age as to the +construction of such a building. + +[148] The text has Θήβας, which is inconsistent with what follows as to +the Thebans. An inscription found on the site of Thisbae supplies the +correction of an error as old as Livy (42, 46, 47). See Hicks’s _G. I._ +p. 330. + +[149] Gaius Lucretius had seen naval service as _duumvir navalis_ +on the coast of Liguria in B.C. 181. Livy, 40, 26. He was now (B.C. +171) Praetor, his _provincia_ being the fleet, and commanded 40 +quinqueremes. _Id._ 42, 48. + +[150] Livy, who translates this passage, calls the missile a +_cestrosphendona_ (42, 65). + +[151] In Phocis. The name was variously given as Phanoteis, Phanote, +Phanota (Steph. _Byz._) + +[152] Schweighaeuser seems to regard this as a second name. But the +Greeks seldom had such, and it is more likely the designation of some +unknown locality. There was an Attic deme named Cropia, and therefore +the name is a recognised one (Steph. _Byz._) Gronovius conjectured +Ὠρωπίῳ “of Oropus.” + +[153] Apparently the Anticyra on the Sperchius, on the borders of +Achaia Phthiotis. + +[154] Hence Attalus obtained the name of Philadelphus. The origin of +Eumenes’s loss of popularity in the Peloponnese is referred to in 28, +7, but no adequate cause is alleged. A reference to Achaia in his +speech at Rome was not perhaps altogether friendly (Livy, 42, 12), +and we shall see that he was afterwards suspected of intriguing with +Perseus; but if this extract is rightly placed, it can hardly be on +this latter ground that the Achaeans had renounced him. + +[155] Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, B.C. 175-164; Ptolemy VI. Philometor, +B.C. 181-146. + +[156] See 16, 18. + +[157] The decree referred to is given in Livy, 43, 17. “No one shall +supply any war material to the Roman magistrates other than that which +the Senate has decreed.” This had been extracted from the Senate by +vehement complaints reaching Rome of the cruel extortions of the Roman +officers in the previous two years. + +[158] Polybius seems to mean the smaller council, not the public +assembly, though Livy evidently understood the latter (43, 47). + +[159] The expedition of Perseus into Illyricum apparently took place +late in the year B.C. 170 and in the first month of B.C. 169. Livy, 43, +18-20. + +[160] Hyscana, or Uscana, a town of the Illyrian tribe Penestae. + +[161] That is, the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy. + +[162] The Antigoneia was a festival established in honour of Antigonus +Doson, who had been a benefactor of the Achaeans. In 30, 23, it is +mentioned as being celebrated in Sicyon. The benefactions of this +Macedonian king to the Achaeans are mentioned by Pausanias (8, 8, 12). + +[163] See 27, 19; 18, 1, 17. + +[164] Seleucus Nicanor, B.C. 306-280. + +[165] Livy (44, 8) calls it the Enipeus (_Fersaliti_), a tributary of +the Peneus. + +[166] In a previous part of the book now lost. See Livy, 44, 25. + +[167] The extract begins in the middle of a sentence at the top of a +page. I have supplied these words at a guess, giving what seems the +sense. + +[168] P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Corculum was afterwards Pontifex +Maximus (B.C. 150). See Cic. _de Sen._ 3, 50. + +[169] Of the two eldest sons of Aemilius, the elder was adopted by +Quintus Fabius Maximus, the second by P. Cornelius Scipio, son of the +elder Africanus, his maternal uncle. + +[170] From Plutarch, _Aemilius_, 15, who adds that Polybius made +a mistake as to the number of soldiers told off for this service, +which to judge from Livy, 44, 35, Polybius probably stated at 5000. +Plutarch got his correction from an extant letter of Nasica (8000 Roman +infantry, with 120 horse, and 200 Thracians and Cretans). + +[171] From Plutarch, who again contradicts this last statement, on the +authority of Nasica, who said that there was a sharp engagement on the +heights. + +[172] The Roman was saved from a scare by the eclipse being foretold by +Gaius Sulpicius Gallus, famous for his knowledge of Greek literature +and astronomy. He is represented by Cicero as explaining the celestial +globe (_sphaera_) which Marcellus brought from Syracuse. He was consul +in B.C. 166. Livy, 44, 37; Cicero, _Brut._ § 78; _de Repub._ 1, § 21. + +[173] ἐν ἀγορᾷ. The objection, though it served to divert the +magistrates from going on with the proposition at the time, seems to +have been got over before the meeting at Sicyon; unless, indeed, the +latter was considered to be of a different nature in regard to the age +of those attending. But we have no information as to this restriction +of thirty years of age,—whether it was universal, or confined to +particular occasions. This passage would seem to point to the latter +alternative. + +[174] Livy says _viginti millia_. By χρυσοῦς Polybius appears to mean +“staters,” worth about 20 drachmae (20 francs). This would give a rough +value of the present as £8000, or on Livy’s computation twice that +amount. + +[175] Called by Polybius in previous books Conope, 4, 64; 5, 6. Its +name was changed to Arsinoe, from its having been rebuilt and enlarged +by Arsinoe, sister and wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Strabo, 10, 2, +22). It was on the east bank of the Achelous. Its modern name is +_Angelokastro_. The civil war in Aetolia alluded to here is mentioned +in Livy, 41, 25 (B.C. 174). This particular massacre appears to have +taken place in B.C. 168-167. Livy (45, 28) narrates that Aemilius was +met during his Greek tour in B.C. 167 by a crowd of Aetolians, in a +miserable state of destitution, who informed him that five hundred and +fifty Aetolian nobles had been massacred by Lyciscus and Tisippus, +besides many driven into exile, and that the goods of both had been +confiscated. + +[176] From Athenaeus, XIV. 4, p. 615. It seems to be part of some +strictures of Polybius on the coarseness of the amusements of the +Romans. This noisy and riotous scene in a theatre would strike a Greek +as barbarous and revolting; and may remind us of the complaints of the +noise and interruption to their actors so often found in the prologues +to the plays of Plautus and Terence. Though the substance of this +extract is doubtless from Polybius, Athenaeus has evidently told the +anecdote in his own language. + +[177] Menalcidas was one of the Romanising party, who appears to have +been Strategus of the league in B.C. 153 [Pausan. 7, 11, 7], and to +have committed suicide in B.C. 148-147, in despair at his failure to +wrest Sparta from the league. + +[178] Haliartus had been taken by the praetor L. Lucretius Gallus in +B.C. 171, its inhabitants sold into slavery, and its houses and walls +entirely destroyed. Its crime was siding with Perseus. Livy, 42, 63. +_Supra_ bk. 27, ch. 5; 29, 12. + +[179] A drachma may be taken as between a sixth and a seventh of an +ounce. + +[180] Hultsch prints in parallel columns the text of this fragment as +it appears in Athenaeus and Diodorus. The English translation attempts +to combine them. + +[181] He means that, they being no longer able to decide in mercantile +affairs independently of Rome, the prestige (προστασία), and +consequently the popularity, of this harbour is destroyed. + +[182] Demetrius had been exchanged for his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes in +B.C. 175, just eleven years before. + +[183] The _Senatus Consultum de Macedonibus_ (Livy, 45, 29) had +declared all Macedonians free; each city to enjoy its own laws, create +its own annual magistrates, and pay a tribute to Rome—half the amount +that it had paid to the king. Macedonia was divided into four regions, +at the respective capitals of which—Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella, +and Pelagonia—the district assemblies (concilia) were to be held, +the revenue of the district was to be collected, and the district +magistrates elected; and there was to be no inter-marriage or mutual +rights of owning property between the regions. + +[184] The Greek of this sentence is certainly corrupt, and no +satisfactory sense can be elicited from it. + +[185] Ariarathes, the elder, had been in alliance with Antiochus the +Great, and had apparently given him one of his daughters in marriage, +who had been accompanied by her mother to Antioch, where both had now +fallen victims to the jealousy of Eupator’s minister, Lysias. See 21, +43. + +[186] The anger of the Alexandrians had been excited against Ptolemy +Physcon by his having, for some unknown reason, caused the death of +Timotheus, who had been Ptolemy Philometor’s legate at Rome. See 28, 1. +Diodor. _Sic._ fr. xi. + +[187] The first line is of unknown authorship. The second is from +Euripides, _Phoeniss._ 633. The third apophthegm is again unknown. The +last is from Epicharmus, see 18, 40. + +[188] About £12. + +[189] In his Censorship (B.C. 184) Cato imposed a tax on slaves under +twenty sold for more than ten sestertia (about £70.) Livy, 39, 44. + +[190] Called Ptolemy the Orator in 28, 19. + +[191] A more detailed statement of the controversies between Carthage +and Massanissa, fostered and encouraged by the Romans, is found in +Appian, _Res Punicae_, 67 _sq._ + +[192] Demetrius was now king. On his escape from Rome, described in bk. +31, chs. 20-23, he had met with a ready reception in Syria, had seized +the sovereign power, and put the young Antiochus and his minister +Lysias to death; this was in B.C. 162. Appian, _Syriac._ ch. 47. + +[193] ἐν ταῖς συγκρίσεσιν. But it is very doubtful what the exact +meaning of this word is. Alcaeus seems to be the Epicurean philosopher +who, among others, was expelled from Rome in B.C. 171. See Athenaeus, +xii. 547, who however calls him Alcios. See also Aelian, _V. Hist._ 9, +12. + +[194] See note on p. 456. + +[195] She was the daughter of C. Papirius Carbo, Coss. B.C. 231. + +[196] The following pedigree will show the various family connexions +here alluded to:— + + Publius Cornelius Scipio + ob. in Spain B.C. 212. + | + P. Cornelius = Aemilia, sister of Lucius Aemilius Paulus = Papiria + Scipio Africanus| ob. B.C. 162. ob. B.C. 160. | + ob. B.C. 187. | | + | +-----------------+---------------+ + | | | | + | Quintus Fabius Scipio two + | Maximus adopted by Aemilianus daughters + | Q. F. M. b. B.C. 185. + | + +-------------+---------------------------------+ + | | | + P. = Cornelia(1). Cornelia(2) = Tib. Sempronius Publius Cornelius + Scipio Gracchus. Scipio Africanus + Nasica ob. s. p. + adopted his cousin + who became + Publius Cornelius Scipio + Aemilianus Africanus + ob. B.C. 129. + +[197] τῶν ἐπίπλων, the _ornamenta_ of a bride, consisting of clothes, +jewels, slaves, and other things, in accordance with her station. See +Horace, _Sat._ 2, 3, 214. For the three instalments in which it was +necessary to pay dowries, see Cicero _ad Att._ ii. 23; 2 _Phil._ § 113. + +[198] ποιοῦντος τὴν διαγραφὴν seems a banker’s term for “paying,” +_i.e._ by striking off or cancelling a debt entered against a man. The +only other instance of such a use seems to be Dionys. Hal. 5, 28. + +[199] Of his two younger sons one died five days before his Macedonian +triumph, the other three days after it. See Livy, 45, 40. + +[200] The two sisters were both named Aemilia; the elder was married +to Q. Aelius Tubero, the younger to M. Porcius Cato, elder son of the +Censor. The daughters were prevented from taking the inheritance of +their mother’s property by the lex Voconia (B.C. 174), in virtue of +which a woman could not be a haeres, nor take a legacy greater than +that of the haeres, or of all the haeredes together. The object of the +law was to prevent the transference of the property of one gens to +another on a large scale. It was evaded (1) by trusteeships, Gaius, 2, +274; Plutarch, _Cic._ 41: (2) by the assent of the haeres, Cic. _de +Off._ 2, § 55. And it was relaxed by Augustus in favour of mothers of +three children, _Dio Cass._ 56, 10. See also Cicero _de Sen._ § 14; _de +legg._ 2, 20; _de Rep._ 3, 10; _Verr._ 2, 1, 42; Pliny, _Panegyr._ 42; +Livy, _Ep._ 41. + +[201] That is, the morning from daybreak till about ten or eleven. The +_salutationes_ came first, and the law business in the third hour. + +[202] Ariarathes V. had been expelled his kingdom by Demetrius, who, in +consideration of one thousand talents, had assisted his reputed brother +Orophernes, who had been palmed off on Ariarathes IV. by his wife, to +displace him. The Senate, when eventually appealed to, decided that the +two brothers should share the kingdom. Livy, _Ep._ 47; Appian, _Syr._ +47. + +[203] Ariarathes arrived in the summer of B.C. 158. + +[204] τὴν Ἰακὴν καὶ τεχνητικὴν ἀσωτίαν. The translation given above +is in accordance with the explanation of Casaubon, who quoted Horace +(_Odes_ 3, 6, 21), _Motus doceri gaudet Ionicos matura virgo_. +Orophernes had been sent to Ionia, when Antiochis had a real son +(Ariarathes V.), that he might not set up a claim to the throne. He had +been imposed by Antiochis on her husband Ariarathes IV. before she had +a real son. + +[205] Orophernes was soon deposed, and Ariarathes V. restored, but we +have no certain indication when this happened. See 3, 5. + +[206] The episode of Oropus here referred to, Polybius’s account +of which is lost, was made remarkable by the visit of the three +philosophers to Rome as ambassadors from Athens. The story, as far as +Athens was concerned, as told by Pausanias, 7, 11, 4-7. The Athenians +had been much impoverished by the events of the war with Perseus (B.C. +172-168), and had made a raid or raids of some sort upon Oropus. The +Oropians appealed to Rome. The Romans referred the assessment of +damages to an Achaean court at Sicyon. The Athenians failed to appear +before the court at Sicyon, and were condemned by default to a fine of +five hundred talents. Thereupon Carneades the Academician, Diogenes +the Stoic, and Critolaus the Peripatetic were sent to plead for a +remission of a fine which the Athenians were wholly unable to pay. They +made a great impression on the Roman youth by their lectures, and Cato +urged that they should get their answer and be sent away as soon as +possible. The Senate reduced the fine to one hundred talents: but even +that the Athenians could not collect; and they seem to have managed to +induce the Oropians to allow an Athenian garrison to hold Oropus, and +to give hostages for their fidelity to the Athenian government. This +led to fresh quarrels and an appeal to the Achaean government. The +Achaean Strategus, Menalcidas of Sparta, was bribed by a present of +ten talents to induce an interference in behalf of Oropus. Thereupon +the Athenians withdrew their garrison from Oropus, after pillaging +the town, and henceforth took no part in the quarrels which ensued, +arising from the demands of Menalcidas for his ten talents; which the +Oropians refused to pay, on the ground that he had not helped them as +he promised; quarrels which presently centred round the question of the +continuance of Sparta in the Achaean league. The date of the original +quarrel between Athens and Oropus is not fixed, but the mission of the +philosophers was in B.C. 155. See Plutarch, _Cato_, 22; Pliny, _N. H._ +7, 112-113; Aulus Gellius, 6, 14; Cic. _ad Att._ 12, 23; _Tusc._ 4, § 5. + +[207] _C. Marcius consul adversus Dalmatas parum prospere primum, +postea feliciter pugnavit._ The war was continued in the next year +(B.C. 155), and the Dalmatians subdued for the time by the consul P. +Cornelius Scipio Nasica. Livy, _Ep._ 47. + +[208] Temnus was in Mysia, s. of the river Hermus. Cynneius or Cyneius +Apollo seems to mean Apollo guardian of the shepherd dogs. There was, +according to Suidas (s. v. κυνήειος), a temple to Apollo at Athens with +that title, said to have been the work of Cynnis, a son of Apollo and a +nymph Parnethia. + +[209] The battle, in which Prusias is here said to have conquered +Attalus, was a treacherous attack upon Attalus who was waiting, in +accordance with an arrangement made by Roman envoys Hortensius and +Arunculeius, to meet Prusias on his frontier, accompanied by only one +thousand cavalry. The Roman envoys even had to fly for their lives. +Appian, _Mithridates_, 3. + +[210] Hultsch places an extract from Aulus Gellius (6, 14, 8) relating +to the mission of the three philosophers as ch. 2 of this book. The +substance is given in the note on p. 466. It is more in place there, +as Polybius expressly said that he would give the whole story together +(32, 25). + +[211] This war appears to have arisen from a treacherous attack of the +Cretans upon the island of Siphnos. _Exc. de Virt. et Vit._ p. 588. + +[212] See 32, 27, note. + +[213] Ligurian tribes between Nice and Marseilles. Pliny, _N. H._ 3, § +47. + +[214] Surnamed Philometor. He succeeded his uncle Attalus Philadelphus +in B.C. 138, and at his death in B.C. 133 left his dominions to Rome. + +[215] Alexander Balas was an impostor of low origin set up by +Heracleides as a son of Antiochus Epiphanes. He entered Syria in +B.C. 152, defeated and killed Demetrius in B.C. 150, and was himself +defeated in B.C. 146 by Ptolemy Philometor (who also fell) in favour of +a son of Demetrius, and was shortly afterwards murdered. Livy, _Ep._ +52. Appian, _Syr._ 67; Joseph. _Antiq._ 13, 2, 4. + +[216] _Odyss._ 12, 95. + +[217] _Odyss._ 12, 105. + +[218] _Odyss._ 9, 82. + +[219] Panchaia or Panchēa, the fabulous island or country in the Red +Sea or Arabian gulf, in which Euhemerus asserted that he had discovered +the inscriptions which proved the reputed gods to have been famous +generals or kings. Plutarch, _Is. et Osir._ 23, Diodor. fr. 6, 1. +The Roman poets used the word as equivalent to “Arabian.” See Verg. +_Georg._ 2, 139. + +[220] That is “as great a liar as Antiphanes of Berga.” See below. +Strabo classes Antiphanes with Pytheas and Euhemerus more than once +(see 2, 3, 5). Hence came the verb βεργαΐζειν, “to tell travellers’ +tales” (Steph. _Byz._). But there is considerable doubt as to the +identification of the traveller Antiphanes, some confounding him with +a comic poet of the same name, and others with the author of an essay +περὶ ἑταιρῶν. Berga was in the valley of the Strymon. + +[221] Strabo here protests against Dicaearchus being treated as a +standard of geographical truth. For Pytheas see Appendix. + +[222] Polybius proves his point by the demonstration of the proposition +“The square of the hypotenuse of a right-angled-triangle is equal to +the squares of the sides containing the right angle.” + +[Illustration] + +By applying this principle AD = 7745.9 ... and DC = 11019.9 ..., and +the whole AC = 18765.8; whereas AB + BC (_i.e._ the coasting voyage) = +19200 stades (a difference of 434.2 stades, not 500). Add to this the +3000 from the Peloponnese to the Straits, the total coast voyage is +22,200 stades, as against Dicaearchus’s 10,000. + +[223] Strabo quotes this reckoning of the distance from the Peloponnese +to the head of the Adriatic to prove that Polybius, on his own showing, +is wrong in admitting that this distance (8250 stades) is greater than +that from the Peloponnese to the Pillars, which Dicaearchus said was +10,000 stades, and which Polybius showed to be 18,765 stades by the +shortest route. + +[224] To enable the reader to follow this list of prices, a short table +is here sub-joined of Greek weights and money,—though he must be warned +that values varied at different times and places,—with approximate +values in English weights and money. + + + 1 obol = 1/40 oz. = 1/8 shilling. + 6 obols = 1 drachma = 3/20 oz. 9d. + 100 drachmae = 1 mina = 15-1/2 oz. £3 : 18 : 6. + 60 minae = 1 talent = 57 lbs. £235. + + A medimnus = 11 gals. 4 pts. (dry measure). + A metreta = 8 gals. 5 pts. (liquid measure). + + +[225] Which member of the Cornelian gens this was is unknown. He +appears to have been at Marseilles in the 4th century B.C. inquiring as +to centres of trade open to Rome in rivalry with Carthage. + +[226] Varro (_Serv. ad Æn._ 10, 13) adds a fifth by the Graian Alps, +_i.e._ Little St. Bernard. + +[227] Strabo corrects this, saving that the distance is 3000 stades. + +[228] The islands were called also _Vulcaniae_ and _Aeoliae_. + +[229] Strabo reckons 8 stades to a mile, thus making the number of +stades 4280. The exact calculation by Polybius’s reckoning is 4458-1/3 +stades. The miles are Roman miles of 5000 feet; therefore, by Strabo’s +calculation, the stade is 625 feet, by Polybius’s 600 feet. + +[230] Strabo, however, supports the measurement of Artemidorus—6500, +explaining that Polybius is taking some practical measurement of a +voyage, not the shortest. + +[231] Homer, _Odyss._ 4, 485. + +[232] Probably in February, the month usually devoted by the Senate to +_legationes_. + +[233] Since B.C. 195 up to B.C. 154 the two divisions of Spain had been +entrusted to Praetors. + +[234] Livy, _Ep._ 48. _Provocatorem barbarum tribunus militum occidit._ + +[235] τῶν ἐκ συγκλήτου καὶ τῆς γερουσίας. The same distinction occurs +in 10, 18, and seems to refer to the two bodies known as the Hundred +and the Gerusia. See Bosworth Smith’s _Carthage and the Carthaginians_, +p. 27. + +[236] The envoys first report to the Gerusia. Appian, _Pun._ 91. + +[237] Phameas was afterwards persuaded by Massanissa to join the +Romans. Livy, _Ep._ 50. + +[238] The incident referred to is narrated in Appian, _Punica_, 103. +Scipio relieved this body of men, who were beleaguered on the top of a +hill, by a rapid and bold movement of his cavalry. + +[239] _Odyssey_, 20, 495. Cato had always been opposed to the +Scipios, but Livy seems to attribute his former criticisms of the +younger Africanus to his general habit of caustic disparagement (_vir +promptioris ad vituperandum linguae_), and we know that his elder son +had married a daughter of Paulus, sister to the younger Africanus. + +[240] Livy, _Ep._ 49. + +[241] He seems to have forgotten his namesake mentioned in 11, 15. + +[242] For Callicrates, the author of the Romanising policy, see 26, +1-3. One of the statues raised to him by the Spartan exiles was at +Olympia, the base of which has been discovered. See Hicks’s _Greek +Inscriptions_, p. 330. To what the fragment refers is not clear, but +evidently to something connected with the popular movement against +Sparta, and a recurrence to the policy of Philopoemen as represented by +Lycortas, which eventually brought down the vengeance of Rome. + +[243] Prusias was killed at Pergamum by his son Nicomedes with the +connivance of Attalus (Livy, _Ep._ 50). + +[244] A considerable passage is here lost, with the exception of a few +words, insufficient to ground a conjectural translation upon. + +[245] Demetrius II., son of Antigonus Gonatas. + +[246] Pseudophilippus, after cutting to pieces a Roman legion under the +praetor Juventius, was conquered and captured by Q. Caecilius Metellus +in B.C. 148 (Livy, _Ep._ 50; Eutrop. 4, 6). + +[247] Massanissa, feeling himself to be dying, had asked Scipio +to come to him. He left his sons strict injunctions to submit the +arrangements of the succession and division of his kingdom to Scipio. +Appian, _Punica_, 105; Livy, _Ep._ 50. Livy has adopted the statement +of Polybius as to the age of Massanissa at his death; and Cicero +(_de Sen._ § 34) has made Cato take the same reckoning, perhaps from +Polybius also. But it does not agree with another statement of Livy +himself, who (24, 49) speaks of him as being seventeen in B.C. 213, in +which case he would be in his eighty-second year in B.C. 148. It is, +however, proposed to read xxvii. for xvii. in this passage of Livy. + +[248] Livy (_Ep._ 48) in speaking of this victory says that Massanissa +was ninety-two, and ate and enjoyed his bread without anything to +flavour it (_sine pulpamine_). + +[249] The task of subduing the country in B.C. 147 was entrusted to the +proconsul Culpurnius Piso, while Scipio was engaged in completing the +investment of Carthage. Appian, _Pun._ 113-126. + +[250] After the capture of Megara, the suburban district of +Carthage, by Scipio, Hasdrubal withdrew into the Byrsa, got made +commander-in-chief, and bringing all Roman prisoners to the +battlements, put them to death with the most ghastly tortures. Appian, +_Pun._ 118. + +[251] τὰ χώματα, that is, apparently, the mole of huge stones +constructed by the Romans to block up the mouth of the harbour. + +[252] μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἐνδυμάτων. The German translator Kraz gives up +these words in despair. Kampe translated them _in ihrer gewöhnlicher +Tracht_. Mr. Strachan-Davidson says, “προσειληφυῖα, etc., ‘folding them +in her own robe with her hands,’” which seems straining the meaning of +προσειληφυῖα. The French translator says, _deux enfans suspendus à ses +vêtemens_. + +[253] According to Livy (_Ep._ 51) she had tried to induce her husband +to accept the offer described in 38, 2. + +[254] Homer, _Il._ 6, 448. + +[255] 4000 under Alcamenes, Pausan. 7, 15, 8. + +[256] In the battle with Metellus at Scarphea. + +[257] Pausanias on the contrary says that Pytheas was caught in Boeotia +and condemned by Metellus (7, 15, 10). + +[258] The pit is the place dug out (σκάμμα) and prepared in the +gymnasium for leapers. To be in the pit is to be on the very ground of +the struggle, without possibility of escaping it. + +[259] See note on 30, 17. + +[260] For this proverb see Plutarch, _Themist._ 29; _de Alex. Virt._ 5; +_de Exil._ 7. + +[261] Plutarch reports the same anecdote much more briefly in _Cato +Maj._ 12, as do others. Professor Freeman (_History of Federal +Government_, p. 142) seems to regard it as a serious indication that +the Amphictyonic council had become a body exercising some literary +authority, in default of any other. I think that Cato had no such +meaning. He mentioned any body of men, however unlikely to exercise +such an influence, which at any rate was Greek. + +[262] Seems to mean “he lost before he began,” before he got even at +the threshold of his enterprise. There is nothing to show to what the +fragment refers. + +[263] The base of a statue of Polybius has been discovered at +Olympia with the inscription ἡ πόλις ἡ τῶν Ἡλείων Πολύβιον Δυκόρτα +Μεγαλοπολείτην. But the statue mentioned in the text seems to be one +set up by the Achaeans. For the statues of Polybius, see Introduction, +pp. xxxi. xxxii. + +[264] Thebae quoque et Chalcis, quae auxilio fuerant, dirutae. Ipse +L. Mummius abstinentissimum virum egit; nec quidquam ex iis opibus +ornamentisque, quae praedives Corinthus habuit, in domum ejus pervenit. +Livy, _Ep._ 52. + +[265] Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, is called, by way of +distinction, “King of Syria,” because that title was bestowed on him +by the people of Antioch during his last expedition in Syria. This was +undertaken in support of Alexander Balas, who repaid him by conniving +at an attempt upon his life. Whereupon Ptolemy joined Demetrius, the +son of Demetrius Soter, and supported his claim against Alexander +Balas. Joseph. _Ant._ 13, 3; 1 Maccabees 11, 1-13. + +[266] Dionysius Hal. (1, 74) quotes this statement of Polybius with +the remark that it is founded on a single tablet in the custody of the +Pontifices. Various calculations as to the date were:— + + + Eratosthenes } + followed by} + Apollodorus } + Nepos } Olymp. 7, 1 B.C. 752. + Dionysius } + Lutatius } + Q. Fabius Pictor Olymp. 8, 1 B.C. 748. + Timaeus 38th year before Olymp. 1 B.C. 813. + L. Cincius Alimantus Olymp. 12, 4 B.C. 729. + M. Porcius Cato 432 years after the Trojan war. B.C. 752. + Varro } + Velleius Paterculus } Olymp. 6, 2 B.C. 755. + Pomponius Atticus Olymp. 6, 3 B.C. 754. + + +But even granting a definite act of foundation (on which see Mommsen, +_H. of R._ vol. i. p. 4), the Olympic register before 672 B.C. is a +very uncertain foundation on which to build. See _Journal of Hellenic +Studies_, vol. ii. p. 164 _sq._ + +[267] From Eusebius. It may be noted that this statement of Polybius +is an earlier evidence than any other for the existence of an Olympian +register prior to B.C. 600. Pausanias also dates the register from the +year of Coroebus’s victory (5, 8, 6). + +[268] I have translated this passage as it stands in the various +editions of Polybius. But I feel convinced that none of it belongs to +him except the first sentence. It comes from Athenaeus, 440 _E_. + +[269] See Livy, i, 34. Dionys. Halic. 3, 46. + +[270] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 40, νήπιοι· οὐδὲ ἴσασιν ὅσῳ πλέον ἥμισυ +παντός. + +[271] Polybius is perhaps referring to the Acrocorinthus especially. +But we must remember that many of the citadels in the third century +B.C. were in the hands of Macedonian garrisons. + +[272] This has been referred by some to the account of Scipio +Aemilianus’s single combat with the Spaniard. See 35, 5. + +[273] Perhaps L. Postumius, Livy, 23, 24 (Hultsch). + +[274] B.C. 272. Plutarch, _Pyrrh._ 31-34. + +[275] See Pausan. i. 9, 6. His disaster compelled him to give up his +dominions beyond the Danube. Another and more successful war in Thrace +seems referred to in Diod. Sic. 18, 14. + +[276] Livy, however, records more than one success of Marcellus against +Hannibal, see 23, 16, 46; 27, 14. Scipio’s victory of course is at Zama. + +[277] From Zosimus, 5, 20, 7. See 1, 26. + +[278] Some refer this to a circumstance narrated in Livy, 41, 2. But +Hultsch points out that Livy is not using Polybius in that period. + +[279] From _Constantine Prophyrogenneta de thematis, p. 18, ed. +Bonnensis (Hultsch). He says that there are two Cappadocias, great and +little. Great Cappadocia extending from Caesarea (Neo-Caesarea), and +Mount Taurus to the Pontus, bounded on the south-west by the Halys and +on the east by Melitene. + +[280] See 6, 23. The excellence of Spanish steel has never perhaps been +surpassed even to our day. + +[281] See 35, 2-4. + +[282] Plutarch, _Pelop._ 17, who says that other authorities reckoned +it at 500 and 700 men. There were originally six morae in the Spartan +army. See Xenophon, _Rep. Lac._ 11, 4; _Hell._ 6, 4, 12-17. + +[283] See 6, 25. + +[284] This is referred by Nissen to the account of the origin of the +third Punic war. See 36, 3-5. + +[285] This moderation in the number of slaves was perhaps imitated from +Cato. See Cato, _Orationum frgm._ 3 Ed. Jordan. + + + + INDEX + + + _The references are to Books and Chapters, except where the volume and + page of this translation are indicated by vol. —p. —; Fr. indicates + the minor fragments at the end of vol. ii._ + + ABBA, town in Africa, +14+, 6, 7 + + Abia, town in Messenia, +23+, 17 + + Abila, town in Palestine, +5+, 71; +16+, 39 + + Abilyx, a Spaniard, +3+, 98, 99 + + Abrupolis, a Thracian prince, +22+, 8 + + Abydus, town in Asia Minor, on the Hellespont, +4+, 44; +5+, 111; +16+, + 29-35; + + its situation and fall, +18+, 2, 44; +34+, 7 + + Academy, the, +12+, 26_c_; +16+, 27 + + Acarnania, +4+, 6, 30, 63, 65, 66; +5+, 3-5; +9+, 34; +28+, 4, 5; +30+, + 13; +32+, 20; +39+, 14 + + Acarnanians, +2+, 6, 10, 45, 65, 66; +4+, 5, 9, 15, 25, 30, 63; +5+, + 3-6, 13, 96; +9+, 32, 38-40; +10+, 41; +16+, 32; +21+, 29, 32; + +24+, 12; +28+, 5 + + Acatides, a Theban runner, +39+, 7 + + Acerrae, a town of the Insubres, +2+, 34 + + Acesimbrotus of Rhodes, +18+, 1, 2 + + Achaeans, the, +1+, 3, passim; + + appealed to by the Epirotes, +2+, 6, 9, 10, 12; + + the rise of their league in the Peloponnese, +2+, 37-70; + + assist Messenians against the Aetolians, and call in Philip V., + +4+, 1-19, 22; + + proclaim war with Aetolians, +4+, 25-27. _See also_ +36+, 59-85; + + agree to furnish Philip with subvention, +5+, 1; + + join Philip in his invasion of Laconia, +5+, 18-24; + + harassed by Aetolians, +5+, 30, 35; + + elect Aratus after the incapable Strategus Eperatus, +5+, 91-95; + + make peace with the Aetolians, +5+, 101-105; + + instructed in military exercises by Philopoemen, +10+, 23; + + at war with Machanidas of Sparta, +11+, 11-18; + + Philopoemen summons a levy at Tegea to invade Laconia, +16+, 36, 37; + + incline to Philip’s part against Rome, +16+, 38; + + send envoys to the congress at Nicaea, +18+, 1-8; + + receive back Corinth by the advice of Flamininus, +18+, 45 fin.; + + and Triphylia and Heraea, +18+, 47; + + offer to help the Boeotians, who however abandon their alliance, + +20+, 4, 5; + + Megara leaves their league, +20+, 6; + + make alliance with Eumenes, +21+, 9; + + Roman legates at the congress at Cleitor, +22+, 2; + + Eumenes offers 120 talents to the congress at Megalopolis, Seleucus + 10 ships of war, +22+, 10-12; + + difficulty as to the renewal of a treaty with Ptolemy, +22+, 12; + + Q. Caecilius before the congress at Argos remonstrates on the subject + of Sparta, +22+, 13; + + their dealing with Messene after the murder of Philopoemen, +23+, + 16-18; + + send an embassy to Rome in regard to Messene, +24+, 1; + + Ptolemy presents the league with 10 ships of war, +24+, 6; + + the league officers condemn Chaeron of Sparta for the murder of + Apollonides, +24+, 7; + + debate in the assembly as to the orders from Rome about the Spartan + exiles, +24+, 10-12; + + attitude towards Rome, +24+, 13-15; + + ordered to guard Chalcis for Rome, +27+, 2 fin.; + + Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius address the congress, +28+, 3; + + decide to take the side of Rome against Perseus openly, +28+, 12, 13; + + two embassies at Alexandria, +28+, 19, 20; + + the two Ptolemies ask their help against Antiochus, +29+, 23-25; + + Romanising party in Achaia, +30+, 13; + + embassy to Rome, +31+, 6, 8; +32+, 7, 17; +33+, 1, 3; + + Cretans ask the Achaeans for help, +33+, 16; + + Achaean detenus released, +35+, 6; + + Thessalians ask for help against the pseudo-Philip, +37+, 2; + + asked to send Polybius to Lilybaeum, +37+, 3; + + dissolution of the league by the Romans, +38+, 3-11; +39+, 7-17; + + Achaean assembly or congress, + + _at Aegium_, +2+, 54; +4+, 7, 26, 82; +5+, 1; +16+, 27; +28+, 3; + + _at Cleitor_, +22+, 2; + + _at Corinth_, +29+, 23; +33+, 16; +38+, 10; + + _at Megalopolis_, +23+, 10, 16; + + _at Sicyon_, +5+, 1; +23+, 17; +28+, 13; +29+, 24; + + election of magistrates, +4+, 37, 82; +5+, 1; +30+, 7; + + soldiers, +29+, 24; + + arms, +11+, 9; + + cavalry, +10+, 23; + + ships, +2+, 10 + + Achaeus, son of Xuthus, the mythical ancestor of the Achaeans, +39+, 14 + + Achaeus, son of Andromachus, nephew of Laodice, mother of Antiochus + the Great, +4+, 2, 48-91, 51; +5+, 40-42, 57, 58, 61, 66, 67, 72, + 78, 87, 107, 111; +7+, 17; +8+, 2; + + his capture and death, +8+, 17-23 + + Achaia Phthiotis, +18+, 46; +47+, 7 + + Achelous, river, +4+, 63; +5+, 6-7, 13 + + Achradina, a part of Syracuse, +8+, 5, 6 + + Acilius Glabrio, M’., consul B.C. 191, +20+, 9, 10; +21+, 3-5 + + Acilus, Gaius, +33+, 2 + + Acrae, a town in Aetolia, +5+, 13 + + Acriae, a town in Laconia, +5+, 19 + + Acrocorinthus, the citadel of Corinth, 1900 feet high, +2+, 43, 45, 50, + 51, 52, 54; +4+, 8; +7+, 11; +18+, 45 + + Acrolissus, citadel of the Illyrican city of Lissus, +8+, 15, 16 + + Acte, the, east coast of Laconia, +5+, 91 + + Actium, temple and town in Acarnania, on the narrowest point of the + Ambracian gulf, +4+, 63 + + Acusilochus, an Asiatic ruler, +25+, 2 + + Adaeus, governor of the town of Bubastus in Egypt, +15+, 27 + + Adaeus of Beroea, legate of Perseus to Genthius, +28+, 8 + + Adeiganes, a magistrate at Seleucus on the Tigris, +5+, 54 + + Adeimantus of Sparta, +4+, 22, 23 + + Adherbal, a Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, +1+, 44, 46, + 49, 50, 52, 53 + + Admetus, put to death by Philip V., +23+, 10 + + Adriatic Sea, the, +1+, 2; +2+, 14, 16, 17, 26; +3+, 47, 61, 86-88, 110; + +10+, 1; +24+, 3; +32+, 23; +34+, 6, 7 + + Adrumetum, a city in Africa, +15+, 5, 15 + + Adua or Addua, the river Adda, a tributary of the Po, +2+, 32; +34+, 10 + + Adys, a town in Africa, +1+, 30 + + Aeacidae, descendants of Aeacus (Peleus, Achilles, Telamon, Ajax), + +5+, 2 + + Aecae, a town in Apulia, +3+, 88 + + Aegae, a town in Aeolis, +5+, 77; +33+, 13 + + Aegean Sea, +3+, 2; +16+, 34 + + Aegina, island, +9+, 42; +11+, 5; +22+, 11 + + Aegira, a town in Achaea, +2+, 41; +4+, 57, 58 + + Aegitna, a town of the Oxybii, a Ligurian tribe, +33+, 10, 11 + + Aegium, chief town of the Achaean league, +2+, 41, 55; +4+, 57; + +5+, 30, 101, 102; +16+, 38; + + meetings of the congress at, +2+, 54; +4+, 7, 26, 82; +5+, 1; + +16+, 27, 28; + + territory of, +5+, 94 + + Aegosagae, a tribe of Gauls invited into Asia by Attalus, +5+, 77, 78, + 111 + + Aegospotami, the Goat’s river, on the Hellespont, +1+, 6; +12+, 25_k_ + + Aegusa, one of the Aegates (_Farignano_), +1+, 60 + + Aegusae (the Aegates), +1+, 44 + + Aegys, a town in Laconia, +2+, 54 + + Aemilia, wife of Scipio Africanus the elder, and sister of Aemilius + Paullus, +32+, 12-14 + + Aemilius Lepidus, M., consul B.C. 232, +2+, 21, 22 + + Aemilius Lepidus, M., consul B.C. 187, +16+, 34; +22+, 3; +28+, 1; + +32+, 21 + + Aemilius Papus, L., consul B.C. 225, +2+, 23, 26-31 + + Aemilius Paullus, M., consul B.C. 255, +1+, 36, 37 + + Aemilius Paullus, L., consul B.C. 219 and 215, +3+, 16, 18, 19, 106, + 107, 116, 117; +4+, 37, 66; +5+, 108; +15+, 11 + + Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus, L., consul B.C. 182 and 168, +18+, 35; + +29+, 1, 7, 10, 14, 15, 17, 20; +30+, 9, 10, 13, 16, 19; +31+, 3; + +32+, 8, 11, 12, 14, 15, 21; + + his wives, +32+, 8 + + Aemilius Regillus, L., praetor B.C. 190, +21+, 8, 10, 24 + + Aena, a temple at Ecbatana, +10+, 27 + + Aeneas Tacticus (middle of 4th cent. B.C.), +10+, 44 + + Aenianian Gulf (= Sinus Maliacus), so called from the Aenianes, + +10+, 42 + + Aenus, a town in Thrace, mod. _Enos_, +5+, 34; +22+, 9, 15; +30+, 3 + + Aeolian Islands. _See_ Liparae + + Aeolis, a district of Mysia between the rivers Carius and Hermus, + +5+, 77; +21+, 13, 14 + + Aeolus, king of the Winds, +34+, 2, 11 + + Aerenosii, a Spanish tribe, +3+, 35 + + Aeschrion, a Romanising Acarnanian, +28+, 5 + + Aethaleia, name of the island of Lemnus, +34+, 11 + + Aethiopia, +3+, 38; +34+, 16 + + Aetna, Mt., +1+, 55 + + Aetolians, the, +1+, 3, etc.; + + attack Medion, +2+, 2-4; + + help the Epirotes against the Illyrians, +2+, 6-12; + + engage in the Social war, +2+, 37; + + make peace with the Achaeans, +2+, 44; + + make alliance with Antigonus Doson, and Cleomenes of Sparta, +2+, + 45-49; + + refuse Antigonus passage, +2+, 52; + + joined by Mantinea, +2+, 57, 58; + + intrigue with Antiochus, +3+, 6, 7; + + invade Messenia, +4+, 9-19, 22-27, 29-31, 34-37, 53-59, 61-67, 77-80, + 84; + + attacked by Philip V., +5+, 2-14; + + attempt to invade Thessaly, +5+, 17; + + evade peace with Philip, +5+, 29. _See also_ 30, 35, 63, 91, 92, 95, + 96, 99, 100-103, 105, 107; + + attend a conference at Sparta, +9+, 28-39; + + attack Acarnania, +9+, 40; + + in alliance with Rome against Philip, +10+, 25, 26, 41, 42; + + receive a legation from Rhodes on the subject of peace, +11+, 4-7; + + distress and revolutionary measures, +13+, 1, 2; + + fresh offence with Philip, +15+, 23; + + in alliance with Nabis, +16+, 13; + + at the battle of Panium, +16+, 18; + + addressed by Roman envoys in Naupactus, +16+, 27; + + attend a conference at Nicaea, +18+, 1-10; + + fight on the Roman side in Thessaly, +18+, 19; + + their superiority in cavalry, +18+, 22; + + discontented with their share of spoil after Cynoscephalae, +18+, 27, + 34, 38, 39; + + claim Heraea, +18+, 42; + + discontented with the Roman settlement of B.C. 196, +18+, 45; + + claim Pharsalus, +18+, 47; + + addressed by Roman legates, +18+, 48; + + once in league with Achaeans against Boeotia, +20+, 4; + + submit unconditionally to Rome after the battle of Thermopylae, +20+, + 9-11; + + the Roman terms with, +21+, 3-4; + + six months’ truce allowed them in which to appeal to the Senate, +21+, + 5, 8; + + the Romans proclaim war with them, +21+, 25-32; + + sell Aegina to Attalus, +22+, 11; + + Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius order them to give hostages, +28+, + 4; + + their violence and habits of pillage, +30+, 11; + + improvement after the death of Lyciscus, +32+, 19; + + their principle of “spoil from spoil,” +18+, 4; + + their character and habits, +2+, 3, 4, 45, 46, 49; +4+, 67; +9+, 38; + +18+, 4, 34; + + their officers, +21+, 32 + + Agathagetus of Rhodes, +27+, 7; +28+, 2 + + Agatharchus, a Syracusan sent as ambassador to Carthage, +7+, 4 + + Agatharchus, son of Agathocles, king of Syracuse, +7+, 2 + + Agathinus of Corinth, +5+, 95 + + Agathoclea, daughter of Aristomenes, +15+, 39 + + Agathoclea, mistress of Ptolemy Philopator, +14+, 11; +15+, 25, 31-33 + + Agathocles, king of Syracuse, +1+, 7, 82; +8+, 12; +9+, 23; +12+, 15; + +15+, 35 + + Agathocles, son of Oenanthe and guardian of Ptolemy Epiphanes, +5+, 63; + +14+, 11; +15+, 25-36 + + Agathyrna, a city on the north coast of Sicily, +9+, 27 + + Agelaus of Naupactus, +4+, 16; +5+, 3, 103-105, 107 + + _Agema_, or guard, in the Macedonian army, +5+, 25; + + in the army of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 65, 84; + + in the army of Antiochus Epiphanes, +31+, 3 + + Agepolis of Rhodes, +28+, 16, 17; +29+, 10, 19; +30+, 4 + + Agesarchus of Megalopolis, father of Ptolemy, governor of Cyprus, +15+, + 25; +18+, 55 + + Agesias, an Achaean, +30+, 13 + + Agesilaus II., king of Sparta, +3+, 6; +9+, 8, 23 (B.C. 398-361) + + Agesilaus, son of Eudamidas, +4+, 53 + + Agesilochus of Rhodes, +27+, 3; +28+, 2, 16; +29+, 10 + + Agesipolis, son of Cleombrotus II., king of Sparta, +4+, 35 + + Agesipolis III., king of Sparta, son of the last, +4+, 35; +23+, + 6 (B.C. 221) + + Agesipolis of Dyme, +5+, 17 + + Agetas, Aetolian Strategus, +5+, 91, 96 + + Agones, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 15 + + Agrai, a tribe in Aetolia, +18+, 5 + + Agrianes, a Thracian tribe, +2+, 65; +5+, 79; +10+, 42 + + Agrigentum, in Sicily, +1+, 17-20, 27, 43; +2+, 7; +9+, 27; +12+, 25 + + Agrigentus, a river, +9+, 27; mod. _Fiume di S. Biagio_, which joins + the Hypsas (mod. _Drago_) + + Agrii, +25+, 4 + + Agrinium, a city of Aetolia, near the Achelous, +5+, 7 + + Agron, king of the Illyrians, +2+, 2, 4 + + Alabanda, city in Caria, +5+, 79; +16+, 24; +30+, 5 + + Alba, in Latium, +2+, 18; +37+, 2 + + Alcaeus of Messene, +32+, 6 + + Alcamenes of Sparta, +4+, 22 + + Alcamenes of Achaea, friend of Diaeus, +39+, 10 + + Alcetas, Boeotian Strategus, +22+, 4 + + Alcibiades, son of Clinias of Athens, +4+, 44 + + Alcibiades, a Spartan exile, +22+, 1, 15; +23+, 4 + + Alcithus of Aegium, +28+, 12, 19 + + Aletas, discoverer of the silver mines in Spain, +10+, 10 + + Alexamenus, an Aetolian Strategus, +18+, 43 + + Alexander the Great, +2+, 41, 71; +3+, 6, 59; +4+, 23; +5+, 10, 55; + +8+, 12; +9+, 28, 34; +10+, 27; +12+, 12_b_, 17, 18, 19, 22; + +18+, 3; +22+, 8; +29+, 21; +38+, 4 + + Alexander, son of Acmetus, officer of Antigonus Doson, +2+, 66 + + Alexander, commander of cavalry to Antigonus Doson and a minister of + Philip V., +2+, 66, 68; +4+, 87; +5+, 28; +7+, 12 + + Alexander of Aetolia, friend of Dorimachus, +4+, 57, 58 + + Alexander, father of Antigonus, the legate from Perseus to Boeotia, + +27+, 5 + + Alexander, ambassador to Rome from Attalus, +18+, 10 + + Alexander Balas, +33+, 15; +18+, 6 + + Alexander, king of Epirus, +2+, 45; +9+, 34 + + Alexander Isius, an Aetolian, +13+, 1; +18+, 3, 4, 10, 36; +21+, 25, + 26 + + Alexander, brother of Molo, commander of Persis under Antiochus the + Great, +5+, 40, 41, 43, 54 + + Alexander, tyrant of Pherae in Thessaly, +8+, 1; +39+, 2 + + Alexander, made governor of Phocis by Philip V., +5+, 96 + + Alexander of Trichonium, +5+, 13 + + Alexander, tower of, in Thessaly, +18+, 27 + + Alexandria, capital town of Egypt, +2+, 69; +4+, 51; +5+, 35, 37, 40, + 63, 66, 67, 79, 86, 87; +7+, 2; +12+, 25_d_; +13+, 2; +14+, 11; + +15+, 25, 26, 30; +16+, 10, 22; +22+, 7, 12; +27+, 19; +28+, 1, + 17, 20, 22, 23; +29+, 2, 24, 27; +30+, 9; +31+, 5, 12, 26-28; +34+, + 4, 14; +39+, 18; + + obols of Alexandria, +34+, 8 + + Alexandria Troas, +5+, 78, 111; +21+, 13, 14 + + Alexis, captain of Apamea, +5+, 50 + + Alexo, an Achaean, +1+, 43 + + Alipheira, a city of Arcadia, +4+, 77, 78 + + Allaria, a city of Crete, +5+, 63, 65 + + Allobroges, +3+, 49-51 + + Alpheus, river in the Peloponnese, +4+, 77, 78; +12+, 4_d_; +16+, 17 + + Alps, +2+, 14, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, 28, 32, 34, 35; +3+, 34, 39, 47, 48, + 50-56, 60-62, 64, 65; +34+, 10, 15 + + Altars, the. _See_ Philaenus + + Althaea, a town in Spain, +3+, 18 + + Amaeocritus, Boeotian Strategus, +20+, 4 + + Amanides Pylae, pass between Cilicia and Syria, N.N.E. of Issus, +12+, + 17 + + Ambracian Gulf, the, +4+, 63, 66; +5+, 5, 18 + + Ambracus, or Ambracia, +4+, 61, 63; +18+, 10; +21+, 26-30 Sometimes + Ambracia means the territory, +4+, 61 + + Ambrysus, a city of Phocis, +4+, 25 + + Ammonius Barcaeus, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 65 + + Amphaxitis, a maritime district of Macedonia on the left bank of the + Axius, +5+, 97 + + Amphiaraus, fr. xliii. + + Amphictyonic league, +4+, 25; +39+, 12 + + Amphidamus, Strategus of Elis, +4+, 75, 84, 86 + + Amphilochians, an Aetolian tribe, +18+, 5; +21+, 25 + + Amphipolis, a city of Macedonia, +29+, 6 + + Amphissa, a city of Locris, +21+, 4 + + Amyce, plain of, near Antioch, +5+, 59 + + Amyclae, a town in Laconia, +5+, 18-20, 23 + + Amynander, king of the Athamanes, +4+, 16; +16+, 27; +18+, 1, 10, 36, + 47; +20+, 10; +21+, 25, 29 + + Amyntas, father of Philip II., +2+, 48; +22+, 8 + + Amyrus, plain of, in Thessaly, +5+, 99 + + _Anacleteria_ of Ptolemy Epiphanes, +18+, 55; + + of Philometor, +28+, 12 + + _Anadendritis_, a vine, +34+, 11 + + Anamares, or Ananes, or Andres, or Anares, a Cisalpine Gallic tribe, + +2+, 17, 32, 34 + + Anas, a river in Spain (_Guadiana_), +34+, 9, 15 + + Anaxidamus, an Achaean officer of Philopoemen, +11+, 18 + + Anaxidamus, an Achaean ambassador to Rome, +31+, 6; +33+, 3 + + Ancus Marcius, king of Rome, fr. v. + + Ancyra, a city of Galatia, +21+, 39 + + Anda, a city in Libya, +14+, 6 + + Andania, a city in Messenia, +5+, 92 + + Andobales (or Indibilis), king of the Ilergetes, +3+, 76; +9+, 11; + +10+, 18, 35, 37, 40; +11+, 26, 29, 31, 33; +21+, 11 + + Andosini, a Spanish tribe, +3+, 35 + + Andranodorus of Syracuse, +7+, 2, 5 + + Andreas, physician of Philopator, +5+, 81 + + Androlochus of Elis, +5+, 94 + + Andromachus, father of Achaeus, +4+, 51; +8+, 22 + + Andromachus of Aspendus, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 64, 65, + 83, 85, 87 + + Andromachus, ambassador from Philopator to Rome, +33+, 8 + + Andronicus, ambassador of Attalus, +32+, 28 + + Andronidas, a Romanising Achaean, +29+, 25; +30+, 23; +39+, 10, 11 + + Androsthenes of Cyzicus, +11+, 34 + + Aneroestes, king of the Gaesatae, +2+, 22, 26, 31 + + Aniaracae, a tribe in Media, +5+, 44 + + Anicius Gallus, L., praetor B.C. 168, +30+, 14; +32+, 20; +33+, 9 + + Anio, river in Latium, +9+, 5, 7 + + Antalces of Gortyn in Crete, +22+, 19 + + Antalcidas, +1+, 6; +4+, 27; +6+, 49 + + Antanor of Elis, +5+, 94 + + Antenor, ambassador of Perseus to Rhodes, +27+, 4, 14 + + Anticyra, in Locris, +9+, 39; + in Phocis, +18+, 45; +27+, 16 + + Antigoneia, a city of Epirus, +2+, 5, 6 + + _Antigoneia_, games at Sicyon in honour of Antigonus Doson, +28+, 19; + +30+, 23 + + Antigonus the One-eyed, successor of Alexander the Great in Syria, + B.C. 323-301, +1+, 63; +5+, 67; +10+, 27; +18+, 3; +28+, 20 + + Antigonus Gonatas, king of Macedonia, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, + B.C. 283-239, +3+, 41, 43-45; +9+, 29, 31, 32, 34, 38; +18+, 6; + +20+, 6 + + Antigonus Doson, grandson of Demetrius Poliorcetes, guardian of Philip + V., and really king of Macedonia, B.C. 229-220, +2+, 45, 47-70; + +3+, 16; +4+, 1, 3, 6, 9, 16, 22, 34, 69, 76, 82, 87; +5+, 9, 16, + 24, 34, 35, 63, 89, 93; +7+, 11; +9+, 29, 36; +20+, 5 + + Antigonus, son of Alexander, an ambassador from Perseus to Boeotia, + +27+, 5 + + Antilibanus, a mountain in Coele-Syria, the eastern range of Lebanon, + +5+, 45, 59 + + Antimachus, a friend of Perseus, +29+, 6 + + Antinous of Epirus, a friend of Perseus, +27+, 15; +30+, 7 + + Antioch in Mygdonia, +5+, 51 + + Antioch on the Orontes, capital of Syria, +5+, 43, 59, 60, 87; +31+, + 17; +32+, 4 + + Antiochis, sister of Antiochus the Great, +8+, 25 + + Antiochus I., Soter, king of Syria B.C. 280-261, +31+, 7 + + Antiochus II., Theos, king of Syria B.C. 261-246 + + Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II., ob. B.C. 227, +5+, 74 + + Antiochus III., the Great, king of Syria B.C. 223-187, +1+, 3; +2+, 71; + +3+, 2, 3, 6, 7, 11, 12, 32; +4+, 2, 37, 48, 51; +5+, 1, 29, 31, 34, + 40-71, 73, 79-87, 89, 105, 109; +7+, 15-18; +8+, 18-23, 25; + +10+, 27-31, 49; +11+, 34; +13+, 9; +15+, 20, 25, 37; +16+, 18, 19, + 22, 27, 39; +18+, 39, 41, 43, 45, 47-52; +20+, 1-3, 7-11; +21+, 2, 4, + 6, 8-21, 24, 25, 33, 43-48; +22+, 4, 5; +23+, 14; +24+, 12, 15; + +25+, 4; +28+, 1, 4, 20; +29+, 6; +39+, 14, 19; + + his treaty with Rome, +21+, 45 + + Antiochus IV., Epiphanes, second son of Antiochus the Great, king of + Syria B.C. 175-164, +3+, 3; +16+, 18, 19; +26+, 1; +27+, 7, 19; + +28+, 1, 17-23; +29+, 2, 4, 24, 26, 27; +30+, 17; +31+, 3-6, 9, + 11, 12, 21; +33+, 18 + + Antiochus V., Eupator, son of Epiphanes, king of Syria B.C. 164-162, + +31+, 12, 19 + + Antiochus, another son of Antiochus the Great according to the + historian Zeno, +16+, 18, 19 + + Antipater, guardian of Alexander the Great’s son Philip III., and + practically king in Macedonia B.C. 323-319, +5+, 10; +9+, 29, + 30; +12+, 13 + + Antipater, nephew of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 79, 82, 87; +16+, 18; + +21+, 16, 17, 24 + + Antipatria, a town of the Illyrian Dassaretae, on the River Apsus, +5+, + 108 + + Antiphanes of Berga, a proverbial liar (whence βεργαΐζειν), +34+, 6 + + Antiphatas, of Gortyn in Crete, +33+, 16 + + Antiphilus, an ambassador of Prusias, +32+, 28 + + Antipolis, a colony from Marseilles (_Antibes_), +33+, 7 + + Antisthenes of Rhodes, +16+, 14-15 + + Antium, in Latium, +3+, 22, 24 + + Antonius, M., Trib. Pl. B.C. 167, +30+, 4 + + Aous, a river in Illyria (_Viósa_), +5+, 110; +27+, 16 + + Apameia, a town in Syria (_Kulak-el-Mudik_), +5+, 45, 50, 56, 58, 59 + + Apameia, a town in Phrygia (_Denair_), +21+, 43-45, 48 + + Apasiacae, a Nomad tribe between the Oxus and the Asiatic Tanais, +10+, + 48 + + Apaturius Gallus, assassin of Seleucus III., +4+, 48 + + Apéga, wife of Nabis, +13+, 7; +18+, 17 + + Apelaurum, a mountain in Arcadia, +4+, 69 + + Apelles, guardian and friend of Philip V., +4+, 76, 82, 84-87; + +5+, 1; + + he conspires against the king, +5+, 2, 4, 14, 16, 26-29 + + Apelles, another friend of Philip V., +22+, 18; +23+, 1 + + Apennines, the, +2+, 14, 16, 17, 24; +3+, 90, 110; +33+, 11 + + Aperantia, a district and city of Thessaly, +20+, 13; +21+, 25 + + Aphrodite of Eryx, +1+, 55; +2+, 7; + + temple of, at Pergamum, +18+, 2, 6; + + near Saguntum, +3+, 97 + + Aphther, a Libyan, +32+, 2 + + Apia, plain of, a city of Phrygia, +5+, 77 + + Apis, a harbour in Egypt, +31+, 26, 27 + + _Apocleti_, magistrates of the Aetolians, +4+, 5; +20+, 1; cp. +21+, 4 + + Apodoti, an Aetolian tribe, +18+, 5 + + Apollo of the Greeks and Carthaginians, +7+, 9; + + temples of Apollo at Amyclae, +5+, 19; + + at Delphi, +39+, 17; + + at Thermus, +11+, 7; + + near Temnus, +32+, 27; + + statue of, at Sicyon, +18+, 16; + + sacred land of, in Sicyonia, _ib._; + + mound of, at Tarentum, +8+, 30 + + Apollodorus, governor of Susiana, +5+, 54 + + Apollodorus, tyrant of Cassandreia, +7+, 7 + + Apollodorus, secretary of Philip V., +18+, 1, 8 + + Apollodorus, Boeotian ambassador, +23+, 16 + + Apollonia, town in Illyria, +2+, 9, 11; +5+, 109, 110; +7+, 9; +34+, 12 + + Apollonia, a city of Assyria, +5+, 43, 44, 51, 52 + + Apollonia, a city of Crete, +28+, 14 + + Apollonias, wife of Attalus I., +22+, 20 + + Apollonidas of Sicyon, +22+, 11, 15, 16; +28+, 6 + + Apollonides of Sparta, +24+, 7 + + Apollonides of Clazomenae, +28+, 19 + + Apollonius of Clazomenae, +28+, 19 + + Apollonius, a friend of Seleucus IV., +31+, 21; + + and his son Apollonius, +31+, 19, 21 + + Apollophanes of Seleucia, a physician, +5+, 56, 58 + + Apro, a river in Liguria (some would read Οὔαρος Varus the _Var_), + +33+, 11 + + Aptera, a town in Crete, +4+, 55 + + Apuleius Saturninus, L., +32+, 28 + + Apustius, P., +32+, 1 + + Aquileia, on the Adriatic, +34+, 10, 11 + + Arabia, +5+, 71; + + Arabians, +5+, 71, 79, 82, 85; +13+, 9 + + Arachosia, district in Asia, +11+, 34 + + Aradus, an island off the coast of Phoenicia (_Ruad_), +5+, 68 + + Aratthus, a river in Epirus, +21+, 26 + + Aratus of Sicyon, son of Clinias, his history, +1+, 3; +2+, 40; +4+, + 2; + + his policy and character, +2+, 40, 43-52, 56-60; +4+, 6-12, 14, 19, + 24, 37, 67, 76, 82, 84-87; +5+, 1, 5, 7, 12, 15, 16, 23, 26-28, + 30, 91-103; +7+, 11; + his death, +8+, 14 + + _See also_ +9+, 17, 23; +10+, 22; +24+, 6; +34+, 14. Vol. i. p. 283, + note. + + Aratus, the younger, son of the last, +2+, 51; +4+, 37, 60, 67, 70, 72, + 82; +5+, 1; +7+, 11; +24+, 6, 10 + + Araxus, promontory of Achaia, +4+, 59, 65 + + Arbo, a city in Illyria, +2+, 11 + + Arbucala, a city of the Vaccaei in Spain, +3+, 14 + + Arcades, a city in Crete, +4+, 53 + + Arcadia and the Arcadians, +2+, 38, 54, 56, 62; +4+, 17, 20, 21, 33, + 70-77; +6+, 2; +12+, 4; +18+, 14; +39+, 7; + + practice of music in, +4+, 20, 21 + + Arcas, the ancestor of the Arcadians, +4+, 77 + + Arcesilas of Pitane, academical philosopher, +10+, 22 + + Arcesilaus, ambassador of the Lacedaemonian exiles, +23+, 6 + + Arcesilaus of Megalopolis, +28+, 6; +29+, 25 + + Archedamus, an Aetolian, +18+, 21; +20+, 9; +28+, 4 + + Archedicus, a comedy writer, +12+, 13 + + Archias, governor of Cyprus, +33+, 5 + + Archicrates, an Achaean, +39+, 10 + + Archidamus V., king of Sparta, ob. B.C. 236-235, +4+, 35-37; +8+, 1 + + Archidamus, son of Pantaleon, an Aetolian, +4+, 57-58 + + Archimedes of Syracuse, +8+, 5, 7-9 + + Archippus, an Achaean, +39+, 11 + + Archon of Aegira, an Achaean Strategus in B.C. 189, 171, 169, +22+, 13, + 14; +27+, 2; +28+, 3, 6, 7, 12; +29+, 23, 25 + + Ardaxanus, a river in Illyria, +8+, 15 + + Ardea, in Latium, +3+, 22, 24 + + Ardiaei, an Illyrian tribe, +2+, 11, 12 + + Ardyes, a Gallic tribe on the Rhone, +3+, 47 + + Ardys, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 53, 60 + + Ares, +7+, 9; +12+, +26+; + plain of, in Thrace, +13+, 10 + + Arethusa, a spring in Sicily, +12+, 4 + + Areus of Sparta, +22+, 1, 15, 16; +23+, 4 + + Arevaci, a Celtiberian tribe, +35+, 2, 3 + + Arexidamus, a soldier of Machanidas, +11+, 18 + + Argennum, promontory in Ionia, +16+, 8 + + Argolis, +2+, 64; +4+, 36; +5+, 20, 95 + + Argos, Argives, +2+, 44, 52-54, 59, 64, 70; +4+, 36, 82, 87; +5+, + 16-18, 20, 24, 91, 92, 101; +9+, 28, 34; +10+, 26, 41; +16+, 12, + 16; +18+, 2, 6, 8, 14, 17; +21+, 24; +22+, 13; +23+, 9, 12, 13; + +27+, 2; +30+, 10; +34+, 2; +39+, 8; + + priestesses at, +12+, 11 + + Argos, Amphilochian, +21+, 30 + + Arianus, of Crete, +8+, 18-22 + + Ariarathes V., king of Cappadocia B.C. 220-163, +3+, 3; +4+, 2; +21+, + 47; +24+, 1, 8, 9; +25+, 2; +31+, 12-14 + + Ariarathes VI., king of Cappadocia B.C. 163-130, +3+, 5; +31+, 14, 17; + +32+, 3, 5, 22, 24; +32+, 25; +33+, 6, 12 + + Aribazus, commandant of Sardis, +7+, 17, 18; +8+, 23 + + Aricia, in Latium, +3+, 22 + + Aridices, a Rhodian ambassador, +4+, 52 + + Ariminum, on the coast of Umbria (_Rimini_), +2+, 21, 23; +3+, 61, 68, + 75, 77, 86, 88 + + Ariobazus of Sardis, +8+, 23 + + Arisba, town in the Troad, +5+, 111 + + Aristaenetus of Dyme, +11+, 11 + + Aristaenus, Achaean Strategus B.C. 198, 195, 187, 185, +18+, 1, 7, 13; + +22+, 10, 12, 13; +24+, 13-15 + + Aristarchus, a Phocaean ambassador, +21+, 6 + + Aristeides of Athens, +9+, 23; +32+, 8 + + Aristeides, an ambassador of Ptolemy Epiphanes, +28+, 20 + + Aristeides, a Theban painter (_flor. circ._ B.C. 350), +39+, 13 + + Aristocrates, king of Arcadia, +4+, 33 + + Aristocrates, of Rhodes, +33+, 4 + + _Aristocracy_, +6+, 3-8 + + Aristodamus, an Achaean ambassador, +30+, 13 + + Aristodemus, tyrant of Megalopolis, +10+, 22 + + Aristodemus, of Elis, fr. ii. + + Aristogeiton, of Elis, +5+, 94 + + Aristomachus, tyrant of Argos, +2+, 44, 59 + + Aristomachus, of Corinth, +7+, 5 + + Aristomenes, guardian of Ptolemy Epiphanes, +15+, 31; +18+, 53, 54 + + Aristomenes, king of Messenia, +4+, 33 + + Ariston, Aetolian Strategus B.C. 221, +4+, 5, 9, 17 + + Ariston of Megalopolis, +28+, 6; +29+, 25 + + Ariston of Rhodes, +28+, 16 + + Aristonicus, a eunuch in the Court of Ptolemy Epiphanes, +22+, 7, 22 + + Aristonicus, a boxer, +27+, 9 + + Aristophantus of Acarnania, +5+, 6 + + Aristotle, the philosopher, +12+, 5-8, 11, 23, 24 + + Aristotle of Argos, +2+, 53 + + Aristotle, Rhodian ambassador, +31+, 1 + + Arius, a river in Asia (_Heri Rud_), +10+, 49 + + Armenas, son of Nabis, +21+, 2 + + Armenia, +9+, 43; +25+, 2 + + _Armies_, necessary accomplishment for commanding, +4+, 12-20 + + Armosata, a city of Armenia, +8+, 25 + + Arpani, people of Arpi, in Apulia, +3+, 88, 118 + + Arretium, a city of Etruria (_Arezzo_), +2+, 16, 19; +3+, 77, 80 + + Arsaces III., king of the Parthians, +10+, 28 + + Arsinoe, wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus, +15+, 25 + + Arsinoe, sister and wife of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 83, 84, 87; +15+, + 25, 32, 33 + + Arsinoe, a city of Aetolia, +30+, 11 + + Artabazanes, an Asian prince, +5+, 55, 57 + + Artaxerxes II., Mnemon, king of Persia, +1+, 6; +12+, 25_f_, + B.C. 405-362 + + Artaxias, a prince in Armenia, +25+, 2; +31+, 17 + + Artemidorus of Syracuse, +1+, 8 + + Artemis, temples of, near Lusi, +4+, 18, 19, 25; +9+, 34; + + at Abydos, +16+, 31; + + near Pergamum, +32+, 27; + + near Elyma, +31+, 11; + + worship of, at Syracuse, +8+, 37; + + image of, at Bargylia, +16+, 12 + + Artemisium in Elis, +4+, 73 + + Arunculeius, Gaius, +33+, 1, 9 + + _As_, Roman coin, +2+, 15; +6+, 39 + + Asclepius (Aesculapius), temples of, at Agrigentum, +1+, 18; + + at New Carthage, +10+, 10; + + at Ambracia, +21+, 27; + + at Pergamum, +32+, 27 + + Ascondas of Boeotia, +20+, 5 + + Asia, one of the three divisions of the world, +2+, 37; +3+, 37, 38, + 59; +34+, 7 + + This side Taurus, = Asia Minor, +3+, 3; +4+, 2, 48; +21+, 14, 45; + cp. +5+, 34, 90 + + Asine, a city in Laconia, +5+, 19 + + Asine, a city in Messenia, +18+, 42 + + Aspasiacae, a Nomad tribe in Asia, +10+, 48 + + Aspasianus, a Mede, +5+, 79 + + Aspasius of Elis, +5+, 94 + + Aspendus, in Pamphylia, +5+, 73; +21+, 35 + + Aspis, a city in Africa (Clupea), +1+, 29, 34, 36 + + Ass’s Back (_Onei Montes_), +2+, 52 + + Assyrians, +12+, 28; +39+, 6 + + Astapa, a city in Spain, +11+, 24 + + Asti, a Thracian tribe, +13+, 10 + + Astias (Artemis), +16+, 12 + + Astymedes, of Rhodes, +27+, 7; +30+, 4, 5, 22; +31+, 6, 7; +33+, 15 + + Atabyrium, mountain and town in Galilee, +5+, 70 + + Athamanes, a tribe in Epirus, +4+, 16; +16+, 27; +18+, 36; +20+, 10; + +21+, 25, 31; +22+, 9; +23+, 1 + + Athenè, temples of, at Rhodes, +31+, 15; + + at Agrigentum, +9+, 27; + + at Sparta (of the Brazen-house), +4+, 22, 35; + + at Itone, +4+, 25; +25+, 3; + + among the Insubres, +2+, 32; + + statue of, at Alipheira, +4+, 78; + + games of, +4+, 49 + + Athens, +5+, 27; +12+, 13, 25, 26; +16+, 25, 27; +38+, 4, 11; + + Olympieium at, +26+, 1 + + Athenians, the, their triremes, +1+, 63; + + assessment of, +2+, 62; + + capture of Chrysopolis, +4+, 44; + + conquered by Philip II., +5+, 10; + + their adulation of Ptolemy IV., +5+, 10; + + relieve Mantinea, +9+, 8; + + their colonies in Thrace, +9+, 28; + + suffer under Antipater, +9+, 29; + + hostility to Sparta, +12+, 6; + + at Aegospotami, +12+, 25_k_; + + their reception of king Attalus, +16+, 25, 26; + + attacked by Philip V., +16+, 34; + + intercede for the Aetolians, +21+, 4, 25, 29-31; + + beaten at Chaeroneia, +22+, 6; + + addressed by Roman Senate, +24+, 12; + + send ambassadors to Alexandria, +28+, 19, 20; + + petition the Senate for Delos and Lemnos, +30+, 21; +32+, 17; + + their quarrel with Oropus, +32+, 25; + + their resistance to Xerxes, +38+, 4; + + their republican constitution, +6+, 43, 44, cp. +9+, 23; + + their list of Archons, +12+, 11 + + Athenaeum, a fortress near Megalopolis, +2+, 46, 54; +4+, 37, 60, 81 + + Athenaeum, a promontory of Campania (_Promontorium Minervae_, + _Punta della Campanella_), +34+, 11 + + Athenaeus, son of Attalus I., +23+, 1; +31+, 9; +32+, 28; +33+, 1, 13 + + Athenagoras, a mercenary officer of Philip V., +18+, 22 + + Athinis, an Egyptian prince, +22+, 7 + + Athyrnus. _See_ Vulturnus + + Atilius, Aulus, +27+, 2 + + Atilius Calatinus, A., consul B.C. 258, 254, +1+, 24, 38 + + Atilius Regulus, M., consul B.C. 267, 256, +1+, 26, 28-31, 33-35 + + Atilius Regulus, C., consul B.C. 257, 250, +1+, 25, 39, 41-48 + + Atilius Regulus, M., consul B.C. 227, 217, +3+, 106, 114, 116 + + Atilius Regulus, Gaius, consul B.C. 225, +2+, 23, 27, 28 + + Atilius Serranus, Gaius, praetor B.C. 218, +3+, 40 + + Atintanes, a tribe in Epirus, +2+, 5, 11; +7+, 9 + + Atis, a Boian chief, +2+, 21 + + Atlantic Ocean, the, +3+, 37, 57, 59; +16+, 29 + + Atreus, son of Pelops, +34+, 2 + + Atropatei, a tribe in Asia, +5+, 44 + + Attalus I., king of Pergamum B.C. 241-197, +3+, 3; +4+, 48, 49, 65; + +5+, 77, 78, 105, 107, 111; +9+, 30; +10+, 41, 42; +11+, 7; +16+, + 1-9, 24-28, 30, 34, 40; +18+, 1, 2, 6, 8, 10, 16, 17, 41; +21+, + 20, 48; +22+, 11, 20; +32+, 22; + + the Athenians name a tribe Attalica after him, +16+, 25 + + Attalus II., succeeds his brother Eumenes II. B.C. 159-138, +3+, 5; + +21+, 39, 43; +22+, 20; +23+, 11; +24+, 5, 8; +27+, 18; +28+, 7, + 12; +29+, 6; +30+, 1-3; +31+, 9; +32+, 3, 5, 22, 27, 28; +33+, 1, + 6, 9, 12; +37+, 6 + + Attalus III., son of Eumenes II., succeeded his uncle B.C. 138-133, + +30+, 2; +33+, 18 + + Attica, valuation of, +2+, 72; +5+, 29; + + excellence of its silver, +21+, 32, 45 + + Attis, priest of Cybele, +21+, 37 + + Aufidus, river, in Apulia (_Ofanto_), +3+, 110; +4+, 1 + + Aurelius Orestes, L., consul B.C. 157, +31+, 12; +38+, 7, 8 + + Ausones, in Italy, +34+, 11 + + Autaritus, a leader of Gallic mercenaries, +1+, 77-80, 85, 86 + + Autolychus, of Rhodes, +16+, 5 + + Autonous, a Thessalian, +7+, 5 + + Azanis, a district in Arcadia containing 17 towns (_St. Byz._), +4+, + 70 + + Azorium, a town of Perrhaebia in Thessaly, +28+, 13 + + + BABYLON, +5+, 48, 51, 52; +9+, 43 + + Babyrtas, a Messenian, +4+, 4 + + Bactra, capital of Bactriana, +29+, 12 + + Bactriana, +10+, 48, 49; +11+, 34 + + Baebius, L., praetor B.C. 189, +15+, 1, 4 + + Baebius Tamphilus, M., consul B.C. 181, +22+, 9 + + Baecula, a town in Spain, +10+, 38; +11+, 20; + + battle of, +10+, 39 + + Baetis, river in Spain (Guadalquivir), +34+, 9 + + Balacer, father of Pantauchus, +27+, 8 + + Balacer, son of Pantauchus, +29+, 4 + + Balearic slingers, +1+, 67; +3+, 33, 72, 83, 113; +15+, 11 + + _Ballistae_, +9+, 41 + + Bantia, town in Illyria, +5+, 108 + + Barathra, in Egypt, +5+, 80 + + Barca, a city in Cyrene, +5+, 65 + + Barcas. _See_ Hamilcar + + Bardylis, an Illyrian prince, +39+, 2 + + Bargusii, a Spanish tribe, +3+, 35 + + Bargylia, a town in Caria, +16+, 12, 24; +18+, 2, 8, 44, 48, 50; + + gulf of, +16+, 12 + + Barmocarus, a Carthaginian, +7+, 9 + + Barnus, in Macedonia, +34+, 12 + + Bastarnae, tribe on the Danube, +25+, 6 + + Batanaea, in Palestine, +16+, 39 + + Bato, fr. xliii. + + Battacus, priest of Cybele, +21+, 37 + + _Beacons._ _See_ Signals + + Belli, a Celtiberian tribe, +35+, 2 + + Belmina, in Arcadia, +2+, 54 + + Benacus, lake, +34+, 10 + + Beneventum, in Samnium, +3+, 90 + + Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus, wife of Antiochus II., + +5+, 58; fr. xxvi. + + Berenice, wife of Ptolemy Euergetes, +5+, 36; +15+, 25 + + Berga, in Macedonia, +34+, 5, 6 + + Beroea, in Macedonia, +27+, 8; +28+, 8 + + Berytus, in Phoenicia (_Beirút_), +5+, 61, 68 + + Bessi, a Thracian tribe, +23+, 8 + + Bionidas, of Sparta, +4+, 22 + + Bippus, an Argive, +23+, 18; +24+, 1, 2 + + Bithynians, +4+, 50, 52; +8+, 24; +37+, 7 + + Bito, of Argos, +22+, 20 + + Bodencus, Gallic name of the Po, +2+, 16 + + Boeae, town in Laconia, +5+, 19 + + Boei, an Illyrican tribe, +5+, 108 + + Boeotarch, +18+, 43 + + Boeotia, Boeotians, +2+, 49, 65; +4+, 9, 15, 25, 67; +9+, 38; +10+, + 41; +11+, 5; +13+, 8; +18+, 11, 14, 43; +20+, 2; +21+, 20; +22+, + 4; +23+, 16; +24+, 12; +27+, 1, 2, 5, 38; +32+, 20; + + the decline of Boeotia, +20+, 4-7; + + Panboeotian congress, +4+, 3; +9+, 34 + + Boii, Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 17, 20-24, 28, 30, 31; +3+, 40, 56, 67 + + Bolax, a city of Triphylia in Elis, +4+, 77, 80 + + Bolis, of Crete, +8+, 17-22 + + Bomilcar, a Carthaginian suffes, +3+, 33, 42 + + Bomilcar, a Carthaginian admiral, +9+, 9 + + Boodes, of Carthage, +1+, 21 + + Bosporus, Cimmerian (_Straits of Yeni Kalè_), +4+, 39 + + Bosporus, Thracian (_Channel of Constantinople_), +4+, 39, 43 + + Bostarus, Carthaginian general, +1+, 30, 79 + + Bostor, Carthaginian general, +3+, 98, 99 + + Botrys, city of Phoenicia, +5+, 68 + + Botrys, a Messenian writer, +12+, 13 + + Bottia, in Macedonia, +5+, 97 + + Brachylles, a Boeotian, +18+, 1, 43; +20+, 5, 7; +22+, 4 + + _Brazen shields_, men with, Macedonians, +2+, 66, 67; + + Megalopolitans, +2+, 65; +4+, 69; + + in Syrian army, +31+, 3 + + Breasts, the, sandbanks at the mouth of Danube, +4+, 41 + + Brennus, leader of the Gallic invaders, +4+, 46; +9+, 30, 35 + + Britain, +3+, 57; +34+, 5, 10 + + Brochi, in Coele-Syria, +5+, 46, 61 + + Brundisium, in Calabria, +2+, 11; +10+, 1; +21+, 24; +29+, 6; +30+, + 20; +32+, 20; + + a Brundisian, +3+, 69 + + Bruttii, or Bruttium, +1+, 56; +9+, 7, 25, 27; +11+, 6; +13+, 10 + + Bubali, in Africa, +12+, 3 + + Bubastus, in Egypt, +15+, 27 + + Buchetus, in Epirus, +21+, 26 + + Bura, town in Achaia, +2+, 41 + + Bylazora, town in Paeonia, +5+, 97 + + Byttachus, a Macedonian, +5+, 79, 82 + + Byzachium, district in Africa, +3+, 23; +12+, 1 + + Byzantium and Byzantines, +3+, 2; + + its site and war with Rhodians, +4+, 38, 39, 42-52; +5+, 63, 100 + + _See also_ +8+, 24; +11+, 4; +16+, 2; +18+, 2; +22+, 18; +34+, 12 + + + CADI, a town in Maeonia, +33+, 12 + + Cadmea, the, citadel of Thebes, +4+, 27 + + Cadusii, a tribe in Asia, +5+, 44, 79 + + Caecilius Metellus Denter, L., consul B.C. 284, +2+, 19 + + Caecilius Metellus, L., consul B.C. 251, +1+, 39 + + Caecilius Metellus, Q., consul B.C. 206, +22+, 1, 6, 9, 13, 15, 16; + +23+, 2, 4 + + Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, Q., +38+, 10, 11; +39+, 7, 10, 11 + + Caesarea, in Cappadocia, fr. xx. + + Calabrians, the, +10+, 1 + + Calamae, fort in Messenia, +5+, 92 + + Calamus, a town in Phoenicia, +5+, 68 + + Calchedon, on the Propontis (_Chalkedon_ or _Kadi-Kivi_), +4+, 39, 43, + 44; +15+, 23 + + Calena, or Calela, a fort near Larinum, +3+, 101 + + Cales, in Campania (_Calvi_), +3+, 91 + + Calicoeni, an Illyrian tribe, +5+, 108 + + Calleas, of Thespiae, +27+, 1 + + Callias, a pancratiast of Athens, +28+, 19 + + Callicrates, of Leontium in Achaia, +24+, 10-12; +29+, 23-25; +30+, 13, + 23; +31+, 8; +33+, 16; +37+, 5 + + Callicritus, a Boeotian, +22+, 4 + + Calligito, of Byzantium, +4+, 52 + + Callimachus, school of, +12+, 25_d_. + + Calliope, a city of the Parthians, +10+, 31 + + Callipolis, a city of Aetolia, +20+, 13 + + Callippus, of Ambracia, +21+, 25, 26 + + Callisthenes, of Olynthus, historian, +4+, 33; +6+, 45; +12+, 11, 26 + + Callistratus, of Elis, +20+, 3 + + Callonitis, district in Mesopotamia, +5+, 54 + + Calpitus, a city in Galatia, +24+, 8 + + Calycadnus, promontory in Cilicia, +21+, 45 + + Calydonia, district of Aetolia, +4+, 65, 95 + + Calynda, a city of Caria, +31+, 15, 16 + + Camarina, a city in Sicily, +1+, 24, 37; +12+, 25_k_. + + Cambylus, a Cretan, +8+, 17-20 + + Camerinum, a city in Umbria, +2+, 19 + + Cammani, a tribe in Asia, +31+, 9 + + Campania, +3+, 90, 91; +34+, 11; + + the Campanian Mamertines, +1+, 7, 8 + + _See also_ +2+, 24; +3+, 118; +7+, 1; +24+, 15 + + Campus Martius, the, +12+, 4_b_ + + Camus, town in Palestine, +5+, 70 + + Candavia, mountain in Illyria, +34+, 12 + + Cannae, in Apulia, +3+, 107; + + battle of, +3+, 113-117; +4+, 1; +5+, 105, 110, 111; +6+, 11, 58; + +15+, 7, 11 + + Canobus, or Canopus, town in Egypt, +5+, 39 + + Canuleius, ambassador to Egypt, +31+, 18 + + Canusium, town in Apulia, +3+, 107 + + Caphyae, town in Arcadia, +2+, 52; +4+, 11, 12, 68, 70; + + plain of, +4+, 11, 13 + + Capitolium, +1+, 6; +2+, 18, 31; +6+, 19 + + Cappadocians, +3+, 5; +4+, 2; +5+, 43; +21+, 43; +24+, 8; +31+, 13, + 14, 17; +32+, 25; + + Cappadocia, extent of, fr. xx. + + Capros, river in Assyria, +5+, 51 + + Capua, +2+, 17; +3+, 90, 91; +9+, 3-5; +26+, 2; +34+, 11 + + Carchi, a tribe in Asia, +5+, 44 + + Cardaces, Asiatic mercenaries of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 79, 82 + + Caria, +3+, 2; +5+, 36, 41; +16+, 40; +21+, 24, 48; +22+, 5; +31+, 7, + 15; + + Carian war, +16+, 12; + + freed from the Rhodians, +30+, 5; + + as worthless as a Carian, +10+, 32 + + Carmania, district in Asia, +5+, 79, 82; +11+, 34 + + Carneades, Academic philosopher, vol. ii. p. 466 + + Carneium, in Laconia, sacred to Apollo, +5+, 19 + + Carpetani, a tribe in Spain, +3+, 14; +10+, 7 + + Carseae (or Caresus), a town in the Troad, +5+, 77 + + Carsignatus, a Gallic chief in Galatia, +24+, 8 + + Carthaea, a town in Ceos, +16+, 40 + + Carthage, its position, +1+, 73, 75; + + its religion, +3+, 25; +7+, 9; +31+, 20; + + its government, +1+, 3; +6+, 43, 47, 51, 56; + + its magistrates, +3+, 33, 42, 51; + + its senate, +1+, 21, 68; +6+, 51; +10+, 18; +36+, 4; + + the Hundred, +36+, 4; + + its dominion, +5+, 39; +9+, 11; + + its navy, +6+, 52; + + its cavalry, +3+, 110, 117; + + its oppressive rule, +1+, 72 + + _See also_ +1+, 19; +6+, 52; +11+, 19; +14+, 1, 5; +15+, 4 + + Punic cunning, +3+, 78; + + boys, +15+, 30 + + Carthage, New, in Spain, +2+, 13; +3+, 13-17, 33, 39, 76, 95; +5+, 1; + + its situation, +10+, 10; + + its capture, +10+, 11-16 + + _See also_ +10+, 6, 8; +11+, 31; +34+, 9; +39+, 19 + + Carthalo, a Carthaginian general, +1+, 53, 54 + + Caryneia, a city of Achaia, +2+, 41 + + Carystus, a city of Euboea, +18+, 47 + + Casius, a mountain on the borders of Egypt and Arabia Petraea + (_El Katieh_), +5+, 80 + + Caspian, the. _See_ Hyrcanian Sea + + Caspian pass, the, in Media, +5+, 44 + + Cassander, son of Antipater, successor of Alexander the Great in + Macedonia and Greece B.C. 306-296, +2+, 41; +5+, 67; +9+, 29; + +12+, 13 + + Cassander, of Aegina, +22+, 11 + + Cassander, of Corinth, +5+, 95 + + Cassander, minister of Philip V., +22+, 17, 18 + + Cassander, an ambassador from Phocaea, +21+, 6 + + Cassius Longinus, C., consul B.C. 171, +27+, 6 + + Castulo, a town in Spain (_Cazlona_), +10+, 38; +11+, 20 + + _Catapults_, +1+, 74; +11+, 11 + + Caucasus (_Hindoo Koosh_), +10+, 48; +11+, 34 + + Caulonia, a Greek city on the east coast of Bruttium, +2+, 39; +10+, + 1 + + Caunus, a city in Caria, +30+, 5, 9, 22; +31+, 1, 7, 16 + + Cavarus, king of the Gauls in Thrace, +4+, 46, 52; +8+, 24 + + Celtiberians, in Spain, +3+, 5, 17; +11+, 31; +14+, 7, 8; +25+, 1; + +34+, 1; + + their horses and swords, fr. xxi., xxii. + + Celtici, a tribe in Baetica, +34+, 9 + + Celts (Polybius seems to use the words Κελτοί and Γαλάται + indifferently). _See_ Gauls + + Cenchreae, the eastern port of Corinth, +2+, 59, 60; +4+, 19; +5+, 29, + 101; +18+, 16 + + Cenomani, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 17, 23, 24, 32 + + Censors, the, +6+, 13, 17 + + Centaurs, the, +8+, 11 + + Centenius, Gaius, propraetor B.C. 217, +3+, 86 + + _Centurions_, +6+, 24, 30, 36, 41 + + Ceos, island in the Aegean, +16+, 26, 40 + + Cephallenia, the largest island in the Ionian Sea (_Cephalonia_), +3+, + 3; +4+, 6; +5+, 3-5, 109, 110; +21+, 26, 30, 32; +27+, 7 + + Cephalo, a servant of Aratus, +8+, 14 + + Cephalus, a Molossian, +27+, 15; +30+, 7, 8 + + Cephisodorus, ambassador from Athens, +18+, 10 + + Ceraeas, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 70, 71 + + Ceraunian Mountains, in Epirus, +34+, 6 + + Cerax, a town in Illyria, +5+, 108 + + Cercidas, of Megalopolis, +2+, 48, 50, 65 + + Cercidas, an Arcadian, +18+, 14 + + Cercina, an island off the lesser Syrtis (_Karkenah_), +3+, 96 + + Ceretae, a town in Crete, +4+, 53 + + Cersobleptes, king of the Thracians, +39+, 2 + + Cesbedium, a temple of Zeus in Pisidia, +5+, 76 + + _Cestros, the_, +27+, 11 + + Chaereas, an historian, +3+, 20 + + Chaeron, of Sparta, +23+, 4, 18; +24+, 7 + + Chaeroneia, in Boeotia, +5+, 10; +18+, 14; +22+, 6; +27+, 1 + + Chalceia, a town in Aetolia, +5+, 94 + + Chalcidian Mount, in Sicily, +1+, 11 + + Chalcis, in Euboea, +5+, 2, 26; +9+, 28; +10+, 42, 43; +18+, 11, 45; + +20+, 3, 8; +27+, 2, 7; +38+, 5; +39+, 17 + + Chaldeans, the, +34+, 2 + + Chalesus, an Aetolian ambassador, +29+, 9 + + _Chalkeia, bronze works in Africa_, +12+, 1 + + Charadra, or -drus, a town in Epirus, +4+, 63; +21+, 26 + + Chares, an Athenian, +9+, 23 + + Charimortus, a friend of Scopas, +18+, 55 + + Charixenus, an Aetolian, +4+, 34 + + Charmion, of Crete, +22+, 19 + + Charops, of Epirus, father of Machatas, +20+, 3; +27+, 15 + + Charops, of Epirus, son of Machatas, +27+, 15; +30+, 12, 13; +31+, 8; + +32+, 20, 21 + + Charybdis, +34+, 3 + + Chattenia, district in Arabia, +13+, 9 + + Chersonese, Tauric, +25+, 2 + + Chersonese, Thracian, +18+, 51; +21+, 15, 22, 48 + + Chesuphus, an Egyptian, +22+, 7 + + Chilon, of Sparta, +4+, 81 + + Chimarus, of Crete, +29+, 6 + + Chiomara, wife of Ortiago the Gaul, +21+, 38 + + Chiron’s villa, near Messene, +4+, 4 + + Chius, + + island of, +5+, 24, 28, 100; +11+, 4; +16+, 5, 6, 8, 14, 40; +18+, + 22; +21+, 48; + + battle at, +16+, 2-14 + + Chlaeneas, an Aetolian ambassador, +9+, 31, 32, 37; + + speech of, +9+, 28-31 + + Chremas, an Acarnanian, +28+, 5; +30+, 13; +32+, 20 + + Chryseis, wife of Antigonus Doson, +5+, 89 + + Chrysogonus, an officer of Philip V., +5+, 9, 17, 97; +7+, 12; + +9+, 23 + + Chrysondyon, a city of the Illyrian Dassaretae, +5+, 108 + + Chrysopolis, on the Bosporus in Bithynia, +4+, 44 + + Cibyra, a town in Phrygia (_Horzoom_), +21+, 34; +30+, 5, 9 + + Cilicia, +5+, 59, 79, 82; +12+, 7, 17-20; +21+, 24; +31+, 3 + + Cilician Gates, the, +12+, 8, 17 + + Cineas, of Thessaly, +18+, 14 + + Cineas, a minister of Ptolemy Physcon, +28+, 19 + + Circeii, in Latium, +3+, 22, 24; +31+, 22, 23 + + Circus maximus, the, +30+, 14 + + Cirrha, in Phocis, harbour of Delphi, +5+, 27 + + Cirta, a town in Numidia, +37+, 10 + + Cissa, a town in Spain, +3+, 76 + + Cissii, a tribe in Susiana, +5+, 79, 82 + + _Citadels, dangers of_, fr. ix. + + Cius, a town of Bithynia, +15+, 21, 23; +16+, 34; +18+, 3-5, 44 + + Clarium, a fort near Megalopolis, +4+, 6, 25 + + Clastidium, a town in Cisalpine Gaul (_Casteggio_), +2+, 34; +3+, 69 + + Claudius Caudex, App., consul B.C. 212, takes Messene and relieves the + Mamertines, +1+, 11, 12, 16 + + Claudius Pulcher, App., consul B.C. 185, as Trib. Mil. B.C. 197 under + Flamininus meets Philip V. at Nicaea, +18+, 8, 10; + + sent as commissioner to Greece B.C. 185, +22+, 16-19; +23+, 4 + + Claudius Cento, App., legatus of the consul Q. Marcius in Achaia, +28+, + 13; + + sent to Prusias B.C. 154, +33+, 13 (this may be a different man) + + Claudius Nero, C., consul B.C. 207, at the battle of the Metaurus, + +11+, 1 + + Claudius Pulcher, C., consul B.C. 177, sent to Istria, +25+, 4; + B.C. 167 sent as legatus to Greece, +30+, 13 + + Claudius Cento, C., sent to Prusias, +33+, 1 + + Claudius Marcellus, M., five times consul B.C. 222, 215 (suff.), 214, + 210, 208, +2+, 34; + + besieges Syracuse, +8+, 3-9, 37: + + engaged against Hannibal in Bruttium, +10+, 32; fr. xii. + + Claudius Marcellus, M., son of the last, consul B.C. 196, wounded, + +10+, 32; + + opposes treaty with Philip V., +18+, 42 + + Claudius Marcellus, M., three times consul B.C. 166, 155, 152; + + engaged in the Celtiberian war, +35+, 2-4 (? fr. xxiii.) + + Claudius Pulcher, P., consul B.C. 249, beaten in naval battle off + Drepanum, +1+, 49-52 + + Claudius, Tib., a commissioner to Macedonia, +22+, 9 + + Claudius Pulcher, Tib., praetor B.C. 178, commissioner to Asia and + the islands, +27+, 3 + + Clazomenae, Ionian city in Asia Minor, +21+, 48; +28+, 19 + + Cleagoras, of Rhodes, +31+, 15 + + Cleander, of Mantinea, tutor of Philopoemen, +10+, 22 + + Clearchus, of Elis, +5+, 94 + + Clearchus, tyrant of Heracleia, +39+, 2 + + Cleino, servant and mistress of Ptolemy Philadelphus, +14+, 11 + + Cleitor, a city of Arcadia, +2+, 55; +4+, 10, 11, 18, 19, 25, 70; + +9+, 38; +22+, 2 + + Cleitomachus, an athlete, +27+, 9 + + Cleobis, of Argos, +22+, 20 + + Cleomachus, of Athens, +7+, 9 + + Cleombrotus I., king of Sparta B.C. 380-371, +9+, 23 + + Cleombrotus II., king of Sparta B.C. 243-240, +4+, 35 + + Cleombrotus, of Rhodes, +29+, 10 + + Cleomenes III., son of Leonidas II., king of Sparta B.C. 236-221, + + alliance with the Aetolians, +2+, 45; + + at war with the Achaeans and Antigonus, +2+, 46-70; +3+, 16, 32; + +4+, 1, 7, 35; + + resolute resistance to by the Achaeans, +4+, 76; + + his residence at Alexandria and death, +5+, 34-39; + + his destruction of Megalopolis, +5+, 93; +9+, 18; + + his dealings with Archidamus, +8+, 1 + + _See also_ +1+, 13; +2+, 46, 56; +4+, 5, 6, 37, 60, 69, 81; + +5+, 9, 24; +8+, 1; +9+, 23, 29; +15+, 25; +18+, 53; +20+, 5, 6; + +39+, 19 + + Cleomenes, son of Cleombrotus II., +4+, 35 + + Cleomenes, of Thebes, +39+, 7 + + Cleon, of Athens, +9+, 23 + + Cleonae, a city on the road from Argos to Corinth, +2+, 52 + + Cleonaeus, a Rhodian admiral, +16+, 9 + + Cleonicus, of Naupactus, +5+, 95, 102; +9+, 37 (? the same) + + Cleonymus, tyrant of Phlius, +2+, 44 + + Cleopatra, wife of Ptolemy Epiphanes, +28+, 20 + + Cleoptolemus, of Chalcis, +20+, 8 + + Cleostratus, Athenian ambassador, +28+, 19 + + Cleoxenus, author of a code of five signals, +10+, 45 + + Cletis, ambassador from Spartan exiles, +23+, 18 + + Clupea. _See_ Aspis + + Clusium, town in Etruria, +2+, 25 + + Clusius, a river in Gallia Transpadana (_Chiese_), +2+, 32 + + Cnidus, a city of Doris in Asia Minor, +12+, 25_f_; +30+, 8; +31+, 16 + + Cnopias, of Allaria in Crete, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, + +5+, 63, 65 + + Cnossus, in Crete, +4+, 53-55; +22+, 19; +29+, 8; +31+, 1 + + Cocynthus, a promontory in Bruttium (_Punta di Stilo_), erroneously + stated by Polybius to be the southernmost point in Italy, +2+, 14 + + Coele-Syria, Hollow Syria, properly denotes only the plain between + Libanus and Antilibanus, but in Polybius includes all Palestine + and Phoenicia to the frontier of Egypt. Antiochus the Great + contends with Ptolemy Philopator for the possession of it, + +5+, 40, 58-87, 105 + + _See also_ +1+, 3; +2+, 71; +3+, 1, 2; +4+, 2, 37; +5+, 1, 29, 31, + 34, 42, 48, 49; +14+, 12; +16+, 18, 22; +27+, 19; +28+, 1, 17, 20 + + Coeranus, ambassador from Smyrna, +18+, 52 + + Colaeus, in Megalopolis, +2+, 55 + + Colchians, the, +4+, 39 + + Colichas, a Spanish chief, +11+, 20; +21+, 11 + + Colobatus (or Cobulatus), a river in Asia Minor, +21+, 35 + + Coloneia, in Cappadocia, fr. xx. + + Colophon, a town of Ionia, +5+, 77; +21+, 48 + + Colossus of Rhodes, the, +5+, 88, 89; + + another in honour of Rome, +31+, 15; + + at Sicyon, +18+, 16 + + Comanus, minister of Ptolemy Physcon, +28+, 19; +31+, 28; +32+, 1 + + Comontorius, king of the Gauls near Byzantium, +4+, 45, 46 + + Compasium, in Arcadia, +22+, 3, 10 + + Concolitanus, king of the Gaesatae, +2+, 22, 31 + + Conii, a Spanish tribe, +10+, 7 + + Conope, a town in Aetolia, +4+, 64; +5+, 6, 7, 13 + + Consul, power of, +3+, 87; +6+, 12, 13, 15; + + army of, +1+, 16; +2+, 24; +3+, 107; +6+, 19, 20, 26; +10+, 16; + + two consular armies combined, +3+, 72, 110; +6+, 32; +10+, 16 + + Contoporia, road from Corinth to Cleonae, +16+, 16 + + Corbilo, a town in Gaul on the Loire (_Coiron_), +34+, 10 + + Corbrenae, a tribe in Asia, +5+, 44 + + Corcyra (_Corfu_), +2+, 9-12; +7+, 9; +21+, 32; +34+, 6, 7; +37+, 3 + + Corduba, in Spain (_Cordova_), +35+, 2 + + Corinth, +2+, 12, 43, 51, 52, 54; +4+, 6, 13, 19, 22, 24, 25, 66-69, + 72; +5+, 2, 17, 18, 24, 26-29, 102; +12+, 26_b_; +16+, 16; + +18+, 2, 6, 8, 11, 45-47; +23+, 9; +29+, 12, 23; +30+, 10; + +33+, 16; +38+, 5, 10; +39+, 8, 10, 13, 14 + + Cornelius Cethegus, C., consul B.C. 197, sent to Gaul, +18+, 12 + + Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus, P., praetor B.C. 203, sent B.C. 196 as + one of the ten commissioners to Macedonia, +18+, 48, 50 + + Cornelius Lentulus, Ser., praetor B.C. 169, placed in command + of Chalcis (B.C. 171), +27+, 2 + + Cornelius Lentulus, P., brother of the last, legatus in Greece, + +27+, 2; + + to Attalus, +32+, 28; +33+, 1 + + Cornelius Lentulus, L., a commissioner for Greece and Asia, +31+, 23 + + Cornelius Lentulus, C., ambassador to Ptolemy Physcon, +32+, 1 + + Cornelius Merula, Cn., twice sent to Egypt to compose matters between + the Ptolemies (B.C. 161, 154), +31+, 18, 26-28; +32+, 1; +33+, 8 + + (Cornelius) Scipio, in the middle of 4th cent. B.C. sent to Marseilles + to inquire about trading ports in Britain, +34+, 10 + + Cornelius Scipio Asina, Cn., consul B.C. 260, 254, made prisoner + at Lipara, +1+, 21, 22; +8+, 1; + + takes Panormus, +1+, 38 + + Cornelius Scipio, P., the father of Africanus, consul B.C. 218, sent + to Spain to oppose Hannibal, +3+, 40; + + has to enroll a second army, _ib._; + + arrives at the mouth of the Rhone, +3+, 41; + + learning that Hannibal was on the Rhone, he starts in pursuit, + +3+, 45; + + finding himself outstripped, he goes to Italy and sends his brother + to Spain, +3+, 49; + + lands at Pisae and marches to the Po, +3+, 56, 61, 62; + + wounded at the battle of the Ticinus, +3+, 164-168; + + his life saved by his son, +10+, 3; + + dissuades his colleague from giving the enemy battle, +3+, 70; + + sent (B.C. 217) to join his brother in Spain, +3+, 97; + + restores the Spanish hostages, +3+, 99; + + commands the Socii navales, +8+, 3; + + his fall referred to, +10+, 3, 7, 36 + + Cornelius Scipio Calvus, Cn., brother of the last, consul B.C. 222, + +2+, 34; + + sent as legatus by Publius to Spain, +3+, 49, 56; + + lands at Emporium and conquers Hanno and Andobales at Cissa, +3+, 76; + + winters at Tarraco, _ib._; + + defeats Hasdrubal at the mouth of the Ebro, +3+, 95, 96; + + joined by his brother, +3+, 97-99 + + _See also_ +8+, 3, 38; +10+, 7, 36 + + Cornelius Scipio Africanus (major), P., his first campaign in B.C. 218, + +10+, 3; + + his campaigns in Spain, +10+, 2-20, 34-40; +11+, 20-33; + + in Africa, +14+, 1-10; +15+, 1-19; + + his reception at Rome after the battle of Zama, +16+, 23; + + in Greece as legatus of his brother, +21+, 4, 5, 8; + + in the war with Antiochus, +21+, 11-17, 24, 25; + + his position at Rome, +23+, 14 + + _See also_ +18+, 35; +29+, 14; +32+, 12, 13 + + Cornelius Scipio Asiaticus, L., brother of Africanus, consul B.C. 190, + elected Aedile, +10+, 4; + + commands in the war against Antiochus, +18+, 49-52; +21+, 4, 5, 8-13, + 25, 30, 43; + + returns to Italy and triumphs, +21+, 24; + + his accounts of the booty in the Asiatic war demanded, +23+, 14 + + Cornelius Scipio, P., son of Africanus, +21+, 15; +32+, 12, 13 + + Corneliae, two daughters of Africanus, +32+, 13 + + Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus (minor), son of L. Aemilius + Paullus Macedonicus, adopted by the son of Africanus major, + consul B.C. 147, 134, his liberality, +18+, 35; + + his friendship with Polybius and character, +32+, 9-16; +36+, 8; + + volunteers for the Celtiberian war, +35+, 4, 5; + + arranges the succession of Massanissa, +37+, 10; + + besieges Carthage, +38+, 1, 2; + + destroys Carthage, +39+, 3-6; + + his simplicity of habits, fr. xxix. + + Cornelius Scipio Nasica, son-in-law of Africanus, consul B.C. 162, 155, + +29+, 14, 15; +32+, 13 + + Cornelius, Gnaeus, a commissioner in Greece B.C. 196, +18+, 48 (? Gn. + Cornelius Lentulus, consul B.C. 201) + + Coroebus (of Mygdon in Phrygia, Paus. 10, 27, 1), a synonym for a fool, + +12+, 4_a_. _See_ Lucian, _Am._ § 53, Suidas, s. v., Βουταλίων. + + Coroebus, of Elis, a stadium runner, fr. ii. + + Coronea, in Boeotia, +20+, 7; +27+, 1, 5; +29+, 12 + + Corsica, +12+, 3, 4 + + Cortona, in Etruria, +3+, 82 + + Coruncanius, Gaius and Lucius, sent to Queen Teuta, +2+, 8 + + Coryphaeus, a mountain between Cilicia and Phoenicia, +5+, 59 + + Cos, island, +16+, 15; +30+, 7 + + _Cosmopolis_, a magistrate at Locri Epizephyrii, +12+, 16 + + _Cosmus_, a magistrate in Crete, +22+, 19 + + Cossaei, a hill tribe on the borders of Susiana, +5+, 44 + + Cossyrus, an island between Sicily and Africa (_Pantellaria_), +3+, 96 + + Cothon, of Byzantium, +4+, 52 + + Cotys, king of the Thracian Odrysae, +27+, 12; +30+, 18 + + Cow, the, a spot on the Asiatic side of the Thracian Bosporus, +4+, 43, + 44 + + Cremona, a Roman colony in Gallia Cisalpina, +3+, 40 + + Creonium, a town of the Illyrian Dassaretae, +5+, 108 + + Creta, Island, character of the people, +4+, 53; +6+, 46, 47; +8+, 18, + 21; +24+, 4; + + its government, +6+, 43, 45-47; +22+, 19; + + its pirates, +13+, 8; + + the Cretans as mercenaries, +2+, 66; +3+, 75; +5+, 3, 7, 14, 36, 53, + 65, 79, 82; +10+, 46; +13+, 6; +31+, 27; +33+, 16; + + war with Rhodes, +33+, 4, 13, 15, 16; + + to outwit a Cretan, +8+, 21 + + _See also_ +4+, 8, 20, 54, 55, 61, 67, 71, 80; +7+, 12, 14; +13+, 4, + 5; +22+, 19; +28+, 15; +29+, 10; +31+, 26; +33+, 15, 16 + + Cretan sea, the, +5+, 19 + + Cretan wine, +6+, 2 + + Cretopolis, in Mylias, part of Pamphylia, +5+, 72 + + Crinon, a Macedonian, +5+, 15, 16 + + Critolaus, a follower of Agathocles of Alexandria, +15+, 26 + + Critolaus, Achaean Strategus B.C. 146, +38+, 8-11; +39+, 7, 8 + + Critolaus, a Peripatetic philosopher, goes on a mission to Rome, + vol. ii. p. 466 + + Cronus, tumulus of, +10+, 10 + + Cropius (Nestor), +27+, 16 + + Croton, a city in Magna Graecia, +2+, 39; +7+, 1; +10+, 1 + + _Crow, the_, a machine for grappling ships, +1+, 22, 27, 28 + + _Crown, mural_, +6+, 39; +10+, 11; + _civic_, +6+, 39 + + Ctesiphon, a city in the south of Assyria, +5+, 45 + + Cumae, a city in Campania, +1+, 56; +3+, 91 + + Curius Denatus, M., consul B.C. 290, 275, +2+, 19 + + Cyamosorus, a river in Sicily, +1+, 9 + + Cyaneae, islands at the mouth of the Thracian Bosporus, +34+, 12 + + Cybele, +21+, 37 + + Cyclades, the, +3+, 16; +4+, 16; +18+, 54 + + Cycliadas, an Achaean, +18+, 1, 34 + + Cyclops, the, +35+, 6 + + Cydas, of Gortyn in Crete, +22+, 19; +29+, 6, 7 + + Cydonia, town in Crete, +4+, 55; +22+, 19; +28+, 14, 15 + + Cyllene, seaport town of Elis, +4+, 9; +5+, 3 + + Cyme, a city in Aeolis, +5+, 77; +21+, 48; +33+, 13 + + Cynaetha, a town in Arcadia, +4+, 16-21, 25, 29; +9+, 17, 38 + + Cynneus. _See_ Apollo + + Cynos, seaport of the Opuntian Locrians, +4+, 67 + + Cynoscephalae, hills in Thessaly, battle of, +18+, 20-27 + + Cyparissia, a town in Messenia, +5+, 92; +11+, 18 + + Cyphanta, seaport town of Laconia, +4+, 36 + + Cyprus, island of, +5+, 34, 59; +12+, 25_f_; +18+, 54, 55; +29+, 27; + +31+, 18, 26, 27; +32+, 1; +33+, 5, 8; +34+, 15; +39+, 18 + + Cypsela, a Thracian town on the Hebrus (_Ipsala_), +34+, 12 + + Cyrene, a Dorian colony in Africa from the island of Thera, founded + B.C. 631, and capital of Cyrenaica; freed by Ecdemus + and Demophanes, +10+, 22; + + subject to the Ptolemies, +15+, 25, 33; +31+, 18, 26-28; +32+, 1 + + Cyrmasa, a town in Pisidia, +21+, 36 + + Cyrrhestae, a tribe in Syria, +5+, 50, 57 + + Cyrtii, slingers of, a robber tribe of Media, +5+, 52 + + Cythera, island of, +4+, 6 + + Cyzicus, a town in Mysia on the Propontis (_Bal Kiz_), +4+, 44; + +5+, 63; +16+, 31; +22+, 20; +25+, 2; +33+, 13 + + + DAAE, a Scythian tribe, +5+, 79 + + Dalmatians, +12+, 5; +32+, 18, 23 + + Damasippus, a Macedonian, +31+, 26 + + Damippus, a Lacedaemonian, +7+, 5 + + Damis, an Athenian ambassador, +21+, 31 + + Damon, ambassador from Ptolemy Philometor, +28+, 1 + + Damon, a Rhodian ambassador, +29+, 18 + + Damocles, a spy in the service of Philip V., +13+, 5 + + Damocritus of Calydon, an Aetolian ambassador, +18+, 10; +21+, 31 + + Damocritus, an Achaean, +39+, 10 + + Damoteles, an Aetolian ambassador, +21+, 25, 26, 29 + + Damoxenus, of Aegium, an Achaean ambassador, +18+, 42 + + Damūras, a river in Phoenicia, +5+, 68 + + Danae, of Alexandria, mother-in-law of Tlepolemus, +15+, 27 + + Danaus, of Argos, +34+, 2 + + Daochus, of Thessaly, +18+, 14 + + Daorsi, a tribe in Illyria, +32+, 18 + + Daphne, near Antioch in Syria, sacred to Apollo and Artemis, +31+, 3 + + Dardani, an Illyrian tribe, +2+, 6; +4+, 66; +5+, 97; +25+, 6; +28+, 8 + + Darius, son of Hystaspes, +4+, 43; +5+, 43 + + Darius (Codomanus), +12+, 17-19, 22; +18+, 3 + + Dassaretae, an Illyrian tribe, +5+, 108 + + Daulium, a town in Phocis, +4+, 25 + + Daunia, part of Apulia, +3+, 88, 91; +5+, 108; +9+, 7 + + Decietae, a Ligurian tribe, +33+, 11 + + Decius, a Campanian, +1+, 7 + + _Decuriones_, +6+, 25 + + Deep Road, the, at Tarentum, +8+, 31, 35 + + Deianira, wife of Hercules, +39+, 13 + + Deigma, the mart at Rhodes, +5+, 88 + + Deinocrates, an officer of Attalus, +16+, 3 + + Deinocrates, of Messene, +23+, 5, 16 + + Deinon, of Alexandria, +15+, 26_a_ + + Deinon, of Rhodes, +27+, 7, 14; +28+, 2, 17; +29+, 11; +30+, 6-9 + + Delos, island of, +25+, 3; +26+, 1; +30+, 21; +32+, 17; + + made a free port, +31+, 7 + + Delphi, +1+, 6; +2+, 20, 35; +4+, 46; +9+, 33, 35; +22+, 8; +25+, 3; + +39+, 17 + + Delta, the, of the Nile, +3+, 49 + + Demaratus, of Corinth (+6+, 2), fr. vi. + + Demaratus, an Athenian ambassador, +28+, 19, 20 + + Demeter, temple of, at Alexandria (Thesmophorium), +15+, 27, 29, 33 + + Demetrias, a city of Magnesia in Thessaly, +3+, 6, 7; +5+, 29, 99; + +10+, 42; +18+, 1, 11, 45; +29+, 6 + + Demetrius I., Poliorcetes, king of Macedonia B.C. 294-283, +1+, 63; + +2+, 41; +9+, 29, 34 + + Demetrius II., king of Macedonia B.C. 239-229, +1+, 3; +2+, 2, 44, 46, + 60; +4+, 25, 63; +20+, 5; +37+, 9; +39+, 19 + + Demetrius, son of Philip V., brother of Perseus, +18+, 39; +21+, 2; + +22+, 18; +23+, 1-3, 7 + + Demetrius I., Soter, king of Syria B.C. 162-150, +3+, 5; +31+, 12, + 19-23; +32+, 4, 6, 7, 24; +33+, 5, 18, 19 + + Demetrius, of Pharos, +2+, 10, 11, 65, 66; +3+, 16, 18; +4+, 16, 19, + 37, 66; +5+, 12, 101, 102, 105, 108; +7+, 9, 11, 13, 14; +9+, 23; + +32+, 23 + + Demetrius, of Phalerum, +10+, 24; +12+, 13; +29+, 21; +36+, 2 + + Demetrius, son of Ariarathes VI. of Cappadocia, +33+, 12, 18 + + Demetrius, an Athenian, +22+, 3 + + Demetrius, son of Euthydemus, king of Bactria, +11+, 34 + + Demetrius, friend of Ptolemy Philometor, +30+, 9 + + _Demiurgi, the_, +23+, 5 + + Demochares, an historian, +12+, 13, 15, 23 + + Democleitus, inventor of a system of fire signals, +10+, 45 + + _Democracy_, +6+, 3, 4; + + its origin, +6+, 9; + + its degeneracy, +6+, 4, 10; + + in Achaia, +2+, 38; + + in Messene, +7+, 10 + + Democrates, a Macedonian admiral, +16+, 3 + + Demodocus, an Achaean, +5+, 95 + + Demophanes, of Megalopolis, +10+, 22 + + Demosthenes, the famous orator, +12+, 12_b_, 13; +18+, 14 + + Demosthenes, of Bithynia, an historian, +12+, 1 + + Demosthenes, secretary of Philip V., +18+, 1, 8, 34 + + Dentheleti, a Thracian tribe, +23+, 8 + + Diaeus, Achaean Strategus B.C. 151, 149, 147, +38+, 8; +39+, 7, 8, 10, + 11, 15 + + Diatonium, a city in Crete, +22+, 19 + + Dicaearchus, of Trichonium, an Aetolian ambassador, +18+, 10; +20+, 10; + +21+, 31 + + Dicaearchus, an officer of Philip V., +18+, 54 + + Dicaearchus, of Messene in Sicily, a Peripatetic philosopher, +34+, 5, + 6 + + Dicĕas, a Boeotian ambassador, +27+, 1, 2 + + _Dictator, power of_, +3+, 87, 103 + + Didascolondas, of Crete, +16+, 37 + + Dimale, a city in Illyria, +3+, 18; +7+, 9 + + Diocles, of Dyme, +5+, 17 + + Diocles, governor of Parapotamia in Assyria, +5+, 69 + + Diocles, a Rhodian ambassador, +29+, 10 + + Diodorus, tutor of Demetrius Soter at Rome, +31+, 20, 21 + + Diogenes, Stoic Philosopher, vol. ii. p. 466 + + Diogenes, of Acarnania, +28+, 5 + + Diogenes, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 46, 48, 54; + +10+, 29, 30 + + Diogenes, ambassador from Orophernes, +32+, 24 + + Diognetus, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 43, 59, 60, + 62, 68-70 + + Diomedon, governor of Seleucia, +5+, 48 + + Diomedon, of Cos, +30+, 7 + + Dionysius, theatre of, at Alexandria, +15+, 30; + + artists in theatre of, +16+, 21; + + pipers in festival of, in Arcadia, +4+, 20; + + picture of, by Aristeides, +13+, 2 + + Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse B.C. 405-367, +1+, 6; +2+, 39; + +12+, 4_a_, 10, 24; +15+, 35 + + Dionysius, son of the preceding, also tyrant of Syracuse B.C. 367-343, + +12+, 4_a_ + + Dionysius, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +7+, 16-18 + + Dionysius, secretary of Antiochus Epiphanes, +31+, 3 + + Dionysius, a Thracian, +5+, 65 + + Dionysodorus, an officer of Attalus, +16+, 3, 6, 8; +18+, 1, 2 + + Dionysodorus, ambassador from the Ptolemies, +29+, 23 + + Diopeithes, of Rhodes, +28+, 7 + + Diophanes, of Megalopolis, +21+, 9; +22+, 13; +23+, 17; +29+, 23 + + Diophanes, an ambassador from Perseus, +27+, 7, 14 + + Dioryctus, the channel between Leucas and Acarnania, +5+, 5 + + Dioscurium, temple and hamlet of Phlios, +4+, 67, 68, 73 + + Dipylum, gate at Athens, +16+, 25 + + Dium, a town in Macedonia, +4+, 62; +5+, 9, 11; +9+, 35; +29+, 4 + + Dodona, in Epirus, +4+, 67 _note_; +5+, 9, 11; +9+, 35 + + Dog-star, the, +1+, 37; +2+, 16; +9+, 43 + + Doliche, a city in Perrhaebia, +28+, 13 + + Dolopes, the, in Thessaly, +18+, 47; +21+, 25, 31; +22+, 8 + + Domitius Ahenobarbus, Gnaeus, consul B.C. 192, +21+, 32; +30+, 13 + + Dorimachus, of Trichonium, Aetolian Strategus B.C. 219, +4+, 3-6, 9, + 10, 14, 16, 17, 19, 57, 58, 67, 77; +5+, 1, 3, 5, 6, 11, 17, 61; + +9+, 42; +13+, 1; +18+, 54 + + Dorymenes, an Aetolian, +5+, 61 + + Drangene, a district in Asia (_Sejestan_), +11+, 34 + + Drepana, a city in Sicily (_Trapani_), +1+, 41, 46, 49, 55, 56, 59, 61 + + Dromichaetes, king of the Odrysae, fr. xi. + + Drymussa, one of the islands in front of Clazomenae, +21+, 48 + + Duilius, C., consul B.C. 260, +1+, 22, 23 + + Dunax, a mountain in Thrace, +34+, 10 + + Dura, a town in Phoenicia, +5+, 66 + + Dura, a town on the Euphrates in Mesopotamia, +5+, 48 + + Dura, a town on the Tigris in Assyria (_Dúr_), +5+, 52 + + Dyme, an Achaean town, +2+, 41, 51; +4+, 59, 60, 65, 83, 86; +5+, 3, + 17, 30, 91, 95 + + + ECBATANA, capital of Media, +10+, 27 + + Ecdemus, of Megalopolis, +10+, 22 + + Echecrates, of Thessaly, +5+, 63, 65, 82, 85 + + Echecrates, of Phlius, philosopher and historian, +12+, 10 + + Echedemus, Athenian ambassador, +21+, 4, 5 + + Echetla, a city in Sicily, +1+, 15 + + Echinus, a city in Thessaly, +9+, 41, 42; +18+, 3, 38 + + Ecnomus, a hill on the south coast of Sicily between Agrigentum + and Gela (_Monte di Licata_), +1+, 25 + + Edecon, chief of the Edetani in Spain, +10+, 34, 35, 40 + + Edessa, a town in Macedonia originally the capital, on the via Egnatia, + +5+, 97; +34+, 12 + + Edetani, a Spanish tribe, +10+, 34 + + Egnatia via, from Apollonia to the Hellespont, +34+, 12 + + Egypt, its peaceful and prosperous state, +2+, 37; +9+, 44; + + the conspiracy of Antiochus the Great and Philip against, +3+, 2; + + succession of Ptolemy Philopator, +4+, 2; +5+, 34; + + its king in possession of Seleucia, +5+, 58; + + the savagery of the Egyptians, +15+, 33; + + revolt of the nobles, +22+, 7; + + invasion of Antiochus Epiphanes, +3+, 3; +28+, 19, 20; +29+, 2, 27; + +30+, 17; +31+, 4; + + jealousy in Rome of, +31+, 18; + + visit of Polybius to, +34+, 14; + + invasion by Iphicrates, +39+, 2 + + _See also_ +5+, 69, 80, 82, 107; +14+, 12; +39+, 18 + + Idle character of the Egyptians, +39+, 18; + + priests of, +34+, 2 + + Elaea, a city of Aeolis, +21+, 10; +32+, 27; fr. liv. + + Elateia, a city of Phocis, +5+, 26; +18+, 43, 45; +27+, 18 + + Elaus, a fort in the territory of Calydon, +4+, 65 + + _Elephants_, used by the Carthaginians, +1+, 18, 19, 30, 32-34, 38, 39, + 40, 41, 74, 78, 84, 85; +3+, 13, 42, 45, 46, 53, 55, 74, 79; + +11+, 1; +12+, 2; + + Roman terror of, +1+, 39; + + African elephants afraid of Indian, +5+, 84 + + _See also_ +31+, 3 + + Elephas. _See_ Nicanor + + Eleutherna, a town in Crete, +4+, 53, 55 + + Elis, the city, +4+, 84, 86; +20+, 3; + + the country and people, +4+, 5, 9, 19, 36, 59, 68, 69-86, 91-95, 102; + +5+, 2, 3, 5, 17, 30, 91, 92, 94, 95; +9+, 30; +16+, 13; +18+, 42; + +20+, 3; +39+, 9; + + its wealth and peacefulness, +4+, 73 + + Elisphasii, in the Peloponnese, +11+, 11 + + _Elks_, +34+, 10 + + Elleporus (_Helorus_, Diodor. Sic. 14, 104), a river in the territory + of Caulon in South Italy, +1+, 6 + + Elpeius, a river in Macedonia, +29+, 4 + + Elymaei, a tribe living to the north of Mount Zagrus, +5+, 44; +31+, 11 + + Emathia, a region in Macedonia, +23+, 10 + + Emporia, a district in Africa near the Lesser Syrtis, +1+, 82; +3+, 23; + +32+, 2 + + Emporium, a city in north Spain, +3+, 39, 76 + + Enchelanae, a tribe in Illyria, +5+, 108; fr. xliii. + + Enipeus, a river in Thessaly, +5+, 99 + + Eordi, a Macedonian tribe, +18+, 23; +34+, 12 + + Epaenetus, a Boeotian ambassador, +23+, 16 + + Epaminondas, of Thebes, +4+, 32, 33; +6+, 43; +8+, 1; +9+, 8; + +12+, 25_f_; +32+, 8 + + Eperatus, of Pharae, Achaean Strategus B.C. 218, +4+, 82; +5+, + 1, 5, 30, 91 + + Epetium, a town of Illyria, +32+, 18 + + Ephesus, a city of Ionia, +5+, 35; +8+, 17; +12+, 26_c_; +18+, 41; + +20+, 11; +21+, 11, 17, 25, 43, 44, 48; +33+, 18 + + _Ephors, the Spartan_, +4+, 22, 23, 34, 35, 81; +12+, 11; +23+, 11; + + of the Messenian, +4+, 4, 31 + + Ephorus, of Cyme, an historian, +4+, 20; +5+, 33; +6+, 45; +9+, 4; + +12+, 4_a_, 22, 23, 25_f_, 27, 28; +34+, 1 + + Epichares, a Rhodian, +30+, 9 + + Epicharmus, of Cos, +18+, 40; cp. vol. ii. p. 442 + + Epicydes, of Syracuse, +7+, 2; +8+, 5, 37 + + Epidamnus, a city of Illyria, +2+, 9-11; +34+, 7, 12 + + Epidaurus, in Argolis, +2+, 52; +30+, 10 + + Epigenes, a friend of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 41, 42, 49-51 + + Epipolae, a part of Syracuse, +8+, 37 + + Epirus, +2+, 5-8, 65; +4+, 5, 6, 9, 15, 16, 25, 30, 36, 57, 61, + 63, 66, 67; +5+, 3-6; +9+, 38, 40; +10+, 41; +11+, 5; +16+, 27; + +18+, 1, 3, 23; +20+, 3; +21+, 26; +22+, 18; +23+, 1; +24+, 12; + +27+, 15, 16; +28+, 8, 13; +29+, 4; +30+, 12, 13, 16; +32+, 20, + 21, 26 + + Epistratus, of Acarnania, +4+, 11 + + Epitalium, a town of Triphylia in Elis, +4+, 80 + + Eposognatus, a chief in Galatia, +21+, 37 + + Eratosthenes, of Cyrene, +34+, 2, 4, 5, 7, 13 + + Eretria, a town in Euboea, +18+, 45, 47 + + Eretria, a town of Phthiotis in Thessaly, +18+, 20 + + Eribianus, a mountain pass between Samnium and Campania, +3+, 92 + + Eridanus, a name of the Po, +2+, 16 + + Erymanthus, a river of Arcadia, +4+, 70, 71 + + Erymanthus, a river of Arachosia in Persia, +11+, 34 + + Erythrae, a city in Ionia, +16+, 6; +21+, 48 + + Eryx, a mountain and city in Sicily, +1+, 55-60, 66, 77; +2+, 7; + +3+, 9 + + _See also_ Aphrodite + + Etennians, a tribe in Pisidia, +5+, 73 + + Etesian winds, +4+, 44; +5+, 5 + + Etruria, +1+, 6; +2+, 16, 17, 19, 20, 23-27; +3+, 49, 56, 61, 75, 77, + 78, 80, 82, 84, 86, 108; +5+, 101, 105; +12+, 4; +15+, 11; +34+, 11 + + Etruscan sea, the. _See_ Tyrrhenian sea + + Euboea, island of, +2+, 52; +4+, 67; +10+, 41, 42; +11+, 5; +18+, 11, + 46; +20+, 8; + + Euboic talent, +1+, 62; +15+, 18; +21+, 17, 30, 32 + + Euboea, daughter of Cleoptolemus, wife of Antiochus the Great, +20+, 8 + + Eubulidas, of Chalcis, +21+, 17, 45 + + Eucampidas, of Arcadia, +18+, 14 + + Euclidas, brother of Cleomenes III., +2+, 65, 67, 68 + + Eudamidas, of Sparta, +4+, 35 + + Eudemus, of Rhodes, +21+, 10 + + Eudemus, an ambassador of Miletus, +28+, 19, 20 + + Eudoxus, a Greek historian, +34+, 1 + + Euemerus, of Messene, a writer on religion, +34+, 5, 6 + + Eulaeus, an Egyptian eunuch, +28+, 20, 21 + + Eumenes II., king of Pergamum B.C. 197-159, son of Attalus I., +3+, 3; + +18+, 47; +21+, 8-11, 16-22, 24, 43-45, 48; +22+, 1, 8-11, 15, 17, + 20; +23+, 1, 3, 9, 11; +24+, 1, 5, 8, 9; +25+, 2; +27+, 6, 7, 18; + +28+, 7, 12, 15; +29+, 4, 6, 22; +30+, 1, 2, 20; +31+, 6, 9, 10, + 25; +32+, 3, 5, 22; +33+, 18; +39+, 7 + + Eumenes, an Egyptian ambassador, +29+, 23 + + Euphanes, of Crete, +20+, 3 + + Euphrates, the, +5+, 51; +8+, 25; +9+, 43 + + Eupolemus, an Aetolian, +18+, 19; +28+, 4 + + Eureas, an Achaean ambassador, +31+, 6, 8 + + Euripidas, an Aetolian, +4+, 19, 59, 60, 68-72, 83; +5+, 94, 95 + + Euripides, quoted, +1+, 35; +5+, 106; +12+, 26; +31+, 21 + + Euripus, the, +5+, 29, 101, 109 + + Euromus, a city in Caria, +18+, 2, 44; +30+, 5 + + Europe, position and size of, +3+, 37; +34+, 5-7, 15 + + Europus, a city in Parapotamia, +5+, 48 + + Eurotas, river in Laconia, +5+, 21-23; +8+, 35; +9+, 8; +11+, 18; + +16+, 16 + + Eurotas, another name of the Galaesus, (q.v.) +8+, 35 + + Eurycleidas, of Athens, +5+, 106 + + Euryleon, Achaean Strategus B.C. 210, +10+, 21 + + Eurylochus, a Cretan, +5+, 79 + + Eurylochus, a Magnesian, +5+, 63, 65 + + Eurymedon, of Athens, +12+, 25_k_ + + Euthydemus, of Magnesia, king of Bactria, +10+, 49; +11+, 34 + + Euxine, the, +3+, 2; +4+, 38-44, 46, 47, 50, 52, 56; +5+, 43, 44, 55; + +10+, 27; +16+, 29; +24+, 3; +25+, 2; +27+, 7; +31+, 24; +34+, 7; + +39+, 2 + + Evagoras, king of Salamis in Cyprus, +12+, 25_f_ + + Evagoras, of Aegium, +38+, 11 + + Evander, fr. iii. + + Evanoridas, of Elis, +5+, 94 + + Evas, a hill in Laconia, +2+, 65, 66; +5+, 24 + + _Exile, voluntary_, +16+, 14 + + + FABIUS MAXIMUS CUNCTATOR, Q., +3+, 87-94, 101, 103, 105, 106; +10+, 1 + + Fabius, L., +15+, 1 + + Fabius, Q., +18+, 10 + + Fabius Labeo, Q., praetor B.C. 189, +21+, 46 + + Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, Q., elder brother of the younger Africanus, + son of Aemilius Paullus, consul B.C. 145, +18+, 35; +29+, 14; +32+, + 9, 10, 14; +33+, 9; +36+, 5 + + Fabius Pictor, Q., annalist, +1+, 14, 15, 58; +3+, 8, 9 + + Faesulae, in Etruria, +2+, 25; +3+, 82 + + Fair Plain, the, in Armenia, +8+, 25 + + Fair Promontory, the, near Carthage, +3+, 22-24 + + Falernian district, the, in Campania, +3+, 90, 92, 94 + + Faliscans, the, +1+, 65 + + Fannius, Gaius, ambassador to Illyria, +32+, 18, 23; + + to Prusias, +33+, 9; + + to the Achaeans, +38+, 10 + + Flamininus. _See_ Quinctius + + Flaminius, C., consul B.C. 223, +2+, 21; + + conquers the Insubres, +2+, 32, 33; + + consul II., B.C. 217, enrolls an army, +3+, 75, 77, 78; + + encamped at Arretium, +3+, 80; + + falls at the battle of Thrasymene, +3+, 82-84 + + _See also_ +3+, 86, 106; +15+, 11 + + Flaminius, commissioner in B.C. 153 to the Ligurians, +33+, 10 + + Fortune, mutability of, +29+, 21 + + Frentani, a people of Samnium, +2+, 24; +3+, 88 + + Fulvius Centumalus, Gn., consul B.C. 229; +2+, 11, 12 + + Fulvius Centumalus, Gn., consul B.C. 211, +9+, 6, 7 + + Fulvius Flaccus, Qu., consul B.C. 224, +2+, 31 + + Fulvius Flaccus, Qu., a legatus under Flamininus, +18+, 10 + + Fulvius Nobilior, Ser., consul B.C. 255, +1+, 36, 37 + + Fulvius Nobilior, M., consul B.C. 189, +21+, 25-31, 40; +22+, 13 + + Furius Pacilus, Gaius, consul B.C. 251, +1+, 39, 40 + + Furius Philus, P., consul B.C. 223, +2+, 31 + + + GABINIUS, Aulus, legate to the Achaeans, +38+, 10, 11 + + Gadara, a town in Palestine, +5+, 71; +16+, 39 + + Gades, a town in Spain (_Cadiz_), +34+, 5, 7, 9, 15; + + strait of, +34+, 15 + + Gaesatae, a tribe of Gauls in the valley of the Rhone, +2+, 22, 23, + 28, 30, 34 + + Gaezoloris, a chief in Galatia, +24+, 8 + + Galadrae, a town in Macedonia, +23+, 18 + + Galaesus, a river of Calabria flowing into the Gulf of Tarentum, +8+, 35 + + Galatia, a district in Asia Minor occupied by Gauls (Γαλάται), +24+, 8, + 9; +25+, 2; +31+, 6 + + Galatis, a district of Palestine, +5+, 71 + + Galatus, a chief of the Boii, +2+, 21 + + Galli, priests of Cybele, +21+, 6, 37 + + Garsyeris, an officer of Achaeus, +5+, 57, 72-76 + + Gatalus, a Sarmatian prince, +25+, 2 + + Gaul, +3+, 59; +7+, 9; + + Cisalpine Gaul, +2+, 19, 21, 22, 24, 32; +3+, 40, 77, 87, 106, 118; + +18+, 12; + + plains of, +3+, 86 + + Gauls (or Celts, q.v.) + + Take Rome under Brennus, +1+, 6; +2+, 18 + + Cisalpine Gauls, their country and their wars with Rome, +2+, 13-35 + + _See also_ +3+, 2, 16, 34, 41, 44, 54, 60, 66-75, 78, 79, 83-85, + 118; +12+, 4; +18+, 11 + + _See_ Agones, Anares, Boii, Cenomani, Insubres, Lai, Lebecii, + Ligures, Lingones, Senones, Veneti + + Gauls of the Alps, +2+, 18, 21; +3+, 34 + _See_ Allobroges, Taurini, Taurisci, Salassi + + Transalpine Gauls, +2+, 15, 22; +3+, 37, 39-41, 43, 45, 47, 49, 50; + +34+, 7, 10 + _See_ Allobroges, Ardiges, Decietae, Ligures, Oxybii + + Gauls invading Greece and conquered at Delphi, +1+, 6; +2+, 20, 35; + +4+, 46; +9+, 34, 35; + + settled near Macedonia, +18+, 37; +25+, 6; +29+, 9; + + near Byzantium, +4+, 38, 45, 46, 52 + + _See_ Aegosagae + + Gauls in Asia (Gallograeci), +6+, 5; +3+, 3; +5+, 111; +18+, 41; + +21+, 33-39, 43, 48; +22+, 21; +25+, 2; +29+, 22; +30+, 1-3, 20; + +31+, 2, 6, 9, 12, 13, 23; +32+, 3 + + _See_ Galatia, Tectosages, Tolistobogii, Trocmi + + Gallic cavalry in the Roman army, +3+, 65-67; + + character of the Gauls, +2+, 7, 19, 32, 33, 35; +3+, 70, 79; + + their arms and mode of fighting, +2+, 33; +3+, 62; + + the Gallic sword, +2+, 30, 33; +3+, 114 + + Gallic mercenaries in the service of Carthage, +1+, 43, 67, 77; + +2+, 7; +3+, 72, 74, 79, 84, 85, 106, 113-115, 117; +11+, 1, 19; + +15+, 11 + + In the service of Macedonia, +2+, 65; +3+, 2, 17 + + In the service of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 65, 82 + + Gaza, a city in Palestine, +5+, 68, 80, 86; +16+, 18, 22; +29+, 12 + + Gela, a town in Sicily, +12+, 25_k_ + + Gelias, an ambassador from Phocaea, +21+, 6 + + Gelo, tyrant of Gela and afterwards of Syracuse B.C. 485-478, +12+, + 25_k_-26_b_ + + Gelo, son of Hiero II. of Syracuse, +5+, 88; +7+, 7, 8 + + Genesara, a lake in Palestine, +5+, 70 + + Genthius, son of Pleuratus, king of Illyria, +28+, 8; +29+, 3, 9, 11, + 13; +30+, 14; +32+, 18 + + Gephrus, a city in Palestine, +5+, 70 + + Gerrha, a fort in Coele-Syria, +5+, 46, 61 + + Gertus, a city of the Dassaretae in Illyria, +5+, 108 + + Gerunium, a town in Apulia near Larinum, +3+, 100-102, 107, 108 + + Gerus, a town of the Dassaretae in Illyria, +5+, 108 + + Gesco, a Carthaginian general, +1+, 66, 68-70, 79-81 + + Gesco Strytanus, a Carthaginian ambassador, +36+, 3 + + Gillimas, a Carthaginian ambassador, +36+, 3 + + _Gladiators_, +32+, 14 + + Glaucias, ambassador of Perseus, +28+, 8 + + Glaucides, of Abydus, +16+, 33 + + Glaucus, of Acarnania, +28+, 5 + + Glympes, a fort on the frontiers of Argos and Laconia, +4+, 36; +5+, 20 + + Gonni, a town in Thessaly, +18+, 27 + + Gordium, a town in Phrygia, +21+, 37 + + Gorgus, of Messene, +5+, 5; +7+, 10 + + Gortyn, a city in Crete, +4+, 53, 55; +22+, 19; +28+, 15; +31+, 1 + + Gortyna, a town in Arcadia, +4+, 60 + + Gorza, a town in Africa, +1+, 74 + + Greeks, history of, +1+, 3; +2+, 37; +3+, 118; +4+, 1, 28; +5+, 31, 51, + 105, 106, 111; +34+, 1; +39+, 1; + + their fickleness, +6+, 56; + + amenability to bribes, +18+, 34; + + decreased numbers, +37+, 9; + + military customs, +6+, 25, 42; +18+, 18 + + _See also_ 35, 6; +39+, 12 + + Greeks in Thrace, +9+, 28; + + in Asia, +21+, 43; + + in Italy, +1+, 6; +2+, 39; +10+, 1 + + Greek mercenaries, +1+, 32, 48; +5+, 79, 82; +22+, 7; + + half-bred Greeks (μιξέλληνες), +1+, 67 + + Gulussa, a son of Massanissa, +34+, 16; +38+, 1, 2 + + Gyridas, of Sparta, +4+, 35 + + Gyrton, a town in Thessaly, +18+, 22 + + Gythium, the seaport town of Sparta, +2+, 69; +5+, 19 + + + HADRIANA, district of Hadria, a town in Picenum, +3+, 88 + + Haemus, a mountain in Thrace (_Balkan_), +24+, 3; +34+, 10 + + Haliartus, a town in Boeotia, +27+, 1, 5; +29+, 12; +30+, 21 + + Halys, a river in Asia Minor (_Kisil Irmak_), +21+, 39; +24+, 8 + + Hamilcar, the elder, general in the first Punic war, +1+, 24, 27, 28, + 30, 44 + + Hamilcar Barcas, son of Hannibal, in the first Punic war, +1+, 13, + 56-58, 60, 62, 64, 66; + + in the mercenary war, +1+, 75-88; + + in Spain, +2+, 1; +3+, 9-14 + + _See also_ +11+, 2 + + Hamilcar, a Carthaginian admiral in the second Punic war, +3+, 95; + +8+, 3 + + Hamilcar, a legate in the third Punic war, +36+, 3 + + Hamilcar Phaneas, a Carthaginian officer in the third Punic war, + +36+, 8 + + Hannibal, commandant of Agrigentum in the first Punic war, +1+, 18, 19, + 21, 23, 24, 43 + + Hannibal, son of the last, +1+, 43 + + Hannibal, son of Hamilcar the elder, +1+, 44, 46, 82, 86 + + Hannibal Rhodius, +1+, 46, 47 + + Hannibal, son of Hamilcar Barcas, +1+, 64, 65; +2+, 1, 14, 24, 36; + +3+, 6, 8, 9; + + his oath, +3+, 11, 12; + + succeeds Hasdrubal, +3+, 13; + + his expeditions in Spain, +3+, 14-16; + + takes Saguntum, +3+, 17; + + his surrender demanded by Rome, +3+, 20; + + winters (B.C. 219-218) at New Carthage, +3+, 33, 34; + + starts for Italy, +3+, 35; + + crosses the Pyrenees, +3+, 40; + + crosses the Rhone, +3+, 42-47; + + the Alps, +3+, 48-56; + + in Gallia Cisalpina, +3+, 60-75; + + in Etruria, +3+, 79-85; + + in Umbria, Picenum, and the south, +3+, 86-90; + + invades Campania, +3+, 90-94; + + in Bruttium, +3+, 100-118 + + _See also_ +4+, 1, 2, 28, 37, 66; +5+, 1, 29, 101, 108, 110; +6+, 58; + +7+, 1, 2, 4, 9 + + Takes Tarentum, +8+, 26-36; + + at Capua and in the neighbourhood of Rome, +9+, 3-9; + + his character, +9+, 21-26; +10+, 32, 33; +23+, 13; + + confined to Bruttium, +11+, 6; + + his 16 years in Italy, +11+, 19; + + recalled to Africa, +14+, 6, 9; +15+, 1-16; + + his interview with Scipio, +15+, 5-8; + + persuades the Carthaginians to accept Scipio’s terms, +15+, 19; + + at the court of Antiochus, +21+, 17, 45 + + _See also_ +11+, 2, 3; +13+, 4; +16+, 23, 28, 37; +34+, 10; +39+, 19; + + his death, +23+, 13 + + Hannibal, sent by the great Hannibal to Hieronymus, +7+, 2 + + Hannibal Monomachus, +9+, 24 + + Hanno, Carthaginian commander at Agrigentum and Ecnomus, +1+, 18, 27, + 28; + + conquered by Lutatius, +1+, 60, 61 + + Hanno, crucified by the mercenaries in Sardinia, +1+, 79 + + Hanno (Magnus), commander in the mercenary war, +1+, 67, 72-74, 81, 82, + 87, 88 + + Hanno, left by Hannibal in command of Northern Spain, +3+, 35, 76 + + Hanno, son of Bomilcar, an officer under Hannibal, +3+, 42, 114 + + _Harmosts, Spartan_, +4+, 27 + + Harpyia, a town in Illyria, fr. xliii. + + Hasdrubal, son of Hanno, +1+, 30, 38, 40 + + Hasdrubal, son-in-law of Hamilcar Barcas, +1+, 13; +2+, 1, 13, 22, 36; + +3+, 8, 12, 13, 15, 21, 27, 29; +10+, 10 + + Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal, +3+, 33, 56, 76, 95, 96, 98; +9+, 22; + +10+, 7, 37-40 + + Hasdrubal, an officer of Hannibal’s army, +3+, 66, 102, 114, 116 + + Hasdrubal, head of Hannibal’s commissariat, +3+, 93 + + Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, +9+, 11, 22; +10+, 7, 35, 38; +11+, 20-24; + +14+, 1-6, 8 + + Hasdrubal, a naval commander at Utica, +15+, 2 + + Hasdrubal, a Carthaginian officer in the third Punic war, +38+, 1; + +39+, 4 + + _Hastati_, +6+, 21, 23, 29, 33; +15+, 9 + + Hearths, the, on the Thracian Bosporus, +4+, 43 + + Hebrus, a river in Thrace (_Maritza_), +34+, 12 + + Hecatodorus, of Byzantium, +4+, 47 + + Hecatodorus, an artist, +4+, 78 + + Hecatombaeum, a place in the territory of Dyme, +2+, 51 + + Hecatompylus, a city in Parthia, +10+, 28, 29 + + Hecatompylus, a city in Africa, +1+, 73 + + Hegesianax, ambassador from Antiochus the Great, +18+, 47; +50+, 3 + + Hegesias, of Rhodes, +28+, 16 + + Hegias, an ambassador from Phocaea, +21+, 6 + + Heleia, a district in Laconia, +5+, 19, 20 + + Helice, a town in Achaia, +2+, 41 + + Helicranum, a fort in Epirus, +2+, 6 + + Heliotropium, a place near Thebes in Phthiotis, +5+, 99 + + Hellespont, the, +4+, 44, 46, 50; +5+, 34, 78, 111; +16+, 29; + +18+, 41, 54; +21+, 8, 13, 15, 17, 48; +27+, 7; +33+, 12, 13 + + Helmantica, a city of the Vaccaei in Spain, +3+, 14 + + Helvius, Gaius, legatus of Manlius Vulso B.C. 189, +21+, 34 + + Hephaestia, a city in Lemnus, +18+, 48 + + Hephaestus, tumulus of, near Carthage, +10+, 10; + + island of, +34+, 11 + + Heracleia, a city in Thessaly, +10+, 42; +20+, 9, 11 + + Heracleia Lyncestis, a town in upper Macedonia, +34+, 12 + + Heracleium. _See_ Heracleia Lyncestis, +28+, 11, 13, 17 + + Heracleidae, the, +2+, 41; +4+, 34, 35; +12+, 12_a_ + + Heracleides, an ambassador of Antiochus Epiphanes, +28+, 1, 22; + +33+, 15, 18 + + Heracleides, of Byzantium, +21+, 13-15 + + Heracleides, of Gyrton, +18+, 22 + + Heracleides, of Tarentum, +13+, 4; +16+, 15 + + Heracles, +4+, 35, 59; +6+, 2; +7+, 9; +12+, 26; +29+, 17; + + picture of, +39+, 13; + + Temple of, at Gades, +34+, 9 + + Heracles, columns of, +2+, 1; +3+, 37, 39, 57; +10+, 7, 40; +16+, 29; + +34+, 4, 6, 7, 9 + + Heraclitus, of Ephesus, +4+, 40; +12+, 27 + + Heraea, a city in Arcadia, +2+, 54; +4+, 77, 78, 80; +18+, 42, 47 + + Herbesus, a town in Sicily, +1+, 18 + + Herete, a mountain between Mt. Eryx and Panormus (_Monte Pellegrino_), + +1+, 56 + + Here, +7+, 9; + + temple and priests of, at Argos, +9+, 43; +12+, 11; + + at Lacinium, +34+, 11 + + Hermaeum, on the Thracian Bosporus, +4+, 43 + + Hermaeum, a promontory near Carthage, +1+, 29, 36 + + Hermeias, a Carian, +5+, 41, 45, 49-56 + + Hermes, +34+, 5 + + Hermione, a city in Argolis, +2+, 42, 52 + + Hermippus, of Lysimachia, +30+, 14 + + Hermocrates, of Syracuse, +12+, 25_k_, 26 + + Hermogenes, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 60 + + _Heroes_, +4+, 20 + + Herophilus, followers of, +12+, 25_d_ + + Herophon, an ambassador from Perseus, +29+, 4, 6 + + Hesiod, the poet, +5+, 2, 32; fr. vi. + + Hexapyla, a gate at Syracuse, +8+, 5, 37 + + Hicesias, vol ii. p. 288, _note_ + + Hicesius, of Miletus, +28+, 19 + + Hiero II., king of Syracuse B.C. 272-216, +1+, 8, 9, 11-18, 62, 83; + +2+, 1; +3+, 2, 75; +5+, 88; +7+, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8 + + _Hieromnemon_, at Byzantium, +4+, 52 + + Hieron, a fort on the Thracian Bosporus, +4+, 39, 43, 50, 52 + + Hieronymus, son of Gelo II., king of Syracuse B.C. 216-215, +7+, 2-7; + +8+, 5 + + Hieronymus, of Arcadia, +18+, 14 + + Himeras, a river in Sicily, +7+, 4, 5 + + Himerean Thermae, in Sicily, +1+, 24 + + Himilco, commandant of Lilybaeum, +1+, 42, 43, 45 + + Hippana, a city in Sicily near Panormus, +1+, 24 + + Hipparchus, an ambassador from Ilium, +22+, 5 + + Hippias, strategus of the Boeotians, +22+, 4; +27+, 1, 2, 6; +28+, 9, + 10; +29+, 3 + + Hippitas, a friend of Cleomenes III., +5+, 37 + + Hippo Regius, in Numidia, +12+, 1 + + Hippo Zarytos (Diarrhytus), a town in Libya, +1+, 70, 73, 77, 82, 88 + + Hippocrates, of Cos, +30+, 7 + + Hippocrates, of Syracuse, +7+, 2, 4, 5; +8+, 5; +9+, 22 + + _Hippodrome_, near Seleucia, +5+, 59; + near Sardis, +7+, 17 + + Hippolochus, of Aetolia, +27+, 15 + + Hippolochus, of Thessaly, +5+, 70, 71, 79 + + Hippomedon, a Spartan, +4+, 35 + + Hipposthenes, of Syracuse, +7+, 4 + + Hirpini, a people of Central Italy, +3+, 91 + + _History_, value of, +1+, 1, 35; +2+, 35; +3+, 31; +5+, 75; + + truth the eye of, +1+, 14; +12+, 7; + + connected with geography, +3+, 36; + + and natural science, +3+, 57; + + compared with tragedy, +2+, 56; +15+, 36 + + Hollows, the, near Naupactus, +5+, 103 + + Holy Isle, one of the Aegates, +1+, 60, 61 (_Maritima_); + + an Aeolian island sacred to Hephaestus, +34+, 11 + + Holy Town, in Lydia, +16+, 1; +32+, 27 + + Homarium, the, at Megalopolis, +5+, 93 + _See_ Zeus + + Homer, +9+, 16; +12+, 24, 26, 27; +30+, 10; +34+, 2-4; +39+, 5; + + quoted, +3+, 94; +5+, 38; +12+, 9, 26, 27; +15+, 12, 16; +18+, 29; + +34+, 2-4; +36+, 8; +39+, 6 + + Hoplites, a river in Laconia, +16+, 16 + + Horatius Pulvillus, M., consul (suff.) B.C. 509, +3+, 22 + + Horatius Cocles, P., +6+, 55 + + Horii, a state in Crete, +4+, 53 + + Horn, the, gulf at Byzantium, +4+, 43 + + _Horse, sacrifice of_, +12+, 4_b_ + + Hortensius, L., +33+, 1, 9 + + Hostilius Mancinus, A., consul B.C. 170, +27+, 16; +28+, 3 + + Hostilius Mancinus, A., commissioner in Asia, +37+, 6 + + Hyacinthus, tomb of, near Tarentum, +8+, 30 + + Hypana, a town of Triphylia, +4+, 77, 79 + + Hypata, a town in Thessaly, +20+, 9-11; +21+, 4, 5 + + Hyperbasas, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +10+, 31 + + Hyperbatus, Achaean Strategus B.C. 179, +24+, 10; +29+, 23 + + Hypsas, a river near Agrigentum, +9+, 27 + + Hyrcania, a region in Asia on the south of the Caspian, +10+, 29, 31, + 48 + + Hyrcanian sea, +5+, 44, 55; +10+, 48 + + Hyscana, a city in Illyria, +28+, 8 + + + IAPYGIA (Appulia), +2+, 24; +3+, 88 + + Iapygian promontory, in Calabria (_Capa Sta. Maria di Leuca_), +10+, 1; + +34+, 6, 11 + + Iasus, a city in Caria, +16+, 12; +18+, 2, 8, 44 + + Iberia (Spain), +1+, 10; +2+, 13, 36; +3+, 3, 8-17, 21, 27, 30, 33-35, + 37, 39, 49, 56, 57, 59, 61, 64, 87, 89, 95, 96, 98, 106; +5+, 1, 33; + +11+, 24, 29, 31, 33; +12+, 5; +32+, 8; +34+, 5, 7-9; +35+, 1-5; + +38+, 8; + + events in, _see_ Cornelius Scipio + + Iberians, arms of, +3+, 114; + + character of, +3+, 98; + + mercenaries, +1+, 17, 67; +3+, 72, 74, 79, 83, 93, 94, 113-115, 117; + +11+, 1, 19 + + Iberus, river in Spain (mod. _Ebro_), +2+, 13; +3+, 6, 14, 15, 27, 29, + 30, 35, 39, 40, 76, 95, 97; +4+, 28; +5+, 1; +10+, 35; +11+, 32 + + Ida, Mt. _See_ Zeus + + Ilergetes, a tribe of north Spain, +3+, 35; +10+, 18 + + Ilipa, a town in Spain, +12+, 20 + + Ilium, a city in the Troad, +5+, 78, 111; +12+, 5; +22+, 5; +34+, 2; + +39+, 6 + + Illeberis, a town and river of Aquitania, +34+, 10 + + Illyria, +1+, 13; +2+, 2, 8, 11, 44; +3+, 16, 18, 19; +4+, 16, 29, 37, + 66; +5+, 4, 101, 108, 110; +18+, 1, 8; +21+, 21; +28+, 8; +29+, 4; + +32+, 18, 23, 26; +34+, 6, 7, 12; +39+, 2 + + Illyrians, their tactics, +2+, 3; + + their language, +28+, 8 + + _See also_ +2+, 2-12, 65-68, 70; +3+, 16, 18, 107; +4+, 16, 25, 55; + +5+, 7, 13, 14, 22, 23, 101, 109; +8+, 16; +9+, 38; +11+, 11, 14, + 15; +23+, 1; +28+, 8; +30+, 14; +32+, 23; +39+, 2 + + Ilurgia, a city in Spain, +11+, 24 + + _Impiety and Injustice, altar of_, +18+, 54 + + India, +11+, 34; +34+, 13 + + Indian drivers of elephants, +1+, 40; +3+, 46; +11+, 1 + + Insubres, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 17, 22, 23, 28, 30, 32, 34; + +3+, 40, 56, 60; +16+, 40 + + Intercatia, a town in Spain, +34+, 9 + + Io, daughter of Inachus, +4+, 43 + + Iolaus, comrade of Hercules, +7+, 9 + + Ionia, +18+, 41_a_; +21+, 13, 14, +33+, 12 + + Ionian sea, +2+, 14; +5+, 110; +34+, 12; +38+, 5 + + Iphiades, of Abydus, +16+, 30 + + Iphicrates, of Athens, +39+, 2 + + Irobastus, an Egyptian, +22+, 7 + + Isara, a river in Gaul (Isère), +3+, 49 + + Iseas, tyrant of Caryneia, +2+, 41 + + Isius. _See_ Alexander. + + Island, the, between the Rhine and Isara, +3+, 49 + + Ismenias, of Boeotia, +27+, 1, 2 + + Isocrates, a grammarian, +32+, 4, 6, 7 + + Issa, an island in the Adriatic on the coast of Illyria (_Lissa_), + +2+, 8, 11; +32+, 18 + + Issus, in Cilicia, battle of, +12+, 17, 18 + + Ister. _See_ Danube. + + Isthmian games, the, +2+, 12; +18+, 44, 46 + + Isthmus of Corinth, the, +2+, 52; +3+, 32; +4+, 13; +12+, 12; +16+, 16; + +20+, 6; +30+, 10; +39+, 17, 19; + + ships dragged across, +4+, 19; fr. xcviii. + + Istri, the, inhabitants of Istria, +25+, 4 + + Italy, geography and inhabitants of, +2+, 14-24; +34+, 15; + + Italians, +2+, 31; +3+, 2, 77, 85, 118; +5+, 104; +11+, 19; + +18+, 19; +34+, 10 + + _See also_ +1+, 3; +3+, 118; +5+, 105; +28+, 16; +39+, 19 + + Ithaca, island of, +34+, 7 + + Ithomates, citadel of Messene, +7+, 11 + + Ithoria, a fort in Aetolia, +4+, 64 + + Itonian Artemis, +4+, 25; +25+, 3 + + + JASON, +4+, 39 + + Jews, the, +16+, 39 + + Jordan, the, +5+, 70 + + Julius Caesar, Sex., consul B.C. 157, +32+, 24; +38+, 7-10 + + Junius Brutus, L., consul B.C. 509, +3+, 22 + + Junius Pullus, L., consul B.C. 249, +1+, 52, 54, 55 + + Junius Silanus, M., serves in Spain under Scipio, +10+, 6; +11+, 20, + 23, 26, 33 + + Junius, Marcus, ambassador to Ariarathes, +31+, 13 + + Jupiter, Capitolinus, +3+, 23, 26; + + Lapis, +3+, 25 + + + KING’S DYKE, the, +5+, 51 + + + LABAE, a city in Arabia, +13+, 9 + + Labeatis, a district in Illyria, +29+, 3 + + Labus, a mountain between Parthia and Hyrcania, +10+, 29, 31 + + Lacedaemon (or Sparta), its position and extent, +5+, 22; +9+, 21 + _See also_ +2+, 41, 53, 65, 69, 70; +4+, 23, 34-36; +5+, 9, 17, 19, + 20, 23, 24, 37, 92; +6+, 48; +9+, 8, 9, 18; +13+, 6, 8; +16+, 13, 16, + 37; +18+, 17; +20+, 5, 12; +21+, 1, 41; +22+, 1, 3, 10, 13, 15, 16; + +23+, 5, 6, 9, 11, 17, 18; +24+, 1, 2, 7, 10-12 + + Lacedaemonians (Spartans), their numbers and territory, +2+, 38; + their constitution, +2+, 62; +4+, 81; +6+, 3, 10, 43, 45-51; +12+, 6, + 11, 23; + their iron money, +6+, 49; + their use of the tibia in war, +4+, 20; + admitted to the Achaean league, +23+, 17, 18 + _See also_ +1+, 6, 63; +2+, 39, 45-47, 49, 50, 52, 57, 58, 62, 65, + 69, 70; +3+, 5; +4+, 2, 5, 7, 9, 10, 15, 16, 19-24, 27, 32-34, 36, + 54, 80, 81; +5+, 2, 9, 19-23, 35, 76, 92, 28, 39; +11+, 11, 15-18; + +12+, 6, 25; +13+, 6; +18+, 14; +20+, 12; +21+, 1, 2, 41; +22+, 3, + 13, 16; +23+, 1, 4, 9, 18; +31+, 9; +37+, 1; +38+, 4, 8; +39+, 2, 8 + + Lacinium, a promontory of Bruttium, +3+, 33, 56; +15+, 1; +34+, 11 + + Laconia, +2+, 54, 65; +5+, 19, 20, 24, 92; +16+, 17, 20, 37; +38+, 4 + + Lade, an island off Miletus, +16+, 10, 14, 15 + + Ladicus, an Acarnanian, +4+, 80 + + Ladoceia, in the territory of Megalopolis, +2+, 51, 55 + + Laelius, Gaius, +10+, 3, 9, 12, 18, 19, 37, 39; +11+, 32, 33; +14+, + 4, 9; +15+, 9, 12, 14 + + Laenas. _See_ Popilius + + Laestrygones, the, +8+, 11 + + Lagius, an Achaean, +39+, 11 + + Lagoras, of Crete, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 61; +7+, 15-18 + + Lagus, father of Ptolemy I., +2+, 41; +5+, 67 + + Lai, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 17 + + Lamia, a city in Thessaly, +9+, 29; +20+, 11 + + Lamius, of Ambracia, +18+, 10 + + Lampsacus, a city in Mysia, +5+, 78; +18+, 52; +21+, 13, 14 + + Laodice, wife of Seleucus Callinicus, +4+, 51; +8+, 22 + + Laodice, daughter of Mithridates IV., wife of Antiochus the Great, +5+, + 43, 55 + + Laodice, another daughter of Mithridates IV., wife of Achaeus, +5+, 74; + +8+, 21, 22, 23 + + Laodicea, a city in Phrygia, +5+, 57 + + Laodicea by-the-Sea, a city in Syria, +32+, 7 + + Laodicea, at Libanus, a city in Syria, +5+, 45 + + Lapateni, fr. xvii. + + Lapethus, a city in Cyprus, +39+, 18 + + Lappa, a city in Crete, +4+, 53-55 + + Larinum, a city in North Apulia, +3+, 101 + + Larisa, a city in Thessaly, +4+, 66, 67; +5+, 97, 99; +9+, 18; +18+, + 19, 27, 33; +28+, 5 + + Larisa Cremaste, in Thessalian Phthiotis, +18+, 3, 8; +18+, 38 + + Larius (Lake of Como), +34+, 10 + + Larymna, a town in Boeotia, +20+, 5 + + Lases, an ambassador from Thespiae, +27+, 1 + + Lasio, a town in Elis, +4+, 72-74; +5+, 102 + + Latin, old, +3+, 22 + + Latins, the, +1+, 6; +2+, 18, 24; +3+, 22 + + Latium, +3+, 22-24; +34+, 8 + + Lattabus, an Aetolian, +9+, 34 + + Lavina, daughter of Evander, fr. iii. + + Laurentines, the, +3+, 22 + + Lebadeia, a town in Boeotia, +27+, 1 + + Lebecii, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 17 + + Lechaeum, the harbour of Corinth, +5+, 2, 17, 18, 24, 25-28, 101 + + _Legion_, the Roman. _See_ Roman Army + + Lemnos, island of, +30+, 21; +34+, 11 + + Leo, a Macedonian officer, +18+, 22 + + Leo, an officer of Eumenes I., +28+, 15 + + Leonidas I., son of Anaxandridas, king of Sparta B.C. 491-480, +9+, 38 + + Leonidas II., king of Sparta B.C. 257-242, +4+, 35 + + Leontini, a city in Sicily, +7+, 6; +8+, 11 + + Leontium, a city in Achaia, +2+, 41; +5+, 94; +24+, 10 + + Leontius, conspirator against Philip V., +4+, 87; +5+, 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, + 14-16, 25-27, 29, 100 + + Leontius, governor of Pieria, +5+, 60 + + Lepreum, a city of Triphylia, +4+, 77-80 + + Leptines, of Syracuse, +1+, 9 + + Leptines, assassin of Gn. Octavius, +32+, 4, 6, 7 + + Leptis, a city of Africa, +1+, 87 + + Lergetae, an African tribe, +3+, 33 + + Leucas island, +5+, 5, 16-18, 95, 101, 108, 109; +18+, 47; +21+, 26; + +34+, 6 + + Leuctra (in Boeotia), battle of, +1+, 6; +2+, 39, 41; +4+, 81; +8+, + 13; +12+, 25_f_; +20+, 4 + + Libanus, Mt. (Lebanon), +5+, 45, 59, 69 + + Libba, a city in Mesopotamia on the Tigris, +5+, 51 + + Liburnus, Mt. in Apulia, +3+, 100 + + Libya, +1+, 3, 26, 29, 70, 72; +3+, 3, 33, 37-39; +5+, 1, 33, 65, 105; + +12+, 4, 26_a_; +34+, 6, 7, 15, 16; +38+, 8; +39+, 11, 19 + + Libyans, their war with Carthage, +1+, 19, 65, 67, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, + 82, 84-87 + + _See also_ +3+, 33, 56, 72, 74, 79, 83, 87, 113-117; +5+, 65, 82; + +6+, 52; +11+, 19, 22, 24; +31+, 27 + + Philammon governor of, +15+, 25 + + Libyan sea, +1+, 37, 42; +4+, 77 + + Libyophoenicians, +3+, 33 + + Licinius Crassus, P., consul B.C. 171, +27+, 6, 8; +30+, 3 + + Licinius, Marcus, +37+, 6 + + Licinius Lucullus, L., +37+, 6 + + Liger, a river in Gaul (_Loire_), +34+, 10 + + Ligures, a large tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 16; +12+, 28; +33+, 7, + 10-12; +34+, 10 + + Serve the Carthaginians as mercenaries, +1+, 17, 67; +3+, 33; +11+, + 19; +15+, 11; + + their shields, +29+, 14 + + Liguria, +2+, 31; +3+, 41; +7+, 9 + + Lilybaeum, in Sicily, +1+, 25, 38-48, 52-56, 59-61, 66; +3+, 41, 61, + 68, 96, 106, 109, 110; +7+, 3; +36+, 4, 5; +37+, 3 + + Limnaea, a town of Acarnania, +5+, 5, 6, 14 + + Limnaeus, a prince in Asia Minor, +5+, 90 + + Limnasus, a Macedonian, +29+, 4 + + Lingones, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 17 + + Lipara, a city and island, +1+, 21, 24, 39 + + Liparae Islands, the, +1+, 25; +34+, 11 + + Lissus, a city of Illyria, +2+, 12; +3+, 16; +4+, 16; +8+, 15; +28+, 8 + + Lissus, a river in Sicily (_Fiume Ruina_), +7+, 6 + + Livius Macatus, Gaius, +8+, 27, 29, 32 + + Livius Salinator, Marcus, consul B.C. 219, 207, +11+, 1, 3 + + Livius Salinator, Gaius, consul B.C. 188, +21+, 3, 11 + + Lochagus, an Aetolian, +27+, 15 + + Locri, in Greece, the, +11+, 5; +12+, 6, 9-11; +18+, 11, 46, 47; + +38+, 5, 10; + + Locris, +18+, 10 + + Locri Epizephyrii, in Magna Graecia, +1+, 20; +10+, 1; +12+, 5-12; + + Locris, +1+, 56 + + Logbasis, of Selge, +5+, 74-76 + + Longanus, a river in Sicily, +1+, 9 + + Lotophagi, the, +1+, 39; +34+, 3 + + Lucani, the, +2+, 24; +10+, 1 + + Luceria, in Daunia, +3+, 88, 100 + + Lucius, fr. xi., l., xvii. + + Lucretius Gallus, Gaius, +27+, 7 + + Lucretius, Spurius, +31+, 12, 13 + + Lugdunum, a town in Gaul, +34+, 15 + + Luna, a town in Etruria, +34+, 11 + + Lusi, a town in Arcadia, +4+, 18, 25; +9+, 34 + + Lusitani, the, +10+, 17; +34+, 8; +35+, 2 + + Lusius, a stream in the territory of Megalopolis, +16+, 17 + + Lutatius Catulus, Gaius, consul B.C. 242, +1+, 59-62; +3+, 21; +29+, 3 + + Lutatius Catulus, Gaius, consul B.C. 220, +3+, 40 + + Lycaeum, a town in the territory of Megalopolis, +2+, 51, 55 + + Lycaeus, a mountain in Arcadia, +34+, 10 + + Lycaonia, a district of Asia Minor, +5+, 57; +21+, 22, 48 + + Lycastium, a district of Crete, +22+, 19 + + Lychnidius, a lake in Illyria, +5+, 108 + + Lychnis, a town in Illyria, +18+, 47; +34+, 12 + + Lycia, +21+, 24, 48; +22+, 5, 24; +24+, 9; +25+, 4; +30+, 5; +31+, 7, + 15; +34+, 4 + + Lyciscus, an Acarnanian, +9+, 32-39 + + Lyciscus, an Aetolian, +27+, 15; +28+, 4; +30+, 13; +32+, 19, 20 + + Lycoa, a town in Arcadia, +16+, 17 + + Lycon, a Rhodian, +30+, 5 + + Lycophron, a Rhodian, +25+, 5 + + Lycopolis, a city in Egypt, +22+, 7 + + Lycopus, an Aetolian, +21+, 25, 26 + + Lycortas, of Megalopolis, Achaean Strategus, B.C. 184, 182, father + of Polybius, +2+, 40; +22+, 3, 10, 12, 13, 16; +23+, 12, 16, 17; + +24+, 6, 10; +28+, 3, 6; +29+, 23-25; +37+, 5 + + Lyctians, +22+, 18. _See_ Lyttus + + Lycurgus, the Spartan legislator, +4+, 81; +6+, 3, 10-12, 46, 48-50; + +10+, 2 + + Lycurgus, king of Sparta, B.C. 220-210, +4+, 2, 35-37, 60, 81; + +5+, 5, 17, 18, 20-23, 29, 91, 92 + + Lycus, of Pharae, +5+, 94, 95 + + Lycus, a river in Mysia, +5+, 77 + + Lycus, a river of Phoenicia, +5+, 68 + + Lycus, a river of Assyria, +5+, 51 + + Lydia, +5+, 57, 79, 82; +21+, 16, 48 + + Lydiadas, tyrant of Megalopolis, +2+, 44, 51; +4+, 77 + + Lydiadas, a citizen of Megalopolis, +24+, 10 + + Lyncestae, a tribe in Macedonia, +34+, 12 + + Lysanias, a prince in Asia Minor, +5+, 90 + + Lysias, an ambassador of Antiochus the Great, +18+, 47, 50 + + Lysias, guardian of Antiochus V., +31+, 17, 19, 20 + + Lysimacheia, a city of Aetolia, +5+, 7 + + Lysimacheia, a city of the Thracian Chersonese, +5+, 34; +15+, 23; + +18+, 3, 4, 50, 51; +21+, 15, 48 + + Lysimachus, successor of Alexander the Great in Thrace, +2+, 41, 71; + +5+, 67; +15+, 25; +18+, 51; fr. xi. + + Lysimachus, son of Ptolemy Philadelphus, +15+, 25 + + Lysimachus, a Gaul, +5+, 79 + + Lysinoe, a town in Pisidia, +21+, 36 + + Lysis, ambassador from Lacedaemonian exiles, +23+, 4 + + Lyttus, a town in Crete, +4+, 53, 54; +22+, 19 + + + MACARAS, a river near Carthage (_Bagrodas_), +1+, 75, 86; +15+, 2 + + Maccoei, a tribe in Libya, +3+, 33 + + Macedonia, +2+, 70; +3+, 3; +4+, 1, 50, 51, 57, 62, 63, 66, 69, 85, 87; + +5+, 5, 26, 30, 34, 97, 101, 106, 108-110; +27+, 4, 5, 8; +28+, 8, + 10, 13, 17, 20; +29+, 1, 4, 22, 24; +30+, 8, 9, 13, 16, 18; +31+, 3, + 12; +32+, 8, 11, 15, 23; +34+, 12; +35+, 4; +37+, 1, 2, 8; +38+, 5, + 10; +39+, 2, 19; + + Roman settlement of, vol. ii. p. 434 + + Macedonian soldiers at Alexandria, +15+, 26, 28, 29, 31 + + Macedonians, the, their empire, +1+, 2; + + their government, +4+, 76; +5+, 27; + + their freedom of speech, +5+, 27; + + their supremacy in Greece, +9+, 28-36, 39; + + their army, +2+, 65; +3+, 6; +4+, 8; +5+, 2, 65, 79, 82; +18+, 28-32 + _See_ Phalanx; serving in Egypt, +15+, 26, 28, 31, 32 + + _See also_ +2+, 37, 39, 43, 48-51, 54, 56, 65-71; +3+, 5, 6, 16; + +4+, 2, 3, 5, 8, 9, 11, 16, 22-24, 34, 35, 37, 61, 64, 68-73, 76, + 78, 80, 84, 87; +5+, 2-8, 13, 17, 18, 25, 29, 35, 97, 100, 109; + +22+, 4; +27+, 2-10, 15; +28+, 2, 5, 8; +29+, 4, 21, 27; +31+, 3, + 7, 12; +32+, 14; +35+, 4; +37+, 2, 9; +38+, 5; +39+, 6 + + Macedonians, the Upper, +5+, 97 + + Macella, a city in Sicily, +1+, 24 + + Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta, +10+, 41; +11+, 11-18; +13+, 6 + + Machatas, an Aetolian, +4+, 34, 36 + + Machatas, son of Charops, +27+, 15 + + Maeander, the river, +21+, 24, 48; +22+, 5 + + Maeander, of Alexandria, +15+, 30 + + Maedi, a Thracian tribe, +10+, 41 + + Maeotis Palus (Sea of Azov), +4+, 39, 40, 42; +5+, 44; +10+, 27, 48; + +34+, 7, 15 + + Magas, father of Berenice, +15+, 26 + + Magas, son of Ptolemy Euergetes and Berenice, +5+, 34, 36; +15+, 25 + + Magi, the, +34+, 2 + + Magilus, a Gallic chief, +3+, 44 + + _Magister equitum_, +3+, 87 + + _Magistrates_ at Rome, +3+, 87; +6+, 12, 19 + + Magnesia, a district in Thessaly, +5+, 99, 100; +18+, 11, 46, 47 + + Magnesia, a city of Ionia on the Maeander, +5+, 65; +16+, 24 + + Mago, brother of Hannibal, +3+, 71, 79, 85, 114; +9+, 22; +10+, 7, 38; + +11+, 21 + + Mago Samnis, a friend of Hannibal, +9+, 25 + + Mago, commandant of New Carthage, +10+, 12, 15, 18, 19 + + Mago, an ambassador from Carthage, +36+, 3 + + Mago Bruttius, +36+, 5 + + Magonus, of Carthage, +7+, 9 + + Magus, the (false Smerdis), +5+, 43 + + Mahabal, an officer under Hannibal, +3+, 84, 85, 86 + + Malea, promontory of Laconia (_Maliá_), +5+, 95, 101, 109; +34+, 4, 7, + 12 + + Malian Gulf, +9+, 41; +18+, 1; +20+, 10 + + Mamertines, the, +1+, 7-12, 20; +3+, 26 + + Mamilius Vitulus, Q., consul B.C. 262, +1+, 17-19 + + Mandonius, a Spanish chief, +10+, 18, 35; +11+, 29 + + Manilius, Manius, consul B.C. 145, +36+, 6; +37+, 3 + + Manlius, Lucius, praetor B.C. 218, +3+, 40 + + Manlius Torquatus, T., consul B.C. 224, +2+, 31 + + Manlius Torquatus, T., consul B.C. 165, sent to support Ptolemy + Physcon, +31+, 18, 26-28; +32+, 1 + + Manlius Vulso Longus, L., consul B.C. 256, 250, +1+, 26, 28, 29, 39, + 41-48 + + Manlius Vulso, Gnaeus, consul B.C. 189, +21+, 24, 34-39, 43, 44, 47, 48 + + Manlius Vulso, Lucius, brother of the preceding, +21+, 44, 46 + + Mantinea, a city of Arcadia, +2+, 46, 53, 54, 56, 58, 61; +4+, 8, 21, + 27, 33; +9+, 8, 9, 34; +6+, 43; +11+, 11, 14; +12+, 25_f_; +38+, 4 + + Mantua, in Cisalpine Gaul (_Mantua_), +16+, 10 + + Marathus, a city in Phoenicia, +5+, 68 + + Marcius, Ancus, fr. v., vi. + + Marcius, Lucius, legatus of Scipio, +11+, 23 + + Marcius Philippus, Quintus, consul B.C. 186, 169, +23+, 4, 8, 9; + +24+, 11; +27+; +28+, 1, 13, 16, 17; +29+, 23-25 + + Marcius Figulus, Gaius, praetor B.C. 169, consul B.C. 162, 156, + +28+, 14, 17; +32+, 26 + + Marcius Censorinus, Lucius, consul B.C. 149, +36+, 6 + + Margites, +12+, 4_a_, 25 + + Margus, of Caryneia, first sole Achaean Strategus, B.C. 255; +2+, 10, + 41, 43 + + Maroneia, a city of Thrace, +5+, 34; +22+, 1, 15, 17; +18+, 3; + +22+, 9, 17, 18; +30+, 3 + + Marrucini, a tribe in Central Italy, +2+, 24; +3+, 88 + + Mars Quirinus, +3+, 25 + + Marseilles, +2+, 14, 16; +3+, 37, 41, 47, 61, 95; +33+, 7, 10, 11; + +34+, 7, 10 + + Marsh, the town in the, +21+, 34 + + Marshes, the (_Barathra_), near Pelusium, +5+, 80 + + Marsi, a nation in Italy, +2+, 24 + + Marsyas, plain of, between Libanus and Antilibanus, +5+, 45, 46, 61 + + Masaesylii, a tribe in Africa, +3+, 33; +16+, 23 + + Massanissa, king of Numidia, +3+, 5; +9+, 25; +11+, 21; +14+, 3, 4, 8, + 9; +15+, 3-5, 9, 11, 12, 14, 18; +21+, 11, 21; +32+, 2; + + character of, +37+, 10 + + Massolii, a Numidian tribe, +3+, 33 + + Mastia, a town of Africa, +3+, 24 + + Mastiani, a Spanish tribe, +3+, 33 + + Magna Mater, +21+, 37 + + Mathos, a Libyan leader of mercenaries, +1+, 69-73, 75, 77, 79, 82, 84, + 86-88 + + Matiani, a tribe in Media, +5+, 44 + + Mauretania, +34+, 15 + + Mauretanians, the, +3+, 33; +15+, 11; +38+, 1 + + Medes, the, +5+, 44, 79, 82, 85; +16+, 22_a_; +39+, 6 + + Media, +5+, 40, 44, 45, 47, 51, 52, 54, 55; +10+, 27 + + _Medicine, Schools of_, +12+, 25_d_ + + _Medimnus, an Attic_, +6+, 39; + _Sicilian_, +2+, 15; +9+, 44 + + Mediolanum (_Milan_), +2+, 34 + + Medion, a city of Acarnania, +2+, 2-4; +18+, 40 + + Mediterranean, the, +3+, 37, 39; +16+, 29 + + Megaleas, secretary of Philip V., +4+, 87; +5+, 2, 14-16, 25-28 + + Megalopolis, a city in Arcadia, +2+, 44, 46, 48, 50, 51, 54, 55, 61, + 62, 64-66; +4+, 6, 7, 9, 10, 13, 25, 32, 33, 37, 60, 69, 77, 80-82; + +5+, 91-93; +9+, 18, 21, 28; +13+, 8; +16+, 17; +18+, 14; +20+, 12; + +21+, 9; +22+, 10; +23+, 12, 16; +31+, 9; + + taken by Cleomenes, +2+, 55 + + Megara, +2+, 43; +4+, 67; +20+, 6; +39+, 8 + + Megistus, a river of Mysia, +5+, 77 + + Melambium, a township in Pelasgic Thessaly, +18+, 20 + + Melancomas, of Ephesus, +8+, 17-20 + + Meleager, ambassador from Antiochus Epiphanes, +27+, 19; +28+, 1, 22; + +31+, 21 + + Melitaea, a city of Phthiotis, +5+, 97; +9+, 18 + + Memphis, a city in Egypt, +5+, 62, 63, 66; +29+, 23 + + Menalcidas, of Sparta, +30+, 17; +39+, 11 + + Menecrates, a Macedonian, +29+, 6 + + Menedemus, of Alabanda, +5+, 69, 79, 82 + + Menelaium, a hill and shrine in Laconia, +5+, 18, 22 + + Menestheus, brother of Meleager and Apollonius, +31+, 21 + + Menestratus, of Epirus, +20+, 10; +21+, 31 + + Meninx, island of the Lotophagi, +1+, 39; +34+, 3 + + Menippus, a Macedonian, +10+, 42 + + Menneas, +5+, 71 + + Menochares, ambassador from Demetrius Soter, +32+, 4, 6 + + Menoetius, of Crete, +22+, 19 + + Menyllus, of Alabanda, +31+, 18, 20, 22; +32+, 1 + + Merganè, a town of Sicily, +1+, 8 + + Mesembriani, a Thracian people, +25+, 2 + + Mesopotamia, +5+, 44, 48 + + Messapii, a tribe in Apulia, +2+, 24; +3+, 88 + + Messene, in Sicily, +1+, 7-11, 15, 20, 21, 25, 38, 52; +3+, 26 + + Messene, in the Peloponnese, +2+, 5, 55, 61, 62, 79, 80; +3+, 19; + +4+, 4, 33, 49, 77; +5+, 5, 17, 37, 91, 92; +7+, 10, 11; +8+, 10, + 14; +12+, 6_b_; +16+, 13, 16, 17; +18+, 14, 42; +22+, 13; +23+, 5, + 9, 12, 16, 17; +24+, 2, 11-13, 15; +39+, 9 + + Messenians, wars with the Aetolians, +4+, 3-7, 9, 15; + + their old wars with Sparta, +4+, 33; +6+, 49; + + endeavour to join Philip V. in his attacks on Sparta, +5+, 20; + + Lycurgus prepares an invasion of them, +5+, 91, 92; + + democracy among, +7+, 10; + + obtain some Spartan territory, +9+, 28, 30; + + in alliance with Nabis, +16+, 13; + + quarrel with the Achaeans, +23+, 9; + + poison Philopoemen, +23+, 12; + + subdued by Lycortas, +23+, 16; +24+, 2, 11; + + their attitude in B.C. 146, +39+, 9 + + Metagonia, a district in Africa, +3+, 33 + + Metapa, a town in Aetolia, +5+, 7, 13 + + Metapontium, a city in Magna Graecia, +8+, 36; +10+, 1 + + Meteon, a city of Labeatis in Illyria, +29+, 3 + + Methydrium, a town in Arcadia, +4+, 10, 11, 13 + + Methymna, a city in Lesbos, +33+, 13 + + _Metretes_, a, +2+, 15 + + Metrodorus, an officer of Philip V., +15+, 24; fr. lxxii. + + Metrodorus, an ambassador from Perseus, +29+, 4, 11 + + Metropolis, a city of Acarnania, +4+, 64 + + Miccus, of Dyme, sub-Strategus of the Achaeans, +4+, 59 + + Micio, of Athens, +5+, 106 + + Micipsa, son of Massanissa, +37+, 10 + + Midon, of Beroea, +27+, 8 + + Milestones on Roman roads, +3+, 39; +34+, 11 + + Miletus, +16+, 12, 15; +21+, 48; +28+, 19; +31+, 21 + + Milo, an officer of Perseus, +29+, 15 + + Miltiades, ambassador from Demetrius Soter, +32+, 24 + + Milyas, a district in Asia Minor, +5+, 72, 77; +21+, 48 + + Mincius, a river in Cisalpine Gaul (_Mincio_), +34+, 10 + + _Minervae promontorium_, +34+, 11 + + Minoa Heracleia, a city in Sicily, +1+, 25 + + Minucius Rufus, M., +3+, 87, 90, 92, 94, 101-106 + + Minucius Rufus, Q., consul B.C. 194, +18+, 12 + + Minucius Thermus, Q., consul B.C. 183, +21+, 46 + + Minucius Thermus, L., legate in Egypt, +33+, 8 + + Misdes, a Carthaginian ambassador, +36+, 3 + + Misenum, a promontory in Campania, +34+, 11 + + Mithridates IV., king of Cappadocia on the Pontus from about B.C. 242 + to about B.C. 190, +4+, 56; +5+, 43, 90; +8+, 22 + + Mithridates V., son of Pharnaces I., king of Cappadocia _circ._ + B.C. 154-120, +25+, 2; +33+, 12 + + Mithridates, nephew of Antiochus the Great, and grandfather of the + preceding, +8+, 25 + + Mithridates, Satrap of Armenia, +25+, 2 + + Mitylene, a city in Lesbos, +11+, 4 + + Mnaseas, of Argos, +18+, 14 + + Mnasiades, of Argos, an athlete, +5+, 64 + + Mnasilochus, of Acarnania, +21+, 17, 45 + + Mnasippus, of Coronea, +30+, 13; +32+, 20 + + Mnesis, a flute-girl, +14+, 11 + + Moagetes, tyrant of Cibyra, +21+, 34 + + _Mob-rule_, +6+, 4; +9+, 5 + + Mochyrinus, +31+, 27 + + Mocissus, a town in Cappadocia, +24+, 8 + + Moeragenes, guardian of Ptolemy Epiphanes, +15+, 27-29 + + Molon, Satrap of Media, +5+, 40-43, 61 + + Molossi, a people of Epirus, +27+, 16; +30+, 7, 16 + + Molpagoras, tyrant of the Ciani, +15+, 21 + + Molycria, a town in Aetolia, +5+, 94 + + _Monarchy_, +6+, 3-6, 8, 9 + + Monunius, an Illyrian chief, +29+, 13 + + _Mora_, a Spartan, fr. xxiv. + + Morcus, an ambassador from Genthius, +29+, 3, 11 + + Morini, a Gallic tribe, +34+, 15 + + Morzias, a prince in Paphlagonia, +25+, 2 + + Mummius, Lucius, consul B.C. 146, +39+, 14, 17 + + Musaeum, in Macedonia, +37+, 8 + + Musaeum, at Tarentum, +8+, 27, 29 + + Musaeus, an ambassador from Antiochus the Great, +21+, 16, 43 + + _Music in Arcadia_, +4+, 20, 21 + + Mutina, in Cisalpine Gaul (_Modena_), +3+, 40 + + Mycenae, in Argolis, +16+, 16 + + Mygdonia, a district in Mesopotamia, +5+, 51 + + Myiscus, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 82 + + Mylae, a city in Sicily, +1+, 9, 23 + + Mylasa, a city in Caria, +16+, 24; +21+, 48; +30+, 5 + + Myndus, a city in Caria, +16+, 12, 15 + + Myrcanus, a Carthaginian, +7+, 9 + + Myrina, a city in Aeolis, +18+, 44 + + Myrrhicus, a Boeotian, +22+, 4 + + Myrtis, of Argos, +18+, 14 + + Myrtium, a courtesan of Alexandria, +14+, 11 + + Myrton, a friend of Charops, +32+, 20, 21 + + Mysia, +4+, 50, 52; +5+, 76, 77; +21+, 48 + + _Mysteries, the_, +28+, 19 + + Myttistratum, a town in Sicily, +1+, 24 + + Myttonus, a Libyan, +9+, 22 + + Myus, a town of Ionia, +16+, 24 + + + NABIS, tyrant of Sparta, +4+, 81; +13+, 6-8; +16+, 13, 16, 17; + +18+, 17; +21+, 2, 9, 11; +33+, 16 _See_ Apéga + + Namnitae, a tribe of Transalpine Gaul, +34+, 10 + + Naragara, a town in Africa, +15+, 5 + + Narávas, a Numidian, +1+, 78, 82, 84, 86 + + Narbo (or Atax), a river in Transalpine Gaul (the _Aude_), +5+, 37, 38; + +34+, 10 + + Narbo (_Narbonne_), +34+, 6, 10 + + Naucratis, a city in Egypt, +22+, 7; +28+, 20 + + Naupactus, a city of the Aetolians (_Lepanto_), +4+, 16; +5+, 95, 102, + 103; +16+, 27; +20+, 10, 13; +23+, 5; +38+, 11; fr. lxxxiii.; + + the Hollows of, +5+, 103 + + Neapolis (_Naples_), +1+, 20; +3+, 91; +6+, 14 + + Neleus, +16+, 12 + + Nemean games, +2+, 70; +5+, 101; +10+, 26; +22+, 13 + + Neocaesareia, fr. xx. + + Neocretans, +5+, 3, 65, 79 + + Neolaidas, an ambassador from Ptolemy Philometor, +33+, 8 + + Neolaus, brother of Molon, +5+, 53, 54 + + Neon, a Messenian, +18+, 14 + + Neon, a Boeotian, father of Brachylles, +20+, 5 + + Neon, a relation of the preceding, +27+, 1, 2, 6 + + Neptune, +10+, 11, 14. _See_ Poseidon + + Nercobrica, a city in Spain, +35+, 2 + + Nereis, daughter of Pyrrhus, +7+, 4 + + Nestor Cropius, +27+, 16 + + Nesus, a town in Acarnania, +9+, 39 + + Nicaea, a town in Locris, +10+, 42; +18+, 1, 7 + + Nicagoras, of Messene, +5+, 37, 38 + + Nicagoras, of Rhodes, +28+, 2, 16 + + Nicander, Aetolian Strategus B.C. 190, +20+, 10; +21+, 25, 27, 30; + +27+, 15; +28+, 4, 6 + + Nicander, of Rhodes, +18+, 2, 16 + + Nicanor, assassin of Seleucus III., +4+, 48 + + Nicanor, an officer of Philip V., +16+, 27 + + Nicanor Elephantus, +18+, 24 + + Nicanor, friend of Demetrius Soter, +31+, 22 + + Nicanor, son of Myrton, +32+, 20, 21 + + Nicarchus, officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 68, 71, 79, 83, 85 + + Nicasippus, of Elis, +5+, 94 + + Nicephorium, a temple at Pergamum, +16+, 1; +18+, 2, 6; +32+, 27 + + Nicias, of Athens, +9+, 19 + + Nicias, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 71 + + Nicias, of Epirus, +30+, 13 + + Nicippus, of Messene, +4+, 31 + + Nicodemus, of Elis, +22+, 3, 5 + + Nicodes, tyrant of Sicyon, +10+, 22 + + Nicolaus, an Aetolian, +5+, 61, 66, 68, 70; +10+, 29 + + Nicomachus, of Acarnania, +18+, 10 + + Nicomachus, of Rhodes, +8+, 17-19 + + Nicomedes, of Cos, +10+, 28 + + Nicomedes, son of king Prusias, +32+, 28; +37+, 6 + + Nicon, of Tarentum, +8+, 26, 29, 30 + + Nicon, connexion of Agathocles, +15+, 25, 33 + + Nicophanes, of Megalopolis, +2+, 48, 50 + + Nicostratus, an Aetolian, father of Dorimachus, +4+, 3; +9+, 34; + +18+, 54 + + Nicostratus, a secretary of Agathocles, +15+, 27, 28 + + Nicostratus, of Rhodes, +16+, 5; +29+, 10 + + Nicostratus, of Xanthus, +25+, 4 + + Nile, the, +3+, 37; +34+, 2, 15; + + canals of, +5+, 62; + + drinking from, fr. xxvi. + + Nisaean cavalry, +32+, 3. _See_ Herod. +9+, 20 + + Nola, a city in Campania (_Nola_), +2+, 17; +3+, 91 + + Nomads, the, a Scythian tribe, +11+, 34. _See also_ Apasiacae + + Noricum (_Neumark in Styria_), +34+, 10 + + Nothocrates, of Gortyn, +28+, 15 + + Notium, harbour of Colophon, +21+, 48 + + Numenius, ambassador of the Ptolemies, +30+, 17 + + Numidians, the, +1+, 19, 31, 65, 74, 77, 78; +3+, 33, 44, 45, 65-73, + 112, 116, 117; +11+, 21; +14+, 1-9; +15+, 9, 11, 12 + + _See also_ +37+, 10; +38+, 1 + + Numisius, Titus, commissioner to Egypt, +29+, 5 + + Nutria, a town in Illyria, +2+, 11 + + + OBOLS, value of, +2+, 15; +6+, 39 + + _Ocean_, the, +3+, 33; +16+, 29; +34+, 15 + + Octavius, Gnaeus, praetor B.C. 166, +28+, 3-5; +30+, 19; + + consul B.C. 165, +31+, 12, 13, 19, 20; +32+, 4, 6, 7 + + Odomantica, a district in Thrace, +37+, 2 + + Odrysae, a tribe in Thrace, +23+, 8; +30+, 18; fr. xi. + + Oeanthia, a city of the Ozolian Locrians, +4+, 57; +5+, 17 + + Oenanthe, mother of Agathocles, +14+, 11; +15+, 25, 29, 33 + + Oeniadae, a town in Acarnania, +4+, 65; +9+, 39; +21+, 32 + + Oenis, of Messene, +4+, 31 + + Oenus, a river of Laconia, +2+, 65, 66 + + Ogygus, an ancient king of Achaia, +2+, 41; +4+, 1 + + Olana, a mouth of the Po, +2+, 16 + + Olenus, a town of Achaia, +2+, 41 + + _Oligarchy_, +6+, 3, 4, 8 + + Olygyrtus, a mountain in Arcadia, +4+, 11, 70 + + Olympia, +4+, 10, 73, 75, 77, 84, 86; + + Olympic games, +4+, 73; +12+, 4_d_, 26; +29+, 9; +30+, 10; +39+, 17 + + Olympiad, an, 7th, fr. i.; + + 27th, +6+, 2; + + 124th, +2+, 41, 71; + + 129th, +1+, 5; + + 139th, +2+, 71; + + 140th, +1+, 3; +3+, 1; +4+, 26, 66; +5+, 30, 105; + + 141st, +9+, 1; + + 147th, +21+, 43; + + 148th, +22+, 1; + + 149th, +23+, 1, 9 + + Olympichus, a prince in Asia Minor, +5+, 90 + + Olympichus, of Coronea, +27+, 1 + + Olympieion, at Athens, +26+, 1 + + Olympiodorus, of Byzantium, +4+, 47 + + Olympion, an ambassador from Genthius, +29+, 3, 4 + + Olympus, Mt., in Laconia near Sallasia, +2+, 65, 66, 69; +5+, 24 + + Olympus, Mt., in Thessaly, +12+, 26; +34+, 10 + + Olympus, Mt., in Galatia (_Ala Dagh_), +21+, 37 + + Olynthus, a city in Macedonia, +9+, 28, 33 + + Omias, of Sparta, +4+, 23; +24+, 8 + + Onchestus, a river in Thessaly, +18+, 20 + + Onesigenes of Syracuse, +7+, 4 + + Onomarchus, a Phocian, +9+, 33 + + Onomastus, governor of Thrace, +22+, 17, 18 + + Opheltas, of Boeotia, +20+, 6 + + Opici, a tribe in Campania, +34+, 11 + + Opimius, Quintus, consul B.C. 154, +33+, 8, 10, 13 + + Oppius, Lucius, +33+, 13 + + Orchomenus, a city of Arcadia, +2+, 46, 54, 55; +4+, 6, 11, 12 + + Oreium, a mountain in Assyria, +5+, 52 + + Orestae, a tribe in Macedonia, +18+, 47 + + Orestes. _See_ Aurelius + + Orestes, father of Tisamenus, +2+, 41; +4+, 1 + + Oretes, a Spanish tribe, +3+, 33 + + Oreus, a city in Euboea, +10+, 43; +11+, 5; +18+, 45, 47 + + Orgyssus, a town in Illyria, +5+, 108 + + Orion, the rise of, +1+, 37 + + Oroanda, a town in Pisidia, +21+, 44, 46 + + Orontes, a river in Syria, +5+, 59 + + Orontes, a mountain in Media, +10+, 27 + + Orophernes, usurper of Cappadocia, +3+, 5; +32+, 24, 25; +33+, 6 + + Oropus, in Boeotia, +32+, 25; +33+, 2 + + Orthosia, a town in Caria, +30+, 5 + + Ortiago, a Gallic chief, +21+, 38; +22+, 21 + + Ossa, Mt., in Thessaly, +34+, 10 + + Ostia, harbour of Rome, fr. v. (+6+, 2); +31+, 22; +34+, 11 + + Otacilius Crassus, Manius, consul B.C. 261, +1+, 20 + + Oxus, a river in Asia, +10+, 48 + + Oxybii, a tribe of Transalpine Gauls, +33+, 8, 10, 11 + + + PACHYNUS, a promontory of Sicily (_Capo Passaro_), +1+, 25, 42, 54; + +7+, 3 + + Padoa, a mouth of the Po, +2+, 16 + + Padus (the _Po_), +2+, 16, 17, 23, 28, 32, 34, 35; +3+, 40, 61, 64, + 66, 69, 75, 86; +5+, 29; +10+, 3; +34+, 10; + + the valley or plain of, +2+, 19, 35; +3+, 39, 44, 47, 48, 54, 56, 61 + + Paeanium, a town in Aetolia, +4+, 65 + + Paeonia, a district near Macedonia, +5+, 97; +23+, 10 + + Palatine, the, fr. iii. + + Pale, a town in Cephallenia, +5+, 3, 5, 16, 17, 100 + + Pallas, son of Hercules and Pallantium, fr. iii. + + Pamisus, a river in Messenia, +16+, 16 + + Pamphia, a hamlet in Aetolia, +5+, 8, 13 + + Pamphilidas, of Rhodes, +21+, 7, 10 + + Pamphylia, +5+, 34, 72, 77; +21+, 35, 43, 48; +32+, 4 + + Panachaicum, a mountain in Achaia, +5+, 30 + + Panaetolus, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 30 + + Panathenaea, the, +28+, 19 + + Pan-boeotii, +4+, 3; +9+, 34 + + Panchaea, a fabulous island of Arabia Felix, +34+, 5 + + Pancrates, of Rhodes, +28+, 16 + + Pancrates, tyrant of Cibyra, +30+, 9 + + Pangaeum, a mountain in Thrace, +22+, 8 + + _Panic_, a, +5+, 96, 100 + + Panium, a mountain in Coele-Syria (part of Lebanon), +16+, 18; +28+, 1 + + Panormus, a town in Sicily, +1+, 21, 24, 38-40, 55, 56 + + Pantacnotus, of Abydus, +16+, 30 + + Pantaleon, an Aetolian, father of Archidamus, +4+, 57 + + Pantaleon, an Aetolian ambassador, +20+, 9; +28+, 4 + + Pantauchus, son of Balacrus, +27+, 8; +29+, 3, 4 + + Panteus, of Sparta, +5+, 37 + + Paphlagonia, +25+, 2 + + Papiria, wife of Macedonicus, mother of the younger Africanus, + +32+, 12, 14 + + Papirius, Gnaeus, +38+, 10, 11 + + Parapotamia, a district in Assyria, +5+, 48, 69 + + Parmenio, of Lampsacus, +18+, 52 + + Parmenio, ambassador from Genthius, +29+, 3, 11 + + Parnassus, a mountain in Phocis, +4+, 57; +34+, 10 + + Parnassus, a city in Cappadocia, +24+, 8 + + Paropus, a town in Sicily, +1+, 24 + + Parthenius, a mountain in the Peloponnese, +4+, 23 + + Parthians, the, +5+, 44; +10+, 28, 31 + + Parthus, a city in Illyria, +2+, 11; +7+, 9; +18+, 47 + + Pasiadas, an Achaean, +28+, 12, 19 + + _Passum_, raisin wine, fr. iv. + + Patara, a city in Lycia, +21+, 46 + + Patrae, a city of Achaia, +2+, 41; +4+, 6, 7, 10, 25, 83; +5+, 2, 3, + 30, 91, 95, 101; +28+, 6; +39+, 9 + + Pausiras, an Egyptian prince, +22+, 7 + + Pausistratus, of Rhodes, +21+, 7 + + Paxi, islands, near Corcyra, +2+, 10 + + Pedasa, a town in Caria, +18+, 44 + + Pednelissus, a city in Pisidia, +5+, 72, 73, 76 + + Pelagonia, a district in Macedonia, +5+, 108 + + Pelecas, a mountain in Mysia, +5+, 77 + + Pelion, a mountain in Thessaly, +8+, 11; +34+, 10 + + Pella, a city in Macedonia, +4+, 66; +29+, 4; +34+, 12 + + Pella, a town in Palestine, +5+, 70 + + Pellene, a city in Achaia, +2+, 41, 52; +4+, 8, 13, 72 + + Pellene, a town in Laconia, +4+, 81; +16+, 37 + + Pelopidas, of Thebes, +6+, 43; +8+, 1 + + Peloponnese, the, +1+, 42; +2+, 37, 43, 44, 49, 52, 54, 60, 62; + +4+, 3, 5, 6, 8, 9, 13, 14, 22, 32, 57, 61, 62, 65, 66, 70, 73, + 77, 84, 87; +5+, 1, 3, 17, 36, 102, 106, 110; +12+, 4_d_; + +22+, 1, 10, 13, 15; +23+, 4, 9; +24+, 2; +27+, 2, 18; +28+, 3, + 7, 13; +29+, 23; +30+, 23; +33+, 3; +34+, 6, 12; +37+, 3; +38+, 7; + +39+, 2, 9, 14 + + Peloponnesians, the, +2+, 37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 49, 52, 62; +3+, 3; + +4+, 1, 7, 32, 67, 69, 77, 82; +5+, 92, 106; +6+, 49; +10+, 25; + +11+, 5; +12+, 12_a_, 25_i_; +18+, 11, 14; +38+, 5 + + Pelops, of Alexandria, +15+, 25 + + Pelorias, a promontory of Sicily, +1+, 11, 42 + + Pelusium, a city of Egypt, +5+, 62, 80; +15+, 25; +28+, 18; +29+, 27 + + Penelope, +12+, 26_b_ + + Peparethus, island of, +10+, 42 + + Peraea Rhodiorum, a part of Caria, +18+, 2, 6, 8; +27+, 7; +30+, 24; + +31+, 26 + + Pergamum (or Pergamos, +21+, 20), in Mysia, chief city of Attalus, + +4+, 48; +5+, 78; +16+, 1; +21+, 10, 20; +24+, 5, 9; +32+, 27; + +33+, 9 + + Perge, in Pamphylia, +5+, 72; +21+, 44 + + Pericles, of Athens, +9+, 23 + + Perigenes, an officer of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 68, 69 + + Perinthus, a city in Thrace on the Propontis, +18+, 2, 44; +34+, 12 + + _Perioeci_ of Sparta, the, +2+, 65; +4+, 34 + + Perippia (or -ii), +5+, 102 + + Perrhaebi, a tribe in Thessaly, +5+, 102; +18+, 46, 47; +22+, 1, 9, + 15; +23+, 1; +28+, 13; +30+, 7 + + Perseus, son of Philip V., king of Macedonia B.C. 179-168, +1+, 3; + +18+, 35; +22+, 8; + + intrigues against his brother, +23+, 3, 7, 10; + + beginning of his reign, +25+, 3, 4, 6; + + war with Rome, +27+, 1-11, 14-16; +28+, 1, 2, 5, 12, 17; + + defeated at Pydna, +29+, 3-22, 27; +30+, 1, 3, 6-8, 10, 13, 16, 18; + +32+, 20, 21, 23; + + in Alba, +37+, 1-3, 9 + + _See also_ +3+, 3, 5, 32; +20+, 11; +32+, 11; fr. lxxxi. + + Persian Gulf, the, +5+, 46, 48, 54; +9+, 43; +13+, 9 (Ἐρυθρὰ θάλασσα, + cp. Herod. +6+, 20) + + Persian Gates, the, at Sardis, +7+, 17, 18 + + Persians, the, +1+, 2, 6, 63; +2+, 35; +3+, 6; +4+, 31; +5+, 10, 43, + 55; +6+, 49; +9+, 34, 39; +10+, 28; +12+, 8, 20, 25_f_; +16+, 22; + +22+, 8; +29+, 21; +39+, 6 + + Persis, +5+, 40, 44, 54; +31+, 11 + + Pessinus, a city of Galatia, +21+, 37 + + Petelia, a town of Bruttium (_Strongoli_), +7+, 1 + + Petraeus, of Epirus, +4+, 24; +5+, 17; +21+, 26 + + Petronius, Gaius, +32+, 28 + + Phacus, a town in Macedonia, +31+, 26 + + Phaeacians, the, +34+, 9 + + Phaeneas, Aetolian Strategus B.C. 198, 192, +18+, 1, 3, 4, 7, 37, 38; + +20+, 9, 10; +21+, 25, 26, 29, 30 + + Phaestus, a city of Crete, +4+, 55 + + Phaethon, fall of, +2+, 16 + + Phalanx, the Macedonian, +2+, 65; +12+, 20, 21; +18+, 26-28; +29+, 17; + + double, +2+, 66; + + quadruple, +12+, 20; + + of Pyrrhus, +18+, 28; + + of Achaeans, +11+, 11, 15 + + Phalara, a city of Thessaly, +20+, 10, 11 + + Phalaris, tyrant of Agrigentum, +7+, 7; +12+, 25 + + Phalasarna, a town in Crete, +22+, 19 + + Phanoteia, a town in Phocis, +5+, 96; +27+, 16; +29+, 12 + + Pharae (or Pharaea), a city of Achaia, +2+, 41; +4+, 6, 7, 25, 59, 60, + 77; +5+, 30, 94, 95 + + Pharae, a town of Messenia, +16+, 16; +23+, 17 + + Pharnaces I., son of Mithridates IV., king of Cappadocia _circ._ + B.C. 190-170, +3+, 3; +23+, 9; +24+, 1, 5, 8, 9; +25+, 2; + +27+, 7, 17 + + Pharsalus, a city of Thessaly, +5+, 99; +18+, 3, 8; +18+, 20, 38, 47 + + Pharus, island and town of, +2+, 11; +3+, 18, 19; +5+, 108; +7+, 9. + _See_ Demetrius + + Pharycus, an Aetolian, +9+, 34 + + Phaselis, a city of Lycia, +30+, 9 + + Phasis, a river in Colchis, +4+, 56 + + Phayllus, an officer of Achaeus, +5+, 72, 73 + + Pheias, harbour town in Elis, +4+, 9 + + Pheidias, the Athenian artist, +30+, 10 + + Pheneus, a town in Arcadia, +2+, 52; +4+, 68 + + Pherae, a city of Thessaly, +5+, 99; +18+, 19, 20 + + Phibotides, a city of Illyria, +5+, 108 + + Phigaleia, a city in Arcadia, +4+, 3, 6, 31, 79, 80; +5+, 4 + + Philaenus, altars of, in the Greater Syrtis, +3+, 39; +10+, 40 + + Philaenis, +12+, 13 + + Philammon, governor of Libya, under Ptolemy Epiphanes, +15+, 25, 26_a_, + 33 + + Philemenus, of Tarentum, +8+, 26, 27, 31, 32 + + Philetaerus, son of Attalus I., +39+, 7 + + Philiades, of Messene, +18+, 14 + + Philinus, historian, +1+, 14, 15; +3+, 26 + + Philinus, of Corinth, +39+, 11 + + Philip II., king of Macedonia, B.C. 360-336, +2+, 41, 48; +3+, 6; + +5+, 10; +8+, 11-13; +9+, 28, 33; +18+, 14; +22+, 6, 8 + + Philip V., son of Demetrius II., king of Macedonia B.C. 229-179, +1+, 3; + + his youth and succession, +2+, 2, 37, 45, 70; + + engages in the social war, +4+, 2, 3, 5, 9, 13, 15, 16, 19, 22-27, 29, + 30, 34, 36, 37; + + invades Aetolia, +4+, 55, 57, 61-87; + + renews the war by sea, attack on Thermus, +5+, 1-30, 34, 95, 97-105, + 108-110; + + makes a treaty with Hannibal, +7+, 9, cp. +3+, 2; + + conduct at Messene, +7+, 11; + + gets rid of Aratus, +8+, 3, 10-16; + + fails in an attack on Megalopolis, +9+, 18; + + his lawless conduct in Greece, +9+, 23, 30-32, 35-37, 41, 42; + + supports Achaeans against Rome, and Attalus, and Aetolians, +10+, 9, + 26, 27, 41; + + second attack on Thermus, +11+, 5-7; +13+, 3-5; + + his designs against Ptolemy Epiphanes, +15+, 20-25; + + defeated at Chius, +16+, 1-11, 15, 22; + + his energy, +16+, 28, 29; + + war with Rome, +16+, 24-35, 38; + + attends conference at Nicaea, +18+, 1-12; + + battle of Cynoscephalae, +18+, 27, 33, 36-39, 41-48, 50, 51, 54; + + supports the Romans against Antiochus, +20+, 5, 7, 11 + + _See also_ +21+, 2, 11, 23, 25, 31; +22+, 1, 8, 9, 13, 15, 17; + +23+, 1-3, 7-10; +24+, 12; +25+, 3; +27+, 15; +32+, 27; +37+, 9; + fr. xcviii.-cii. + + For his change of character _see_ +4+, 77, 81; +7+, 12, 14; +9+, 23 + + Philip, adopted son of Perseus, +37+, 2 + + Philip, an Achaean, +30+, 13 + + Philip, an ambassador of Perseus, +27+, 4 + + Philip, a companion of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 82 + + Philippopolis, a city in Thessaly, +5+, 100 + + Phillidas, an Aetolian, +4+, 77-80 + + Philocles, friend of Philip V., +16+, 24; +22+, 18; +23+, 1, 3 + + Philocrates, of Rhodes, +30+, 4 + + Philodemus, of Argos, +7+, 2 + + Philomelum, a city in Phrygia, +21+, 35 + + Philomelus, of Phocis, +9+, 32 + + Philon, of Cnossus, +5+, 65 + + Philon, friend of Agathocles, +14+, 11; +15+, 30, 33 + + Philon, of Chalcis, +21+, 17, 45; +28+, 28, 2, 16; +30+, 4, 22 + + Philon, of Thessaly, +39+, 10 + + Philophron, of Rhodes, +22+, 5; +27+, 14 + + Philopoemen, of Megalopolis, Achaean Strategus B.C. 206, 204, 201, 192, + 189-188, 183; completes the work of Aratus, +2+, 40; + + at the battle of Sallasia, +2+, 67-69; + + his education and reforms, +10+, 21-24; +11+, 9-18; + + invades Laconia, +16+, 36, 37; + + goes to defend Megara, +20+, 6; + + refuses a present from the Spartans, +20+, 12; + + restores some Spartan exiles, +21+, 41; +22+, 15; + + accused at Rome, +22+, 3; + + hostile steps against Boeotia, +22+, 4; + + his error about the treaty with Ptolemy, +22+, 12; + + his policy in Sparta blamed by Caecilius, +22+, 13; + + his conduct to Archon, +22+, 14; + + his Spartan policy discussed in the Roman Senate, +22+, 16; + + enmity of Flamininus to, +23+, 5; + + joins in refusing to summon a meeting of the league, _ib._; + + captured by the Messenians and put to death, +23+, 12, 16; + + his character, +24+, 13-15; + + his statues spared by Mummius, +39+, 14 + + Philostratus, of Rhodes, +16+, 5 + + Philostratus, of Epirus, +27+, 16 + + Philoteria, a town in Palestine, +5+, 70 + + Philotis, mother of Charops, +32+, 20 + + Philoxenus, a poet and musician, +4+, 20 + + Phlegraean plains, the, +2+, 17; +3+, 91 + + Phlius, a city in the Peloponnese, +2+, 44, 52, 67; +4+, 67 + + Phocaea, a city in Ionia, +5+, 77; +21+, 6, 48 + + Phocis, +4+, 9, 15, 25, 55; +5+, 24, 26, 28, 96; +16+, 32; +18+, 10, + 46, 47; +38+, 5; +39+, 9 + + Phoebidas, of Sparta, +4+, 27 + + Phoenice, a town in Epirus, +2+, 5, 6, 8; +16+, 27; +32+, 21, 26 + + Phoenicia, a district in Asia, +3+, 2; +5+, 59, 66, 67, 87; +8+, 19 + + Phoetiae, a town in Acarnania, +4+, 63 + + Pholeus, in Megalopolis, +9+, 18 + + Phoxidas, of Melitaea, +5+, 63, 65, 82, 85 + + Phrixa, a town in Triphylia, +4+, 77, 80 + + Phrygia, +5+, 57; + on the Hellespont, +21+, 22, 48; + the greater, +21+, 48 + + Phthiotid Thebes. _See_ Thebes + + Phthiotis, Achaeans of, in Thessaly, +18+, 46, 47 + + _See also_ +18+, 20 + + Phylarchus, the historian, +2+, 56-63 + + Phyromachus, a statuary, +32+, 27 + + Physsias, of Elis, +5+, 94 + + Phytaeum, a town in Aetolia, +5+, 7 + + Phyxium, a place in Elis, +5+, 95 + + Picenus ager, +2+, 21; +3+, 86 + + Pictones, a tribe of Transalpine Gauls, +34+, 10 + + Pieria, a region in Macedonia, +4+, 62 + + Pieria, a region in Syria, +34+, 15 + + Pinarus, a river in Cilicia, +12+, 17, 18 + + Pindar, quoted, +4+, 31 + + Piraeus, the, +16+, 25 + + Pisae, in Etruria (_Pisa_), +2+, 16, 27, 28; +3+, 41, 56, 96 + + Pisantini, an Illyrian tribe, +5+, 108 + + Pisatis, a district in the Peloponnese, +4+, 74 + + Pisidia, +5+, 57, 72, 73; +21+, 22 + + Pisistratus, of Boeotia, +18+, 43 + + Pissaeum, a town in Macedonia, +5+, 108 + + Plains, the Great (near Carthage), +14+, 7, 8; + the Fair, in Armenia, +8+, 25 + + Placentia (_Piacenza_), +3+, 40, 66, 74; +33+, 11 + + Platanus, a fortress in Phoenicia, +5+, 68 + + Plato, +6+, 5, 45, 47; +7+, 13; +12+, 28 + + Plator, an officer of Philip V., +4+, 55 + + Plator, brother of Genthius, +29+, 13 + + _Pleiads_, the, +3+, 54; +4+, 37; +5+, 1; +9+, 18 + + Pleuratus, an Illyrian, father of Agron and Scerdilaidas, +2+, 2 + + Pleuratus, son of Scerdilaidas, father of Genthius, +10+, 41; +18+, 47; + +21+, 11, 21; +32+, 18 + + Pleuratus, an Illyrian exile, +28+, 8 + + _Polemarch_, the, in the Peloponnese, +4+, 18; +9+, 17; + + at Cynaetha, +4+, 18; + + at Phigaleia, +4+, 79 + + Polemarchus, of Arsinoe, +18+, 10 + + Polemocles, of Rhodes, +4+, 52, 53 + + Polemocrates, a courtier of Perseus, +29+, 4, 8 + + Poliasium, in Laconia, +16+, 16 + + Polichna, a town in Laconia, +4+, 36 + + Polyaenus, of Cyprus, +11+, 18 + + Polyaenus, an Achaean, +28+, 6 + + Polyaratus, of Rhodes, +27+, 7, 14; +28+, 2; +29+, 27; +30+, 6, 7, 9 + + Polybius, of Megalopolis (not the historian), +11+, 15 + + Polybius, of Megalopolis, son of Lycortas, the historian, writes + to instruct the Greeks and of contemporary events or those + immediately preceding him, +1+, 3, 4; +4+, 2; + + extent and scope of his history, +3+, 32; + + his authorities for the Hannibalian war, +3+, 48; + + his travels, +3+, 59; + + interviews with Massanissa, +9+, 25; + + his code of signals, +10+, 45; + + his visits to Locri Epizephyrii, +12+, 5; + + to Sardis, +21+, 38; + + writes to Zeno of Rhodes, +16+, 20; + + ambassador to Ptolemy Epiphanes B.C. 181, +24+, 6; + + accused of hostility to Rome, +28+, 3; + + hipparch, +28+, 6; + + speech on the honours of Eumenes, +28+, 7; + + ambassador to Marcius Philippus, +28+, 13, 14; + + invited to Alexandria, +29+, 23-26; + + advice to Demetrius Soter in Rome (B.C. 162), +31+, 19-21; + + his intimacy with Scipio Aemilianus, +32+, 8-16; + + visits Alexandria, +34+, 14; + + tries to influence Cato, +35+, 5; + + pleads in the Senate, +35+, 6; + + sent for by the Consul Manius Manilius, +37+, 3; + + the only man so called, +37+, 4, but _see_ +11+, 15; + + his view of Providence, +37+, 9; + + at the siege and capture of Carthage, +39+, 3; + + at the burning of Corinth, +39+, 13; + + saves the statues of Philopoemen, +39+, 14; + + refuses confiscated goods, +39+, 15; + + employed in settlement of Achaia, +39+, 16; + + his fondness for hunting, +31+, 22; +32+, 15 + + Polycletus, of Cyrene, +7+, 2 + + Polycrates, of Argos, +5+, 64, 65, 82, 84; +15+, 29; +18+, 54, 55; + +22+, 7 + + Polycritus, an Aetolian, +9+, 34 + + Polymedes, of Aegium, +5+, 17 + + Polyphontes, an officer of Philip V., +10+, 42 + + Polyphontes, of Sparta, +4+, 22 + + Polyrrhenii, a city in Crete, +4+, 53, 55, 61 + + Polyxenidas, of Rhodes, +10+, 29 + + Pompides, a Theban, +27+, 2 + + Pontus, the, _See_ Euxine; + + Pontic fish, +31+, 24; + + Cappadocia on the Pontus, +5+, 43 + + Popilius Laenas, Gaius, consul B.C. 172, 158, +28+, 3-5; +29+, 2, 27; + +30+, 9, 17 + + Popilius Laenas, Marcus (? consul B.C. 139), +33+, 10 + + Popilius Laenas, the younger (? consul B.C. 132), +38+, 19 + + Porcius Cato, M., +31+, 24; +35+, 6; +36+, 8; +37+, 6; +39+, 12 + + Porphyrion, a town in Phoenicia, +5+, 68 + + Poseidon, +7+, 9; + + temple of, at Mantinea, +9+, 8, 34; + + at Taenarum, +9+, 34; + + near Miletus, +16+, 12 + + Postumius Albinus Megellus, L., consul B.C. 262, +1+, 17-19 + + Postumius Albinus, L., consul B.C. 229, +2+, 11, 12; +3+, 106, 118 + (wrongly called Aulus in +2+, 11) + + Postumius Albinus, Aulus, consul B.C. 180, +25+, 6; +27+, 3 + + Postumius Albinus, Aulus, consul B.C. 151, +33+, 1, 13; +35+, 3; + +39+, 12 + + Pothine, a flute-girl, +14+, 11 + + Pothion, of Rhodes, +22+, 5 + + _Pound_, weight of a Roman, +21+, 45 + + Praeneste, in Latium (_Palestrina_), +6+, 14 + + _Praetorium_, +6+, 27, 33, 35, 41 + + Praetutianus ager, in Picenum, +3+, 88 + + Prasiae, a town in Laconia, +4+, 36 + + Pration, a Rhodian, +28+, 23 + + Priene, a city of Ionia, +33+, 6 + + Prinassus, a city of Caria, +16+, 11 + + Prion. _See_ Saw + + Proagoras, of Megalopolis, +13+, 8 + + Proander, an Aetolian, +28+, 4 + + Prolaus, of Sicyon, +4+, 72 + + Pronni, harbour of Cephallenia, +5+, 3 + + Propontis, the (_Sea of Marmora_), +4+, 39, 43, 44; +16+, 29; +22+, 18 + + Propus, a place in Arcadia, +4+, 11 + + Prusias I., king of Bithynia _circ._ B.C. 220-180, +3+, 2; +4+, 47-52; + +5+, 77, 90, 111 + + Prusias II., son of preceding, king of Bithynia B.C. 179-149, + +3+, 3, 5; +15+, 23; +18+, 4, 5, 44; +21+, 11; +22+, 11, 20; + +23+, 1, 3; +25+, 2; +30+, 19; +31+, 6, 9; +32+, 3, 5, 27, 28; + +33+, 1, 9, 12, 13; +37+, 6 + + Prytanis, a Peripatetic philosopher, +5+, 93 + + _Prytanis_, a magistrate at Rhodes, +22+, 5 + + Pseudo-Philip, +37+, 1, 2, 9 + + Psophis, a city in Arcadia, +4+, 68-73 + + Ptolemais, a city in Phoenicia, +4+, 37; +5+, 61, 62, 71 + + Ptolemy Ceraunus, king of Thrace and Macedonia B.C. 281-280, son + of Ptolemy I. of Egypt, +2+, 41; +9+, 35 + + Ptolemy I., son of Lagus, king of Egypt B.C. 323-285, +1+, 63; + +2+, 41, 71, 67 + + Ptolemy II., Philadelphus, king of Egypt B.C. 286-247, +14+, 11; + +15+, 25; +31+, 17; fr. xxvi. + + Ptolemy III., Euergetes, king of Egypt B.C. 247-222, +2+, 47, 51, 63, + 71; +4+, 1; +5+, 34, 35, 58; +15+, 25; +29+, 24 + + Ptolemy IV., Philopator, king of Egypt B.C. 222-205, +1+, 3; +2+, 71; + +3+, 2; +4+, 2, 30, 37, 51; +5+, 1, 31, 34, 36, 38-40, 42, 45, 55, + 57, 58, 61-68, 70, 79-87, 89, 100, 105-107; +8+, 17; +9+, 44; + +11+, 4; +14+, 11, 12; +15+, 20, 25, 34; +18+, 1; +27+, 9; +39+, 19 + + Ptolemy V., Epiphanes, king of Egypt B.C. 205-181, +3+, 2; +15+, 20, + 25-32; +16+, 22, 27, 34, 39; +18+, 1, 47, 49-51, 54, 55; +22+, 1, + 3, 6, 7, 10, 12, 22; +24+, 6; +28+, 1, 20 + + Ptolemy VI., Philometor, king of Egypt B.C. 181-146, +27+, 13, 19; + +28+, 1, 12, 17, 23; +29+, 23-27; +30+, 9, 17; +31+, 4, 18, 20, 22, + 27, 28; +32+, 1; +33+, 8; +39+, 18 + + Ptolemy VII., Physcon, brother of preceding, joint king B.C. 170-154, + king of Cyrene B.C. 154-146, sole king B.C. 146-117, +28+, 19, 20, + 21; +29+, 23-25, 27; +30+, 17; +31+, 18, 26-28; +32+, 1; +33+, 8; + +34+, 14 + + Ptolemy, son of Aeropus, an Aetolian, +16+, 18 + + Ptolemy, son of Agesarchus of Megalopolis, +15+, 25; +18+, 55; +27+, 13 + + Ptolemy, son of Eumenes, +18+, 53 + + Ptolemy, a courtier of Philip V., +5+, 25, 26 + + Ptolemy, commandant of Alexandria, +5+, 39 + + Ptolemy, a rhetorician, +28+, 19; +31+, 28 + + Ptolemy, son of Sosibius, +15+, 25; +16+, 22 + + Ptolemy Sympetesis, +31+, 27 + + Ptolemy, son of Thraseas, +5+, 61 + + Publicius Malleolus, Lucius, +37+, 6 + + Punic army, +1+, 19; +11+, 19; + strength and courage compared with Italian, +6+, 52; + stratagem, +3+, 78 + + Pupius, Lucius, +33+, 10 + + Puteoli (_Dicaearchia_), a city in Campania (_Pozzuoli_), +3+, 91 + + Pylon, on the Via Egnatia, +34+, 12 + + Pylus, a town in Messenia, +4+, 16, 25; +9+, 38; +18+, 42 + + Pyrenees, the, +3+, 35, 37, 39-41; +10+, 39, 40; +34+, 7, 10 + + Pyrgus, a town of Triphylia, +4+, 77, 80 + + Pyrrhias, an Aetolian, +5+, 30, 91, 92 + + Pyrrhicus, put to death by Philip V., +23+, 10 + + Pyrrhus, palace of, at Ambracia, +21+, 27; + + camp of, in Laconia, +5+, 19 + + _See also_ +1+, 6, 7, 23; +2+, 20, 41; +3+, 25; +32+, 2; +7+, 4; + +8+, 26; +12+, 4, 25_k_; +18+, 3, 28; fr. xi. + + Pythagoreans, the, +2+, 39 + + Pytheas, a traveller and writer, +34+, 5, 10 + + Pytheas, of Thebes, +39+, 7, 9 + + _Pythia_, the, +10+, 2 + + Pythiades, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 46 + + Pythias, of Pellene, +4+, 72 + + Pythion, a spy, +13+, 5 + + Pythionicus, tomb of, at Tarentum, +8+, 30 + + Pytho, an ambassador from Prusias, +31+, 6 + + Pythodorus, of Lampsacus, +18+, 52 + + + QUAESTOR, the, +6+, 13, 31, 32, 35 + + Quinctius Crispinus, Titus, consul B.C. 208, +10+, 32 + + Quinctius Flamininus, T., consul B.C. 198, +18+, 1-12, 18-27, 33, 34, + 36-39, 42-47, 50; +20+, 7; +21+, 30; +22+, 4, 13; +23+, 3-5; + +27+, 15; + + declares Greece free, +18+, 46 + + Quinctius Flamininus, Lucius, consul B.C. 192, +21+, 32 + + Quinctius Flamininus, Titus (son of Titus above), consul B.C. 150, + +33+, 10 + + Quintus, commissioner to Egypt, +31+, 18; + + and to Rhodes, +33+, 15 + + Quirinus, +3+, 25 + + + RABBATAMANA (_Philadelphia_), a town in Palestine, +5+, 71 + + Rhaeti, an Alpine tribe, +34+, 10 + + Rhaphia, a town in Palestine, +5+, 80, 85, 86, 107 + + Rhaucus, a town in Crete, +22+, 19; +31+, 1 + + Rhegium, a city of Bruttium (_Reggio_), +1+, 6-8, 10; +3+, 26; + +5+, 110; +9+, 7, 9, 27; +10+, 1 + + Rhigosages, mercenary Gauls, +5+, 53 + + Rhinocolura, a town of Egypt, +5+, 80 + + Rhium, promontory and harbour of Achaia, +4+, 10, 19, 26; +5+, 28-30; + +12+, 12_a_; + + Aetolian Rhium (_Antirrhium_), +5+, 94 + + Rhium, the strait between Rhium and Antirrhium, +4+, 64 + + Rhizon, a city in Illyria, +2+, 11 + + Rhodes, island of, +4+, 50; +13+, 5; +16+, 34, 35; +22+, 5; +25+, 4-6; + +28+, 2, 16, 17, 23; +29+, 3, 4, 11, 19; +30+, 5, 7-9; +32+, 4; + + earthquake at, +5+, 88-90; + + Rhodians, +3+, 2, 3; +4+, 19, 37, 47-53, 56; +5+, 24, 28, 63, 88-90, + 100; +9+, 27; +11+, 4; +13+, 4, 5; +15+, 22, 23; +16+, 4-10, 14, + 15, 24, 26, 28, 30, 31, 34, 35; +18+, 1, 2, 6, 8, 52; +21+, 7, 10, + 17, 18, 22, 24, 25, 29-31, 45, 48; +22+, 5; +23+, 9; +25+, 4, 5; + +27+, 3, 4, 7; +28+, 2, 16, 23; +29+, 3, 4, 10, 11, 19; +30+, 4-9, + 20, 22; +31+, 2, 3, 6, 7, 15, 16, 25, 26; +33+, 4, 6, 13, 15, 16, + 17; + + Rhodian magistrates, navarch, +30+, 5; + + prytanies, +13+, 5; +15+, 23; +22+, 5; +27+, 7; +29+, 10; + + their attempts to end the Social War, +5+, 24, 100; +11+, 4; + + accept money for the cost of education, +31+, 25 + + Rhodon, of Phocaea, +21+, 6 + + Rhodope, mountain, Thrace, +34+, 10 + + Rhodophon, of Rhodes, +27+, 7; +28+, 2; +30+, 5 + + Rhone, the, +2+, 15, 22, 34; +3+, 35, 37, 39, 41-49, 60, 61, 64, 76; + +34+, 10 + + Rhositeles, of Sicyon, +22+, 3 + + Rhyncus, in Aetolia, +6+, 59 + + Romans, their language, +29+, 20; + + their character, +1+, 20, 55, 59, 64; +8+, 3; +28+, 8; +32+, 9; + + their treatment of the conquered, +18+, 37; + + their ceremonies in proclaiming war, +13+, 3; + + their _fides_, +20+, 9; +36+, 4; + + their desire for wealth, +32+, 12, 13; + + Roman constitution, +6+, 11-42; + + compared with others, +6+, 43-56 + + _See also_ +1+, 3, 64; +3+, 2, 118; +5+, 111; +6+, 47, 50, 51-58; + +8+, 3; +10+, 16; +21+, 13 + + Their readiness in adopting improvements, +6+, 25; fr. xxvii.; + + their incorruptibility, +6+, 56; + + decline in their character, +18+, 35; +32+, 11; cp. +37+, 1; + + Magistrates, _see_ dictator, consul, tribune, aedile + + Roman Empire, extent of, +1+, 2; + + how acquired, +1+, 3, 64; +18+, 28; + + the first step out of Italy, +1+, 5, 11; + + effect of their eastern conquests, +18+, 35 + + Roman Army, +6+, 19-42; + + the legion, +1+, 16, 26; +2+, 24; +3+, 72, 107; +6+, 19-21, 26, 30; + +10+, 16; +28+, 17; + + enrollment of, +6+, 19, 26; + + officers of, military tribunes, +6+, 19-21, 27, 33, 37; + + centurions, +6+, 24, 30, 36, 41; + + equites in, +3+, 107; +6+, 19, 20, 25; +11+, 21; + + pedites in, +3+, 107; +6+, 19, 21; + + velites, +6+, 21, 22, 24, 33, 35; +11+, 22-24, 32; +15+, 9; + + hastati, +6+, 21, 23, 29, 33; +15+, 9; + + principes, +6+, 21, 23, 29, 33; + + triarii, +6+, 21, 23, 29, 33, cp. +1+, 26; + + socii, +1+, 24; +3+, 72, 107; +6+, 13, 21, 26, 30; +10+, 16; + + extraordinarii, +6+, 26, 31; + + maniples, +6+, 24; +11+, 23; + + arms of, _galea_, +6+, 22, 23; + + _gladius_, +2+, 30, 33; +6+, 23; + + _lorica_, +6+, 23, 25; + + _pilum_, +1+, 40; +6+, 23; + + _scutum_, +2+, 30; +6+, 23-51; + + compared with those of the Macedonians, +18+, 28-32 + + _See also_ +2+, 33; +13+, 3 + + Line of battle compared with the Macedonian, _ib._; + + camp, formation of, +6+, 27-37, 41, 42 + + Roman fleet, the first, +1+, 20; + + its increase, +1+, 25; + + rapid building of, +1+, 38, 52; + + its destruction, +1+, 52; + + another built, +1+, 59; + + losses of, in the first Punic war, +1+, 63 + + Rome, foundation of, fr. i.; + + captured by the Gauls, +1+, 6; +2+, 18; + + crowns in honour of, +32+, 3, 24; + + colossal statue to, at Rhodes, +31+, 15 + + Ruscinus, (or -o), a river in Gaul (_Tet_), +34+, 10 + + + SABINES, the, +2+, 24 + + Sagalassus, a city in Pisidia, +21+, 36 + + Saguntum, a city in Spain, +3+, 6, 8, 14-17, 20, 21, 29, 30, 61, 97-99; + +4+, 28, 37, 66; +15+, 17 + + Sais, a city in Egypt, +22+, 7 + + Salassi, an Alpine tribe (_Val d’ Aosta_), +34+, 10 + + Salii, the, +21+, 13 + + Sallentini, a tribe in Calabria, +34+, 15 + + Salutis via, at Tarentum, +8+, 35 + + Samaria, city and district in Palestine, +5+, 71; +16+, 39 + + Sambucae, siege engines, +8+, 6-8 + + Samicum, a town in Triphylia, +4+, 77, 80 + + Samnites, the, +1+, 6; +2+, 19; +3+, 90-92; +9+, 5 + + Samos, island of, +3+, 2; +5+, 35; +16+, 2; +21+, 8 + + Samothrace, an island in the Aegean, +28+, 21; +29+, 8 + + Samus, a poet, +5+, 9; +23+, 10 + + Sangarius, a river of Asia Minor (_Sakari_), +21+, 37 + + Saperda, in Pisidia, +5+, 72 + + Sarapieium, in Thrace, +4+, 39 + + Sardanapalus, king of Assyria, +8+, 12; +37+, 7 + + Sardinia, +1+, 2, 10, 24, 43, 79, 82, 83, 88; +2+, 23, 27; +3+, 10, 13, + 15, 22-24, 27, 28, 30, 75, 96; +12+, 4_c_; +34+, 8 + + Sardinian sea, the, +1+, 10, 42; +2+, 14; +3+, 37, 41, 47; +34+, 6 + + Sardis, in Lydia, +5+, 77; +7+, 15-18; +8+, 17, 23; +21+, 11, 13, 16, + 38; +29+, 12; +31+, 10 + + _Sarissae_, Macedonian spears, +12+, 20; +18+, 26, 29 + + Sarsina, a town in Umbria (_Sarsina_), +2+, 24 + + Sason, an island off Illyria, +5+, 110 + + Saspiri, an Asian tribe, +5+, 44 + + Sation, a town in Illyria, +5+, 108 + + Satrapeii, an Asian tribe, +5+, 44 + + Satyrus, of Ilium, +22+, 5 + + Satyrus, an Achaean, +31+, 6 + + Saw, the, a place in Sardis, +7+, 15; + another in Libya, +1+, 85 + + Scardus, a mountain in Illyria, +28+, 8 + + Scerdilaidas, an Illyrian general, +2+, 5, 6; +4+, 16, 29; +5+, 3, 4, + 95, 101, 108, 110; +10+, 41 + + _Science, progress of_, +10+, 12 + + Scipio. _See_ Cornelius. Cp. +34+, 10; + + pedigree of, vol. ii. p. 456 + + _See also_ fr. xc.-xciii. + + Scironian rocks, the, +16+, 16 + + Scodra, a town in Illyria, +28+, 8 + + Scopas, an Aetolian, +4+, 5, 6, 9, 14, 16, 19, 27, 37, 62; +5+, 3, 11; + +13+, 1, 2; +15+, 25; +16+, 18, 19, 39; +18+, 53-55 + + Scopium, near Phthiotid Thebes, +5+, 99 + + Scorpions, name for cross-bows, +8+, 7 + + Scotitas, a forest in Laconia, +16+, 37 + + Scotusa, a town in Thessaly, +16+, 42; +18+, 20 + + _Scurvy_, the, +3+, 87 + + Scylla, +34+, 2, 3; + + promontory of (_Scilla_), +34+, 2, 3 + + Scyron, of Messenia, +4+, 4 + + Scythian colonnade at Syracuse, +8+, 5 + + Scythians, the, +4+, 43; +9+, 34 + + Scythopolis, a city in Palestine, +5+, 70 + + Segesama, a town in Spain, +34+, 9 + + Segesta, a city in Sicily, +1+, 24 + + Seleucia Pieria (Seleucia on the sea), a town in Syria, +5+, 58-61, + 66, 67; +34+, 15 + + Seleucia, on the Tigris, +5+, 45, 46, 48, 54; +13+, 9 + + Seleucia, in Mesopotamia, +5+, 43 + + Seleucus I., Nicanor, king of Syria B.C. 306-280, +2+, 41, 71; + +5+, 67; +10+, 27; +18+, 51; +28+, 20; +31+, 7 + + Seleucus II., Callinicus, son of Antiochus I., king of Syria + B.C. 246-226, +2+, 71; +4+, 48, 51; +5+, 40, 89; +8+, 22 + + Seleucus III., Ceraunus, son of the preceding, king of Syria + B.C. 226-223, +2+, 71; +4+, 1, 2, 48; +5+, 34, 40, 41 + + Seleucus IV., Philopator, son of Antiochus the Great, king + of Syria B.C. 188-175, +18+, 51; +21+, 6, 8, 10; +22+, 1, 10-13; + +23+, 5; +31+, 12 + + Selge, a city in Pisidia, +5+, 72-77; +31+, 9 + + Selinus, a city in Sicily, +1+, 39 + + Sellasia, a town in Laconia, +2+, 65; +4+, 69; +16+, 16, 37 + + Selybria, a city in Thrace, +18+, 49 + + Sempronius Blaesus, Gaius, consul B.C. 253, +1+, 39 + + Sempronius, Longus, Ti., consul B.C. 218, +3+, 40, 41, 61, 68-75; + +4+, 66; +5+, 1 + + Sempronius, Gracchus, Ti., consul B.C. 215, 213, +8+, 1 + + Sempronius, Gracchus, Ti., consul B.C. 177, son-in-law of Africanus, + +22+, 9, _note_; +25+, 1, 4; +31+, 5-7, 9, 14, 23; +32+, 3-5, 13; + +35+, 2 + + Sena, a Roman colony in Cisalpine Gaul (_Sinigaglia_), +2+, 14, 16, + 19; +34+, 11 + + Senate, the Roman, +3+, 20; +6+, 13, 16, 17; + + the Spartan, +4+, 35; +6+, 45 + + Senones, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 17, 19, 20 + + Sentinum, a town in Umbria (_Sentino_), +2+, 19 + + Serapis, +4+, 39 + + Sergius, Lucius, +15+, 1, 2 + + Sergius, Manius, +31+, 9 + + Serippus, a Lacedaemonian, +23+, 4, 9 + + Servilius Caepio, Gnaeus, consul B.C. 253, +1+, 39 + + Servilius Caepio, Gnaeus, consul B.C. 203, +14+, 1 + + Servilius Geminus, Gnaeus, consul B.C. 217, +3+, 75, 77, 86, 88, 96, + 97, 106, 107, 114, 116 + + Servilius Geminus, Gnaeus, consul B.C. 203, +14+, 1 + + Servilius Glaucia, +31+, 23 + + Sestus, a city in Thrace, +4+, 44, 50; +16+, 29; +18+, 2; +34+, 7 + + Sibyrtus, of Epirus, +21+, 26 + + Sicca, a town near Carthage, +1+, 66, 67 + + Sicily, the war for, +1+, 13, 63, 83; +3+, 3, 9, 21, 22, 25, 27, 32, + 37; +5+, 33; +39+, 19; + + its position, +1+, 42 + + _See also_ +1+, 2, 5, 8, 10, 11, 16-74, 83; +2+, 1, 24, 36, 37, 43; + +3+, 3, 13, 21-29, 32, 75, 96, 108; +5+, 33; +12+, 4, 25_k_, 26_b_; + +28+, 2; +34+, 2-4, 11, 15; +36+, 5; +39+, 19 + + Sicilian Strait, the, +1+, 7, 11, 20, 21, 38, 49; +10+, 1; +5+, 110; + +34+, 6 + + Sicilian medimnus, +2+, 15; +9+, 44; +34+, 8 + + Sicilian Sea, the, +1+, 42; +2+, 14, 16; +4+, 63; +5+, 3, 5; +10+, 1; + +12+, 4; +34+, 11 + + Sicilians, the, +1+, 16; +2+, 20; +3+, 2; +5+, 104; +12+, 5, 6; + +24+, 15 + + Sicyon, a city in Achaia, +2+, 43, 52, 54; +4+, 8, 13, 57, 67, 68; + +5+, 1, 27; +10+, 22; +18+, 16; +23+, 17; +28+, 13; +29+, 24; + +30+, 10, 23 + + Sida, a city of Pisidia, +5+, 73; +31+, 26 + + Sidon, a city in Phoenicia, +5+, 69, 70 + + _Signals_ by fire, +10+, 43-47; cp. +1+, 19; +8+, 30 + + _Silver_, value of, compared with gold, +21+, 32 + + Attic, +21+, 32, 45; + + mines of, in Spain, +3+, 57; +10+, 10; +24+, 9 + + Simias, an Achaean, +11+, 18 + + Simon, a Boeotian, +22+, 4 + + Simonides, of Ceos, +29+, 26 + + Sinda, a town of Pisidia, +21+, 35 + + Sinope, a city of Paphlagonia, +4+, 56, 57; +23+, 9 + + Sinuessa, a city in Latium (_Mondragone_), +3+, 91 + + Sipontum, a city in Apulia, on the Adriatic (_Sta. Maria di Siponto_), + +10+, 1 + + Sirynx, a city in Hyrcania, +10+, 31 + + _Six-banked ships_, +1+, 26; fr. xvii. + + Smyrna, a city in Ionia, +5+, 77; +18+, 52; +21+, 13, 14, 17, 22, 48 + + Socrates, a Boeotian, +5+, 63, 65, 82 + + Socrates, a trainer, +27+, 7 + + Soli, a city in Cilicia, +21+, 24 + + Solon, a Macedonian, +27+, 6 + + Sophagasenus, an Indian king, +11+, 34 + + Sosander, friend of Attalus II., +32+, 27 + + Sosibius, a friend of Ptolemy Philopator, +5+, 35-38, 63, 65-67, 83, + 85, 87; +8+, 17-19; +15+, 25, 32, 34 + + Sosibius, son of the preceding, +15+, 32; +16+, 22 + + Sosicrates, Achaean sub-Strategus, +39+, 11 + + Sosigenes, of Rhodes, +28+, 7 + + Sosiphanes, ambassador from Antiochus Epiphanes, +28+, 1, 22 + + Sostratus, a statuary, +4+, 78 + + Sostratus, of Calchedon, +8+, 24 + + Sosylus, an historian, +3+, 20 + + Sparta. _See_ Lacedaemon + + Spendius, a leader in the mercenary war, +1+, 69, 70, 76-80, 82, 84, 86 + + _Stade_, a, +3+, 39; +34+, 12 _note_ + + Stair, the, a pass near Selge in Pisidia, +5+, 72 + + Stasinus, a poet, +23+, 10 + + Stephanus, of Athens, +32+, 17 + + Stertinius, Lucius, +18+, 48 + + Sthembanus, son of Massanissa, +37+, 10 + + Sthenelaus, of Sparta, +4+, 22 + + Stratius, of Tritaea, +28+, 6; +32+, 7; +38+, 11; +39+, 10 + + Stratius, a physician, +30+, 2 + + Strato, of Lampsacus, +12+, 25_c_ + + Stratocles, prytanis of Rhodes, +27+, 7 + + Stratonicea, a city in Caria, +30+, 22; +31+, 7 + + Stratus, a city in Acarnania, +4+, 63, 64; +5+, 6, 7, 13, 14, 96; + +6+, 59; +18+, 10 + + Stratus, a town in Arcadia, +4+, 73 + + Strymon, the, river in Thrace, +37+, 2 + + Stubera, a town in Macedonia, +28+, 8 + + Stylangium, a town in Triphylia, +4+, 77, 80 + + Stymphalus, a city in Arcadia, +2+, 55; +4+, 68, 69 + + _Sub-strategus_, the Achaean, +5+, 94 + + _Suffete_, a Carthaginian magistrate, +3+, 33, 42; +6+, 51 + + Sulpicius Paterculus, Gaius, consul B.C. 258, +1+, 24 + + Sulpicius Galba, Publius, consul B.C. 211, 200, +8+, 3; +9+, 6, 7, 42; + +10+, 41; +16+, 24; +18+, 23; +22+, 11 + + Sulpicius Gallus, Gaius, +31+, 9, 10 + + Sunium, promontory of Attica, +34+, 7 + + Susa, capital of Susiana, +5+, 48; + + Susiana, +5+, 46, 52, 54 + + Sybaris, a city of Magna Graecia, +2+, 39; +7+, 1 + + Sycurium, a town in Thessaly, +27+, 8 + + Syleium, a city in Phrygia, +21+, 34 + + Synes, near Messene in Sicily, +1+, 11 + + Syphax, king of Numidia, +11+, 24; +14+, 1-9; +15+, 3-5; +16+, 23 + + His wife Sophanisba, +14+, 1, 7 + + Syracuse, +1+, 8-12, 15, 16, 43, 52-54, 62; +5+, 88; +8+, 5-9, 37; + +9+, 10, 19; +12+, 4_d_, 15, 23, 25, 26; +15+, 35 + + Syria, +2+, 71; +3+, 5; +4+, 2, 48; +5+, 36, 43, 57, 58, 85, 87; + +9+, 43; +12+, 17; +21+, 46; +28+, 1, 20; +29+, 27; +31+, 11, 13, + 19-21; +32+, 6; +33+, 19; +34+, 15; +39+, 18, 19 + + Syrinx, a covered way at Alexandria, +15+, 30, 31 + + Syrinx, a town in Hyrcania, +10+, 31 + + Syrtes, the, +12+, 1; + + the greater Syrtis, +3+, 39; + + the lesser, +1+, 39; +3+, 23; +32+, 2; +34+, 15 + + + TABAE, a city in Persia, +31+, 11 + + Taenarum, a promontory of Laconia (_C. Matapan_), +5+, 19; +9+, 34 + + Tagae, a city in Parthia, +10+, 29 + + Tagus, river in Spain, +3+, 14; +10+, 7, 39; +34+, 7 + + _Talent_ (weight), +4+, 56; +5+, 89; +9+, 41; _See_ +34+, 8 _note_ + + _Talent_ (money), +5+, 89; +22+, 12. _See Euboic, Attic_ + + Tambrax, a town in Hyrcania, +10+, 31 + + Tanais (the Don), +3+, 37, 38; +34+, 5, 7; + confused with the Jaxartes, +10+, 48 + + Tannetus, a hamlet in Cisalpine Gaul, +3+, 40 + + Tantalus, +4+, 45 + + Tapuri, a Median tribe, +5+, 44; + Tapuria, +10+, 49 + + Tarentines, _i.e._ mercenary cavalry, +4+, 77; +11+, 12; +16+, 18 + + Tarentum, a city in Italy (_Taranto_), +1+, 6, 20; +2+, 24; +3+, 75, + 118; +8+, 26-36; +9+, 9; +10+, 1; +13+, 4; +29+, 12 + + Tarquinius Priscus (+6+, 2), fr. vi. + + Tarracina, a city in Latium (_Terracina_), +3+, 22, 24 + + Tarraco, a city in Spain (_Tarragona_), +3+, 76, 95; +10+, 20, 34, 40; + +11+, 33 + + Tarseium, a town in Spain (_Tartessus_), +3+, 24, 33 + + Taurini, a Gallic tribe in the valley of the Po, +3+, 60; +34+, 10 + + Taurion, minister of Philip V., +4+, 6, 10, 19, 80, 87; +5+, 27, 92, + 95, 103; +8+, 14; +9+, 23 + + Taurisci, an Alpine tribe, +2+, 15, 28, 30 + + Taurisci Norici, a tribe near Aquileia, +34+, 10 + + Taurus, mountain in Asia Minor, +4+, 48; +5+, 40, 41, 107, 109; + +10+, 28; + + as a boundary of Asia from Syria and other kingdoms, +3+, 3; + +4+, 2, 48; +5+, 40, 77; +8+, 22; +11+, 34; +21+, 14, 17, + 21, 24, 43, 48 + + Taygetus, mountain in the Peloponnese, +34+, 10 + + Teanum Sidicinum, a city in Campania (_Teano_), +3+, 91 + + Tectosages, a Gallic tribe in Asia Minor, +21+, 39 + + Tegea, a city in Arcadia, +2+, 46, 54, 58, 70; +4+, 22, 23, 82; + +5+, 17, 18, 20, 24, 92; +9+, 28; +11+, 11, 18; +16+, 17, 36, 37; + +18+, 14; +38+, 8, 9 + + Tegean gate at Messene, +16+, 17 + + Telamon, on the coast of Etruria (_Telamone_), +2+, 27 + + Teleas, an ambassador of King Euthydemus, +11+, 34 + + Telecles, of Aegium, +32+, 7; +33+, 1 + + Telecles, of Megalopolis, +33+, 3 + + Teledamus, of Argos, +18+, 14 + + Telemnastus, of Crete, +29+, 4; +33+, 16 + + Telephus, of Rhodes, +29+, 10 + + Telmissus, a city of Lycia, +21+, 48 + + Telocritus, an Achaean, +28+, 12 + + Telphusa, a city in Arcadia, +2+, 54; +4+, 60, 77 + + Temenid gates at Tarentum, +8+, 27, 30 + + Temnus, a city in Aeolis, +5+, 77; +32+, 27 + + Tempe, in Thessaly, +18+, 27, 33, 36, 48; +22+, 1 + + Tenedos, island of, +16+, 34; +27+, 7 + + Teos, a city in Ionia, +5+, 77 + + Terentius Varro, Gaius, consul B.C. 216, +3+, 106, 110-117; +5+, 108 + + Terentius, Lucius, +18+, 48, 50 + + Termessus, a city in Pisidia, +21+, 35 + + Tetrapyrgia, in Cyrene, +31+, 27 + + Teuta, queen of Illyria, +2+, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12 + + Thalamae, a town in Laconia, +16+, 16 + + Thalamae, a fort in Elis, +4+, 75, 84 + + Thasos, island of, +15+, 24; +18+, 44, 48, 50 + + Theaetetus, of Rhodes, +22+, 5; +27+, 14; +28+, 2, 16; +29+, 11; + +30+, 5, 22 + + Thearches, of Cleitor, +2+, 55 + + Thearidas, an Achaean, +32+, 17; +38+, 8 + + Thebe, a city in Mysia, +16+, 1; +21+, 10 + + Thebes, in Boeotia, +2+, 39, 62; +4+, 23, 27, 31; +5+, 10, 27, 28; + +9+, 8, 28, 34, 39; +12+, 25; +20+, 5, 7; +27+, 1, 2, 5; +28+, 3; + +38+, 4; +39+, 9, 12; + + constitution of, +6+, 43 + + Thebes, Phthiotid, in Thessaly, +5+, 99-101; +18+, 3, 8, 19, 38, 47 + + Themison, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 79, 82 + + Themistes, of Alexandria Troas, +5+, 111 + + Themistocles, of Athens, +6+, 44 + + Themistocles, an officer of Achaeus, +5+, 77 + + Theodectes, an Achaean, +39+, 10 + + Theodoridas, of Sicyon, +22+, 3; +29+, 23 + + Theodorus, a Boeotian flute-player, +30+, 14 + + Theodotus, an Aetolian, +4+, 37; +5+, 40, 46, 61, 62, 66, 67, 79, 81; + +7+, 16, 18 + + Theodotus Hemiolius, +5+, 42, 43, 45, 59, 68, 69, 71, 79, 83, 87 + + Theodotus, of Epirus, +27+, 16; +30+, 7 + + Theodotus, of Pherae, +18+, 10 + + Theogeiton, a Boeotian, +18+, 14 + + Theognetus, of Abydus, +16+, 33 + + Theophanes, of Rhodes, +33+, 16 + + Theophiliscus, of Rhodes, +16+, 2, 4, 5, 9 + + Theophrastus, a Peripatetic philosopher, +12+, 11, 23 + + Theopompus, of Chios, historian, +8+, 11-13; +12+, 4_a_, 25, 27; + +16+, 12 + + Theopompus, a flute-player, +30+, 14 + + Theoprosopon, a promontory in Phoenicia, +5+, 68 + + Theotimus, a friend of Orophernes, +32+, 25 + + Theris, ambassador from Antiochus Epiphanes, +28+, 20 + + Thermae (or Therma), a town in Sicily, +1+, 24, 39 + + Thermopylae, +2+, 52; +10+, 41 + + Thermus, capital of the Aetolian League, +5+, 6-9, 13, 18; +7+, 13; + +9+, 30; +11+, 7; +28+, 3; + + assemblies at, +5+, 8; +18+, 48; +28+, 4 + + Thersitae, a tribe in Spain, +3+, 33 + + Thersites, +12+, 26_b_ + + Thesmophoreium, temple of Demeter, +15+, 29, 33 + + Thespiae, a city in Boeotia, +27+, 1 + + Thessalians, +4+, 9, 76; +9+, 28, 33, 38; +11+, 5; +16+, 32; +18+, 3, + 11, 46, 47; +22+, 1, 9; +23+, 1; +25+, 6; +30+, 7; +37+, 2; + + Thessalian cavalry, +4+, 8; +18+, 22 + + Thessalonica, a city in Macedonia, +22+, 1, 15; +29+, 4; +34+, 7, 12 + + Thessaly, +2+, 49, 52; +4+, 57, 61, 62, 66, 67; +5+, 5, 17, 26, 29, 99, + 100; +18+, 3, 14, 27, 38; +20+, 13; +22+, 1; +27+, 16; +28+, 3, 12, + 13; +29+, 19; +39+, 2 + + Thestia (or Thestieis), a town in Aetolia, +5+, 7 + + Thetis, temple of, at Pharsalus, +18+, 20, 21 + + Thoas, an Aetolian, +21+, 17, 31, 45; +28+, 4 + + Thoas, an agent between Perseus and Rhodes, +30+, 8 + + Thrace, +4+, 39, 44, 45; +5+, 34, 74; +18+, 49; +22+, 15, 17; +23+, 8; + +24+, 3; +34+, 7, 10; + + Greek cities in, +9+, 28; +18+, 48, 51; +22+, 1, 9, 17; +23+, 8 + + Thracians, the, mercenaries, +5+, 65, 79, 82; +31+, 3 + + _See also_ +4+, 38, 45, 46, 51, 66; +5+, 7; +8+, 24; +10+, 41; + +18+, 4, 22, 37; +21+, 49; +22+, 17, 18; +23+, 10; +34+, 7; +39+, 2 + + Thraseas, an Alexandrian, +5+, 65 + + Thrason, of Syracuse, +7+, 2 + + Thrasycrates, of Rhodes, +11+, 4 + + Thrasylochus of Messene, +18+, 14 + + Thrasymene Lake, the, +3+, 82, 84, 108; +5+, 101; +15+, 11 + + Thronium, a city of the Epicnemidian Locrians, +9+, 41; +18+, 9 + + Thucydides, the historian, +8+, 13 + + Thule, island of, +34+, 5 + + Thuria, a town in Messenia, +23+, 17 + + Thurii, in Magna Graecia, +8+, 26; +10+, 1 + + Thyateira, a town in Lydia, +16+, 1; +32+, 27 + + Thyestes, of Sparta, +4+, 22 + + Thyreum, a town in Arcadia, +4+, 6, 25; +18+, 10; +21+, 29; +28+, 5 + + Tiber, the, +6+, 2, 55; +31+, 20, 22; +35+, 2 + + Tiboetes, uncle of Prusias I., +4+, 50-52 + + Tibur (_Tivoli_), +6+, 14 + + Ticinus, a river in Cisalpine Gaul, +3+, 64; +34+, 10 + + Tigris, the, +5+, 45, 46, 48, 51, 52 + + Timaeus, of Tauromenium in Sicily, the historian, +1+, 5; +2+, 16; + +8+, 12; + + criticism of, +12+, 3-15, 23-28; +34+, 10; +39+, 19 + + Timaeus, an Aetolian, +4+, 34; +9+, 34 + + Timagoras, a Rhodian admiral, +27+, 7 + + Timagoras, another Rhodian, a captain of a vessel, +27+, 7 + + Timarchus, a Cretan, +4+, 53 + + Timocrates, of Pellene, +18+, 17 + + Timolas, of Boeotia, +18+, 14 + + Timolaus, of Sparta, +20+, 12 + + Timoleon, of Corinth, +12+, 23, 25, 25_k_, 26 + + Timotheus, ambassador from Ptolemy Philometor, +28+, 1 + + Timotheus, ambassador from Orophernes, +32+, 24 + + Timotheus, of Miletus, +4+, 20 + + Timoxenus, Achaean Strategus B.C. 216, +2+, 53; +4+, 6, 7, 82; +5+, 106 + + Tisaeus, Mt., in Thessaly, +10+, 42 + + Tisamenus, king of Achaia, +2+, 41; +4+, 1 + + Tisippus, an Aetolian, +30+, 13 + + Titti, a Spanish tribe, +35+, 2 + + Tium, a city in Bithynia, +25+, 2 + + Tlepolemus, commandant of Pelusium, +15+, 25-27, 29; +16+, 21, 22 + + Tlepolemus, ambassador from Ptolemy Physcon, +28+, 19 + + Tolistobogii, a tribe in Galatia, +21+, 37 + + _Torches._ _See_ Signals; used for starting horse races, fr. lxiv. + + Torus, a hill near Agrigentum, +1+, 19 + + Tower, the, +5+, 102 _See_ Perippia. + + Tragiscus, of Tarentum, +8+, 29, 30 + + Tragyrium, a city in Illyria, +32+, 18 + + Tralles, a city in Caria, +21+, 48 + + Trebia, a river in Cisalpine Gaul, +3+, 67-69, 72; + battle of, +3+, 72-74, 108; +15+, 11 + + Trench, the, in Messenia, +4+, 33 + + Triarii. _See_ Roman Army + + Tribuni militum. _See_ Roman Army; + Tribuni plebi, +3+, 87; +6+, 12, 16; +30+, 4 + + Trichonium, a town in Aetolia, +5+, 7 + + Trichonian lake, the, in Aetolia, +5+, 7; +11+, 7 + + Trieres, a town in Phoenicia, +5+, 68 + + Trigaboli, at the head of the delta of the Po, +2+, 16 + + Triphylia, a district in the Peloponnese, +4+, 77, 79-81; +5+, 27; + +18+, 42, 47 + + Triphylus, son of Arcas, +4+, 77 + + Tripolis, a district of Laconia, +4+, 81 + + Tritaea, a city of Achaia, +2+, 41; +4+, 6, 59; +5+, 95 + + Triton, +7+, 9 + + Triumph, a, +6+, 15. _See_ +3+, 19 (Paullus); +4+, 66; + +11+, 33 (Scipio); +21+, 24 (L. and P. Scipio and L. Aemilius); + +30+, 14 (L. Anicius) + + Troas, +5+, 111. _See_ Alexandria + + Trocmi, a tribe of Galatia, +31+, 13 + + Troezen, a city of Argolis, +2+, 52 + + Trojan war, the, +34+, 2; + Trojans, the, +12+, 4_b_ + + Tunes, a city in Africa (_Tunis_), +1+, 30, 67, 69, 73, 76, 77, 79, + 84-86; +14+, 10; +15+, 1 + + Turdetani, a Spanish tribe, +34+, 9 + + Turduli, a Spanish tribe, +34+, 9 + + Tychaeus, a Numidian, +15+, 3 + + Tychon, officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 54 + + Tylis, a town in Thrace, +4+, 46 + + Tylus, an island in the Arabian Gulf, +13+, 9 + + Tyndaris, a city in Sicily, +1+, 25, 27 + + Typaneae, a town in Triphylia, +4+, 77-79 + + _Tyranny_, +5+, 11; +6+, 3, 7, 8 + + Tyrrhenian Sea, +1+, 10; +2+, 14, 16; +3+, 61, 110; +34+, 6, 10 + + Tyre, +3+, 24; +4+, 37; +5+, 61, 62, 70; +16+, 22; +31+, 20 + + + ULYSSES, +9+, 16; +12+, 27; +34+, 2-4; +35+, 6 + + Umbrians, the, +2+, 16, 24; +3+, 86 + + Utica, a city of Africa, +1+, 70, 73-76, 82, 83, 88; +14+, 1-3, 6-10; + +15+, 2; +36+, 3, 6; +38+, 1 + + + VACCAEI, a Spanish tribe, +3+, 5, 14; +34+, 9 + + Vadimonian Lake, the, in Etruria, +2+, 20 + + Valerius Flaccus, L., consul B.C. 261, +1+, 20 + + Valerius Flaccus, L., consul B.C. 195, +20+, 9, 10 + + Valerius Laevinus, M., consul B.C. 210, +8+, 3; +9+, 27; +21+, 29 + + Valerius Laevinus, C., son of the preceding, consul suff. B.C. 176, + +21+, 29, 31 + + Valerius Maximus Messala, Manius, consul B.C. 263, +1+, 16, 17 + + Velia, a city in Lucania, +1+, 20 + + Velites. _See_ Roman Army + + Veneti, a tribe of Cisalpine Gauls, +2+, 17, 18, 23, 24 + + Venusia, a city of Apulia, +3+, 90, 116, 117 + + Verbanus lacus (_Lago Maggiore_), +34+, 10 + + Vesta, +5+, 93 + + Vestini, a people of central Italy, +2+, 24 + + Vibo, a town in Bruttium (Hipponium, _Bivona_), +3+, 88 + + Villius Tapulus, P., consul B.C. 199, +18+, 48, 50 + + Vulturnus, a river in Samnium, +3+, 92 + + + WALL, the, a fort near Dyme, +4+, 59, 83 + + Walls, the Two, a fort in Mysia, +5+, 77 + + _Walls_, scribbling on, +5+, 33 + + White Rock, the, +3+, 53; cp. +10+, 30 + + _World_, divisions of, +3+, 37; +12+, 25 + + + XANTHIPPUS, of Sparta, +1+, 32-36 + + Xanthus, Macedonian hero, +23+, 10 + + Xanthus, a city in Lycia, +25+, 4 + + Xenarchus, an Achaean, +23+, 4 + + Xenis, a road near Mantinea, +11+, 11 + + Xeno, of Aegium, +32+, 7; +33+, 1 + + Xeno, tyrant of Hermione, +2+, 44 + + Xeno, of Patrae, +28+, 6 + + Xeno, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 42, 43, 45 + + Xenoetas, an Achaean, +5+, 45-48 + + Xenophanes, of Athens, +7+, 9 + + Xenophantus, of Rhodes, +4+, 50 + + Xenophon, the Athenian historian, +3+, 6; +6+, 45; +10+, 20 + + Xenophon, of Aegium, +18+, 1, 10; +28+, 19 + + Xerxes, king of Persia, +3+, 22; +6+, 11; +9+, 38; +38+, 4 + + Xerxes, a prince of Armosata, +8+, 25 + + + ZABDIDELUS, an Arabian, +5+, 79 + + Zacynthus, island of (_Zante_), +5+, 4, 102 + + Zagrus, a mountain in Media, +5+, 44, 54, 55 + + Zaleucus, legislator of the Locrians, +12+, 16 + + Zama, battle of, +15+, 5-16 + + Zarax, a town in Laconia, +4+, 36 + + Zariaspa, a town of Bactriana, +10+, 49 + + Zarzas, a Libyan, +1+, 84, 85 + + Zelys, of Gortyn in Crete, +5+, 79 + + Zeno, of Rhodes, an historian, +16+, 14-17, 20 + + Zeugma, a bridge of boats across the Euphrates, +5+, 43 + + Zeus, Homarius, +2+, 39; +5+, 93; + Idaeus, +28+, 14; + Lycaeus, +4+, 33; + Olympius, +9+, 27; +26+, 1; +39+, 17; + Atabyrius, +9+, 27; + temple of, at Selge (Cesbedium), +5+, 76; + precinct of, in Arcadia, +16+, 12; + statue of, by Pheidias, +30+, 10; + worshipped by the Carthaginians, +3+, 11; +7+, 9 + _See also_ +4+, 33; +7+, 9, 11; +12+, 26; +30+, 10 + + Zeuxippus, of Boeotia, +18+, 43; +22+, 4 + + Zeuxis, an officer of Antiochus the Great, +5+, 45-48, 51-54, 60 + + _See also_ +16+, 1, 24; +21+, 16, 17, 24 + + Zodiac, signs of the, +9+, 15 + + Zoippus, of Syracuse, +7+, 2 + + + + THE END + + _Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, _Edinburgh_ + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Histories of Polybius, Vol. II (of +2), by Polybius + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44126 *** |