summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
path: root/44101-h/44101-h.htm
blob: f546c052022e66bbbfd6c6e8e1000ba1836988f0 (plain) 
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
178
179
180
181
182
183
184
185
186
187
188
189
190
191
192
193
194
195
196
197
198
199
200
201
202
203
204
205
206
207
208
209
210
211
212
213
214
215
216
217
218
219
220
221
222
223
224
225
226
227
228
229
230
231
232
233
234
235
236
237
238
239
240
241
242
243
244
245
246
247
248
249
250
251
252
253
254
255
256
257
258
259
260
261
262
263
264
265
266
267
268
269
270
271
272
273
274
275
276
277
278
279
280
281
282
283
284
285
286
287
288
289
290
291
292
293
294
295
296
297
298
299
300
301
302
303
304
305
306
307
308
309
310
311
312
313
314
315
316
317
318
319
320
321
322
323
324
325
326
327
328
329
330
331
332
333
334
335
336
337
338
339
340
341
342
343
344
345
346
347
348
349
350
351
352
353
354
355
356
357
358
359
360
361
362
363
364
365
366
367
368
369
370
371
372
373
374
375
376
377
378
379
380
381
382
383
384
385
386
387
388
389
390
391
392
393
394
395
396
397
398
399
400
401
402
403
404
405
406
407
408
409
410
411
412
413
414
415
416
417
418
419
420
421
422
423
424
425
426
427
428
429
430
431
432
433
434
435
436
437
438
439
440
441
442
443
444
445
446
447
448
449
450
451
452
453
454
455
456
457
458
459
460
461
462
463
464
465
466
467
468
469
470
471
472
473
474
475
476
477
478
479
480
481
482
483
484
485
486
487
488
489
490
491
492
493
494
495
496
497
498
499
500
501
502
503
504
505
506
507
508
509
510
511
512
513
514
515
516
517
518
519
520
521
522
523
524
525
526
527
528
529
530
531
532
533
534
535
536
537
538
539
540
541
542
543
544
545
546
547
548
549
550
551
552
553
554
555
556
557
558
559
560
561
562
563
564
565
566
567
568
569
570
571
572
573
574
575
576
577
578
579
580
581
582
583
584
585
586
587
588
589
590
591
592
593
594
595
596
597
598
599
600
601
602
603
604
605
606
607
608
609
610
611
612
613
614
615
616
617
618
619
620
621
622
623
624
625
626
627
628
629
630
631
632
633
634
635
636
637
638
639
640
641
642
643
644
645
646
647
648
649
650
651
652
653
654
655
656
657
658
659
660
661
662
663
664
665
666
667
668
669
670
671
672
673
674
675
676
677
678
679
680
681
682
683
684
685
686
687
688
689
690
691
692
693
694
695
696
697
698
699
700
701
702
703
704
705
706
707
708
709
710
711
712
713
714
715
716
717
718
719
720
721
722
723
724
725
726
727
728
729
730
731
732
733
734
735
736
737
738
739
740
741
742
743
744
745
746
747
748
749
750
751
752
753
754
755
756
757
758
759
760
761
762
763
764
765
766
767
768
769
770
771
772
773
774
775
776
777
778
779
780
781
782
783
784
785
786
787
788
789
790
791
792
793
794
795
796
797
798
799
800
801
802
803
804
805
806
807
808
809
810
811
812
813
814
815
816
817
818
819
820
821
822
823
824
825
826
827
828
829
830
831
832
833
834
835
836
837
838
839
840
841
842
843
844
845
846
847
848
849
850
851
852
853
854
855
856
857
858
859
860
861
862
863
864
865
866
867
868
869
870
871
872
873
874
875
876
877
878
879
880
881
882
883
884
885
886
887
888
889
890
891
892
893
894
895
896
897
898
899
900
901
902
903
904
905
906
907
908
909
910
911
912
913
914
915
916
917
918
919
920
921
922
923
924
925
926
927
928
929
930
931
932
933
934
935
936
937
938
939
940
941
942
943
944
945
946
947
948
949
950
951
952
953
954
955
956
957
958
959
960
961
962
963
964
965
966
967
968
969
970
971
972
973
974
975
976
977
978
979
980
981
982
983
984
985
986
987
988
989
990
991
992
993
994
995
996
997
998
999
1000
1001
1002
1003
1004
1005
1006
1007
1008
1009
1010
1011
1012
1013
1014
1015
1016
1017
1018
1019
1020
1021
1022
1023
1024
1025
1026
1027
1028
1029
1030
1031
1032
1033
1034
1035
1036
1037
1038
1039
1040
1041
1042
1043
1044
1045
1046
1047
1048
1049
1050
1051
1052
1053
1054
1055
1056
1057
1058
1059
1060
1061
1062
1063
1064
1065
1066
1067
1068
1069
1070
1071
1072
1073
1074
1075
1076
1077
1078
1079
1080
1081
1082
1083
1084
1085
1086
1087
1088
1089
1090
1091
1092
1093
1094
1095
1096
1097
1098
1099
1100
1101
1102
1103
1104
1105
1106
1107
1108
1109
1110
1111
1112
1113
1114
1115
1116
1117
1118
1119
1120
1121
1122
1123
1124
1125
1126
1127
1128
1129
1130
1131
1132
1133
1134
1135
1136
1137
1138
1139
1140
1141
1142
1143
1144
1145
1146
1147
1148
1149
1150
1151
1152
1153
1154
1155
1156
1157
1158
1159
1160
1161
1162
1163
1164
1165
1166
1167
1168
1169
1170
1171
1172
1173
1174
1175
1176
1177
1178
1179
1180
1181
1182
1183
1184
1185
1186
1187
1188
1189
1190
1191
1192
1193
1194
1195
1196
1197
1198
1199
1200
1201
1202
1203
1204
1205
1206
1207
1208
1209
1210
1211
1212
1213
1214
1215
1216
1217
1218
1219
1220
1221
1222
1223
1224
1225
1226
1227
1228
1229
1230
1231
1232
1233
1234
1235
1236
1237
1238
1239
1240
1241
1242
1243
1244
1245
1246
1247
1248
1249
1250
1251
1252
1253
1254
1255
1256
1257
1258
1259
1260
1261
1262
1263
1264
1265
1266
1267
1268
1269
1270
1271
1272
1273
1274
1275
1276
1277
1278
1279
1280
1281
1282
1283
1284
1285
1286
1287
1288
1289
1290
1291
1292
1293
1294
1295
1296
1297
1298
1299
1300
1301
1302
1303
1304
1305
1306
1307
1308
1309
1310
1311
1312
1313
1314
1315
1316
1317
1318
1319
1320
1321
1322
1323
1324
1325
1326
1327
1328
1329
1330
1331
1332
1333
1334
1335
1336
1337
1338
1339
1340
1341
1342
1343
1344
1345
1346
1347
1348
1349
1350
1351
1352
1353
1354
1355
1356
1357
1358
1359
1360
1361
1362
1363
1364
1365
1366
1367
1368
1369
1370
1371
1372
1373
1374
1375
1376
1377
1378
1379
1380
1381
1382
1383
1384
1385
1386
1387
1388
1389
1390
1391
1392
1393
1394
1395
1396
1397
1398
1399
1400
1401
1402
1403
1404
1405
1406
1407
1408
1409
1410
1411
1412
1413
1414
1415
1416
1417
1418
1419
1420
1421
1422
1423
1424
1425
1426
1427
1428
1429
1430
1431
1432
1433
1434
1435
1436
1437
1438
1439
1440
1441
1442
1443
1444
1445
1446
1447
1448
1449
1450
1451
1452
1453
1454
1455
1456
1457
1458
1459
1460
1461
1462
1463
1464
1465
1466
1467
1468
1469
1470
1471
1472
1473
1474
1475
1476
1477
1478
1479
1480
1481
1482
1483
1484
1485
1486
1487
1488
1489
1490
1491
1492
1493
1494
1495
1496
1497
1498
1499
1500
1501
1502
1503
1504
1505
1506
1507
1508
1509
1510
1511
1512
1513
1514
1515
1516
1517
1518
1519
1520
1521
1522
1523
1524
1525
1526
1527
1528
1529
1530
1531
1532
1533
1534
1535
1536
1537
1538
1539
1540
1541
1542
1543
1544
1545
1546
1547
1548
1549
1550
1551
1552
1553
1554
1555
1556
1557
1558
1559
1560
1561
1562
1563
1564
1565
1566
1567
1568
1569
1570
1571
1572
1573
1574
1575
1576
1577
1578
1579
1580
1581
1582
1583
1584
1585
1586
1587
1588
1589
1590
1591
1592
1593
1594
1595
1596
1597
1598
1599
1600
1601
1602
1603
1604
1605
1606
1607
1608
1609
1610
1611
1612
1613
1614
1615
1616
1617
1618
1619
1620
1621
1622
1623
1624
1625
1626
1627
1628
1629
1630
1631
1632
1633
1634
1635
1636
1637
1638
1639
1640
1641
1642
1643
1644
1645
1646
1647
1648
1649
1650
1651
1652
1653
1654
1655
1656
1657
1658
1659
1660
1661
1662
1663
1664
1665
1666
1667
1668
1669
1670
1671
1672
1673
1674
1675
1676
1677
1678
1679
1680
1681
1682
1683
1684
1685
1686
1687
1688
1689
1690
1691
1692
1693
1694
1695
1696
1697
1698
1699
1700
1701
1702
1703
1704
1705
1706
1707
1708
1709
1710
1711
1712
1713
1714
1715
1716
1717
1718
1719
1720
1721
1722
1723
1724
1725
1726
1727
1728
1729
1730
1731
1732
1733
1734
1735
1736
1737
1738
1739
1740
1741
1742
1743
1744
1745
1746
1747
1748
1749
1750
1751
1752
1753
1754
1755
1756
1757
1758
1759
1760
1761
1762
1763
1764
1765
1766
1767
1768
1769
1770
1771
1772
1773
1774
1775
1776
1777
1778
1779
1780
1781
1782
1783
1784
1785
1786
1787
1788
1789
1790
1791
1792
1793
1794
1795
1796
1797
1798
1799
1800
1801
1802
1803
1804
1805
1806
1807
1808
1809
1810
1811
1812
1813
1814
1815
1816
1817
1818
1819
1820
1821
1822
1823
1824
1825
1826
1827
1828
1829
1830
1831
1832
1833
1834
1835
1836
1837
1838
1839
1840
1841
1842
1843
1844
1845
1846
1847
1848
1849
1850
1851
1852
1853
1854
1855
1856
1857
1858
1859
1860
1861
1862
1863
1864
1865
1866
1867
1868
1869
1870
1871
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906
1907
1908
1909
1910
1911
1912
1913
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
1921
1922
1923
1924
1925
1926
1927
1928
1929
1930
1931
1932
1933
1934
1935
1936
1937
1938
1939
1940
1941
1942
1943
1944
1945
1946
1947
1948
1949
1950
1951
1952
1953
1954
1955
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
1968
1969
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
2018
2019
2020
2021
2022
2023
2024
2025
2026
2027
2028
2029
2030
2031
2032
2033
2034
2035
2036
2037
2038
2039
2040
2041
2042
2043
2044
2045
2046
2047
2048
2049
2050
2051
2052
2053
2054
2055
2056
2057
2058
2059
2060
2061
2062
2063
2064
2065
2066
2067
2068
2069
2070
2071
2072
2073
2074
2075
2076
2077
2078
2079
2080
2081
2082
2083
2084
2085
2086
2087
2088
2089
2090
2091
2092
2093
2094
2095
2096
2097
2098
2099
2100
2101
2102
2103
2104
2105
2106
2107
2108
2109
2110
2111
2112
2113
2114
2115
2116
2117
2118
2119
2120
2121
2122
2123
2124
2125
2126
2127
2128
2129
2130
2131
2132
2133
2134
2135
2136
2137
2138
2139
2140
2141
2142
2143
2144
2145
2146
2147
2148
2149
2150
2151
2152
2153
2154
2155
2156
2157
2158
2159
2160
2161
2162
2163
2164
2165
2166
2167
2168
2169
2170
2171
2172
2173
2174
2175
2176
2177
2178
2179
2180
2181
2182
2183
2184
2185
2186
2187
2188
2189
2190
2191
2192
2193
2194
2195
2196
2197
2198
2199
2200
2201
2202
2203
2204
2205
2206
2207
2208
2209
2210
2211
2212
2213
2214
2215
2216
2217
2218
2219
2220
2221
2222
2223
2224
2225
2226
2227
2228
2229
2230
2231
2232
2233
2234
2235
2236
2237
2238
2239
2240
2241
2242
2243
2244
2245
2246
2247
2248
2249
2250
2251
2252
2253
2254
2255
2256
2257
2258
2259
2260
2261
2262
2263
2264
2265
2266
2267
2268
2269
2270
2271
2272
2273
2274
2275
2276
2277
2278
2279
2280
2281
2282
2283
2284
2285
2286
2287
2288
2289
2290
2291
2292
2293
2294
2295
2296
2297
2298
2299
2300
2301
2302
2303
2304
2305
2306
2307
2308
2309
2310
2311
2312
2313
2314
2315
2316
2317
2318
2319
2320
2321
2322
2323
2324
2325
2326
2327
2328
2329
2330
2331
2332
2333
2334
2335
2336
2337
2338
2339
2340
2341
2342
2343
2344
2345
2346
2347
2348
2349
2350
2351
2352
2353
2354
2355
2356
2357
2358
2359
2360
2361
2362
2363
2364
2365
2366
2367
2368
2369
2370
2371
2372
2373
2374
2375
2376
2377
2378
2379
2380
2381
2382
2383
2384
2385
2386
2387
2388
2389
2390
2391
2392
2393
2394
2395
2396
2397
2398
2399
2400
2401
2402
2403
2404
2405
2406
2407
2408
2409
2410
2411
2412
2413
2414
2415
2416
2417
2418
2419
2420
2421
2422
2423
2424
2425
2426
2427
2428
2429
2430
2431
2432
2433
2434
2435
2436
2437
2438
2439
2440
2441
2442
2443
2444
2445
2446
2447
2448
2449
2450
2451
2452
2453
2454
2455
2456
2457
2458
2459
2460
2461
2462
2463
2464
2465
2466
2467
2468
2469
2470
2471
2472
2473
2474
2475
2476
2477
2478
2479
2480
2481
2482
2483
2484
2485
2486
2487
2488
2489
2490
2491
2492
2493
2494
2495
2496
2497
2498
2499
2500
2501
2502
2503
2504
2505
2506
2507
2508
2509
2510
2511
2512
2513
2514
2515
2516
2517
2518
2519
2520
2521
2522
2523
2524
2525
2526
2527
2528
2529
2530
2531
2532
2533
2534
2535
2536
2537
2538
2539
2540
2541
2542
2543
2544
2545
2546
2547
2548
2549
2550
2551
2552
2553
2554
2555
2556
2557
2558
2559
2560
2561
2562
2563
2564
2565
2566
2567
2568
2569
2570
2571
2572
2573
2574
2575
2576
2577
2578
2579
2580
2581
2582
2583
2584
2585
2586
2587
2588
2589
2590
2591
2592
2593
2594
2595
2596
2597
2598
2599
2600
2601
2602
2603
2604
2605
2606
2607
2608
2609
2610
2611
2612
2613
2614
2615
2616
2617
2618
2619
2620
2621
2622
2623
2624
2625
2626
2627
2628
2629
2630
2631
2632
2633
2634
2635
2636
2637
2638
2639
2640
2641
2642
2643
2644
2645
2646
2647
2648
2649
2650
2651
2652
2653
2654
2655
2656
2657
2658
2659
2660
2661
2662
2663
2664
2665
2666
2667
2668
2669
2670
2671
2672
2673
2674
2675
2676
2677
2678
2679
2680
2681
2682
2683
2684
2685
2686
2687
2688
2689
2690
2691
2692
2693
2694
2695
2696
2697
2698
2699
2700
2701
2702
2703
2704
2705
2706
2707
2708
2709
2710
2711
2712
2713
2714
2715
2716
2717
2718
2719
2720
2721
2722
2723
2724
2725
2726
2727
2728
2729
2730
2731
2732
2733
2734
2735
2736
2737
2738
2739
2740
2741
2742
2743
2744
2745
2746
2747
2748
2749
2750
2751
2752
2753
2754
2755
2756
2757
2758
2759
2760
2761
2762
2763
2764
2765
2766
2767
2768
2769
2770
2771
2772
2773
2774
2775
2776
2777
2778
2779
2780
2781
2782
2783
2784
2785
2786
2787
2788
2789
2790
2791
2792
2793
2794
2795
2796
2797
2798
2799
2800
2801
2802
2803
2804
2805
2806
2807
2808
2809
2810
2811
2812
2813
2814
2815
2816
2817
2818
2819
2820
2821
2822
2823
2824
2825
2826
2827
2828
2829
2830
2831
2832
2833
2834
2835
2836
2837
2838
2839
2840
2841
2842
2843
2844
2845
2846
2847
2848
2849
2850
2851
2852
2853
2854
2855
2856
2857
2858
2859
2860
2861
2862
2863
2864
2865
2866
2867
2868
2869
2870
2871
2872
2873
2874
2875
2876
2877
2878
2879
2880
2881
2882
2883
2884
2885
2886
2887
2888
2889
2890
2891
2892
2893
2894
2895
2896
2897
2898
2899
2900
2901
2902
2903
2904
2905
2906
2907
2908
2909
2910
2911
2912
2913
2914
2915
2916
2917
2918
2919
2920
2921
2922
2923
2924
2925
2926
2927
2928
2929
2930
2931
2932
2933
2934
2935
2936
2937
2938
2939
2940
2941
2942
2943
2944
2945
2946
2947
2948
2949
2950
2951
2952
2953
2954
2955
2956
2957
2958
2959
2960
2961
2962
2963
2964
2965
2966
2967
2968
2969
2970
2971
2972
2973
2974
2975
2976
2977
2978
2979
2980
2981
2982
2983
2984
2985
2986
2987
2988
2989
2990
2991
2992
2993
2994
2995
2996
2997
2998
2999
3000
3001
3002
3003
3004
3005
3006
3007
3008
3009
3010
3011
3012
3013
3014
3015
3016
3017
3018
3019
3020
3021
3022
3023
3024
3025
3026
3027
3028
3029
3030
3031
3032
3033
3034
3035
3036
3037
3038
3039
3040
3041
3042
3043
3044
3045
3046
3047
3048
3049
3050
3051
3052
3053
3054
3055
3056
3057
3058
3059
3060
3061
3062
3063
3064
3065
3066
3067
3068
3069
3070
3071
3072
3073
3074
3075
3076
3077
3078
3079
3080
3081
3082
3083
3084
3085
3086
3087
3088
3089
3090
3091
3092
3093
3094
3095
3096
3097
3098
3099
3100
3101
3102
3103
3104
3105
3106
3107
3108
3109
3110
3111
3112
3113
3114
3115
3116
3117
3118
3119
3120
3121
3122
3123
3124
3125
3126
3127
3128
3129
3130
3131
3132
3133
3134
3135
3136
3137
3138
3139
3140
3141
3142
3143
3144
3145
3146
3147
3148
3149
3150
3151
3152
3153
3154
3155
3156
3157
3158
3159
3160
3161
3162
3163
3164
3165
3166
3167
3168
3169
3170
3171
3172
3173
3174
3175
3176
3177
3178
3179
3180
3181
3182
3183
3184
3185
3186
3187
3188
3189
3190
3191
3192
3193
3194
3195
3196
3197
3198
3199
3200
3201
3202
3203
3204
3205
3206
3207
3208
3209
3210
3211
3212
3213
3214
3215
3216
3217
3218
3219
3220
3221
3222
3223
3224
3225
3226
3227
3228
3229
3230
3231
3232
3233
3234
3235
3236
3237
3238
3239
3240
3241
3242
3243
3244
3245
3246
3247
3248
3249
3250
3251
3252
3253
3254
3255
3256
3257
3258
3259
3260
3261
3262
3263
3264
3265
3266
3267
3268
3269
3270
3271
3272
3273
3274
3275
3276
3277
3278
3279
3280
3281
3282
3283
3284
3285
3286
3287
3288
3289
3290
3291
3292
3293
3294
3295
3296
3297
3298
3299
3300
3301
3302
3303
3304
3305
3306
3307
3308
3309
3310
3311
3312
3313
3314
3315
3316
3317
3318
3319
3320
3321
3322
3323
3324
3325
3326
3327
3328
3329
3330
3331
3332
3333
3334
3335
3336
3337
3338
3339
3340
3341
3342
3343
3344
3345
3346
3347
3348
3349
3350
3351
3352
3353
3354
3355
3356
3357
3358
3359
3360
3361
3362
3363
3364
3365
3366
3367
3368
3369
3370
3371
3372
3373
3374
3375
3376
3377
3378
3379
3380
3381
3382
3383
3384
3385
3386
3387
3388
3389
3390
3391
3392
3393
3394
3395
3396
3397
3398
3399
3400
3401
3402
3403
3404
3405
3406
3407
3408
3409
3410
3411
3412
3413
3414
3415
3416
3417
3418
3419
3420
3421
3422
3423
3424
3425
3426
3427
3428
3429
3430
3431
3432
3433
3434
3435
3436
3437
3438
3439
3440
3441
3442
3443
3444
3445
3446
3447
3448
3449
3450
3451
3452
3453
3454
3455
3456
3457
3458
3459
3460
3461
3462
3463
3464
3465
3466
3467
3468
3469
3470
3471
3472
3473
3474
3475
3476
3477
3478
3479
3480
3481
3482
3483
3484
3485
3486
3487
3488
3489
3490
3491
3492
3493
3494
3495
3496
3497
3498
3499
3500
3501
3502
3503
3504
3505
3506
3507
3508
3509
3510
3511
3512
3513
3514
3515
3516
3517
3518
3519
3520
3521
3522
3523
3524
3525
3526
3527
3528
3529
3530
3531
3532
3533
3534
3535
3536
3537
3538
3539
3540
3541
3542
3543
3544
3545
3546
3547
3548
3549
3550
3551
3552
3553
3554
3555
3556
3557
3558
3559
3560
3561
3562
3563
3564
3565
3566
3567
3568
3569
3570
3571
3572
3573
3574
3575
3576
3577
3578
3579
3580
3581
3582
3583
3584
3585
3586
3587
3588
3589
3590
3591
3592
3593
3594
3595
3596
3597
3598
3599
3600
3601
3602
3603
3604
3605
3606
3607
3608
3609
3610
3611
3612
3613
3614
3615
3616
3617
3618
3619
3620
3621
3622
3623
3624
3625
3626
3627
3628
3629
3630
3631
3632
3633
3634
3635
3636
3637
3638
3639
3640
3641
3642
3643
3644
3645
3646
3647
3648
3649
3650
3651
3652
3653
3654
3655
3656
3657
3658
3659
3660
3661
3662
3663
3664
3665
3666
3667
3668
3669
3670
3671
3672
3673
3674
3675
3676
3677
3678
3679
3680
3681
3682
3683
3684
3685
3686
3687
3688
3689
3690
3691
3692
3693
3694
3695
3696
3697
3698
3699
3700
3701
3702
3703
3704
3705
3706
3707
3708
3709
3710
3711
3712
3713
3714
3715
3716
3717
3718
3719
3720
3721
3722
3723
3724
3725
3726
3727
3728
3729
3730
3731
3732
3733
3734
3735
3736
3737
3738
3739
3740
3741
3742
3743
3744
3745
3746
3747
3748
3749
3750
3751
3752
3753
3754
3755
3756
3757
3758
3759
3760
3761
3762
3763
3764
3765
3766
3767
3768
3769
3770
3771
3772
3773
3774
3775
3776
3777
3778
3779
3780
3781
3782
3783
3784
3785
3786
3787
3788
3789
3790
3791
3792
3793
3794
3795
3796
3797
3798
3799
3800
3801
3802
3803
3804
3805
3806
3807
3808
3809
3810
3811
3812
3813
3814
3815
3816
3817
3818
3819
3820
3821
3822
3823
3824
3825
3826
3827
3828
3829
3830
3831
3832
3833
3834
3835
3836
3837
3838
3839
3840
3841
3842
3843
3844
3845
3846
3847
3848
3849
3850
3851
3852
3853
3854
3855
3856
3857
3858
3859
3860
3861
3862
3863
3864
3865
3866
3867
3868
3869
3870
3871
3872
3873
3874
3875
3876
3877
3878
3879
3880
3881
3882
3883
3884
3885
3886
3887
3888
3889
3890
3891
3892
3893
3894
3895
3896
3897
3898
3899
3900
3901
3902
3903
3904
3905
3906
3907
3908
3909
3910
3911
3912
3913
3914
3915
3916
3917
3918
3919
3920
3921
3922
3923
3924
3925
3926
3927
3928
3929
3930
3931
3932
3933
3934
3935
3936
3937
3938
3939
3940
3941
3942
3943
3944
3945
3946
3947
3948
3949
3950
3951
3952
3953
3954
3955
3956
3957
3958
3959
3960
3961
3962
3963
3964
3965
3966
3967
3968
3969
3970
3971
3972
3973
3974
3975
3976
3977
3978
3979
3980
3981
3982
3983
3984
3985
3986
3987
3988
3989
3990
3991
3992
3993
3994
3995
3996
3997
3998
3999
4000
4001
4002
4003
4004
4005
4006
4007
4008
4009
4010
4011
4012
4013
4014
4015
4016
4017
4018
4019
4020
4021
4022
4023
4024
4025
4026
4027
4028
4029
4030
4031
4032
4033
4034
4035
4036
4037
4038
4039
4040
4041
4042
4043
4044
4045
4046
4047
4048
4049
4050
4051
4052
4053
4054
4055
4056
4057
4058
4059
4060
4061
4062
4063
4064
4065
4066
4067
4068
4069
4070
4071
4072
4073
4074
4075
4076
4077
4078
4079
4080
4081
4082
4083
4084
4085
4086
4087
4088
4089
4090
4091
4092
4093
4094
4095
4096
4097
4098
4099
4100
4101
4102
4103
4104
4105
4106
4107
4108
4109
4110
4111
4112
4113
4114
4115
4116
4117
4118
4119
4120
4121
4122
4123
4124
4125
4126
4127
4128
4129
4130
4131
4132
4133
4134
4135
4136
4137
4138
4139
4140
4141
4142
4143
4144
4145
4146
4147
4148
4149
4150
4151
4152
4153
4154
4155
4156
4157
4158
4159
4160
4161
4162
4163
4164
4165
4166
4167
4168
4169
4170
4171
4172
4173
4174
4175
4176
4177
4178
4179
4180
4181
4182
4183
4184
4185
4186
4187
4188
4189
4190
4191
4192
4193
4194
4195
4196
4197
4198
4199
4200
4201
4202
4203
4204
4205
4206
4207
4208
4209
4210
4211
4212
4213
4214
4215
4216
4217
4218
4219
4220
4221
4222
4223
4224
4225
4226
4227
4228
4229
4230
4231
4232
4233
4234
4235
4236
4237
4238
4239
4240
4241
4242
4243
4244
4245
4246
4247
4248
4249
4250
4251
4252
4253
4254
4255
4256
4257
4258
4259
4260
4261
4262
4263
4264
4265
4266
4267
4268
4269
4270
4271
4272
4273
4274
4275
4276
4277
4278
4279
4280
4281
4282
4283
4284
4285
4286
4287
4288
4289
4290
4291
4292
4293
4294
4295
4296
4297
4298
4299
4300
4301
4302
4303
4304
4305
4306
4307
4308
4309
4310
4311
4312
4313
4314
4315
4316
4317
4318
4319
4320
4321
4322
4323
4324
4325
4326
4327
4328
4329
4330
4331
4332
4333
4334
4335
4336
4337
4338
4339
4340
4341
4342
4343
4344
4345
4346
4347
4348
4349
4350
4351
4352
4353
4354
4355
4356
4357
4358
4359
4360
4361
4362
4363
4364
4365
4366
4367
4368
4369
4370
4371
4372
4373
4374
4375
4376
4377
4378
4379
4380
4381
4382
4383
4384
4385
4386
4387
4388
4389
4390
4391
4392
4393
4394
4395
4396
4397
4398
4399
4400
4401
4402
4403
4404
4405
4406
4407
4408
4409
4410
4411
4412
4413
4414
4415
4416
4417
4418
4419
4420
4421
4422
4423
4424
4425
4426
4427
4428
4429
4430
4431
4432
4433
4434
4435
4436
4437
4438
4439
4440
4441
4442
4443
4444
4445
4446
4447
4448
4449
4450
4451
4452
4453
4454
4455
4456
4457
4458
4459
4460
4461
4462
4463
4464
4465
4466
4467
4468
4469
4470
4471
4472
4473
4474
4475
4476
4477
4478
4479
4480
4481
4482
4483
4484
4485
4486
4487
4488
4489
4490
4491
4492
4493
4494
4495
4496
4497
4498
4499
4500
4501
4502
4503
4504
4505
4506
4507
4508
4509
4510
4511
4512
4513
4514
4515
4516
4517
4518
4519
4520
4521
4522
4523
4524
4525
4526
4527
4528
4529
4530
4531
4532
4533
4534
4535
4536
4537
4538
4539
4540
4541
4542
4543
4544
4545
4546
4547
4548
4549
4550
4551
4552
4553
4554
4555
4556
4557
4558
4559
4560
4561
4562
4563
4564
4565
4566
4567
4568
4569
4570
4571
4572
4573
4574
4575
4576
4577
4578
4579
4580
4581
4582
4583
4584
4585
4586
4587
4588
4589
4590
4591
4592
4593
4594
4595
4596
4597
4598
4599
4600
4601
4602
4603
4604
4605
4606
4607
4608
4609
4610
4611
4612
4613
4614
4615
4616
4617
4618
4619
4620
4621
4622
4623
4624
4625
4626
4627
4628
4629
4630
4631
4632
4633
4634
4635
4636
4637
4638
4639
4640
4641
4642
4643
4644
4645
4646
4647
4648
4649
4650
4651
4652
4653
4654
4655
4656
4657
4658
4659
4660
4661
4662
4663
4664
4665
4666
4667
4668
4669
4670
4671
4672
4673
4674
4675
4676
4677
4678
4679
4680
4681
4682
4683
4684
4685
4686
4687
4688
4689
4690
4691
4692
4693
4694
4695
4696
4697
4698
4699
4700
4701
4702
4703
4704
4705
4706
4707
4708
4709
4710
4711
4712
4713
4714
4715
4716
4717
4718
4719
4720
4721
4722
4723
4724
4725
4726
4727
4728
4729
4730
4731
4732
4733
4734
4735
4736
4737
4738
4739
4740
4741
4742
4743
4744
4745
4746
4747
4748
4749
4750
4751
4752
4753
4754
4755
4756
4757
4758
4759
4760
4761
4762
4763
4764
4765
4766
4767
4768
4769
4770
4771
4772
4773
4774
4775
4776
4777
4778
4779
4780
4781
4782
4783
4784
4785
4786
4787
4788
4789
4790
4791
4792
4793
4794
4795
4796
4797
4798
4799
4800
4801
4802
4803
4804
4805
4806
4807
4808
4809
4810
4811
4812
4813
4814
4815
4816
4817
4818
4819
4820
4821
4822
4823
4824
4825
4826
4827
4828
4829
4830
4831
4832
4833
4834
4835
4836
4837
4838
4839
4840
4841
4842
4843
4844
4845
4846
4847
4848
4849
4850
4851
4852
4853
4854
4855
4856
4857
4858
4859
4860
4861
4862
4863
4864
4865
4866
4867
4868
4869
4870
4871
4872
4873
4874
4875
4876
4877
4878
4879
4880
4881
4882
4883
4884
4885
4886
4887
4888
4889
4890
4891
4892
4893
4894
4895
4896
4897
4898
4899
4900
4901
4902
4903
4904
4905
4906
4907
4908
4909
4910
4911
4912
4913
4914
4915
4916
4917
4918
4919
4920
4921
4922
4923
4924
4925
4926
4927
4928
4929
4930
4931
4932
4933
4934
4935
4936
4937
4938
4939
4940
4941
4942
4943
4944
4945
4946
4947
4948
4949
4950
4951
4952
4953
4954
4955
4956
4957
4958
4959
4960
4961
4962
4963
4964
4965
4966
4967
4968
4969
4970
4971
4972
4973
4974
4975
4976
4977
4978
4979
4980
4981
4982
4983
4984
4985
4986
4987
4988
4989
4990
4991
4992
4993
4994
4995
4996
4997
4998
4999
5000
5001
5002
5003
5004
5005
5006
5007
5008
5009
5010
5011
5012
5013
5014
5015
5016
5017
5018
5019
5020
5021
5022
5023
5024
5025
5026
5027
5028
5029
5030
5031
5032
5033
5034
5035
5036
5037
5038
5039
5040
5041
5042
5043
5044
5045
5046
5047
5048
5049
5050
5051
5052
5053
5054
5055
5056
5057
5058
5059
5060
5061
5062
5063
5064
5065
5066
5067
5068
5069
5070
5071
5072
5073
5074
5075
5076
5077
5078
5079
5080
5081
5082
5083
5084
5085
5086
5087
5088
5089
5090
5091
5092
5093
5094
5095
5096
5097
5098
5099
5100
5101
5102
5103
5104
5105
5106
5107
5108
5109
5110
5111
5112
5113
5114
5115
5116
5117
5118
5119
5120
5121
5122
5123
5124
5125
5126
5127
5128
5129
5130
5131
5132
5133
5134
5135
5136
5137
5138
5139
5140
5141
5142
5143
5144
5145
5146
5147
5148
5149
5150
5151
5152
5153
5154
5155
5156
5157
5158
5159
5160
5161
5162
5163
5164
5165
5166
5167
5168
5169
5170
5171
5172
5173
5174
5175
5176
5177
5178
5179
5180
5181
5182
5183
5184
5185
5186
5187
5188
5189
5190
5191
5192
5193
5194
5195
5196
5197
5198
5199
5200
5201
5202
5203
5204
5205
5206
5207
5208
5209
5210
5211
5212
5213
5214
5215
5216
5217
5218
5219
5220
5221
5222
5223
5224
5225
5226
5227
5228
5229
5230
5231
5232
5233
5234
5235
5236
5237
5238
5239
5240
5241
5242
5243
5244
5245
5246
5247
5248
5249
5250
5251
5252
5253
5254
5255
5256
5257
5258
5259
5260
5261
5262
5263
5264
5265
5266
5267
5268
5269
5270
5271
5272
5273
5274
5275
5276
5277
5278
5279
5280
5281
5282
5283
5284
5285
5286
5287
5288
5289
5290
5291
5292
5293
5294
5295
5296
5297
5298
5299
5300
5301
5302
5303
5304
5305
5306
5307
5308
5309
5310
5311
5312
5313
5314
5315
5316
5317
5318
5319
5320
5321
5322
5323
5324
5325
5326
5327
5328
5329
5330
5331
5332
5333
5334
5335
5336
5337
5338
5339
5340
5341
5342
5343
5344
5345
5346
5347
5348
5349
5350
5351
5352
5353
5354
5355
5356
5357
5358
5359
5360
5361
5362
5363
5364
5365
5366
5367
5368
5369
5370
5371
5372
5373
5374
5375
5376
5377
5378
5379
5380
5381
5382
5383
5384
5385
5386
5387
5388
5389
5390
5391
5392
5393
5394
5395
5396
5397
5398
5399
5400
5401
5402
5403
5404
5405
5406
5407
5408
5409
5410
5411
5412
5413
5414
5415
5416
5417
5418
5419
5420
5421
5422
5423
5424
5425
5426
5427
5428
5429
5430
5431
5432
5433
5434
5435
5436
5437
5438
5439
5440
5441
5442
5443
5444
5445
5446
5447
5448
5449
5450
5451
5452
5453
5454
5455
5456
5457
5458
5459
5460
5461
5462
5463
5464
5465
5466
5467
5468
5469
5470
5471
5472
5473
5474
5475
5476
5477
5478
5479
5480
5481
5482
5483
5484
5485
5486
5487
5488
5489
5490
5491
5492
5493
5494
5495
5496
5497
5498
5499
5500
5501
5502
5503
5504
5505
5506
5507
5508
5509
5510
5511
5512
5513
5514
5515
5516
5517
5518
5519
5520
5521
5522
5523
5524
5525
5526
5527
5528
5529
5530
5531
5532
5533
5534
5535
5536
5537
5538
5539
5540
5541
5542
5543
5544
5545
5546
5547
5548
5549
5550
5551
5552
5553
5554
5555
5556
5557
5558
5559
5560
5561
5562
5563
5564
5565
5566
5567
5568
5569
5570
5571
5572
5573
5574
5575
5576
5577
5578
5579
5580
5581
5582
5583
5584
5585
5586
5587
5588
5589
5590
5591
5592
5593
5594
5595
5596
5597
5598
5599
5600
5601
5602
5603
5604
5605
5606
5607
5608
5609
5610
5611
5612
5613
5614
5615
5616
5617
5618
5619
5620
5621
5622
5623
5624
5625
5626
5627
5628
5629
5630
5631
5632
5633
5634
5635
5636
5637
5638
5639
5640
5641
5642
5643
5644
5645
5646
5647
5648
5649
5650
5651
5652
5653
5654
5655
5656
5657
5658
5659
5660
5661
5662
5663
5664
5665
5666
5667
5668
5669
5670
5671
5672
5673
5674
5675
5676
5677
5678
5679
5680
5681
5682
5683
5684
5685
5686
5687
5688
5689
5690
5691
5692
5693
5694
5695
5696
5697
5698
5699
5700
5701
5702
5703
5704
5705
5706
5707
5708
5709
5710
5711
5712
5713
5714
5715
5716
5717
5718
5719
5720
5721
5722
5723
5724
5725
5726
5727
5728
5729
5730
5731
5732
5733
5734
5735
5736
5737
5738
5739
5740
5741
5742
5743
5744
5745
5746
5747
5748
5749
5750
5751
5752
5753
5754
5755
5756
5757
5758
5759
5760
5761
5762
5763
5764
5765
5766
5767
5768
5769
5770
5771
5772
5773
5774
5775
5776
5777
5778
5779
5780
5781
5782
5783
5784
5785
5786
5787
5788
5789
5790
5791
5792
5793
5794
5795
5796
5797
5798
5799
5800
5801
5802
5803
5804
5805
5806
5807
5808
5809
5810
5811
5812
5813
5814
5815
5816
5817
5818
5819
5820
5821
5822
5823
5824
5825
5826
5827
5828
5829
5830
5831
5832
5833
5834
5835
5836
5837
5838
5839
5840
5841
5842
5843
5844
5845
5846
5847
5848
5849
5850
5851
5852
5853
5854
5855
5856
5857
5858
5859
5860
5861
5862
5863
5864
5865
5866
5867
5868
5869
5870
5871
5872
5873
5874
5875
5876
5877
5878
5879
5880
5881
5882
5883
5884
5885
5886
5887
5888
5889
5890
5891
5892
5893
5894
5895
5896
5897
5898
5899
5900
5901
5902
5903
5904
5905
5906
5907
5908
5909
5910
5911
5912
5913
5914
5915
5916
5917
5918
5919
5920
5921
5922
5923
5924
5925
5926
5927
5928
5929
5930
5931
5932
5933
5934
5935
5936
5937
5938
5939
5940
5941
5942
5943
5944
5945
5946
5947
5948
5949
5950
5951
5952
5953
5954
5955
5956
5957
5958
5959
5960
5961
5962
5963
5964
5965
5966
5967
5968
5969
5970
5971
5972
5973
5974
5975
5976
5977
5978
5979
5980
5981
5982
5983
5984
5985
5986
5987
5988
5989
5990
5991
5992
5993
5994
5995
5996
5997
5998
5999
6000
6001
6002
6003
6004
6005
6006
6007
6008
6009
6010
6011
6012
6013
6014
6015
6016
6017
6018
6019
6020
6021
6022
6023
6024
6025
6026
6027
6028
6029
6030
6031
6032
6033
6034
6035
6036
6037
6038
6039
6040
6041
6042
6043
6044
6045
6046
6047
6048
6049
6050
6051
6052
6053
6054
6055
6056
6057
6058
6059
6060
6061
6062
6063
6064
6065
6066
6067
6068
6069
6070
6071
6072
6073
6074
6075
6076
6077
6078
6079
6080
6081
6082
6083
6084
6085
6086
6087
6088
6089
6090
6091
6092
6093
6094
6095
6096
6097
6098
6099
6100
6101
6102
6103
6104
6105
6106
6107
6108
6109
6110
6111
6112
6113
6114
6115
6116
6117
6118
6119
6120
6121
6122
6123
6124
6125
6126
6127
6128
6129
6130
6131
6132
6133
6134
6135
6136
6137
6138
6139
6140
6141
6142
6143
6144
6145
6146
6147
6148
6149
6150
6151
6152
6153
6154
6155
6156
6157
6158
6159
6160
6161
6162
6163
6164
6165
6166
6167
6168
6169
6170
6171
6172
6173
6174
6175
6176
6177
6178
6179
6180
6181
6182
6183
6184
6185
6186
6187
6188
6189
6190
6191
6192
6193
6194
6195
6196
6197
6198
6199
6200
6201
6202
6203
6204
6205
6206
6207
6208
6209
6210
6211
6212
6213
6214
6215
6216
6217
6218
6219
6220
6221
6222
6223
6224
6225
6226
6227
6228
6229
6230
6231
6232
6233
6234
6235
6236
6237
6238
6239
6240
6241
6242
6243
6244
6245
6246
6247
6248
6249
6250
6251
6252
6253
6254
6255
6256
6257
6258
6259
6260
6261
6262
6263
6264
6265
6266
6267
6268
6269
6270
6271
6272
6273
6274
6275
6276
6277
6278
6279
6280
6281
6282
6283
6284
6285
6286
6287
6288
6289
6290
6291
6292
6293
6294
6295
6296
6297
6298
6299
6300
6301
6302
6303
6304
6305
6306
6307
6308
6309
6310
6311
6312
6313
6314
6315
6316
6317
6318
6319
6320
6321
6322
6323
6324
6325
6326
6327
6328
6329
6330
6331
6332
6333
6334
6335
6336
6337
6338
6339
6340
6341
6342
6343
6344
6345
6346
6347
6348
6349
6350
6351
6352
6353
6354
6355
6356
6357
6358
6359
6360
6361
6362
6363
6364
6365
6366
6367
6368
6369
6370
6371
6372
6373
6374
6375
6376
6377
6378
6379
6380
6381
6382
6383
6384
6385
6386
6387
6388
6389
6390
6391
6392
6393
6394
6395
6396
6397
6398
6399
6400
6401
6402
6403
6404
6405
6406
6407
6408
6409
6410
6411
6412
6413
6414
6415
6416
6417
6418
6419
6420
6421
6422
6423
6424
6425
6426
6427
6428
6429
6430
6431
6432
6433
6434
6435
6436
6437
6438
6439
6440
6441
6442
6443
6444
6445
6446
6447
6448
6449
6450
6451
6452
6453
6454
6455
6456
6457
6458
6459
6460
6461
6462
6463
6464
6465
6466
6467
6468
6469
6470
6471
6472
6473
6474
6475
6476
6477
6478
6479
6480
6481
6482
6483
6484
6485
6486
6487
6488
6489
6490
6491
6492
6493
6494
6495
6496
6497
6498
6499
6500
6501
6502
6503
6504
6505
6506
6507
6508
6509
6510
6511
6512
6513
6514
6515
6516
6517
6518
6519
6520
6521
6522
6523
6524
6525
6526
6527
6528
6529
6530
6531
6532
6533
6534
6535
6536
6537
6538
6539
6540
6541
6542
6543
6544
6545
6546
6547
6548
6549
6550
6551
6552
6553
6554
6555
6556
6557
6558
6559
6560
6561
6562
6563
6564
6565
6566
6567
6568
6569
6570
6571
6572
6573
6574
6575
6576
6577
6578
6579
6580
6581
6582
6583
6584
6585
6586
6587
6588
6589
6590
6591
6592
6593
6594
6595
6596
6597
6598
6599
6600
6601
6602
6603
6604
6605
6606
6607
6608
6609
6610
6611
6612
6613
6614
6615
6616
6617
6618
6619
6620
6621
6622
6623
6624
6625
6626
6627
6628
6629
6630
6631
6632
6633
6634
6635
6636
6637
6638
6639
6640
6641
6642
6643
6644
6645
6646
6647
6648
6649
6650
6651
6652
6653
6654
6655
6656
6657
6658
6659
6660
6661
6662
6663
6664
6665
6666
6667
6668
6669
6670
6671
6672
6673
6674
6675
6676
6677
6678
6679
6680
6681
6682
6683
6684
6685
6686
6687
6688
6689
6690
6691
6692
6693
6694
6695
6696
6697
6698
6699
6700
6701
6702
6703
6704
6705
6706
6707
6708
6709
6710
6711
6712
6713
6714
6715
6716
6717
6718
6719
6720
6721
6722
6723
6724
6725
6726
6727
6728
6729
6730
6731
6732
6733
6734
6735
6736
6737
6738
6739
6740
6741
6742
6743
6744
6745
6746
6747
6748
6749
6750
6751
6752
6753
6754
6755
6756
6757
6758
6759
6760
6761
6762
6763
6764
6765
6766
6767
6768
6769
6770
6771
6772
6773
6774
6775
6776
6777
6778
6779
6780
6781
6782
6783
6784
6785
6786
6787
6788
6789
6790
6791
6792
6793
6794
6795
6796
6797
6798
6799
6800
6801
6802
6803
6804
6805
6806
6807
6808
6809
6810
6811
6812
6813
6814
6815
6816
6817
6818
6819
6820
6821
6822
6823
6824
6825
6826
6827
6828
6829
6830
6831
6832
6833
6834
6835
6836
6837
6838
6839
6840
6841
6842
6843
6844
6845
6846
6847
6848
6849
6850
6851
6852
6853
6854
6855
6856
6857
6858
6859
6860
6861
6862
6863
6864
6865
6866
6867
6868
6869
6870
6871
6872
6873
6874
6875
6876
6877
6878
6879
6880
6881
6882
6883
6884
6885
6886
6887
6888
6889
6890
6891
6892
6893
6894
6895
6896
6897
6898
6899
6900
6901
6902
6903
6904
6905
6906
6907
6908
6909
6910
6911
6912
6913
6914
6915
6916
6917
6918
6919
6920
6921
6922
6923
6924
6925
6926
6927
6928
6929
6930
6931
6932
6933
6934
6935
6936
6937
6938
6939
6940
6941
6942
6943
6944
6945
6946
6947
6948
6949
6950
6951
6952
6953
6954
6955
6956
6957
6958
6959
6960
6961
6962
6963
6964
6965
6966
6967
6968
6969
6970
6971
6972
6973
6974
6975
6976
6977
6978
6979
6980
6981
6982
6983
6984
6985
6986
6987
6988
6989
6990
6991
6992
6993
6994
6995
6996
6997
6998
6999
7000
7001
7002
7003
7004
7005
7006
7007
7008
7009
7010
7011
7012
7013
7014
7015
7016
7017
7018
7019
7020
7021
7022
7023
7024
7025
7026
7027
7028
7029
7030
7031
7032
7033
7034
7035
7036
7037
7038
7039
7040
7041
7042
7043
7044
7045
7046
7047
7048
7049
7050
7051
7052
7053
7054
7055
7056
7057
7058
7059
7060
7061
7062
7063
7064
7065
7066
7067
7068
7069
7070
7071
7072
7073
7074
7075
7076
7077
7078
7079
7080
7081
7082
7083
7084
7085
7086
7087
7088
7089
7090
7091
7092
7093
7094
7095
7096
7097
7098
7099
7100
7101
7102
7103
7104
7105
7106
7107
7108
7109
7110
7111
7112
7113
7114
7115
7116
7117
7118
7119
7120
7121
7122
7123
7124
7125
7126
7127
7128
7129
7130
7131
7132
7133
7134
7135
7136
7137
7138
7139
7140
7141
7142
7143
7144
7145
7146
7147
7148
7149
7150
7151
7152
7153
7154
7155
7156
7157
7158
7159
7160
7161
7162
7163
7164
7165
7166
7167
7168
7169
7170
7171
7172
7173
7174
7175
7176
7177
7178
7179
7180
7181
7182
7183
7184
7185
7186
7187
7188
7189
7190
7191
7192
7193
7194
7195
7196
7197
7198
7199
7200
7201
7202
7203
7204
7205
7206
7207
7208
7209
7210
7211
7212
7213
7214
7215
7216
7217
7218
7219
7220
7221
7222
7223
7224
7225
7226
7227
7228
7229
7230
7231
7232
7233
7234
7235
7236
7237
7238
7239
7240
7241
7242
7243
7244
7245
7246
7247
7248
7249
7250
7251
7252
7253
7254
7255
7256
7257
7258
7259
7260
7261
7262
7263
7264
7265
7266
7267
7268
7269
7270
7271
7272
7273
7274
7275
7276
7277
7278
7279
7280
7281
7282
7283
7284
7285
7286
7287
7288
7289
7290
7291
7292
7293
7294
7295
7296
7297
7298
7299
7300
7301
7302
7303
7304
7305
7306
7307
7308
7309
7310
7311
7312
7313
7314
7315
7316
7317
7318
7319
7320
7321
7322
7323
7324
7325
7326
7327
7328
7329
7330
7331
7332
7333
7334
7335
7336
7337
7338
7339
7340
7341
7342
7343
7344
7345
7346
7347
7348
7349
7350
7351
7352
7353
7354
7355
7356
7357
7358
7359
7360
7361
7362
7363
7364
7365
7366
7367
7368
7369
7370
7371
7372
7373
7374
7375
7376
7377
7378
7379
7380
7381
7382
7383
7384
7385
7386
7387
7388
7389
7390
7391
7392
7393
7394
7395
7396
7397
7398
7399
7400
7401
7402
7403
7404
7405
7406
7407
7408
7409
7410
7411
7412
7413
7414
7415
7416
7417
7418
7419
7420
7421
7422
7423
7424
7425
7426
7427
7428
7429
7430
7431
7432
7433
7434
7435
7436
7437
7438
7439
7440
7441
7442
7443
7444
7445
7446
7447
7448
7449
7450
7451
7452
7453
7454
7455
7456
7457
7458
7459
7460
7461
7462
7463
7464
7465
7466
7467
7468
7469
7470
7471
7472
7473
7474
7475
7476
7477
7478
7479
7480
7481
7482
7483
7484
7485
7486
7487
7488
7489
7490
7491
7492
7493
7494
7495
7496
7497
7498
7499
7500
7501
7502
7503
7504
7505
7506
7507
7508
7509
7510
7511
7512
7513
7514
7515
7516
7517
7518
7519
7520
7521
7522
7523
7524
7525
7526
7527
7528
7529
7530
7531
7532
7533
7534
7535
7536
7537
7538
7539
7540
7541
7542
7543
7544
7545
7546
7547
7548
7549
7550
7551
7552
7553
7554
7555
7556
7557
7558
7559
7560
7561
7562
7563
7564
7565
7566
7567
7568
7569
7570
7571
7572
7573
7574
7575
7576
7577
7578
7579
7580
7581
7582
7583
7584
7585
7586
7587
7588
7589
7590
7591
7592
7593
7594
7595
7596
7597
7598
7599
7600
7601
7602
7603
7604
7605
7606
7607
7608
7609
7610
7611
7612
7613
7614
7615
7616
7617
7618
7619
7620
7621
7622
7623
7624
7625
7626
7627
7628
7629
7630
7631
7632
7633
7634
7635
7636
7637
7638
7639
7640
7641
7642
7643
7644
7645
7646
7647
7648
7649
7650
7651
7652
7653
7654
7655
7656
7657
7658
7659
7660
7661
7662
7663
7664
7665
7666
7667
7668
7669
7670
7671
7672
7673
7674
7675
7676
7677
7678
7679
7680
7681
7682
7683
7684
7685
7686
7687
7688
7689
7690
7691
7692
7693
7694
7695
7696
7697
7698
7699
7700
7701
7702
7703
7704
7705
7706
7707
7708
7709
7710
7711
7712
7713
7714
7715
7716
7717
7718
7719
7720
7721
7722
7723
7724
7725
7726
7727
7728
7729
7730
7731
7732
7733
7734
7735
7736
7737
7738
7739
7740
7741
7742
7743
7744
7745
7746
7747
7748
7749
7750
7751
7752
7753
7754
7755
7756
7757
7758
7759
7760
7761
7762
7763
7764
7765
7766
7767
7768
7769
7770
7771
7772
7773
7774
7775
7776
7777
7778
7779
7780
7781
7782
7783
7784
7785
7786
7787
7788
7789
7790
7791
7792
7793
7794
7795
7796
7797
7798
7799
7800
7801
7802
7803
7804
7805
7806
7807
7808
7809
7810
7811
7812
7813
7814
7815
7816
7817
7818
7819
7820
7821
7822
7823
7824
7825
7826
7827
7828
7829
7830
7831
7832
7833
7834
7835
7836
7837
7838
7839
7840
7841
7842
7843
7844
7845
7846
7847
7848
7849
7850
7851
7852
7853
7854
7855
7856
7857
7858
7859
7860
7861
7862
7863
7864
7865
7866
7867
7868
7869
7870
7871
7872
7873
7874
7875
7876
7877
7878
7879
7880
7881
7882
7883
7884
7885
7886
7887
7888
7889
7890
7891
7892
7893
7894
7895
7896
7897
7898
7899
7900
7901
7902
7903
7904
7905
7906
7907
7908
7909
7910
7911
7912
7913
7914
7915
7916
7917
7918
7919
7920
7921
7922
7923
7924
7925
7926
7927
7928
7929
7930
7931
7932
7933
7934
7935
7936
7937
7938
7939
7940
7941
7942
7943
7944
7945
7946
7947
7948
7949
7950
7951
7952
7953
7954
7955
7956
7957
7958
7959
7960
7961
7962
7963
7964
7965
7966
7967
7968
7969
7970
7971
7972
7973
7974
7975
7976
7977
7978
7979
7980
7981
7982
7983
7984
7985
7986
7987
7988
7989
7990
7991
7992
7993
7994
7995
7996
7997
7998
7999
8000
8001
8002
8003
8004
8005
8006
8007
8008
8009
8010
8011
8012
8013
8014
8015
8016
8017
8018
8019
8020
8021
8022
8023
8024
8025
8026
8027
8028
8029
8030
8031
8032
8033
8034
8035
8036
8037
8038
8039
8040
8041
8042
8043
8044
8045
8046
8047
8048
8049
8050
8051
8052
8053
8054
8055
8056
8057
8058
8059
8060
8061
8062
8063
8064
8065
8066
8067
8068
8069
8070
8071
8072
8073
8074
8075
8076
8077
8078
8079
8080
8081
8082
8083
8084
8085
8086
8087
8088
8089
8090
8091
8092
8093
8094
8095
8096
8097
8098
8099
8100
8101
8102
8103
8104
8105
8106
8107
8108
8109
8110
8111
8112
8113
8114
8115
8116
8117
8118
8119
8120
8121
8122
8123
8124
8125
8126
8127
8128
8129
8130
8131
8132
8133
8134
8135
8136
8137
8138
8139
8140
8141
8142
8143
8144
8145
8146
8147
8148
8149
8150
8151
8152
8153
8154
8155
8156
8157
8158
8159
8160
8161
8162
8163
8164
8165
8166
8167
8168
8169
8170
8171
8172
8173
8174
8175
8176
8177
8178
8179
8180
8181
8182
8183
8184
8185
8186
8187
8188
8189
8190
8191
8192
8193
8194
8195
8196
8197
8198
8199
8200
8201
8202
8203
8204
8205
8206
8207
8208
8209
8210
8211
8212
8213
8214
8215
8216
8217
8218
8219
8220
8221
8222
8223
8224
8225
8226
8227
8228
8229
8230
8231
8232
8233
8234
8235
8236
8237
8238
8239
8240
8241
8242
8243
8244
8245
8246
8247
8248
8249
8250
8251
8252
8253
8254
8255
8256
8257
8258
8259
8260
8261
8262
8263
8264
8265
8266
8267
8268
8269
8270
8271
8272
8273
8274
8275
8276
8277
8278
8279
8280
8281
8282
8283
8284
8285
8286
8287
8288
8289
8290
8291
8292
8293
8294
8295
8296
8297
8298
8299
8300
8301
8302
8303
8304
8305
8306
8307
8308
8309
8310
8311
8312
8313
8314
8315
8316
8317
8318
8319
8320
8321
8322
8323
8324
8325
8326
8327
8328
8329
8330
8331
8332
8333
8334
8335
8336
8337
8338
8339
8340
8341
8342
8343
8344
8345
8346
8347
8348
8349
8350
8351
8352
8353
8354
8355
8356
8357
8358
8359
8360
8361
8362
8363
8364
8365
8366
8367
8368
8369
8370
8371
8372
8373
8374
8375
8376
8377
8378
8379
8380
8381
8382
8383
8384
8385
8386
8387
8388
8389
8390
8391
8392
8393
8394
8395
8396
8397
8398
8399
8400
8401
8402
8403
8404
8405
8406
8407
8408
8409
8410
8411
8412
8413
8414
8415
8416
8417
8418
8419
8420
8421
8422
8423
8424
8425
8426
8427
8428
8429
8430
8431
8432
8433
8434
8435
8436
8437
8438
8439
8440
8441
8442
8443
8444
8445
8446
8447
8448
8449
8450
8451
8452
8453
8454
8455
8456
8457
8458
8459
8460
8461
8462
8463
8464
8465
8466
8467
8468
8469
8470
8471
8472
8473
8474
8475
8476
8477
8478
8479
8480
8481
8482
8483
8484
8485
8486
8487
8488
8489
8490
8491
8492
8493
8494
8495
8496
8497
8498
8499
8500
8501
8502
8503
8504
8505
8506
8507
8508
8509
8510
8511
8512
8513
8514
8515
8516
8517
8518
8519
8520
8521
8522
8523
8524
8525
8526
8527
8528
8529
8530
8531
8532
8533
8534
8535
8536
8537
8538
8539
8540
8541
8542
8543
8544
8545
8546
8547
8548
8549
8550
8551
8552
8553
8554
8555
8556
8557
8558
8559
8560
8561
8562
8563
8564
8565
8566
8567
8568
8569
8570
8571
8572
8573
8574
8575
8576
8577
8578
8579
8580
8581
8582
8583
8584
8585
8586
8587
8588
8589
8590
8591
8592
8593
8594
8595
8596
8597
8598
8599
8600
8601
8602
8603
8604
8605
8606
8607
8608
8609
8610
8611
8612
8613
8614
8615
8616
8617
8618
8619
8620
8621
8622
8623
8624
8625
8626
8627
8628
8629
8630
8631
8632
8633
8634
8635
8636
8637
8638
8639
8640
8641
8642
8643
8644
8645
8646
8647
8648
8649
8650
8651
8652
8653
8654
8655
8656
8657
8658
8659
8660
8661
8662
8663
8664
8665
8666
8667
8668
8669
8670
8671
8672
8673
8674
8675
8676
8677
8678
8679
8680
8681
8682
8683
8684
8685
8686
8687
8688
8689
8690
8691
8692
8693
8694
8695
8696
8697
8698
8699
8700
8701
8702
8703
8704
8705
8706
8707
8708
8709
8710
8711
8712
8713
8714
8715
8716
8717
8718
8719
8720
8721
8722
8723
8724
8725
8726
8727
8728
8729
8730
8731
8732
8733
8734
8735
8736
8737
8738
8739
8740
8741
8742
8743
8744
8745
8746
8747
8748
8749
8750
8751
8752
8753
8754
8755
8756
8757
8758
8759
8760
8761
8762
8763
8764
8765
8766
8767
8768
8769
8770
8771
8772
8773
8774
8775
8776
8777
8778
8779
8780
8781
8782
8783
8784
8785
8786
8787
8788
8789
8790
8791
8792
8793
8794
8795
8796
8797
8798
8799
8800
8801
8802
8803
8804
8805
8806
8807
8808
8809
8810
8811
8812
8813
8814
8815
8816
8817
8818
8819
8820
8821
8822
8823
8824
8825
8826
8827
8828
8829
8830
8831
8832
8833
8834
8835
8836
8837
8838
8839
8840
8841
8842
8843
8844
8845
8846
8847
8848
8849
8850
8851
8852
8853
8854
8855
8856
8857
8858
8859
8860
8861
8862
8863
8864
8865
8866
8867
8868
8869
8870
8871
8872
8873
8874
8875
8876
8877
8878
8879
8880
8881
8882
8883
8884
8885
8886
8887
8888
8889
8890
8891
8892
8893
8894
8895
8896
8897
8898
8899
8900
8901
8902
8903
8904
8905
8906
8907
8908
8909
8910
8911
8912
8913
8914
8915
8916
8917
8918
8919
8920
8921
8922
8923
8924
8925
8926
8927
8928
8929
8930
8931
8932
8933
8934
8935
8936
8937
8938
8939
8940
8941
8942
8943
8944
8945
8946
8947
8948
8949
8950
8951
8952
8953
8954
8955
8956
8957
8958
8959
8960
8961
8962
8963
8964
8965
8966
8967
8968
8969
8970
8971
8972
8973
8974
8975
8976
8977
8978
8979
8980
8981
8982
8983
8984
8985
8986
8987
8988
8989
8990
8991
8992
8993
8994
8995
8996
8997
8998
8999
9000
9001
9002
9003
9004
9005
9006
9007
9008
9009
9010
9011
9012
9013
9014
9015
9016
9017
9018
9019
9020
9021
9022
9023
9024
9025
9026
9027
9028
9029
9030
9031
9032
9033
9034
9035
9036
9037
9038
9039
9040
9041
9042
9043
9044
9045
9046
9047
9048
9049
9050
9051
9052
9053
9054
9055
9056
9057
9058
9059
9060
9061
9062
9063
9064
9065
9066
9067
9068
9069
9070
9071
9072
9073
9074
9075
9076
9077
9078
9079
9080
9081
9082
9083
9084
9085
9086
9087
9088
9089
9090
9091
9092
9093
9094
9095
9096
9097
9098
9099
9100
9101
9102
9103
9104
9105
9106
9107
9108
9109
9110
9111
9112
9113
9114
9115
9116
9117
9118
9119
9120
9121
9122
9123
9124
9125
9126
9127
9128
9129
9130
9131
9132
9133
9134
9135
9136
9137
9138
9139
9140
9141
9142
9143
9144
9145
9146
9147
9148
9149
9150
9151
9152
9153
9154
9155
9156
9157
9158
9159
9160
9161
9162
9163
9164
9165
9166
9167
9168
9169
9170
9171
9172
9173
9174
9175
9176
9177
9178
9179
9180
9181
9182
9183
9184
9185
9186
9187
9188
9189
9190
9191
9192
9193
9194
9195
9196
9197
9198
9199
9200
9201
9202
9203
9204
9205
9206
9207
9208
9209
9210
9211
9212
9213
9214
9215
9216
9217
9218
9219
9220
9221
9222
9223
9224
9225
9226
9227
9228
9229
9230
9231
9232
9233
9234
9235
9236
9237
9238
9239
9240
9241
9242
9243
9244
9245
9246
9247
9248
9249
9250
9251
9252
9253
9254
9255
9256
9257
9258
9259
9260
9261
9262
9263
9264
9265
9266
9267
9268
9269
9270
9271
9272
9273
9274
9275
9276
9277
9278
9279
9280
9281
9282
9283
9284
9285
9286
9287
9288
9289
9290
9291
9292
9293
9294
9295
9296
9297
9298
9299
9300
9301
9302
9303
9304
9305
9306
9307
9308
9309
9310
9311
9312
9313
9314
9315
9316
9317
9318
9319
9320
9321
9322
9323
9324
9325
9326
9327
9328
9329
9330
9331
9332
9333
9334
9335
9336
9337
9338
9339
9340
9341
9342
9343
9344
9345
9346
9347
9348
9349
9350
9351
9352
9353
9354
9355
9356
9357
9358
9359
9360
9361
9362
9363
9364
9365
9366
9367
9368
9369
9370
9371
9372
9373
9374
9375
9376
9377
9378
9379
9380
9381
9382
9383
9384
9385
9386
9387
9388
9389
9390
9391
9392
9393
9394
9395
9396
9397
9398
9399
9400
9401
9402
9403
9404
9405
9406
9407
9408
9409
9410
9411
9412
9413
9414
9415
9416
9417
9418
9419
9420
9421
9422
9423
9424
9425
9426
9427
9428
9429
9430
9431
9432
9433
9434
9435
9436
9437
9438
9439
9440
9441
9442
9443
9444
9445
9446
9447
9448
9449
9450
9451
9452
9453
9454
9455
9456
9457
9458
9459
9460
9461
9462
9463
9464
9465
9466
9467
9468
9469
9470
9471
9472
9473
9474
9475
9476
9477
9478
9479
9480
9481
9482
9483
9484
9485
9486
9487
9488
9489
9490
9491
9492
9493
9494
9495
9496
9497
9498
9499
9500
9501
9502
9503
9504
9505
9506
9507
9508
9509
9510
9511
9512
9513
9514
9515
9516
9517
9518
9519
9520
9521
9522
9523
9524
9525
9526
9527
9528
9529
9530
9531
9532
9533
9534
9535
9536
9537
9538
9539
9540
9541
9542
9543
9544
9545
9546
9547
9548
9549
9550
9551
9552
9553
9554
9555
9556
9557
9558
9559
9560
9561
9562
9563
9564
9565
9566
9567
9568
9569
9570
9571
9572
9573
9574
9575
9576
9577
9578
9579
9580
9581
9582
9583
9584
9585
9586
9587
9588
9589
9590
9591
9592
9593
9594
9595
9596
9597
9598
9599
9600
9601
9602
9603
9604
9605
9606
9607
9608
9609
9610
9611
9612
9613
9614
9615
9616
9617
9618
9619
9620
9621
9622
9623
9624
9625
9626
9627
9628
9629
9630
9631
9632
9633
9634
9635
9636
9637
9638
9639
9640
9641
9642
9643
9644
9645
9646
9647
9648
9649
9650
9651
9652
9653
9654
9655
9656
9657
9658
9659
9660
9661
9662
9663
9664
9665
9666
9667
9668
9669
9670
9671
9672
9673
9674
9675
9676
9677
9678
9679
9680
9681
9682
9683
9684
9685
9686
9687
9688
9689
9690
9691
9692
9693
9694
9695
9696
9697
9698
9699
9700
9701
9702
9703
9704
9705
9706
9707
9708
9709
9710
9711
9712
9713
9714
9715
9716
9717
9718
9719
9720
9721
9722
9723
9724
9725
9726
9727
9728
9729
9730
9731
9732
9733
9734
9735
9736
9737
9738
9739
9740
9741
9742
9743
9744
9745
9746
9747
9748
9749
9750
9751
9752
9753
9754
9755
9756
9757
9758
9759
9760
9761
9762
9763
9764
9765
9766
9767
9768
9769
9770
9771
9772
9773
9774
9775
9776
9777
9778
9779
9780
9781
9782
9783
9784
9785
9786
9787
9788
9789
9790
9791
9792
9793
9794
9795
9796
9797
9798
9799
9800
9801
9802
9803
9804
9805
9806
9807
9808
9809
9810
9811
9812
9813
9814
9815
9816
9817
9818
9819
9820
9821
9822
9823
9824
9825
9826
9827
9828
9829
9830
9831
9832
9833
9834
9835
9836
9837
9838
9839
9840
9841
9842
9843
9844
9845
9846
9847
9848
9849
9850
9851
9852
9853
9854
9855
9856
9857
9858
9859
9860
9861
9862
9863
9864
9865
9866
9867
9868
9869
9870
9871
9872
9873
9874
9875
9876
9877
9878
9879
9880
9881
9882
9883
9884
9885
9886
9887
9888
9889
9890
9891
9892
9893
9894
9895
9896
9897
9898
9899
9900
9901
9902
9903
9904
9905
9906
9907
9908
9909
9910
9911
9912
9913
9914
9915
9916
9917
9918
9919
9920
9921
9922
9923
9924
9925
9926
9927
9928
9929
9930
9931
9932
9933
9934
9935
9936
9937
9938
9939
9940
9941
9942
9943
9944
9945
9946
9947
9948
9949
9950
9951
9952
9953
9954
9955
9956
9957
9958
9959
9960
9961
9962
9963
9964
9965
9966
9967
9968
9969
9970
9971
9972
9973
9974
9975
9976
9977
9978
9979
9980
9981
9982
9983
9984
9985
9986
9987
9988
9989
9990
9991
9992
9993
9994
9995
9996
9997
9998
9999
10000
10001
10002
10003
10004
10005
10006
10007
10008
10009
10010
10011
10012
10013
10014
10015
10016
10017
10018
10019
10020
10021
10022
10023
10024
10025
10026
10027
10028
10029
10030
10031
10032
10033
10034
10035
10036
10037
10038
10039
10040
10041
10042
10043
10044
10045
10046
10047
10048
10049
10050
10051
10052
10053
10054
10055
10056
10057
10058
10059
10060
10061
10062
10063
10064
10065
10066
10067
10068
10069
10070
10071
10072
10073
10074
10075
10076
10077
10078
10079
10080
10081
10082
10083
10084
10085
10086
10087
10088
10089
10090
10091
10092
10093
10094
10095
10096
10097
10098
10099
10100
10101
10102
10103
10104
10105
10106
10107
10108
10109
10110
10111
10112
10113
10114
10115
10116
10117
10118
10119
10120
10121
10122
10123
10124
10125
10126
10127
10128
10129
10130
10131
10132
10133
10134
10135
10136
10137
10138
10139
10140
10141
10142
10143
10144
10145
10146
10147
10148
10149
10150
10151
10152
10153
10154
10155
10156
10157
10158
10159
10160
10161
10162
10163
10164
10165
10166
10167
10168
10169
10170
10171
10172
10173
10174
10175
10176
10177
10178
10179
10180
10181
10182
10183
10184
10185
10186
10187
10188
10189
10190
10191
10192
10193
10194
10195
10196
10197
10198
10199
10200
10201
10202
10203
10204
10205
10206
10207
10208
10209
10210
10211
10212
10213
10214
10215
10216
10217
10218
10219
10220
10221
10222
10223
10224
10225
10226
10227
10228
10229
10230
10231
10232
10233
10234
10235
10236
10237
10238
10239
10240
10241
10242
10243
10244
10245
10246
10247
10248
10249
10250
10251
10252
10253
10254
10255
10256
10257
10258
10259
10260
10261
10262
10263
10264
10265
10266
10267
10268
10269
10270
10271
10272
10273
10274
10275
10276
10277
10278
10279
10280
10281
10282
10283
10284
10285
10286
10287
10288
10289
10290
10291
10292
10293
10294
10295
10296
10297
10298
10299
10300
10301
10302
10303
10304
10305
10306
10307
10308
10309
10310
10311
10312
10313
10314
10315
10316
10317
10318
10319
10320
10321
10322
10323
10324
10325
10326
10327
10328
10329
10330
10331
10332
10333
10334
10335
10336
10337
10338
10339
10340
10341
10342
10343
10344
10345
10346
10347
10348
10349
10350
10351
10352
10353
10354
10355
10356
10357
10358
10359
10360
10361
10362
10363
10364
10365
10366
10367
10368
10369
10370
10371
10372
10373
10374
10375
10376
10377
10378
10379
10380
10381
10382
10383
10384
10385
10386
10387
10388
10389
10390
10391
10392
10393
10394
10395
10396
10397
10398
10399
10400
10401
10402
10403
10404
10405
10406
10407
10408
10409
10410
10411
10412
10413
10414
10415
10416
10417
10418
10419
10420
10421
10422
10423
10424
10425
10426
10427
10428
10429
10430
10431
10432
10433
10434
10435
10436
10437
10438
10439
10440
10441
10442
10443
10444
10445
10446
10447
10448
10449
10450
10451
10452
10453
10454
10455
10456
10457
10458
10459
10460
10461
10462
10463
10464
10465
10466
10467
10468
10469
10470
10471
10472
10473
10474
10475
10476
10477
10478
10479
10480
10481
10482
10483
10484
10485
10486
10487
10488
10489
10490
10491
10492
10493
10494
10495
10496
10497
10498
10499
10500
10501
10502
10503
10504
10505
10506
10507
10508
10509
10510
10511
10512
10513
10514
10515
10516
10517
10518
10519
10520
10521
10522
10523
10524
10525
10526
10527
10528
10529
10530
10531
10532
10533
10534
10535
10536
10537
10538
10539
10540
10541
10542
10543
10544
10545
10546
10547
10548
10549
10550
10551
10552
10553
10554
10555
10556
10557
10558
10559
10560
10561
10562
10563
10564
10565
10566
10567
10568
10569
10570
10571
10572
10573
10574
10575
10576
10577
10578
10579
10580
10581
10582
10583
10584
10585
10586
10587
10588
10589
10590
10591
10592
10593
10594
10595
10596
10597
10598
10599
10600
10601
10602
10603
10604
10605
10606
10607
10608
10609
10610
10611
10612
10613
10614
10615
10616
10617
10618
10619
10620
10621
10622
10623
10624
10625
10626
10627
10628
10629
10630
10631
10632
10633
10634
10635
10636
10637
10638
10639
10640
10641
10642
10643
10644
10645
10646
10647
10648
10649
10650
10651
10652
10653
10654
10655
10656
10657
10658
10659
10660
10661
10662
10663
10664
10665
10666
10667
10668
10669
10670
10671
10672
10673
10674
10675
10676
10677
10678
10679
10680
10681
10682
10683
10684
10685
10686
10687
10688
10689
10690
10691
10692
10693
10694
10695
10696
10697
10698
10699
10700
10701
10702
10703
10704
10705
10706
10707
10708
10709
10710
10711
10712
10713
10714
10715
10716
10717
10718
10719
10720
10721
10722
10723
10724
10725
10726
10727
10728
10729
10730
10731
10732
10733
10734
10735
10736
10737
10738
10739
10740
10741
10742
10743
10744
10745
10746
10747
10748
10749
10750
10751
10752
10753
10754
10755
10756
10757
10758
10759
10760
10761
10762
10763
10764
10765
10766
10767
10768
10769
10770
10771
10772
10773
10774
10775
10776
10777
10778
10779
10780
10781
10782
10783
10784
10785
10786
10787
10788
10789
10790
10791
10792
10793
10794
10795
10796
10797
10798
10799
10800
10801
10802
10803
10804
10805
10806
10807
10808
10809
10810
10811
10812
10813
10814
10815
10816
10817
10818
10819
10820
10821
10822
10823
10824
10825
10826
10827
10828
10829
10830
10831
10832
10833
10834
10835
10836
10837
10838
10839
10840
10841
10842
10843
10844
10845
10846
10847
10848
10849
10850
10851
10852
10853
10854
10855
10856
10857
10858
10859
10860
10861
10862
10863
10864
10865
10866
10867
10868
10869
10870
10871
10872
10873
10874
10875
10876
10877
10878
10879
10880
10881
10882
10883
10884
10885
10886
10887
10888
10889
10890
10891
10892
10893
10894
10895
10896
10897
10898
10899
10900
10901
10902
10903
10904
10905
10906
10907
10908
10909
10910
10911
10912
10913
10914
10915
10916
10917
10918
10919
10920
10921
10922
10923
10924
10925
10926
10927
10928
10929
10930
10931
10932
10933
10934
10935
10936
10937
10938
10939
10940
10941
10942
10943
10944
10945
10946
10947
10948
10949
10950
10951
10952
10953
10954
10955
10956
10957
10958
10959
10960
10961
10962
10963
10964
10965
10966
10967
10968
10969
10970
10971
10972
10973
10974
10975
10976
10977
10978
10979
10980
10981
10982
10983
10984
10985
10986
10987
10988
10989
10990
10991
10992
10993
10994
10995
10996
10997
10998
10999
11000
11001
11002
11003
11004
11005
11006
11007
11008
11009
11010
11011
11012
11013
11014
11015
11016
11017
11018
11019
11020
11021
11022
11023
11024
11025
11026
11027
11028
11029
11030
11031
11032
11033
11034
11035
11036
11037
11038
11039
11040
11041
11042
11043
11044
11045
11046
11047
11048
11049
11050
11051
11052
11053
11054
11055
11056
11057
11058
11059
11060
11061
11062
11063
11064
11065
11066
11067
11068
11069
11070
11071
11072
11073
11074
11075
11076
11077
11078
11079
11080
11081
11082
11083
11084
11085
11086
11087
11088
11089
11090
11091
11092
11093
11094
11095
11096
11097
11098
11099
11100
11101
11102
11103
11104
11105
11106
11107
11108
11109
11110
11111
11112
11113
11114
11115
11116
11117
11118
11119
11120
11121
11122
11123
11124
11125
11126
11127
11128
11129
11130
11131
11132
11133
11134
11135
11136
11137
11138
11139
11140
11141
11142
11143
11144
11145
11146
11147
11148
11149
11150
11151
11152
11153
11154
11155
11156
11157
11158
11159
11160
11161
11162
11163
11164
11165
11166
11167
11168
11169
11170
11171
11172
11173
11174
11175
11176
11177
11178
11179
11180
11181
11182
11183
11184
11185
11186
11187
11188
11189
11190
11191
11192
11193
11194
11195
11196
11197
11198
11199
11200
11201
11202
11203
11204
11205
11206
11207
11208
11209
11210
11211
11212
11213
11214
11215
11216
11217
11218
11219
11220
11221
11222
11223
11224
11225
11226
11227
11228
11229
11230
11231
11232
11233
11234
11235
11236
11237
11238
11239
11240
11241
11242
11243
11244
11245
11246
11247
11248
11249
11250
11251
11252
11253
11254
11255
11256
11257
11258
11259
11260
11261
11262
11263
11264
11265
11266
11267
11268
11269
11270
11271
11272
11273
11274
11275
11276
11277
11278
11279
11280
11281
11282
11283
11284
11285
11286
11287
11288
11289
11290
11291
11292
11293
11294
11295
11296
11297
11298
11299
11300
11301
11302
11303
11304
11305
11306
11307
11308
11309
11310
11311
11312
11313
11314
11315
11316
11317
11318
11319
11320
11321
11322
11323
11324
11325
11326
11327
11328
11329
11330
11331
11332
11333
11334
11335
11336
11337
11338
11339
11340
11341
11342
11343
11344
11345
11346
11347
11348
11349
11350
11351
11352
11353
11354
11355
11356
11357
11358
11359
11360
11361
11362
11363
11364
11365
11366
11367
11368
11369
11370
11371
11372
11373
11374
11375
11376
11377
11378
11379
11380
11381
11382
11383
11384
11385
11386
11387
11388
11389
11390
11391
11392
11393
11394
11395
11396
11397
11398
11399
11400
11401
11402
11403
11404
11405
11406
11407
11408
11409
11410
11411
11412
11413
11414
11415
11416
11417
11418
11419
11420
11421
11422
11423
11424
11425
11426
11427
11428
11429
11430
11431
11432
11433
11434
11435
11436
11437
11438
11439
11440
11441
11442
11443
11444
11445
11446
11447
11448
11449
11450
11451
11452
11453
11454
11455
11456
11457
11458
11459
11460
11461
11462
11463
11464
11465
11466
11467
11468
11469
11470
11471
11472
11473
11474
11475
11476
11477
11478
11479
11480
11481
11482
11483
11484
11485
11486
11487
11488
11489
11490
11491
11492
11493
11494
11495
11496
11497
11498
11499
11500
11501
11502
11503
11504
11505
11506
11507
11508
11509
11510
11511
11512
11513
11514
11515
11516
11517
11518
11519
11520
11521
11522
11523
11524
11525
11526
11527
11528
11529
11530
11531
11532
11533
11534
11535
11536
11537
11538
11539
11540
11541
11542
11543
11544
11545
11546
11547
11548
11549
11550
11551
11552
11553
11554
11555
11556
11557
11558
11559
11560
11561
11562
11563
11564
11565
11566
11567
11568
11569
11570
11571
11572
11573
11574
11575
11576
11577
11578
11579
11580
11581
11582
11583
11584
11585
11586
11587
11588
11589
11590
11591
11592
11593
11594
11595
11596
11597
11598
11599
11600
11601
11602
11603
11604
11605
11606
11607
11608
11609
11610
11611
11612
11613
11614
11615
11616
11617
11618
11619
11620
11621
11622
11623
11624
11625
11626
11627
11628
11629
11630
11631
11632
11633
11634
11635
11636
11637
11638
11639
11640
11641
11642
11643
11644
11645
11646
11647
11648
11649
11650
11651
11652
11653
11654
11655
11656
11657
11658
11659
11660
11661
11662
11663
11664
11665
11666
11667
11668
11669
11670
11671
11672
11673
11674
11675
11676
11677
11678
11679
11680
11681
11682
11683
11684
11685
11686
11687
11688
11689
11690
11691
11692
11693
11694
11695
11696
11697
11698
11699
11700
11701
11702
11703
11704
11705
11706
11707
11708
11709
11710
11711
11712
11713
11714
11715
11716
11717
11718
11719
11720
11721
11722
11723
11724
11725
11726
11727
11728
11729
11730
11731
11732
11733
11734
11735
11736
11737
11738
11739
11740
11741
11742
11743
11744
11745
11746
11747
11748
11749
11750
11751
11752
11753
11754
11755
11756
11757
11758
11759
11760
11761
11762
11763
11764
11765
11766
11767
11768
11769
11770
11771
11772
11773
11774
11775
11776
11777
11778
11779
11780
11781
11782
11783
11784
11785
11786
11787
11788
11789
11790
11791
11792
11793
11794
11795
11796
11797
11798
11799
11800
11801
11802
11803
11804
11805
11806
11807
11808
11809
11810
11811
11812
11813
11814
11815
11816
11817
11818
11819
11820
11821
11822
11823
11824
11825
11826
11827
11828
11829
11830
11831
11832
11833
11834
11835
11836
11837
11838
11839
11840
11841
11842
11843
11844
11845
11846
11847
11848
11849
11850
11851
11852
11853
11854
11855
11856
11857
11858
11859
11860
11861
11862
11863
11864
11865
11866
11867
11868
11869
11870
11871
11872
11873
11874
11875
11876
11877
11878
11879
11880
11881
11882
11883
11884
11885
11886
11887
11888
11889
11890
11891
11892
11893
11894
11895
11896
11897
11898
11899
11900
11901
11902
11903
11904
11905
11906
11907
11908
11909
11910
11911
11912
11913
11914
11915
11916
11917
11918
11919
11920
11921
11922
11923
11924
11925
11926
11927
11928
11929
11930
11931
11932
11933
11934
11935
11936
11937
11938
11939
11940
11941
11942
11943
11944
11945
11946
11947
11948
11949
11950
11951
11952
11953
11954
11955
11956
11957
11958
11959
11960
11961
11962
11963
11964
11965
11966
11967
11968
11969
11970
11971
11972
11973
11974
11975
11976
11977
11978
11979
11980
11981
11982
11983
11984
11985
11986
11987
11988
11989
11990
11991
11992
11993
11994
11995
11996
11997
11998
11999
12000
12001
12002
12003
12004
12005
12006
12007
12008
12009
12010
12011
12012
12013
12014
12015
12016
12017
12018
12019
12020
12021
12022
12023
12024
12025
12026
12027
12028
12029
12030
12031
12032
12033
12034
12035
12036
12037
12038
12039
12040
12041
12042
12043
12044
12045
12046
12047
12048
12049
12050
12051
12052
12053
12054
12055
12056
12057
12058
12059
12060
12061
12062
12063
12064
12065
12066
12067
12068
12069
12070
12071
12072
12073
12074
12075
12076
12077
12078
12079
12080
12081
12082
12083
12084
12085
12086
12087
12088
12089
12090
12091
12092
12093
12094
12095
12096
12097
12098
12099
12100
12101
12102
12103
12104
12105
12106
12107
12108
12109
12110
12111
12112
12113
12114
12115
12116
12117
12118
12119
12120
12121
12122
12123
12124
12125
12126
12127
12128
12129
12130
12131
12132
12133
12134
12135
12136
12137
12138
12139
12140
12141
12142
12143
12144
12145
12146
12147
12148
12149
12150
12151
12152
12153
12154
12155
12156
12157
12158
12159
12160
12161
12162
12163
12164
12165
12166
12167
12168
12169
12170
12171
12172
12173
12174
12175
12176
12177
12178
12179
12180
12181
12182
12183
12184
12185
12186
12187
12188
12189
12190
12191
12192
12193
12194
12195
12196
12197
12198
12199
12200
12201
12202
12203
12204
12205
12206
12207
12208
12209
12210
12211
12212
12213
12214
12215
12216
12217
12218
12219
12220
12221
12222
12223
12224
12225
12226
12227
12228
12229
12230
12231
12232
12233
12234
12235
12236
12237
12238
12239
12240
12241
12242
12243
12244
12245
12246
12247
12248
12249
12250
12251
12252
12253
12254
12255
12256
12257
12258
12259
12260
12261
12262
12263
12264
12265
12266
12267
12268
12269
12270
12271
12272
12273
12274
12275
12276
12277
12278
12279
12280
12281
12282
12283
12284
12285
12286
12287
12288
12289
12290
12291
12292
12293
12294
12295
12296
12297
12298
12299
12300
12301
12302
12303
12304
12305
12306
12307
12308
12309
12310
12311
12312
12313
12314
12315
12316
12317
12318
12319
12320
12321
12322
12323
12324
12325
12326
12327
12328
12329
12330
12331
12332
12333
12334
12335
12336
12337
12338
12339
12340
12341
12342
12343
12344
12345
12346
12347
12348
12349
12350
12351
12352
12353
12354
12355
12356
12357
12358
12359
12360
12361
12362
12363
12364
12365
12366
12367
12368
12369
12370
12371
12372
12373
12374
12375
12376
12377
12378
12379
12380
12381
12382
12383
12384
12385
12386
12387
12388
12389
12390
12391
12392
12393
12394
12395
12396
12397
12398
12399
12400
12401
12402
12403
12404
12405
12406
12407
12408
12409
12410
12411
12412
12413
12414
12415
12416
12417
12418
12419
12420
12421
12422
12423
12424
12425
12426
12427
12428
12429
12430
12431
12432
12433
12434
12435
12436
12437
12438
12439
12440
12441
12442
12443
12444
12445
12446
12447
12448
12449
12450
12451
12452
12453
12454
12455
12456
12457
12458
12459
12460
12461
12462
12463
12464
12465
12466
12467
12468
12469
12470
12471
12472
12473
12474
12475
12476
12477
12478
12479
12480
12481
12482
12483
12484
12485
12486
12487
12488
12489
12490
12491
12492
12493
12494
12495
12496
12497
12498
12499
12500
12501
12502
12503
12504
12505
12506
12507
12508
12509
12510
12511
12512
12513
12514
12515
12516
12517
12518
12519
12520
12521
12522
12523
12524
12525
12526
12527
12528
12529
12530
12531
12532
12533
12534
12535
12536
12537
12538
12539
12540
12541
12542
12543
12544
12545
12546
12547
12548
12549
12550
12551
12552
12553
12554
12555
12556
12557
12558
12559
12560
12561
12562
12563
12564
12565
12566
12567
12568
12569
12570
12571
12572
12573
12574
12575
12576
12577
12578
12579
12580
12581
12582
12583
12584
12585
12586
12587
12588
12589
12590
12591
12592
12593
12594
12595
12596
12597
12598
12599
12600
12601
12602
12603
12604
12605
12606
12607
12608
12609
12610
12611
12612
12613
12614
12615
12616
12617
12618
12619
12620
12621
12622
12623
12624
12625
12626
12627
12628
12629
12630
12631
12632
12633
12634
12635
12636
12637
12638
12639
12640
12641
12642
12643
12644
12645
12646
12647
12648
12649
12650
12651
12652
12653
12654
12655
12656
12657
12658
12659
12660
12661
12662
12663
12664
12665
12666
12667
12668
12669
12670
12671
12672
12673
12674
12675
12676
12677
12678
12679
12680
12681
12682
12683
12684
12685
12686
12687
12688
12689
12690
12691
12692
12693
12694
12695
12696
12697
12698
12699
12700
12701
12702
12703
12704
12705
12706
12707
12708
12709
12710
12711
12712
12713
12714
12715
12716
12717
12718
12719
12720
12721
12722
12723
12724
12725
12726
12727
12728
12729
12730
12731
12732
12733
12734
12735
12736
12737
12738
12739
12740
12741
12742
12743
12744
12745
12746
12747
12748
12749
12750
12751
12752
12753
12754
12755
12756
12757
12758
12759
12760
12761
12762
12763
12764
12765
12766
12767
12768
12769
12770
12771
12772
12773
12774
12775
12776
12777
12778
12779
12780
12781
12782
12783
12784
12785
12786
12787
12788
12789
12790
12791
12792
12793
12794
12795
12796
12797
12798
12799
12800
12801
12802
12803
12804
12805
12806
12807
12808
12809
12810
12811
12812
12813
12814
12815
12816
12817
12818
12819
12820
12821
12822
12823
12824
12825
12826
12827
12828
12829
12830
12831
12832
12833
12834
12835
12836
12837
12838
12839
12840
12841
12842
12843
12844
12845
12846
12847
12848
12849
12850
12851
12852
12853
12854
12855
12856
12857
12858
12859
12860
12861
12862
12863
12864
12865
12866
12867
12868
12869
12870
12871
12872
12873
12874
12875
12876
12877
12878
12879
12880
12881
12882
12883
12884
12885
12886
12887
12888
12889
12890
12891
12892
12893
12894
12895
12896
12897
12898
12899
12900
12901
12902
12903
12904
12905
12906
12907
12908
12909
12910
12911
12912
12913
12914
12915
12916
12917
12918
12919
12920
12921
12922
12923
12924
12925
12926
12927
12928
12929
12930
12931
12932
12933
12934
12935
12936
12937
12938
12939
12940
12941
12942
12943
12944
12945
12946
12947
12948
12949
12950
12951
12952
12953
12954
12955
12956
12957
12958
12959
12960
12961
12962
12963
12964
12965
12966
12967
12968
12969
12970
12971
12972
12973
12974
12975
12976
12977
12978
12979
12980
12981
12982
12983
12984
12985
12986
12987
12988
12989
12990
12991
12992
12993
12994
12995
12996
12997
12998
12999
13000
13001
13002
13003
13004
13005
13006
13007
13008
13009
13010
13011
13012
13013
13014
13015
13016
13017
13018
13019
13020
13021
13022
13023
13024
13025
13026
13027
13028
13029
13030
13031
13032
13033
13034
13035
13036
13037
13038
13039
13040
13041
13042
13043
13044
13045
13046
13047
13048
13049
13050
13051
13052
13053
13054
13055
13056
13057
13058
13059
13060
13061
13062
13063
13064
13065
13066
13067
13068
13069
13070
13071
13072
13073
13074
13075
13076
13077
13078
13079
13080
13081
13082
13083
13084
13085
13086
13087
13088
13089
13090
13091
13092
13093
13094
13095
13096
13097
13098
13099
13100
13101
13102
13103
13104
13105
13106
13107
13108
13109
13110
13111
13112
13113
13114
13115
13116
13117
13118
13119
13120
13121
13122
13123
13124
13125
13126
13127
13128
13129
13130
13131
13132
13133
13134
13135
13136
13137
13138
13139
13140
13141
13142
13143
13144
13145
13146
13147
13148
13149
13150
13151
13152
13153
13154
13155
13156
13157
13158
13159
13160
13161
13162
13163
13164
13165
13166
13167
13168
13169
13170
13171
13172
13173
13174
13175
13176
13177
13178
13179
13180
13181
13182
13183
13184
13185
13186
13187
13188
13189
13190
13191
13192
13193
13194
13195
13196
13197
13198
13199
13200
13201
13202
13203
13204
13205
13206
13207
13208
13209
13210
13211
13212
13213
13214
13215
13216
13217
13218
13219
13220
13221
13222
13223
13224
13225
13226
13227
13228
13229
13230
13231
13232
13233
13234
13235
13236
13237
13238
13239
13240
13241
13242
13243
13244
13245
13246
13247
13248
13249
13250
13251
13252
13253
13254
13255
13256
13257
13258
13259
13260
13261
13262
13263
13264
13265
13266
13267
13268
13269
13270
13271
13272
13273
13274
13275
13276
13277
13278
13279
13280
13281
13282
13283
13284
13285
13286
13287
13288
13289
13290
13291
13292
13293
13294
13295
13296
13297
13298
13299
13300
13301
13302
13303
13304
13305
13306
13307
13308
13309
13310
13311
13312
13313
13314
13315
13316
13317
13318
13319
13320
13321
13322
13323
13324
13325
13326
13327
13328
13329
13330
13331
13332
13333
13334
13335
13336
13337
13338
13339
13340
13341
13342
13343
13344
13345
13346
13347
13348
13349
13350
13351
13352
13353
13354
13355
13356
13357
13358
13359
13360
13361
13362
13363
13364
13365
13366
13367
13368
13369
13370
13371
13372
13373
13374
13375
13376
13377
13378
13379
13380
13381
13382
13383
13384
13385
13386
13387
13388
13389
13390
13391
13392
13393
13394
13395
13396
13397
13398
13399
13400
13401
13402
13403
13404
13405
13406
13407
13408
13409
13410
13411
13412
13413
13414
13415
13416
13417
13418
13419
13420
13421
13422
13423
13424
13425
13426
13427
13428
13429
13430
13431
13432
13433
13434
13435
13436
13437
13438
13439
13440
13441
13442
13443
13444
13445
13446
13447
13448
13449
13450
13451
13452
13453
13454
13455
13456
13457
13458
13459
13460
13461
13462
13463
13464
13465
13466
13467
13468
13469
13470
13471
13472
13473
13474
13475
13476
13477
13478
13479
13480
13481
13482
13483
13484
13485
13486
13487
13488
13489
13490
13491
13492
13493
13494
13495
13496
13497
13498
13499
13500
13501
13502
13503
13504
13505
13506
13507
13508
13509
13510
13511
13512
13513
13514
13515
13516
13517
13518
13519
13520
13521
13522
13523
13524
13525
13526
13527
13528
13529
13530
13531
13532
13533
13534
13535
13536
13537
13538
13539
13540
13541
13542
13543
13544
13545
13546
13547
13548
13549
13550
13551
13552
13553
13554
13555
13556
13557
13558
13559
13560
13561
13562
13563
13564
13565
13566
13567
13568
13569
13570
13571
13572
13573
13574
13575
13576
13577
13578
13579
13580
13581
13582
13583
13584
13585
13586
13587
13588
13589
13590
13591
13592
13593
13594
13595
13596
13597
13598
13599
13600
13601
13602
13603
13604
13605
13606
13607
13608
13609
13610
13611
13612
13613
13614
13615
13616
13617
13618
13619
13620
13621
13622
13623
13624
13625
13626
13627
13628
13629
13630
13631
13632
13633
13634
13635
13636
13637
13638
13639
13640
13641
13642
13643
13644
13645
13646
13647
13648
13649
13650
13651
13652
13653
13654
13655
13656
13657
13658
13659
13660
13661
13662
13663
13664
13665
13666
13667
13668
13669
13670
13671
13672
13673
13674
13675
13676
13677
13678
13679
13680
13681
13682
13683
13684
13685
13686
13687
13688
13689
13690
13691
13692
13693
13694
13695
13696
13697
13698
13699
13700
13701
13702
13703
13704
13705
13706
13707
13708
13709
13710
13711
13712
13713
13714
13715
13716
13717
13718
13719
13720
13721
13722
13723
13724
13725
13726
13727
13728
13729
13730
13731
13732
13733
13734
13735
13736
13737
13738
13739
13740
13741
13742
13743
13744
13745
13746
13747
13748
13749
13750
13751
13752
13753
13754
13755
13756
13757
13758
13759
13760
13761
13762
13763
13764
13765
13766
13767
13768
13769
13770
13771
13772
13773
13774
13775
13776
13777
13778
13779
13780
13781
13782
13783
13784
13785
13786
13787
13788
13789
13790
13791
13792
13793
13794
13795
13796
13797
13798
13799
13800
13801
13802
13803
13804
13805
13806
13807
13808
13809
13810
13811
13812
13813
13814
13815
13816
13817
13818
13819
13820
13821
13822
13823
13824
13825
13826
13827
13828
13829
13830
13831
13832
13833
13834
13835
13836
13837
13838
13839
13840
13841
13842
13843
13844
13845
13846
13847
13848
13849
13850
13851
13852
13853
13854
13855
13856
13857
13858
13859
13860
13861
13862
13863
13864
13865
13866
13867
13868
13869
13870
13871
13872
13873
13874
13875
13876
13877
13878
13879
13880
13881
13882
13883
13884
13885
13886
13887
13888
13889
13890
13891
13892
13893
13894
13895
13896
13897
13898
13899
13900
13901
13902
13903
13904
13905
13906
13907
13908
13909
13910
13911
13912
13913
13914
13915
13916
13917
13918
13919
13920
13921
13922
13923
13924
13925
13926
13927
13928
13929
13930
13931
13932
13933
13934
13935
13936
13937
13938
13939
13940
13941
13942
13943
13944
13945
13946
13947
13948
13949
13950
13951
13952
13953
13954
13955
13956
13957
13958
13959
13960
13961
13962
13963
13964
13965
13966
13967
13968
13969
13970
13971
13972
13973
13974
13975
13976
13977
13978
13979
13980
13981
13982
13983
13984
13985
13986
13987
13988
13989
13990
13991
13992
13993
13994
13995
13996
13997
13998
13999
14000
14001
14002
14003
14004
14005
14006
14007
14008
14009
14010
14011
14012
14013
14014
14015
14016
14017
14018
14019
14020
14021
14022
14023
14024
14025
14026
14027
14028
14029
14030
14031
14032
14033
14034
14035
14036
14037
14038
14039
14040
14041
14042
14043
14044
14045
14046
14047
14048
14049
14050
14051
14052
14053
14054
14055
14056
14057
14058
14059
14060
14061
14062
14063
14064
14065
14066
14067
14068
14069
14070
14071
14072
14073
14074
14075
14076
14077
14078
14079
14080
14081
14082
14083
14084
14085
14086
14087
14088
14089
14090
14091
14092
14093
14094
14095
14096
14097
14098
14099
14100
14101
14102
14103
14104
14105
14106
14107
14108
14109
14110
14111
14112
14113
14114
14115
14116
14117
14118
14119
14120
14121
14122
14123
14124
14125
14126
14127
14128
14129
14130
14131
14132
14133
14134
14135
14136
14137
14138
14139
14140
14141
14142
14143
14144
14145
14146
14147
14148
14149
14150
14151
14152
14153
14154
14155
14156
14157
14158
14159
14160
14161
14162
14163
14164
14165
14166
14167
14168
14169
14170
14171
14172
14173
14174
14175
14176
14177
14178
14179
14180
14181
14182
14183
14184
14185
14186
14187
14188
14189
14190
14191
14192
14193
14194
14195
14196
14197
14198
14199
14200
14201
14202
14203
14204
14205
14206
14207
14208
14209
14210
14211
14212
14213
14214
14215
14216
14217
14218
14219
14220
14221
14222
14223
14224
14225
14226
14227
14228
14229
14230
14231
14232
14233
14234
14235
14236
14237
14238
14239
14240
14241
14242
14243
14244
14245
14246
14247
14248
14249
14250
14251
14252
14253
14254
14255
14256
14257
14258
14259
14260
14261
14262
14263
14264
14265
14266
14267
14268
14269
14270
14271
14272
14273
14274
14275
14276
14277
14278
14279
14280
14281
14282
14283
14284
14285
14286
14287
14288
14289
14290
14291
14292
14293
14294
14295
14296
14297
14298
14299
14300
14301
14302
14303
14304
14305
14306
14307
14308
14309
14310
14311
14312
14313
14314
14315
14316
14317
14318
14319
14320
14321
14322
14323
14324
14325
14326
14327
14328
14329
14330
14331
14332
14333
14334
14335
14336
14337
14338
14339
14340
14341
14342
14343
14344
14345
14346
14347
14348
14349
14350
14351
14352
14353
14354
14355
14356
14357
14358
14359
14360
14361
14362
14363
14364
14365
14366
14367
14368
14369
14370
14371
14372
14373
14374
14375
14376
14377
14378
14379
14380
14381
14382
14383
14384
14385
14386
14387
14388
14389
14390
14391
14392
14393
14394
14395
14396
14397
14398
14399
14400
14401
14402
14403
14404
14405
14406
14407
14408
14409
14410
14411
14412
14413
14414
14415
14416
14417
14418
14419
14420
14421
14422
14423
14424
14425
14426
14427
14428
14429
14430
14431
14432
14433
14434
14435
14436
14437
14438
14439
14440
14441
14442
14443
14444
14445
14446
14447
14448
14449
14450
14451
14452
14453
14454
14455
14456
14457
14458
14459
14460
14461
14462
14463
14464
14465
14466
14467
14468
14469
14470
14471
14472
14473
14474
14475
14476
14477
14478
14479
14480
14481
14482
14483
14484
14485
14486
14487
14488
14489
14490
14491
14492
14493
14494
14495
14496
14497
14498
14499
14500
14501
14502
14503
14504
14505
14506
14507
14508
14509
14510
14511
14512
14513
14514
14515
14516
14517
14518
14519
14520
14521
14522
14523
14524
14525
14526
14527
14528
14529
14530
14531
14532
14533
14534
14535
14536
14537
14538
14539
14540
14541
14542
14543
14544
14545
14546
14547
14548
14549
14550
14551
14552
14553
14554
14555
14556
14557
14558
14559
14560
14561
14562
14563
14564
14565
14566
14567
14568
14569
14570
14571
14572
14573
14574
14575
14576
14577
14578
14579
14580
14581
14582
14583
14584
14585
14586
14587
14588
14589
14590
14591
14592
14593
14594
14595
14596
14597
14598
14599
14600
14601
14602
14603
14604
14605
14606
14607
14608
14609
14610
14611
14612
14613
14614
14615
14616
14617
14618
14619
14620
14621
14622
14623
14624
14625
14626
14627
14628
14629
14630
14631
14632
14633
14634
14635
14636
14637
14638
14639
14640
14641
14642
14643
14644
14645
14646
14647
14648
14649
14650
14651
14652
14653
14654
14655
14656
14657
14658
14659
14660
14661
14662
14663
14664
14665
14666
14667
14668
14669
14670
14671
14672
14673
14674
14675
14676
14677
14678
14679
14680
14681
14682
14683
14684
14685
14686
14687
14688
14689
14690
14691
14692
14693
14694
14695
14696
14697
14698
14699
14700
14701
14702
14703
14704
14705
14706
14707
14708
14709
14710
14711
14712
14713
14714
14715
14716
14717
14718
14719
14720
14721
14722
14723
14724
14725
14726
14727
14728
14729
14730
14731
14732
14733
14734
14735
14736
14737
14738
14739
14740
14741
14742
14743
14744
14745
14746
14747
14748
14749
14750
14751
14752
14753
14754
14755
14756
14757
14758
14759
14760
14761
14762
14763
14764
14765
14766
14767
14768
14769
14770
14771
14772
14773
14774
14775
14776
14777
14778
14779
14780
14781
14782
14783
14784
14785
14786
14787
14788
14789
14790
14791
14792
14793
14794
14795
14796
14797
14798
14799
14800
14801
14802
14803
14804
14805
14806
14807
14808
14809
14810
14811
14812
14813
14814
14815
14816
14817
14818
14819
14820
14821
14822
14823
14824
14825
14826
14827
14828
14829
14830
14831
14832
14833
14834
14835
14836
14837
14838
14839
14840
14841
14842
14843
14844
14845
14846
14847
14848
14849
14850
14851
14852
14853
14854
14855
14856
14857
14858
14859
14860
14861
14862
14863
14864
14865
14866
14867
14868
14869
14870
14871
14872
14873
14874
14875
14876
14877
14878
14879
14880
14881
14882
14883
14884
14885
14886
14887
14888
14889
14890
14891
14892
14893
14894
14895
14896
14897
14898
14899
14900
14901
14902
14903
14904
14905
14906
14907
14908
14909
14910
14911
14912
14913
14914
14915
14916
14917
14918
14919
14920
14921
14922
14923
14924
14925
14926
14927
14928
14929
14930
14931
14932
14933
14934
14935
14936
14937
14938
14939
14940
14941
14942
14943
14944
14945
14946
14947
14948
14949
14950
14951
14952
14953
14954
14955
14956
14957
14958
14959
14960
14961
14962
14963
14964
14965
14966
14967
14968
14969
14970
14971
14972
14973
14974
14975
14976
14977
14978
14979
14980
14981
14982
14983
14984
14985
14986
14987
14988
14989
14990
14991
14992
14993
14994
14995
14996
14997
14998
14999
15000
15001
15002
15003
15004
15005
15006
15007
15008
15009
15010
15011
15012
15013
15014
15015
15016
15017
15018
15019
15020
15021
15022
15023
15024
15025
15026
15027
15028
15029
15030
15031
15032
15033
15034
15035
15036
15037
15038
15039
15040
15041
15042
15043
15044
15045
15046
15047
15048
15049
15050
15051
15052
15053
15054
15055
15056
15057
15058
15059
15060
15061
15062
15063
15064
15065
15066
15067
15068
15069
15070
15071
15072
15073
15074
15075
15076
15077
15078
15079
15080
15081
15082
15083
15084
15085
15086
15087
15088
15089
15090
15091
15092
15093
15094
15095
15096
15097
15098
15099
15100
15101
15102
15103
15104
15105
15106
15107
15108
15109
15110
15111
15112
15113
15114
15115
15116
15117
15118
15119
15120
15121
15122
15123
15124
15125
15126
15127
15128
15129
15130
15131
15132
15133
15134
15135
15136
15137
15138
15139
15140
15141
15142
15143
15144
15145
15146
15147
15148
15149
15150
15151
15152
15153
15154
15155
15156
15157
15158
15159
15160
15161
15162
15163
15164
15165
15166
15167
15168
15169
15170
15171
15172
15173
15174
15175
15176
15177
15178
15179
15180
15181
15182
15183
15184
15185
15186
15187
15188
15189
15190
15191
15192
15193
15194
15195
15196
15197
15198
15199
15200
15201
15202
15203
15204
15205
15206
15207
15208
15209
15210
15211
15212
15213
15214
15215
15216
15217
15218
15219
15220
15221
15222
15223
15224
15225
15226
15227
15228
15229
15230
15231
15232
15233
15234
15235
15236
15237
15238
15239
15240
15241
15242
15243
15244
15245
15246
15247
15248
15249
15250
15251
15252
15253
15254
15255
15256
15257
15258
15259
15260
15261
15262
15263
15264
15265
15266
15267
15268
15269
15270
15271
15272
15273
15274
15275
15276
15277
15278
15279
15280
15281
15282
15283
15284
15285
15286
15287
15288
15289
15290
15291
15292
15293
15294
15295
15296
15297
15298
15299
15300
15301
15302
15303
15304
15305
15306
15307
15308
15309
15310
15311
15312
15313
15314
15315
15316
15317
15318
15319
15320
15321
15322
15323
15324
15325
15326
15327
15328
15329
15330
15331
15332
15333
15334
15335
15336
15337
15338
15339
15340
15341
15342
15343
15344
15345
15346
15347
15348
15349
15350
15351
15352
15353
15354
15355
15356
15357
15358
15359
15360
15361
15362
15363
15364
15365
15366
15367
15368
15369
15370
15371
15372
15373
15374
15375
15376
15377
15378
15379
15380
15381
15382
15383
15384
15385
15386
15387
15388
15389
15390
15391
15392
15393
15394
15395
15396
15397
15398
15399
15400
15401
15402
15403
15404
15405
15406
15407
15408
15409
15410
15411
15412
15413
15414
15415
15416
15417
15418
15419
15420
15421
15422
15423
15424
15425
15426
15427
15428
15429
15430
15431
15432
15433
15434
15435
15436
15437
15438
15439
15440
15441
15442
15443
15444
15445
15446
15447
15448
15449
15450
15451
15452
15453
15454
15455
15456
15457
15458
15459
15460
15461
15462
15463
15464
15465
15466
15467
15468
15469
15470
15471
15472
15473
15474
15475
15476
15477
15478
15479
15480
15481
15482
15483
15484
15485
15486
15487
15488
15489
15490
15491
15492
15493
15494
15495
15496
15497
15498
15499
15500
15501
15502
15503
15504
15505
15506
15507
15508
15509
15510
15511
15512
15513
15514
15515
15516
15517
15518
15519
15520
15521
15522
15523
15524
15525
15526
15527
15528
15529
15530
15531
15532
15533
15534
15535
15536
15537
15538
15539
15540
15541
15542
15543
15544
15545
15546
15547
15548
15549
15550
15551
15552
15553
15554
15555
15556
15557
15558
15559
15560
15561
15562
15563
15564
15565
15566
15567
15568
15569
15570
15571
15572
15573
15574
15575
15576
15577
15578
15579
15580
15581
15582
15583
15584
15585
15586
15587
15588
15589
15590
15591
15592
15593
15594
15595
15596
15597
15598
15599
15600
15601
15602
15603
15604
15605
15606
15607
15608
15609
15610
15611
15612
15613
15614
15615
15616
15617
15618
15619
15620
15621
15622
15623
15624
15625
15626
15627
15628
15629
15630
15631
15632
15633
15634
15635
15636
15637
15638
15639
15640
15641
15642
15643
15644
15645
15646
15647
15648
15649
15650
15651
15652
15653
15654
15655
15656
15657
15658
15659
15660
15661
15662
15663
15664
15665
15666
15667
15668
15669
15670
15671
15672
15673
15674
15675
15676
15677
15678
15679
15680
15681
15682
15683
15684
15685
15686
15687
15688
15689
15690
15691
15692
15693
15694
15695
15696
15697
15698
15699
15700
15701
15702
15703
15704
15705
15706
15707
15708
15709
15710
15711
15712
15713
15714
15715
15716
15717
15718
15719
15720
15721
15722
15723
15724
15725
15726
15727
15728
15729
15730
15731
15732
15733
15734
15735
15736
15737
15738
15739
15740
15741
15742
15743
15744
15745
15746
15747
15748
15749
15750
15751
15752
15753
15754
15755
15756
15757
15758
15759
15760
15761
15762
15763
15764
15765
15766
15767
15768
15769
15770
15771
15772
15773
15774
15775
15776
15777
15778
15779
15780
15781
15782
15783
15784
15785
15786
15787
15788
15789
15790
15791
15792
15793
15794
15795
15796
15797
15798
15799
15800
15801
15802
15803
15804
15805
15806
15807
15808
15809
15810
15811
15812
15813
15814
15815
15816
15817
15818
15819
15820
15821
15822
15823
15824
15825
15826
15827
15828
15829
15830
15831
15832
15833
15834
15835
15836
15837
15838
15839
15840
15841
15842
15843
15844
15845
15846
15847
15848
15849
15850
15851
15852
15853
15854
15855
15856
15857
15858
15859
15860
15861
15862
15863
15864
15865
15866
15867
15868
15869
15870
15871
15872
15873
15874
15875
15876
15877
15878
15879
15880
15881
15882
15883
15884
15885
15886
15887
15888
15889
15890
15891
15892
15893
15894
15895
15896
15897
15898
15899
15900
15901
15902
15903
15904
15905
15906
15907
15908
15909
15910
15911
15912
15913
15914
15915
15916
15917
15918
15919
15920
15921
15922
15923
15924
15925
15926
15927
15928
15929
15930
15931
15932
15933
15934
15935
15936
15937
15938
15939
15940
15941
15942
15943
15944
15945
15946
15947
15948
15949
15950
15951
15952
15953
15954
15955
15956
15957
15958
15959
15960
15961
15962
15963
15964
15965
15966
15967
15968
15969
15970
15971
15972
15973
15974
15975
15976
15977
15978
15979
15980
15981
15982
15983
15984
15985
15986
15987
15988
15989
15990
15991
15992
15993
15994
15995
15996
15997
15998
15999
16000
16001
16002
16003
16004
16005
16006
16007
16008
16009
16010
16011
16012
16013
16014
16015
16016
16017
16018
16019
16020
16021
16022
16023
16024
16025
16026
16027
16028
16029
16030
16031
16032
16033
16034
16035
16036
16037
16038
16039
16040
16041
16042
16043
16044
16045
16046
16047
16048
16049
16050
16051
16052
16053
16054
16055
16056
16057
16058
16059
16060
16061
16062
16063
16064
16065
16066
16067
16068
16069
16070
16071
16072
16073
16074
16075
16076
16077
16078
16079
16080
16081
16082
16083
16084
16085
16086
16087
16088
16089
16090
16091
16092
16093
16094
16095
16096
16097
16098
16099
16100
16101
16102
16103
16104
16105
16106
16107
16108
16109
16110
16111
16112
16113
16114
16115
16116
16117
16118
16119
16120
16121
16122
16123
16124
16125
16126
16127
16128
16129
16130
16131
16132
16133
16134
16135
16136
16137
16138
16139
16140
16141
16142
16143
16144
16145
16146
16147
16148
16149
16150
16151
16152
16153
16154
16155
16156
16157
16158
16159
16160
16161
16162
16163
16164
16165
16166
16167
16168
16169
16170
16171
16172
16173
16174
16175
16176
16177
16178
16179
16180
16181
16182
16183
16184
16185
16186
16187
16188
16189
16190
16191
16192
16193
16194
16195
16196
16197
16198
16199
16200
16201
16202
16203
16204
16205
16206
16207
16208
16209
16210
16211
16212
16213
16214
16215
16216
16217
16218
16219
16220
16221
16222
16223
16224
16225
16226
16227
16228
16229
16230
16231
16232
16233
16234
16235
16236
16237
16238
16239
16240
16241
16242
16243
16244
16245
16246
16247
16248
16249
16250
16251
16252
16253
16254
16255
16256
16257
16258
16259
16260
16261
16262
16263
16264
16265
16266
16267
16268
16269
16270
16271
16272
16273
16274
16275
16276
16277
16278
16279
16280
16281
16282
16283
16284
16285
16286
16287
16288
16289
16290
16291
16292
16293
16294
16295
16296
16297
16298
16299
16300
16301
16302
16303
16304
16305
16306
16307
16308
16309
16310
16311
16312
16313
16314
16315
16316
16317
16318
16319
16320
16321
16322
16323
16324
16325
16326
16327
16328
16329
16330
16331
16332
16333
16334
16335
16336
16337
16338
16339
16340
16341
16342
16343
16344
16345
16346
16347
16348
16349
16350
16351
16352
16353
16354
16355
16356
16357
16358
16359
16360
16361
16362
16363
16364
16365
16366
16367
16368
16369
16370
16371
16372
16373
16374
16375
16376
16377
16378
16379
16380
16381
16382
16383
16384
16385
16386
16387
16388
16389
16390
16391
16392
16393
16394
16395
16396
16397
16398
16399
16400
16401
16402
16403
16404
16405
16406
16407
16408
16409
16410
16411
16412
16413
16414
16415
16416
16417
16418
16419
16420
16421
16422
16423
16424
16425
16426
16427
16428
16429
16430
16431
16432
16433
16434
16435
16436
16437
16438
16439
16440
16441
16442
16443
16444
16445
16446
16447
16448
16449
16450
16451
16452
16453
16454
16455
16456
16457
16458
16459
16460
16461
16462
16463
16464
16465
16466
16467
16468
16469
16470
16471
16472
16473
16474
16475
16476
16477
16478
16479
16480
16481
16482
16483
16484
16485
16486
16487
16488
16489
16490
16491
16492
16493
16494
16495
16496
16497
16498
16499
16500
16501
16502
16503
16504
16505
16506
16507
16508
16509
16510
16511
16512
16513
16514
16515
16516
16517
16518
16519
16520
16521
16522
16523
16524
16525
16526
16527
16528
16529
16530
16531
16532
16533
16534
16535
16536
16537
16538
16539
16540
16541
16542
16543
16544
16545
16546
16547
16548
16549
16550
16551
16552
16553
16554
16555
16556
16557
16558
16559
16560
16561
16562
16563
16564
16565
16566
16567
16568
16569
16570
16571
16572
16573
16574
16575
16576
16577
16578
16579
16580
16581
16582
16583
16584
16585
16586
16587
16588
16589
16590
16591
16592
16593
16594
16595
16596
16597
16598
16599
16600
16601
16602
16603
16604
16605
16606
16607
16608
16609
16610
16611
16612
16613
16614
16615
16616
16617
16618
16619
16620
16621
16622
16623
16624
16625
16626
16627
16628
16629
16630
16631
16632
16633
16634
16635
16636
16637
16638
16639
16640
16641
16642
16643
16644
16645
16646
16647
16648
16649
16650
16651
16652
16653
16654
16655
16656
16657
16658
16659
16660
16661
16662
16663
16664
16665
16666
16667
16668
16669
16670
16671
16672
16673
16674
16675
16676
16677
16678
16679
16680
16681
16682
16683
16684
16685
16686
16687
16688
16689
16690
16691
16692
16693
16694
16695
16696
16697
16698
16699
16700
16701
16702
16703
16704
16705
16706
16707
16708
16709
16710
16711
16712
16713
16714
16715
16716
16717
16718
16719
16720
16721
16722
16723
16724
16725
16726
16727
16728
16729
16730
16731
16732
16733
16734
16735
16736
16737
16738
16739
16740
16741
16742
16743
16744
16745
16746
16747
16748
16749
16750
16751
16752
16753
16754
16755
16756
16757
16758
16759
16760
16761
16762
16763
16764
16765
16766
16767
16768
16769
16770
16771
16772
16773
16774
16775
16776
16777
16778
16779
16780
16781
16782
16783
16784
16785
16786
16787
16788
16789
16790
16791
16792
16793
16794
16795
16796
16797
16798
16799
16800
16801
16802
16803
16804
16805
16806
16807
16808
16809
16810
16811
16812
16813
16814
16815
16816
16817
16818
16819
16820
16821
16822
16823
16824
16825
16826
16827
16828
16829
16830
16831
16832
16833
16834
16835
16836
16837
16838
16839
16840
16841
16842
16843
16844
16845
16846
16847
16848
16849
16850
16851
16852
16853
16854
16855
16856
16857
16858
16859
16860
16861
16862
16863
16864
16865
16866
16867
16868
16869
16870
16871
16872
16873
16874
16875
16876
16877
16878
16879
16880
16881
16882
16883
16884
16885
16886
16887
16888
16889
16890
16891
16892
16893
16894
16895
16896
16897
16898
16899
16900
16901
16902
16903
16904
16905
16906
16907
16908
16909
16910
16911
16912
16913
16914
16915
16916
16917
16918
16919
16920
16921
16922
16923
16924
16925
16926
16927
16928
16929
16930
16931
16932
16933
16934
16935
16936
16937
16938
16939
16940
16941
16942
16943
16944
16945
16946
16947
16948
16949
16950
16951
16952
16953
16954
16955
16956
16957
16958
16959
16960
16961
16962
16963
16964
16965
16966
16967
16968
16969
16970
16971
16972
16973
16974
16975
16976
16977
16978
16979
16980
16981
16982
16983
16984
16985
16986
16987
16988
16989
16990
16991
16992
16993
16994
16995
16996
16997
16998
16999
17000
17001
17002
17003
17004
17005
17006
17007
17008
17009
17010
17011
17012
17013
17014
17015
17016
17017
17018
17019
17020
17021
17022
17023
17024
17025
17026
17027
17028
17029
17030
17031
17032
17033
17034
17035
17036
17037
17038
17039
17040
17041
17042
17043
17044
17045
17046
17047
17048
17049
17050
17051
17052
17053
17054
17055
17056
17057
17058
17059
17060
17061
17062
17063
17064
17065
17066
17067
17068
17069
17070
17071
17072
17073
17074
17075
17076
17077
17078
17079
17080
17081
17082
17083
17084
17085
17086
17087
17088
17089
17090
17091
17092
17093
17094
17095
17096
17097
17098
17099
17100
17101
17102
17103
17104
17105
17106
17107
17108
17109
17110
17111
17112
17113
17114
17115
17116
17117
17118
17119
17120
17121
17122
17123
17124
17125
17126
17127
17128
17129
17130
17131
17132
17133
17134
17135
17136
17137
17138
17139
17140
17141
17142
17143
17144
17145
17146
17147
17148
17149
17150
17151
17152
17153
17154
17155
17156
17157
17158
17159
17160
17161
17162
17163
17164
17165
17166
17167
17168
17169
17170
17171
17172
17173
17174
17175
17176
17177
17178
17179
17180
17181
17182
17183
17184
17185
17186
17187
17188
17189
17190
17191
17192
17193
17194
17195
17196
17197
17198
17199
17200
17201
17202
17203
17204
17205
17206
17207
17208
17209
17210
17211
17212
17213
17214
17215
17216
17217
17218
17219
17220
17221
17222
17223
17224
17225
17226
17227
17228
17229
17230
17231
17232
17233
17234
17235
17236
17237
17238
17239
17240
17241
17242
17243
17244
17245
17246
17247
17248
17249
17250
17251
17252
17253
17254
17255
17256
17257
17258
17259
17260
17261
17262
17263
17264
17265
17266
17267
17268
17269
17270
17271
17272
17273
17274
17275
17276
17277
17278
17279
17280
17281
17282
17283
17284
17285
17286
17287
17288
17289
17290
17291
17292
17293
17294
17295
17296
17297
17298
17299
17300
17301
17302
17303
17304
17305
17306
17307
17308
17309
17310
17311
17312
17313
17314
17315
17316
17317
17318
17319
17320
17321
17322
17323
17324
17325
17326
17327
17328
17329
17330
17331
17332
17333
17334
17335
17336
17337
17338
17339
17340
17341
17342
17343
17344
17345
17346
17347
17348
17349
17350
17351
17352
17353
17354
17355
17356
17357
17358
17359
17360
17361
17362
17363
17364
17365
17366
17367
17368
17369
17370
17371
17372
17373
17374
17375
17376
17377
17378
17379
17380
17381
17382
17383
17384
17385
17386
17387
17388
17389
17390
17391
17392
17393
17394
17395
17396
17397
17398
17399
17400
17401
17402
17403
17404
17405
17406
17407
17408
17409
17410
17411
17412
17413
17414
17415
17416
17417
17418
17419
17420
17421
17422
17423
17424
17425
17426
17427
17428
17429
17430
17431
17432
17433
17434
17435
17436
17437
17438
17439
17440
17441
17442
17443
17444
17445
17446
17447
17448
17449
17450
17451
17452
17453
17454
17455
17456
17457
17458
17459
17460
17461
17462
17463
17464
17465
17466
17467
17468
17469
17470
17471
17472
17473
17474
17475
17476
17477
17478
17479
17480
17481
17482
17483
17484
17485
17486
17487
17488
17489
17490
17491
17492
17493
17494
17495
17496
17497
17498
17499
17500
17501
17502
17503
17504
17505
17506
17507
17508
17509
17510
17511
17512
17513
17514
17515
17516
17517
17518
17519
17520
17521
17522
17523
17524
17525
17526
17527
17528
17529
17530
17531
17532
17533
17534
17535
17536
17537
17538
17539
17540
17541
17542
17543
17544
17545
17546
17547
17548
17549
17550
17551
17552
17553
17554
17555
17556
17557
17558
17559
17560
17561
17562
17563
17564
17565
17566
17567
17568
17569
17570
17571
17572
17573
17574
17575
17576
17577
17578
17579
17580
17581
17582
17583
17584
17585
17586
17587
17588
17589
17590
17591
17592
17593
17594
17595
17596
17597
17598
17599
17600
17601
17602
17603
17604
17605
17606
17607
17608
17609
17610
17611
17612
17613
17614
17615
17616
17617
17618
17619
17620
17621
17622
17623
17624
17625
17626
17627
17628
17629
17630
17631
17632
17633
17634
17635
17636
17637
17638
17639
17640
17641
17642
17643
17644
17645
17646
17647
17648
17649
17650
17651
17652
17653
17654
17655
17656
17657
17658
17659
17660
17661
17662
17663
17664
17665
17666
17667
17668
17669
17670
17671
17672
17673
17674
17675
17676
17677
17678
17679
17680
17681
17682
17683
17684
17685
17686
17687
17688
17689
17690
17691
17692
17693
17694
17695
17696
17697
17698
17699
17700
17701
17702
17703
17704
17705
17706
17707
17708
17709
17710
17711
17712
17713
17714
17715
17716
17717
17718
17719
17720
17721
17722
17723
17724
17725
17726
17727
17728
17729
17730
17731
17732
17733
17734
17735
17736
17737
17738
17739
17740
17741
17742
17743
17744
17745
17746
17747
17748
17749
17750
17751
17752
17753
17754
17755
17756
17757
17758
17759
17760
17761
17762
17763
17764
17765
17766
17767
17768
17769
17770
17771
17772
17773
17774
17775
17776
17777
17778
17779
17780
17781
17782
17783
17784
17785
17786
17787
17788
17789
17790
17791
17792
17793
17794
17795
17796
17797
17798
17799
17800
17801
17802
17803
17804
17805
17806
17807
17808
17809
17810
17811
17812
17813
17814
17815
17816
17817
17818
17819
17820
17821
17822
17823
17824
17825
17826
17827
17828
17829
17830
17831
17832
17833
17834
17835
17836
17837
17838
17839
17840
17841
17842
17843
17844
17845
17846
17847
17848
17849
17850
17851
17852
17853
17854
17855
17856
17857
17858
17859
17860
17861
17862
17863
17864
17865
17866
17867
17868
17869
17870
17871
17872
17873
17874
17875
17876
17877
17878
17879
17880
17881
17882
17883
17884
17885
17886
17887
17888
17889
17890
17891
17892
17893
17894
17895
17896
17897
17898
17899
17900
17901
17902
17903
17904
17905
17906
17907
17908
17909
17910
17911
17912
17913
17914
17915
17916
17917
17918
17919
17920
17921
17922
17923
17924
17925
17926
17927
17928
17929
17930
17931
17932
17933
17934
17935
17936
17937
17938
17939
17940
17941
17942
17943
17944
17945
17946
17947
17948
17949
17950
17951
17952
17953
17954
17955
17956
17957
17958
17959
17960
17961
17962
17963
17964
17965
17966
17967
17968
17969
17970
17971
17972
17973
17974
17975
17976
17977
17978
17979
17980
17981
17982
17983
17984
17985
17986
17987
17988
17989
17990
17991
17992
17993
17994
17995
17996
17997
17998
17999
18000
18001
18002
18003
18004
18005
18006
18007
18008
18009
18010
18011
18012
18013
18014
18015
18016
18017
18018
18019
18020
18021
18022
18023
18024
18025
18026
18027
18028
18029
18030
18031
18032
18033
18034
18035
18036
18037
18038
18039
18040
18041
18042
18043
18044
18045
18046
18047
18048
18049
18050
18051
18052
18053
18054
18055
18056
18057
18058
18059
18060
18061
18062
18063
18064
18065
18066
18067
18068
18069
18070
18071
18072
18073
18074
18075
18076
18077
18078
18079
18080
18081
18082
18083
18084
18085
18086
18087
18088
18089
18090
18091
18092
18093
18094
18095
18096
18097
18098
18099
18100
18101
18102
18103
18104
18105
18106
18107
18108
18109
18110
18111
18112
18113
18114
18115
18116
18117
18118
18119
18120
18121
18122
18123
18124
18125
18126
18127
18128
18129
18130
18131
18132
18133
18134
18135
18136
18137
18138
18139
18140
18141
18142
18143
18144
18145
18146
18147
18148
18149
18150
18151
18152
18153
18154
18155
18156
18157
18158
18159
18160
18161
18162
18163
18164
18165
18166
18167
18168
18169
18170
18171
18172
18173
18174
18175
18176
18177
18178
18179
18180
18181
18182
18183
18184
18185
18186
18187
18188
18189
18190
18191
18192
18193
18194
18195
18196
18197
18198
18199
18200
18201
18202
18203
18204
18205
18206
18207
18208
18209
18210
18211
18212
18213
18214
18215
18216
18217
18218
18219
18220
18221
18222
18223
18224
18225
18226
18227
18228
18229
18230
18231
18232
18233
18234
18235
18236
18237
18238
18239
18240
18241
18242
18243
18244
18245
18246
18247
18248
18249
18250
18251
18252
18253
18254
18255
18256
18257
18258
18259
18260
18261
18262
18263
18264
18265
18266
18267
18268
18269
18270
18271
18272
18273
18274
18275
18276
18277
18278
18279
18280
18281
18282
18283
18284
18285
18286
18287
18288
18289
18290
18291
18292
18293
18294
18295
18296
18297
18298
18299
18300
18301
18302
18303
18304
18305
18306
18307
18308
18309
18310
18311
18312
18313
18314
18315
18316
18317
18318
18319
18320
18321
18322
18323
18324
18325
18326
18327
18328
18329
18330
18331
18332
18333
18334
18335
18336
18337
18338
18339
18340
18341
18342
18343
18344
18345
18346
18347
18348
18349
18350
18351
18352
18353
18354
18355
18356
18357
18358
18359
18360
18361
18362
18363
18364
18365
18366
18367
18368
18369
18370
18371
18372
18373
18374
18375
18376
18377
18378
18379
18380
18381
18382
18383
18384
18385
18386
18387
18388
18389
18390
18391
18392
18393
18394
18395
18396
18397
18398
18399
18400
18401
18402
18403
18404
18405
18406
18407
18408
18409
18410
18411
18412
18413
18414
18415
18416
18417
18418
18419
18420
18421
18422
18423
18424
18425
18426
18427
18428
18429
18430
18431
18432
18433
18434
18435
18436
18437
18438
18439
18440
18441
18442
18443
18444
18445
18446
18447
18448
18449
18450
18451
18452
18453
18454
18455
18456
18457
18458
18459
18460
18461
18462
18463
18464
18465
18466
18467
18468
18469
18470
18471
18472
18473
18474
18475
18476
18477
18478
18479
18480
18481
18482
18483
18484
18485
18486
18487
18488
18489
18490
18491
18492
18493
18494
18495
18496
18497
18498
18499
18500
18501
18502
18503
18504
18505
18506
18507
18508
18509
18510
18511
18512
18513
18514
18515
18516
18517
18518
18519
18520
18521
18522
18523
18524
18525
18526
18527
18528
18529
18530
18531
18532
18533
18534
18535
18536
18537
18538
18539
18540
18541
18542
18543
18544
18545
18546
18547
18548
18549
18550
18551
18552
18553
18554
18555
18556
18557
18558
18559
18560
18561
18562
18563
18564
18565
18566
18567
18568
18569
18570
18571
18572
18573
18574
18575
18576
18577
18578
18579
18580
18581
18582
18583
18584
18585
18586
18587
18588
18589
18590
18591
18592
18593
18594
18595
18596
18597
18598
18599
18600
18601
18602
18603
18604
18605
18606
18607
18608
18609
18610
18611
18612
18613
18614
18615
18616
18617
18618
18619
18620
18621
18622
18623
18624
18625
18626
18627
18628
18629
18630
18631
18632
18633
18634
18635
18636
18637
18638
18639
18640
18641
18642
18643
18644
18645
18646
18647
18648
18649
18650
18651
18652
18653
18654
18655
18656
18657
18658
18659
18660
18661
18662
18663
18664
18665
18666
18667
18668
18669
18670
18671
18672
18673
18674
18675
18676
18677
18678
18679
18680
18681
18682
18683
18684
18685
18686
18687
18688
18689
18690
18691
18692
18693
18694
18695
18696
18697
18698
18699
18700
18701
18702
18703
18704
18705
18706
18707
18708
18709
18710
18711
18712
18713
18714
18715
18716
18717
18718
18719
18720
18721
18722
18723
18724
18725
18726
18727
18728
18729
18730
18731
18732
18733
18734
18735
18736
18737
18738
18739
18740
18741
18742
18743
18744
18745
18746
18747
18748
18749
18750
18751
18752
18753
18754
18755
18756
18757
18758
18759
18760
18761
18762
18763
18764
18765
18766
18767
18768
18769
18770
18771
18772
18773
18774
18775
18776
18777
18778
18779
18780
18781
18782
18783
18784
18785
18786
18787
18788
18789
18790
18791
18792
18793
18794
18795
18796
18797
18798
18799
18800
18801
18802
18803
18804
18805
18806
18807
18808
18809
18810
18811
18812
18813
18814
18815
18816
18817
18818
18819
18820
18821
18822
18823
18824
18825
18826
18827
18828
18829
18830
18831
18832
18833
18834
18835
18836
18837
18838
18839
18840
18841
18842
18843
18844
18845
18846
18847
18848
18849
18850
18851
18852
18853
18854
18855
18856
18857
18858
18859
18860
18861
18862
18863
18864
18865
18866
18867
18868
18869
18870
18871
18872
18873
18874
18875
18876
18877
18878
18879
18880
18881
18882
18883
18884
18885
18886
18887
18888
18889
18890
18891
18892
18893
18894
18895
18896
18897
18898
18899
18900
18901
18902
18903
18904
18905
18906
18907
18908
18909
18910
18911
18912
18913
18914
18915
18916
18917
18918
18919
18920
18921
18922
18923
18924
18925
18926
18927
18928
18929
18930
18931
18932
18933
18934
18935
18936
18937
18938
18939
18940
18941
18942
18943
18944
18945
18946
18947
18948
18949
18950
18951
18952
18953
18954
18955
18956
18957
18958
18959
18960
18961
18962
18963
18964
18965
18966
18967
18968
18969
18970
18971
18972
18973
18974
18975
18976
18977
18978
18979
18980
18981
18982
18983
18984
18985
18986
18987
18988
18989
18990
18991
18992
18993
18994
18995
18996
18997
18998
18999
19000
19001
19002
19003
19004
19005
19006
19007
19008
19009
19010
19011
19012
19013
19014
19015
19016
19017
19018
19019
19020
19021
19022
19023
19024
19025
19026
19027
19028
19029
19030
19031
19032
19033
19034
19035
19036
19037
19038
19039
19040
19041
19042
19043
19044
19045
19046
19047
19048
19049
19050
19051
19052
19053
19054
19055
19056
19057
19058
19059
19060
19061
19062
19063
19064
19065
19066
19067
19068
19069
19070
19071
19072
19073
19074
19075
19076
19077
19078
19079
19080
19081
19082
19083
19084
19085
19086
19087
19088
19089
19090
19091
19092
19093
19094
19095
19096
19097
19098
19099
19100
19101
19102
19103
19104
19105
19106
19107
19108
19109
19110
19111
19112
19113
19114
19115
19116
19117
19118
19119
19120
19121
19122
19123
19124
19125
19126
19127
19128
19129
19130
19131
19132
19133
19134
19135
19136
19137
19138
19139
19140
19141
19142
19143
19144
19145
19146
19147
19148
19149
19150
19151
19152
19153
19154
19155
19156
19157
19158
19159
19160
19161
19162
19163
19164
19165
19166
19167
19168
19169
19170
19171
19172
19173
19174
19175
19176
19177
19178
19179
19180
19181
19182
19183
19184
19185
19186
19187
19188
19189
19190
19191
19192
19193
19194
19195
19196
19197
19198
19199
19200
19201
19202
19203
19204
19205
19206
19207
19208
19209
19210
19211
19212
19213
19214
19215
19216
19217
19218
19219
19220
19221
19222
19223
19224
19225
19226
19227
19228
19229
19230
19231
19232
19233
19234
19235
19236
19237
19238
19239
19240
19241
19242
19243
19244
19245
19246
19247
19248
19249
19250
19251
19252
19253
19254
19255
19256
19257
19258
19259
19260
19261
19262
19263
19264
19265
19266
19267
19268
19269
19270
19271
19272
19273
19274
19275
19276
19277
19278
19279
19280
19281
19282
19283
19284
19285
19286
19287
19288
19289
19290
19291
19292
19293
19294
19295
19296
19297
19298
19299
19300
19301
19302
19303
19304
19305
19306
19307
19308
19309
19310
19311
19312
19313
19314
19315
19316
19317
19318
19319
19320
19321
19322
19323
19324
19325
19326
19327
19328
19329
19330
19331
19332
19333
19334
19335
19336
19337
19338
19339
19340
19341
19342
19343
19344
19345
19346
19347
19348
19349
19350
19351
19352
19353
19354
19355
19356
19357
19358
19359
19360
19361
19362
19363
19364
19365
19366
19367
19368
19369
19370
19371
19372
19373
19374
19375
19376
19377
19378
19379
19380
19381
19382
19383
19384
19385
19386
19387
19388
19389
19390
19391
19392
19393
19394
19395
19396
19397
19398
19399
19400
19401
19402
19403
19404
19405
19406
19407
19408
19409
19410
19411
19412
19413
19414
19415
19416
19417
19418
19419
19420
19421
19422
19423
19424
19425
19426
19427
19428
19429
19430
19431
19432
19433
19434
19435
19436
19437
19438
19439
19440
19441
19442
19443
19444
19445
19446
19447
19448
19449
19450
19451
19452
19453
19454
19455
19456
19457
19458
19459
19460
19461
19462
19463
19464
19465
19466
19467
19468
19469
19470
19471
19472
19473
19474
19475
19476
19477
19478
19479
19480
19481
19482
19483
19484
19485
19486
19487
19488
19489
19490
19491
19492
19493
19494
19495
19496
19497
19498
19499
19500
19501
19502
19503
19504
19505
19506
19507
19508
19509
19510
19511
19512
19513
19514
19515
19516
19517
19518
19519
19520
19521
19522
19523
19524
19525
19526
19527
19528
19529
19530
19531
19532
19533
19534
19535
19536
19537
19538
19539
19540
19541
19542
19543
19544
19545
19546
19547
19548
19549
19550
19551
19552
19553
19554
19555
19556
19557
19558
19559
19560
19561
19562
19563
19564
19565
19566
19567
19568
19569
19570
19571
19572
19573
19574
19575
19576
19577
19578
19579
19580
19581
19582
19583
19584
19585
19586
19587
19588
19589
19590
19591
19592
19593
19594
19595
19596
19597
19598
19599
19600
19601
19602
19603
19604
19605
19606
19607
19608
19609
19610
19611
19612
19613
19614
19615
19616
19617
19618
19619
19620
19621
19622
19623
19624
19625
19626
19627
19628
19629
19630
19631
19632
19633
19634
19635
19636
19637
19638
19639
19640
19641
19642
19643
19644
19645
19646
19647
19648
19649
19650
19651
19652
19653
19654
19655
19656
19657
19658
19659
19660
19661
19662
19663
19664
19665
19666
19667
19668
19669
19670
19671
19672
19673
19674
19675
19676
19677
19678
19679
19680
19681
19682
19683
19684
19685
19686
19687
19688
19689
19690
19691
19692
19693
19694
19695
19696
19697
19698
19699
19700
19701
19702
19703
19704
19705
19706
19707
19708
19709
19710
19711
19712
19713
19714
19715
19716
19717
19718
19719
19720
19721
19722
19723
19724
19725
19726
19727
19728
19729
19730
19731
19732
19733
19734
19735
19736
19737
19738
19739
19740
19741
19742
19743
19744
19745
19746
19747
19748
19749
19750
19751
19752
19753
19754
19755
19756
19757
19758
19759
19760
19761
19762
19763
19764
19765
19766
19767
19768
19769
19770
19771
19772
19773
19774
19775
19776
19777
19778
19779
19780
19781
19782
19783
19784
19785
19786
19787
19788
19789
19790
19791
19792
19793
19794
19795
19796
19797
19798
19799
19800
19801
19802
19803
19804
19805
19806
19807
19808
19809
19810
19811
19812
19813
19814
19815
19816
19817
19818
19819
19820
19821
19822
19823
19824
19825
19826
19827
19828
19829
19830
19831
19832
19833
19834
19835
19836
19837
19838
19839
19840
19841
19842
19843
19844
19845
19846
19847
19848
19849
19850
19851
19852
19853
19854
19855
19856
19857
19858
19859
19860
19861
19862
19863
19864
19865
19866
19867
19868
19869
19870
19871
19872
19873
19874
19875
19876
19877
19878
19879
19880
19881
19882
19883
19884
19885
19886
19887
19888
19889
19890
19891
19892
19893
19894
19895
19896
19897
19898
19899
19900
19901
19902
19903
19904
19905
19906
19907
19908
19909
19910
19911
19912
19913
19914
19915
19916
19917
19918
19919
19920
19921
19922
19923
19924
19925
19926
19927
19928
19929
19930
19931
19932
19933
19934
19935
19936
19937
19938
19939
19940
19941
19942
19943
19944
19945
19946
19947
19948
19949
19950
19951
19952
19953
19954
19955
19956
19957
19958
19959
19960
19961
19962
19963
19964
19965
19966
19967
19968
19969
19970
19971
19972
19973
19974
19975
19976
19977
19978
19979
19980
19981
19982
19983
19984
19985
19986
19987
19988
19989
19990
19991
19992
19993
19994
19995
19996
19997
19998
19999
20000
20001
20002
20003
20004
20005
20006
20007
20008
20009
20010
20011
20012
20013
20014
20015
20016
20017
20018
20019
20020
20021
20022
20023
20024
20025
20026
20027
20028
20029
20030
20031
20032
20033
20034
20035
20036
20037
20038
20039
20040
20041
20042
20043
20044
20045
20046
20047
20048
20049
20050
20051
20052
20053
20054
20055
20056
20057
20058
20059
20060
20061
20062
20063
20064
20065
20066
20067
20068
20069
20070
20071
20072
20073
20074
20075
20076
20077
20078
20079
20080
20081
20082
20083
20084
20085
20086
20087
20088
20089
20090
20091
20092
20093
20094
20095
20096
20097
20098
20099
20100
20101
20102
20103
20104
20105
20106
20107
20108
20109
20110
20111
20112
20113
20114
20115
20116
20117
20118
20119
20120
20121
20122
20123
20124
20125
20126
20127
20128
20129
20130
20131
20132
20133
20134
20135
20136
20137
20138
20139
20140
20141
20142
20143
20144
20145
20146
20147
20148
20149
20150
20151
20152
20153
20154
20155
20156
20157
20158
20159
20160
20161
20162
20163
20164
20165
20166
20167
20168
20169
20170
20171
20172
20173
20174
20175
20176
20177
20178
20179
20180
20181
20182
20183
20184
20185
20186
20187
20188
20189
20190
20191
20192
20193
20194
20195
20196
20197
20198
20199
20200
20201
20202
20203
20204
20205
20206
20207
20208
20209
20210
20211
20212
20213
20214
20215
20216
20217
20218
20219
20220
20221
20222
20223
20224
20225
20226
20227
20228
20229
20230
20231
20232
20233
20234
20235
20236
20237
20238
20239
20240
20241
20242
20243
20244
20245
20246
20247
20248
20249
20250
20251
20252
20253
20254
20255
20256
20257
20258
20259
20260
20261
20262
20263
20264
20265
20266
20267
20268
20269
20270
20271
20272
20273
20274
20275
20276
20277
20278
20279
20280
20281
20282
20283
20284
20285
20286
20287
20288
20289
20290
20291
20292
20293
20294
20295
20296
20297
20298
20299
20300
20301
20302
20303
20304
20305
20306
20307
20308
20309
20310
20311
20312
20313
20314
20315
20316
20317
20318
20319
20320
20321
20322
20323
20324
20325
20326
20327
20328
20329
20330
20331
20332
20333
20334
20335
20336
20337
20338
20339
20340
20341
20342
20343
20344
20345
20346
20347
20348
20349
20350
20351
20352
20353
20354
20355
20356
20357
20358
20359
20360
20361
20362
20363
20364
20365
20366
20367
20368
20369
20370
20371
20372
20373
20374
20375
20376
20377
20378
20379
20380
20381
20382
20383
20384
20385
20386
20387
20388
20389
20390
20391
20392
20393
20394
20395
20396
20397
20398
20399
20400
20401
20402
20403
20404
20405
20406
20407
20408
20409
20410
20411
20412
20413
20414
20415
20416
20417
20418
20419
20420
20421
20422
20423
20424
20425
20426
20427
20428
20429
20430
20431
20432
20433
20434
20435
20436
20437
20438
20439
20440
20441
20442
20443
20444
20445
20446
20447
20448
20449
20450
20451
20452
20453
20454
20455
20456
20457
20458
20459
20460
20461
20462
20463
20464
20465
20466
20467
20468
20469
20470
20471
20472
20473
20474
20475
20476
20477
20478
20479
20480
20481
20482
20483
20484
20485
20486
20487
20488
20489
20490
20491
20492
20493
20494
20495
20496
20497
20498
20499
20500
20501
20502
20503
20504
20505
20506
20507
20508
20509
20510
20511
20512
20513
20514
20515
20516
20517
20518
20519
20520
20521
20522
20523
20524
20525
20526
20527
20528
20529
20530
20531
20532
20533
20534
20535
20536
20537
20538
20539
20540
20541
20542
20543
20544
20545
20546
20547
20548
20549
20550
20551
20552
20553
20554
20555
20556
20557
20558
20559
20560
20561
20562
20563
20564
20565
20566
20567
20568
20569
20570
20571
20572
20573
20574
20575
20576
20577
20578
20579
20580
20581
20582
20583
20584
20585
20586
20587
20588
20589
20590
20591
20592
20593
20594
20595
20596
20597
20598
20599
20600
20601
20602
20603
20604
20605
20606
20607
20608
20609
20610
20611
20612
20613
20614
20615
20616
20617
20618
20619
20620
20621
20622
20623
20624
20625
20626
20627
20628
20629
20630
20631
20632
20633
20634
20635
20636
20637
20638
20639
20640
20641
20642
20643
20644
20645
20646
20647
20648
20649
20650
20651
20652
20653
20654
20655
20656
20657
20658
20659
20660
20661
20662
20663
20664
20665
20666
20667
20668
20669
20670
20671
20672
20673
20674
20675
20676
20677
20678
20679
20680
20681
20682
20683
20684
20685
20686
20687
20688
20689
20690
20691
20692
20693
20694
20695
20696
20697
20698
20699
20700
20701
20702
20703
20704
20705
20706
20707
20708
20709
20710
20711
20712
20713
20714
20715
20716
20717
20718
20719
20720
20721
20722
20723
20724
20725
20726
20727
20728
20729
20730
20731
20732
20733
20734
20735
20736
20737
20738
20739
20740
20741
20742
20743
20744
20745
20746
20747
20748
20749
20750
20751
20752
20753
20754
20755
20756
20757
20758
20759
20760
20761
20762
20763
20764
20765
20766
20767
20768
20769
20770
20771
20772
20773
20774
20775
20776
20777
20778
20779
20780
20781
20782
20783
20784
20785
20786
20787
20788
20789
20790
20791
20792
20793
20794
20795
20796
20797
20798
20799
20800
20801
20802
20803
20804
20805
20806
20807
20808
20809
20810
20811
20812
20813
20814
20815
20816
20817
20818
20819
20820
20821
20822
20823
20824
20825
20826
20827
20828
20829
20830
20831
20832
20833
20834
20835
20836
20837
20838
20839
20840
20841
20842
20843
20844
20845
20846
20847
20848
20849
20850
20851
20852
20853
20854
20855
20856
20857
20858
20859
20860
20861
20862
20863
20864
20865
20866
20867
20868
20869
20870
20871
20872
20873
20874
20875
20876
20877
20878
20879
20880
20881
20882
20883
20884
20885
20886
20887
20888
20889
20890
20891
20892
20893
20894
20895
20896
20897
20898
20899
20900
20901
20902
20903
20904
20905
20906
20907
20908
20909
20910
20911
20912
20913
20914
20915
20916
20917
20918
20919
20920
20921
20922
20923
20924
20925
20926
20927
20928
20929
20930
20931
20932
20933
20934
20935
20936
20937
20938
20939
20940
20941
20942
20943
20944
20945
20946
20947
20948
20949
20950
20951
20952
20953
20954
20955
20956
20957
20958
20959
20960
20961
20962
20963
20964
20965
20966
20967
20968
20969
20970
20971
20972
20973
20974
20975
20976
20977
20978
20979
20980
20981
20982
20983
20984
20985
20986
20987
20988
20989
20990
20991
20992
20993
20994
20995
20996
20997
20998
20999
21000
21001
21002
21003
21004
21005
21006
21007
21008
21009
21010
21011
21012
21013
21014
21015
21016
21017
21018
21019
21020
21021
21022
21023
21024
21025
21026
21027
21028
21029
21030
21031
21032
21033
21034
21035
21036
21037
21038
21039
21040
21041
21042
21043
21044
21045
21046
21047
21048
21049
21050
21051
21052
21053
21054
21055
21056
21057
21058
21059
21060
21061
21062
21063
21064
21065
21066
21067
21068
21069
21070
21071
21072
21073
21074
21075
21076
21077
21078
21079
21080
21081
21082
21083
21084
21085
21086
21087
21088
21089
21090
21091
21092
21093
21094
21095
21096
21097
21098
21099
21100
21101
21102
21103
21104
21105
21106
21107
21108
21109
21110
21111
21112
21113
21114
21115
21116
21117
21118
21119
21120
21121
21122
21123
21124
21125
21126
21127
21128
21129
21130
21131
21132
21133
21134
21135
21136
21137
21138
21139
21140
21141
21142
21143
21144
21145
21146
21147
21148
21149
21150
21151
21152
21153
21154
21155
21156
21157
21158
21159
21160
21161
21162
21163
21164
21165
21166
21167
21168
21169
21170
21171
21172
21173
21174
21175
21176
21177
21178
21179
21180
21181
21182
21183
21184
21185
21186
21187
21188
21189
21190
21191
21192
21193
21194
21195
21196
21197
21198
21199
21200
21201
21202
21203
21204
21205
21206
21207
21208
21209
21210
21211
21212
21213
21214
21215
21216
21217
21218
21219
21220
21221
21222
21223
21224
21225
21226
21227
21228
21229
21230
21231
21232
21233
21234
21235
21236
21237
21238
21239
21240
21241
21242
21243
21244
21245
21246
21247
21248
21249
21250
21251
21252
21253
21254
21255
21256
21257
21258
21259
21260
21261
21262
21263
21264
21265
21266
21267
21268
21269
21270
21271
21272
21273
21274
21275
21276
21277
21278
21279
21280
21281
21282
21283
21284
21285
21286
21287
21288
21289
21290
21291
21292
21293
21294
21295
21296
21297
21298
21299
21300
21301
21302
21303
21304
21305
21306
21307
21308
21309
21310
21311
21312
21313
21314
21315
21316
21317
21318
21319
21320
21321
21322
21323
21324
21325
21326
21327
21328
21329
21330
21331
21332
21333
21334
21335
21336
21337
21338
21339
21340
21341
21342
21343
21344
21345
21346
21347
21348
21349
21350
21351
21352
21353
21354
21355
21356
21357
21358
21359
21360
21361
21362
21363
21364
21365
21366
21367
21368
21369
21370
21371
21372
21373
21374
21375
21376
21377
21378
21379
21380
21381
21382
21383
21384
21385
21386
21387
21388
21389
21390
21391
21392
21393
21394
21395
21396
21397
21398
21399
21400
21401
21402
21403
21404
21405
21406
21407
21408
21409
21410
21411
21412
21413
21414
21415
21416
21417
21418
21419
21420
21421
21422
21423
21424
21425
21426
21427
21428
21429
21430
21431
21432
21433
21434
21435
21436
21437
21438
21439
21440
21441
21442
21443
21444
21445
21446
21447
21448
21449
21450
21451
21452
21453
21454
21455
21456
21457
21458
21459
21460
21461
21462
21463
21464
21465
21466
21467
21468
21469
21470
21471
21472
21473
21474
21475
21476
21477
21478
21479
21480
21481
21482
21483
21484
21485
21486
21487
21488
21489
21490
21491
21492
21493
21494
21495
21496
21497
21498
21499
21500
21501
21502
21503
21504
21505
21506
21507
21508
21509
21510
21511
21512
21513
21514
21515
21516
21517
21518
21519
21520
21521
21522
21523
21524
21525
21526
21527
21528
21529
21530
21531
21532
21533
21534
21535
21536
21537
21538
21539
21540
21541
21542
21543
21544
21545
21546
21547
21548
21549
21550
21551
21552
21553
21554
21555
21556
21557
21558
21559
21560
21561
21562
21563
21564
21565
21566
21567
21568
21569
21570
21571
21572
21573
21574
21575
21576
21577
21578
21579
21580
21581
21582
21583
21584
21585
21586
21587
21588
21589
21590
21591
21592
21593
21594
21595
21596
21597
21598
21599
21600
21601
21602
21603
21604
21605
21606
21607
21608
21609
21610
21611
21612
21613
21614
21615
21616
21617
21618
21619
21620
21621
21622
21623
21624
21625
21626
21627
21628
21629
21630
21631
21632
21633
21634
21635
21636
21637
21638
21639
21640
21641
21642
21643
21644
21645
21646
21647
21648
21649
21650
21651
21652
21653
21654
21655
21656
21657
21658
21659
21660
21661
21662
21663
21664
21665
21666
21667
21668
21669
21670
21671
21672
21673
21674
21675
21676
21677
21678
21679
21680
21681
21682
21683
21684
21685
21686
21687
21688
21689
21690
21691
21692
21693
21694
21695
21696
21697
21698
21699
21700
21701
21702
21703
21704
21705
21706
21707
21708
21709
21710
21711
21712
21713
21714
21715
21716
21717
21718
21719
21720
21721
21722
21723
21724
21725
21726
21727
21728
21729
21730
21731
21732
21733
21734
21735
21736
21737
21738
21739
21740
21741
21742
21743
21744
21745
21746
21747
21748
21749
21750
21751
21752
21753
21754
21755
21756
21757
21758
21759
21760
21761
21762
21763
21764
21765
21766
21767
21768
21769
21770
21771
21772
21773
21774
21775
21776
21777
21778
21779
21780
21781
21782
21783
21784
21785
21786
21787
21788
21789
21790
21791
21792
21793
21794
21795
21796
21797
21798
21799
21800
21801
21802
21803
21804
21805
21806
21807
21808
21809
21810
21811
21812
21813
21814
21815
21816
21817
21818
21819
21820
21821
21822
21823
21824
21825
21826
21827
21828
21829
21830
21831
21832
21833
21834
21835
21836
21837
21838
21839
21840
21841
21842
21843
21844
21845
21846
21847
21848
21849
21850
21851
21852
21853
21854
21855
21856
21857
21858
21859
21860
21861
21862
21863
21864
21865
21866
21867
21868
21869
21870
21871
21872
21873
21874
21875
21876
21877
21878
21879
21880
21881
21882
21883
21884
21885
21886
21887
21888
21889
21890
21891
21892
21893
21894
21895
21896
21897
21898
21899
21900
21901
21902
21903
21904
21905
21906
21907
21908
21909
21910
21911
21912
21913
21914
21915
21916
21917
21918
21919
21920
21921
21922
21923
21924
21925
21926
21927
21928
21929
21930
21931
21932
21933
21934
21935
21936
21937
21938
21939
21940
21941
21942
21943
21944
21945
21946
21947
21948
21949
21950
21951
21952
21953
21954
21955
21956
21957
21958
21959
21960
21961
21962
21963
21964
21965
21966
21967
21968
21969
21970
21971
21972
21973
21974
21975
21976
21977
21978
21979
21980
21981
21982
21983
21984
21985
21986
21987
21988
21989
21990
21991
21992
21993
21994
21995
21996
21997
21998
21999
22000
22001
22002
22003
22004
22005
22006
22007
22008
22009
22010
22011
22012
22013
22014
22015
22016
22017
22018
22019
22020
22021
22022
22023
22024
22025
22026
22027
22028
22029
22030
22031
22032
22033
22034
22035
22036
22037
22038
22039
22040
22041
22042
22043
22044
22045
22046
22047
22048
22049
22050
22051
22052
22053
22054
22055
22056
22057
22058
22059
22060
22061
22062
22063
22064
22065
22066
22067
22068
22069
22070
22071
22072
22073
22074
22075
22076
22077
22078
22079
22080
22081
22082
22083
22084
22085
22086
22087
22088
22089
22090
22091
22092
22093
22094
22095
22096
22097
22098
22099
22100
22101
22102
22103
22104
22105
22106
22107
22108
22109
22110
22111
22112
22113
22114
22115
22116
22117
22118
22119
22120
22121
22122
22123
22124
22125
22126
22127
22128
22129
22130
22131
22132
22133
22134
22135
22136
22137
22138
22139
22140
22141
22142
22143
22144
22145
22146
22147
22148
22149
22150
22151
22152
22153
22154
22155
22156
22157
22158
22159
22160
22161
22162
22163
22164
22165
22166
22167
22168
22169
22170
22171
22172
22173
22174
22175
22176
22177
22178
22179
22180
22181
22182
22183
22184
22185
22186
22187
22188
22189
22190
22191
22192
22193
22194
22195
22196
22197
22198
22199
22200
22201
22202
22203
22204
22205
22206
22207
22208
22209
22210
22211
22212
22213
22214
22215
22216
22217
22218
22219
22220
22221
22222
22223
22224
22225
22226
22227
22228
22229
22230
22231
22232
22233
22234
22235
22236
22237
22238
22239
22240
22241
22242
22243
22244
22245
22246
22247
22248
22249
22250
22251
22252
22253
22254
22255
22256
22257
22258
22259
22260
22261
22262
22263
22264
22265
22266
22267
22268
22269
22270
22271
22272
22273
22274
22275
22276
22277
22278
22279
22280
22281
22282
22283
22284
22285
22286
22287
22288
22289
22290
22291
22292
22293
22294
22295
22296
22297
22298
22299
22300
22301
22302
22303
22304
22305
22306
22307
22308
22309
22310
22311
22312
22313
22314
22315
22316
22317
22318
22319
22320
22321
22322
22323
22324
22325
22326
22327
22328
22329
22330
22331
22332
22333
22334
22335
22336
22337
22338
22339
22340
22341
22342
22343
22344
22345
22346
22347
22348
22349
22350
22351
22352
22353
22354
22355
22356
22357
22358
22359
22360
22361
22362
22363
22364
22365
22366
22367
22368
22369
22370
22371
22372
22373
22374
22375
22376
22377
22378
22379
22380
22381
22382
22383
22384
22385
22386
22387
22388
22389
22390
22391
22392
22393
22394
22395
22396
22397
22398
22399
22400
22401
22402
22403
22404
22405
22406
22407
22408
22409
22410
22411
22412
22413
22414
22415
22416
22417
22418
22419
22420
22421
22422
22423
22424
22425
22426
22427
22428
22429
22430
22431
22432
22433
22434
22435
22436
22437
22438
22439
22440
22441
22442
22443
22444
22445
22446
22447
22448
22449
22450
22451
22452
22453
22454
22455
22456
22457
22458
22459
22460
22461
22462
22463
22464
22465
22466
22467
22468
22469
22470
22471
22472
22473
22474
22475
22476
22477
22478
22479
22480
22481
22482
22483
22484
22485
22486
22487
22488
22489
22490
22491
22492
22493
22494
22495
22496
22497
22498
22499
22500
22501
22502
22503
22504
22505
22506
22507
22508
22509
22510
22511
22512
22513
22514
22515
22516
22517
22518
22519
22520
22521
22522
22523
22524
22525
22526
22527
22528
22529
22530
22531
22532
22533
22534
22535
22536
22537
22538
22539
22540
22541
22542
22543
22544
22545
22546
22547
22548
22549
22550
22551
22552
22553
22554
22555
22556
22557
22558
22559
22560
22561
22562
22563
22564
22565
22566
22567
22568
22569
22570
22571
22572
22573
22574
22575
22576
22577
22578
22579
22580
22581
22582
22583
22584
22585
22586
22587
22588
22589
22590
22591
22592
22593
22594
22595
22596
22597
22598
22599
22600
22601
22602
22603
22604
22605
22606
22607
22608
22609
22610
22611
22612
22613
22614
22615
22616
22617
22618
22619
22620
22621
22622
22623
22624
22625
22626
22627
22628
22629
22630
22631
22632
22633
22634
22635
22636
22637
22638
22639
22640
22641
22642
22643
22644
22645
22646
22647
22648
22649
22650
22651
22652
22653
22654
22655
22656
22657
22658
22659
22660
22661
22662
22663
22664
22665
22666
22667
22668
22669
22670
22671
22672
22673
22674
22675
22676
22677
22678
22679
22680
22681
22682
22683
22684
22685
22686
22687
22688
22689
22690
22691
22692
22693
22694
22695
22696
22697
22698
22699
22700
22701
22702
22703
22704
22705
22706
22707
22708
22709
22710
22711
22712
22713
22714
22715
22716
22717
22718
22719
22720
22721
22722
22723
22724
22725
22726
22727
22728
22729
22730
22731
22732
22733
22734
22735
22736
22737
22738
22739
22740
22741
22742
22743
22744
22745
22746
22747
22748
22749
22750
22751
22752
22753
22754
22755
22756
22757
22758
22759
22760
22761
22762
22763
22764
22765
22766
22767
22768
22769
22770
22771
22772
22773
22774
22775
22776
22777
22778
22779
22780
22781
22782
22783
22784
22785
22786
22787
22788
22789
22790
22791
22792
22793
22794
22795
22796
22797
22798
22799
22800
22801
22802
22803
22804
22805
22806
22807
22808
22809
22810
22811
22812
22813
22814
22815
22816
22817
22818
22819
22820
22821
22822
22823
22824
22825
22826
22827
22828
22829
22830
22831
22832
22833
22834
22835
22836
22837
22838
22839
22840
22841
22842
22843
22844
22845
22846
22847
22848
22849
22850
22851
22852
22853
22854
22855
22856
22857
22858
22859
22860
22861
22862
22863
22864
22865
22866
22867
22868
22869
22870
22871
22872
22873
22874
22875
22876
22877
22878
22879
22880
22881
22882
22883
22884
22885
22886
22887
22888
22889
22890
22891
22892
22893
22894
22895
22896
22897
22898
22899
22900
22901
22902
22903
22904
22905
22906
22907
22908
22909
22910
22911
22912
22913
22914
22915
22916
22917
22918
22919
22920
22921
22922
22923
22924
22925
22926
22927
22928
22929
22930
22931
22932
22933
22934
22935
22936
22937
22938
22939
22940
22941
22942
22943
22944
22945
22946
22947
22948
22949
22950
22951
22952
22953
22954
22955
22956
22957
22958
22959
22960
22961
22962
22963
22964
22965
22966
22967
22968
22969
22970
22971
22972
22973
22974
22975
22976
22977
22978
22979
22980
22981
22982
22983
22984
22985
22986
22987
22988
22989
22990
22991
22992
22993
22994
22995
22996
22997
22998
22999
23000
23001
23002
23003
23004
23005
23006
23007
23008
23009
23010
23011
23012
23013
23014
23015
23016
23017
23018
23019
23020
23021
23022
23023
23024
23025
23026
23027
23028
23029
23030
23031
23032
23033
23034
23035
23036
23037
23038
23039
23040
23041
23042
23043
23044
23045
23046
23047
23048
23049
23050
23051
23052
23053
23054
23055
23056
23057
23058
23059
23060
23061
23062
23063
23064
23065
23066
23067
23068
23069
23070
23071
23072
23073
23074
23075
23076
23077
23078
23079
23080
23081
23082
23083
23084
23085
23086
23087
23088
23089
23090
23091
23092
23093
23094
23095
23096
23097
23098
23099
23100
23101
23102
23103
23104
23105
23106
23107
23108
23109
23110
23111
23112
23113
23114
23115
23116
23117
23118
23119
23120
23121
23122
23123
23124
23125
23126
23127
23128
23129
23130
23131
23132
23133
23134
23135
23136
23137
23138
23139
23140
23141
23142
23143
23144
23145
23146
23147
23148
23149
23150
23151
23152
23153
23154
23155
23156
23157
23158
23159
23160
23161
23162
23163
23164
23165
23166
23167
23168
23169
23170
23171
23172
23173
23174
23175
23176
23177
23178
23179
23180
23181
23182
23183
23184
23185
23186
23187
23188
23189
23190
23191
23192
23193
23194
23195
23196
23197
23198
23199
23200
23201
23202
23203
23204
23205
23206
23207
23208
23209
23210
23211
23212
23213
23214
23215
23216
23217
23218
23219
23220
23221
23222
23223
23224
23225
23226
23227
23228
23229
23230
23231
23232
23233
23234
23235
23236
23237
23238
23239
23240
23241
23242
23243
23244
23245
23246
23247
23248
23249
23250
23251
23252
23253
23254
23255
23256
23257
23258
23259
23260
23261
23262
23263
23264
23265
23266
23267
23268
23269
23270
23271
23272
23273
23274
23275
23276
23277
23278
23279
23280
23281
23282
23283
23284
23285
23286
23287
23288
23289
23290
23291
23292
23293
23294
23295
23296
23297
23298
23299
23300
23301
23302
23303
23304
23305
23306
23307
23308
23309
23310
23311
23312
23313
23314
23315
23316
23317
23318
23319
23320
23321
23322
23323
23324
23325
23326
23327
23328
23329
23330
23331
23332
23333
23334
23335
23336
23337
23338
23339
23340
23341
23342
23343
23344
23345
23346
23347
23348
23349
23350
23351
23352
23353
23354
23355
23356
23357
23358
23359
23360
23361
23362
23363
23364
23365
23366
23367
23368
23369
23370
23371
23372
23373
23374
23375
23376
23377
23378
23379
23380
23381
23382
23383
23384
23385
23386
23387
23388
23389
23390
23391
23392
23393
23394
23395
23396
23397
23398
23399
23400
23401
23402
23403
23404
23405
23406
23407
23408
23409
23410
23411
23412
23413
23414
23415
23416
23417
23418
23419
23420
23421
23422
23423
23424
23425
23426
23427
23428
23429
23430
23431
23432
23433
23434
23435
23436
23437
23438
23439
23440
23441
23442
23443
23444
23445
23446
23447
23448
23449
23450
23451
23452
23453
23454
23455
23456
23457
23458
23459
23460
23461
23462
23463
23464
23465
23466
23467
23468
23469
23470
23471
23472
23473
23474
23475
23476
23477
23478
23479
23480
23481
23482
23483
23484
23485
23486
23487
23488
23489
23490
23491
23492
23493
23494
23495
23496
23497
23498
23499
23500
23501
23502
23503
23504
23505
23506
23507
23508
23509
23510
23511
23512
23513
23514
23515
23516
23517
23518
23519
23520
23521
23522
23523
23524
23525
23526
23527
23528
23529
23530
23531
23532
23533
23534
23535
23536
23537
23538
23539
23540
23541
23542
23543
23544
23545
23546
23547
23548
23549
23550
23551
23552
23553
23554
23555
23556
23557
23558
23559
23560
23561
23562
23563
23564
23565
23566
23567
23568
23569
23570
23571
23572
23573
23574
23575
23576
23577
23578
23579
23580
23581
23582
23583
23584
23585
23586
23587
23588
23589
23590
23591
23592
23593
23594
23595
23596
23597
23598
23599
23600
23601
23602
23603
23604
23605
23606
23607
23608
23609
23610
23611
23612
23613
23614
23615
23616
23617
23618
23619
23620
23621
23622
23623
23624
23625
23626
23627
23628
23629
23630
23631
23632
23633
23634
23635
23636
23637
23638
23639
23640
23641
23642
23643
23644
23645
23646
23647
23648
23649
23650
23651
23652
23653
23654
23655
23656
23657
23658
23659
23660
23661
23662
23663
23664
23665
23666
23667
23668
23669
23670
23671
23672
23673
23674
23675
23676
23677
23678
23679
23680
23681
23682
23683
23684
23685
23686
23687
23688
23689
23690
23691
23692
23693
23694
23695
23696
23697
23698
23699
23700
23701
23702
23703
23704
23705
23706
23707
23708
23709
23710
23711
23712
23713
23714
23715
23716
23717
23718
23719
23720
23721
23722
23723
23724
23725
23726
23727
23728
23729
23730
23731
23732
23733
23734
23735
23736
23737
23738
23739
23740
23741
23742
23743
23744
23745
23746
23747
23748
23749
23750
23751
23752
23753
23754
23755
23756
23757
23758
23759
23760
23761
23762
23763
23764
23765
23766
23767
23768
23769
23770
23771
23772
23773
23774
23775
23776
23777
23778
23779
23780
23781
23782
23783
23784
23785
23786
23787
23788
23789
23790
23791
23792
23793
23794
23795
23796
23797
23798
23799
23800
23801
23802
23803
23804
23805
23806
23807
23808
23809
23810
23811
23812
23813
23814
23815
23816
23817
23818
23819
23820
23821
23822
23823
23824
23825
23826
23827
23828
23829
23830
23831
23832
23833
23834
23835
23836
23837
23838
23839
23840
23841
23842
23843
23844
23845
23846
23847
23848
23849
23850
23851
23852
23853
23854
23855
23856
23857
23858
23859
23860
23861
23862
23863
23864
23865
23866
23867
23868
23869
23870
23871
23872
23873
23874
23875
23876
23877
23878
23879
23880
23881
23882
23883
23884
23885
23886
23887
23888
23889
23890
23891
23892
23893
23894
23895
23896
23897
23898
23899
23900
23901
23902
23903
23904
23905
23906
23907
23908
23909
23910
23911
23912
23913
23914
23915
23916
23917
23918
23919
23920
23921
23922
23923
23924
23925
23926
23927
23928
23929
23930
23931
23932
23933
23934
23935
23936
23937
23938
23939
23940
23941
23942
23943
23944
23945
23946
23947
23948
23949
23950
23951
23952
23953
23954
23955
23956
23957
23958
23959
23960
23961
23962
23963
23964
23965
23966
23967
23968
23969
23970
23971
23972
23973
23974
23975
23976
23977
23978
23979
23980
23981
23982
23983
23984
23985
23986
23987
23988
23989
23990
23991
23992
23993
23994
23995
23996
23997
23998
23999
24000
24001
24002
24003
24004
24005
24006
24007
24008
24009
24010
24011
24012
24013
24014
24015
24016
24017
24018
24019
24020
24021
24022
24023
24024
24025
24026
24027
24028
24029
24030
24031
24032
24033
24034
24035
24036
24037
24038
24039
24040
24041
24042
24043
24044
24045
24046
24047
24048
24049
24050
24051
24052
24053
24054
24055
24056
24057
24058
24059
24060
24061
24062
24063
24064
24065
24066
24067
24068
24069
24070
24071
24072
24073
24074
24075
24076
24077
24078
24079
24080
24081
24082
24083
24084
24085
24086
24087
24088
24089
24090
24091
24092
24093
24094
24095
24096
24097
24098
24099
24100
24101
24102
24103
24104
24105
24106
24107
24108
24109
24110
24111
24112
24113
24114
24115
24116
24117
24118
24119
24120
24121
24122
24123
24124
24125
24126
24127
24128
24129
24130
24131
24132
24133
24134
24135
24136
24137
24138
24139
24140
24141
24142
24143
24144
24145
24146
24147
24148
24149
24150
24151
24152
24153
24154
24155
24156
24157
24158
24159
24160
24161
24162
24163
24164
24165
24166
24167
24168
24169
24170
24171
24172
24173
24174
24175
24176
24177
24178
24179
24180
24181
24182
24183
24184
24185
24186
24187
24188
24189
24190
24191
24192
24193
24194
24195
24196
24197
24198
24199
24200
24201
24202
24203
24204
24205
24206
24207
24208
24209
24210
24211
24212
24213
24214
24215
24216
24217
24218
24219
24220
24221
24222
24223
24224
24225
24226
24227
24228
24229
24230
24231
24232
24233
24234
24235
24236
24237
24238
24239
24240
24241
24242


<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN"
    "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd">

<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
  <head>
    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" />
    <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" />
    <title>
      The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Holy Roman Empire, by James Bryce.
    </title>
    <link rel="coverpage" href="images/titlepage.jpg" />
    <style type="text/css">

body {
    margin-left: 10%;
    margin-right: 10%;
}

h1{
    text-align: center;
    clear: both;
    margin-top: 6em;
}

h2 {text-align: center;
    clear: both;
    margin-top: 4em;
    margin-bottom: 1em;
    font-size: 1.2em;
}

h3 {text-align: center;
   clear: both;
   margin-top: 4em;
   margin-bottom: 1em;}

p {
    margin-top: .75em;
    text-align: left;
    margin-bottom: .75em;
}
.pagenum {
    position: absolute;
    left: 92%;
    font-size: smaller;
    text-align: right;
    font-style: normal;
}

.center { text-align: center; }
.smcap { font-variant: small-caps; }

ul.fn { list-style-type:none;
          font-size: .9em;
          margin-left: 10%;
          margin-right: 10%;}

ul.idx {list-style-type: none;
        margin-left: 15%;
        margin-right: 15%;}

.idx li {margin-left: 1em;
         text-indent: -1em;}

.alpha {margin-top: 2em;
        margin-bottom: .5em;
        text-align: center;
      }

.figcenter {
    margin: auto;
    text-align: center;
}

.footnote {
	margin-left: 10%;
	margin-right: 10%;
	font-size: 0.9em;
}
.footnotes { border: dashed 1px;
             margin-top: 6em; }
.fntitle { margin-top: 1em;}
.footnote .label { position: absolute;
                   right: 84%;
                   text-align: right;
}
.fnanchor {
    vertical-align: super;
    font-size: .8em;
    text-decoration:
    none;
}

.sidenote {
    text-indent: 0;
    text-align: left;
    min-width: 9em;
    max-width: 9em;
    padding-bottom: .3em;
    padding-top: .3em;
    padding-left: .3em;
    padding-right: .3em;
    margin-right: 1em;
    float: left;
    clear: left;
    margin-top: 1em;
    margin-bottom: .3em;
    font-size: smaller;
    color: black;
    background-color: #eeeeee;
    border: thin dotted gray;
}

.poetry-container {  text-align: center; }
.poem {
    display: inline-block;
	font-size: 95%;
	margin-bottom: 1em;
	text-align: left;
}

@media handheld {
  .poem  {
         display: block;
         margin-left: 5%;
         margin-right: 10%;
   }
.sidenote {
   float: left;
   clear: none;
   font-weight: bold;
   }

}

.poem p {
	margin: 0;
	padding-left: 3em;
	text-indent: -3em; }

.poem p.i1{ margin-left: 1em; }
.poem p.i2 { margin-left: 2em; }
.poem p.i3 { margin-left: 3em; }
.poem p.i4  { margin-left: 4em; }
.poem p.i6  {margin-left: 6em; }
.poem p.i10 { margin-left: 10em; }
.poem p.o1  { margin-left: -.25em; }

.p2   {margin-top: 2em;}
.p4   {margin-top: 4em;}
.p6   {margin-top: 6em;}

.i1 { margin-left: 1em; }
.i2 { margin-left: 2em;  }
.i3 { margin-left: 3em;  }
.i4  {  margin-left: 4em;  }
.i10 { margin-left: 10em; }

.b20    {font-size:2.0em;}
.b15    {font-size:1.5em;}
.b13    {font-size:1.3em;}
.b12    {font-size:1.2em;}
.s08    {font-size:.8em;}
.s05    {font-size:.5em;}

table {
	margin-left: auto;
	margin-right: auto;
	empty-cells: show;
}
.emperors {border-collapse: collapse;
           border: solid 1px black;}
.emperors th {border: solid 1px black;}
.emperors td {border-right: solid 1px black;
              border-left: solid 1px black;
              padding-left: 2em;
           }
td {padding-left: 1em;
    padding-right: 1em;}
.tdc { text-align: center;}
.tdr { text-align: right; }
.tdrvu {text-align: right;
        vertical-align: top;}
.tdrvd {text-align: right;
        vertical-align: bottom;}

.tdchap {text-align: center;
         padding-top: 1.5em;}
.tdpad {padding-top: 1.5em;}
.tdcname {text-align: center;
          padding-top: .5em;
          padding-bottom: .5em;
          font-weight: bold;}
.tdhang { margin-left: 1em;
          text-indent: -1em;
          vertical-align: top;}
.tnbox { margin-left: auto;
    margin-right: auto;
    margin-bottom: 8em;
    margin-top: auto;
    text-align: center;
    border: 1px solid;
    padding: 1em;
    color: black;
    background-color: #f6f2f2;
    width: 25em;
}

.greek { border-bottom: thin dotted #999; }

    </style>
  </head>
<body>


<pre>

The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Holy Roman Empire, by James Bryce

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org


Title: The Holy Roman Empire

Author: James Bryce

Release Date: November 4, 2013 [EBook #44101]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE ***




Produced by Melissa McDaniel, Stephen Rowland, and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
(This file was produced from images generously made
available by The Internet Archive)






</pre>


<div class="tnbox">
<p class="center"><b>Transcriber's Note:</b></p>
<p>Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation in the original
document have been preserved.</p>
</div>

<h1>THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE.</h1>

<div class="figcenter p4">
<img src="images/i_002.jpg" width="104" height="103" alt="Logo" />
</div>

<p class="center p6"><span class="b12">THE</span><br />
<br /><span class="b20">HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE</span></p>

<p class="center p4">BY<br />
<span class="b15">JAMES BRYCE, D.C.L.</span><br />
<span class="s08"><i>FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE</i></span><br />
<span class="s08"><i>and</i></span><br />
<span class="s08"><i>PROFESSOR OF CIVIL LAW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD</i></span></p>

<p class="center p4">THIRD EDITION REVISED</p>

<p class="center p4"><span class="b13">London</span><br />
<span class="b12">MACMILLAN AND CO.</span><br />
1871</p>

<p class="center p6 s08">
OXFORD:<br />
By T. Combe, M.A., E. B. Gardner, and E. Pickard Hall,<br />
PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY.</p>

<h2>PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.</h2>

<p>The object of this treatise is not so much to give a
narrative history of the countries included in the Romano-Germanic
Empire&mdash;Italy during the middle ages, Germany
from the ninth century to the nineteenth&mdash;as to
describe the Holy Empire itself as an institution or
system, the wonderful offspring of a body of beliefs and
traditions which have almost wholly passed away from
the world. Such a description, however, would not be
intelligible without some account of the great events
which accompanied the growth and decay of imperial
power; and it has therefore appeared best to give the
book the form rather of a narrative than of a dissertation;
and to combine with an exposition of what may be
called the theory of the Empire an outline of the political
history of Germany, as well as some notices of the affairs
of mediæval Italy. To make the succession of events
clearer, a Chronological List of Emperors and Popes has
been prefixed<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>.</p>

<p>The present edition has been carefully revised and
corrected throughout; and a good many additions have
been made to both text and notes.</p>

<p>
<span class="smcap i3">Lincoln's Inn</span>,<br />
<span class="i2"><i>August 11, 1870</i>.</span></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_VII" id="Page_VII">vii</a></span></p>

<h2>CONTENTS.</h2>

<table summary="Table of Contents">

<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_1">CHAPTER I.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Introductory.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_5">CHAPTER II.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The Roman Empire before the Invasion of the Barbarians.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Empire in the Second Century</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Obliteration of National distinctions</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_6">6</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Rise of Christianity</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_10">10</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Its Alliance with the State</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_10">10</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Its Influence on the Idea of an Imperial Nationality</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_14">CHAPTER III.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The Barbarian Invasions.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Relations between the Primitive Germans and the Romans</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_15">15</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Their Feelings towards Rome and her Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Belief in its Eternity</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_20">20</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Extinction by Odoacer of the Western branch of the Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_26">26</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Theodoric the Ostrogothic King</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_27">27</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Gradual Dissolution of the Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_30">30</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Permanence of the Roman Religion and the Roman Law</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_34">CHAPTER IV.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Restoration of the Empire in the West.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Franks</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_34">34</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Italy under Greeks and Lombards</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Iconoclastic Schism</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_38">38</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_VIII" id="Page_VIII">viii</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Alliance of the Popes with the Frankish Kings</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_39">39</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Frankish Conquest of Italy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Adventures and Plans of Pope Leo III</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_43">43</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Coronation of Charles the Great</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_48">48</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_50">CHAPTER V.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Empire and Policy of Charles.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Import of the Coronation at Rome</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_52">52</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Accounts given in the Annals of the time</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_53">53</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Question as to the Intentions of Charles</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Legal Effect of the Coronation</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Position of Charles towards the Church</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Towards his German Subjects</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Towards the other Races of Europe</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_70">70</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">General View of his Character and Policy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_72">72</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_76">CHAPTER VI.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Carolingian and Italian Emperors.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Reign of Lewis I</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_76">76</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Dissolution of the Carolingian Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Beginnings of the German Kingdom</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_79">79</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Italian Emperors</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_80">80</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Otto the Saxon King</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_84">84</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Coronation of Otto at Rome</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_87">87</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_89">CHAPTER VII.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Theory of the Mediæval Empire.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The World Monarchy and the World Religion</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_91">91</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Unity of the Christian Church</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Influence of the Doctrine of Realism</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Popes as heirs to the Roman Monarchy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_99">99</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Character of the revived Roman Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Respective Functions of the Pope and the Emperor</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_104">104</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Proofs and Illustrations</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Interpretations of Prophecy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Two remarkable Pictures</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_116">116</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_IX" id="Page_IX">ix</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_122">CHAPTER VIII.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The Roman Empire and the German Kingdom.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The German or East Frankish Monarchy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_122">122</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Feudality in Germany</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Reciprocal Influence of the Roman and Teutonic Elements on
the Character of the Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_127">127</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_133">CHAPTER IX.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Saxon and Franconian Emperors.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Adventures of Otto the Great in Rome</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_134">134</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Trial and Deposition of Pope John XII</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_135">135</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Position of Otto in Italy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_139">139</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">His European Policy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_140">140</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Comparison of his Empire with the Carolingian</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_144">144</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Character and Projects of the Emperor Otto III</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_146">146</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Emperors Henry II and Conrad II</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Emperor Henry III</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_151">151</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_153">CHAPTER X.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Struggle of the Empire and the Papacy.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Origin and Progress of Papal Power</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_153">153</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Relations of the Popes with the early Emperors</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_155">155</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Quarrel of Henry IV and Gregory VII</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_159">159</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Gregory's Ideas</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Concordat of Worms</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_163">163</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">General Results of the Contest</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_164">164</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_167">CHAPTER XI.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The Emperors in Italy: Frederick Barbarossa.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Frederick and the Papacy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Revival of the Study of the Roman Law</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_172">172</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Arnold of Brescia and the Roman Republicans</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_174">174</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Frederick's Struggle with the Lombard Cities</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_175">175</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">His Policy as German King</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_178">178</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_X" id="Page_X">x</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_182">CHAPTER XII.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Imperial Titles and Pretensions.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Territorial Limits of the Empire&mdash;Its Claims of Jurisdiction
over other Countries</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_182">182</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hungary</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_183">183</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Poland</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_184">184</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Denmark</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_184">184</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">France</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_185">185</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sweden</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_185">185</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Spain</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_185">185</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">England</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_186">186</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Scotland</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_187">187</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Naples and Sicily</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_188">188</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Venice</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_188">188</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">The East</td>

<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_189">189</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Rivalry of the Teutonic and Byzantine Emperors</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_191">191</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Four Crowns</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_193">193</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Origin and Meaning of the title 'Holy Empire'</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_199">199</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_204">CHAPTER XIII.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Fall of the Hohenstaufen.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Reign of Henry VI</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_205">205</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Contest of Philip and Otto IV</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_206">206</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Character and Career of the Emperor Frederick II</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_207">207</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Destruction of Imperial Authority in Italy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_211">211</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Great Interregnum</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_212">212</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Rudolf of Hapsburg</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_213">213</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Change in the Character of the Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_214">214</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Haughty Demeanour of the Popes</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_217">217</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_221">CHAPTER XIV.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The Germanic Constitution&mdash;the Seven Electors.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Germany in the Fourteenth Century</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_222">222</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Reign of the Emperor Charles IV</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_225">225</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Origin and History of the System of Election, and of the
Electoral Body</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_225">225</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XI" id="Page_XI">xi</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Golden Bull</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_230">230</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Remarks on the Elective Monarchy of Germany</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_233">233</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Results of Charles IV's Policy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_236">236</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_238">CHAPTER XV.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The Empire as an International Power.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Revival of Learning</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_240">240</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Beginnings of Political Thought</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_241">241</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Desire for an International Power</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_242">242</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Theory of the Emperor's Functions as Monarch of Europe</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_244">244</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Illustrations</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_249">249</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Relations of the Empire and the New Learning</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_251">251</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Men of Letters&mdash;Petrarch, Dante</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_254">254</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Jurists</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_256">256</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Passion for Antiquity in the Middle Ages: its Causes</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_258">258</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Emperor Henry VII in Italy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_262">262</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The <i>De Monarchia</i> of Dante</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_264">264</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_269">CHAPTER XVI.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The City of Rome in the Middle Ages.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Rapid Decline of the City after the Gothic Wars</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_273">273</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Her Condition in the Dark Ages</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_274">274</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Republican Revival of the Twelfth Century</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_276">276</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Character and Ideas of Nicholas Rienzi</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_278">278</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Social State of Mediæval Rome</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_280">280</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Visits of the Teutonic Emperors</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_282">282</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Revolts against them</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Existing Traces of their Presence in Rome</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_286">286</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Want of Mediæval, and especially of Gothic Buildings, in
Modern Rome</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_289">289</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Causes of this; Ravages of Enemies and Citizens</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_291">291</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Modern Restorations</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_292">292</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Surviving Features of truly Mediæval Architecture&mdash;the Bell-towers</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_294">294</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Roman Church and the Roman City</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_296">296</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Rome since the Revolution</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_299">299</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XII" id="Page_XII">xii</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_301">CHAPTER XVII.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The Renaissance: Change in the Character of the Empire.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Weakness of Germany</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_302">302</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Loss of Imperial Territories</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_303">303</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Gradual Change in the Germanic Constitution</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_307">307</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Beginning of the Predominance of the Hapsburgs</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_310">310</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Discovery of America</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_311">311</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Renaissance and its Effects on the Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_311">311</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Projects of Constitutional Reform</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_313">313</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Changes of Title</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_316">316</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_319">CHAPTER XVIII.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The Reformation and its Effects upon the Empire.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Accession of Charles V</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_319">319</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">His Attitude towards the Reformation</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_321">321</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Issue of his Attempts at Coercion</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_322">322</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Spirit and Essence of the Religious Movement</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_325">325</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Its Influence on the Doctrine of the Visible Church</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_327">327</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">How far it promoted Civil and Religious Liberty</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_329">329</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Its Effect upon the Mediæval Theory of the Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_332">332</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Upon the Position of the Emperor in Europe</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_333">333</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Dissensions in Germany</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_334">334</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Thirty Years' War</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_335">335</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_337">CHAPTER XIX.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">The Peace of Westphalia: Last Stage in the Decline
of the Empire.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Political Import of the Peace of Westphalia</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_337">337</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Hippolytus a Lapide and his Book</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_339">339</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Changes in the Germanic Constitution</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_340">340</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Narrowed Bounds of the Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_341">341</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Condition of Germany after the Peace</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_342">342</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Balance of Power</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_345">345</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Hapsburg Emperors and their Policy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_348">348</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XIII" id="Page_XIII">xiii</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Emperor Charles VII</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_351">351</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Empire in its last Phase</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_352">352</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Feelings of the German People</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_354">354</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_356">CHAPTER XX.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Fall of the Empire.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Emperor Francis II</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_356">356</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Napoleon as the Representative of the Carolingians</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_357">357</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The French Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_360">360</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Napoleon's German Policy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_361">361</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Confederation of the Rhine</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_362">362</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">End of the Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_363">363</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The German Confederation</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_364">364</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="3"><a href="#Page_366">CHAPTER XXI.</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcname" colspan="3">Conclusion: General Summary.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Causes of the Perpetuation of the Name of Rome</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_366">366</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Parallel instances: Claims now made to represent the Roman
Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_367">367</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Parallel afforded by the History of the Papacy</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_369">369</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">In how far was the Empire really Roman</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_374">374</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Imperialism: Ancient and Modern</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_375">375</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Essential Principles of the Mediæval Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_377">377</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Influence of the Imperial System in Germany</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_378">378</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">The Claim of Modern Austria to represent the Mediæval Empire</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_381">381</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Results of the Influence of the Empire upon Europe</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_383">383</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Upon Modern Jurisprudence</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_383">383</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Upon the Development of the Ecclesiastical Power</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_384">384</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Struggle of the Empire with three Hostile Principles</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_388">388</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Its Relations, Past and Present, to the Nationalities of Europe</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_390">390</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang" colspan="2">Conclusion: Difficulties caused by the Nature of the Subject</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_392">392</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XIV" id="Page_XIV">xiv</a></span></td>
</tr>
</table>
<h2>APPENDIX.</h2>
<table summary="Appendix Contents">
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Note A.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang">On the Burgundies</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_395">395</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Note B.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang">On the Relations to the Empire of the Kingdom of Denmark
and the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_398">398</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Note C.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang">On certain Imperial Titles and Ceremonies</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_400">400</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdchap" colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Note D.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang">Hildebert's Lines contrasting the Past and Present of Rome</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_406">406</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdpad tdhang">INDEX</td>
<td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_407">407</a></td>
</tr>
</table>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XV" id="Page_XV">xv</a></span></p>

<h2><span class="s08">DATES OF</span><br /><br />
SEVERAL IMPORTANT EVENTS<br /><br />
<span class="s08">IN THE HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE.</span></h2>
<table summary="Important Dates">
<tr>
<td colspan="2" class="tdr"><span class="s08">B.C.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Battle of Pharsalia</td>
<td class="tdr">48</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td colspan="2" class="tdr"><span class="s08">A.D.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Council of Nicæa</td>
<td class="tdr">325</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>End of the separate Western Empire</td>
<td class="tdr">476</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Revolt of the Italians from the Iconoclastic Emperors</td>
<td class="tdr">728</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Coronation of Charles the Great</td>
<td class="tdr">800</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>End of the Carolingian Empire</td>
<td class="tdr">888</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Coronation of Otto the Great</td>
<td class="tdr">962</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Final Union of Italy to the Empire</td>
<td class="tdr">1014</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Quarrel between Henry IV and Gregory VII</td>
<td class="tdr">1076</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>The First Crusade</td>
<td class="tdr">1096</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Battle of Legnano</td>
<td class="tdr">1176</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Death of Frederick II</td>
<td class="tdr">1250</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>League of the three Forest Cantons of Switzerland</td>
<td class="tdr">1308</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Career of Rienzi</td>
<td class="tdr">1347-1354</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>The Golden Bull</td>
<td class="tdr">1356</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Council of Constance</td>
<td class="tdr">1415</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Extinction of the Eastern Empire</td>
<td class="tdr">1453</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Discovery of America</td>
<td class="tdr">1492</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Luther at the Diet of Worms</td>
<td class="tdr">1521
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XVI" id="Page_XVI">xvi</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Beginning of the Thirty Years' War</td>
<td class="tdr">1618</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Peace of Westphalia</td>
<td class="tdr">1648</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Prussia recognized as a Kingdom</td>
<td class="tdr">1701</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>End of the House of Hapsburg</td>
<td class="tdr">1742</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Seven Years' War</td>
<td class="tdr">1756-1763</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Peace of Luneville</td>
<td class="tdr">1801</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Formation of the German Confederation</td>
<td class="tdr">1815</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Establishment of the North German Confederation</td>
<td class="tdr">1866</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XVII" id="Page_XVII">xvii</a></span></p>

<h2><span class="s08">CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE</span><br />
<span class="s05">of</span><br />
EMPERORS AND POPES.</h2>

<table summary="Emperors and Popes" class="emperors">
<col width="8%" />
<col width="42%" />
<col width="42%" />
<col width="8%" />
<tr>
<th>Year of Accession.</th>
<th>Bishops of Rome, or Popes.</th>
<th>Emperors.</th>
<th>Year of Accession</th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu"><span class="s08">A.D.</span></td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd"><span class="s08">B.C.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Augustus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">27</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd"><span class="s08">A.D.</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Tiberius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">14</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Caligula.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">37</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Claudius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">41</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">42</td>
<td class="tdhang">St. Peter, (according to Jerome).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Nero.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">54</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">67</td>
<td class="tdhang">Linus, (according to Jerome, Irenæus, Eusebius).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">68</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement, (according to Tertullian and Rufinus).</td>
<td class="tdhang">Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">68</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">78</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anacletus (?).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Titus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">79</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Domitian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">81</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">91</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement, (according to later writers).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Nerva.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">96</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Trajan.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">98</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">100</td>
<td class="tdhang">Evaristus (?).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">109</td>
<td class="tdhang">Alexander (?).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hadrian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">117</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">119</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sixtus I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">129</td>
<td class="tdhang">Telesphorus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Antoninus Pius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">138</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">139</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hyginus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">143</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pius I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XVIII" id="Page_XVIII">xviii</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">157</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anicetus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Marcus Aurelius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">161</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">168</td>
<td class="tdhang">Soter.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">177</td>
<td class="tdhang">Eleutherius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Commodus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">180</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pertinax.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">190</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Didius Julianus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">191</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Niger.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">192</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">193</td>
<td class="tdhang">Victor (?).</td>
<td class="tdhang">Septimius Severus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">193</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">202</td>
<td class="tdhang">Zephyrinus (?).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Caracalla, Geta, Diadumenian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">211</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Opilius Macrinus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">217</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Elagabalus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">218</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">219</td>
<td class="tdhang">Calixtus I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Alexander Severus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">222</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">223</td>
<td class="tdhang">Urban I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">230</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pontianus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">235</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anterius or Anteros.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Maximin.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">235</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">236</td>
<td class="tdhang">Fabianus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">The two Gordians, Maximus Pupienus, Balbinus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">237</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gordian the Younger.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">238</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Philip.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">244</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Decius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">249</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">251</td>
<td class="tdhang">Cornelius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gallus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">251</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">252</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lucius I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Volusian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">252</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">253</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Æmilian, Valerian, Gallienus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">253</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">257</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sixtus II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">259</td>
<td class="tdhang">Dionysius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Claudius II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">268</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">269</td>
<td class="tdhang">Felix.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Aurelian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">270</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">275</td>
<td class="tdhang">Eutychianus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Tacitus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">275</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Probus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">276</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Carus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">282</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">283</td>
<td class="tdhang">Caius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Carinus, Numerian, Diocletian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">284</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Maximian, joint Emperor with Diocletian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">286</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">296</td>
<td class="tdhang">Marcellinus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdc">[305(?)</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">304</td>
<td class="tdhang">Vacancy.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantius, Galerius.</td>
<td class="tdc">304(?)
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XIX" id="Page_XIX">xix</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Licinius.</td>
<td class="tdc">or 307]</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">308</td>
<td class="tdhang">Marcellus I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Maximin.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">308</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantine, Galerius, Licinius, Maximin, Maxentius, and Maximian reigning jointly.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">309</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">310</td>
<td class="tdhang">Eusebius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">311</td>
<td class="tdhang">Melchiades.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">314</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sylvester I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantine (the Great) alone.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">323</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">336</td>
<td class="tdhang">Marcus I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">337</td>
<td class="tdhang">Julius I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantine II, Constantius II, Constans.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">337</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Magnentius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">350</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">352</td>
<td class="tdhang">Liberius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantius alone.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">353</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">356</td>
<td class="tdhang">Felix (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Julian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">361</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Jovian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">363</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Valens and Valentinian I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">364</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">366</td>
<td class="tdhang">Damasus I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gratian and Valentinian I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">367</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Valentinian II and Gratian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">375</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Theodosius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">379</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">384</td>
<td class="tdhang">Siricius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Arcadius (in the East), Honorius (in the West).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">395</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">398</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anastasius I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">402</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Theodosius II. (E)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">408</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">417</td>
<td class="tdhang">Zosimus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">418</td>
<td class="tdhang">Boniface I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">418</td>
<td class="tdhang">Eulalius (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">422</td>
<td class="tdhang">Celestine I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Valentinian III. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">424</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">432</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sixtus III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">440</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo I (the Great).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Marcian. (E)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">450</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Maximus, Avitus. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">455</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Majorian. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">455</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo I. (E)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">457</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">461</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hilarius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Severus. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">461
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XX" id="Page_XX">xx</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Vacancy. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">465</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anthemius. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">467</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">468</td>
<td class="tdhang">Simplicius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Olybrius. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">472</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Glycerius. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">473</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Julius Nepos. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">474</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo II, Zeno, Basiliscus (all E.)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">474</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Romulus Augustulus. (W)</td>
<td class="tdrvd">475</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">(End of the Western Line in Romulus Augustus.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">476)</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><i>(Henceforth, till A.D. 800, Emperors reigning at Constantinople).</i></td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">483</td>
<td class="tdhang">Felix III<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anastasius I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">491</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">492</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gelasius I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">496</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anastasius II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">498</td>
<td class="tdhang">Symmachus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">498</td>
<td class="tdhang">Laurentius (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">514</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hormisdas.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Justin I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">518</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">523</td>
<td class="tdhang">John I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">526</td>
<td class="tdhang">Felix IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Justinian.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">527</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">530</td>
<td class="tdhang">Boniface II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">530</td>
<td class="tdhang">Dioscorus (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">532</td>
<td class="tdhang">John II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">535</td>
<td class="tdhang">Agapetus I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">536</td>
<td class="tdhang">Silverius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">537</td>
<td class="tdhang">Vigilius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">555</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pelagius I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">560</td>
<td class="tdhang">John III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Justin II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">565</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">574</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">578</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pelagius II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Tiberius II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">578</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Maurice.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">582</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">590</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory I (the Great).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Phocas.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">602</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">604</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sabinianus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">607</td>
<td class="tdhang">Boniface III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">607</td>
<td class="tdhang">Boniface IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Heraclius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">610</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">615</td>
<td class="tdhang">Deus dedit.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">618</td>
<td class="tdhang">Boniface V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXI" id="Page_XXI">xxi</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">625</td>
<td class="tdhang">Honorius I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">638</td>
<td class="tdhang">Severinus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">640</td>
<td class="tdhang">John IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantine III, Heracleonas, Constans II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">641</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">642</td>
<td class="tdhang">Theodorus I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">649</td>
<td class="tdhang">Martin I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">654</td>
<td class="tdhang">Eugenius I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">657</td>
<td class="tdhang">Vitalianus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantine IV (Pogonatus).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">668</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">672</td>
<td class="tdhang">Adeodatus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">676</td>
<td class="tdhang">Domnus or Donus I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">678</td>
<td class="tdhang">Agatho.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">682</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">683(?)</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">685</td>
<td class="tdhang">John V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Justinian II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">685</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">685(?)</td>
<td class="tdhang">Conon.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">687</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sergius I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">687</td>
<td class="tdhang">Paschal (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">687</td>
<td class="tdhang">Theodorus (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leontius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">694</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Tiberius.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">697</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">701</td>
<td class="tdhang">John VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">705</td>
<td class="tdhang">John VII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Justinian II restored.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">705</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">708</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sisinnius.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">708</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantine.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Philippicus Bardanes.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">711</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anastasius II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">713</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">715</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Theodosius III.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">716</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo III (the Isaurian).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">718</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">731</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">741</td>
<td class="tdhang">Zacharias.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantine V (Copronymus).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">741</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">752</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen (II).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">752</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen II (or III).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">757</td>
<td class="tdhang">Paul I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">767</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantine (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">768</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen III (IV).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">772</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hadrian I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo IV.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">775</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Constantine VI.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">780</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">795</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Deposition of Constantine VI by Irene.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">797
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXII" id="Page_XXII">xxii</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Charles I (the Great).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">800</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><i>(Following henceforth the new Western line).</i></td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lewis I (the Pious).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">814</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">816</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">817</td>
<td class="tdhang">Paschal I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">824</td>
<td class="tdhang">Eugenius II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">827</td>
<td class="tdhang">Valentinus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">827</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lothar I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">840</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">844</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sergius II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">847</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">855</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lewis II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">855</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">855</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anastasius (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">858</td>
<td class="tdhang">Nicholas I.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">867</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hadrian II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">872</td>
<td class="tdhang">John VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Charles II (the Bald).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">875</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Charles III (the Fat).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">881</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">882</td>
<td class="tdhang">Martin II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">884</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hadrian III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">885</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">891</td>
<td class="tdhang">Formosus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Guido.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">891</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lambert.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">894</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">896</td>
<td class="tdhang">Boniface VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Arnulf.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">896</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">896</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">897</td>
<td class="tdhang">Romanus.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">897</td>
<td class="tdhang">Theodore II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">898</td>
<td class="tdhang">John IX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><i>Lewis (the Child).</i><a name="FNanchor_dag" id="FNanchor_dag" href="#Footnote_dag" class="fnanchor">[&dagger;]</a></td>
<td class="tdrvd">899</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">900</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lewis III (of Provence).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">901</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">903</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">903</td>
<td class="tdhang">Christopher.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">904</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sergius III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">911</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anastasius III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><i>Conrad I.</i></td>
<td class="tdrvd">912(?)</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">913</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lando.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">914</td>
<td class="tdhang">John X.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Berengar.</td>
<td class="tdrvu">915</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><i>Henry I (the Fowler).</i></td>
<td class="tdrvd">918</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">928</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXIII" id="Page_XXIII">xxiii</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">929</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen VII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">931</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">936</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo VII.</td>
<td class="tdhang"><i>Otto I (the Great).</i></td>
<td class="tdrvd">936</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">939</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">941</td>
<td class="tdhang">Martin III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">946</td>
<td class="tdhang">Agapetus II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">955</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Otto I, crowned at Rome.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">962</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">963</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">964</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict V (Anti-Pope?).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">965</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">972</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Otto II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">973</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">974</td>
<td class="tdhang">Boniface VII (Anti-pope?).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">974</td>
<td class="tdhang">Domnus II (?).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">974</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict VII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">983</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XIV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Otto III</td>
<td class="tdrvd">983</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">985</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">996</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">996</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XVI (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">999</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sylvester II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Henry II (the Saint).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1002</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1003</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XVII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1003</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XVIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1009</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sergius IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1012</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1024</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XIX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Conrad II (the Salic).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1024</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1033</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict IX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Henry III.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1039</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1044</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sylvester (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1045(?)</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1046</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1048</td>
<td class="tdhang">Damasus II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1048</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo IX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1054</td>
<td class="tdhang">Victor II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Henry IV.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1056</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1057</td>
<td class="tdhang">Stephen IX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1058</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict X.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1059</td>
<td class="tdhang">Nicholas II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1061</td>
<td class="tdhang">Alexander II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1073</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory VII (Hildebrand).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1080</td>
<td class="tdhang">(Clement, Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1086</td>
<td class="tdhang">Victor III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1087</td>
<td class="tdhang">Urban II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXIV" id="Page_XXIV">xxiv</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1099</td>
<td class="tdhang">Paschal II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Henry V.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1106</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1118</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gelasius II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1118</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory, (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1119</td>
<td class="tdhang">Calixtus II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1121</td>
<td class="tdhang">(Celestine, Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1124</td>
<td class="tdhang">Honorius II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lothar II (the Saxon).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1125</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1130</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">(Anacletus, Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1138</td>
<td class="tdhang">Victor (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a name="FNanchor_star" id="FNanchor_star" href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Conrad III.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1138</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1143</td>
<td class="tdhang">Celestine II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1144</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lucius II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1145</td>
<td class="tdhang">Eugenius III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Frederick I (Barbarossa).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1152</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1153</td>
<td class="tdhang">Anastasius IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1154</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hadrian IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1159</td>
<td class="tdhang">Alexander III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1159</td>
<td class="tdhang">(Victor, Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1164</td>
<td class="tdhang">(Paschal, Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1168</td>
<td class="tdhang">(Calixtus, Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1181</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lucius III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1185</td>
<td class="tdhang">Urban III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1187</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1187</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Henry VI.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1190</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1191</td>
<td class="tdhang">Celestine III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1198</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent III.</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Philip, Otto IV (rivals).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1198</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Otto IV.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1208</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Frederick II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1212</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1216</td>
<td class="tdhang">Honorius III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1227</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory IX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1241</td>
<td class="tdhang">Celestine IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1241</td>
<td class="tdhang">Vacancy.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1243</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Conrad IV, <a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>William, (rivals).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1250</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1254</td>
<td class="tdhang">Alexander IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang"><i>Interregnum.</i></td>
<td class="tdrvd">1254</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Richard (earl of Cornwall). <a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Alfonso (king of Castile), (rivals).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1257</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1261</td>
<td class="tdhang">Urban IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXV" id="Page_XXV">xxv</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1265</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1269</td>
<td class="tdhang">Vacancy.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1271</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory X.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Rudolf I (of Hapsburg).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1272</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1276</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1276</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hadrian V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1277</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XX or XXI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1277</td>
<td class="tdhang">Nicholas I</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1281</td>
<td class="tdhang">Martin IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1285</td>
<td class="tdhang">Honorius IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1289</td>
<td class="tdhang">Nicholas IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1292</td>
<td class="tdhang">Vacancy.</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Adolf (of Nassau).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1292</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1294</td>
<td class="tdhang">Celestine V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1294</td>
<td class="tdhang">Boniface VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Albert I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1298</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1303</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict XI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1305</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Henry VII.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1308</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1314</td>
<td class="tdhang">Vacancy.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Lewis IV.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1314</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">(Frederick of Austria, rival).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1316</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XXI or XXII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1334</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict XII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1342</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Charles IV.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1347</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1352</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">(Günther of Schwartzburg, rival).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1362</td>
<td class="tdhang">Urban V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1370</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory XI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1378</td>
<td class="tdhang">Urban VI, Clement VII (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Wenzel.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1378</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1389</td>
<td class="tdhang">Boniface IX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1394</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Rupert.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1400</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1404</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent VII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1406</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory XII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1409</td>
<td class="tdhang">Alexander V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1410</td>
<td class="tdhang">John XXII or XXIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sigismund.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1410</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">(Jobst of Moravia, rival).</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1417</td>
<td class="tdhang">Martin V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1431</td>
<td class="tdhang">Eugene IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Albert II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1438</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1439</td>
<td class="tdhang">Felix V (Anti-pope).</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXVI" id="Page_XXVI">xxvi</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Frederick III.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1440</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1447</td>
<td class="tdhang">Nicholas V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1455</td>
<td class="tdhang">Calixtus IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1458</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pius II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1464</td>
<td class="tdhang">Paul II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1471</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sixtus IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1484</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1493</td>
<td class="tdhang">Alexander VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Maximilian I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1493</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1503</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pius III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1503</td>
<td class="tdhang">Julius II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1513</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo X.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Charles V.<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></td>
<td class="tdrvd">1519</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1522</td>
<td class="tdhang">Hadrian VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1523</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement VII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1534</td>
<td class="tdhang">Paul III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1550</td>
<td class="tdhang">Julius III.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1555</td>
<td class="tdhang">Marcellus II.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1555</td>
<td class="tdhang">Paul IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Ferdinand I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1558</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1559</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pius IV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Maximilian II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1564</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1566</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pius V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1572</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory XIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Rudolf II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1576</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1585</td>
<td class="tdhang">Sixtus V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1590</td>
<td class="tdhang">Urban VII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1590</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory XIV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1591</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent IX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1592</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1604</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo XI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1604</td>
<td class="tdhang">Paul V.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Matthias.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1612</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Ferdinand II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1619</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1621</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory XV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1623</td>
<td class="tdhang">Urban VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Ferdinand III.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1637</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1644</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent X.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1655</td>
<td class="tdhang">Alexander VII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Leopold I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1658</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1667</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement IX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_XXVII" id="Page_XXVII">xxvii</a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1670</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement X.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1676</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent XI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1689</td>
<td class="tdhang">Alexander VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1691</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent XII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1700</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement XI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Joseph I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1705</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Charles VI.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1711</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1720</td>
<td class="tdhang">Innocent XIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1724</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict XIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1740</td>
<td class="tdhang">Benedict XIV.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Charles VII.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1742</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Francis I.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1745</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1758</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement XII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Joseph II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1765</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1769</td>
<td class="tdhang">Clement XIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1775</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pius VI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Leopold II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1790</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang"><a href="#Footnote_star" class="fnanchor">[&#42;]</a>Francis II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1792</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1800</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pius VII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdhang">Abdication of Francis II.</td>
<td class="tdrvd">1806</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1823</td>
<td class="tdhang">Leo XII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1829</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pius VIII.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1831</td>
<td class="tdhang">Gregory XVI.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrvu">1846</td>
<td class="tdhang">Pius IX.</td>
<td class="tdhang">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdrvd">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_dag" id="Footnote_dag" href="#FNanchor_dag"><span class="label">[&dagger;]</span></a>The names in italics are those of German kings who never made any claim
to the imperial title.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_star" id="Footnote_star" href="#FNanchor_star"><span class="label">[&#42;]</span></a>
Those marked with an asterisk were never actually crowned at Rome.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">1</a></span></p>

<p class="center b15 p6">THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE.</p>

<h2 class="p2">CHAPTER I.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">INTRODUCTORY.</span></h2>

<p>Of those who in August, 1806, read in the English
newspapers that the Emperor Francis II had announced
to the Diet his resignation of the imperial
crown, there were probably few who reflected that the
oldest political institution in the world had come to
an end. Yet it was so. The Empire which a note
issued by a diplomatist on the banks of the Danube
extinguished, was the same which the crafty nephew
of Julius had won for himself, against the powers of
the East, beneath the cliffs of Actium; and which had
preserved almost unaltered, through eighteen centuries
of time, and through the greatest changes in extent, in
power, in character, a title and pretensions from which
all meaning had long since departed. Nothing else so
directly linked the old world to the new&mdash;nothing else
displayed so many strange contrasts of the present and
the past, and summed up in those contrasts so much
of European history. From the days of Constantine till
far down into the middle ages it was, conjointly with the
Papacy, the recognised centre and head of Christendom,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span>
exercising over the minds of men an influence such as
its material strength could never have commanded. It
is of this influence and of the causes that gave it power
rather than of the external history of the Empire, that
the following pages are designed to treat. That history
is indeed full of interest and brilliance, of grand characters
and striking situations. But it is a subject too
vast for any single canvas. Without a minuteness of
detail sufficient to make its scenes dramatic and give us
a lively sympathy with the actors, a narrative history can
have little value and still less charm. But to trace with
any minuteness the career of the Empire, would be to
write the history of Christendom from the fifth century
to the twelfth, of Germany and Italy from the twelfth
to the nineteenth; while even a narrative of more restricted
scope, which should attempt to disengage from
a general account of the affairs of those countries the
events that properly belong to imperial history, could
hardly be compressed within reasonable limits. It is
therefore better, declining so great a task, to attempt
one simpler and more practicable though not necessarily
inferior in interest; to speak less of events than
of principles, and endeavour to describe the Empire not
as a State but as an Institution, an institution created by
and embodying a wonderful system of ideas. In pursuance
of such a plan, the forms which the Empire took
in the several stages of its growth and decline must be
briefly sketched. The characters and acts of the great
men who founded, guided, and overthrew it must from
time to time be touched upon. But the chief aim of
the treatise will be to dwell more fully on the inner
nature of the Empire, as the most signal instance of
the fusion of Roman and Teutonic elements in modern
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span>
civilization: to shew how such a combination was possible;
how Charles and Otto were led to revive the
imperial title in the West; how far during the reigns
of their successors it preserved the memory of its
origin, and influenced the European commonwealth of
nations.</p>

<p>Strictly speaking, it is from the year 800 <span class="s08">A.D.</span>, when
a King of the Franks was crowned Emperor of the
Romans by Pope Leo III, that the beginning of the Holy
Roman Empire must be dated. But in history there is
nothing isolated, and just as to explain a modern Act
of Parliament or a modern conveyance of lands we must
go back to the feudal customs of the thirteenth century,
so among the institutions of the Middle Ages there is
scarcely one which can be understood until it is traced
up either to classical or to primitive Teutonic antiquity.
Such a mode of inquiry is most of all needful in the case
of the Holy Empire, itself no more than a tradition, a
fancied revival of departed glories. And thus, in order
to make it clear out of what elements the imperial system
was formed, we might be required to scrutinize the antiquities
of the Christian Church; to survey the constitution
of Rome in the days when Rome was no more
than the first of the Latin cities; nay, to travel back yet
further to that Jewish theocratic polity whose influence
on the minds of the mediæval priesthood was necessarily
so profound. Practically, however, it may suffice to begin
by glancing at the condition of the Roman world in
the third and fourth centuries of the Christian era. We
shall then see the old Empire with its scheme of absolutism
fully matured; we shall mark how the new religion,
rising in the midst of a hostile power, ends by
embracing and transforming it; and we shall be in a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span>
position to understand what impression the whole huge
fabric of secular and ecclesiastical government which
Roman and Christian had piled up made upon the barbarian
tribes who pressed into the charmed circle of the
ancient civilization.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER II.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE ROMAN EMPIRE BEFORE THE INVASIONS OF THE
BARBARIANS.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">The Roman
Empire in
the second
century.</p>

<p>That ostentation of humility which the subtle policy
of Augustus had conceived, and the jealous hypocrisy
of Tiberius maintained, was gradually dropped by their
successors, till despotism became at last recognised in
principle as the government of the Roman Empire.
With an aristocracy decayed, a populace degraded, an
army no longer recruited from Italy, the semblance of
liberty that yet survived might be swept away with impunity.
Republican forms had never been known in the
provinces at all, and the aspect which the imperial administration
had originally assumed there, soon reacted
on its position in the capital. Earlier rulers had disguised
their supremacy by making a slavish senate the
instrument of their more cruel or arbitrary acts. As time
went on, even this veil was withdrawn; and in the age of
Septimius Severus, the Emperor stood forth to the whole
Roman world as the single centre and source of power
and political action. The warlike character of the Roman
state was preserved in his title of General; his provincial
lieutenants were military governors; and a more
terrible enforcement of the theory was found in his
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span>
dependence on the army, at once the origin and support
of all authority. But, as he united in himself every
function of government, his sovereignty was civil as well
as military. Laws emanated from him; all officials acted
under his commission; the sanctity of his person bordered
on divinity. This increased concentration of power
was mainly required by the necessities of frontier defence,
for within there was more decay than disaffection. Few
troops were quartered through the country: few fortresses
checked the march of armies in the struggles which
placed Vespasian and Severus on the throne. The distant
crash of war from the Rhine or the Euphrates was
scarcely heard or heeded in the profound quiet of the
Mediterranean coasts, where, with piracy, fleets had disappeared.
No quarrels of race or religion disturbed that
calm, for all national distinctions were becoming merged
<span class="sidenote">Obliteration
of national
distinctions.</span>
in the idea of a common Empire. The gradual extension
of Roman citizenship through the <i>coloniæ</i>, the working
of the equalized and equalizing Roman law, the even
pressure of the government on all subjects, the movement
of population caused by commerce and the slave
traffic, were steadily assimilating the various peoples.
Emperors who were for the most part natives of the
provinces cared little to cherish Italy or conciliate Rome:
it was their policy to keep open for every subject a
career by whose freedom they had themselves risen to
greatness, and to recruit the senate from the most illustrious
families in the cities of Gaul, Spain, and Asia.
The edict by which Caracalla extended to all natives
of the Roman world the rights of Roman citizenship,
though prompted by no motives of kindness, proved in
the end a boon. Annihilating legal distinctions, it completed
the work which trade and literature and toleration
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span>
to all beliefs but one were already performing, and left,
so far as we can tell, only two nations still cherishing
a national feeling. The Jew was kept apart by his
religion: the Greek boasted his original intellectual superiority.
Speculative philosophy lent her aid to this
general assimilation. Stoicism, with its doctrine of a
universal system of nature, made minor distinctions between
man and man seem insignificant: and by its
teachers the idea of cosmopolitanism was for the first
time proclaimed. Alexandrian Neo-Platonism, uniting
the tenets of many schools, first bringing the mysticism
of the East into connection with the logical philosophies
of Greece, had opened up a new ground of agreement
or controversy for the minds of all the world. Yet
<span class="sidenote">The Capital.</span>
Rome's commanding position was scarcely shaken. Her
actual power was indeed confined within narrow limits.
Rarely were her senate and people permitted to choose
the sovereign: more rarely still could they control his
policy; neither law nor custom raised them above other
subjects, or accorded to them any advantage in the career
of civil or military ambition. As in time past Rome had
sacrificed domestic freedom that she might be the mistress
of others, so now to be universal, she, the conqueror, had
descended to the level of the conquered. But the sacrifice
had not wanted its reward. From her came the
laws and the language that had overspread the world:
at her feet the nations laid the offerings of their labour:
she was the head of the Empire and of civilization, and
in riches, fame, and splendour far outshone as well the
cities of that time as the fabled glories of Babylon or
Persepolis.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Diocletian
and Constantine.</p>

<p>Scarcely had these slowly working influences brought
about this unity, when other influences began to threaten
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span>
it. New foes assailed the frontiers; while the loosening
of the structure within was shewn by the long struggles
for power which followed the death or deposition of each
successive emperor. In the period of anarchy after the
fall of Valerian, generals were raised by their armies in
every part of the Empire, and ruled great provinces as
monarchs apart, owning no allegiance to the possessor
of the capital.</p>

<p>The founding of the kingdoms of modern Europe
might have been anticipated by two hundred years, had
the barbarians been bolder, or had there not arisen
in Diocletian a prince active and politic enough to
bind up the fragments before they had lost all cohesion,
meeting altered conditions by new remedies. By
dividing and localizing authority, he confessed that the
weaker heart could no longer make its pulsations felt
to the body's extremities. He parcelled out the supreme
power among four persons, and then sought to give it a
factitious strength, by surrounding it with an oriental
pomp which his earlier predecessors would have scorned.
The sovereign's person became more sacred, and was
removed further from the subject by the interposition of
a host of officials. The prerogative of Rome was menaced
by the rivalry of Nicomedia, and the nearer greatness
of Milan. Constantine trod in the same path,
extending the system of titles and functionaries, separating
the civil from the military, placing counts and
dukes along the frontiers and in the cities, making the
household larger, its etiquette stricter, its offices more
important, though to a Roman eye degraded by their
attachment to the monarch's person. The crown became,
for the first time, the fountain of honour. These
changes brought little good. Heavier taxation depressed
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span>
the aristocracy<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>:
population decreased, agriculture withered,
serfdom spread: it was found more difficult to raise native
troops and to pay any troops whatever. The removal of
the seat of power to Byzantium, if it prolonged the life
of a part of the Empire, shook it as a whole, by making
the separation of East and West inevitable. By it Rome's
self-abnegation that she might Romanize the world, was
completed; for though the new capital preserved her
name, and followed her customs and precedents, yet now
the imperial sway ceased to be connected with the city
which had created it. Thus did the idea of Roman
monarchy become more universal; for, having lost its
local centre, it subsisted no longer historically, but, so
to speak, naturally, as a part of an order of things which
a change in external conditions seemed incapable of disturbing.
Henceforth the Empire would be unaffected by
the disasters of the city. And though, after the partition
of the Empire had been confirmed by Valentinian, and
finally settled on the death of Theodosius, the seat of the
Western government was removed first to Milan and then
to Ravenna, neither event destroyed Rome's prestige, nor
the notion of a single imperial nationality common to
all her subjects. The Syrian, the Pannonian, the Briton,
the Spaniard, still called himself a Roman<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Christianity.</p>

<p>For that nationality was now beginning to be supported
by a new and vigorous power. The Emperors
had indeed opposed it as disloyal and revolutionary: had
more than once put forth their whole strength to root it
out. But the unity of the Empire, and the ease of communication
through its parts, had favoured the spread of
Christianity: persecution had scattered the seeds more
widely, had forced on it a firm organization, had given it
martyr-heroes and a history. When Constantine, partly
perhaps from a genuine moral sympathy, yet doubtless
far more in the well-grounded belief that he had more
to gain from the zealous sympathy of its professors than
he could lose by the aversion of those who still cultivated
a languid paganism, took Christianity to be the religion
of the Empire, it was already a great political force, able,
and not more able than willing, to repay him by aid and
submission.
<span class="sidenote">Its alliance
with the
State.</span>
Yet the league was struck in no mere mercenary
spirit, for the league was inevitable. Of the evils
and dangers incident to the system then founded, there
was as yet no experience: of that antagonism between
Church and State which to a modern appears so natural,
there was not even an idea. Among the Jews, the State
had rested upon religion; among the Romans, religion
had been an integral part of the political constitution, a
matter far more of national or tribal or family feeling
than of personal<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>. Both in Israel and at Rome the
mingling of religious with civic patriotism had been harmonious,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span>
giving strength and elasticity to the whole body
politic. So perfect a union was now no longer possible
in the Roman Empire, for the new faith had already a
governing body of her own in those rulers and teachers
whom the growth of sacramentalism, and of sacerdotalism
its necessary consequence, was making every day more
powerful, and marking off more sharply from the mass
of the Christian people. Since therefore the ecclesiastical
organization could not be identical with the civil, it became
its counterpart. Suddenly called from danger and
ignominy to the seat of power, and finding her inexperience
perplexed by a sphere of action vast and varied,
the Church was compelled to frame herself upon the
model of the secular administration. Where her own
machinery was defective, as in the case of doctrinal disputes
affecting the whole Christian world, she sought the
interposition of the sovereign; in all else she strove not
to sink in, but to reproduce for herself the imperial system.
And just as with the extension of the Empire all
the independent rights of districts, towns, or tribes had
disappeared, so now the primitive freedom and diversity
of individual Christians and local Churches, already circumscribed
by the frequent struggles against heresy, was
finally overborne by the idea of one visible catholic
Church, uniform in faith and ritual; uniform too in her
relation to the civil power and the increasingly oligarchical
character of her government. Thus, under the
combined force of doctrinal theory and practical needs,
there shaped itself a hierarchy of patriarchs, metropolitans,
and bishops, their jurisdiction, although still
chiefly spiritual, enforced by the laws of the State,
their provinces and dioceses usually corresponding to
the administrative divisions of the Empire. As no
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span>
patriarch yet enjoyed more than an honorary supremacy,
the head of the Church&mdash;so far as she could be said
to have a head&mdash;was virtually the Emperor himself.
The inchoate right to intermeddle in religious affairs
which he derived from the office of Pontifex Maximus
was readily admitted; and the clergy, preaching the
duty of passive obedience now as it had been preached
in the days of Nero and Diocletian<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>,
were well pleased
to see him preside in councils, issue edicts against
heresy, and testify even by arbitrary measures his zeal
for the advancement of the faith and the overthrow of
pagan rites. But though the tone of the Church remained
humble, her strength waxed greater, nor were
occasions wanting which revealed the future that was
in store for her. The resistance and final triumph of
Athanasius proved that the new society could put forth
a power of opinion such as had never been known before:
the abasement of Theodosius the Emperor before
Ambrose the Archbishop admitted the supremacy of
spiritual authority. In the decrepitude of old institutions,
in the barrenness of literature and the feebleness
of art, it was to the Church that the life and feelings
of the people sought more and more to attach themselves;
and when in the fifth century the horizon grew
black with clouds of ruin, those who watched with despair
or apathy the approach of irresistible foes, fled for
comfort to the shrine of a religion which even those foes
revered.</p>

<p class="sidenote">It embraces
and preserves
the
imperial
idea.</p>

<p>But that which we are above all concerned to remark
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span>
here is, that this church system, demanding a more rigid
uniformity in doctrine and organization, making more
and more vital the notion of a visible body of worshippers
united by participation in the same sacraments,
maintained and propagated afresh the feeling of a single
Roman people throughout the world. Christianity as
well as civilization became conterminous with the Roman
Empire<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER III.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">The Barbarians.</p>

<p>Upon a world so constituted did the barbarians of the
North descend. From the dawn of history they shew as
a dim background to the warmth and light of the Mediterranean
coast, changing little while kingdoms rise and fall
in the South: only thought on when some hungry swarm
comes down to pillage or to settle. It is always as foes
that they are known. The Romans never forgot the
invasion of Brennus; and their fears, renewed by the
irruption of the Cimbri and Teutones, could not let them
rest till the extension of the frontier to the Rhine and
the Danube removed Italy from immediate danger. A
little more perseverance under Tiberius, or again under
Hadrian, would probably have reduced all Germany as
far as the Baltic and the Oder. But the politic or jealous
advice of Augustus<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>
 was followed, and it was only along
the frontiers that Roman arts and culture affected the
Teutonic races. Commerce was brisk; Roman envoys
penetrated the forests to the courts of rude chieftains;
adventurous barbarians entered the provinces, sometimes
to admire, oftener, like the brother of Arminius<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>,
to take
service under the Roman flag, and rise to a distinction in
the legion which some feud denied them at home. This
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Admitted
to Roman
titles and
honours.</span>
was found even more convenient by the hirer than by the
employed; till by degrees barbarian mercenaries came
to form the largest, or at least the most effective, part of
the Roman armies. The body-guard of Augustus had
been so composed; the prætorians were generally selected
from the bravest frontier troops, most of them German;
the practice could not but increase with the extinction of
the free peasantry, the growth of villenage, and the effeminacy
of all classes. Emperors who were, like Maximin,
themselves foreigners, encouraged a system by
whose means they had risen, and whose advantages they
knew. After Constantine, the barbarians form the majority
of the troops; after Theodosius, a Roman is the
exception. The soldiers of the Eastern Empire in the
time of Arcadius are almost all Goths, vast bodies of
whom had been settled in the provinces; while in the
West, Stilicho<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>
 can oppose Rhodogast only by summoning
the German auxiliaries from the frontiers. Along
with this practice there had grown up another, which did
still more to make the barbarians feel themselves members
of the Roman state. Whatever the pride of the old republic
might assert, the maxim of the Empire had always
been that birth and race should exclude no subject from
any post which his abilities deserved. This principle,
which had removed all obstacles from the path of the
Spaniard Trajan, the Pannonian Maximin, the Numidian
Philip, was afterwards extended to the conferring of
honour and power on persons who did not even profess
to have passed through the grades of Roman service, but
remained leaders of their own tribes. Ariovistus had been
soothed by the title of Friend of the Roman People; in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span>
the third century the insignia of the consulship<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
 were
conferred on a Herulian chief: Crocus and his Alemanni
entered as an independent body into the service of Rome;
along the Rhine whole tribes received, under the name of
Laeti, lands within the provinces on condition of military
service; and the foreign aid which the Sarmatian had
proffered to Vespasian against his rival, and Marcus
Aurelius had indignantly rejected in the war with Cassius,
became the usual, at last the sole support of the Empire,
in civil as well as in external strife.</p>

<p>Thus in many ways was the old antagonism broken
down&mdash;Romans admitting barbarians to rank and office,
barbarians catching something of the manners and culture
of their neighbours. And thus when the final movement
came, and the Teutonic tribes slowly established themselves
through the provinces, they entered not as savage
strangers, but as colonists knowing something of the
system into which they came, and not unwilling to be
considered its members; despising the degenerate provincials
who struck no blow in their own defence, but full
of respect for the majestic power which had for so many
centuries confronted and instructed them.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Their feelings
towards
the
Roman
Empire.</p>

<p>Great during all these ages, but greatest when they
were actually traversing and settling in the Empire, must
have been the impression which its elaborate machinery
of government and mature civilization made upon the
minds of the Northern invaders. With arms whose fabrication
they had learned from their foes, these dwellers in
the forest conquered well-tilled fields, and entered towns
whose busy workshops, marts stored with the productions
of distant countries, and palaces rich in monuments of
art, equally roused their wonder. To the beauty of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span>
statuary or painting they might often be blind, but the
rudest mind must have been awed by the massive piles
with which vanity or devotion, or the passion for amusement,
had adorned Milan and Verona, Arles, Treves, and
Bordeaux. A deeper awe would strike them as they
gazed on the crowding worshippers and stately ceremonial
of Christianity, most unlike their own rude sacrifices.
The exclamation of the Goth Athanaric, when led into
the market-place of Constantinople, may stand for the
feelings of his nation: 'Without doubt the Emperor is a
God upon earth, and he who attacks him is guilty of his
own blood<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>.'</p>

<p>The social and political system, with its cultivated language
and literature, into which they came, would impress
fewer of the conquerors, but by those few would be admired
beyond all else. Its regular organization supplied
what they most needed and could least construct for
themselves, and hence it was that the greatest among
them were the most desirous to preserve it. The Mongol
Attila excepted, there is among these terrible hosts no
destroyer; the wish of each leader is to maintain the existing
order, to spare life, to respect every work of skill
and labour, above all to perpetuate the methods of
Roman administration, and rule the people as the deputy
or successor of their Emperor. Titles conferred by him
<span class="sidenote">Their desire
to preserve
its institutions.</span>
were the highest honours they knew: they were also the
only means of acquiring something like a legal claim to
the obedience of the subject, and of turning a patriarchal
or military chieftainship into the regular sway of an
hereditary monarch. Civilis had long since endeavoured
to govern his Batavians as a Roman general<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>. Alaric
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span>
became master-general of the armies of Illyricum. Clovis
exulted in the consulship; his son Theodebert received
Provence, the conquest of his own battle-axe, as the
gift of Justinian. Sigismund the Burgundian king,
created count and patrician by the Emperor Anastasius,
professed the deepest gratitude and the firmest faith to
that Eastern court which was absolutely powerless to help
or to hurt him. 'My people is yours,' he writes, 'and
to rule them delights me less than to serve you; the
hereditary devotion of my race to Rome has made us
account those the highest honours which your military
titles convey; we have always preferred what an Emperor
gave to all that our ancestors could bequeath. In ruling
our nation we hold ourselves but your lieutenants: you,
whose divinely-appointed sway no barrier bounds, whose
blessed beams shine from the Bosphorus into distant
Gaul, employ us to administer the remoter regions of
your Empire: your world is our fatherland<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>.' A contemporary
historian has recorded the remarkable disclosure of
his own thoughts and purposes, made by one of the ablest
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span>
of the barbarian chieftains, Athaulf the Visigoth, the
brother-in-law and successor of Alaric. 'It was at first
my wish to destroy the Roman name, and erect in its
place a Gothic empire, taking to myself the place and the
powers of Cæsar Augustus. But when experience taught
me that the untameable barbarism of the Goths would not
suffer them to live beneath the sway of law, and that the
abolition of the institutions on which the state rested
would involve the ruin of the state itself, I chose the glory
of renewing and maintaining by Gothic strength the fame
of Rome, desiring to go down to posterity as the restorer
of that Roman power which it was beyond my power to
replace. Wherefore I avoid war and strive for peace<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>.'</p>

<p>Historians have remarked how valuable must have been
the skill of Roman officials to princes who from leaders
of tribes were become rulers of wide lands; and in particular
how indispensable the aid of the Christian bishops,
the intellectual aristocracy of their new subjects, whose
advice could alone guide their policy and conciliate the
vanquished. Not only is this true; it is but a small part
of the truth; one form of that manifold and overpowering
influence which the old system exercised over its foes not
less than its own children. For it is hardly too much to
say that the thought of antagonism to the Empire and the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span>
wish to extinguish it never crossed the mind of the barbarians<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>.
The conception of that Empire was too universal,
too august, too enduring. It was everywhere
around them, and they could remember no time when it
had not been so. It had no association of people or
place whose fall could seem to involve that of the whole
fabric; it had that connection with the Christian Church
which made it all-embracing and venerable.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The belief
in its
eternity.</p>

<p>There were especially two ideas whereon it rested, and
from which it obtained a peculiar strength and a peculiar
direction. The one was the belief that as the dominion
of Rome was universal, so must it be eternal. Nothing
like it had been seen before. The empire of Alexander
had lasted a short lifetime; and within its wide compass
were included many arid wastes, and many tracts where
none but the roving savage had ever set foot. That of
the Italian city had for fourteen generations embraced all
the most wealthy and populous regions of the civilized
world, and had laid the foundations of its power so deep
that they seemed destined to last for ever. If Rome
moved slowly for a time, her foot was always planted
firmly: the ease and swiftness of her later conquests
proved the solidity of the earlier; and to her, more justly
than to his own city, might the boast of the Athenian
historian be applied: that she advanced farthest in prosperity,
and in adversity drew back the least. From the
end of the republican period her poets, her orators, her
jurists, ceased not to repeat the claim of world-dominion,
and confidently predict its eternity<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>. The proud belief of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span>
his countrymen which Virgil had expressed&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'His ego nec metas rerum, nec tempora pono:</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Imperium sine fine dedi'&mdash;</span></p>
</div></div>
<p>was shared by the early Christians when they prayed for
the persecuting power whose fall would bring Antichrist
upon earth. Lactantius writes: 'When Rome the head
of the world shall have fallen, who can doubt that the end
is come of human things, aye, of the earth itself. She,
she alone is the state by which all things are upheld even
until now; wherefore let us make prayers and supplications
to the God of heaven, if indeed his decrees and his
purposes can be delayed, that that hateful tyrant come
not sooner than we look for, he for whom are reserved
fearful deeds, who shall pluck out that eye in whose
extinction the world itself shall perish<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>.' With the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span>
triumph of Christianity this belief had found a new basis.
For as the Empire had decayed, the Church had grown
stronger; and now while the one, trembling at the approach
of the destroyer, saw province after province torn
away, the other, rising in stately youth, prepared to fill
her place and govern in her name, and in doing so, to
adopt and sanctify and propagate anew the notion of a
universal and unending state.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Sanctity of
the imperial
name.</p>

<p>The second chief element in this conception was the
association of such a state with one irresponsible governor,
the Emperor. The hatred to the name of King,
which their earliest political struggles had left in the Romans,
by obliging their ruler to take a new and strange
title, marked him off from all the other sovereigns of
the world. To the provincials especially he became an
awful impersonation of the great machine of government
which moved above and around them. It was not merely
that he was, like a modern king, the centre of power and
the dispenser of honour: his pre-eminence, broken by no
comparison with other princes, by the ascending ranks of
no aristocracy, had in it something almost supernatural.
The right of legislation had become vested in him alone:
the decrees of the people, and resolutions of the senate,
and edicts of the magistrates were, during the last three
centuries, replaced by imperial constitutions; his domestic
council, the consistory, was the supreme court
of appeal; his interposition, like that of some terrestrial
Providence, was invoked, and legally provided so to be,
to reverse or overleap the ordinary rules of law<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>. From
the time of Julius and Augustus his person had been
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span>
hallowed by the office of chief pontiff<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>
 and the tribunician
power; to swear by his head was considered the
most solemn of all oaths<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>;
his effigy was sacred<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>,
even
on a coin; to him or to his Genius temples were erected
and divine honours paid while he lived<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>;
and when, as it
was expressed, he ceased to be among men, the title of
Divus was accorded to him, after a solemn consecration<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>.
In the confused multiplicity of mythologies, the worship
of the Emperor was the only worship common to the
whole Roman world, and was therefore that usually proposed
as a test to the Christians on their trial. Under
the new religion the form of adoration vanished, the
sentiment of reverence remained: the right to control
Church as well as State, admitted at Nicæa, and habitually
exercised by the sovereigns of Constantinople,
made the Emperor hardly less essential to the new conception
of a world-wide Christian monarchy than he had
been to the military despotism of old. These considerations
explain why the men of the fifth century, clinging to
preconceived ideas, refused to believe in that dissolution
of the Empire which they saw with their own eyes.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span>
Because it could not die, it lived. And there was in the
slowness of the change and its external aspect, as well
as in the fortunes of the capital, something to favour the
illusion. The Roman name was shared by every subject;
the Roman city was no longer the seat of government,
nor did her capture extinguish the imperial power,
for the maxim was now accepted, Where the Emperor is,
there is Rome<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>. But her continued existence, not permanently
occupied by any conqueror, striking the nations
with an awe which the history or the external splendours
of Constantinople, Milan, or Ravenna could nowise inspire,
was an ever new assertion of the endurance of
the Roman race and dominion. Dishonoured and defenceless,
the spell of her name was still strong enough
to arrest the conqueror in the moment of triumph. The
irresistible impulse that drew Alaric was one of glory or
revenge, not of destruction: the Hun turned back from
Aquileia with a vague fear upon him: the Ostrogoth
adorned and protected his splendid prize.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Last days
of the Western
Empire.</p>

<p>In the history of the last days of the Western Empire,
two points deserve special remark: its continued
union with the Eastern branch, and the way in which its
ideal dignity was respected while its representatives were
despised. After Stilicho's death, and Alaric's invasion,
its fall was a question of time. While one by one the
provinces were abandoned by the central government,
left either to be occupied by invading tribes or to maintain
a precarious independence, like Britain and Armorica<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>
,
by means of municipal unions, Italy lay at the
mercy of the barbarian auxiliaries and was governed by
their leaders. The degenerate line of Theodosius might
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>
have seemed to reign by hereditary right, but after their
extinction in Valentinian III each phantom Emperor&mdash;Maximus,
Avitus, Majorian, Anthemius, Olybrius&mdash;received
the purple from the haughty Ricimer, general of
the troops, only to be stripped of it when he presumed to
forget his dependence. Though the division between
Arcadius and Honorius had definitely severed the two
realms for administrative purposes, they were still supposed
to constitute a single Empire, and the rulers of the
East interfered more than once to raise to the Western
throne princes they could not protect upon it. Ricimer's
insolence quailed before the shadowy grandeur of the
imperial title: his ambition, and Gundobald his successor's,
were bounded by the name of patrician. The bolder
genius of Odoacer<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>,
general of the barbarian auxiliaries,
resolved to abolish an empty pageant, and extinguish the
title and office of Emperor of the West. Yet over him too
the spell had power; and as the Gaulish warrior had
gazed on the silent majesty of the senate in a deserted
city, so the Herulian revered the power before which the
world had bowed, and though there was no force to
check or to affright him, shrank from grasping in his
own barbarian hand the sceptre of the Cæsars. When,
at Odoacer's bidding, Romulus Augustulus, the boy
whom a whim of fate had chosen to be the last native
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Its extinction
by
Odoacer,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 476.</span>
Cæsar of Rome, had formally announced his resignation
to the senate, a deputation from that body proceeded to
the Eastern court to lay the insignia of royalty at the feet
of the Eastern Emperor Zeno. The West, they declared,
no longer required an Emperor of its own; one monarch
sufficed for the world; Odoacer was qualified by his wisdom
and courage to be the protector of their state, and upon
him Zeno was entreated to confer the title of patrician and
the administration of the Italian provinces<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>. The Emperor
granted what he could not refuse, and Odoacer, taking
the title of King<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>,
continued the consular office, respected
the civil and ecclesiastical institutions of his subjects, and
ruled for fourteen years as the nominal vicar of the
Eastern Emperor. There was thus legally no extinction
of the Western Empire at all, but only a reunion of East
and West. In form, and to some extent also in the
belief of men, things now reverted to their state during
the first two centuries of the Empire, save that Byzantium
instead of Rome was the centre of the civil government.
The joint tenancy which had been conceived by Diocletian,
carried further by Constantine, renewed under
Valentinian I and again at the death of Theodosius, had
come to an end; once more did a single Emperor sway
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span>
the sceptre of the world, and head an undivided Catholic
Church<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>. To those who lived at the time, this year
(476 <span class="s08">A.D.</span>) was no such epoch as it has since become,
nor was any impression made on men's minds commensurate
with the real significance of the event. For though
it did not destroy the Empire in idea, nor wholly even in
fact, its consequences were from the first great. It hastened
the development of a Latin as opposed to Greek
and Oriental forms of Christianity: it emancipated the
Popes: it gave a new character to the projects and
government of the Teutonic rulers of the West. But
the importance of remembering its formal aspect to those
who witnessed it will be felt as we approach the era when
the Empire was revived by Charles the Frank.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Odoacer.</p>

<p>Odoacer's monarchy was not more oppressive than
those of his neighbours in Gaul, Spain, and Africa. But
the mercenary <i>fœderati</i> who supported it were a loose
swarm of predatory tribes: themselves without cohesion,
they could take no firm root in Italy. During the
eighteen years of his reign no progress seems to have
been made towards the re-organization of society; and
the first real attempt to blend the peoples and maintain
the traditions of Roman wisdom in the hands of a new
and vigorous race was reserved for a more famous chieftain,
the greatest of all the barbarian conquerors, the forerunner
of the first barbarian Emperor, Theodoric the
<span class="sidenote">Theodoric.</span>
Ostrogoth. The aim of his reign, though he professed
allegiance to the Eastern court which had favoured his
invasion<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>,
was the establishment of a national monarchy
in Italy. Brought up as a hostage in the court of Byzantium,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span>
he learnt to know the advantages of an orderly and
cultivated society and the principles by which it must be
maintained; called in early manhood to roam as a warrior-chief
over the plains of the Danube, he acquired along
with the arts of command a sense of the superiority of
his own people in valour and energy and truth. When
the defeat and death of Odoacer had left the peninsula at
his mercy, he sought no further conquest, easy as it would
have been to tear away new provinces from the Eastern
realm, but strove only to preserve and strengthen the
ancient polity of Rome, to breathe into her decaying
institutions the spirit of a fresh life, and without endangering
the military supremacy of his own Goths, to conciliate
by indulgence and gradually raise to the level of their
masters the degenerate population of Italy. The Gothic
nation appears from the first less cruel in war and more
prudent in council than any of their Germanic brethren<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>
:
all that was most noble among them shone forth now in
the rule of the greatest of the Amali. From his palace at
Verona<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>,
commemorated in the song of the Nibelungs, he
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span>

issued equal laws for Roman and Goth, and bade the
intruder, if he must occupy part of the lands, at least
respect the goods and the person of his fellow-subject.
Jurisprudence and administration remained in native hands:
two annual consuls, one named by Theodoric, the other
by the Eastern monarch, presented an image of the ancient
state; and while agriculture and the arts revived in the
provinces, Rome herself celebrated the visits of a master
who provided for the wants of her people and preserved
with care the monuments of her former splendour. With
peace and plenty men's minds took hope, and the study
of letters revived. The last gleam of classical literature
gilds the reign of the barbarian. By the consolidation of
the two races under one wise government, Italy might
have been spared six hundred years of gloom and degradation.
It was not so to be. Theodoric was tolerant, but
toleration was itself a crime in the eyes of his orthodox
subjects: the Arian Goths were and remained strangers
and enemies among the Catholic Italians. Scarcely had
the sceptre passed from the hands of Theodoric to his
unworthy offspring, when Justinian, who had viewed
<span class="sidenote">Italy reconquered,
by Justinian.</span>
with jealousy the greatness of his nominal lieutenant,
determined to assert his dormant rights over Italy; its
people welcomed Belisarius as a deliverer, and in the
struggle that followed the race and name of the Ostrogoths
perished for ever. Thus again reunited in fact, as
it had been all the while united in name, to the Roman
Empire, the peninsula was divided into counties and dukedoms,
and obeyed the exarch of Ravenna, viceroy of the
Byzantine court, till the arrival of the Lombards in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 568
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span>
drove him from some districts, and left him only a feeble
authority in the rest.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Transalpine
provinces.</p>

<p>Beyond the Alps, though the Roman population had
now ceased to seek help from the Eastern court, the
Empire's rights still subsisted in theory, and were never
legally extinguished. As has been said, they were admitted
by the conquerors themselves: by Athaulf, when
he reigned in Aquitaine as the vicar of Honorius, and
recovered Spain from the Suevi to restore it to its ancient
masters; by the Visigothic kings of Spain, when they
permitted the Mediterranean cities to send tribute to
Byzantium; by Clovis, when, after the representatives of
the old government, Syagrius and the Armorican cities,
had been overpowered or absorbed, he received with delight
from the Eastern emperor Anastasius the grant of a
Roman dignity to confirm his possession. Arrayed like a
Fabius or Valerius in the consul's embroidered robe, the
Sicambrian chieftain rode through the streets of Tours,
while the shout of the provincials hailed him Augustus<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>.
They already obeyed him, but his power was now legalised
in their eyes, and it was not without a melancholy
pride that they saw the terrible conqueror himself yield to
the spell of the Roman name, and do homage to the
enduring majesty of their legitimate sovereign<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Lingering
influences
of Rome.</p>

<p>Yet the severed limbs of the Empire forgot by degrees
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span>
their original unity. As in the breaking up of the old
society, which we trace from the sixth to the eighth
century, rudeness and ignorance grew apace, as language
and manners were changed by the infiltration of Teutonic
settlers, as men's thoughts and hopes and interests were
narrowed by isolation from their fellows, as the organization
of the Roman province and the Germanic tribe alike
dissolved into a chaos whence the new order began to
shape itself, dimly and doubtfully as yet, the memory of
the old Empire, its symmetry, its sway, its civilization,
must needs wane and fade. It might have perished altogether
but for the two enduring witnesses Rome had left&mdash;her
Church and her Law. The barbarians had at first
<span class="sidenote">Religion.</span>
associated Christianity with the Romans from whom they
learned it: the Romans had used it as their only bulwark
against oppression. The hierarchy were the natural leaders
of the people, and the necessary councillors of the king.
Their power grew with the extinction of civil government
and the spread of superstition; and when the Frank found
it too valuable to be abandoned to the vanquished people,
he insensibly acquired the feelings and policy of the order
he entered.</p>

<p>As the Empire fell to pieces, and the new kingdoms
which the conquerors had founded themselves began to
dissolve, the Church clung more closely to her unity of
faith and discipline, the common bond of all Christian
men. That unity must have a centre, that centre
was Rome. A succession of able and zealous pontiffs
extended her influence (the sanctity and the writings of
Gregory the Great were famous through all the West):
<span class="sidenote">Jurisprudence.</span>
never occupied by barbarians, she retained her peculiar
character and customs, and laid the foundations of a
power over men's souls more durable than that which she
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span>
had lost over their bodies<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>. Only second in importance
to this influence was that which was exercised by the permanence
of the old law, and of its creature the municipality.
The barbarian invaders retained the customs of
their ancestors, characteristic memorials of a rude people,
as we see them in the Salic law or in the ordinances of
Ina and Alfred. But the subject population and the
clergy continued to be governed by that elaborate system
which the genius and labour of many generations had
raised to be the most lasting monument of Roman
greatness.</p>

<p>The civil law had maintained itself in Spain and
Southern Gaul, nor was it utterly forgotten even in the
North, in Britain, on the borders of Germany. Revised
editions of the Theodosian code were issued by the Visigothic
and Burgundian princes. For some centuries it
was the patrimony of the subject population everywhere,
and in Aquitaine and Italy has outlived feudalism. The
presumption in later times was that all men were to be
judged by it who could not be proved to be subject to
some other<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>. Its phrases, its forms, its courts, its subtlety
and precision, all recalled the strong and refined
society which had produced it. Other motives, as well as
those of kindness to their subjects, made the new kings
favour it; for it exalted their prerogative, and the submission
enjoined by it on one class of their subjects soon
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span>
came to be demanded from the other, by their own laws
the equals of the prince. Considering attentively how
many of the old institutions continued to subsist, and
studying the feelings of that time, as they are faintly preserved
in its scanty records, it seems hardly too much to
say that in the eighth century the Roman Empire still
existed in the West: existed in men's minds as a power
weakened, delegated, suspended, but not destroyed.</p>

<p>It is easy for those who read the history of an age in
the light of those that followed it, to perceive that in this
men erred; that the tendency of events was wholly different;
that society had entered on a new phase, wherein
every change did more to localize authority and strengthen
the aristocratic principle at the expense of the despotic.
We can see that other forms of life, more full of promise
for the distant future, had already begun to shew themselves:
they&mdash;with no type of power or beauty, but that
which had filled the imagination of their forefathers, and
now loomed on them grander than ever through the mist
of centuries&mdash;mistook, as it has been said of Rienzi in
later days, memories for hopes, and sighed only for the
renewal of its strength. Events were at hand by which
these hopes seemed destined to be gratified.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER IV.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">RESTORATION OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE.</span></h2>

<p>It was towards Rome as their ecclesiastical capital that
the thoughts and hopes of the men of the sixth and
seventh centuries were constantly directed. Yet not from
Rome, feeble and corrupt, nor on the exhausted soil of
Italy, was the deliverer to arise. Just when, as we may
suppose, the vision of a renewal of imperial authority in
the Western provinces was beginning to vanish away,
there appeared in the furthest corner of Europe, sprung of
a race but lately brought within the pale of civilization, a
line of chieftains devoted to the service of the Holy See,
and among them one whose power, good fortune, and
heroic character pointed him out as worthy of a dignity
to which doctrine and tradition had attached a sanctity
almost divine.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The
Franks.</p>

<p>Of the new monarchies that had risen on the ruins of
Rome, that of the Franks was by far the greatest. In the
third century they appear, with Saxons, Alemanni, and
Thuringians, as one of the greatest German tribe leagues.
The Sicambri (for it seems probable that this famous race
was a chief source of the Frankish nation) had now laid
aside their former hostility to Rome, and her future representatives
were thenceforth, with few intervals, her faithful
allies. Many of their chiefs rose to high place: Malarich
receives from Jovian the charge of the Western provinces;
Bauto and Mellobaudes figure in the days of Theodosius
and his sons; Meroveus (if Meroveus be a real name)
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>
fights under Aetius against Attila in the great battle of
Chalons; his countrymen endeavour in vain to save Gaul
from the Suevi and Burgundians. Not till the Empire
was evidently helpless did they claim a share of the booty;
then Clovis, or Chlodovech, chief of the Salian tribe,
leaving his kindred the Ripuarians in their seats on the
lower Rhine, advances from Flanders to wrest Gaul from
the barbarian nations which had entered it some sixty
years before.
<span class="sidenote"><span class="s08">A.D.</span> 486.</span>
Few conquerors have had a career of more
unbroken success. By the defeat of the Roman governor
Syagrius he was left master of the northern provinces: the
Burgundian kingdom in the valley of the Rhone was in
no long time reduced to dependence: last of all, the
Visigothic power was overthrown in one great battle, and
Aquitaine added to the dominions of Clovis. Nor were
the Frankish arms less prosperous on the other side of
the Rhine. The victory of Tolbiac led to the submission
of the Alemanni: their allies the Bavarians followed, and
when the Thuringian power had been broken by Theodorich
I (son of Clovis), the Frankish league embraced
all the tribes of western and southern Germany. The
state thus formed, stretching from the Bay of Biscay to
the Inn and the Ems, was of course in no sense a French,
that is to say, a Gallic monarchy. Nor, although the
widest and strongest empire that had yet been founded by
a Teutonic race, was it, under the Merovingian kings, a
united kingdom at all, but rather a congeries of principalities,
held together by the predominance of a single
nation and a single family, who ruled in Gaul as masters
over a subject race, and in Germany exercised a sort of
hegemony among kindred and scarcely inferior tribes.
But towards the middle of the eighth century a change
began. Under the rule of Pipin of Herstal and his son
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span>
Charles Martel, mayors of the palace to the last feeble
Merovingians, the Austrasian Franks in the lower Rhineland
became acknowledged heads of the nation, and were
able, while establishing a firmer government at home, to
direct its whole strength in projects of foreign ambition.
The form those projects took arose from a circumstance
which has not yet been mentioned. It was not solely or
even chiefly to their own valour that the Franks owed
their past greatness and the yet loftier future which awaited
them, it was to the friendship of the clergy and the favour
of the Apostolic See. The other Teutonic nations, Goths,
Vandals, Burgundians, Suevians, Lombards, had been
most of them converted by Arian missionaries who proceeded
from the Roman Empire during the short period
when Arian doctrines were in the ascendant. The Franks,
who were among the latest converts, were Catholics from
the first, and gladly accepted the clergy as their teachers
and allies. Thus it was that while the hostility of their orthodox
subjects destroyed the Vandal kingdom in Africa and
the Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy, the eager sympathy of
the priesthood enabled the Franks to vanquish their Burgundian
and Visigothic enemies, and made it comparatively
easy for them to blend with the Roman population
in the provinces. They had done good service against
the Saracens of Spain; they had aided the English Boniface
in his mission to the heathen of Germany<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>;
and at
length, as the most powerful among Catholic nations, they
attracted the eyes of the ecclesiastical head of the West,
now sorely bested by domestic foes.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Italy: the
Lombards.</p>

<p>Since the invasion of Alboin, Italy had groaned under
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span>
a complication of evils. The Lombards who had entered
along with that chief in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 568 had settled in considerable
numbers in the valley of the Po, and founded the duchies
of Spoleto and Benevento, leaving the rest of the country
to be governed by the exarch of Ravenna as viceroy of
the Eastern crown. This subjection was, however, little
better than nominal. Although too few to occupy the
whole peninsula, the invaders were yet strong enough to
harass every part of it by inroads which met with no resistance
from a population unused to arms, and without
the spirit to use them in self-defence. More cruel and
repulsive, if we may believe the evidence of their enemies,
than any other of the Northern tribes, the Lombards were
certainly singular in their aversion to the clergy, never
admitting them to the national councils. Tormented by
their repeated attacks, Rome sought help in vain from
Byzantium, whose forces, scarce able to repel from their
walls the Avars and Saracens, could give no support to
the distant exarch of Ravenna.
<span class="sidenote">The Popes.</span>
The Popes were the
Emperor's subjects; they awaited his confirmation, like
other bishops; they had more than once been the victims
of his anger<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>. But as the city became more accustomed
in independence, and the Pope rose to a predominance,
real if not yet legal, his tone grew bolder than that of the
Eastern patriarchs. In the controversies that had raged
in the Church, he had had the wisdom or good fortune
to espouse (though not always from the first) the orthodox
side: it was now by another quarrel of religion that his
deliverance from an unwelcome yoke was accomplished<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Iconoclastic
controversy.</p>

<p>The Emperor Leo, born among the Isaurian mountains,
where a purer faith may yet have lingered, and
stung by the Mohammedan taunt of idolatry, determined
to abolish the worship of images, which seemed fast obscuring
the more spiritual part of Christianity. An attempt
sufficient to cause tumults among the submissive Greeks,
excited in Italy a fiercer commotion. The populace rose
with one heart in defence of what had become to them
more than a symbol: the exarch was slain: the Pope,
though unwilling to sever himself from the lawful head
and protector of the Church, must yet excommunicate the
prince whom he could not reclaim from so hateful a
heresy. Liudprand, king of the Lombards, improved his
opportunity: falling on the exarchate as the champion of
images, on Rome as the minister of the Greek Emperor,
he overran the one, and all but succeeded in capturing
the other. The Pope escaped for the moment, but saw
his peril; placed between a heretic and a robber, he
turned his gaze beyond the Alps, to a Catholic chief who
had just achieved a signal deliverance for Christendom
on the field of Poitiers. Gregory II had already opened
communications with Charles Martel, mayor of the palace,
and virtual ruler of the Frankish realm<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>. As the crisis
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">The Popes
appeal to
the Franks.</span>
becomes more pressing, Gregory III finds in the same
quarter his only hope, and appeals to him, in urgent
letters, to haste to the succour of Holy Church<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>. Some
accounts add that Charles was offered, in the name of the
Roman people, the office of consul and patrician. It is
at least certain that here begins the connection of the old
imperial seat with the rising German power: here first
the pontiff leads a political movement, and shakes off the
ties that bound him to his legitimate sovereign. Charles
died before he could obey the call; but his son Pipin
(surnamed the Short) made good use of the new friendship
with Rome. He was the third of his family who had
ruled the Franks with a monarch's full power: it seemed
time to abolish the pageant of Merovingian royalty; yet
a departure from the ancient line might shock the feelings
of the people. A course was taken whose dangers no
one then foresaw: the Holy See, now for the first time
invoked as an international power, pronounced the deposition
of Childeric, and gave to the royal office of his
successor Pipin a sanctity hitherto unknown; adding to
the old Frankish election, which consisted in raising the
chief on a shield amid the clash of arms, the Roman
diadem and the Hebrew rite of anointing. The compact
between the chair of Peter and the Teutonic throne
was hardly sealed, when the latter was summoned to discharge
its share of the duties. Twice did Aistulf the
Lombard assail Rome, twice did Pipin descend to the
rescue: the second time at the bidding of a letter written
in the name of St. Peter himself<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>. Aistulf could make no
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Pipin patrician
of
the Romans,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 754.</span>
resistance; and the Frank bestowed on the Papal chair
all that belonged to the exarchate in North Italy, receiving
as the meed of his services the title of Patrician<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Import of
this title.</p>

<p>As a foreshadowing of the higher dignity that was to
follow, this title requires a passing notice. Introduced by
Constantine at a time when its original meaning had been
long forgotten, it was designed to be, and for awhile remained,
the name not of an office but of a rank, the highest
after those of emperor and consul. As such, it was
usually conferred upon provincial governors of the first
class, and in time also upon barbarian potentates whose
vanity the Roman court might wish to flatter. Thus
Odoacer, Theodoric, the Burgundian king Sigismund,
Clovis himself, had all received it from the Eastern emperor;
so too in still later times it was given to Saracenic
and Bulgarian princes<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>. In the sixth and seventh centuries
an invariable practice seems to have attached it to
the Byzantine viceroys of Italy, and thus, as we may conjecture,
a natural confusion of ideas had made men take
it to be, in some sense, an official title, conveying an extensive
though undefined authority, and implying in particular
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>
the duty of overseeing the Church and promoting
her temporal interests. It was doubtless with such a
meaning that the Romans and their bishop bestowed it
upon the Frankish kings, acting quite without legal right,
for it could emanate from the emperor alone, but choosing
it as the title which bound its possessor to render to the
Church support and defence against her Lombard foes.
Hence the phrase is always '<i lang="la">Patricius Romanorum</i>;' not,
as in former times, '<i lang="la">Patricius</i>' alone: hence it is usually
associated with the terms '<i>defensor</i>' and '<i>protector</i>.' And
since 'defence' implies a corresponding measure of obedience
on the part of those who profit by it, there must have
been conceded to the new patrician more or less of the
positive authority in Rome, although not such as to extinguish
the supremacy of the Emperor.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Extinction
of the Lombard
kingdom
by
Charles
king of the
Franks.</p>

<p class="sidenote"><span class="s08">A.D.</span> 774.</p>

<p>So long indeed as the Franks were separated by a
hostile kingdom from their new allies, this control remained
little better than nominal. But when on Pipin's
death the restless Lombards again took up arms and
menaced the possessions of the Church, Pipin's son
Charles or Charlemagne swept down like a whirlwind
from the Alps at the call of Pope Hadrian, seized king
Desiderius in his capital, assumed himself the Lombard
crown, and made northern Italy thenceforward an integral
part of the Frankish empire. Proceeding to Rome
at the head of his victorious army, the first of a long line
of Teutonic kings who were to find her love more deadly
than her hate, he was received by Hadrian with distinguished
honours, and welcomed by the people as their
leader and deliverer. Yet even then, whether out of
policy or from that sentiment of reverence to which his
ambitious mind did not refuse to bow, he was moderate
in claims of jurisdiction, he yielded to the pontiff the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span>
place of honour in processions, and renewed, although
in the guise of a lord and conqueror, the gift of the
Exarchate and Pentapolis, which Pipin had made to
the Roman Church twenty years before.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Charles and
Hadrian.</p>

<p>It is with a strange sense, half of sadness, half of
amusement, that in watching the progress of this grand
historical drama, we recognise the meaner motives by
which its chief actors were influenced. The Frankish
king and the Roman pontiff were for the time the two
most powerful forces that urged the movement of the
world, leading it on by swift steps to a mighty crisis of
its fate, themselves guided, as it might well seem, by the
purest zeal for its spiritual welfare. Their words and
acts, their whole character and bearing in the sight of
expectant Christendom, were worthy of men destined to
leave an indelible impress on their own and many succeeding
ages. Nevertheless in them too appears the
undercurrent of vulgar human desires and passions.
The lofty and fervent mind of Charles was not free from
the stirrings of personal ambition: yet these may be
excused, if not defended, as almost inseparable from
an intense and restless genius, which, be it never so unselfish
in its ends, must in pursuing them fix upon everything
its grasp and raise out of everything its monument.
The policy of the Popes was prompted by motives less
noble. Ever since the extinction of the Western Empire
had emancipated the ecclesiastical potentate from secular
control, the first and most abiding object of his schemes
and prayers had been the acquisition of territorial wealth
in the neighbourhood of his capital. He had indeed
a sort of justification&mdash;for Rome, a city with neither trade
nor industry, was crowded with poor, for whom it devolved
on the bishop to provide. Yet the pursuit was
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>
one which could not fail to pervert the purposes of the
Popes and give a sinister character to all they did. It
was this fear for the lands of the Church far more than
for religion or the safety of the city&mdash;neither of which
were really endangered by the Lombard attacks&mdash;that
had prompted their passionate appeals to Charles Martel
and Pipin; it was now the well-grounded hope of having
these possessions confirmed and extended by Pipin's
greater son that made the Roman ecclesiastics so forward
in his cause. And it was the same lust after worldly
wealth and pomp, mingled with the dawning prospect
of an independent principality, that now began to seduce
them into a long course of guile and intrigue. For this
is probably the very time, although the exact date cannot
be established, to which must be assigned the extraordinary
forgery of the Donation of Constantine, whereby
it was pretended that power over Italy and the whole
West had been granted by the first Christian Emperor to
Pope Sylvester and his successors in the Chair of the
Apostle.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Accession
of Pope
Leo III,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 796.</p>

<p>For the next twenty-four years Italy remained quiet.
The government of Rome was carried on in the name
of the Patrician Charles, although it does not appear that
he sent thither any official representative; while at the
same time both the city and the exarchate continued to
admit the nominal supremacy of the Eastern Emperor,
employing the years of his reign to date documents.
In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 796, Leo the Third succeeded Pope Hadrian, and
signalized his devotion to the Frankish throne by sending
to Charles the banner of the city and the keys of the
holiest of all Rome's shrines, the confession of St. Peter,
asking that some officer should be deputed to the city
to receive from the people their oath of allegiance to the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>
Patrician. He had soon need to seek the Patrician's
help for himself. In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 798 a sedition broke out: the
Pope, going in solemn procession from the Lateran to
the church of S. Lorenzo in Lucina, was attacked by
a band of armed men, headed by two officials of his
court, nephews of his predecessor; was wounded and
left for dead, and with difficulty succeeded in escaping
to Spoleto, whence he fled northward into the Frankish
lands. Charles had led his army against the revolted
Saxons: thither Leo following overtook him at Paderborn
in Westphalia. The king received with respect his
spiritual father, entertained and conferred with him for
some time, and at length sent him back to Rome under
the escort of Angilbert, one of his trustiest ministers;
promising to follow ere long in person. After some
months peace was restored in Saxony, and in the autumn
of 799 Charles descended from the Alps once more,
while Leo revolved deeply the great scheme for whose
accomplishment the time was now ripe.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Belief in the
Roman
Empire not
extinct.</p>

<p>Three hundred and twenty-four years had passed since
the last Cæsar of the West resigned his power into the
hands of the senate, and left to his Eastern brother the
sole headship of the Roman world. To the latter Italy
had from that time been nominally subject; but it was
only during one brief interval between the death of Totila
the last Ostrogothic king and the descent of Alboin the
first Lombard, that his power had been really effective.
In the further provinces, Gaul, Spain, Britain, it was only
a memory. But the idea of a Roman Empire as a necessary
part of the world's order had not vanished: it had
been admitted by those who seemed to be destroying it;
it had been cherished by the Church; was still recalled
by laws and customs; was dear to the subject populations,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>
who fondly looked back to the days when slavery
was at least mitigated by peace and order. We have
seen the Teuton endeavouring everywhere to identify
himself with the system he overthrew. As Goths, Burgundians,
and Franks sought the title of consul or patrician,
as the Lombard kings when they renounced their
Arianism styled themselves Flavii, so even in distant
England the fierce Saxon and Anglian conquerors used
the names of Roman dignities, and before long began
to call themselves <i lang="la">imperatores</i> and <i lang="la">basileis</i> of Britain.
Within the last century and a half the rise of Mohammedanism<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>
had brought out the common Christianity
of Europe into a fuller relief. The false prophet had
left one religion, one Empire, one Commander of the
faithful: the Christian commonwealth needed more than
ever an efficient head and centre. Such leadership it
could nowise find in the Court of the Bosphorus, growing
ever feebler and more alien to the West. The name
of <span lang="la">'respublica,'</span> permanent at the elder Rome, had never
been applied to the Eastern Empire. Its government
was from the first half Greek, half Asiatic; and had now
drifted away from its ancient traditions into the forms
of an Oriental despotism. Claudian had already sneered
at 'Greek Quirites<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>
:' the general use, since Heraclius's
reign, of the Greek tongue, and the difference of manners
and usages, made the taunt now more deserved.
<span class="sidenote">Motives of
the Pope.</span>
The
Pope had no reason to wish well to the Byzantine princes,
who while insulting his weakness had given him no help
against the savage Lombards, and who for nearly seventy
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>
years<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>
 had been contaminated by a heresy the more
odious that it touched not speculative points of doctrine
but the most familiar usages of worship. In North Italy
their power was extinct: no pontiff since Zacharias had
asked their confirmation of his election: nay, the appointment
of the intruding Frank to the patriciate, an office
which it belonged to the Emperor to confer, was of itself
an act of rebellion. Nevertheless their rights subsisted:
they were still, and while they retained the imperial name,
must so long continue, titular sovereigns of the Roman
city. Nor could the spiritual head of Christendom dispense
with the temporal: without the Roman Empire
there could not be a Roman, nor by necessary consequence
a Catholic and Apostolic Church<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>. For, as will
be shewn more fully hereafter, men could not separate in
fact what was indissoluble in thought: Christianity must
stand or fall along with the great Christian state: they
were but two names for the same thing. Thus urged,
the Pope took a step which some among his predecessors
are said to have already contemplated<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>, and towards
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span>
which the events of the last fifty years had pointed. The
moment was opportune. The widowed empress Irene,
equally famous for her beauty, her talents, and her crimes,
had deposed and blinded her son Constantine VI: a
woman, an usurper, almost a parricide, sullied the throne
of the world. By what right, it might well be asked,
did the factions of Byzantium impose a master on the
original seat of empire? It was time to provide better
for the most august of human offices: an election at
Rome was as valid as at Constantinople&mdash;the possessor
of the real power should also be clothed with the outward
dignity. Nor could it be doubted where that possessor
was to be found. The Frank had been always faithful
to Rome: his baptism was the enlistment of a new barbarian
auxiliary. His services against Arian heretics and
Lombard marauders, against the Saracen of Spain and
the Avar of Pannonia, had earned him the title of Champion
of the Faith and Defender of the Holy See. He
was now unquestioned lord of Western Europe, whose
subject nations, Keltic and Teutonic, were eager to be
called by his name and to imitate his customs<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>. In
Charles, the hero who united under one sceptre so
many races, who ruled all as the vicegerent of God, the
pontiff might well see&mdash;as later ages saw&mdash;the new
golden head of a second image<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>,
erected on the ruins
of that whose mingled iron and clay seemed crumbling
to nothingness behind the impregnable bulwarks of
Constantinople.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Coronation
of Charles
at Rome,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800.</p>

<p>At length the Frankish host entered Rome. The
Pope's cause was heard; his innocence, already vindicated
by a miracle, was pronounced by the Patrician in
full synod; his accusers condemned in his stead. Charles
remained in the city for some weeks; and on Christmas-day,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>,
he heard mass in the basilica of St. Peter.
On the spot where now the gigantic dome of Bramante
and Michael Angelo towers over the buildings of the
modern city, the spot which tradition had hallowed as
that of the Apostle's martyrdom, Constantine the Great
had erected the oldest and stateliest temple of Christian
Rome. Nothing could be less like than was this basilica
to those northern cathedrals, shadowy, fantastic, irregular,
crowded with pillars, fringed all round by clustering
shrines and chapels, which are to most of us the types of
mediæval architecture. In its plan and decorations, in
the spacious sunny hall, the roof plain as that of a Greek
temple, the long rows of Corinthian columns, the vivid
mosaics on its walls, in its brightness, its sternness, its
simplicity, it had preserved every feature of Roman art,
and had remained a perfect expression of the Roman
character<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>. Out of the transept, a flight of steps led up
to the high altar underneath and just beyond the great
arch, the arch of triumph as it was called: behind in the
semicircular apse sat the clergy, rising tier above tier
around its walls; in the midst, high above the rest, and
looking down past the altar over the multitude, was
placed the bishop's throne<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>,
itself the curule chair of some
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span>
forgotten magistrate<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>. From that chair the Pope now
rose, as the reading of the Gospel ended, advanced to
where Charles&mdash;who had exchanged his simple Frankish
dress for the sandals and the chlamys of a Roman
patrician<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>
&mdash;knelt in prayer by the high altar, and as in
the sight of all he placed upon the brow of the barbarian
chieftain the diadem of the Cæsars, then bent in obeisance
before him, the church rang to the shout of the multitude,
again free, again the lords and centre of the world,
<span lang="la">'Karolo Augusto a Deo coronato magno et pacifico
imperatori vita et victoria<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>.'</span> In that shout, echoed by
the Franks without, was pronounced the union, so long
in preparation, so mighty in its consequences, of the
Roman and the Teuton, of the memories and the civilization
of the South with the fresh energy of the North, and
from that moment modern history begins.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER V.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">EMPIRE AND POLICY OF CHARLES.</span></h2>

<p>The coronation of Charles is not only the central
event of the Middle Ages, it is also one of those very few
events of which, taking them singly, it may be said that if
they had not happened, the history of the world would
have been different. In one sense indeed it has scarcely
a parallel. The assassins of Julius Cæsar thought that
they had saved Rome from monarchy, but monarchy
came inevitable in the next generation. The conversion
of Constantine changed the face of the world, but
Christianity was spreading fast, and its ultimate triumph
was only a question of time. Had Columbus never
spread his sails, the secret of the western sea would yet
have been pierced by some later voyager: had Charles V
broken his safe-conduct to Luther, the voice silenced at
Wittenberg would have been taken up by echoes elsewhere.
But if the Roman Empire had not been restored
in the West in the person of Charles, it would never have
been restored at all, and the inexhaustible train of consequences
for good and for evil that followed could not
have been. Why this was so may be seen by examining
the history of the next two centuries. In that day, as
through all the Dark and Middle Ages, two forces were
striving for the mastery. The one was the instinct of
separation, disorder, anarchy, caused by the ungoverned
impulses and barbarous ignorance of the great bulk of
mankind; the other was that passionate longing of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span>
better minds for a formal unity of government, which had
its historical basis in the memories of the old Roman
Empire, and its most constant expression in the devotion
to a visible and catholic Church. The former tendency,
as everything shews, was, in politics at least, the stronger,
but the latter, used and stimulated by an extraordinary
genius like Charles, achieved in the year 800 a victory
whose results were never to be lost. When the hero was
gone, the returning wave of anarchy and barbarism swept
up violent as ever, yet it could not wholly obliterate the
past: the Empire, maimed and shattered though it was,
had struck its roots too deep to be overthrown by force,
and when it perished at last, perished from inner decay.
It was just because men felt that no one less than Charles
could have won such a triumph over the evils of the time,
by framing and establishing a gigantic scheme of government,
that the excitement and hope and joy which the
coronation evoked were so intense. Their best evidence
is perhaps to be found not in the records of that time
itself, but in the cries of lamentation that broke forth
when the Empire began to dissolve towards the close of
the ninth century, in the marvellous legends which attached
themselves to the name of Charles the Emperor,
a hero of whom any exploit was credible<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>,
in the devout
admiration wherewith his German successors looked back
to, and strove in all things to imitate, their all but superhuman
prototype.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Import of
the coronation.</p>

<p>As the event of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800 made an unparalleled impression
on those who lived at the time, so has it engaged the
attention of men in succeeding ages, has been viewed in
the most opposite lights, and become the theme of interminable
controversies. It is better to look at it simply as
it appeared to the men who witnessed it. Here, as in so
many other cases, may be seen the errors into which
jurists have been led by the want of historical feeling. In
rude and unsettled states of society men respect forms and
obey facts, while careless of rules and principles. In England,
for example, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, it
signified very little whether an aspirant to the throne was
next lawful heir, but it signified a great deal whether he
had been duly crowned and was supported by a strong
party. Regarding the matter thus, it is not hard to see
why those who judged the actors of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800 as they
would have judged their contemporaries should have misunderstood
the nature of that which then came to pass.
Baronius and Bellarmine, Spanheim and Conring, are
advocates bound to prove a thesis, and therefore believing
it; nor does either party find any lack of plausible arguments<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>.
But civilian and canonist alike proceed upon
strict legal principles, and no such principles can be found
in the case, or applied to it. Neither the instances cited
by the Cardinal from the Old Testament of the power of
priests to set up and pull down princes, nor those which
shew the earlier Emperors controlling the bishops of
Rome, really meet the question. Leo acted not as having
alone the right to transfer the crown; the practice of
hereditary succession and the theory of popular election
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span>
would have equally excluded such a claim; he was the
spokesman of the popular will, which, identifying itself
with the sacerdotal power, hated the Greeks and was
grateful to the Franks. Yet he was also something more.
The act, as it specially affected his interests, was mainly
his work, and without him would never have been brought
about at all. It was natural that a confusion of his secular
functions as leader, and his spiritual as consecrating priest,
should lay the foundation of the right claimed afterwards
of raising and deposing monarchs at the will of Christ's
vicar. The Emperor was passive throughout; he did
not, as in Lombardy, appear as a conqueror, but was received
by the Pope and the people as a friend and ally.
Rome no doubt became his capital, but it had already
obeyed him as Patrician, and the greatest fact that stood
out to posterity from the whole transaction was that the
crown was bestowed, was at least imposed, by the hands
of the pontiff. He seemed the trustee and depositary of
the imperial authority<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Contemporary
accounts.</p>

<p>The best way of shewing the thoughts and motives of
those concerned in the transaction is to transcribe the
narratives of three contemporary, or almost contemporary
annalists, two of them German and one Italian. The
Annals of Lauresheim say:&mdash;</p>

<p>'And because the name of Emperor had now ceased
among the Greeks, and their Empire was possessed by a
woman, it then seemed both to Leo the Pope himself, and
to all the holy fathers who were present in the selfsame
council, as well as to the rest of the Christian people, that
they ought to take to be Emperor Charles king of the
Franks, who held Rome herself, where the Cæsars had
always been wont to sit, and all the other regions which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>
he ruled through Italy and Gaul and Germany; and inasmuch
as God had given all these lands into his hand, it
seemed right that with the help of God and at the prayer
of the whole Christian people he should have the name
of Emperor also. Whose petition king Charles willed
not to refuse, but submitting himself with all humility to
God, and at the prayer of the priests and of the whole
Christian people, on the day of the nativity of our Lord
Jesus Christ he took on himself the name of Emperor,
being consecrated by the lord Pope Leo<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>.'</p>

<p>Very similar in substance is the account of the
Chronicle of Moissac (ad ann. 801):&mdash;</p>

<p>'Now when the king upon the most holy day of the
Lord's birth was rising to the mass after praying before
the confession of the blessed Peter the Apostle, Leo the
Pope, with the consent of all the bishops and priests and
of the senate of the Franks and likewise of the Romans,
set a golden crown upon his head, the Roman people also
shouting aloud. And when the people had made an
end of chanting the Laudes, he was adored by the Pope
after the manner of the emperors of old. For this also
was done by the will of God. For while the said Emperor
abode at Rome certain men were brought unto him,
who said that the name of Emperor had ceased among
the Greeks, and that among them the Empire was held
by a woman called Irene, who had by guile laid hold on
her son the Emperor, and put out his eyes, and taken the
Empire to herself, as it is written of Athaliah in the Book
of the Kings; which when Leo the Pope and all the assembly
of the bishops and priests and abbots heard, and the
senate of the Franks and all the elders of the Romans,
they took counsel with the rest of the Christian people,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>
that they should name Charles king of the Franks to be
Emperor, seeing that he held Rome the mother of empire
where the Cæsars and Emperors were always used to sit;
and that the heathen might not mock the Christians if
the name of Emperor should have ceased among the
Christians<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>.'</p>

<p>These two accounts are both from a German source:
that which follows is Roman, written probably within
some fifty or sixty years of the event. It is taken from
the Life of Leo III in the <i lang="la">Vitæ Pontificum Romanorum</i>,
compiled by Anastasius the papal librarian.</p>

<p>'After these things came the day of the birth of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and all men were again gathered together
in the aforesaid basilica of the blessed Peter the
Apostle: and then the gracious and venerable pontiff did
with his own hands crown Charles with a very precious
crown. Then all the faithful people of Rome, seeing the
defence that he gave and the love that he bare to the holy
Roman Church and her Vicar, did by the will of God and
of the blessed Peter, the keeper of the keys of the kingdom
of heaven, cry with one accord with a loud voice, 'To
Charles, the most pious Augustus, crowned of God, the
great and peacegiving Emperor, be life and victory.'
While he, before the holy confession of the blessed Peter
the Apostle, was invoking divers saints, it was proclaimed
thrice, and he was chosen by all to be Emperor of the
Romans. Thereon the most holy pontiff anointed Charles
with holy oil, and likewise his most excellent son to be
king, upon the very day of the birth of our Lord Jesus
Christ; and when the mass was finished, then after the
mass the most serene lord Emperor offered gifts<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>.'</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Impression
which they
convey.</p>

<p>In these three accounts there is no serious discrepancy
as to the facts, although the Italian priest, as is natural,
heightens the importance of the part played by the Pope,
while the Germans are too anxious to rationalize the event,
talking of a synod of the clergy, a consultation of the
people, and a formal request to Charles, which the silence
of Eginhard, as well as the other circumstances of the
case, forbid us to accept as literally true. Similarly
Anastasius passes over the adoration rendered by the
Pope to the Emperor, upon which most of the Frankish
records insist in a way which puts it beyond doubt. But
the impression which the three narratives leave is essentially
the same. They all shew how little the transaction
can be made to wear a strictly legal character. The
Frankish king does not of his own might seize the crown,
but rather receives it as coming naturally to him, as the
legitimate consequence of the authority he already enjoyed.
The Pope bestows the crown, not in virtue of any right
of his own as head of the Church: he is merely the instrument
of God's providence, which has unmistakeably
pointed out Charles as the proper person to defend and
lead the Christian commonwealth. The Roman people
do not formally elect and appoint, but by their applause
accept the chief who is presented to them. The act is
conceived of as directly ordered by the Divine Providence
which has brought about a state of things that admits
of but one issue, an issue which king, priest, and
people have only to recognise and obey; their personal
ambitions, passions, intrigues, sinking and vanishing in
reverential awe at what seems the immediate interposition
of Heaven. And as the result is desired by all parties
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>
alike, they do not think of inquiring into one another's
rights, but take their momentary harmony to be natural
and necessary, never dreaming of the difficulties and conflicts
which were to arise out of what seemed then so
simple. And it was just because everything was thus
left undetermined, resting not on express stipulation but
rather on a sort of mutual understanding, a sympathy of
beliefs and wishes which augured no evil, that the event
admitted of being afterwards represented in so many different
lights.
<span class="sidenote">Later
theories respecting
the
coronation.</span>
Four centuries later, when Papacy and
Empire had been forced into the mortal struggle by which
the fate of both was decided, three distinct theories regarding
the coronation of Charles will be found advocated
by three different parties, all of them plausible, all of them
to some extent misleading. The Swabian Emperors held
the crown to have been won by their great predecessor as
the prize of conquest, and drew the conclusion that the
citizens and bishop of Rome had no rights as against
themselves. The patriotic party among the Romans,
appealing to the early history of the Empire, declared
that by nothing but the voice of their senate and people
could an Emperor be lawfully created, he being only their
chief magistrate, the temporary depositary of their authority.
The Popes pointed to the indisputable fact that Leo imposed
the crown, and argued that as God's earthly vicar it
was then his, and must always continue to be their right to
give to whomsoever they would an office which was created
to be the handmaid of their own. Of these three it was the
last view that eventually prevailed, yet to an impartial eye
it cannot claim, any more than do the two others, to contain
the whole truth. Charles did not conquer, nor the
Pope give, nor the people elect. As the act was unprecedented
so was it illegal; it was a revolt of the ancient
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span>
Western capital against a daughter who had become a
mistress; an exercise of the sacred right of insurrection,
justified by the weakness and wickedness of the Byzantine
princes, hallowed to the eyes of the world by the sanction
of Christ's representative, but founded upon no law, nor
competent to create any for the future.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Was the
coronation
a surprise?</p>

<p>It is an interesting and somewhat perplexing question,
how far the coronation scene, an act as imposing in its
circumstances as it was momentous in its results, was
prearranged among the parties. Eginhard tells us that
Charles was accustomed to declare that he would not,
even on so high a festival, have entered the church had
he known of the Pope's intention. Even if the monarch
had uttered, the secretary would hardly have recorded a
falsehood long after the motive that might have prompted
it had disappeared. Of the existence of that motive which
has been most commonly assumed, a fear of the discontent
of the Franks who might think their liberties endangered,
little or no proof can be brought from the
records of the time, wherein the nation is represented as
exulting in the new dignity of their chief as an accession
of grandeur to themselves. Nor can we suppose that
Charles's disavowal was meant to soothe the offended
pride of the Byzantine princes, from whom he had nothing
to fear, and who were none the more likely to recognise
his dignity, if they should believe it to be not of his own
seeking. Yet it is hard to suppose the whole affair a surprise;
for it was the goal towards which the policy of the
Frankish kings had for many years pointed, and Charles
himself, in sending before him to Rome many of the
spiritual and temporal magnates of his realm, in summoning
thither his son Pipin from the war against the Lombards
of Benevento, had shewn that he expected some
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span>
more than ordinary result from this journey to the imperial
city. Alcuin moreover, Alcuin of York, the prime minister
of Charles in matters religious and literary, appears from
one of his extant letters to have sent as a Christmas gift to
his royal pupil a carefully corrected and superbly adorned
copy of the Scriptures, with the words <span lang="la">'ad splendorem imperialis
potentiæ.'</span> This has commonly been taken for
conclusive evidence that the plan had been settled beforehand,
and such it would be were there not some reasons
for giving the letter an earlier date, and looking upon the
word <span lang="la">'imperialis'</span> as a mere magniloquent flourish<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>. More
weight is therefore to be laid upon the arguments supplied
by the nature of the case itself. The Pope, whatever his
confidence in the sympathy of the people, would never
have ventured on so momentous a step until previous conferences
had assured him of the feelings of the king, nor
could an act for which the assembly were evidently prepared
have been kept a secret. Nevertheless, the declaration
of Charles himself can neither be evaded nor set down
to mere dissimulation. It is more just to him, and on the
whole more reasonable, to suppose that Leo, having satisfied
himself of the wishes of the Roman clergy and people
as well as of the Frankish magnates, resolved to seize an
occasion and place so eminently favourable to his long-cherished
plan, while Charles, carried away by the enthusiasm
of the moment and seeing in the pontiff the prophet
and instrument of the divine will, accepted a dignity which
he might have wished to receive at some later time or in
some other way. If, therefore, any positive conclusion be
adopted, it would seem to be that Charles, although he had
probably given a more or less vague consent to the project,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>
was surprised and disconcerted by a sudden fulfilment
which interrupted his own carefully studied designs.
And although a deed which changed the history of the
world was in any case no accident, it may well have worn
to the Frankish and Roman spectators the air of a surprise.
For there were no preparations apparent in the
church; the king was not, like his Teutonic successors in
aftertime, led in procession to the pontifical throne: suddenly,
at the very moment when he rose from the sacred
hollow where he had knelt among the ever-burning lamps
before the holiest of Christian relics&mdash;the body of the
prince of the Apostles&mdash;the hands of that Apostle's representative
placed upon his head the crown of glory and
poured upon him the oil of sanctification. There was something
in this to thrill the beholders with the awe of a divine
presence, and make them hail him whom that presence
seemed almost visibly to consecrate, the 'pious and
peace-giving Emperor, crowned of God.'</p>

<p class="sidenote">Theories of
the motives
of Charles.</p>

<p>The reluctance of Charles to assume the imperial title
is ascribed by Eginhard to a fear of the jealous hostility of
the Greeks, who could not only deny his claim to it, but
might disturb by their intrigues his dominions in Italy.
Accepting this statement, the problem remains, how is
this reluctance to be reconciled with those acts of his
which clearly shew him aiming at the Roman crown? An
ingenious and probable, if not certain solution, is suggested
by a recent historian<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>,
who argues from a minute
examination of the previous policy of Charles, that while
it was the great object of his reign to obtain the crown of
the world, he foresaw at the same time the opposition of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span>
the Eastern Court, and the want of legality from which his
title would in consequence suffer. He was therefore bent
on getting from the Byzantines, if possible, a transference
of their crown; if not, at least a recognition of his own:
and he appears to have hoped to win this by the negotiations
which had been for some time kept on foot with the
Empress Irene. Just at this moment came the coronation
by Pope Leo, interrupting these deep-laid schemes, irritating
the Eastern Court, and forcing Charles into the
position of a rival who could not with dignity adopt a
soothing or submissive tone. Nevertheless, he seems not
even then to have abandoned the hope of obtaining a
peaceful recognition. Irene's crimes did not prevent him,
if we may credit Theophanes<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>,
from seeking her hand in
marriage. And when the project of thus uniting the East
and West in a single Empire, baffled for a time by the opposition
of her minister Ætius, was rendered impossible by
her subsequent dethronement and exile, he did not abandon
the policy of conciliation until a surly acquiescence in
rather than admission of his dignity had been won from
the Byzantine sovereigns Michael and Nicephorus<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Defect in
the title of
the Teutonic
Emperors.</p>

<p>Whether, supposing Leo to have been less precipitate, a
cession of the crown, or an acknowledgment of the right
of the Romans to confer it, could ever have been obtained
by Charles is perhaps more than doubtful. But it is clear
that he judged rightly in rating its importance high, for
the want of it was the great blemish in his own and his
successors' dignity. To shew how this was so, reference
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>
must be made to the events of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 476. Both the extinction
of the Western Empire in that year and its revival
in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800 have been very generally misunderstood in
modern times, and although the mistake is not, in a certain
sense, of practical importance, yet it tends to confuse
history and to blind us to the ideas of the people who
acted on both occasions. When Odoacer compelled the
abdication of Romulus Augustulus, he did not abolish the
Western Empire as a separate power, but caused it to be
reunited with or sink into the Eastern, so that from that
time there was, as there had been before Diocletian, a
single undivided Roman Empire. In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800 the very
memory of the separate Western Empire, as it had stood
from the death of Theodosius till Odoacer, had, so far as
appears, been long since lost, and neither Leo nor Charles
nor any one among their advisers dreamt of reviving it. They
too, like their predecessors, held the Roman Empire to be
one and indivisible, and proposed by the coronation of the
Frankish king not to proclaim a severance of the East
and West, but to reverse the act of Constantine, and make
Old Rome again the civil as well as the ecclesiastical
capital of the Empire that bore her name. Their deed
was in its essence illegal, but they sought to give it every
semblance of legality: they professed and partly believed
that they were not revolting against a reigning sovereign,
but legitimately filling up the place of the deposed Constantine
the Sixth; the people of the imperial city exercising
their ancient right of choice, their bishop his right
of consecration.</p>

<p>Their purpose was but half accomplished. They could
create but they could not destroy: they set up an Emperor
of their own, whose representatives thenceforward ruled
the West, but Constantinople retained her sovereigns as
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>
of yore; and Christendom saw henceforth two imperial
lines, not as in the time before <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 476, the conjoint
heads of a single realm, but rivals and enemies, each
denouncing the other as an impostor, each professing
to be the only true and lawful head of the Christian
Church and people. Although therefore we must in
practice speak during the next seven centuries (down till
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1453, when Constantinople fell before the Mohammedan)
of an Eastern and a Western Empire, the
phrase is in strictness incorrect, and was one which either
court ought to have repudiated. The Byzantines always
did repudiate it; the Latins usually; although, yielding
to facts, they sometimes condescended to employ it
themselves. But their theory was always the same.
Charles was held to be the legitimate successor, not of
Romulus Augustulus, but of Basil, Heraclius, Justinian, Arcadius,
and all the Eastern line; and hence it is that in all
the annals of the time and of many succeeding centuries,
the name of Constantine VI, the sixty-seventh in order
from Augustus, is followed without a break by that of
Charles, the sixty-eighth.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Government
of Charles
as Emperor.</p>

<p>The maintenance of an imperial line among the Greeks
was a continuing protest against the validity of Charles's
title. But from their enmity he had little to fear, and in
the eyes of the world he seemed to step into their place,
adding the traditional dignity which had been theirs to
the power that he already enjoyed. North Italy and
Rome ceased for ever to own the supremacy of Byzantium;
and while the Eastern princes paid a shameful
tribute to the Mussulman, the Frankish Emperor&mdash;as the
recognised head of Christendom&mdash;received from the
patriarch of Jerusalem the keys of the Holy Sepulchre
and the banner of Calvary; the gift of the Sepulchre
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>
itself, says Eginhard, from Aaron king of the Persians<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>.
Out of this peaceful intercourse with the great Khalif the
romancers created a crusade. Within his own dominions
his sway assumed a more sacred character.
<span class="sidenote">His authority
in matters
ecclesiastical.</span>
Already had his
unwearied and comprehensive activity made him throughout
his reign an ecclesiastical no less than a civil ruler,
summoning and sitting in councils, examining and
appointing bishops, settling by capitularies the smallest
points of church discipline and polity. A synod held at
Frankfort in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 794 condemned the decrees of the
second council of Nicæa, which had been approved by
Pope Hadrian, censured in violent terms the conduct of
the Byzantine rulers in suggesting them, and without
excluding images from churches, altogether forbade them
to be worshipped or even venerated. Not only did
Charles preside in and direct the deliberations of this
synod, although legates from the Pope were present&mdash;he
also caused a treatise to be drawn up stating and urging
its conclusions; he pressed Hadrian to declare Constantine
VI a heretic for enouncing doctrines to which
Hadrian had himself consented. There are letters of his
extant in which he lectures Pope Leo in a tone of easy
superiority, admonishes him to obey the holy canons, and
bids him pray earnestly for the success of the efforts
which it is the monarch's duty to make for the subjugation
of pagans and the establishment of sound doctrine
throughout the Church. Nay, subsequent Popes themselves<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>
admitted and applauded the despotic superintendence
of matters spiritual which he was wont to
exercise, and which led some one to give him playfully a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span>
title that had once been applied to the Pope himself,
<span lang="la">'Episcopus episcoporum.'</span></p>

<p class="sidenote">The imperial
office
in its ecclesiastical
relations.</p>

<p>Acting and speaking thus when merely king, it may be
thought that Charles needed no further title to justify
his power. The inference is in truth rather the converse
of this. Upon what he had done already the imperial
title must necessarily follow: the attitude of protection
and control which he held towards the Church and the
Holy See belonged, according to the ideas of the time,
especially and only to an Emperor. Therefore his coronation
was the fitting completion and legitimation of his
authority, sanctifying rather than increasing it. We have,
however, one remarkable witness to the importance that
was attached to the imperial name, and the enhancement
which he conceived his office to have received from it.
In a great assembly held at Aachen, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 802, the lately-crowned
<span class="sidenote">Capitulary
of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 802.</span>
Emperor revised the laws of all the races that
obeyed him, endeavouring to harmonize and correct them,
and issued a capitulary singular in subject and tone<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>.
All persons within his dominions, as well ecclesiastical as
civil, who have already sworn allegiance to him as king,
are thereby commanded to swear to him afresh as Cæsar;
and all who have never yet sworn, down to the age of
twelve, shall now take the same oath. 'At the same
time it shall be publicly explained to all what is the force
and meaning of this oath, and how much more it includes
than a mere promise of fidelity to the monarch's person.
Firstly, it binds those who swear it to live, each and every
one of them, according to his strength and knowledge, in
the holy service of God; since the lord Emperor cannot
extend over all his care and discipline. Secondly, it
binds them neither by force nor fraud to seize or molest
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>
any of the goods or servants of his crown. Thirdly, to
do no violence nor treason towards the holy Church, or
to widows, or orphans, or strangers, seeing that the lord
Emperor has been appointed, after the Lord and his
saints, the protector and defender of all such.' Then in
similar fashion purity of life is prescribed to the monks;
homicide, the neglect of hospitality, and other offences
are denounced, the notions of sin and crime being intermingled
and almost identified in a way to which no
parallel can be found, unless it be in the Mosaic code.
There God, the invisible object of worship, is also, though
almost incidentally, the judge and political ruler of Israel;
here the whole cycle of social and moral duty is deduced
from the obligation of obedience to the visible autocratic
head of the Christian state.</p>

<p>In most of Charles's words and deeds, nor less distinctly
in the writings of his adviser Alcuin, may be discerned
the working of the same theocratic ideas. Among his
intimate friends he chose to be called by the name of
David, exercising in reality all the powers of the Jewish
king; presiding over this kingdom of God upon earth
rather as a second Constantine or Theodosius than in the
spirit and traditions of the Julii or the Flavii. Among
his measures there are two which in particular recall the
first Christian Emperor. As Constantine founds so
Charles erects on a firmer basis the connection of Church
and State. Bishops and abbots are as essential a part of
rising feudalism as counts and dukes. Their benefices
are held under the same conditions of fealty and the
service in war of their vassal tenants, not of the spiritual
person himself: they have similar rights of jurisdiction,
and are subject alike to the imperial <i lang="la">missi</i>. The monarch
tries often to restrict the clergy, as persons, to spiritual
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span>
duties; quells the insubordination of the monasteries;
endeavours to bring the seculars into a monastic life by
instituting and regulating chapters. But after granting
wealth and power, the attempt was vain; his strong hand
withdrawn, they laughed at control. Again, it was by
him first that the payment of tithes, for which the priesthood
had long been pleading, was made compulsory in
Western Europe, and the support of the ministers of
religion entrusted to the laws of the state.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Influence of
the imperial
title in
Germany
and Gaul.</p>

<p>In civil affairs also Charles acquired, with the imperial
title, a new position. Later jurists labour to distinguish
his power as Roman Emperor from that which he held
already as king of the Franks and their subject allies:
they insist that his coronation gave him the capital only,
that it is absurd to talk of a Roman Empire in regions
whither the eagles had never flown<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>. In such expressions
there seems to lurk either confusion or misconception.
It was not the actual government of the city that Charles
obtained in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800: that his father had already held as
Patrician and he had constantly exercised in the same capacity:
it was far more than the titular sovereignty of Rome
which had hitherto been supposed to be vested in the
Byzantine princes: it was nothing less than the headship
of the world, believed to appertain of right to the lawful
Roman Emperor, whether he reigned on the Bosphorus,
the Tiber, or the Rhine. As that headship, although never
denied, had been in abeyance in the West for several
centuries, its bestowal on the king of so vast a realm was
a change of the first moment, for it made the coronation
not merely a transference of the seat of Empire, but a
renewal of the Empire itself, a bringing back of it from
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span>
faith to sight, from the world of belief and theory to the
world of fact and reality. And since the powers it gave
were autocratic and unlimited, it must swallow up all
minor claims and dignities: the rights of Charles the
Frankish king were merged in those of Charles the
successor of Augustus, the lord of the world. That his
imperial authority was theoretically irrespective of place
is clear from his own words and acts, and from all the
monuments of that time. He would not, indeed, have
dreamed of treating the free Franks as Justinian had
treated his half-Oriental subjects, nor would the warriors
who followed his standard have brooked such an attempt.
Yet even to German eyes his position must have been
altered by the halo of vague splendour which now surrounded
him; for all, even the Saxon and the Slave, had heard of
Rome's glories, and revered the name of Cæsar.
<span class="sidenote">Action of
Charles on
Europe.</span>
And in
his effort to weld discordant elements into one body, to
introduce regular gradations of authority, to control the
Teutonic tendency to localization by his <i lang="la">missi</i>&mdash;officials
commissioned to traverse each some part of his dominions,
reporting on and redressing the evils they found&mdash;and by
his own oft-repeated personal progresses, Charles was
guided by the traditions of the old Empire. His sway is
the revival of order and culture, fusing the West into a
compact whole, whose parts are never thenceforward to
lose the marks of their connection and their half-Roman
character, gathering up all that is left in Europe of spirit
and wealth and knowledge, and hurling it with the new
force of Christianity on the infidel of the South and the
masses of untamed barbarism to the North and East.
Ruling the world by the gift of God, and the transmitted
rights of the Romans and their Cæsar whom God had
chosen to conquer it, he renews the original aggressive
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span>
movement of the Empire: the civilized world has subdued
her invader<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>,
and now arms him against savagery and
heathendom. Hence the wars, not more of the sword
than of the cross, against Saxons, Avars, Slaves, Danes,
Spanish Arabs, where monasteries are fortresses and
baptism the badge of submission. The overthrow of the
Irminsûl<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>,
in the first Saxon campaign<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>,
sums up the
changes of seven centuries. The Romanized Teuton
destroys the monument of his country's freedom, for it is
also the emblem of paganism and barbarism. The work
of Arminius is undone by his successor.</p>

<p class="sidenote">His position
as Frankish
king.</p>

<p>This, however, is not the only side from which
Charles's policy and character may be regarded. If the
unity of the Church and the shadow of imperial prerogative
was one pillar of his power, the other was the
Frankish nation. The Empire was still military, though
in a sense strangely different from that of Julius or
Severus. The warlike Franks had permeated Western
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span>
Europe; their primacy was admitted by the kindred
tribes of Lombards, Bavarians, Thuringians, Alemannians,
and Burgundians; the Slavic peoples on the borders
trembled and paid tribute; Alfonso of Asturias found in
the Emperor a protector against the infidel foe. His
influence, if not his exerted power, crossed the ocean:
the kings of the Scots sent gifts and called him lord<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>
:
the restoration of Eardulf to Northumbria, still more of
Egbert to Wessex, might furnish a better ground for
the claim of suzerainty than many to which his successors
had afterwards recourse. As it was by Frankish
arms that this predominance in Europe which the imperial
title adorned and legalized had been won, so was
the government of Charles Roman in semblance rather
than in fact. It was not by restoring the effete mechanism
of the old Empire, but by his own vigorous personal action
and that of his great officers, that he strove to administer
and reform. With every effort for a strong central
government, there is no despotism; each nation retains
its laws, its hereditary chiefs, its free popular assemblies.
The conditions granted to the Saxons after such cruel
warfare, conditions so favourable that in the next century
their dukes hold the foremost place in Germany, shew
how little he desired to make the Franks a dominant caste.</p>

<p class="sidenote">General results
of his
Empire.</p>

<p>He repeats the attempt of Theodoric to breathe a Teutonic
spirit into Roman forms. The conception was
magnificent; great results followed its partial execution.
Two causes forbade success. The one was the ecclesiastical,
especially the Papal power, apparently subject
to the temporal, but with a strong and undefined prerogative
which only waited the occasion to trample on
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span>
what it had helped to raise. The Pope might take away
the crown he had bestowed, and turn against the Emperor
the Church which now obeyed him. The other
was to be found in the discordance of the component
parts of the Empire. The nations were not ripe for
settled life or extensive schemes of polity; the differences
of race, language, manners, over vast and thinly-peopled
lands baffled every attempt to maintain their connection:
and when once the spell of the great mind was withdrawn,
the mutually repellent forces began to work, and
the mass dissolved into that chaos out of which it had
been formed. Nevertheless, the parts separated not as
they met, but having all of them undergone influences
which continued to act when political connection had
ceased. For the work of Charles&mdash;a genius pre-eminently
creative&mdash;was not lost in the anarchy that followed:
rather are we to regard his reign as the beginning of a
new era, or as laying the foundations whereon men continued
for many generations to build.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Personal
habits and
sympathies.</p>

<p>No claim can be more groundless than that which the
modern French, the sons of the Latinized Kelt, set up to
the Teutonic Charles. At Rome he might assume the
chlamys and the sandals, but at the head of his Frankish
host he strictly adhered to the customs of his country,
and was beloved by his people as the very ideal of their
own character and habits<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>. Of strength and stature
almost superhuman, in swimming and hunting unsurpassed,
steadfast and terrible in fight, to his friends
gentle and condescending, he was a Roman, much less
a Gaul, in nothing but his culture and his width of view,
otherwise a Teuton. The centre of his realm was the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>
Rhine; his capitals Aachen<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>
 and Engilenheim<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>;
his
army Frankish; his sympathies as they are shewn in
the gathering of the old hero-lays<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>,
the composition
of a German grammar, the ordinance against confining
prayer to the three languages,&mdash;Hebrew, Greek, and
Latin,&mdash;were all for the race from which he sprang,
and whose advance, represented by the victory of Austrasia,
the true Frankish fatherland, over Neustria and
Aquitaine, spread a second Germanic wave over the
conquered countries.</p>

<p class="sidenote">His Empire
and
character
generally.</p>

<p>There were in his Empire, as in his own mind, two
elements; those two from the union and mutual action
and reaction of which modern civilization has arisen.
These vast domains, reaching from the Ebro to the
Carpathian mountains, from the Eyder to the Liris, were
all the conquests of the Frankish sword, and were still
governed almost exclusively by viceroys and officers of
Frankish blood. But the conception of the Empire,
that which made it a State and not a mere mass of
subject tribes like those great Eastern dominions which
rise and perish in a lifetime, the realms of Sesostris, or
Attila, or Timur, was inherited from an older and a
grander system, was not Teutonic but Roman&mdash;Roman
in its ordered rule, in its uniformity and precision, in its
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>
endeavour to subject the individual to the system&mdash;Roman
in its effort to realize a certain limited and human perfection,
whose very completeness shall exclude the hope
of further progress. And the bond, too, by which the
Empire was held together was Roman in its origin,
although Roman in a sense which would have surprised
Trajan or Severus, could it have been foretold them.
The ecclesiastical body was already organized and centralized,
and it was in his rule over the ecclesiastical
body that the secret of Charles's power lay. Every
Christian&mdash;Frank, Gaul, or Italian&mdash;owed loyalty to the
head and defender of his religion: the unity of the
Empire was a reflection of the unity of the Church.</p>

<p>Into a general view of the government and policy of
Charles it is not possible here to enter. Yet his legislation,
his assemblies, his administrative system, his magnificent
works, recalling the projects of Alexander and
Cæsar<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>,
the zeal for education and literature which he
shewed in the collection of manuscripts, the founding of
schools, the gathering of eminent men from all quarters
around him, cannot be appreciated apart from his position
as restorer of the Roman Empire. Like all the
foremost men of our race, Charles was all great things
in one, and was so great just because the workings of his
genius were so harmonious. He was not a mere barbarian
warrior any more than he was an astute diplomatist;
there is none of all his qualities which would
not be forced out of its place were we to characterize
him chiefly by it. Comparisons between famous men
of different ages are generally as worthless as they are
easy: the circumstances among which Charles lived do
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>
not permit us to institute a minute parallel between his
greatness and that of those two to whom it is the modern
fashion to compare him, nor to say whether he was or
could have become as profound a politician as Cæsar, as
skilful a commander as Napoleon<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>. But neither to the
Roman nor to the Corsican was he inferior in that one
quality by which both he and they chiefly impress our
imaginations&mdash;that intense, vivid, unresting energy which
swept him over Europe in campaign after campaign,
which sought a field for its workings in theology, science,
literature, no less than in politics and war. As it was
this wondrous activity that made him the conqueror of
Europe, so was it by the variety of his culture that he
became her civilizer. From him, in whose wide deep
mind the whole mediæval theory of the world and human
life mirrored itself, did mediæval society take the form
and impress which it retained for centuries, and the traces
whereof are among us and upon us to this day.</p>

<p>The great Emperor was buried at Aachen, in that
basilica which it had been the delight of his later years
to erect and adorn with the treasures of ancient art.
His tomb under the dome&mdash;where now we see an enormous
slab, with the words <span lang="la">'Carolo Magno'</span>&mdash;was inscribed,
'<i lang="la">Magnus atque Orthodoxus Imperator</i><a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>.' Poets,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span>
fostered by his own zeal, sang of him who had given to
the Franks the sway of Romulus<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>. The gorgeous drapery
of romance gradually wreathed itself round his
name, till by canonization as a saint he received the
highest glory the world or the Church could confer. For
the Roman Church claimed then, as she claims still, the
privilege which humanity in one form or another seems
scarce able to deny itself, of raising to honours almost
divine its great departed; and as in pagan times temples
had risen to a deified Emperor, so churches were dedicated
to St. Charlemagne. Between Sanctus Carolus and
Divus Julius how strange an analogy and how strange
a contrast!</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER VI.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">CAROLINGIAN AND ITALIAN EMPERORS.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">Lewis the
Pious.</p>

<p>Lewis the Pious<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>,
left by Charles's death sole heir, had
been some years before associated with his father in the
Empire, and had been crowned by his own hands in a
way which, intentionally or not, appeared to deny the
need of Papal sanction. But it was soon seen that the
strength to grasp the sceptre had not passed with it.
Too mild to restrain his turbulent nobles, and thrown
by over-conscientiousness into the hands of the clergy,
he had reigned few years when dissensions broke out
on all sides. Charles had wished the Empire to continue
one, under the supremacy of a single Emperor,
but with its several parts, Lombardy, Aquitaine, Austrasia,
Bavaria, each a kingdom held by a scion of the reigning
house. A scheme dangerous in itself, and rendered
more so by the absence or neglect of regular rules of
succession, could with difficulty have been managed by
a wise and firm monarch. Lewis tried in vain to satisfy
his sons (Lothar, Lewis, and Charles) by dividing and
redividing: they rebelled; he was deposed, and forced
by the bishops to do penance; again restored, but
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Partition
of Verdun,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 843.</span>
without power, a tool in the hands of contending factions.
On his death the sons flew to arms, and the
first of the dynastic quarrels of modern Europe was
fought out on the field of Fontenay. In the partition
treaty of Verdun which followed, the Teutonic principle
of equal division among heirs triumphed over the Roman
one of the transmission of an indivisible Empire: the
practical sovereignty of all three brothers was admitted
in their respective territories, a barren precedence only
reserved to Lothar, with the imperial title which he, as
the eldest, already enjoyed. A more important result
was the separation of the Gaulish and German nationalities.
Their difference of feeling, shewn already
in the support of Lewis the Pious by the Germans
against the Gallo-Franks and the Church<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>,
took now a
permanent shape: modern Germany proclaims the era
of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 843 the beginning of her national existence, and
celebrated its thousandth anniversary twenty-seven years
ago. To Charles the Bald was given Francia Occidentalis,
that is to say, Neustria and Aquitaine; to Lothar,
who as Emperor must possess the two capitals, Rome
and Aachen, a long and narrow kingdom stretching from
the North Sea to the Mediterranean, and including the
northern half of Italy: Lewis (surnamed, from his kingdom,
the German) received all east of the Rhine, Franks,
Saxons, Bavarians, Austria, Carinthia, with possible supremacies
over Czechs and Moravians beyond. Throughout
these regions German was spoken; through Charles's
kingdom a corrupt tongue, equally removed from Latin
and from modern French. Lothar's, being mixed and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span>
having no national basis, was the weakest of the three,
and soon dissolved into the separate sovereignties of
Italy, Burgundy, and Lotharingia, or, as we call it,
Lorraine.</p>

<p class="sidenote">End of the
Carolingian
Empire of
the West,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 888.</p>

<p>On the tangled history of the period that follows it is
not possible to do more than touch. After passing from
one branch of the Carolingian line to another<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>,
the imperial
sceptre was at last possessed and disgraced by Charles the
Fat, who united all the dominions of his great-grandfather.
This unworthy heir could not avail himself of recovered
territory to strengthen or defend the expiring monarchy.
He was driven out of Italy in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 887, and his death in 888
has been usually taken as the date of the extinction of the
Carolingian Empire of the West. The Germans, still
attached to the ancient line, chose Arnulf, an illegitimate
Carolingian, for their king: he entered Italy and was
crowned Emperor by his partizan Pope Formosus, in
894. But Germany, divided and helpless, was in no
condition to maintain her power over the southern lands:
Arnulf retreated in haste, leaving Rome and Italy to sixty
years of stormy independence.</p>

<p>That time was indeed the nadir of order and civilization.
From all sides the torrent of barbarism which
Charles the Great had stemmed was rushing down upon
his empire. The Saracen wasted the Mediterranean
coasts, and sacked Rome herself. The Dane and Norseman
swept the Atlantic and the North Sea, pierced
France and Germany by their rivers, burning, slaying,
carrying off into captivity: pouring through the Straits
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span>
of Gibraltar, they fell upon Provence and Italy. By land,
while Wends and Czechs and Obotrites threw off the
German yoke and threatened the borders, the wild Hungarian
bands, pressing in from the steppes of the Caspian,
dashed over Germany like the flying spray of a new wave
of barbarism, and carried the terror of their battleaxes
to the Apennines and the ocean. Under such strokes
the already loosened fabric swiftly dissolved. No one
thought of common defence or wide organization: the
strong built castles, the weak became their bondsmen,
or took shelter under the cowl: the governor&mdash;count,
abbot, or bishop&mdash;tightened his grasp, turned a delegated
into an independent, a personal into a territorial authority,
and hardly owned a distant and feeble suzerain.
The grand vision of a universal Christian empire was
utterly lost in the isolation, the antagonism, the increasing
localization of all powers: it might seem to
have been but a passing gleam from an older and
better world.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The German
Kingdom.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Henry the
Fowler.</p>

<p>In Germany, the greatness of the evil worked at last
its cure. When the male line of the eastern branch of
the Carolingians had ended in Lewis (surnamed the
Child), son of Arnulf, the chieftains chose and the people
accepted Conrad the Franconian, and after him Henry
the Saxon duke, both representing the female line of
Charles. Henry laid the foundations of a firm monarchy,
driving back the Magyars and Wends, recovering Lotharingia,
founding towns to be centres of orderly life
and strongholds against Hungarian irruptions. He had
meant to claim at Rome his kingdom's rights, rights
which Conrad's weakness had at least asserted by the
demand of tribute; but death overtook him, and the plan
was left to be fulfilled by Otto his son.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span></p>
<p class="sidenote">Otto the
Great.</p>

<p>The Holy Roman Empire, taking the name in the
sense which it commonly bore in later centuries, as denoting
the sovereignty of Germany and Italy vested in
a Germanic prince, is the creation of Otto the Great.
Substantially, it is true, as well as technically, it was a
prolongation of the Empire of Charles; and it rested (as
will be shewn in the sequel) upon ideas essentially the
same as those which brought about the coronation of
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800. But a revival is always more or less a revolution:
the one hundred and fifty years that had passed
since the death of Charles had brought with them changes
which made Otto's position in Germany and Europe less
commanding and less autocratic than his predecessor's.
With narrower geographical limits, his Empire had a less
plausible claim to be the heir of Rome's universal dominion;
and there were also differences in its inner
character and structure sufficient to justify us in considering
Otto (as he is usually considered by his countrymen)
not a mere successor after an interregnum, but
rather a second founder of the imperial throne in the
West.</p>

<p>Before Otto's descent into Italy is described, something
must be said of the condition of that country, where circumstances
had again made possible the plan of Theodoric,
permitted it to become an independent kingdom,
and attached the imperial title to its sovereign.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Italian
Emperors.</p>

<p>The bestowal of the purple on Charles the Great was
not really that 'translation of the Empire from the Greeks
to the Franks,' which it was afterwards described as
having been. It was not meant to settle the office in one
nation or one dynasty: there was but an extension of
that principle of the equality of all Romans which had
made Trajan and Maximin Emperors. The '<i lang="la">arcanum
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>
imperii</i>,' whereof Tacitus speaks, '<i lang="la">posse principem alibi
quam Romæ fieri</i><a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>
,' had long before become <i lang="la">alium quam
Romanum</i>; and now, the names of Roman and Christian
having grown co-extensive, a barbarian chieftain was,
as a Roman citizen, eligible to the office of Roman
Emperor. Treating him as such, the people and pontiff
of the capital had in the vacancy of the Eastern throne
asserted their ancient rights of election, and while attempting
to reverse the act of Constantine, had re-established
the division of Valentinian. The dignity was
therefore in strictness personal to Charles; in point of
fact, and by consent, hereditarily transmissible, just as it
had formerly become in the families of Constantine and
Theodosius. To the Frankish crown or nation it was by
no means legally attached, though they might think it so;
it had passed to their king only because he was the
greatest European potentate, and might equally well pass
to some stronger race, if any such appeared. Hence,
when the line of Carolingian Emperors ended in Charles
the Fat, the rights of Rome and Italy might be taken to
revive, and there was nothing to prevent the citizens
from choosing whom they would. At that memorable
era (<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 888) the four kingdoms which this prince had
united fell asunder; West France, where Odo or Eudes
then began to reign, was never again united to Germany;
East France (Germany) chose Arnulf; Burgundy<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>
 split
up into two principalities, in one of which (Transjurane)
Rudolf proclaimed himself king, while the other (Cisjurane
with Provence) submitted to Boso<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>;
while Italy
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>
was divided between the parties of Berengar of Friuli
and Guido of Spoleto. The former was chosen king by
the estates of Lombardy; the latter, and on his speedy
death his son Lambert, was crowned Emperor by the
Pope. Arnulf's descent chased them away and vindicated
the claims of the Franks, but on his flight Italy and the
anti-German faction at Rome became again free. Berengar
was made king of Italy, and afterwards Emperor.
Lewis of Burgundy, son of Boso, renounced his fealty
to Arnulf, and procured the imperial dignity, whose vain
title he retained through years of misery and exile, till
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 928<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>. None of these Emperors were strong enough
to rule well even in Italy; beyond it they were not so
much as recognized. The crown had become a bauble
with which unscrupulous Popes dazzled the vanity of
princes whom they summoned to their aid, and soothed
the credulity of their more honest supporters. The demoralization
and confusion of Italy, the shameless profligacy
of Rome and her pontiffs during this period, were
enough to prevent a true Italian kingdom from being
built up on the basis of Roman choice and national unity.
Italian indeed it can scarcely be called, for these Emperors
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>
were still in blood and manners Teutonic, and akin rather
to their Transalpine enemies than their Romanic subjects.
But Italian it might soon have become under a vigorous
rule which should have organized it within and knit it
together to resist attacks from without. And therefore
the attempt to establish such a kingdom is remarkable,
for it might have had great consequences; might, if it
had prospered, have spared Italy much suffering and
Germany endless waste of strength and blood. He who
from the summit of Milan cathedral sees across the misty
plain the gleaming turrets of its icy wall sweep in a great
arc from North to West, may well wonder that a land
which nature has so severed from its neighbours should,
since history begins, have been always the victim of their
intrusive tyranny.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Adelheid
Queen of
Italy.</p>

<p>In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 924 died Berengar, the last of these phantom
Emperors. After him Hugh of Burgundy, and Lothar
his son, reigned as kings of Italy, if puppets in the hands
of a riotous aristocracy can be so called. Rome was
meanwhile ruled by the consul or senator Alberic<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>,
who
had renewed her never quite extinct republican institutions,
and in the degradation of the papacy was almost
absolute in the city. Lothar dying, his widow Adelheid<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>

was sought in marriage by Adalbert son of Berengar
II, the new Italian monarch. A gleam of romance
is shed on the Empire's revival by her beauty and her
adventures. Rejecting the odious alliance, she was seized
by Berengar, escaped with difficulty from the loathsome
prison where his barbarity had confined her, and appealed
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Otto's first
expedition
into Italy,
A.D. 951.</span>
<span class="sidenote">Invitation
sent by the
Pope to
Otto.</span>
<span class="sidenote">Motives for
reviving the
Empire.</span>
to Otto the German king, the model of that knightly
virtue which was beginning to shew itself after the fierce
brutality of the last age. He listened, descended into
Lombardy by the Adige valley, espoused the injured
queen, and forced Berengar to hold his kingdom as a
vassal of the East Frankish crown. That prince was
turbulent and faithless; new complaints reached ere long
his liege lord, and envoys from the Pope offered Otto
the imperial title if he would re-visit and pacify Italy.
The proposal was well-timed. Men still thought, as they
had thought in the centuries before the Carolingians, that
the Empire was suspended, not extinct; and the desire
to see its effective power restored, the belief that without
it the world could never be right, might seem better
grounded than it had been before the coronation of
Charles. Then the imperial name had recalled only the
faint memories of Roman majesty and order; now it
was also associated with the golden age of the first
Frankish Emperor, when a single firm and just hand had
guided the state, reformed the church, repressed the excesses
of local power: when Christianity had advanced
against heathendom, civilizing as she went, fearing neither
Hun nor Paynim. One annalist tells us that Charles was
elected 'lest the pagans should insult the Christians, if
the name of Emperor should have ceased among the
Christians<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>.' The motive would be bitterly enforced
by the calamities of the last fifty years. In a time of
disintegration, confusion, strife, all the longings of every
wiser and better soul for unity, for peace and law, for
some bond to bring Christian men and Christian states
together against the common enemy of the faith, were
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span>
but so many cries for the restoration of the Roman
Empire<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>. These were the feelings that on the field of
Merseburg broke forth in the shout of 'Henry the Emperor:'
these the hopes of the Teutonic host when after
the great deliverance of the Lechfeld they greeted Otto,
conqueror of the Magyars, as 'Imperator Augustus,
Pater Patriæ<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>.'</p>

<p class="sidenote">Condition
of Italy.</p>

<p>The anarchy which an Emperor was needed to heal
was at its worst in Italy, desolated by the feuds of
a crowd of petty princes. A succession of infamous
Popes, raised by means yet more infamous, the lovers
and sons of Theodora and Marozia, had disgraced the
chair of the Apostle, and though Rome herself might
be lost to decency, Western Christendom was roused to
anger and alarm. Men had not yet learned to satisfy
their consciences by separating the person from the office.
The rule of Alberic had been succeeded by the wildest
confusion, and demands were raised for the renewal of
that imperial authority which all admitted in theory<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>
,
and which nothing but the resolute opposition of Alberic
himself had prevented Otto from claiming in 951. From
the Byzantine Empire, whither Italy was more than once
tempted to turn, nothing could be hoped; its dangers
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span>
from foreign enemies were aggravated by the plots of the
court and the seditions of the capital; it was becoming
more and more alienated from the West by the Photian
schism and the question regarding the Procession of the
Holy Ghost, which that quarrel had started. Germany
was extending and consolidating herself, had escaped
domestic perils, and might think of reviving ancient
claims. No one could be more willing to revive them
than Otto the Great. His ardent spirit, after waging
a bold and successful struggle against the turbulent magnates
of his German realm, had engaged him in wars
with the surrounding nations, and was now captivated by
the vision of a wider sway and a loftier world-embracing
dignity. Nor was the prospect which the papal offer
opened up less welcome to his people. Aachen, their
capital, was the ancestral home of the house of Pipin:
their sovereign, although himself a Saxon by race, titled
himself king of the Franks, in opposition to the Frankish
rulers of the Western branch, whose Teutonic character
was disappearing among the Romans of Gaul; they held
themselves in every way the true representatives of the
Carolingian power, and accounted the period since
Arnulf's death nothing but an interregnum which had
suspended but not impaired their rights over Rome.
'For so long,' says a writer of the time, 'as there remain
kings of the Franks, so long will the dignity of the Roman
Empire not wholly perish, seeing that it will abide in its
kings<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>.' The recovery of Italy was therefore to German
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>
eyes a righteous as well as a glorious design: approved
by the Teutonic Church which had lately been negotiating
with Rome on the subject of missions to the heathen;
embraced by the people, who saw in it an accession of
strength to their young kingdom. Everything smiled
on Otto's enterprise, and the connection which was destined
to bring so much strife and woe to Germany and
to Italy was welcomed by the wisest of both countries
as the beginning of a better era.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Descent of
Otto the
Great into
Italy.</p>

<p>Whatever were Otto's own feelings, whether or not
he felt that he was sacrificing, as modern writers have
thought that he did sacrifice, the greatness of his German
kingdom to the lust of universal dominion, he shewed
no hesitation in his acts. Descending from the Alps
with an overpowering force, he was acknowledged as
king of Italy at Pavia<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>;
and, having first taken an
oath to protect the Holy See and respect the liberties
of the city, advanced to Rome.
<span class="sidenote">His coronation
at
Rome, <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
962.</span>
There, with Adelheid
his queen, he was crowned by John XII, on the day
of the Purification, the second of February, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 962.
The details of his election and coronation are unfortunately
still more scanty than in the case of his great
predecessor. Most of our authorities represent the
act as of the Pope's favour<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>,
yet it is plain that the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>
consent of the people was still thought an essential part
of the ceremony, and that Otto rested after all on his
host of conquering Saxons. Be this as it may, there
was neither question raised nor opposition made in
Rome; the usual courtesies and promises were exchanged
between Emperor and Pope, the latter owning himself a
subject, and the citizens swore for the future to elect no
pontiff without Otto's consent.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER VII.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THEORY OF THE MEDIÆVAL EMPIRE.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">Why the
revival of
the Empire
was desired.</p>

<p>These were the events and circumstances of the time:
let us now look at the causes. The restoration of the
Empire by Charles may seem to be sufficiently accounted
for by the width of his conquests, by the peculiar connection
which already subsisted between him and the
Roman Church, by his commanding personal character,
by the temporary vacancy of the Byzantine throne. The
causes of its revival under Otto must be sought deeper.
Making every allowance for the favouring incidents which
have already been dwelt upon, there must have been
some further influence at work to draw him and his
successors, Saxon and Frankish kings, so far from home
in pursuit of a barren crown, to lead the Italians to accept
the dominion of a stranger and a barbarian, to make
the Empire itself appear through the whole Middle Age
not what it seems now, a gorgeous anachronism, but an
institution divine and necessary, having its foundations in
the very nature and order of things. The empire of the
elder Rome had been splendid in its life, yet its judgment
was written in the misery to which it had brought the
provinces, and the helplessness that had invited the
attacks of the barbarian. Now, as we at least can see, it
had long been dead, and the course of events was adverse
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>
to its revival. Its actual representatives, the Roman
people, were a turbulent rabble, sunk in a profligacy
notorious even in that guilty age. Yet not the less for
all this did men cling to the idea, and strive through long
ages to stem the irresistible time-current, fondly believing
that they were breasting it even while it was sweeping
them ever faster and faster away from the old order into a
region of new thoughts, new feelings, new forms of life. Not
till the days of the Reformation was the illusion dispelled.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Mediæval
theories.</p>

<p>The explanation is to be found in the state of the
human mind during these centuries. The Middle Ages
were essentially unpolitical. Ideas as familiar to the
commonwealths of antiquity as to ourselves, ideas of the
common good as the object of the State, of the rights of
the people, of the comparative merits of different forms
of government, were to them, though sometimes carried
out in fact, in their speculative form unknown, perhaps
incomprehensible. Feudalism was the one great institution
to which those times gave birth, and feudalism was
a social and a legal system, only indirectly and by consequence
a political one. Yet the human mind, so far
from being idle, was in certain directions never more
active; nor was it possible for it to remain without
general conceptions regarding the relation of men to each
other in this world. Such conceptions were neither made
an expression of the actual present condition of things
nor drawn from an induction of the past; they were
partly inherited from the system that had preceded,
partly evolved from the principles of that metaphysical
theology which was ripening into scholasticism<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>. Now
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>
the two great ideas which expiring antiquity bequeathed
to the ages that followed were those of a World-Monarchy
and a World-Religion.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The World-Religion.</p>

<p>Before the conquests of Rome, men, with little knowledge
of each other, with no experience of wide political
union<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>,
had held differences of race to be natural and
irremovable barriers. Similarly, religion appeared to them
a matter purely local and national; and as there were gods
of the hills and gods of the valleys, of the land and of the
sea, so each tribe rejoiced in its peculiar deities, looking on
the natives of another country who worshipped other gods
as Gentiles, natural foes, unclean beings. Such feelings,
if keenest in the East, frequently shew themselves in the
early records of Greece and Italy: in Homer the hero who
wanders over the unfruitful sea glories in sacking the cities
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span>
of the stranger<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>;
the primitive Latins have the same word
for a foreigner and an enemy: the exclusive systems of
Egypt, Hindostan, China, are only more vehement expressions
of the belief which made Athenian philosophers look
on a state of war between Greeks and barbarians as
natural<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>,
and defend slavery on the same ground of the
original diversity of the races that rule and the races that
serve. The Roman dominion giving to many nations a
common speech and law, smote this feeling on its political
side; Christianity more effectually banished it from
the soul by substituting for the variety of local pantheons
the belief in one God, before whom all men are equal<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Coincides
with the
World-Empire.</p>

<p>It is on the religious life that nations repose. Because
divinity was divided, humanity had been divided likewise;
the doctrine of the unity of God now enforced the unity
of man, who had been created in His image<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>. The first
lesson of Christianity was love, a love that was to join in
one body those whom suspicion and prejudice and pride
of race had hitherto kept apart. There was thus formed
by the new religion a community of the faithful, a Holy
Empire, designed to gather all men into its bosom, and
standing opposed to the manifold polytheisms of the older
world, exactly as the universal sway of the Cæsars was
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>
contrasted with the innumerable kingdoms and republics
that had gone before it. The analogy of the two made
them appear parts of one great world-movement toward
unity: the coincidence of their boundaries, which had
begun before Constantine, lasted long enough after him
to associate them indissolubly together, and make the
names of Roman and Christian convertible<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>. Œcumenical
councils, where the whole spiritual body gathered itself
from every part of the temporal realm under the presidency
of the temporal head, presented the most visible and
impressive examples of their connection<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>. The language
of civil government was, throughout the West, that of the
sacred writings and of worship; the greatest mind of his
generation consoled the faithful for the fall of their earthly
commonwealth Rome, by describing to them its successor
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>
and representative, the 'city which hath foundations, whose
builder and maker is God<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>.'</p>

<p class="sidenote">Preservation
of the
unity of the
Church.</p>

<p>Of these two parallel unities, that of the political and
that of the religious society, meeting in the higher unity
of all Christians, which may be indifferently called Catholicity
or Romanism (since in that day those words would
have had the same meaning), that only which had been entrusted
to the keeping of the Church survived the storms of
the fifth century. Many reasons may be assigned for the
firmness with which she clung to it. Seeing one institution
after another falling to pieces around her, seeing how
countries and cities were being severed from each other
by the irruption of strange tribes and the increasing difficulty
of communication, she strove to save religious fellowship
by strengthening the ecclesiastical organization, by
drawing tighter every bond of outward union. Necessities
of faith were still more powerful. Truth, it was said, is
one, and as it must bind into one body all who hold it, so
it is only by continuing in that body that they can preserve
it.
Thus with the growing rigidity of dogma, which
may be traced from the council of Jerusalem to the
council of Trent, there had arisen the idea of supplementing
revelation by tradition as a source of doctrine, of
exalting the universal conscience and belief above the
individual, and allowing the soul to approach God only
through the universal consciousness, represented by the
sacerdotal order: principles still maintained by one branch
<span class="sidenote">Mediæval
Theology
requires
One Visible
Catholic
Church.</span>
of the Church, and for some at least of which far weightier
reasons could be assigned then, in the paucity of written
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>
records and the blind ignorance of the mass of the people,
than any to which their modern advocates have recourse.
There was another cause yet more deeply seated, and
which it is hard adequately to describe. It was not exactly
a want of faith in the unseen, nor a shrinking fear
which dared not look forth on the universe alone: it was
rather the powerlessness of the untrained mind to realize
the idea as an idea and live in it: it was the tendency to
see everything in the concrete, to turn the parable into a
fact, the doctrine into its most literal application, the
symbol into the essential ceremony; the tendency which
intruded earthly Madonnas and saints between the worshipper
and the spiritual Deity, and could satisfy its
devotional feelings only by visible images even of these:
which conceived of man's aspirations and temptations as
the result of the direct action of angels and devils: which
expressed the strivings of the soul after purity by the
search for the Holy Grail: which in the Crusades sent
myriads to win at Jerusalem by earthly arms the sepulchre
of Him whom they could not serve in their own spirit nor
approach by their own prayers. And therefore it was
that the whole fabric of mediæval Christianity rested upon
the idea of the Visible Church. Such a Church could be
in nowise local or limited. To acquiesce in the establishment
of National Churches would have appeared to those
men, as it must always appear when scrutinized, contradictory
to the nature of a religious body, opposed to the
genius of Christianity, defensible, when capable of defence
at all, only as a temporary resource in the presence of insuperable
difficulties. Had this plan, on which so many
have dwelt with complacency in later times, been proposed
either to the primitive Church in its adversity or to the
dominant Church of the ninth century, it would have been
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span>
rejected with horror; but since there were as yet no
nations, the plan was one which did not and could not
present itself. The Visible Church was therefore the
Church Universal, the whole congregation of Christian
men dispersed throughout the world.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Idea of
political
unity upheld
by the
clergy.</p>

<p>Now of the Visible Church the emblem and stay was
the priesthood; and it was by them, in whom dwelt
whatever of learning and thought was left in Europe, that
the second great idea whereof mention has been made&mdash;the
belief in one universal temporal state&mdash;was preserved. As
a matter of fact, that state had perished out of the West,
and it might seem their interest to let its memory be lost.
They, however, did not so calculate their interest. So far
from feeling themselves opposed to the civil authority in
the seventh and eighth centuries, as they came to do in
the twelfth and thirteenth, the clergy were fully persuaded
that its maintenance was indispensable to their own welfare.
They were, be it remembered, at first Romans themselves
living by the Roman law, using Latin as their proper
tongue, and imbued with the idea of the historical connection
of the two powers. And by them chiefly was that
idea expounded and enforced for many generations, by
none more earnestly than by Alcuin of York, the adviser
of Charles<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>. The limits of those two powers had become
confounded in practice: bishops were princes, the chief
ministers of the sovereign, sometimes even the leaders of
their flocks in war: kings were accustomed to summon
ecclesiastical councils, and appoint to ecclesiastical offices.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Influence of
the metaphysics
of
the time
upon the
theory of
a World-State.</p>

<p>But, like the unity of the Church, the doctrine of a
universal monarchy had a theoretical as well as an historical
basis, and may be traced up to those metaphysical
ideas out of which the system we call Realism developed
itself. The beginnings of philosophy in those times were
logical; and its first efforts were to distribute and classify:
system, subordination, uniformity, appeared to be that
which was most desirable in thought as in life. The
search after causes became a search after principles of
classification; since simplicity and truth were held to
consist not in an analysis of thought into its elements,
nor in an observation of the process of its growth, but
rather in a sort of genealogy of notions, a statement of
the relations of classes as containing or excluding each
other. These classes, genera or species, were not themselves
held to be conceptions formed by the mind from
phenomena, nor mere accidental aggregates of objects
grouped under and called by some common name; they
were real things, existing independently of the individuals
who composed them, recognized rather than created by
the human mind. In this view, Humanity is an essential
quality present in all men, and making them what they
are: as regards it they are therefore not many but one,
the differences between individuals being no more than
accidents. The whole truth of their being lies in the
universal property, which alone has a permanent and
independent existence. The common nature of the
individuals thus gathered into one Being is typified in its
two aspects, the spiritual and the secular, by two persons,
the World-Priest and the World-Monarch, who present
on earth a similitude of the Divine unity. For, as we
have seen, it was only through its concrete and symbolic
expression that a thought could then be apprehended<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span>
Although it was to unity in religion that the clerical
body was both by doctrine and by practice attached,
they found this inseparable from the corresponding unity in
politics. They saw that every act of man has a social and
public as well as a moral and personal bearing, and concluded
that the rules which directed and the powers which
rewarded or punished must be parallel and similar, not
so much two powers as different manifestations of one
and the same. That the souls of all Christian men should
be guided by one hierarchy, rising through successive
grades to a supreme head, while for their deeds they
were answerable to a multitude of local, unconnected,
mutually irresponsible potentates, appeared to them necessarily
opposed to the Divine order. As they could not
imagine, nor value if they had imagined, a communion of
the saints without its expression in a visible Church, so in
matters temporal they recognized no brotherhood of spirit
without the bonds of form, no universal humanity save in
the image of a universal State<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>. In this, as in so much
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span>
else, the men of the Middle Ages were the slaves of the
letter, unable, with all their aspirations, to rise out of the
concrete, and prevented by the very grandeur and boldness
of their conceptions from carrying them out in
practice against the enormous obstacles that met them.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The ideal
state supposed
to be
embodied in
the Roman
Empire.</p>

<p>Deep as this belief had struck its roots, it might never
have risen to maturity nor sensibly affected the progress
of events, had it not gained in the pre-existence of the
monarchy of Rome a definite shape and a definite purpose.
It was chiefly by means of the Papacy that this
came to pass. When under Constantine the Christian
Church was framing her organization on the model of the
state which protected her, the bishop of the metropolis
perceived and improved the analogy between himself and
the head of the civil government. The notion that the
chair of Peter was the imperial throne of the Church had
dawned upon the Popes very early in their history, and
grew stronger every century under the operation of causes
already specified. Even before the Empire of the West
had fallen, St. Leo the Great could boast that to Rome,
exalted by the preaching of the chief of the Apostles to
be a holy nation, a chosen people, a priestly and royal
city, there had been appointed a spiritual dominion wider
than her earthly sway<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>. In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 476 Rome ceased to be
the political capital of the Western countries, and the
Papacy, inheriting no small part of the Emperor's power,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Constantine's
Donation.</span>
drew to herself the reverence which the name of the
city still commanded, until by the middle of the eighth,
or, at latest, of the ninth century she had perfected
in theory a scheme which made her the exact counterpart
of the departed despotism, the centre of the
hierarchy, absolute mistress of the Christian world. The
character of that scheme is best set forth in the singular
document, most stupendous of all the mediæval
forgeries, which under the name of the Donation of
Constantine commanded for seven centuries the unquestioning
belief of mankind<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>. Itself a portentous
falsehood, it is the most unimpeachable evidence of the
thoughts and beliefs of the priesthood which framed it,
some time between the middle of the eighth and the
middle of the tenth century. It tells how Constantine the
Great, cured of his leprosy by the prayers of Sylvester,
resolved, on the fourth day from his baptism, to forsake
the ancient seat for a new capital on the Bosphorus, lest
the continuance of the secular government should cramp
the freedom of the spiritual, and how he bestowed therewith
upon the Pope and his successors the sovereignty
over Italy and the countries of the West. But this is not
all, although this is what historians, in admiration of its
splendid audacity, have chiefly dwelt upon. The edict
proceeds to grant to the Roman pontiff and his clergy a
series of dignities and privileges, all of them enjoyed by
the Emperor and his senate, all of them shewing the
same desire to make the pontifical a copy of the imperial
office. The Pope is to inhabit the Lateran palace, to
wear the diadem, the collar, the purple cloak, to carry
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span>
the sceptre, and to be attended by a body of chamberlains.
Similarly his clergy are to ride on white horses and
receive the honours and immunities of the senate and
patricians<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Interdependence
of
Papacy and
Empire.</p>

<p>The notion which prevails throughout, that the chief of
the religious society must be in every point conformed to
his prototype the chief of the civil, is the key to all the
thoughts and acts of the Roman clergy; not less plainly
seen in the details of papal ceremonial than it is in the
gigantic scheme of papal legislation. The Canon law
was intended by its authors to reproduce and rival the
imperial jurisprudence; a correspondence was traced
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span>
between its divisions and those of the <span lang="la">Corpus Juris Civilis</span>,
and Gregory IX, who was the first to consolidate it into a
code, sought the fame and received the title of the Justinian
of the Church. But the wish of the clergy was always,
even in the weakness or hostility of the temporal power, to
imitate and rival, not to supersede it; since they held it
the necessary complement of their own, and thought the
Christian people equally imperilled by the fall of either.
Hence the reluctance of Gregory II to break with the
Byzantine princes<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>,
and the maintenance of their titular
sovereignty till <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800: hence the part which the Holy
See played in transferring the crown to Charles, the first
sovereign of the West capable of fulfilling its duties;
hence the grief with which its weakness under his successors
was seen, the gladness when it descended to Otto
as representative of the Frankish kingdom.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Roman
Empire
revived in a
new character.</p>

<p>Up to the era of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800 there had been at Constantinople
a legitimate historical prolongation of the
Roman Empire. Technically, as we have seen, the
election of Charles, after the deposition of Constantine
VI, was itself a prolongation, and maintained the
old rights and forms in their integrity. But the Pope,
though he knew it not, did far more than effect a change
of dynasty when he rejected Irene and crowned the
barbarian chief. Restorations are always delusive. As
well might one hope to stop the earth's course in her
orbit as to arrest that ceaseless change and movement
in human affairs which forbids an old institution, suddenly
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>
transplanted into a new order of things, from filling
its ancient place and serving its former ends. The dictatorship
at Rome in the second Punic war was not more
unlike the dictatorships of Sulla and Cæsar, nor the
States-general of Louis XIII to the assembly which his
unhappy descendant convoked in 1789, than was the
imperial office of Theodosius to that of Charles the
Frank; and the seal, ascribed to <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800, which bears
the legend <span lang="la">'Renovatio Romani Imperii<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>
,'</span> expresses,
more justly perhaps than was intended by its author, a
second birth of the Roman Empire.</p>

<p>It is not, however, from Carolingian times that a
proper view of this new creation can be formed. That
period was one of transition, of fluctuation and uncertainty,
in which the office, passing from one dynasty and
country to another, had not time to acquire a settled
character and claims, and was without the power that
would have enabled it to support them. From the coronation
of Otto the Great a new period begins, in which
the ideas that have been described as floating in men's
minds took clearer shape, and attached to the imperial
title a body of definite rights and definite duties. It is
this new phase, the Holy Empire, that we have now to
consider.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Position
and functions
of the
Emperor.</p>

<p>The realistic philosophy, and the needs of a time when
the only notion of civil or religious order was submission
to authority, required the World-State to be a monarchy;
tradition, as well as the continuance of certain institutions,
gave the monarch the name of Roman Emperor.
A king could not be universal sovereign, for there were
many kings: the Emperor must be, for there had never
been but one Emperor; he had in older and brighter
days been the actual lord of the civilized world; the seat
of his power was placed beside that of the spiritual autocrat
of Christendom<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>. His functions will be seen most
clearly if we deduce them from the leading principle of
mediæval mythology, the exact correspondence of earth
and heaven. As God, in the midst of the celestial
hierarchy, ruled blessed spirits in paradise, so the Pope,
His Vicar, raised above priests, bishops, metropolitans,
reigned over the souls of mortal men below. But as
God is Lord of earth as well as of heaven, so must he
(the <i>Imperator cœlestis</i><a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>) be represented by a second
earthly viceroy, the Emperor (<i lang="la">Imperator terrenus</i><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>
), whose
authority shall be of and for this present life. And as in
this present world the soul cannot act save through the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>
body, while yet the body is no more than an instrument
and means for the soul's manifestation, so must
there be a rule and care of men's bodies as well as of
their souls, yet subordinated always to the well-being
of that which is the purer and the more enduring. It
is under the emblem of soul and body that the relation
of the papal and imperial power is presented to us
throughout the Middle Ages<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>. The Pope, as God's
vicar in matters spiritual, is to lead men to eternal life;
the Emperor, as vicar in matters temporal, must so control
them in their dealings with one another that they
may be able to pursue undisturbed the spiritual life, and
thereby attain the same supreme and common end of
everlasting happiness. In the view of this object his
chief duty is to maintain peace in the world, while
towards the Church his position is that of Advocate, a
title borrowed from the practice adopted by churches
and monasteries of choosing some powerful baron to
protect their lands and lead their tenants in war<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>. The
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Correspondence
and
harmony of
the spiritual
and temporal
powers.</span>
functions of Advocacy are twofold: at home to make
the Christian people obedient to the priesthood, and to
execute their decrees upon heretics and sinners; abroad
to propagate the faith among the heathen, not sparing
to use carnal weapons<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>. Thus does the Emperor answer
in every point to his antitype the Pope, his power being
yet of a lower rank, created on the analogy of the papal,
as the papal itself had been modelled after the elder
Empire. The parallel holds good even in its details;
for just as we have seen the churchman assuming the
crown and robes of the secular prince, so now did he
array the Emperor in his own ecclesiastical vestments,
the stole and the dalmatic, gave him a clerical as well
as a sacred character, removed his office from all narrowing
associations of birth or country, inaugurated him
by rites every one of which was meant to symbolize
and enjoin duties in their essence religious. Thus the
Holy Roman Church and the Holy Roman Empire are
one and the same thing, in two aspects; and Catholicism,
the principle of the universal Christian society, is also
Romanism; that is, rests upon Rome as the origin and
type of its universality; manifesting itself in a mystic
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span>
dualism which corresponds to the two natures of its
Founder. As divine and eternal, its head is the Pope,
to whom souls have been entrusted; as human and temporal,
the Emperor, commissioned to rule men's bodies
and acts.</p>

<p>In nature and compass the government of these two
potentates is the same, differing only in the sphere of
its working; and it matters not whether we call the Pope
a spiritual Emperor or the Emperor a secular Pope.
Nor, though the one office is below the other as far
as man's life on earth is less precious than his life
hereafter, is therefore, on the older and truer theory,
the imperial authority delegated by the papal. For, as
has been said already, God is represented by the Pope
not in every capacity, but only as the ruler of spirits
in heaven: as sovereign of earth, He issues His commission
directly to the Emperor. Opposition between
two servants of the same King is inconceivable, each
being bound to aid and foster the other: the co-operation
of both being needed in all that concerns the welfare
of Christendom at large. This is the one perfect and
self-consistent scheme of the union of Church and State;
<span class="sidenote">Union of
Church and
State.</span>
for, taking the absolute coincidence of their limits to be
self-evident, it assumes the infallibility of their joint government,
and derives, as a corollary from that infallibility,
the duty of the civil magistrate to root out heresy
and schism no less than to punish treason and rebellion.
It is also the scheme which, granting the possibility of
their harmonious action, places the two powers in that
relation which gives each of them its maximum of
strength. But by a law to which it would be hard to
find exceptions, in proportion as the State became more
Christian, the Church, who to work out her purposes
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>
had assumed worldly forms, became by the contact
worldlier, meaner, spiritually weaker; and the system
which Constantine founded amid such rejoicings, which
culminated so triumphantly in the Empire Church of
the Middle Ages, has in each succeeding generation
been slowly losing ground, has seen its brightness dimmed
and its completeness marred, and sees now those
who are most zealous on behalf of its surviving institutions
feebly defend or silently desert the principle upon
which all must rest.</p>

<p>The complete accord of the papal and imperial powers
which this theory, as sublime as it is impracticable, requires,
was attained only at a few points in their history<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>.
It was finally supplanted by another view of their relation,
which, professing to be a development of a principle
recognized as fundamental, the superior importance of
the religious life, found increasing favour in the eyes of
fervent churchmen<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>. Declaring the Pope sole representative
on earth of the Deity, it concluded that from him,
and not directly from God, must the Empire be held&mdash;held
feudally, it was said by many&mdash;and it thereby thrust
down the temporal power, to be the slave instead of the
sister of the spiritual<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>. Nevertheless, the Papacy in her
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>
meridian, and under the guidance of her greatest minds,
of Hildebrand, of Alexander, of Innocent, not seeking to
abolish or absorb the civil government, required only its
obedience, and exalted its dignity against all save herself<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>.
It was reserved for Boniface VIII, whose extravagant
pretensions betrayed the decay that was already
at work within, to show himself to the crowding pilgrims
at the jubilee of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1300, seated on the throne of
Constantine, arrayed with sword, and crown, and sceptre,
shouting aloud, 'I am Cæsar&mdash;I am Emperor<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>.'</p>

<p class="sidenote">Proofs
from mediæval
documents.</p>

<p>The theory of an Emperor's place and functions thus
sketched cannot be definitely assigned to any point of
time; for it was growing and changing from the fifth
century to the fifteenth. Nor need it surprise us that
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span>
we do not find in any one author a statement of the
grounds whereon it rested, since much of what seems
strangest to us was then too obvious to be formally
explained. No one, however, who examines mediæval
writings can fail to perceive, sometimes from direct
words, oftener from allusions or assumptions, that such
ideas as these are present to the minds of the authors<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>.
That which it is easiest to prove is the connection of the
Empire with religion. From every record, from chronicles
and treatises, proclamations, laws, and sermons,
passages may be adduced wherein the defence and
spread of the faith, and the maintenance of concord
among the Christian people, are represented as the function
to which the Empire has been set apart. The belief
expressed by Lewis II, <span lang="la">'Imperii dignitas non in vocabuli
voce sed in gloriosæ pietatis culmine consistit<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>
,'</span> appears
again in the address of the Archbishop of Mentz to
Conrad II<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>,
as Vicar of God; is reiterated by Frederick
I<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>,
when he writes to the prelates of Germany, 'On
earth God has placed no more than two powers, and as
there is in heaven but one God, so is there here one
Pope and one Emperor. Divine providence has specially
appointed the Roman Empire to prevent the continuance
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span>
of schism in the Church<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>
;' is echoed by jurists and
divines down to the days of Charles V<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>. It was a
doctrine which we shall find the friends and foes of the
Holy See equally concerned to insist on, the one to make
the transference (<i lang="la">translatio</i>) from the Greeks to the
Germans appear entirely the Pope's work, and so establish
his right of overseeing or cancelling his rival's
election, the others by setting the Emperor at the head
of the Church to reduce the Pope to the place of chief
bishop of his realm<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>. His headship was dwelt upon
chiefly in the two duties already noticed. As the counterpart
of the Mussulman Commander of the Faithful, he
was leader of the Church militant against her infidel foes,
was in this capacity summoned to conduct crusades, and
in later times recognized chief of the confederacies
against the conquering Ottomans. As representative of
the whole Christian people, it belonged to him to convoke
General Councils, a right not without importance
even when exercised concurrently with the Pope, but far
more weighty when the object of the council was to settle
a disputed election, or, as at Constance, to depose the
reigning pontiff himself.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Coronation
ceremonies.</p>

<p>No better illustrations can be desired than those to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span>
be found in the office for the imperial coronation at
Rome, too long to be transcribed here, but well worthy
of an attentive study<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>. The rites prescribed in it are
rights of consecration to a religious office: the Emperor,
besides the sword, globe, and sceptre of temporal power,
receives a ring as the symbol of his faith, is ordained a
subdeacon, assists the Pope in celebrating mass, partakes
as a clerical person of the communion in both kinds, is
admitted a canon of St. Peter and St. John Lateran.
The oath to be taken by an elector begins, <span lang="la">'Ego N. volo
regem Romanorum in Cæsarem promovendum, temporale
caput populo Christiano eligere.'</span> The Emperor swears
to cherish and defend the Holy Roman Church and her
bishop: the Pope prays after the reading of the Gospel,
<span lang="la">'Deus qui ad prædicandum æterni regni evangelium
Imperium Romanum præparasti, prætende famulo tuo
Imperatori nostro arma cœlestia.'</span> Among the Emperor's
official titles there occur these: 'Head of Christendom,'
'Defender and Advocate of the Christian Church,' 'Temporal
Head of the Faithful,' 'Protector of Palestine and
of the Catholic Faith<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>.'</p>

<p class="sidenote">The rights
of the Empire
proved
from the
Bible.</p>

<p>Very singular are the reasonings used by which the
necessity and divine right of the Empire are proved out
of the Bible. The mediæval theory of the relation of the
civil power to the priestly was profoundly influenced by
the account in the Old Testament of the Jewish theocracy,
in which the king, though the institution of his
office was a derogation from the purity of the older
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>
system, appears divinely chosen and commissioned, and
stood in a peculiarly intimate relation to the national
religion. From the New Testament the authority and
eternity of Rome herself was established. Every passage
was seized on where submission to the powers that be
is enjoined, every instance cited where obedience had
actually been rendered to imperial officials, a special emphasis
being laid on the sanction which Christ Himself
had given to Roman dominion by pacifying the world
through Augustus, by being born at the time of the
taxing, by paying tribute to Cæsar, by saying to Pilate,
'Thou couldest have no power at all against Me except it
were given thee from above.'</p>

<p>More attractive to the mystical spirit than these direct
arguments were those drawn from prophecy, or based on
the allegorical interpretation of Scripture. Very early
in Christian history had the belief formed itself that the
Roman Empire&mdash;as the fourth beast of Daniel's vision,
as the iron legs and feet of Nebuchadnezzar's image&mdash;was
to be the world's last and universal kingdom. From
Origen and Jerome downwards it found unquestioned
acceptance<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>,
and that not unnaturally. For no new
power had arisen to extinguish the Roman, as the Persian
monarchy had been blotted out by Alexander, as the
realms of his successors had fallen before the conquering
republic herself. Every Northern conqueror, Goth, Lombard,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>
Burgundian, had cherished her memory and
preserved her laws; Germany had adopted even the
name of the Empire 'dreadful and terrible and strong
exceedingly, and diverse from all that were before it.'
To these predictions, and to many others from the Apocalypse,
were added those which in the Gospels and
Epistles foretold the advent of Antichrist<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>. He was to
succeed the Roman dominion, and the Popes are more
than once warned that by weakening the Empire they
are hastening the coming of the enemy and the end of
the world<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>. It is not only when groping in the dark
labyrinths of prophecy that mediæval authors are quick
in detecting emblems, imaginative in explaining them.
Men were wont in those days to interpret Scripture in
a singular fashion. Not only did it not occur to them to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>
ask what meaning words had to those to whom they were
originally addressed; they were quite as careless whether
the sense they discovered was one which the language
used would naturally and rationally bear to any reader at
any time. No analogy was too faint, no allegory too
fanciful, to be drawn out of a simple text; and, once
propounded, the interpretation acquired in argument all
the authority of the text itself. Thus the two swords of
which Christ said, 'It is enough,' became the spiritual
and temporal powers, and the grant of the spiritual to
Peter involves the supremacy of the Papacy<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>. Thus one
writer proves the eternity of Rome from the seventy-second
Psalm, 'They shall fear thee as long as the sun
and moon endure, throughout all generations;' the moon
being of course, since Gregory VII, the Roman Empire,
as the sun, or greater light, is the Popedom. Another
quoting, <span lang="la">'Qui tenet teneat donec auferatur<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>
,'</span> with Augustine's
explanation thereof<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>,
says, that when 'he who
letteth' is removed, tribes and provinces will rise in rebellion,
and the Empire to which God has committed the
government of the human race will be dissolved. From
the miseries of his own time (he wrote under Frederick
III) he predicts that the end is near. The same spirit of
symbolism seized on the number of the electors: 'the
seven lamps burning in the unity of the sevenfold spirit
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>
which illumine the Holy Empire<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a>.' Strange legends told
how Romans and Germans were of one lineage; how
Peter's staff had been found on the banks of the Rhine,
the miracle signifying that a commission was issued to
the Germans to reclaim wandering sheep to the one fold.
So complete does the scriptural proof appear in the
hands of mediæval churchmen, many holding it a mortal
sin to resist the power ordained of God, that we forget
they were all the while only adapting to an existing institution
what they found written already; we begin to
fancy that the Empire was maintained, obeyed, exalted
for centuries, on the strength of words to which we
attach in almost every case a wholly different meaning.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Illustrations
from
Mediæval
Art.</p>

<p>It would be a task both pleasant and profitable to pass
on from the theologians to the poets and artists of the
Middle Ages, and endeavour to trace through their works
the influence of the ideas which have been expounded
above. But it is one far too wide for the scope of the
present treatise; and one which would demand an acquaintance
with those works themselves such as only
minute and long-continued study could give. For even
a slight knowledge enables any one to see how much
still remains to be interpreted in the imaginative literature
and in the paintings of those times, and how apt we are
in glancing over a piece of work to miss those seemingly
trifling indications of the artist's thought or belief which
are all the more precious that they are indirect or unconscious.
Therefore a history of mediæval art which
shall evolve its philosophy from its concrete forms, if it
is to have any value at all, must be minute in description
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span>
as well as subtle in method. But lest this class of illustrations
should appear to have been wholly forgotten,
it may be well to mention here two paintings in which
the theory of the mediæval empire is unmistakeably set
forth. One of them is in Rome, the other in Florence;
every traveller in Italy may examine both for himself.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Mosaic of
the Lateran
Palace at
Rome.</p>

<p>The first of these is the famous mosaic of the Lateran
triclinium, constructed by Pope Leo III about <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800,
and an exact copy of which, made by the order of Sextus
V, may still be seen over against the façade of St. John
Lateran. Originally meant to adorn the state banqueting-hall
of the Popes, it is now placed in the open air, in the
finest situation in Rome, looking from the brow of a hill
across the green ridges of the Campagna to the olive-groves
of Tivoli and the glistering crags and snow-capped
summits of the Umbrian and Sabine Apennine. It represents
in the centre Christ surrounded by the Apostles,
whom He is sending forth to preach the Gospel; one
hand is extended to bless, the other holds a book with
the words <span lang="la">'Pax Vobis.'</span> Below and to the right Christ
is depicted again, and this time sitting: on his right hand
kneels Pope Sylvester, on his left the Emperor Constantine;
to the one he gives the keys of heaven and
hell, to the other a banner surmounted by a cross. In
the group on the opposite, that is, on the left side of the
arch, we see the Apostle Peter seated, before whom in
like manner kneel Pope Leo III and Charles the Emperor;
the latter wearing, like Constantine, his crown.
Peter, himself grasping the keys, gives to Leo the pallium
of an archbishop, to Charles the banner of the
Christian army. The inscription is, <span lang="la">'Beatus Petrus dona
vitam Leoni PP et bictoriam Carulo regi dona;'</span> while
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>
round the arch is written, <span lang="la">'Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in
terra pax omnibus bonæ voluntatis.'</span></p>

<p>The order and nature of the ideas here symbolized is
sufficiently clear. First comes the revelation of the
Gospel, and the divine commission to gather all men
into its fold. Next, the institution, at the memorable era
of Constantine's conversion, of the two powers by which
the Christian people is to be respectively taught and
governed. Thirdly, we are shewn the permanent Vicar
of God, the Apostle who keeps the keys of heaven and
hell, re-establishing these same powers on a new and
firmer basis<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>. The badge of ecclesiastical supremacy he
gives to Leo as the spiritual head of the faithful on earth,
the banner of the Church Militant to Charles, who is to
maintain her cause against heretics and infidels.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Fresco in
S. Maria
Novella at
Florence.</p>

<p>The second painting is of greatly later date. It is a
fresco in the chapter-house of the Dominican convent of
Santa Maria Novella<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>
 at Florence, usually known as the
<span lang="it">Capellone degli Spagnuoli</span>. It has been commonly
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span>
ascribed, on Vasari's authority, to Simone Martini of
Siena, but an examination of the dates of his life seems
to discredit this view<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a>. Most probably it was executed
between <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1340 and 1350. It is a huge work, covering
one whole wall of the chapter-house, and filled with
figures, some of which, but seemingly on no sufficient
authority, have been taken to represent eminent persons
of the time&mdash;Cimabue, Arnolfo, Boccaccio, Petrarch,
Laura, and others. In it is represented the whole
scheme of man's life here and hereafter&mdash;the Church on
earth and the Church in heaven. Full in front are seated
side by side the Pope and the Emperor: on their right
and left, in a descending row, minor spiritual and temporal
officials; next to the Pope a cardinal, bishops, and
doctors; next to the Emperor, the king of France and
a line of nobles and knights. Behind them appears the
Duomo of Florence as an emblem of the Visible Church,
while at their feet is a flock of sheep (the faithful) attacked
by ravening wolves (heretics and schismatics), whom a
pack of spotted dogs (the Dominicans<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>
) combat and chase
away. From this, the central foreground of the picture,
a path winds round and up a height to a great gate where
the Apostle sits on guard to admit true believers: they
passing through it are met by choirs of seraphs, who lead
them on through the delicious groves of Paradise. Above
all, at the top of the painting and just over the spot where
his two lieutenants, Pope and Emperor, are placed below,
is the Saviour enthroned amid saints and angels<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Anti-national
character
of
the Empire.</p>

<p>Here, too, there needs no comment. The Church
Militant is the perfect counterpart of the Church Triumphant:
her chief danger is from those who would rend
the unity of her visible body, the seamless garment of her
heavenly Lord; and that devotion to His person which is
the sum of her faith and the essence of her being, must
on earth be rendered to those two lieutenants whom He
has chosen to govern in His name.</p>

<p>A theory, such as that which it has been attempted to
explain and illustrate, is utterly opposed to restrictions of
place or person. The idea of one Christian people, all
whose members are equal in the sight of God,&mdash;an idea
so forcibly expressed in the unity of the priesthood, where
no barrier separated the successor of the Apostle from the
humblest curate,&mdash;and in the prevalence of one language
for worship and government, made the post of Emperor
independent of the race, or rank, or actual resources of
its occupant. The Emperor was entitled to the obedience
of Christendom, not as hereditary chief of a victorious
tribe, or feudal lord of a portion of the earth's surface,
but as solemnly invested with an office. Not only did he
excel in dignity the kings of the earth: his power was
different in its nature; and, so far from supplanting or
rivalling theirs, rose above them to become the source and
needful condition of their authority in their several territories,
the bond which joined them in one harmonious
body. The vast dominions and vigorous personal action
of Charles the Great had concealed this distinction while
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span>
he reigned; under his successors the imperial crown appeared
disconnected from the direct government of the
kingdoms they had established, existing only in the form
of an undefined suzerainty, as the type of that unity without
which men's minds could not rest. It was characteristic
of the Middle Ages, that demanding the existence
of an Emperor, they were careless who he was or how he
was chosen, so he had been duly inaugurated; and that
they were not shocked by the contrast between unbounded
rights and actual helplessness. At no time in the world's
history has theory, pretending all the while to control
practice, been so utterly divorced from it. Ferocious and
sensual, that age worshipped humility and asceticism:
there has never been a purer ideal of love, nor a grosser
profligacy of life.</p>

<p>The power of the Roman Emperor cannot as yet be
called international; though this, as we shall see, became
in later times its most important aspect; for in the tenth
century national distinctions had scarcely begun to exist.
But its genius was clerical and old Roman, in nowise
territorial or Teutonic: it rested not on armed hosts or
wide lands, but upon the duty, the awe, the love of its
subjects.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER VIII.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND THE GERMAN KINGDOM.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">Union of
the Roman
Empire
with the
German
kingdom.</p>

<p>This was the office which Otto the Great assumed in
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 962. But it was not his only office. He was already
a German king; and the new dignity by no means superseded
the old. This union in one person of two characters,
a union at first personal, then official, and which
became at last a fusion of the two into something different
from either, is the key to the whole subsequent
history of Germany and the Empire.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Germany
and its
monarchy.</p>

<p>Of the German kingdom little need be said, since it
differs in no essential respect from the other kingdoms of
Western Europe as they stood in the tenth century. The
five or six great tribes or tribe-leagues which composed
the German nation had been first brought together under
the sceptre of the Carolingians; and, though still retaining
marks of their independent origin, were prevented
from separating by community of speech and a common
pride in the great Frankish Empire. When the line of
Charles the Great ended in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 911, by the death of
Lewis the Child (son of Arnulf), Conrad, duke of the
Franconians, and after him Henry (the Fowler), duke of
the Saxons, was chosen to fill the vacant throne. By his
vigorous yet conciliatory action, his upright character, his
courage and good fortune in repelling the Hungarians,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span>
Henry laid deep the foundations of royal power: under
his more famous son it rose into a stable edifice. Otto's
coronation feast at Aachen, where the great nobles of the
realm did him menial service, where Franks, Bavarians,
Suabians, Thuringians, and Lorrainers gathered round the
Saxon monarch, is the inauguration of a true Teutonic
realm, which, though it called itself not German but East
Frankish, and claimed to be the lawful representative of
the Carolingian monarchy, had a constitution and a tendency
in many respects different.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Feudalism.</p>

<p>There had been under those princes a singular mixture
of the old German organization by tribes or districts
(the so-called <span lang="de">Gauverfassung</span>), such as we find in the
earliest records, with the method introduced by Charles of
maintaining by means of officials, some fixed, others
moving from place to place, the control of the central
government. In the suspension of that government which
followed his days, there grew up a system whose seeds
had been sown as far back as the time of Clovis, a system
whose essence was the combination of the tenure of land
by military service with a peculiar personal relation between
the landlord and his tenant, whereby the one was
bound to render fatherly protection, the other aid and
obedience. This is not the place for tracing the origin of
feudality on Roman soil, nor for shewing how, by a sort
of contagion, it spread into Germany, how it struck firm
root in the period of comparative quiet under Pipin and
Charles, how from the hands of the latter it took the impress
which determined its ultimate form, how the weakness
of his successors allowed it to triumph everywhere.
Still less would it be possible here to examine its social
and moral influence. Politically it might be defined as
the system which made the owner of a piece of land,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>
whether large or small, the sovereign of those who dwelt
thereon: an annexation of personal to territorial authority
more familiar to Eastern despotism than to the free races
of primitive Europe. On this principle were founded,
and by it are explained, feudal law and justice, feudal
finance, feudal legislation, each tenant holding towards his
lord the position which his own tenants held towards himself.
And it is just because the relation was so uniform,
the principle so comprehensive, the ruling class so firmly
bound to its support, that feudalism has been able to lay
upon society that grasp which the struggles of more than
twenty generations have scarcely shaken off.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The feudal
king.</p>

<p>Now by the middle of the tenth century, Germany, less
fully committed than France to feudalism's worst feature,
the hopeless bondage of the peasantry, was otherwise
thoroughly feudalized. As for that equality of all the
freeborn save the sacred line which we find in the Germany
of Tacitus, there had been substituted a gradation
of ranks and a concentration of power in the hands of a
landholding caste, so had the monarch lost his ancient
character as leader and judge of the people, to become
the head of a tyrannical oligarchy. He was titular lord of
the soil, could exact from his vassals service and aid in
arms and money, could dispose of vacant fiefs, could at
pleasure declare war or make peace. But all these rights
he exercised far less as sovereign of the nation than as
standing in a peculiar relation to the feudal tenants, a relation
in its origin strictly personal, and whose prominence
obscured the political duties of prince and subject. And
great as these rights might become in the hands of an
ambitious and politic ruler, they were in practice limited
by the corresponding duties he owed to his vassals, and
by the difficulty of enforcing them against a powerful
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">The nobility.</span>

offender. The king was not permitted to retain in his
own hands escheated fiefs, must even grant away those he
had held before coming to the throne; he could not interfere
with the jurisdiction of his tenants in their own lands,
nor prevent them from waging war or forming leagues
with each other like independent princes. Chief among
the nobles stood the dukes, who, although their authority
was now delegated, theoretically at least, instead of independent,
territorial instead of personal, retained nevertheless
much of that hold on the exclusive loyalty of their
subjects which had belonged to them as hereditary leaders
of the tribe under the ancient system. They were, with
the three Rhenish archbishops, by far the greatest subjects,
often aspiring to the crown, sometimes not unable to resist
its wearer. The constant encroachments which Otto
made upon their privileges, especially through the institution
of the Counts Palatine, destroyed their ascendancy,
but not their importance. It was not till the thirteenth
century that they disappeared with the rise of the second
order of nobility. That order, at this period far less
powerful, included the counts, margraves or marquises
and landgraves, originally officers of the crown, now
feudal tenants; holding their lands of the dukes, and
maintaining against them the same contest which they in
turn waged with the crown. Below these came the barons
and simple knights, then the diminishing class of freemen,
the increasing one of serfs.
<span class="sidenote">The Germanic
feudal
polity
generally.</span>
The institutions of primitive
Germany were almost all gone; supplanted by a new
system, partly the natural result of the formation of a
settled from a half-nomad society, partly imitated from
that which had arisen upon Roman soil, west of the Rhine
and south of the Alps. The army was no longer the
Heerban of the whole nation, which had been wont to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>
follow the king on foot in distant expeditions, but a
cavalry militia of barons and their retainers, bound to
service for a short period, and rendering it unwillingly
where their own interest was not concerned. The frequent
popular assemblies, whereof under the names of the
Mallum, the Placitum, the Mayfield, we hear so much
under Clovis and Charles, were now never summoned,
and the laws that had been promulgated there were, if
not abrogated, practically obsolete. No national council
existed, save the Diet in which the higher nobility, lay and
and clerical, met their sovereign, sometimes to decide on
foreign war, oftener to concur in the grant of a fief or the
proscription of a rebel. Every district had its own rude
local customs administered by the court of the local lord:
other law there was none, for imperial jurisprudence had
in these lately civilized countries not yet filled the place
left empty by the disuse of the barbarian codes.</p>

<p>This condition of things was indeed better than that
utter confusion which had gone before, for a principle of
order had begun to group and bind the tossing atoms;
and though the union into which it drove men was a hard
and narrow one, it was something that they should have
learnt to unite themselves at all. Yet nascent feudality
was but one remove from anarchy; and the tendency to
isolation and diversity continued, despite the efforts of the
Church and the Carolingian princes, to be all-powerful in
Western Europe. The German kingdom was already a
bond between the German races, and appears strong
and united when we compare it with the France of Hugh
Capet, or the England of Ethelred II; yet its history to
the twelfth century is little else than a record of disorders,
revolts, civil wars, of a ceaseless struggle on the part of
the monarch to enforce his feudal rights, a resistance by
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">The Roman
Empire
and the
German
kingdom.</span>
his vassals equally obstinate and more frequently successful.
What the issue of the contest might have been if
Germany had been left to take her own course is matter
of speculation, though the example of every European
state except England and Norway may incline the balance
in favour of the crown. But the strife had scarcely begun
when a new influence was interposed: the German king
became Roman Emperor. No two systems can be more
unlike than those whose headship became thus vested in
one person: the one centralized, the other local; the one
resting on a sublime theory, the other the rude offspring
of anarchy; the one gathering all power into the hands of
an irresponsible monarch, the other limiting his rights and
authorizing resistance to his commands; the one demanding
the equality of all citizens as creatures equal before
Heaven, the other bound up with an aristocracy the
proudest, and in its gradations of rank the most exact,
that Europe had ever seen. Characters so repugnant
could not, it might be thought, meet in one person, or if
they met must strive till one swallowed up the other. It
was not so. In the fusion which began from the first,
though it was for a time imperceptible, each of the two
characters gave and each lost some of its attributes: the
king became more than German, the Emperor less than
Roman, till, at the end of six centuries, the monarch in
whom two 'persons' had been united, appeared as a third
different from either of the former, and might not inappropriately
be entitled 'German Emperor<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>.' The nature
and progress of this change will appear in the after history
of Germany, and cannot be described here without in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span>
some measure anticipating subsequent events. A word or
two may indicate how the process of fusion began.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Results of
this union
in one person.</p>

<p>It was natural that the great mass of Otto's subjects, to
whom the imperial title, dimly associated with Rome and
the Pope, sounded grander than the regal, without being
known as otherwise different, should in thought and
speech confound them. The sovereign and his ecclesiastical
advisers, with far clearer views of the new office
and of the mutual relation of the two, found it impossible
to separate them in practice, and were glad to merge the
lesser in the greater. For as lord of the world, Otto was
Emperor north as well as south of the Alps. When he
issued an edict, he claimed the obedience of his Teutonic
subjects in both capacities; when as Emperor he led the
armies of the gospel against the heathen, it was the
standard of their feudal superior that his armed vassals
followed; when he founded churches and appointed
bishops, he acted partly as suzerain of feudal lands, partly
as protector of the faith, charged to guide the Church in
matters temporal. Thus the assumption of the imperial
crown brought to Otto as its first result an apparent increase
of domestic authority; it made his position by its
historical associations more dignified, by its religious more
hallowed; it raised him higher above his vassals and above
other sovereigns; it enlarged his prerogative in ecclesiastical
affairs, and by necessary consequence gave to ecclesiastics
a more important place at court and in the
administration of government than they had enjoyed
before. Great as was the power of the bishops and
abbots in all the feudal kingdoms, it stood nowhere so
high as in Germany. There the Emperor's double position,
as head both of Church and State, required the two
organizations to be exactly parallel. In the eleventh
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>
century a full half of the land and wealth of the country,
and no small part of its military strength, was in the hands
of Churchmen: their influence predominated in the Diet;
the archchancellorship of the Empire, highest of all offices,
belonged of right to the archbishop of Mentz, as primate
of Germany. It was by Otto, who in resuming the attitude
must repeat the policy of Charles, that the greatness
of the clergy was thus advanced. He is commonly said
to have wished to weaken the aristocracy by raising up
rivals to them in the hierarchy. It may have been so,
and the measure was at any rate a disastrous one, for the
clergy soon approved themselves not less rebellious than
those whom they were to restrain. But in accusing Otto's
judgment, historians have often forgotten in what position
he stood to the Church, and how it behoved him, according
to the doctrine received, to establish in her an order
like in all things to that which he found already subsisting
in the State.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Changes in
title.</p>

<p>The style which Otto adopted shewed his desire thus to
merge the king in the Emperor<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>. Charles had called
himself <span lang="la">'Imperator Cæsar Carolus rex Francorum invictissimus;'</span>
and again, <span lang="la">'Carolus serenissimus Augustus,
Pius, Felix, Romanorum gubernans Imperium, qui et per
misericordiam Dei rex Francorum atque Langobardorum.'</span>
Otto and his first successors, who until their coronation at
Rome had used the titles of <span lang="la">'Rex Francorum,'</span> or <span lang="la">'Rex
Francorum Orientalium,'</span> or oftener still 'Rex' alone, discarded
after it all titles save the highest of <span lang="la">'Imperator
Augustus;'</span> seeming thereby, though they too had been
crowned at Aachen and Milan, to claim the authority of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span>
Cæsar through all their dominions. Tracing as we are
the history of a title, it is needless to dwell on the significance
of the change<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>. Charles, son of the Ripuarian
allies of Probus, had been a Frankish chieftain on the
Rhine; Otto, the Saxon, successor of the Cheruscan
Arminius, would rule his native Elbe with a power borrowed
from the Tiber.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Imperial
power
feudalized.</p>

<p>Nevertheless, the imperial element did not in every
respect predominate over the royal. The monarch might
desire to make good against his turbulent barons the
boundless prerogative which he acquired with his new
crown, but he lacked the power to do so; and they, disputing
neither the supremacy of that crown nor his right
to wear it, refused with good reason to let their own
freedom be infringed upon by any act of which they had
not been the authors. So far was Otto from embarking
on so vain an enterprise, that his rule was even more direct
and more personal than that of Charles had been. There
was no scheme of mechanical government, no claim of
absolutism; there was only the resolve to make the
energetic assertion of the king's feudal rights subserve the
further aims of the Emperor. What Otto demanded he
demanded as Emperor, what he received he received as
king; the singular result was that in Germany the imperial
office was itself pervaded and transformed by feudal ideas.
Feudality needing, to make its theory complete, a lord
paramount of the world, from whose grant all ownership
in land must be supposed to have emanated, and finding
such a suzerain in the Emperor, constituted him liege lord
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span>
of all kings and potentates, keystone of the feudal arch,
himself, as it was expressed, 'holding' the world from God.
There were not wanting Roman institutions to which
these notions could attach themselves. Constantine, imitating
the courts of the East, had made the dignitaries of
his household great officials of the State: these were now
reproduced in the cup-bearer, the seneschal, the marshal,
the chamberlain of the Empire, so soon to become its
electoral princes. The holding of land on condition of
military service was Roman in its origin: the divided
ownership of feudal law found its analogies in the
Roman tenure of emphyteusis. Thus while Germany
was Romanized the Empire was feudalized, and came
to be considered not the antagonist but the perfection
of an aristocratic system. And it was this adaptation
to existing political facts that enabled it afterwards to
assume an international character. Nevertheless, even
while they seemed to blend, there remained between
the genius of imperialism (if one may use a now perverted
word) and that of feudalism a deep and lasting
hostility. And so the rule of Otto and his successors was
in a measure adverse to feudal polity, not from knowledge
of what Roman government had been, but from the necessities
of their position, raised as they were to an unapproachable
height above their subjects, surrounded with a
halo of sanctity as protectors of the Church. Thus were they
driven to reduce local independence, and assimilate the
various races through their vast territories. It was Otto
who made the Germans, hitherto an aggregate of tribes,
a single people, and welding them into a strong political
body taught them to rise through its collective greatness
to the consciousness of national life, never thenceforth
to be extinguished.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">The Commons.</p>

<p>One expedient against the land-holding oligarchy
which Roman traditions as well as present needs might
have suggested, it was scarcely possible for Otto to use.
He could not invoke the friendship of the Third Estate,
for as yet none existed. The Teutonic order of freemen,
which two centuries earlier had formed the bulk of the
population, was now fast disappearing, just as in England
all who did not become thanes were classed as ceorls,
and from ceorls sank for the most part, after the
Conquest, into villeins. It was only in the Alpine
valleys and along the shores of the ocean that free
democratic communities maintained themselves. Town-life
there was none, till Henry the Fowler forced
his forest-loving people to dwell in fortresses that might
repel the Hungarian invaders; and the burgher class thus
beginning to form was too small to be a power in the
state. But popular freedom, as it expired, bequeathed to
the monarch such of its rights as could be saved from the
grasp of the nobles; and the crown thus became what
it has been wherever an aristocracy presses upon both,
the ally, though as yet the tacit ally, of the people.
More, too, than the royal could have done, did the imperial
name invite the sympathy of the commons. For
in all, however ignorant of its history, however unable to
comprehend its functions, there yet lived a feeling that it
was in some mysterious way consecrated to Christian
brotherhood and equality, to peace and law, to the
restraint of the strong and the defence of the helpless.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER IX.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">SAXON AND FRANCONIAN EMPERORS.</span></h2>

<p>He who begins to read the history of the Middle Ages
is alternately amused and provoked by the seeming absurdities
that meet him at every step. He finds writers
proclaiming amidst universal assent magnificent theories
which no one attempts to carry out. He sees men who
are stained with every vice full of sincere devotion to
a religion which, even when its doctrines were most obscured,
never sullied the purity of its moral teaching.
He is disposed to conclude that such people must have
been either fools or hypocrites. Yet such a conclusion
would be wholly erroneous. Every one knows how little
a man's actions conform to the general maxims which
he would lay down for himself, and how many things
there are which he believes without realizing: believes
sufficiently to be influenced, yet not sufficiently to be
governed by them. Now in the Middle Ages this perpetual
opposition of theory and practice was peculiarly
abrupt. Men's impulses were more violent and their
conduct more reckless than is often witnessed in modern
society; while the absence of a criticizing and measuring
spirit made them surrender their minds more unreservedly
than they would now do to a complete and imposing
theory. Therefore it was, that while everyone believed in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span>
the rights of the Empire as a part of divine truth, no one
would yield to them where his own passions or interests
interfered. Resistance to God's Vicar might be and
indeed was admitted to be a deadly sin, but it was one
which nobody hesitated to commit. Hence, in order to
give this unbounded imperial prerogative any practical
efficiency, it was found necessary to prop it up by the
limited but tangible authority of a feudal king. And the
one spot in Otto's empire on which feudality had never
fixed its grasp, and where therefore he was forced to rule
merely as emperor, and not also as king, was that in
which he and his successors were never safe from insult
and revolt. That spot was his capital. Accordingly an
account of what befel the first Saxon emperor in Rome
is a not unfitting comment on the theory expounded
above, as well as a curious episode in the history
of the Apostolic Chair.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Otto the
Great in
Rome.</p>

<p>After his coronation Otto had returned to North Italy,
where the partizans of Berengar and his son Adalbert
still maintained themselves in arms. Scarcely was he
gone when the restless John the Twelfth, who found too
late that in seeking an ally he had given himself a master,
renounced his allegiance, opened negotiations with Berengar,
and even scrupled not to send envoys pressing
the heathen Magyars to invade Germany. The Emperor
was soon informed of these plots, as well as of the
flagitious life of the pontiff, a youth of twenty-five, the
most profligate if not the most guilty of all who have
worn the tiara. But he affected to despise them, saying,
with a sort of unconscious irony, 'He is a boy, the example
of good men may reform him.' When, however,
Otto returned with a strong force, he found the city gates
shut, and a party within furious against him. John the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>
Twelfth was not only Pope, but as the heir of Alberic,
the head of a strong faction among the nobles, and a
sort of temporal prince in the city. But neither he nor
they had courage enough to stand a siege: John fled
into the Campagna to join Adalbert, and Otto entering
convoked a synod in St. Peter's. Himself presiding as
temporal head of the Church, he began by inquiring into
the character and manners of the Pope. At once a
tempest of accusations burst forth from the assembled
clergy. Liudprand, a credible although a hostile witness,
gives us a long list of them:&mdash;'Peter, cardinal-priest, rose
and witnessed that he had seen the Pope celebrate mass
and not himself communicate. John, bishop of Narnia,
and John, cardinal-deacon, declared that they had seen
him ordain a deacon in a stable, neglecting the proper
formalities. They said further that he had defiled by
shameless acts of vice the pontifical palace; that he had
openly diverted himself with hunting; had put out the
eyes of his spiritual father Benedict; had set fire to
houses; had girt himself with a sword, and put on a
helmet and hauberk. All present, laymen as well as
priests, cried out that he had drunk to the devil's health;
that in throwing the dice he had invoked the help of
Jupiter, Venus, and other demons; that he had celebrated
matins at uncanonical hours, and had not fortified
himself by making the sign of the cross. After these
things the Emperor, who could not speak Latin, since
the Romans could not understand his native, that is to
say, the Saxon tongue, bade Liudprand bishop of Cremona
interpret for him, and adjured the council to declare
whether the charges they had brought were true, or
sprang only of malice and envy. Then all the clergy
and people cried with a loud voice, 'If John the Pope
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span>
hath not committed all the crimes which Benedict the
deacon hath read over, and even greater crimes than
these, then may the chief of the Apostles, the blessed
Peter, who by his word closes heaven to the unworthy
and opens it to the just, never absolve us from our sins,
but may we be bound by the chain of anathema, and on
the last day may we stand on the left hand along with
those who have said to the Lord God, "Depart from us,
for we will not know Thy ways."'</p>

<p>The solemnity of this answer seems to have satisfied
Otto and the council: a letter was despatched to John,
couched in respectful terms, recounting the charges
brought against him, and asking him to appear to clear
himself by his own oath and that of a sufficient number
of compurgators. John's reply was short and pithy.</p>

<p>'John the bishop, the servant of the servants of God,
to all the bishops. We have heard tell that you wish to
set up another Pope: if you do this, by Almighty God
I excommunicate you, so that you may not have power
to perform mass or to ordain no one<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>.'</p>

<p>To this Otto and the synod replied by a letter of
humorous expostulation, begging the Pope to reform
both his morals and his Latin. But the messenger who
bore it could not find John: he had repeated what seems
to have been thought his most heinous sin, by going into
the country with his bow and arrows; and after a search
had been made in vain, the synod resolved to take a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span>
decisive step. Otto, who still led their deliberations,
demanded the condemnation of the Pope; the assembly
<span class="sidenote">Deposition
of John
XII.</span>
deposed him by acclamation, 'because of his reprobate
life,' and having obtained the Emperor's consent, proceeded
in an equally hasty manner to raise Leo,
the chief secretary and a layman, to the chair of the
Apostle.</p>

<p>Otto might seem to have now reached a position
loftier and firmer than that of any of his predecessors.
Within little more than a year from his arrival in Rome,
he had exercised powers greater than those of Charles
himself, ordering the dethronement of one pontiff and the
installation of another, forcing a reluctant people to bend
themselves to his will. The submission involved in his
oath to protect the Holy See was more than compensated
by the oath of allegiance to his crown which the Pope
and the Romans had taken, and by their solemn engagement
not to elect nor ordain any future pontiff without
the Emperor's consent<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>. But he had yet to learn what
this obedience and these oaths were worth. The Romans
had eagerly joined in the expulsion of John; they soon
began to regret him. They were mortified to see their
streets filled by a foreign soldiery, the habitual licence
of their manners sternly repressed, their most cherished
privilege, the right of choosing the universal bishop,
grasped by the strong hand of a master who used it
for purposes in which they did not sympathize. In a
fickle and turbulent people, disaffection quickly turned to
rebellion. One night, Otto's troops being most of them
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Revolt of
the Romans.</span>
dispersed in their quarters at a distance, the Romans rose
in arms, blocked up the Tiber bridges, and fell furiously
upon the Emperor and his creature the new Pope. Superior
valour and constancy triumphed over numbers, and
the Romans were overthrown with terrible slaughter; yet
this lesson did not prevent them from revolting a second
time, after Otto's departure in pursuit of Adalbert. John
the Twelfth returned to the city, and when his pontifical
career was speedily closed by the sword of an injured
husband<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>,
the people chose a new Pope in defiance of the
Emperor and his nominee. Otto again subdued and
again forgave them, but when they rebelled for a third
time, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 966, he resolved to shew them what imperial
supremacy meant. Thirteen leaders, among them the
twelve tribunes, were executed, the consuls were banished,
republican forms entirely suppressed, the government of
the city entrusted to Pope Leo as viceroy. He, too, must
not presume on the sacredness of his person to set up
any claims to independence. Otto regarded the pontiff
as no more than the first of his subjects, the creature of
his own will, the depositary of an authority which must
be exercised according to the discretion of his sovereign.
The citizens yielded to the Emperor an absolute veto on
papal elections in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 963. Otto obtained from his nominee,
Leo VIII, a confirmation of this privilege, which
it was afterwards supposed that Hadrian I had granted to
Charles, in a decree which may yet be read in the collections
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span>
of the canon law<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>. The vigorous exercise of such
a power might be expected to reform as well as to restrain
the apostolic see; and it was for this purpose, and
in noble honesty, that the Teutonic sovereigns employed
it. But the fortunes of Otto in the city are a type of
those which his successors were destined to experience.
Notwithstanding their clear rights and the momentary
enthusiasm with which they were greeted in Rome, not
all the efforts of Emperor after Emperor could gain any
firm hold on the capital they were so proud of. Visiting
it only once or twice in their reigns, they must be
supported among a fickle populace by a large army
of strangers, which melted away with terrible rapidity
under the sun of Italy amid the deadly hollows of the
Campagna<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>. Rome soon resumed her turbulent independence.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Otto's rule
in Italy.</p>

<p>Causes partly the same prevented the Saxon princes
from gaining a firm footing throughout Italy. Since
Charles the Bald had bartered away for the crown all
that made it worth having, no Emperor had exercised
substantial authority there. The <i lang="la">missi dominici</i> had
ceased to traverse the country; the local governors had
thrown off control, a crowd of petty potentates had
established principalities by aggressions on their weaker
neighbours. Only in the dominions of great nobles, like
the marquises of Tuscany and Spoleto, and in some of
the cities where the supremacy of the bishop was paving
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span>
the way for a republican system, could traces of political
order be found, or the arts of peace flourish. Otto, who,
though he came as a conqueror, ruled legitimately as
Italian king, found his feudal vassals less submissive than
in Germany. While actually present he succeeded by
progresses and edicts, and stern justice, in doing something
to still the turmoil; on his departure Italy relapsed
into that disorganization for which her natural features
are not less answerable than the mixture of her races.
Yet it was at this era, when the confusion was wildest,
that there appeared the first rudiments of an Italian
nationality, based partly on geographical position, partly
on the use of a common language and the slow growth
of peculiar customs and modes of thought. But though
already jealous of the Tedescan, national feeling was still
very far from disputing his sway. Pope, princes, and
cities bowed to Otto as king and Emperor; nor did he
bethink himself of crushing while it was weak a sentiment
whose development threatened the existence of his empire.
Holding Italy equally for his own with Germany,
and ruling both on the same principles, he was content to
keep it a separate kingdom, neither changing its institutions
nor sending Saxons, as Charles had sent Franks,
to represent his government<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Otto's
foreign
policy.</p>

<p>The lofty claims which Otto acquired with the Roman
crown urged him to resume the plans of foreign conquest
which had lain neglected since the days of Charles: the
growing vigour of the Teutonic people, now definitely
separating themselves from surrounding races (this is the
era of the Marks&mdash;Brandenburg, Meissen, Schleswig),
placed in his hands a force to execute those plans which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>
his predecessors had wanted. In this, as in his other
enterprises, the great Emperor was active, wise, successful.
Retaining the extreme south of Italy, and unwilling
to confess the loss of Rome, the Greeks had not
ceased to annoy her German masters by intrigue, and
might now, under the vigorous leadership of Nicephorus
and Tzimiskes, hope again to menace them in arms.
Policy, and the fascination which an ostentatiously
legitimate court exercised over the Saxon stranger, made
<span class="sidenote">Towards
Byzantium.</span>
Otto, as Napoleon wooed Maria Louisa, seek for his heir
the hand of the princess Theophano. Liudprand's account
of his embassy represents in an amusing manner
the rival pretensions of the old and new Empires<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a>. The
Greeks, who fancied that with the name they preserved
the character and rights of Rome, held it almost as
absurd as it was wicked that a Frank should insult their
prerogative by reigning in Italy as Emperor. They refused
him that title altogether; and when the Pope
had, in a letter addressed '<i lang="la">Imperatori Græcorum</i>,' asked
Nicephorus to gratify the wishes of the Emperor of the
Romans, the Eastern was furious. 'You are no Romans,'
said he, 'but wretched Lombards: what means
this insolent Pope? with Constantine all Rome migrated
hither.' The wily bishop appeased him by abusing the
Romans, while he insinuated that Byzantium could lay
no claim to their name, and proceeded to vindicate the
Francia and Saxonia of his master. '"Roman" is the
most contemptuous name we can use&mdash;it conveys the
reproach of every vice, cowardice, falsehood, avarice.
But what can be expected from the descendants of the
fratricide Romulus? to his asylum were gathered the
offscourings of the nations: thence came these <span class="greek" title="kosmokratores">κοσμοκράτορες</span>.'
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>
Nicephorus demanded the 'theme' or province
of Rome as the price of compliance<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>;
Tzimiskes
was more moderate, and Theophano became the bride of
Otto II.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Towards
the West
Franks.</p>

<p>Holding the two capitals of Charles the Great, Otto
might vindicate the suzerainty over the West Frankish
kingdom which it had been meant that the imperial title
should carry with it. Arnulf had asserted it by making
Eudes, the first Capetian king, receive the crown as his
feudatory: Henry the Fowler had been less successful.
Otto pursued the same course, intriguing with the discontented
nobles of Louis d'Outremer, and receiving their
fealty as Superior of Roman Gaul. These pretensions,
however, could have been made effective only by arms,
and the feudal militia of the tenth century was no such
instrument of conquest as the hosts of Clovis and Charles
had been. The star of the Carolingian of Laon was
paling before the rising greatness of the Parisian Capets: a
Romano-Keltic nation had formed itself, distinct in tongue
from the Franks, whom it was fast absorbing, and still less
willing to submit to a Saxon stranger. Modern France<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>

dates from the accession of Hugh Capet, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 987, and
the claims of the Roman Empire were never afterwards
formally admitted.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Lorraine
and Burgundy.</p>

<p>Of that France, however, Aquitaine was virtually independent.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span>
Lotharingia and Burgundy belonged to it as
little as did England. The former of these kingdoms had
adhered to the West Frankish king, Charles the Simple,
against the East Frankish Conrad: but now, as mostly
German in blood and speech, threw itself into the
arms of Otto, and was thenceforth an integral part of
the Empire. Burgundy, a separate kingdom, had, by
seeking from Charles the Fat a ratification of Boso's
election, by admitting, in the person of Rudolf the first
Transjurane king, the feudal superiority of Arnulf, acknowledged
itself to be dependent on the German crown.
Otto governed it for thirty years, nominally as the guardian
of the young king Conrad (son of Rudolf II).</p>

<p class="sidenote">Denmark
and the
Slaves.</p>

<p class="sidenote">England.</p>

<p>Otto's conquests to the North and East approved him a
worthy successor of the first Emperor. He penetrated
far into Jutland, annexed Schleswig, made Harold the
Blue-toothed his vassal. The Slavic tribes were obliged
to submit, to follow the German host in war, to allow the
free preaching of the Gospel in their borders. The
Hungarians he forced to forsake their nomad life, and
delivered Europe from the fear of Asiatic invasions by
strengthening the frontier of Austria. Over more distant
lands, Spain and England, it was not possible to recover
the commanding position of Charles. Henry, as head of
the Saxon name, may have wished to unite its branches
on both sides the sea<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>,
and it was perhaps partly with this
intent that he gained for Otto the hand of Edith, sister
of the English Athelstan. But the claim of supremacy,
if any there was, was repudiated by Edgar, when, exaggerating
the lofty style assumed by some of his predecessors,
he called himself '<span lang="la">Basileus</span> and imperator of Britain<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>
,'
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span>
thereby seeming to pretend to a sovereignty over all the
nations of the island similar to that which the Roman
Emperor claimed over the states of Christendom.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Extent of
Otto's Empire.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Comparison
between it
and that of
Charles.</p>

<p>This restored Empire, which professed itself a continuation
of the Carolingian, was in many respects different.
It was less wide, including, if we reckon strictly, only
Germany proper and two-thirds of Italy; or counting in
subject but separate kingdoms, Burgundy, Bohemia, Moravia,
Poland, Denmark, perhaps Hungary. Its character
was less ecclesiastical. Otto exalted indeed the spiritual
potentates of his realm, and was earnest in spreading Christianity
among the heathen: he was master of the Pope and
Defender of the Holy Roman Church. But religion held
a less important place in his mind and his administration:
he made fewer wars for its sake, held no councils, and did
not, like his predecessor, criticize the discourses of bishops.
It was also less Roman. We do not know whether Otto
associated with that name anything more than the right to
universal dominion and a certain oversight of matters
spiritual, nor how far he believed himself to be treading
in the steps of the Cæsars. He could not speak Latin, he
had few learned men around him, he cannot have possessed
the varied cultivation which had been so fruitful in
the mind of Charles. Moreover, the conditions of his
time were different, and did not permit similar attempts at
wide organization. The local potentates would have submitted
to no <i lang="la">missi dominici</i>; separate laws and jurisdictions
would not have yielded to imperial capitularies; the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span>
<i lang="la">placita</i> at which those laws were framed or published would
not have been crowded, as of yore, by armed freemen. But
what Otto could he did, and did it to good purpose. Constantly
traversing his dominions, he introduced a peace
and prosperity before unknown, and left everywhere the
impress of an heroic character. Under him the Germans
became not only a united nation, but were at once raised
on a pinnacle among European peoples as the imperial
race, the possessors of Rome and Rome's authority.
While the political connection with Italy stirred their
spirit, it brought with it a knowledge and culture hitherto
unknown, and gave the newly-kindled energy an object.
Germany became in her turn the instructress of the neighbouring
tribes, who trembled at Otto's sceptre; Poland
and Bohemia received from her their arts and their
learning with their religion. If the revived Romano-Germanic
Empire was less splendid than the Empire of
the West had been under Charles, it was, within narrower
limits, firmer and more lasting, since based on a social
force which the other had wanted. It perpetuated the
name, the language, the literature, such as it then was, of
Rome; it extended her spiritual sway; it strove to represent
that concentration for which men cried, and became
a power to unite and civilize Europe.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Otto II,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 973-983.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Otto III,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 983-1002.</p>

<p>The time of Otto the Great has required a fuller treatment,
as the era of the Holy Empire's foundation: succeeding
rulers may be more quickly dismissed. Yet
Otto III's reign cannot pass unnoticed: short, sad, full of
bright promise never fulfilled. His mother was the Greek
princess Theophano; his preceptor, the illustrious Gerbert:
through the one he felt himself connected with the old
Empire, and had imbibed the absolutism of Byzantium;
by the other he had been reared in the dream of a renovated
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">His ideas.
Fascination
exercised
over him by
the name of
Rome.</span>

Rome, with her memories turned to realities. To
accomplish that renovation, who so fit as he who with the
vigorous blood of the Teutonic conqueror inherited the
venerable rights of Constantinople? It was his design,
now that the solemn millennial era of the founding of
Christianity had arrived, to renew the majesty of the city
and make her again the capital of a world-embracing
Empire, victorious as Trajan's, despotic as Justinian's,
holy as Constantine's. His young and visionary mind
was too much dazzled by the gorgeous fancies it created
to see the world as it was: Germany rude, Italy unquiet,
Rome corrupt and faithless. In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 994, at the age of
sixteen, he took from his mother's hands the reins of
government, and entered Italy to receive his crown, and
quell the turbulence of Rome. There he put to death the
rebel Crescentius, in whom modern enthusiasm has seen a
patriotic republican, who, reviving the institutions of Alberic,
had ruled as consul or senator, sometimes entitling
himself Emperor<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>. The young monarch reclaimed, perhaps
extended, the privilege of Charles and Otto the Great,
by nominating successive pontiffs: first Bruno his cousin
(Gregory V), then Gerbert, whose name of Sylvester II
<span class="sidenote">Pope
Sylvester II,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1000.</span>
recalled significantly the ally of Constantine: Gerbert, to
his contemporaries a marvel of piety and learning, in later
legend the magician who, at the price of his own soul,
purchased preferment from the Enemy, and by him was
at last carried off in the body. With the substitution of
these men for the profligate priests of Italy, began that
Teutonic reform of the Papacy which raised it from the
abyss of the tenth century to the point where Hildebrand
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span>
found it. The Emperors were working the ruin of their
power by their most disinterested acts.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Schemes of
Otto III:
Changes of
style and
usage.</p>

<p>With his tutor on Peter's chair to second or direct
him, Otto laboured on his great project in a spirit almost
mystic. He had an intense religious belief in the
Emperor's duties to the world&mdash;in his proclamations he
calls himself 'Servant of the Apostles,' 'Servant of Jesus
Christ<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>
'&mdash;together with the ambitious antiquarianism of
a fiery imagination, kindled by the memorials of the glory
and power he represented. Even the wording of his laws
witnesses to the strange mixture of notions that filled his
eager brain. 'We have ordained this,' says an edict, 'in
order that, the church of God being freely and firmly
stablished, our Empire may be advanced and the crown of
our knighthood triumph; that the power of the Roman
people may be extended and the commonwealth be restored;
so may we be found worthy after living righteously
in the tabernacle of this world, to fly away from the prison
of this life and reign most righteously with the Lord.' To
exclude the claims of the Greeks he used the title '<i lang="la">Romanorum
Imperator</i>' instead of the simple '<i>Imperator</i>' of his
predecessors. His seals bear a legend resembling that
used by Charles, '<i lang="la">Renovatio Imperii Romanorum</i>;' even
the 'commonwealth,' despite the results that name had produced
under Alberic and Crescentius, was to be re-established.
He built a palace on the Aventine, then the most
healthy and beautiful quarter of the city; he devised
a regular administrative system of government for his
capital&mdash;naming a patrician, a prefect, and a body of
judges, who were commanded to recognize no law but
Justinian's. The formula of their appointment has been
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span>
preserved to us: in it the Emperor delivering to the judge
a copy of the code bids him 'with this code judge Rome
and the Leonine city and the whole world.' He introduced
into the simple German court the ceremonious
magnificence of Byzantium, not without giving offence to
many of his followers<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>. His father's wish to draw Italy
and Germany more closely together, he followed up by
giving the chancellorship of both countries to the same
churchman, by maintaining a strong force of Germans in
Italy, and by taking his Italian retinue with him through
the Transalpine lands. How far these brilliant and far-reaching
plans were capable of realization, had their
author lived to attempt it, can be but guessed at. It is
reasonable to suppose that whatever power he might have
gained in the South he would have lost in the North.
Dwelling rarely in Germany, and in sympathies more a
Greek than a Teuton, he reined in the fierce barons with
no such tight hand as his grandfather had been wont to
do; he neglected the schemes of northern conquest; he
released the Polish dukes from the obligation of tribute.
But all, save that those plans were his, is now no more
than conjecture, for Otto III, 'the wonder of the world,'
as his own generation called him, died childless on the
threshold of manhood; the victim, if we may trust a story
of the time, of the revenge of Stephania, widow of Crescentius,
who ensnared him by her beauty, and slew him
by a lingering poison. They carried him across the Alps
with laments whose echoes sound faintly yet from the
pages of monkish chroniclers, and buried him in the choir
of the basilica at Aachen some fifty paces from the tomb
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span>
of Charles beneath the central dome. Two years had not
passed since, setting out on his last journey to Rome, he
had opened that tomb, had gazed on the great Emperor,
sitting on a marble throne, robed and crowned, with the
Gospel-book open before him; and there, touching the
dead hand, unclasping from the neck its golden cross, had
taken, as it were, an investiture of Empire from his
Frankish forerunner. Short as was his life and few his
acts, Otto III is in one respect more memorable than any
who went before or came after him. None save he desired
to make the seven-hilled city again the seat of dominion,
reducing Germany and Lombardy and Greece to
their rightful place of subject provinces. No one else so
forgot the present to live in the light of the ancient order;
no other soul was so possessed by that fervid mysticism
and that reverence for the glories of the past, whereon
rested the idea of the mediæval Empire.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Italy independent.</p>

<p>The direct line of Otto the Great had now ended, and
though the Franks might elect and the Saxons accept
Henry II<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>,
Italy was nowise affected by their acts.
Neither the Empire nor the Lombard kingdom could
as yet be of right claimed by the German king. Her
princes placed Ardoin, marquis of Ivrea, on the vacant
throne of Pavia, moved partly by the growing aversion
to a Transalpine power, still more by the desire of impunity
under a monarch feebler than any since Berengar.
But the selfishness that had exalted Ardoin soon overthrew
him. Ere long a party among the nobles, seconded
by the Pope, invited Henry<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>;
his strong army made
opposition hopeless, and at Rome he received the imperial
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Henry II
Emperor.</span>

crown, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1014. It is, perhaps, more singular
that the Transalpine kings should have clung so pertinaciously
to Italian sovereignty than that the Lombards
should have so frequently attempted to recover their
independence. For the former had often little or no
hereditary claim, they were not secure in their seat at
home, they crossed a huge mountain barrier into a land
of treachery and hatred. But Rome's glittering lure was
irresistible, and the disunion of Italy promised an easy
conquest. Surrounded by martial vassals, these Emperors
were generally for the moment supreme: once their
pennons had disappeared in the gorges of Tyrol, things
reverted to their former condition, and Tuscany was little
more dependent than France.
<span class="sidenote">Southern
Italy.</span>
In Southern Italy the
Greek viceroy ruled from Bari, and Rome was an outpost
instead of the centre of Teutonic power. A curious evidence
of the wavering politics of the time is furnished by the
Annals of Benevento, the Lombard town which on the
confines of the Greek and Roman realms gave steady
obedience to neither. They usually date by and recognize
the princes of Constantinople<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>,
seldom mentioning
the Franks, till the reign of Conrad II; after him
the Western becomes <i>Imperator</i>, the Greek, appearing
more rarely, is <i lang="la">Imperator Constantinopolitanus</i>. Assailed
by the Saracens, masters already of Sicily, these regions
seemed on the eve of being lost to Christendom, and the
Romans sometimes bethought themselves of returning
under the Byzantine sceptre. As the weakness of the
Greeks in the South favoured the rise of the Norman
kingdom, so did the liberties of the northern cities shoot
up in the absence of the Emperors and the feuds of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span>
princes. Milan, Pavia, Cremona, were only the foremost
among many populous centres of industry, some of them
self-governing, all quickly absorbing or repelling the
rural nobility, and not afraid to display by tumults their
aversion to the Germans.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Conrad II.</p>

<p>The reign of Conrad II, the first monarch of the
great Franconian line, is remarkable for the accession
to the Empire of Burgundy, or, as it is after this time
more often called, the kingdom of Arles<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>. Rudolf III,
the last king, had proposed to bequeath it to Henry II,
and the states were at length persuaded to consent to
its reunion to the crown from which it had been
separated, though to some extent dependent, since the
death of Lothar I (son of Lewis the Pious). On Rudolf's
death in 1032, Eudes, count of Champagne, endeavoured
to seize it, and entered the north-western districts, from
which he was dislodged by Conrad with some difficulty.
Unlike Italy, it became an integral member of the Germanic
realm: its prelates and nobles sat in imperial
diets, and retained till recently the style and title of
Princes of the Holy Empire. The central government
was, however, seldom effective in these outlying territories,
exposed always to the intrigues, finally to the aggressions,
of Capetian France.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Henry III.</p>

<p>Under Conrad's son Henry the Third the Empire
attained the meridian of its power. At home Otto the
Great's prerogative had not stood so high. The duchies,
always the chief source of fear, were allowed to remain
vacant or filled by the relatives of the monarch, who
himself retained, contrary to usual practice, those of
Franconia and (for some years) Swabia. Abbeys and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">His reform
of the Popedom.</span>

sees lay entirely in his gift. Intestine feuds were repressed
by the proclamation of a public peace. Abroad,
the feudal superiority over Hungary, which Henry II had
gained by conferring the title of King with the hand of
his sister Gisela, was enforced by war, the country made
almost a province, and compelled to pay tribute. In
Rome no German sovereign had ever been so absolute.
A disgraceful contest between three claimants of the
papal chair had shocked even the reckless apathy of
Italy. Henry deposed them all, and appointed their
successor: he became hereditary patrician, and wore
constantly the green mantle and circlet of gold which
were the badges of that office, seeming, one might think,
to find in it some further authority than that which the
imperial name conferred. The synod passed a decree
granting to Henry the right of nominating the supreme
pontiff; and the Roman priesthood, who had forfeited
the respect of the world even more by habitual simony
than by the flagrant corruption of their manners, were
forced to receive German after German as their bishop,
at the bidding of a ruler so powerful, so severe, and
so pious. But Henry's encroachments alarmed his own
nobles no less than the Italians, and the reaction, which
might have been dangerous to himself, was fatal to his
successor. A mere chance, as some might call it, determined
the course of history. The great Emperor died
<span class="sidenote">Henry IV,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1056-1106.</span>
suddenly in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1056, and a child was left at the helm,
while storms were gathering that might have demanded
the wisest hand.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER X.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">STRUGGLE OF THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY.</span></h2>

<p>Reformed by the Emperors and their Teutonic nominees,
the Papacy had resumed in the middle of the
eleventh century the schemes of polity shadowed forth by
Nicholas I, and which the degradation of the last age had
only suspended. Under the guidance of her greatest
mind, Hildebrand, the archdeacon of Rome, she now
advanced to their completion, and proclaimed that war
of the ecclesiastical power against the civil power in the
person of the Emperor, which became the centre of the
subsequent history of both. While the nature of the
struggle cannot be understood without a glance at their
previous connection, the vastness of the subject warns
one from the attempt to draw even its outlines, and restricts
our view to those relations of Popedom and
Empire which arise directly out of their respective
positions as heads spiritual and temporal of the universal
Christian state.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Growth of
the Papal
power.</p>

<p>The eagerness of Christianity in the age immediately
following her political establishment to purchase by submission
the support of the civil power, has been already
remarked. The change from independence to supremacy
was gradual. The tale we smile at, how Constantine,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>
healed of his leprosy, granted the West to bishop Sylvester,
and retired to Byzantium that no secular prince
might interfere with the jurisdiction or profane the neighbourhood
of Peter's chair, worked great effects through
the belief it commanded for many centuries. Nay more,
its groundwork was true. It was the removal of the seat
of government from the Tiber to the Bosphorus that
made the Pope the greatest personage in the city, and in
the prostration after Alaric's invasion he was seen to be
so. Henceforth he alone was a permanent and effective,
though still unacknowledged power, as truly superior to
the revived senate and consuls of the phantom republic as
Augustus and Tiberius had been to the faint continuance
of their earlier prototypes. Pope Leo the First asserted
the universal jurisdiction of his see<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>,
and his persevering
successors slowly enthralled Italy, Illyricum, Gaul, Spain,
Africa, dexterously confounding their undoubted metropolitan
and patriarchal rights with those of œcumenical
bishop, in which they were finally merged. By his
writings and the fame of his personal sanctity, by the
conversion of England and the introduction of an impressive
ritual, Gregory the Great did more than any
other pontiff to advance Rome's ecclesiastical authority.
Yet his tone to Maurice of Constantinople was deferential,
to Phocas adulatory; his successors were not consecrated
till confirmed by the Emperor or the Exarch;
one of them was dragged in chains to the Bosphorus, and
banished thence to Scythia. When the iconoclastic controversy
and the intervention of Pipin broke the allegiance
of the Popes to the East, the Franks, as patricians
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>

and Emperors, seemed to step into the position which
Byzantium had lost<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>. At Charles's coronation, says the
Saxon poet,</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="i4"><span lang="la">'Et summus eundem</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Præsul adoravit, sicut mos debitus olim</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Principibus fuit antiquis.'</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>Their relations
<span class="sidenote">Relations of
  the Papacy
  and the
  Empire.</span>
  were, however, no longer the same. If
the Frank vaunted conquest, the priest spoke only of
free gift. What Christendom saw was that Charles was
crowned by the Pope's hands, and undertook as his
principal duty the protection and advancement of the
Holy Roman Church. The circumstances of Otto the
Great's coronation gave an even more favourable opening
to sacerdotal claims, for it was a Pope who summoned
him to Rome and a Pope who received from him an oath
of fidelity and aid. In the conflict of three powers, the
Emperor, the pontiff, and the people&mdash;represented by
their senate and consuls, or by the demagogue of the
hour&mdash;the most steady, prudent, and far-sighted was sure
eventually to prevail. The Popedom had no minorities,
as yet few disputed successions, few revolts within its own
army&mdash;the host of churchmen through Europe. Boniface's
conversion of Germany under its direct sanction,
gave it a hold on the rising hierarchy of the greatest
European state; the extension of the rule of Charles and
Otto diffused in the same measure its emissaries and pretensions.
The first disputes turned on the right of the
prince to confirm the elected pontiff, which was afterwards
supposed to have been granted by Hadrian I to
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>
Charles, in the decree quoted as '<i lang="la">Hadrianus Papa</i><a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>.'
This '<i lang="la">ius eligendi et ordinandi summum pontificem</i>,' which
Lewis I appears as yielding by the '<i lang="la">Ego Ludovicus</i><a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>
,' was
claimed by the Carolingians whenever they felt themselves
strong enough, and having fallen into desuetude
in the troublous times of the Italian Emperors, was formally
renewed to Otto the Great by his nominee Leo VIII.
We have seen it used, and used in the purest spirit, by
Otto himself, by his grandson Otto III, last of all, and
most despotically, by Henry III. Along with it there
had grown up a bold counter-assumption of the Papal
chair to be itself the source of the imperial dignity. In
submitting to a fresh coronation, Lewis the Pious admitted
the invalidity of his former self-performed one:
Charles the Bald did not scout the arrogant declaration
of John VIII<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>,
that to him alone the Emperor owed his
crown; and the council of Pavia<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a>,
when it chose him
king of Italy, repeated the assertion. Subsequent Popes
knew better than to apply to the chiefs of Saxon and
Franconian chivalry language which the feeble Neustrian
had not resented; but the precedent remained, the weapon
was only hid behind the pontifical robe to be flashed
out with effect when the moment should come. There
were also two other great steps which papal power had
taken. By the invention and adoption of the False
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Temporal
power of
the Popes.</span>
Decretals it had provided itself with a legal system suited
to any emergency, and which gave it unlimited authority
through the Christian world in causes spiritual and over
persons ecclesiastical. Canonistical ingenuity found it
easy in one way or another to make this include all
causes and persons whatsoever: for crime is always and
wrong is often sin, nor can aught be anywhere done
which may not affect the clergy. On the gift of Pipin
and Charles, repeated and confirmed by Lewis I,
Charles II, Otto I and III, and now made to rest on the
more venerable authority of the first Christian Emperor,
it could found claims to the sovereignty of Rome, Tuscany,
and all else that had belonged to the exarchate.
Indefinite in their terms, these grants were never meant
by the donors to convey full dominion over the districts&mdash;that
belonged to the head of the Empire&mdash;but only as
in the case of other church estates, a perpetual usufruct
or <i>dominium utile</i>. They were, in fact, mere endowments.
Nor had the gifts been ever actually reduced into possession:
the Pope had been hitherto the victim, not the lord,
of the neighbouring barons. They were not, however,
denied, and might be made a formidable engine of attack:
appealing to them, the Pope could brand his opponents as
unjust and impious; and could summon nobles and cities
to defend him as their liege lord, just as, with no better
original right, he invoked the help of the Norman conquerors
of Naples and Sicily.</p>

<p>The attitude of the Roman Church to the imperial
power at Henry the Third's death was externally respectful.
The right of a German king to the crown of the
city was undoubted, and the Pope was his lawful subject.
Hitherto the initiative in reform had come from the civil
magistrate. But the secret of the pontiff's strength lay
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>
in this: he, and he alone, could confer the crown, and
had therefore the right of imposing conditions on its recipient.
Frequent interregna had weakened the claim of
the Transalpine monarch and prevented his power from
taking firm root; his title was never by law hereditary: the
holy Church had before sought and might again seek a
defender elsewhere. And since the need of such defence
had originated this transference of the Empire from
the Greeks to the Franks, since to render it was the
Emperor's chief function, it was surely the Pope's duty as
well as his right to see that the candidate was capable of
fulfilling his task, to degrade him if he rejected or misperformed
it.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Hildebrandine
reforms.</p>

<p>The first step was to remove a blemish in the constitution
of the Church, by fixing a regular body to choose the
supreme pontiff. This Nicholas II did in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1059,
feebly reserving the rights of Henry IV and his successors.
Then the reforming spirit, kindled by the abuses and depravity
of the last century, advanced apace. It had two
main objects: the enforcement of celibacy, especially on
the secular clergy, who enjoyed in this respect considerable
freedom, and the extinction of simony. In the former,
the Emperors and a large part of the laity were not unwilling
to join: the latter no one dared to defend in
theory. But when Gregory VII declared that it was sin
for the ecclesiastic to receive his benefice under conditions
from a layman, and so condemned the whole system of
feudal investitures to the clergy, he aimed a deadly blow
at all secular authority. Half of the land and wealth of
Germany was in the hands of bishops and abbots, who
would now be freed from the monarch's control to pass
under that of the Pope. In such a state of things government
itself would be impossible.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Henry IV
and Gregory
VII.</p>

<p>Henry and Gregory already mistrusted each other:
after this decree war was inevitable. The Pope cited his
opponent to appear and be judged at Rome for his vices
and misgovernment. The Emperor<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>
 replied by convoking
a synod, which deposed and insulted Gregory.
At once the dauntless monk pronounced Henry excommunicate,
and fixed a day on which, if still unrepentant,
he should cease to reign. Supported by his own princes,
the monarch might have defied a mandate backed by no
external force; but the Saxons, never contented since the
first place had passed from their own dukes to the Franconians,
only waited the signal to burst into a new revolt,
whilst through all Germany the Emperor's tyranny and
irregularities of life had sown the seeds of disaffection.
Shunned, betrayed, threatened, he rushed into what
seemed the only course left, and Canosa saw Europe's
<span class="sidenote"><span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1077.</span>
mightiest prince, titular lord of the world, a suppliant before
the successor of the Apostle. Henry soon found
that his humiliation had not served him; driven back into
opposition, he defied Gregory anew, set up an anti-pope,
overthrew the rival whom his rebellious subjects had
raised, and maintained to the end of his sad and chequered
life a power often depressed but never destroyed. Nevertheless
had all other humiliation been spared, that one
scene in the yard of the Countess Matilda's castle, an
imperial penitent standing barefoot and woollen-frocked
on the snow three days and nights, till the priest who sat
within should admit and absolve him, was enough to mark
a decisive change, and inflict an irretrievable disgrace on
the crown so abased. Its wearer could no more, with the
same lofty confidence, claim to be the highest power on
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span>
earth, created by and answerable to God alone. Gregory
had extorted the recognition of that absolute superiority of
the spiritual dominion which he was wont to assert so
sternly; proclaiming that to the Pope, as God's vicar, all
mankind are subject, and all rulers responsible: so that
he, the giver of the crown, may also excommunicate and
depose. Writing to William the Conqueror, he says<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>
:
'For as for the beauty of this world, that it may be at
different seasons perceived by fleshly eyes, God hath disposed
the sun and the moon, lights that outshine all
others; so lest the creature whom His goodness hath
formed after His own image in this world should be drawn
astray into fatal dangers, He hath provided in the apostolic
and royal dignities the means of ruling it through divers
offices.... If I, therefore, am to answer for thee
on the dreadful day of judgment before the just Judge
who cannot lie, the creator of every creature, bethink thee
whether I must not very diligently provide for thy salvation,
and whether, for thine own safety, thou oughtest not
without delay to obey me, that so thou mayest possess the
land of the living.'</p>

<p>Gregory was not the inventor nor the first propounder
of these doctrines; they had been long before a part of mediæval
Christianity, interwoven with its most vital doctrines.
But he was the first who dared to apply them to the world
as he found it. His was that rarest and grandest of gifts,
an intellectual courage and power of imaginative belief
which, when it has convinced itself of aught, accepts it
fully with all its consequences, and shrinks not from acting
at once upon it. A perilous gift, as the melancholy end
of his own career proved, for men were found less ready
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span>
than he had thought them to follow out with unswerving
consistency like his the principles which all acknowledged.
But it was the very suddenness and boldness of his policy
that secured the ultimate triumph of his cause, awing
men's minds and making that seem realized which had
been till then a vague theory. His premises once admitted,&mdash;and
no one dreamt of denying them,&mdash;the reasonings
by which he established the superiority of spiritual to
temporal jurisdiction were unassailable. With his authority,
in whose hands are the keys of heaven and hell,
whose word can bestow eternal bliss or plunge in everlasting
misery, no other earthly authority can compete or
interfere: if his power extends into the infinite, how much
more must he be supreme over things finite? It was thus
that Gregory and his successors were wont to argue: the
wonder is, not that they were obeyed, but that they were
not obeyed more implicitly. In the second sentence of
excommunication which Gregory passed upon Henry the
Fourth are these words:&mdash;</p>

<p>'Come now, I beseech you, O most holy and blessed
Fathers and Princes, Peter and Paul, that all the world
may understand and know that if ye are able to bind and
to loose in heaven, ye are likewise able on earth, according
to the merits of each man, to give and to take away
empires, kingdoms, princedoms, marquisates, duchies,
countships, and the possessions of all men. For if ye
judge spiritual things, what must we believe to be your
power over worldly things? and if ye judge the angels
who rule over all proud princes, what can ye not do to
their slaves?'</p>

<p class="sidenote">Results of
the struggle.</p>

<p>Doctrines such as these do indeed strike equally at all
temporal governments, nor were the Innocents and Bonifaces
of later days slow to apply them so. On the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span>
Empire, however, the blow fell first and heaviest. As
when Alaric entered Rome, the spell of ages was broken,
Christendom saw her greatest and most venerable institution
dishonoured and helpless; allegiance was no longer
undivided, for who could presume to fix in each case the
limits of the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions? The
potentates of Europe beheld in the Papacy a force which,
if dangerous to themselves, could be made to repel the
pretensions and baffle the designs of the strongest and
haughtiest among them. Italy learned how to meet the
Teutonic conqueror by gaining the papal sanction for the
leagues of her cities. The German princes, anxious to
narrow the prerogative of their head, were the natural
allies of his enemy, whose spiritual thunders, more terrible
than their own lances, could enable them to depose an
aspiring monarch, or extort from him any concessions
they desired. Their altered tone is marked by the promise
they required from Rudolf of Swabia, whom they set
up as a rival to Henry, that he would not endeavour to
make the throne hereditary.</p>

<p>It is not possible here to dwell on the details of the
great struggle of the Investitures, rich as it is in the interest
of adventure and character, momentous as were its
results for the future. A word or two must suffice to
describe the conclusion, not indeed of the whole drama,
which was to extend over centuries, but of what
may be called its first act. Even that act lasted beyond
the lives of the original performers. Gregory the Seventh
passed away at Salerno in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1087, exclaiming with his
last breath 'I have loved justice and hated iniquity, therefore
I die in exile.' Nineteen years later, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1106,
Henry IV died, dethroned by an unnatural son whom the
hatred of a relentless pontiff had raised in rebellion against
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>

him. But that son, the emperor Henry the Fifth, so far
from conceding the points in dispute, proved an antagonist
more ruthless and not less able than his father.
He claimed for his crown all the rights over ecclesiastics
that his predecessors had ever enjoyed, and when at his
coronation in Rome, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1112, Pope Paschal II refused
to complete the rite until he should have yielded, Henry
seized both Pope and cardinals and compelled them by a
rigorous imprisonment to consent to a treaty which he
dictated. Once set free, the Pope, as was natural, disavowed
his extorted concessions, and the struggle was
protracted for ten years longer, until nearly half a century
had elapsed from the first quarrel between Gregory VII
and Henry IV.
<span class="sidenote">Concordat
of Worms,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1122.</span>
The Concordat of Worms, concluded in
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1122, was in form a compromise, designed to spare
either party the humiliation of defeat. Yet the Papacy
remained master of the field. The Emperor retained
but one-half of those rights of investiture which had
formerly been his. He could never resume the position
of Henry III; his wishes or intrigues might influence the
proceedings of a chapter, his oath bound him from open
interference. He had entered the strife in the fulness of
dignity; he came out of it with tarnished glory and
shattered power. His wars had been hitherto carried on
with foreign foes, or at worst with a single rebel noble;
now his steadiest ally was turned into his fiercest assailant,
and had enlisted against him half his court, half the magnates
of his realm. At any moment his sceptre might be
shivered in his hand by the bolt of anathema, and a host
of enemies spring up from every convent and cathedral.</p>

<p>Two other results of this great conflict ought not
to pass unnoticed. The Emperor was alienated from the
Church at the most unfortunate of all moments, the era
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">The Crusades.</span>
of the Crusades. To conduct a great religious war
against the enemies of the faith, to head the church
militant in her carnal as the Popes were accustomed to
do in her spiritual strife, this was the very purpose for
which an Emperor had been called into being; and it
was indeed in these wars, more particularly in the first
three of them, that the ideal of a Christian commonwealth
which the theory of the mediæval Empire proclaimed,
was once for all and never again realized by the combined
action of the great nations of Europe. Had such an
opportunity fallen to the lot of Henry III, he might have
used it to win back a supremacy hardly inferior to that
which had belonged to the first Carolingians. But Henry
IV's proscription excluded him from all share in an enterprise
which he must otherwise have led&mdash;nay, more,
committed it to the guidance of his foes. The religious
feeling which the Crusades evoked&mdash;a feeling which
became the origin of the great orders of chivalry, and
somewhat later of the two great orders of mendicant
friars&mdash;turned wholly against the opponent of ecclesiastical
claims, and was made to work the will of the Holy
See, which had blessed and organized the project. A
century and a half later the Pope did not scruple to
preach a crusade against the Emperor himself.</p>

<p>Again: it was now that the first seeds were sown of
that fear and hatred wherewith the German people never
thenceforth ceased to regard the encroaching Romish
court. Branded by the Church and forsaken by the
nobles, Henry IV retained the affections of the faithful
burghers of Worms and Liege. It soon became the test
of Teutonic patriotism to resist Italian priestcraft.</p>

<p>The changes in the internal constitution of Germany
which the long anarchy of Henry IV's reign had produced
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Limitations
of imperial
prerogative.</span>
are seen when the nature of the prerogative as it
stood at the accession of Conrad II, the first Franconian
Emperor, is compared with its state at Henry V's death.
All fiefs are now hereditary, and when vacant can be
granted afresh only by consent of the States; the jurisdiction
of the crown is less wide; the idea is beginning to
make progress that the most essential part of the Empire
is not its supreme head but the commonwealth of princes
and barons. The greatest triumph of these feudal magnates
is in the establishment of the elective principle,
which when confirmed by the three free elections of
Lothar II, Conrad III, and Frederick I, passes into an
<span class="sidenote">Lothar II,
1125-1138.</span>
undoubted law. The Prince-Electors are mentioned in
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1156 as a distinct and important body<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>. The clergy,
too, whom the policy of Otto the Great and Henry II had
raised, are now not less dangerous than the dukes, whose
power it was hoped they would balance; possibly more
so, since protected by their sacred character and their
allegiance to the Pope, while able at the same time to
command the arms of their countless vassals. Nor were
the two succeeding Emperors the men to retrieve those
disasters. The Saxon Lothar the Second is the willing
minion of the Pope; performs at his coronation a menial
service unknown before, and takes a more stringent oath
to defend the Holy See, that he may purchase its support
against the Swabian faction in his own dominions.
<span class="sidenote">Conrad III,
1138-1152.</span>
Conrad the Third, the first Emperor of the great house
of Hohenstaufen<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>,
represents the anti-papal party; but
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span>
domestic troubles and an unfortunate crusade prevented
him from effecting anything in Italy. He never even
entered Rome to receive the crown.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XI.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE EMPERORS IN ITALY: FREDERICK BARBAROSSA.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">Frederick
of Hohenstaufen,
1152-1189.</p>

<p>The reign of Frederick the First, better known under
his Italian surname Barbarossa, is the most brilliant in
the annals of the Empire. Its territory had been wider
under Charles, its strength perhaps greater under Henry
the Third, but it never appeared in such pervading vivid
activity, never shone with such lustre of chivalry, as under
the prince whom his countrymen have taken to be one of
their national heroes, and who is still, as the half-mythic
type of Teutonic character, honoured by picture and
statue, in song and in legend, through the breadth of the
German lands. The reverential fondness of his annalists
and the whole tenour of his life go far to justify this
admiration, and dispose us to believe that nobler motives
were joined with personal ambition in urging him to
assert so haughtily and carry out so harshly those imperial
rights in which he had such unbounded confidence.
Under his guidance the Transalpine power made its
greatest effort to subdue the two antagonists which then
threatened and were fated in the end to destroy it&mdash;Italian
nationality and the Papacy.</p>

<p class="sidenote">His relations
to the
Popedom.</p>

<p>Even before Gregory VII's time it might have been
predicted that two such potentates as the Emperor and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span>
the Pope, closely bound together, yet each with pretensions
wide and undefined, must ere long come into
collision. The boldness of that great pontiff in enforcing,
the unflinching firmness of his successors in maintaining,
the supremacy of clerical authority, inspired their supporters
with a zeal and courage which more than compensated
the advantages of the Emperor in defending
rights he had long enjoyed. On both sides the hatred
was soon very bitter. But even had men's passions
permitted a reconciliation, it would have been found
difficult to bring into harmony adverse principles, each
irresistible, mutually destructive. As the spiritual power,
in itself purer, since exercised over the soul and directed
to the highest of all ends, eternal felicity, was entitled
to the obedience of all, laymen as well as clergy; so
the spiritual person, to whom, according to the view then
universally accepted, there had been imparted by ordination
a mysterious sanctity, could not without sin be subject to
the lay magistrate, be installed by him in office, be judged
in his court, and render to him any compulsory service.
Yet it was no less true that civil government was indispensable
to the peace and advancement of society; and
while it continued to subsist, another jurisdiction could
not be suffered to interfere with its workings, nor one-half
of the people be altogether removed from its control.
Thus the Emperor and the Pope were forced into hostility
as champions of opposite systems, however fully
each might admit the strength of his adversary's position,
however bitterly he might bewail the violence of his own
partisans. There had also arisen other causes of quarrel,
less respectable but not less dangerous. The pontiff
demanded and the monarch refused the lands which the
Countess Matilda of Tuscany had bequeathed to the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span>
Holy See; Frederick claiming them as feudal suzerain,
the Pope eager by their means to carry out those
schemes of temporal dominion which Constantine's donation
sanctioned, and Lothar's seeming renunciation of
the sovereignty of Rome had done much to encourage.
As feudal superior of the Norman kings of Naples and
Sicily, as protector of the towns and barons of North
Italy who feared the German yoke, the successor of
Peter wore already the air of an independent potentate.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Contest with
Hadrian IV.</p>

<p>No man was less likely than Frederick to submit to
these encroachments. He was a sort of imperialist
Hildebrand, strenuously proclaiming the immediate dependence
of his office on God's gift, and holding it every
whit as sacred as his rival's. On his first journey to Rome,
he refused to hold the Pope's stirrup<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>,
as Lothar had done,
till Pope Hadrian the Fourth's threat that he would withhold
the crown enforced compliance. Complaints arising
not long after on some other ground, the Pope exhorted
Frederick by letter to shew himself worthy of the kindness
of his mother the Roman Church, who had given him
the imperial crown, and would confer on him, if dutiful,
benefits still greater. This word benefits&mdash;<i lang="la">beneficia</i>&mdash;understood
in its usual legal sense of 'fief,' and taken in
connection with the picture which had been set up at Rome
to commemorate Lothar's homage, provoked angry shouts
from the nobles assembled in diet at Besançon; and when
the legate answered, 'From whom, then, if not from our
Lord the Pope, does your king hold the Empire?' his life
was not safe from their fury. On this occasion Frederick's
vigour and the remonstrances of the Transalpine prelates
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>
obliged Hadrian to explain away the obnoxious word, and
remove the picture. Soon after the quarrel was renewed
by other causes, and came to centre itself round the Pope's
demand that Rome should be left entirely to his government.
Frederick, in reply, appeals to the civil law, and
closes with the words, 'Since by the ordination of God I
both am called and am Emperor of the Romans, in
nothing but name shall I appear to be ruler if the control
of the Roman city be wrested from my hands.' That
such a claim should need assertion marks the change since
Henry III; how much more that it could not be enforced.
Hadrian's tone rises into defiance; he mingles the threat
of excommunication with references to the time when the
Germans had not yet the Empire. 'What were the Franks
till Zacharias welcomed Pipin? What is the Teutonic
king now till consecrated at Rome by holy hands? The
chair of Peter has given, and can withdraw its gifts.'</p>

<p class="sidenote">With Pope
Alexander
III.</p>

<p>The schism that followed Hadrian's death produced a
second and more momentous conflict. Frederick, as head
of Christendom, proposed to summon the bishops of
Europe to a general council, over which he should preside,
like Justinian or Heraclius. Quoting the favourite
text of the two swords, 'On earth,' he continues, 'God
has placed no more than two powers: above there is but
one God, so here one Pope and one Emperor. The
Divine Providence has specially appointed the Roman
Empire as a remedy against continued schism<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>.' The
plan failed; and Frederick adopted the candidate whom
his own faction had chosen, while the rival claimant,
Alexander III, appealed, with a confidence which the
issue justified, to the support of sound churchmen throughout
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>
Europe. The keen and long doubtful strife of twenty
years that followed, while apparently a dispute between
rival Popes, was in substance an effort by the secular
monarch to recover his command of the priesthood; not
less truly so than that contemporaneous conflict of the
English Henry II and St. Thomas of Canterbury, with
which it was constantly involved. Unsupported, not all
Alexander's genius and resolution could have saved him:
by the aid of the Lombard cities, whose league he had
counselled and hallowed, and of the fevers of Rome, by
which the conquering German host was suddenly annihilated,
he won a triumph the more signal, that it was over
a prince so wise and so pious as Frederick. At Venice,
who, inaccessible by her position, maintained a sedulous
neutrality, claiming to be independent of the Empire, yet
seldom led into war by sympathy with the Popes, the two
powers whose strife had roused all Europe were induced
to meet by the mediation of the doge Sebastian Ziani.
Three slabs of red marble in the porch of St. Mark's point
out the spot where Frederick knelt in sudden awe, and
the Pope with tears of joy raised him, and gave the kiss
of peace. A later legend, to which poetry and painting
have given an undeserved currency<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>,
tells how the pontiff
set his foot on the neck of the prostrate king, with the
words, 'The lion and the dragon shalt thou trample under
feet<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>.' It needed not this exaggeration to enhance the
significance of that scene, even more full of meaning for
the future than it was solemn and affecting to the Venetian
crowd that thronged the church and the piazza. For it
was the renunciation by the mightiest prince of his time of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span>
the project to which his life had been devoted: it was the
abandonment by the secular power of a contest in which
it had twice been vanquished, and which it could not
renew under more favourable conditions.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Revival of
the study of
the civil law.</p>

<p>Authority maintained so long against the successor of
Peter would be far from indulgent to rebellious subjects.
For it was in this light that the Lombard cities appeared
to a monarch bent on reviving all the rights his predecessors
had enjoyed: nay, all that the law of ancient Rome
gave her absolute ruler. It would be wrong to speak of a
re-discovery of the civil law. That system had never
perished from Gaul and Italy, had been the groundwork
of some codes, and the whole substance, modified only by
the changes in society, of many others. The Church excepted,
no agent did so much to keep alive the memory
of Roman institutions. The twelfth century now beheld
the study cultivated with a surprising increase of knowledge
and ardour, expended chiefly upon the Pandects. First
in Italy and the schools of the South, then in Paris and
Oxford, they were expounded, commented on, extolled as
the perfection of human wisdom, the sole, true, and
eternal law. Vast as has been the labour and thought
expended from that time to this in the elucidation of the
civil law, the most competent authorities declare that in
acuteness, in subtlety, in all those branches of learning
which can subsist without help from historical criticism,
these so-called Glossatores have been seldom equalled
and never surpassed by their successors. The teachers
of the canon law, who had not as yet become the rivals of
the civilian, and were accustomed to recur to his books
where their own were silent, spread through Europe the
fame and influence of the Roman jurisprudence; while its
own professors were led both by their feeling and their interest
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span>
to give to all its maxims the greatest weight and the
fullest application. Men just emerging from barbarism,
with minds unaccustomed to create and blindly submissive
to authority, viewed written texts with an awe to us
incomprehensible. All that the most servile jurists of
Rome had ever ascribed to their despotic princes was
directly transferred to the Cæsarean majesty who inherited
their name. He was 'Lord of the world,' absolute master
of the lives and property of all his subjects, that is, of all
men; the sole fountain of legislation, the embodiment of
right and justice. These doctrines, which the great Bolognese
jurists, Bulgarus, Martinus, Hugolinus, and others
who constantly surrounded Frederick, taught and applied,
as matter of course, to a Teutonic, a feudal king, were by
the rest of the world not denied, were accepted in fervent
faith by his German and Italian partisans. 'To the
Emperor belongs the protection of the whole world,' says
bishop Otto of Freysing. 'The Emperor is a living law
upon earth<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>.' To Frederick, at Roncaglia, the archbishop
of Milan speaks for the assembled magnates of Lombardy:
'Do and ordain whatsoever thou wilt, thy will is
law; as it is written, <span lang="la">"Quicquid principi placuit legis habet
vigorem, cum populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium
et potestatem concesserit<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>."</span> The Hohenstaufen himself
was not slow to accept these magnificent ascriptions of
dignity, and though modestly professing his wish to govern
according to law rather than override the law, was
doubtless roused by them to a more vehement assertion of
a prerogative so hallowed by age and by what seemed a
divine ordinance.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Frederick in
Italy.</p>

<p>That assertion was most loudly called for in Italy.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span>
The Emperors might appear to consider it a conquered
country without privileges to be respected, for they did
not summon its princes to the German diets, and overawed
its own assemblies at Pavia or Roncaglia by the
Transalpine host that followed them. Its crown, too, was
theirs whenever they crossed the Alps to claim it, while
the elections on the banks of the Rhine might be adorned
but could not be influenced by the presence of barons
from the southern kingdom<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>. In practice, however, the
imperial power stood lower in Italy than in Germany, for
it had been from the first intermittent, depending on the
personal vigour and present armed support of each invader.
The theoretic sovereignty of the Emperor-king
was nowise disputed: in the cities toll and tax were of
right his: he could issue edicts at the Diet, and require
the tenants in chief to appear with their vassals. But the
revival of a control never exercised since Henry IV's time,
was felt as an intolerable hardship by the great Lombard
cities, proud of riches and population equal to that of the
duchies of Germany or the kingdoms of the North, and
accustomed for more than a century to a turbulent independence.
For republicanism and popular freedom
Frederick had little sympathy.
<span class="sidenote">Rome under
Arnold of
Brescia.</span>
At Rome the fervent
Arnold of Brescia had repeated, but with far different
thoughts and hopes, the part of Crescentius<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>. The city
had thrown off the yoke of its bishop, and a commonwealth
under consuls and senate professed to emulate the
spirit while it renewed the forms of the primitive republic.
Its leaders had written to Conrad III<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>,
asking him to help
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>
them to restore the Empire to its position under Constantine
and Justinian; but the German, warned by St.
Bernard, had preferred the friendship of the Pope. Filled
with a vain conceit of their own importance, they repeated
their offers to Frederick when he sought the crown from
Hadrian the Fourth. A deputation, after dwelling in
highflown language on the dignity of the Roman people,
and their kindness in bestowing the sceptre on him, a
Swabian and a stranger, proceeded, in a manner hardly
consistent, to demand a largess ere he should enter the
city. Frederick's anger did not hear them to the end:
'Is this your Roman wisdom? Who are ye that usurp
the name of Roman dignities? Your honours and your
authority are yours no longer; with us are consuls, senate,
soldiers. It was not you who chose us, but Charles and
Otto that rescued you from the Greek and the Lombard,
and conquered by their own might the imperial crown.
That Frankish might is still the same: wrench, if you can,
the club from Hercules. It is not for the people to give
laws to the prince, but to obey his mandate<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a>.' This was
Frederick's version of the 'Translation of the Empire<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>.'</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Lombard
Cities.</p>

<p>He who had been so stern to his own capital was not
likely to deal more gently with the rebels of Milan and
Tortona. In the contest by which Frederick is chiefly
known to history, he is commonly painted as the foreign
tyrant, the forerunner of the Austrian oppressor<a name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>,
crushing
under the hoofs of his cavalry the home of freedom
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span>
and industry. Such a view is unjust to a great man and
his cause. To the despot liberty is always licence; yet
Frederick was the advocate of admitted claims; the aggressions
of Milan threatened her neighbours; the refusal,
where no actual oppression was alleged, to admit his officers
and allow his regalian rights, seemed a wanton breach of
oaths and engagements, treason against God no less than
himself<a name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a>. Nevertheless our sympathy must go with the
cities, in whose victory we recognize the triumph of freedom
and civilization. Their resistance was at first probably
a mere aversion to unused control, and to the enforcement
of imposts less offensive in former days than now,
and by long dereliction apparently obsolete<a name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>. Republican
principles were not avowed, nor Italian nationality appealed
to. But the progress of the conflict developed new motives
and feelings, and gave them clearer notions of what they
fought for. As the Emperor's antagonist, the Pope was
their natural ally: he blessed their arms, and called on the
barons of Romagna and Tuscany for aid; he made 'The
Church' ere long their watchword, and helped them to
conclude that league of mutual support by means whereof
the party of the Italian Guelfs was formed. Another cry,
too, began to be heard, hardly less inspiriting than the
last, the cry of freedom and municipal self-government&mdash;freedom
little understood and terribly abused, self-government
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span>
which the cities who claimed it for themselves refused
to their subject allies, yet both of them, through their
divine power of stimulating effort and quickening sympathy,
as much nobler than the harsh and sterile system of a
feudal monarchy as the citizen of republican Athens rose
above the slavish Asiatic or the brutal Macedonian. Nor
was the fact that Italians were resisting a Transalpine invader
without its effect; there was as yet no distinct national
feeling, for half Lombardy, towns as well as rural nobles,
fought under Frederick; but events made the cause of
liberty always more clearly the cause of patriotism, and
increased that fear and hate of the Tedescan for which
Italy has had such bitter justification.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Temporary
success of
Frederick.</p>

<p>The Emperor was for a time successful: Tortona was
taken, Milan razed to the ground, her name apparently
lost: greater obstacles had been overcome, and a fuller
authority was now exercised than in the days of the Ottos
or the Henrys. The glories of the first Frankish conqueror
were triumphantly recalled, and Frederick was compared
by his admirers to the hero whose canonization he
had procured, and whom he strove in all things to imitate<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>.
'He was esteemed,' says one, 'second only to Charles in
piety and justice.' 'We ordain this,' says a decree: <span lang="la">'Ut
ad Caroli imitationem ius ecclesiarum statum reipublicæ
et legum integritatem per totum imperium nostrum servaremus<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a>.'</span>
But the hold the name of Charles had on the
minds of the people, and the way in which he had become,
so to speak, an eponym of Empire, has better witnesses
than grave documents. A rhyming poet sings<a name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>
:&mdash;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Quanta sit potentia vel laus Friderici</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Cum sit patens omnibus, non est opus dici;</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Qui rebelles lancea fodiens ultrici</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Repræsentat Karolum dextera victrici.'</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>The diet at Roncaglia was a chorus of gratulations over
the re-establishment of order by the destruction of the
dens of unruly burghers.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Victory of
the Lombard
league.</p>

<p>This fair sky was soon clouded. From her quenchless
ashes uprose Milan; Cremona, scorning old jealousies,
helped to rebuild what she had destroyed, and the confederates,
committed to an all but hopeless strife, clung
faithfully together till on the field of Legnano the Empire's
banner went down before the carroccio<a name="FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>
 of the free city.
Times were changed since Aistulf and Desiderius trembled
at the distant tramp of the Frankish hosts. A new
nation had arisen, slowly reared through suffering into
strength, now at last by heroic deeds conscious of itself.
The power of Charles had overleaped boundaries of
nature and language that were too strong for his successor,
and that grew henceforth ever firmer, till they
made the Empire itself a delusive name. Frederick,
though harsh in war, and now balked of his most cherished
hopes, could honestly accept a state of things it
was beyond his power to change: he signed cheerfully
and kept dutifully the peace of Constance, which left him
little but a titular supremacy over the Lombard towns.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Frederick
as German
king.</p>

<p>At home no Emperor since Henry III had been so
much respected and so generally prosperous. Uniting in
his person the Saxon and Swabian families, he healed
the long feud of Welf and Waiblingen: his prelates were
faithful to him, even against Rome: no turbulent rebel
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>
disturbed the public peace. Germany was proud of a
hero who maintained her dignity so well abroad, and he
crowned a glorious life with a happy death, leading the
van of Christian chivalry against the Mussulman. Frederick,
the greatest of the Crusaders, is the noblest type
of mediæval character in many of its shadows, in all its
lights.</p>

<p>Legal in form, in practice sometimes almost absolute,
the government of Germany was, like that of other feudal
kingdoms, restrained chiefly by the difficulty of coercing
refractory vassals. All depended on the monarch's character,
and one so vigorous and popular as Frederick
could generally lead the majority with him and terrify
the rest. A false impression of the real strength of his
prerogative might be formed from the readiness with
which he was obeyed. He repaired the finances of the
kingdom, controlled the dukes, introduced a more splendid
ceremonial, endeavoured to exalt the central power
by multiplying the nobles of the second rank, afterwards
the 'college of princes,' and by trying to substitute the
civil law and Lombard feudal code for the old Teutonic
customs, different in every province. If not successful
in this project, he fared better with another.
<span class="sidenote">The German
cities.</span>
Since Henry
the Fowler's day towns had been growing up through
Southern and Western Germany, especially where rivers
offered facilities for trade. Cologne, Treves, Mentz,
Worms, Speyer, Nürnberg, Ulm, Regensburg, Augsburg,
were already considerable cities, not afraid to beard their
lord or their bishop, and promising before long to counterbalance
the power of the territorial oligarchy. Policy
or instinct led Frederick to attach them to the throne,
enfranchising many, granting, with municipal institutions,
an independent jurisdiction, conferring various exemptions
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>
and privileges; while receiving in turn their good-will
and loyal aid, in money always, in men when need should
come. His immediate successors trode in his steps, and
thus there arose in the state a third order, the firmest
bulwark, had it been rightly used, of imperial authority;
an order whose members, the Free Cities, were through
many ages the centres of German intellect and freedom,
the only haven from the storms of civil war, the surest
hope of future peace and union. In them national congresses
to this day sometimes meet: from them aspiring
spirits strive to diffuse those ideas of Germanic unity and
self-government, which they alone have kept alive. Out
of so many flourishing commonwealths, four<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>
 have been
spared by foreign conquerors and faithless princes. To
the primitive order of German freemen, scarcely existing
out of the towns, except in Swabia and Switzerland,
Frederick further commended himself by allowing them
to be admitted to knighthood, by restraining the licence
of the nobles, imposing a public peace, making justice
in every way more accessible and impartial. To the
south-west of the green plain that girdles in the rock of
Salzburg, the gigantic mass of the Untersberg frowns over
the road which winds up a long defile to the glen and
lake of Berchtesgaden. There, far up among its limestone
crags, in a spot scarcely accessible to human foot, the
peasants of the valley point out to the traveller the black
mouth of a cavern, and tell him that within Barbarossa lies
amid his knights in an enchanted sleep<a name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>,
waiting the hour
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span>
when the ravens shall cease to hover round the peak, and
the pear-tree blossom in the valley, to descend with his
Crusaders and bring back to Germany the golden age
of peace and strength and unity. Often in the evil days
that followed the fall of Frederick's house, often when
tyranny seemed unendurable and anarchy endless, men
thought on that cavern, and sighed for the day when the
long sleep of the just Emperor should be broken, and his
shield be hung aloft again as of old in the camp's midst,
a sign of help to the poor and the oppressed.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XII.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">IMPERIAL TITLES AND PRETENSIONS.</span></h2>

<p>The era of the Hohenstaufen is perhaps the fittest
point at which to turn aside from the narrative history
of the Empire to speak shortly of the legal position which
it professed to hold to the rest of Europe, as well as of
certain duties and observances which throw a light upon
the system it embodied. This is not indeed the era of
its greatest power: that was already past. Nor is it conspicuously
the era when its ideal dignity stood highest:
for that remained scarcely impaired till three centuries
had passed away. But it was under the Hohenstaufen,
owing partly to the splendid abilities of the princes of
that famous line, partly to the suddenly-gained ascendancy
of the Roman law, that the actual power and the theoretical
influence of the Empire most fully coincided.
There can therefore be no better opportunity for noticing
the titles and claims by which it announced itself the
representative of Rome's universal dominion, and for
collecting the various instances in which they were (either
before or after Frederick's time) more or less admitted
by the other states of Europe.</p>

<p>The territories over which Barbarossa would have declared
his jurisdiction to extend may be classed under
four heads:&mdash;</p>

<p>First, the German lands, in which, and in which alone,
the Emperor was, up till the death of Frederick the
Second, effective sovereign.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span></p>

<p>Second, the non-German districts of the Holy Empire,
where the Emperor was acknowledged as sole monarch,
but in practice little regarded.</p>

<p>Third, certain outlying countries, owing allegiance to
the Empire, but governed by kings of their own.</p>

<p>Fourth, the other states of Europe, whose rulers, while
in most cases admitting the superior rank of the Emperor,
were virtually independent of him.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Limits of
the Empire.</p>

<p>Thus within the actual boundaries of the Holy Empire
were included only districts coming under the first and
second of the above classes, i.e. Germany, the northern
half of Italy, and the kingdom of Burgundy or Arles&mdash;that
is to say, Provence, Dauphiné, the Free County of
Burgundy (Franche Comté), and Western Switzerland.
Lorraine, Alsace, and a portion of Flanders were of
course parts of Germany. To the north-east, Bohemia
and the Slavic principalities in Mecklenburg and Pomerania
were as yet not integral parts of its body, but rather
dependent outliers. Beyond the march of Brandenburg,
from the Oder to the Vistula, dwelt pagan Lithuanians
or Prussians<a name="FNanchor_201" id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>,
free till the establishment among them of
the Teutonic knights.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Hungary.</p>

<p>Hungary had owed a doubtful allegiance since the days
of Otto I. Gregory VII had claimed it as a fief of the
Holy See; Frederick wished to reduce it completely to
subjection, but could not overcome the reluctance of his
nobles. After Frederick II, by whom it was recovered
from the Mongol hordes, no imperial claims were made
for so many years that at last they became obsolete, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>
were confessed to be so by the Constitution of Augsburg,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1566<a name="FNanchor_202" id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Poland.</p>

<p>Under Duke Misico, Poland had submitted to Otto the
Great, and continued, with occasional revolts, to obey
the Empire, till the beginning of the Great Interregnum
(as it is called) in 1254. Its duke was present at the
election of Richard, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1258. Thereafter Primislas
called himself king, in token of emancipation, and the
country became independent, though some of its provinces
were long afterwards reunited to the German state.
Silesia, originally Polish, was attached to Bohemia by
Charles IV, and so became part of the Empire; Posen
and Galicia were seized by Prussia and Austria, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1772.
Down to her partition in that year, the constitution of
Poland remained a copy of that which had existed in the
German kingdom in the twelfth century<a name="FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Denmark.</p>

<p>Lewis the Pious had received the homage of the
Danish king Harold, on his baptism at Mentz, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 826;
Otto the Great's victories over Harold Blue Tooth made
the country regularly subject, and added the march of
Schleswig to the immediate territory of the Empire: but
the boundary soon receded to the Eyder, on whose banks
might be seen the inscription,&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">

<p><span lang="la">'Eidora Romani terminus imperii.'</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>King Peter<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>
 attended at Frederick I's coronation, to do
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span>
homage, and receive from the Emperor, as suzerain, his
own crown. Since the Interregnum Denmark has been
always free<a name="FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">France.</p>

<p>Otto the Great was the last Emperor whose suzerainty
the French kings had admitted; nor were Henry VI and
Otto IV successful in their attempts to enforce it. Boniface
VIII, in his quarrel with Philip the Fair, offered the
French throne, which he had pronounced vacant, to Albert
I; but the wary Hapsburg declined the dangerous prize.
The precedence, however, which the Germans continued
to assert, irritated Gallic pride, and led to more than one
contest. Blondel denies the Empire any claim to the
Roman name; and in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648 the French envoys at
Münster refused for some time to admit what no other
European state disputed. Till recent times the title of
the Archbishop of Treves, <span lang="la">'Archicancellarius per Galliam
atque regnum Arelatense,'</span> preserved the memory of an
obsolete supremacy which the constant aggressions of
France might seem to have reversed.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Sweden.</p>

<p>No reliance can be placed on the author who tells us
that Sweden was granted by Frederick I to Waldemar the
Dane<a name="FNanchor_206" id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>;
the fact is improbable, and we do not hear that
such pretensions were ever put forth before or after.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Spain.</p>

<p>Nor does it appear that authority was ever exercised by
any Emperor in Spain. Nevertheless the choice of
Alfonso X by a section of the German electors, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
1258, may be construed to imply that the Spanish kings
were members of the Empire. And when, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1053,
Ferdinand the Great of Castile had, in the pride of his
victories over the Moors, assumed the title of <span lang="la">'Hispaniæ
Imperator,'</span> the remonstrance of Henry III declared the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>
rights of Rome over the Western provinces indelible, and
the Spaniard, though protesting his independence, was
forced to resign the usurped dignity<a name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">England.</p>

<p>No act of sovereignty is recorded to have been done
by any of the Emperors in England, though as heirs of
Rome they might be thought to have better rights over it
than over Poland or Denmark<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>. There was, however, a
vague notion that the English, like other kingdoms, must
depend on the Empire: a notion which appears in Conrad
III's letter to John of Constantinople<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a>;
and which
was countenanced by the submissive tone in which Frederick
I was addressed by the Plantagenet Henry II<a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a>.
English independence was still more compromised in the
next reign, when Richard I, according to Hoveden,
<span lang="la">'Consilio matris suæ deposuit se de regno Angliæ et
tradidit illud imperatori (Henrico VI<sup>to</sup>) sicut universorum
domino.'</span> But as Richard was at the same time invested
with the kingdom of Arles by Henry VI, his homage
may have been for that fief only; and it was probably
in that capacity that he voted, as a prince of the Empire,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span>
at the election of Frederick II. The case finds a parallel
in the claims of England over the Scottish king, doubtful,
to say the least, as regards the domestic realm of the
latter, certain as regards Cumbria, which he had long
held from the Southern crown<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>. But Germany had no
Edward I. Henry VI is said at his death to have
released Richard from his submission (this too may be
compared with Richard's release to the Scottish William
the Lion), and Edward II declared, <span lang="la">'regnum Angliæ ab
omni subiectione imperiali esse liberrimum<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>.'</span> Yet the
idea survived: the Emperor Lewis the Bavarian, when
he named Edward III his vicar in the great French war,
demanded, though in vain, that the English monarch
should kiss his feet<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>. Sigismund<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a>,
visiting Henry V
at London, before the meeting of the council of Constance,
was met by the Duke of Gloucester, who, riding
into the water to the ship where the Emperor sat, required
him, at the sword's point, to declare that he did
not come purposing to infringe on the king's authority in
the realm of England<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>. One curious pretension of the
imperial crown called forth many protests. It was declared
by civilians and canonists that no public notary
could have any standing, or attach any legality to the
documents he drew, unless he had received his diploma
from the Emperor or the Pope. A strenuous denial of a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>
doctrine so injurious was issued by the parliament of
Scotland under James III<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Naples.</p>

<p>The kingdom of Naples and Sicily, although of course
claimed as a part of the Empire, was under the Norman
dynasty (<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1060-1189) not merely independent, but
the most dangerous enemy of the German power in
Italy. Henry VI, the son and successor of Barbarossa,
obtained possession of it by marrying Constantia the
last heiress of the Norman kings. But both he and
Frederick II treated it as a separate patrimonial state,
instead of incorporating it with their more northerly dominions.
After the death of Conradin, the last of the
Hohenstaufen, it passed away to an Angevin, then to an
Aragonese dynasty, continuing under both to maintain
itself independent of the Empire, nor ever again, except
under Charles V, united to the Germanic crown.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Venice.</p>

<p>One spot in Italy there was whose singular felicity
of situation enabled her through long centuries of obscurity
and weakness, slowly ripening into strength, to
maintain her freedom unstained by any submission to the
Frankish and Germanic Emperors. Venice glories in
deducing her origin from the fugitives who escaped from
Aquileia in the days of Attila: it is at least probable that
her population never received an intermixture of Teutonic
settlers, and continued during the ages of Lombard and
Frankish rule in Italy to regard the Byzantine sovereigns
as the representatives of their ancient masters. In the
tenth century, when summoned to submit by Otto, they
had said, 'We wish to be the servants of the Emperors of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>
the Romans' (the Constantinopolitan), and though they
overthrew this very Eastern throne in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1204, the
pretext had served its turn, and had aided them in
defying or evading the demands of obedience made by
the Teutonic princes. Alone of all the Italian republics,
Venice never, down to her extinction by France and
Austria in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1796, recognized within her walls any
secular authority save her own.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The East.</p>

<p>The kings of Cyprus and Armenia sent to Henry VI
to confess themselves his vassals and ask his help. Over
remote Eastern lands, where Frankish foot had never
trod, Frederick Barbarossa asserted the indestructible
rights of Rome, mistress of the world. A letter to
Saladin, amusing from its absolute identification of his
own Empire with that which had sent Crassus to perish
in Parthia, and had blushed to see Mark Antony <span lang="la">'consulum
nostrum'</span><a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a>
 at the feet of Cleopatra, is preserved by
Hoveden: it bids the Soldan withdraw at once from the
dominions of Rome, else will she, with her new Teutonic
defenders, of whom a pompous list follows, drive him
from them with all her ancient might.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The
Byzantine
Emperors.</p>

<p>Unwilling as were the great kingdoms of Western
Europe to admit the territorial supremacy of the Emperor,
the proudest among them never refused, until the
end of the Middle Ages, to recognize his precedence and
address him in a tone of respectful deference. Very
different was the attitude of the Byzantine princes, who
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span>
denied his claim to be an Emperor at all. The separate
existence of the Eastern Church and Empire was not only,
as has been said above, a blemish in the title of the Teutonic
sovereigns; it was a continuing and successful
protest against the whole system of an Empire Church
of Christendom, centering in Rome, ruled by the successor
of Peter and the successor of Augustus. Instead
of the one Pope and one Emperor whom mediæval
theory presented as the sole earthly representatives of the
invisible head of the Church, the world saw itself distracted
by the interminable feud of rivals, each of whom
had much to allege on his behalf. It was easy for the
Latins to call the Easterns schismatics and their Emperor
an usurper, but practically it was impossible to dethrone
him or reduce them to obedience: while even in controversy
no one could treat the pretensions of communities
who had been the first to embrace Christianity and retained
so many of its most ancient forms, with the contempt
which would have been felt for any Western sectaries.
Seriously, however, as the hostile position of the
Greeks seems to us to affect the claims of the Teutonic
Empire, calling in question its legitimacy and marring its
pretended universality, those who lived at the time seem
to have troubled themselves little about it, finding themselves
in practice seldom confronted by the difficulties it
raised. The great mass of the people knew of the Greeks
not even by name; of those who did, the most thought
of them only as perverse rebels, Samaritans who refused
to worship at Jerusalem, and were little better than infidels.
The few ecclesiastics of superior knowledge and
insight had their minds preoccupied by the established
theory, and accepted it with too intense a belief to suffer
anything else to come into collision with it: they do not
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Rivalry
of the two
Empires.</span>
seem to have even apprehended all that was involved in
this one defect. Nor, what is still stranger, in all the
attacks made upon the claims of the Teutonic Empire,
whether by its Papal or its French antagonists, do we find
the rival title of the Greek sovereigns adduced in argument
against it. Nevertheless, the Eastern Church was then, as
she is to this day, a thorn in the side of the Papacy; and
the Eastern Emperors, so far from uniting for the good of
Christendom with their Western brethren, felt towards
them a bitter though not unnatural jealousy, lost no opportunity
of intriguing for their evil, and never ceased to
deny their right to the imperial name. The coronation
of Charles was in their eyes an act of unholy rebellion;
his successors were barbarian intruders, ignorant of the
laws and usages of the ancient state, and with no claim
to the Roman name except that which the favour of an
insolent pontiff might confer. The Greeks had themselves
long since ceased to use the Latin tongue, and were
indeed become more than half Orientals in character and
manners. But they still continued to call themselves
Romans, and preserved most of the titles and ceremonies
which had existed in the time of Constantine or Justinian.
They were weak, although by no means so weak as
modern historians have been till lately wont to paint
them, and the weaker they grew the higher rose their
conceit, and the more did they plume themselves upon
the uninterrupted legitimacy of their crown, and the ceremonial
splendour wherewith custom had surrounded its
wearer. It gratified their spite to pervert insultingly the
titles of the Frankish princes. Basil the Macedonian reproached
Lewis II with presuming to use the name of
'Basileus,' to which Lewis retorted that he was as good
an emperor as Basil himself, but that, anyhow, <i>Basileus</i>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span>
was only the Greek for <i>rex</i>, and need not mean 'Emperor'
at all. Nicephorus would not call Otto I anything
but 'King of the Lombards<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>
,' Conrad III was addressed
by Calo-Johannes as <span lang="la">'amice imperii mei Rex<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a>
;'</span> Isaac
Angelus had the impudence to style Frederick I 'chief
prince of Alemannia<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>.' The great Emperor, half-resentful,
half-contemptuous, told the envoys that he was
<span lang="la">'Romanorum imperator,'</span> and bade their master call himself
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span>
<span lang="la">'Romaniorum'</span> from his Thracian province. Though
these ebullitions were the most conclusive proof of their
weakness, the Byzantine rulers sometimes planned the
recovery of their former capital, and seemed not unlikely
to succeed under the leadership of the conquering Manuel
Comnenus. He invited Alexander III, then in the heat
of his strife with Frederick, to return to the embrace of
his rightful sovereign, but the prudent pontiff and his
synod courteously declined<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>. The Greeks were, however,
too unstable and too much alienated from Latin
feeling to have held Rome, could they even have seduced
her allegiance. A few years later they were themselves
the victims of the French and Venetian crusaders.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Dignities
and titles.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The four
crowns.</p>

<p>Though Otto the Great and his successors had dropped
all titles save their highest (the tedious lists of imperial
dignities were happily not yet in being), they did not
therefore endeavour to unite their several kingdoms, but
continued to go through four distinct coronations at the
four capitals of their Empire<a name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>. These are concisely given
in the verses of Godfrey of Viterbo, a notary of Frederick's
household<a name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a>
:&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">

<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Primus Aquisgrani locus est, post hæc Arelati,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Inde Modoetiæ regali sede locari</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Post solet Italiæ summa corona dari:</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Cæsar Romano cum vult diademate fungi</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Debet apostolicis manibus reverenter inungi.'</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>By the crowning at Aachen, the old Frankish capital, the
monarch became 'king;' formerly 'king of the Franks,'
or, 'king of the Eastern Franks;' now, since Henry II's
time, 'king of the Romans, always Augustus.' At Monza,
(or, more rarely, at Milan) in later times, at Pavia in earlier
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>
times, he became king of Italy, or of the Lombards<a name="FNanchor_224" id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>;
at
Rome he received the double crown of the Roman Empire,
'double,' says Godfrey, as <span lang="la">'urbis et orbis:'</span>&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">

<p><span lang="la">'Hoc quicunque tenet, summus in orbe sedet;'</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>though others hold that, uniting the mitre to the crown,
it typifies spiritual as well as secular authority. The crown
of Burgundy<a name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>
 or the kingdom of Arles, first gained by
Conrad II, was a much less splendid matter, and carried
with it little effective power. Most Emperors never
assumed it at all, Frederick I not till late in life, when an
interval of leisure left him nothing better to do. These
four crowns<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>
 furnish matter of endless discussion to the
old writers; they tell us that the Roman was golden, the
German silver, the Italian iron, the metal corresponding
to the dignity of each realm<a name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>. Others say that that of
Aachen is iron, and the Italian silver, and give elaborate
reasons why it should be so<a name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>. There seems to be no
doubt that the allegory created the fact, and that all
three crowns were of gold, though in that of Italy there
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span>
was and is inserted a piece of iron, a nail, it was believed,
of the true Cross.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Meaning
of the four
coronations.</p>

<p>Why, it may well be asked, seeing that the Roman
crown made the Emperor ruler of the whole habitable
globe, was it thought necessary for him to add to it minor
dignities which might be supposed to have been already
included in it? The reason seems to be that the imperial
office was conceived of as something different in kind from
the regal, and as carrying with it not the immediate government
of any particular kingdom, but a general
suzerainty over and right of controlling all. Of this a
pertinent illustration is afforded by an anecdote told of
Frederick Barbarossa. Happening once to inquire of the
famous jurists who surrounded him whether it was really
true that he was 'lord of the world,' one of them simply
assented, another, Bulgarus, answered, 'Not as respects
ownership.' In this dictum, which is evidently conformable
to the philosophical theory of the Empire, we have a
pointed distinction drawn between feudal sovereignty,
which supposes the prince original owner of the soil of
his whole kingdom, and imperial sovereignty, which is
irrespective of place, and exercised not over things but
over men, as God's rational creatures. But the Emperor,
as has been said already, was also the East Frankish king,
uniting in himself, to use the legal phrase, two wholly distinct
'persons,' and hence he might acquire more direct
and practically useful rights over a portion of his dominions
by being crowned king of that portion, just as a
feudal monarch was often duke or count of lordships
whereof he was already feudal superior; or, to take a
better illustration, just as a bishop may hold livings in his
own diocese. That the Emperors, while continuing to be
crowned at Milan and Aachen, did not call themselves
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span>
kings of the Lombards and of the Franks, was probably
merely because these titles seemed insignificant compared
to that of Roman Emperor.</p>

<p class="sidenote">'Emperor'
not assumed
till the
Roman
coronation.</p>

<p>In this supreme title, as has been said, all lesser honours
were blent and lost, but custom or prejudice forbade the
German king to assume it till actually crowned at Rome
by the Pope<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>. Matters of phrase and title are never unimportant,
least of all in an age ignorant and superstitiously
antiquarian: and this restriction had the most
important consequences. The first barbarian kings had
been tribe-chiefs; and when they claimed a dominion
which was universal, yet in a sense territorial, they could
not separate their title from the spot which it was their
boast to possess, and by virtue of whose name they ruled.
'Rome,' says the biographer of St. Adalbert, 'seeing that
she both is and is called the head of the world and the
mistress of cities, is alone able to give to kings imperial
power, and since she cherishes in her bosom the body of
the Prince of the Apostles, she ought of right to appoint
the Prince of the whole earth<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a>.' The crown was therefore
too sacred to be conferred by any one but the supreme
Pontiff, or in any city less august than the ancient capital.
<span class="sidenote">Origin and
results of
this practice.</span>
Had it become hereditary in any family, Lothar I's, for
instance, or Otto's, this feeling might have worn off;
as it was, each successive transfer, to Guido, to Otto,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span>
to Henry II, to Conrad the Salic, strengthened it. The
force of custom, tradition, precedent, is incalculable when
checked neither by written rules nor free discussion.
What sheer assertion will do is shewn by the success of
a forgery so gross as the Isidorian decretals. No arguments
are needed to discredit the alleged decree of Pope
Benedict VIII<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a>,
which prohibited the German prince
from taking the name or office of Emperor till approved
and consecrated by the pontiff, but a doctrine so favourable
to papal pretensions was sure not to want advocacy;
Hadrian IV proclaims it in the broadest terms, and
through the efforts of the clergy and the spell of reverence
in the Teutonic princes, it passed into an unquestioned
belief. That none ventured to use the title till the
Pope conferred it, made it seem in some manner to
depend on his will, enabled him to exact conditions from
every candidate, and gave a colour to his pretended
suzerainty. Since by feudal theory every honour and
estate is held from some superior, and since the divine
commission has been without doubt issued directly to
the Pope, must not the whole earth be his fief, and he
the lord paramount, to whom even the Emperor is a
vassal? This argument, which derived considerable
plausibility from the rivalry between the Emperor and
other monarchs, as compared with the universal and
undisputed<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>
 authority of the Pope, was a favourite with
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span>
the high sacerdotal party: first distinctly advanced by
Hadrian IV, when he set up the picture<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a>
 representing
Lothar's homage, which had so irritated the followers
of Barbarossa, though it had already been hinted at in
Gregory VII's gift of the crown to Rudolf of Suabia,
with the line,&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">

<p><span lang="la">'Petra dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rudolfo.'</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>Nor was it only by putting him at the pontiff's mercy that
this dependence of the imperial name on a coronation
in the city injured the German sovereign<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>. With strange
inconsistency it was not pretended that the Emperor's
rights were any narrower before he received the rite: he
could summon synods, confirm papal elections, exercise
jurisdiction over the citizens: his claim of the crown
itself could not, at least till the times of the Gregorys and
the Innocents, be positively denied. For no one thought
of contesting the right of the German nation to the
Empire, or the authority of the electoral princes, strangers
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>
though they were, to give Rome and Italy a master.
The republican followers of Arnold of Brescia might
murmur, but they could not dispute the truth of the
proud lines in which the poet who sang the glories of
Barbarossa<a name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>,
describes the result of the conquest of
Charles the Great:&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">

<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Ex quo Romanum nostra virtute redemptum</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Hostibus expulsis, ad nos iustissimus ordo</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Transtulit imperium, Romani gloria regni</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Nos penes est. Quemcunque sibi Germania regem</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Præficit, hunc dives summisso vertice Roma</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Suscipit, et verso Tiberim regit ordine Rhenus.'</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>But the real strength of the Teutonic kingdom was
wasted in the pursuit of a glittering toy: once in his
reign each Emperor undertook a long and dangerous
expedition, and dissipated in an inglorious and ever to
be repeated strife the forces that might have achieved
conquest elsewhere, or made him feared and obeyed at
home.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The title
'Holy
Empire.'</p>

<p>At this epoch appears another title, of which more
must be said. To the accustomed 'Roman Empire'
Frederick Barbarossa adds the epithet of 'Holy.' Of
its earlier origin, under Conrad II (the Salic), which
some have supposed<a name="FNanchor_236" id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a>,
there is no documentary trace,
though there is also no proof to the contrary<a name="FNanchor_237" id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>. So far
as is known it occurs first in the famous Privilege of
Austria, granted by Frederick in the fourth year of his
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span>
reign, the second of his empire, <span lang="la">'terram Austriæ quæ
clypeus et cor sacri imperii esse dinoscitur<a name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a>
:'</span> then afterwards,
in other manifestos of his reign; for example,
in a letter to Isaac Angelus of Byzantium<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>,
and in the
summons to the princes to help him against Milan:
<span lang="la">'Quia ... urbis et orbis gubernacula tenemus ...
sacro imperio et divæ reipublicæ consulere debemus<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>
;'</span>
where the second phrase is a synonym explanatory of
the first. Used occasionally by Henry VI and Frederick
II, it is more frequent under their successors, William,
Richard, Rudolf, till after Charles IV's time it becomes
habitual, for the last few centuries indispensable. Regarding
the origin of so singular a title many theories
have been advanced. Some declared it a perpetuation
of the court style of Rome and Byzantium, which attached
sanctity to the person of the monarch: thus David Blondel,
contending for the honour of France, calls it a mere
epithet of the Emperor, applied by confusion to his
government<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>. Others saw in it a religious meaning,
referring to Daniel's prophecy, or to the fact that the
Empire was contemporary with Christianity, or to Christ's
birth under it<a name="FNanchor_242" id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>. Strong churchmen derived it from the
dependence of the imperial crown on the Pope. There
were not wanting persons to maintain that it meant
nothing more than great or splendid. We need not,
however, be in any great doubt as to its true meaning
and purport. The ascription of sacredness to the person,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span>
the palace, the letters, and so forth, of the sovereign, so
common in the later ages of Rome, had been partly retained
in the German court. Liudprand calls Otto
<span lang="la">'imperator sanctissimus<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a>.'</span> Still this sanctity, which the
Greeks above all others lavished on their princes, is
something personal, is nothing more than the divinity
that always hedges a king. Far more intimate and peculiar
was the relation of the revived Roman Empire to the
church and religion. As has been said already, it was
neither more nor less than the visible Church, seen on its
secular side, the Christian society organized as a state
under a form divinely appointed, and therefore the name
'Holy Roman Empire' was the needful and rightful
counterpart to that of 'Holy Catholic Church.' Such
had long been the belief, and so the title might have had
its origin as far back as the tenth or ninth century, might
even have emanated from Charles himself. Alcuin in
one of his letters uses the phrase <span lang="la">'imperium Christianum.'</span>
But there was a further reason for its introduction at this
particular epoch. Ever since Hildebrand had claimed
for the priesthood exclusive sanctity and supreme jurisdiction,
the papal party had not ceased to speak of the
civil power as being, compared with that of their own
chief, merely secular, earthly, profane. It may be conjectured
that to meet this reproach, no less injurious than
insulting, Frederick or his advisers began to use in public
documents the expression 'Holy Empire;' thereby wishing
to assert the divine institution and religious duties
of the office he held. Previous Emperors had called
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span>
themselves <span lang="la">'Catholici,'</span> <span lang="la">'Christiani,'</span> <span lang="la">'ecclesiæ defensores<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>
;'</span>
now their State itself is consecrated an earthly
theocracy. <span lang="la">'Deus Romanum imperium adversus schisma
ecclesiæ præparavit<a name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>
,'</span> writes Frederick to the English
Henry II. The theory was one which the best and
greatest Emperors, Charles, Otto the Great, Henry III,
had most striven to carry out; it continued to be zealously
upheld when it had long ceased to be practicable.
In the proclamations of mediæval kings there is a constant
dwelling on their Divine commission. Power in an
age of violence sought to justify while it enforced its
commands, to make brute force less brutal by appeals
to a higher sanction. This is seen nowhere more than
in the style of the German sovereigns: they delight in
the phrases <span lang="la">'maiestas sacrosancta<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a>
,'</span> <span lang="la">'imperator divina
ordinante providentia,'</span> <span lang="la">'divina pietate,'</span> <span lang="la">'per misericordiam
Dei;'</span> many of which were preserved till, like those
used now by other European kings, like our own 'Defender
of the Faith,' they had become at last more
grotesque than solemn. The Emperor Joseph II, at the
end of the eighteenth century, was 'Advocate of the
Christian Church,' 'Vicar of Christ,' 'Imperial head of
the faithful,' 'Leader of the Christian army,' 'Protector
of Palestine, of general councils, of the Catholic faith<a name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a>.'</p>

<p>The title, if it added little to the power, yet certainly
seems to have increased the dignity of the Empire, and by
consequence the jealousy of other states, of France especially.
This did not, however, go so far as to prevent its
recognition by the Pope and the French king<a name="FNanchor_248" id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a>,
and after
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span>
the sixteenth century it would have been a breach of
diplomatic courtesy to omit it. Nor have imitators been
wanting<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a>:
witness such titles as 'Most Christian king,'
'Catholic king,' 'Defender of the Faith<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a>.'
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XIII.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">FALL OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN.</span></h2>

<p>In the three preceding chapters the Holy Empire has
been described in what is not only the most brilliant but
the most momentous period of its history; the period of
its rivalry with the Popedom for the chief place in Christendom.
For it was mainly through their relations with
the spiritual power, by their friendship and protection at
first, no less than by their subsequent hostility, that the
Teutonic Emperors influenced the development of European
politics. The reform of the Roman Church which
went on during the reigns of Otto I and his successors
down to Henry III, and which was chiefly due to the
efforts of those monarchs, was the true beginning of the
grand period of the Middle Ages, the first of that long
series of movements, changes, and creations in the ecclesiastical
system of Europe which was, so to speak, the
master current of history, secular as well as religious,
during the centuries which followed. The first result of
Henry III's purification of the Papacy was seen in Hildebrand's
attempt to subject all jurisdiction to that of his
own chair, and in the long struggle of the Investitures,
which brought out into clear light the opposing pretensions
of the temporal and spiritual powers. Although
destined in the end to bear far other fruit, the immediate
effect of this struggle was to evoke in all classes an
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>
intense religious feeling; and, in opening up new fields
of ambition to the hierarchy, to stimulate wonderfully
their power of political organization. It was this impulse
that gave birth to the Crusades, and that enabled
the Popes, stepping forth as the rightful leaders of a
religious war, to bend it to serve their own ends: it was
thus too that they struck the alliance&mdash;strange as such an
alliance seems now&mdash;with the rebellious cities of Lombardy,
and proclaimed themselves the protectors of
municipal freedom. But the third and crowning triumph
of the Holy See was reserved for the thirteenth century.
In the foundation of the two great orders of ecclesiastical
knighthood, the all-powerful all-pervading Dominicans
and Franciscans, the religious fervour of the Middle Ages
culminated: in the overthrow of the only power which
could pretend to vie with her in antiquity, in sanctity, in
universality, the Papacy saw herself exalted to rule alone
over the kings of the earth. Of that overthrow, following
with terrible suddenness on the days of strength and
glory which we have just been witnessing, this chapter
has now to speak.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Henry VI,
1190-1197.</p>

<p>It happened strangely enough that just while their
ruin was preparing, the house of Swabia gained over
their ecclesiastical foes what seemed likely to prove an
advantage of the first moment. The son and successor
of Barbarossa was Henry VI, a man who had inherited
all his father's harshness with none of his father's generosity.
By his marriage with Constance, the heiress of
the Norman kings, he had become master of Naples and
Sicily. Emboldened by the possession of what had been
hitherto the stronghold of his predecessors' bitterest
enemies, and able to threaten the Pope from south as
well as north, Henry conceived a scheme which might
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>
have wonderfully changed the history of Germany and
Italy. He proposed to the Teutonic magnates to
lighten their burdens by uniting these newly-acquired
countries to the Empire, to turn their feudal lands into
allodial, and to make no further demands for money on
the clergy, on condition that they should pronounce the
crown hereditary in his family. Results of the highest importance
would have followed this change, which Henry
advocated by setting forth the perils of interregna, and
which he doubtless meant to be but part of an entirely
new system of polity. Already so strong in Germany,
and with an absolute command of their new kingdom,
the Hohenstaufen might have dispensed with the renounced
feudal services, and built up a firm centralized
system, like that which was already beginning to develope
itself in France. First, however, the Saxon princes, then
some ecclesiastics headed by Conrad of Mentz, opposed
the scheme; the pontiff retracted his consent, and Henry
had to content himself with getting his infant son
Frederick the Second chosen king of the Romans. On
Henry's untimely death the election was set aside, and
the contest which followed between Otto of Brunswick
and Philip of Hohenstaufen,
<span class="sidenote">Philip,
1198-1208.</span>
<span class="sidenote">Innocent
III and
Otto IV.</span>
brother of Henry the Sixth,
gave the Popedom, now guided by the genius of Innocent
the Third, an opportunity of extending its sway at the
expense of its antagonist. The Pope moved heaven and
earth on behalf of Otto, whose family had been the constant
rivals of the Hohenstaufen, and who was himself
willing to promise all that Innocent required; but Philip's
personal merits and the vast possessions of his house
gave him while he lived the ascendancy in Germany.
His death by the hand of an assassin, while it seemed to
vindicate the Pope's choice, left the Swabian party without
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Otto IV,
1208 (1198)-1212.</span>
a head, and the Papal nominee was soon recognized
over the whole Empire. But Otto IV became less submissive
as he felt his throne more secure. If he was a
Guelf by birth, his acts in Italy, whither he had gone
to receive the imperial crown, were those of a Ghibeline,
anxious to reclaim the rights he had but just forsworn.
The Roman Church at last deposed and excommunicated
her ungrateful son, and Innocent rejoiced in a second
successful assertion of pontifical supremacy, when Otto
was dethroned by the youthful Frederick the Second,
whom a tragic irony sent into the field of politics as the
champion of the Holy See, whose hatred was to embitter
his life and extinguish his house.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Frederick
the Second,
1212-1250.</p>

<p>Upon the events of that terrific strife, for which
Emperor and Pope girded themselves up for the last
time, the narrative of Frederick the Second's career, with
its romantic adventures, its sad picture of marvellous
powers lost on an age not ripe for them, blasted as by a
curse in the moment of victory, it is not necessary, were
it even possible, here to enlarge. That conflict did
indeed determine the fortunes of the German kingdom
no less than of the republics of Italy, but it was upon
Italian ground that it was fought out and it is to Italian
history that its details belong. So too of Frederick himself.
Out of the long array of the Germanic successors
of Charles, he is, with Otto III, the only one who comes
before us with a genius and a frame of character that are
not those of a Northern or a Teuton<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>. There dwelt in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>
him, it is true, all the energy and knightly valour of his
father Henry and his grandfather Barbarossa. But along
with these, and changing their direction, were other gifts,
inherited perhaps from his Italian mother and fostered
by his education among the orange-groves of Palermo&mdash;a
love of luxury and beauty, an intellect refined, subtle,
philosophical. Through the mist of calumny and fable
it is but dimly that the truth of the man can be discerned,
and the outlines that appear serve to quicken rather than
appease the curiosity with which we regard one of the
most extraordinary personages in history. A sensualist,
yet also a warrior and a politician; a profound lawgiver
and an impassioned poet; in his youth fired by crusading
fervour, in later life persecuting heretics while himself
accused of blasphemy and unbelief; of winning manners
and ardently beloved by his followers, but with the stain
of more than one cruel deed upon his name, he was the
marvel of his own generation, and succeeding ages
looked back with awe, not unmingled with pity, upon the
inscrutable figure of the last Emperor who had braved
all the terrors of the Church and died beneath her ban,
the last who had ruled from the sands of the ocean to the
shores of the Sicilian sea. But while they pitied they condemned.
The undying hatred of the Papacy threw
round his memory a lurid light; him and him alone of all
the imperial line, Dante, the worshipper of the Empire,
must perforce deliver to the flames of hell<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Struggle of
Frederick
with the
Papacy.</p>

<p>Placed as the Empire was, it was scarcely possible
for its head not to be involved in war with the constantly
aggressive Popedom&mdash;aggressive in her claims of territorial
dominion in Italy as well as of ecclesiastical jurisdiction
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>
throughout the world. But it was Frederick's
peculiar misfortune to have given the Popes a hold over
him which they well knew how to use. In a moment
of youthful enthusiasm he had taken the cross from the
hands of an eloquent monk, and his delay to fulfil the
vow was branded as impious neglect. Excommunicated
by Gregory IX for not going to Palestine, he went, and
was excommunicated for going: having concluded an
advantageous peace, he sailed for Italy, and was a third
time excommunicated for returning. To Pope Gregory he
was at last after a fashion reconciled, but with the accession
of Innocent IV the flame burst out afresh. Upon
the special pretexts which kindled the strife it is not worth
while to descant: the real causes were always the same,
and could only be removed by the submission of one or
other combatant. Chief among them was Frederick's
possession of Sicily. Now were seen the fruits which
Barbarossa had stored up for his house when he gained
for Henry his son the hand of the Norman heiress.
Naples and Sicily had been for some two hundred years
recognized as a fief of the Holy See, and the Pope, who
felt himself in danger while encircled by the powers of
his rival, was determined to use his advantage to the full
and make it the means of extinguishing imperial authority
throughout Italy. But although the struggle was far more
of a territorial and political one than that of the previous
century had been, it reopened every former source of
strife, and passed into a contest between the civil and the
spiritual potentate. The old war-cries of Henry and
Hildebrand, of Barbarossa and Alexander, roused again
the unquenchable hatred of Italian factions: the pontiff
asserted the transference of the Empire as a fief, and
declared that the power of Peter, symbolized by the two
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>
keys, was temporal as well as spiritual: the Emperor
appealed to law, to the indelible rights of Cæsar; and
denounced his foe as the antichrist of the New Testament,
since it was God's second vicar whom he was
resisting. The one scoffed at anathema, upbraided the
avarice of the Church, and treated her soldiery, the friars,
with a severity not seldom ferocious. The other solemnly
deposed a rebellious and heretical prince, offered the
imperial crown to Robert of France, to the heir of Denmark,
to Haco the Norse king; succeeded at last in
raising up rivals in Henry of Thuringia and William of
Holland. Yet throughout it is less the Teutonic Emperor
who is attacked than the Sicilian king, the unbeliever and
friend of Mohammedans, the hereditary enemy of the
Church, the assailant of Lombard independence, whose
success must leave the Papacy defenceless. And as it
was from the Sicilian kingdom that the strife chiefly arose,
so was the possession of the Sicilian kingdom a source
rather of weakness than of strength, for it distracted
Frederick's forces and put him in the false position of
a liegeman resisting his lawful suzerain. Truly, as the
Greek proverb says, the gifts of foes are no gifts, and
bring no profit with them. The Norman kings were
more terrible in their death than in their life: they had
sometimes baffled the Teutonic Emperor; their heritage
destroyed him.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Conrad IV,
1250-1254.</p>

<p>With Frederick fell the Empire. From the ruin that
overwhelmed the greatest of its houses it emerged, living
indeed, and destined to a long life, but so shattered,
crippled, and degraded, that it could never more be to
Europe and to Germany what it once had been. In the
last act of the tragedy were joined the enemy who had
now blighted its strength and the rival who was destined
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>
to insult its weakness and at last blot out its name. The
murder of Frederick's grandson Conradin&mdash;a hero whose
youth and whose chivalry might have moved the pity
of any other foe&mdash;was approved, if not suggested, by Pope
Clement; it was done by the minions of Charles of
France.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Italy lost to
the Empire.</p>

<p>The Lombard league had successfully resisted Frederick's
armies and the more dangerous Ghibeline nobles: their
strong walls and swarming population made defeats in
the open field hardly felt; and now that South Italy too
had passed away from a German line&mdash;first to an Angevin,
afterwards to an Aragonese dynasty&mdash;it was plain that
the peninsula was irretrievably lost to the Emperors.
Why, however, should they not still be strong beyond
the Alps? was their position worse than that of
England when Normandy and Aquitaine no longer
obeyed a Plantagenet? The force that had enabled them
to rule so widely would be all the greater in a narrower
sphere.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Decline of
imperial
power in
Germany.</p>

<p>So indeed it might once have been, but now it was
too late. The German kingdom broke down beneath
the weight of the Roman Empire. To be universal
sovereign Germany had sacrificed her own political existence.
The necessity which their projects in Italy and
disputes with the Pope laid the Emperors under of
purchasing by concessions the support of their own
princes, the ease with which in their absence the magnates
could usurp, the difficulty which the monarch
returning found in resuming the privileges of his crown,
the temptation to revolt and set up pretenders to the
throne which the Holy See held out, these were the
causes whose steady action laid the foundation of that
territorial independence which rose into a stable fabric
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">The Great
Interregnum</span>
at the era of the Great Interregnum<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>. Frederick II had
by two Pragmatic Sanctions, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1220 and 1232, granted,
or rather confirmed, rights already customary, such as
to give the bishops and nobles legal sovereignty in their
own towns and territories, except when the Emperor
should be present; and thus his direct jurisdiction became
restricted to his narrowed domain, and to the cities immediately
dependent on the crown. With so much less
to do, an Emperor became altogether a less necessary
personage; and hence the seven magnates of the realm,
now by law or custom sole electors, were in no haste
to fill up the place of Conrad IV, whom the supporters
of his father Frederick had acknowledged. William of
Holland was in the field, but rejected by the Swabian
party: on his death a new election was called for, and
at last set on foot.
<span class="sidenote">Double
election, of
Richard of
England
and Alfonso
of Castile.</span>
The archbishop of Cologne advised
his brethren to choose some one rich enough to support
the dignity, not strong enough to be feared by the
electors: both requisites met in the Plantagenet Richard,
earl of Cornwall, brother of the English Henry III.
He received three, eventually four votes, came to Germany,
and was crowned at Aachen. But three of the
electors, finding that his bribe to them was lower than
to the others, seceded in disgust, and chose Alfonso X
of Castile<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a>,
who, shrewder than his competitor, continued
to watch the stars at Toledo, enjoying the splendours
of his title while troubling himself about it no further
than to issue now and then a proclamation. Meantime
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">State of
Germany
during the
Interregnum.</span>
the condition of Germany was frightful. The new Didius
Julianus, the chosen of princes baser than the prætorians
whom they copied, had neither the character nor the
outward power and resources to make himself respected.
Every floodgate of anarchy was opened: prelates and
barons extended their domains by war: robber-knights
infested the highways and the rivers: the misery of the
weak, the tyranny and violence of the strong, were such
as had not been seen for centuries. Things were even
worse than under the Saxon and Franconian Emperors;
for the petty nobles who had then been in some measure
controlled by their dukes were now, after the extinction
of the great houses, left without any feudal superior.
Only in the cities was shelter or peace to be found.
Those of the Rhine had already leagued themselves for
mutual defence, and maintained a struggle in the interests
of commerce and order against universal brigandage.
At last, when Richard had been some time dead, it was
felt that such things could not go on for ever: with no
public law, and no courts of justice, an Emperor, the
embodiment of legal government, was the only resource.
The Pope himself, having now sufficiently improved the
weakness of his enemy, found the disorganization of
Germany beginning to tell upon his revenues, and threatened
that if the electors did not appoint an Emperor,
he would. Thus urged, they chose, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1272, Rudolf,
count of Hapsburg,
<span class="sidenote">Rudolf of
Hapsburg,
1272-1292.</span>
founder of the house of
Austria<a name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Change in
the position
of the Empire.</p>

<p>From this point there begins a new era. We have
seen the Roman Empire revived in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800, by a prince
whose vast dominions gave ground to his claim of
universal monarchy; again erected, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 962, on the
narrower but firmer basis of the German kingdom. We
have seen Otto the Great and his successors during the
three following centuries, a line of monarchs of unrivalled
vigour and abilities, strain every nerve to make good the
pretensions of their office against the rebels in Italy and
the ecclesiastical power. Those efforts had now failed
signally and hopelessly. Each successive Emperor had
entered the strife with resources scantier than his predecessors,
each had been more decisively vanquished by
the Pope, the cities, and the princes. The Roman
Empire might, and, so far as its practical utility was concerned,
ought now to have been suffered to expire; nor
could it have ended more gloriously than with the last
of the Hohenstaufen. That it did not so expire, but
lived on six hundred years more, till it became a piece
of antiquarianism hardly more venerable than ridiculous&mdash;till,
as Voltaire said, all that could be said about it was
that it was neither holy, nor Roman, nor an empire&mdash;was
owing partly indeed to the belief, still unshaken, that
it was a necessary part of the world's order, yet chiefly
to its connection, which was by this time indissoluble,
with the German kingdom. The Germans had confounded
the two characters of their sovereign so long,
and had grown so fond of the style and pretensions of
a dignity whose possession appeared to exalt them above
the other peoples of Europe, that it was now too late
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span>
for them to separate the local from the universal monarch.
If a German king was to be maintained at all, he must
be Roman Emperor; and a German king there must
still be. Deeply, nay, mortally wounded as the event
proved his power to have been by the disasters of the
Empire to which it had been linked, the time was by
no means come for its extinction. In the unsettled state
of society, and the conflict of innumerable petty potentates,
no force save feudalism was able to hold society
together; and its efficacy for that purpose depended, as
the anarchy of the recent interregnum shewed, upon the
presence of the recognized feudal head.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Decline of
the regal
power in
Germany as
compared
with France
and England.</p>

<p>That head, however, was no longer what he had been.
The relative position of Germany and France was now
exactly the reverse of that which they had occupied two
centuries earlier. Rudolf was as conspicuously a weaker
sovereign than Philip III of France, as the Franconian
Emperor Henry III had been stronger than the Capetian
Philip I. In every other state of Europe the tendency
of events had been to centralize the administration and
increase the power of the monarch, even in England not
to diminish it: in Germany alone had political union
become weaker, and the independence of the princes
more confirmed. The causes of this change are not far
to seek. They all resolve themselves into this one, that
the German king attempted too much at once. The
rulers of France, where manners were less rude than
in the other Transalpine lands, and where the Third
Estate rose into power more quickly, had reduced one
by one the great feudataries by whom the first Capetians
had been scarcely recognized. The English kings had
annexed Wales, Cumbria, and part of Ireland, had
obtained a prerogative great if not uncontrolled, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>
exercised no doubtful sway through every corner of their
country. Both had won their successes by the concentration
on that single object of their whole personal
activity, and by the skilful use of every device whereby
their feudal rights, personal, judicial, and legislative, could
be applied to fetter the vassal. Meantime the German
monarch, whose utmost efforts it would have needed to
tame his fierce barons and maintain order through wide
territories occupied by races unlike in dialect and customs,
had been struggling with the Lombard cities and the
Normans of South Italy, and had been for full two
centuries the object of the unrelenting enmity of the
Roman pontiff. And in this latter contest, by which
more than by any other the fate of the Empire was
decided, he fought under disadvantages far greater than
his brethren in England and France. William the
Conqueror had defied Hildebrand, William Rufus had
resisted Anselm; but the Emperors Henry the Fourth
and Barbarossa had to cope with prelates who were
Hildebrand and Anselm in one; the spiritual heads of
Christendom as well as the primates of their special realm,
the Empire. And thus, while the ecclesiastics of Germany
were a body more formidable from their possessions
than those of any other European country, and enjoying
far larger privileges, the Emperor could not, or could
with far less effect, win them over by invoking against
the Pope that national feeling which made the cry of
Gallican liberties so welcome even to the clergy of
France.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Relations of
the Papacy
and the
Empire.</p>

<p>After repeated defeats, each more crushing than the
last, the imperial power, so far from being able to look
down on the papal, could not even maintain itself on an
equal footing. Against no pontiff since Gregory VII
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>
had the monarch's right to name or confirm a pope,
undisputed in the days of the Ottos and of Henry III,
been made good. It was the turn of the Emperor to
repel a similar claim of the Holy See to the function of
reviewing his own election, examining into his merits,
and rejecting him if unsound, that is to say, impatient
of priestly tyranny. A letter of Innocent III, who was
the first to make this demand in terms, was inserted by
Gregory IX in his digest of the Canon Law, the inexhaustible
armoury of the churchman, and continued to
be quoted thence by every canonist till the end of the
sixteenth century<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a>. It was not difficult to find grounds
on which to base such a doctrine. Gregory VII deduced
it with characteristic boldness from the power of the
keys, and the superiority over all other dignities which
must needs appertain to the Pope as arbiter of eternal
weal or woe. Others took their stand on the analogy
of clerical ordination, and urged that since the Pope in
consecrating the Emperor gave him a title to the obedience
of all Christian men, he must have himself the right of
approving or rejecting the candidate according to his
merits. Others again, appealing to the Old Testament,
shewed how Samuel discarded Saul and anointed David
in his room, and argued that the Pope now must have
powers at least equal to those of the Hebrew prophets. But
the ascendancy of the doctrine dates from the time of
Pope Innocent III, whose ingenuity discovered for it an
historical basis. It was by the favour of the Pope, he declared,
that the Empire was taken away from the Greeks
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>
and given to the Germans in the person of Charles<a name="FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>
,
and the authority which Leo then exercised as God's
representative must abide thenceforth and for ever in his
successors, who can therefore at any time recall the gift,
and bestow it on a person or a nation more worthy than
its present holders. This is the famous theory of the
Translation of the Empire, which plays so large a part
in controversy down till the seventeenth century<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>,
a theory
with plausibility enough to make it generally successful,
yet one which to an impartial eye appears far removed
from the truth of the facts<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>. Leo III did not suppose,
any more than did Charles himself, that it was by his sole
pontifical authority that the crown was given to the
Frank; nor do we find such a notion put forward by any
of his successors down to the twelfth century. Gregory
VII in particular, in a remarkable letter dilating on his
prerogative, appeals to the substitution by papal interference
of Pipin for the last Merovingian king, and even
goes back to cite the case of Theodosius humbling himself
before St. Ambrose, but says never a word about this
<span lang="la">'translatio,'</span> excellently as it would have served his
purpose.</p>

<p>Sound or unsound, however, these arguments did their
work, for they were urged skilfully and boldly, and none
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>
denied that it was by the Pope alone that the crown could
be lawfully imposed<a name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>. In some instances the rights
claimed were actually made good. Thus Innocent III
withstood Philip and overthrew Otto IV; thus another
haughty priest commanded the electors to choose the
Landgrave of Thuringia (<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1246), and was by some
of them obeyed; thus Gregory X compelled the recognition
of Rudolf. The further pretensions of the Popes
to the vicariate of the Empire during interregna the
Germans never admitted<a name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>. Still their place was now
generally felt to be higher than that of the monarch, and
their control over the three spiritual electors and the
whole body of the clergy was far more effective than his.
A spark of national feeling was at length kindled by the
exactions and shameless subservience to France of the
papal court at Avignon<a name="FNanchor_262" id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a>;
and the infant democracy of
industry and intelligence represented by the cities and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span>
by the English Franciscan Occam, supported Lewis IV
in his conflict with John XXII, till even the princes who
had risen by the help of the Pope were obliged to oppose
him. The same sentiment dictated the reforms of Constance,
but the imperial power which might have floated
onwards and higher on the turning tide of popular opinion
lacked men equal to the occasion: the Hapsburg
Frederick the Third, timid and superstitious, abased himself
before the Romish court, and his house has generally
adhered to the alliance then struck.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XIV.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE GERMANIC CONSTITUTION: THE SEVEN
ELECTORS.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">Territorial
Sovereignty
of the
Princes.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Adolf,
1292-1298.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Albert I,
1298-1308.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Henry VII,
1308-1314.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Lewis IV,
1314-1347.</p>

<p>The reign of Frederick the Second was not less fatal to
the domestic power of the German king than to the
European supremacy of the Emperor. His two Pragmatic
Sanctions had conferred rights that made the
feudal aristocracy almost independent, and the long
anarchy of the Interregnum had enabled them not only
to use but to extend and fortify their power. Rudolf of
Hapsburg had striven, not wholly in vain, to coerce their
insolence, but the contest between his son Albert and
Adolf of Nassau which followed his death, the short and
troubled reign of Albert himself, the absence of Henry
the Seventh in Italy, the civil war of Lewis of Bavaria
and Frederick duke of Austria, rival claimants of the
imperial throne, the difficulties in which Lewis, the
successful competitor, found himself involved with the
Pope&mdash;all these circumstances tended more and more
to narrow the influence of the crown and complete the
emancipation of the turbulent nobles. They now became
virtually supreme in their own domains, enjoying full
jurisdiction, certain appeals excepted, the right of legislation,
privileges of coining money, of levying tolls and
taxes: some were without even a feudal bond to remind
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>
them of their allegiance. The numbers of the immediate
nobility&mdash;those who held directly of the crown&mdash;had
increased prodigiously by the extinction of the dukedoms
of Saxony, Franconia, and Swabia: along the Rhine the
lord of a single tower was usually a sovereign prince.
The petty tyrants whose boast it was that they owed fealty
only to God and the Emperor, shewed themselves in
practice equally regardless of both powers. Pre-eminent
were the three great houses of Austria, Bavaria, and
Luxemburg, this last having acquired Bohemia, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1309;
next came the electors, already considered collectively
more important than the Emperor, and forming for
themselves the first considerable principalities. Brandenburg
and the Rhenish Palatinate are strong independent
states before the end of this period: Bohemia
and the three archbishoprics almost from its beginning.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Policy
of the
Emperors.</p>

<p>The chief object of the magnates was to keep the
monarch in his present state of helplessness. Till the
expenses which the crown entailed were found ruinous
to its wearer, their practice was to confer it on some petty
prince, such as were Rudolf and Adolf of Nassau and
Gunther of Schwartzburg, seeking when they could to
keep it from settling in one family. They bound the
newly-elected to respect all their present immunities,
including those which they had just extorted as the price
of their votes; they checked all his attempts to recover
lost lands or rights: they ventured at last to depose their
anointed head, Wenzel of Bohemia. Thus fettered, the
Emperor sought only to make the most of his short
tenure, using his position to aggrandize his family and
raise money by the sale of crown estates and privileges.
His individual action and personal relation to the subject
was replaced by a merely legal and formal one: he
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span>
represented order and legitimate ownership, and so far
was still necessary to the political system. But progresses
through the country were abandoned: unlike his
predecessors, who had resigned their patrimony when
they assumed the sceptre, he lived mostly in his own
states, often without the Empire's bounds. Frederick III
never entered it for twenty-seven years.</p>

<p>How thoroughly the national character of the office
was gone is shewn by the repeated attempts to bestow it
on foreign potentates, who could not fill the place of a
German king of the good old vigorous type. Not to
speak of Richard and Alfonso, Charles of Valois was
proposed against Henry VII, Edward III of England
actually elected against Charles IV (his parliament forbade
him to accept), George Podiebrad, king of Bohemia,
against Frederick III. Sigismund was virtually a Hungarian
king. The Emperor's only hope would have been
in the support of the cities.
<span class="sidenote">Power of
the cities.</span>
During the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries they had increased wonderfully in
population, wealth, and boldness: the Hanseatic confederacy
was the mightiest power of the North, and cowed
the Scandinavian kings: the towns of Swabia and the
Rhine formed great commercial leagues, maintained
regular wars against the counter-associations of the
nobility, and seemed at one time, by an alliance with
the Swiss, on the point of turning West Germany into a
federation of free municipalities. Feudalism, however,
was still too strong; the cavalry of the nobles was
irresistible in the field, and the thoughtless Wenzel let
slip a golden opportunity of repairing the losses of two
centuries.
<span class="sidenote">Financial
distress.</span>
After all, the Empire was perhaps past
redemption, for one fatal ailment paralyzed all its efforts.
The Empire was poor. The crown lands, which had
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>
suffered heavily under Frederick II, were further usurped
during the confusion that followed; till at last, through
the reckless prodigality of sovereigns who sought only
their immediate interest, little was left of the vast and
fertile domains along the Rhine from which the Saxon
and Franconian Emperors had drawn the chief part of
their revenue. Regalian rights, the second fiscal resource,
had fared no better&mdash;tolls, customs, mines, rights of
coining, of harbouring Jews, and so forth, were either
seized or granted away: even the advowsons of churches
had been sold or mortgaged; and the imperial treasury
depended mainly on an inglorious traffic in honours and
exemptions. Things were so bad under Rudolf that the
electors refused to make his son Albert king of the
Romans, declaring that, while Rudolf lived, the public
revenue which with difficulty supported one monarch,
could much less maintain two at the same time<a name="FNanchor_263" id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>. Sigismund
told his Diet, <span lang="la">'Nihil esse imperio spoliatius, nihil
egentius, adeo ut qui sibi ex Germaniæ principibus successurus
esset, qui præter patrimonium nihil aliud
habuerit, apud eum non imperium sed potius servitium
sit futurum<a name="FNanchor_264" id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>.'</span> Patritius, the secretary of Frederick III,
declared that the revenues of the Empire scarcely covered
the expenses of its ambassadors<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>. Poverty such as
these expressions point to, a poverty which became
greater after each election, not only involved the failure
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span>
of the attempts which were sometimes made to recover
usurped rights<a name="FNanchor_266" id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>,
but put every project of reform within or
war without at the mercy of a jealous Diet. The three
orders of which that Diet consisted, electors, princes, and
cities, were mutually hostile, and by consequence selfish;
their niggardly grants did no more than keep the Empire
from dying of inanition.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Charles IV
(<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1347-1378),
and
his electoral
constitution.</p>

<p>The changes thus briefly described were in progress
when Charles the Fourth, king of Bohemia, son of that
blind king John of Bohemia who fell at Cressy, and
grandson of the Emperor Henry VII, was chosen to
ascend the throne. His skilful and consistent policy
aimed at settling what he perhaps despaired of reforming,
and the famous instrument which, under the name of the
Golden Bull, became the corner-stone of the Germanic
constitution, confessed and legalized the independence of
the electors and the powerlessness of the crown. The
most conspicuous defect of the existing system was the
uncertainty of the elections, followed as they usually were
by a civil war. It was this which Charles set himself to
redress.</p>

<p class="sidenote">German
kingdom not
originally
elective.</p>

<p>The kingdoms founded on the ruins of the Roman
Empire by the Teutonic invaders presented in their
original form a rude combination of the elective with the
hereditary principle. One family in each tribe had, as
the offspring of the gods, an indefeasible claim to rule,
but from among the members of such a family the warriors
were free to choose the bravest or the most popular
as king<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a>. That the German crown came to be purely
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>
elective, while in France, Castile, Aragon, England, and
most other European states, the principle of strict hereditary
succession established itself, was due to the failure
of heirs male in three successive dynasties; to the restless
ambition of the nobles, who, since they were not, like
the French, strong enough to disregard the royal power,
did their best to weaken it; to the intrigues of the churchmen,
zealous for a method of appointment prescribed by
their own law and observed in capitular elections; to the
wish of the Popes to gain an opening for their own
influence and make effective the veto which they claimed;
above all, to the conception of the imperial office as one
too holy to be, in the same manner as the regal, transmissible
by blood. Had the German, like other feudal
kingdoms, remained merely local, feudal, and national,
it would without doubt have ended by becoming a hereditary
monarchy. Transformed as it was by the Roman
Empire, this could not be. The headship of the human
race being, like the Papacy, the common inheritance of
all mankind, could not be confined to any family, nor
pass like a private estate by the ordinary rules of descent.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Electoral
body in
primitive
times.</p>

<p>The right to choose the war-chief belonged, in the
earliest ages, to the whole body of freemen. Their suffrage,
which must have been very irregularly exercised,
became by degrees vested in their leaders, but the assent
of the multitude, although ensured already, was needed
to complete the ceremony. It was thus that Henry the
Fowler, and St. Henry, and Conrad the Franconian duke
were chosen<a name="FNanchor_268" id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a>. Though even tradition might have commemorated
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>
what extant records place beyond a doubt,
it was commonly believed, till the end of the sixteenth
century, that the elective constitution had been established,
and the privilege of voting confined to seven persons, by
a decree of Gregory V and Otto III, which a famous
jurist describes as <span lang="la">'lex a pontifice de imperatorum comitiis
lata, ne ius eligendi penes populum Romanum in posterum
esset<a name="FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a>.'</span> St. Thomas says, 'Election ceased from
the times of Charles the Great to those of Otto III, when
Pope Gregory V established that of the seven princes,
which will last as long as the holy Roman Church, who
ranks above all other powers, shall have judged expedient
for Christ's faithful people<a name="FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>.' Since it tended to exalt
the papal power, this fiction was accepted, no doubt
honestly accepted, and spread abroad by the clergy. And
indeed, like so many other fictions, it had a sort of
foundation in fact. The death of Otto III, the fourth
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>
of a line of monarchs among whom son had regularly
succeeded to father, threw back the crown into the gift
of the nation, and was no doubt one of the chief causes
why it did not in the end become hereditary<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>.</p>

<p>Thus, under the Saxon and Franconian sovereigns, the
throne was theoretically elective, the assent of the chiefs
and their followers being required, though little more
likely to be refused than it was to an English or a French
king; practically hereditary, since both of these dynasties
succeeded in occupying it for four generations, the father
procuring the son's election during his own lifetime.
And so it might well have continued, had the right of
choice been retained by the whole body of the aristocracy.
But at the election of Lothar II, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1125, we find a
certain small number of magnates exercising the so-called
right of prætaxation; that is to say, choosing alone the
<span class="sidenote">Encroachments
of the
great nobles.</span>
future monarch, and then submitting him to the rest for
their approval. A supreme electoral college, once formed,
had both the will and the power to retain the crown in
their own gift, and still further exclude their inferiors
from participation. So before the end of the Hohenstaufen
dynasty, two great changes had passed upon
the ancient constitution. It had become a fundamental
doctrine that the Germanic throne, unlike the thrones
of other countries, was purely elective<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a>:
nor could the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>
influence and the liberal offers of Henry VI prevail on the
princes to abandon what they rightly judged the keystone
of their powers. And at the same time the right of
prætaxation had ripened into an exclusive privilege of
election, vested in a small body<a name="FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a>:
the assent of the rest
of the nobility being at first assumed, finally altogether
dispensed with. On the double choice of Richard and
Alfonso, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1264, the only question was as to the
majority of votes in the electoral college: neither then
nor afterwards was there a word of the rights of the other
princes, counts and barons, important as their voices had
been two centuries earlier.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Seven
Electors.</p>

<p>The origin of that college is a matter somewhat intricate
and obscure. It is mentioned <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1152, and in
somewhat clearer terms in 1198, as a distinct body; but
without anything to shew who composed it. First in
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1265 does a letter of Pope Urban IV say that by
immemorial custom the right of choosing the Roman
king belonged to seven persons, the seven who had just
divided their votes on Richard of Cornwall and Alfonso
of Castile. Of these seven, three, the archbishops of
Mentz, Treves, and Cologne, pastors of the richest Transalpine
sees, represented the German church: the other
four ought, according to the ancient constitution, to have
been the dukes of the four nations, Franks, Swabians,
Saxons, Bavarians, to whom had also belonged the four
great offices of the imperial household. But of these
dukedoms the two first named were now extinct, and
their place and power in the state, as well as the household
offices they had held, had descended upon two
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>
principalities of more recent origin, those, namely, of the
Palatinate of the Rhine and the Margraviate of Brandenburg.
The Saxon duke, though with greatly narrowed
dominions, retained his vote and office of arch-marshal,
and the claim of his Bavarian compeer would have been
equally indisputable had it not so happened that both he
and the Palsgrave of the Rhine were members of the
great house of Wittelsbach. That one family should hold
two votes out of seven seemed so dangerous to the state
that it was made a ground of objection to the Bavarian
duke, and gave an opening to the pretensions of the
king of Bohemia, who, though not properly a Teutonic
prince<a name="FNanchor_274" id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>,
might on the score of rank and power assert
himself the equal of any one of the electors. The dispute
between these rival claimants, as well as all the rules and
requisites of the election, were settled by Charles the
Fourth in the Golden Bull,
<span class="sidenote">Golden
Bull of
Charles IV,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1356.</span>
thenceforward a fundamental
law of the Empire. He decided in favour of Bohemia, of
which he was then king; fixed Frankfort as the place of
election; named the archbishop of Mentz convener of the
electoral college; gave to Bohemia the first, to the Count
Palatine the second place among the secular electors.
A majority of votes was in all cases to be decisive. As
to each electorate there was attached a great office, it
was supposed that this was the title by which the vote
was possessed; though it was in truth rather an effect
than a cause. The three prelates were archchancellors of
Germany, Gaul and Burgundy, and Italy respectively:
Bohemia cupbearer, the Palsgrave seneschal, Saxony
marshal, and Brandenburg chamberlain<a name="FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span></p>

<p>These arrangements, under which disputed elections
became far less frequent, remained undisturbed till <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
1618, when on the breaking out of the Thirty Years' War
the Emperor Ferdinand II by an unwarranted stretch of
prerogative deprived the Palsgrave Frederick (king of
Bohemia, and husband of Elizabeth, the daughter of
James I of England) of his electoral vote, and transferred
it to his own partisan, Maximilian of Bavaria. At the
peace of Westphalia the Palsgrave was reinstated as an
eighth elector, Bavaria retaining her place.
<span class="sidenote">Eighth
Electorate.</span>

The sacred
number having been once broken through, less scruple
was felt in making further changes. In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1692, the
Emperor Leopold I conferred a ninth electorate
<span class="sidenote">Ninth
Electorate.</span>
on the
house of Brunswick Lüneburg, which was then in possession
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>
of the duchy of Hanover, and succeeded to the
throne of Great Britain in 1714; and in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1708, the
assent of the Diet thereto was obtained. It was in this
way that English kings came to vote at the election of a
Roman Emperor.</p>

<p>It is not a little curious that the only potentate who still
continues to entitle himself Elector<a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>
 should be one who
never did (and of course never can now) join in electing
an Emperor, having been under the arrangements of the
old Empire a simple Landgrave. In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1803, Napoleon,
among other sweeping changes in the Germanic constitution,
procured the extinction of the electorates of Cologne
and Treves, annexing their territories to France, and gave
the title of Elector, as the highest after that of king, to the
duke of Würtemburg, the Margrave of Baden, the Landgrave
of Hessen-Cassel, and the archbishop of Salzburg.
Three years afterwards the Empire itself ended, and the
title became meaningless.</p>

<p>As the Germanic Empire is the most conspicuous example
of a monarchy not hereditary that the world has
ever seen, it may not be amiss to consider for a moment
what light its history throws upon the character of elective
monarchy in general, a contrivance which has always had,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>
and will probably always continue to have, seductions for
a certain class of political theorists.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Objects of
an elective
monarchy:
how far
attained in
Germany.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Choice of
the fittest.</p>

<p>First of all then it deserves to be noticed how difficult,
one might almost say impossible, it was found to maintain
in practice the elective principle. In point of law, the
imperial throne was from the tenth century to the nineteenth
absolutely open to any orthodox Christian candidate.
But as a matter of fact, the competition was
confined to a few very powerful families, and there was
always a strong tendency for the crown to become
hereditary in some one of these. Thus the Franconian
Emperors held it from <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1024 till 1125, the Hohenstaufen,
themselves the heirs of the Franconians, for a
century or more; the house of Luxemburg (kings of
Bohemia) enjoyed it through three successive reigns, and
when in the fifteenth century it fell into the tenacious
grasp of the Hapsburgs, they managed to retain it thenceforth
(with but one trifling interruption) till it vanished out
of nature altogether. Therefore the chief benefit which
the scheme of elective sovereignty seems to promise, that
of putting the fittest man in the highest place, was but
seldom attained, and attained even then rather by good
fortune than design.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Restraint
of the
sovereign.</p>

<p>No such objection can be brought against the second
ground on which an elective system has sometimes been
advocated, its operation in moderating the power of the
crown, for this was attained in the fullest and most ruinous
measure. We are reminded of the man in the fable,
who opened a sluice to water his garden, and saw his
house swept away by the furious torrent. The power of
the crown was not moderated but destroyed. Each successful
candidate was forced to purchase his title by the
sacrifice of rights which had belonged to his predecessors,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span>
and must repeat the same shameful policy later in his
reign to procure the election of his son. Feeling at the
same time that his family could not make sure of keeping
the throne, he treated it as a life-tenant is apt to treat his
estate, seeking only to make out of it the largest present
profit. And the electors, aware of the strength of their
position, presumed upon it and abused it to assert an independence
such as the nobles of other countries could
never have aspired to.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Recognition
of the popular
will.</p>

<p>Modern political speculation supposes the method of
appointing a ruler by the votes of his subjects, as opposed
to the system of hereditary succession, to be an assertion
by the people of their own will as the ultimate fountain of
authority, an acknowledgment by the prince that he is no
more than their minister and deputy. To the theory of
the Holy Empire nothing could be more repugnant. This
will best appear when the aspect of the system of election
at different epochs in its history is compared with the
corresponding changes in the composition of the electoral
body which have been described as in progress from the
ninth to the fourteenth century. In very early times, the
tribe chose a war chief, who was, even if he belonged to
the most noble family, no more than the first among his
peers, with a power circumscribed by the will of his subjects.
Several ages later, in the tenth and eleventh centuries,
the right of choice had passed into the hands of the
magnates, and the people were only asked to assent. In
the same measure had the relation of prince and subject
taken a new aspect. We must not expect to find, in such
rude times, any very clear apprehension of the technical
quality of the process, and the throne had indeed become
for a season so nearly hereditary that the election was
often a mere matter of form. But it seems to have been
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>
regarded, not as a delegation of authority by the nobles
and people, with a power of resumption implied, but
rather as their subjection of themselves to the monarch
who enjoys, as of his own right, a wide and ill-defined prerogative.
In yet later times, when, as has been shewn above,
the assembly of the chieftains and the applauding shout
of the host had been superseded by the secret conclave of
the seven electoral princes, the strict legal view of election
became fully established, and no one was supposed to
have any title to the crown except what a majority of
votes might confer upon him. Meantime, however, the
conception of the imperial office itself had been thoroughly
penetrated by religious ideas, and the fact that the sovereign
did not, like other princes, reign by hereditary right,
but by the choice of certain persons, was supposed to be
an enhancement and consecration of his dignity. The
<span class="sidenote">Conception
of the
electoral
function.</span>
electors, to draw what may seem a subtle, but is nevertheless
a very real distinction, selected, but did not create.
They only named the person who was to receive what it
was not theirs to give. God, say the mediæval writers,
not deigning to interfere visibly in the affairs of this world,
has willed that these seven princes of Germany should
discharge the function which once belonged to the senate
and people of Rome, that of choosing his earthly viceroy
in matters temporal. But it is immediately from Himself
that the authority of this viceroy comes, and men can have
no relation towards him except that of obedience. It was
in this period, therefore, when the Emperor was in practice
the mere nominee of the electors, that the belief in
this divine right stood highest, to the complete exclusion
of the mutual responsibility of feudalism, and still more of
any notion of a devolution of authority from the sovereign
people.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">General
results of
Charles
IV's policy.</p>

<p>Peace and order appeared to be promoted by the
institutions of Charles IV, which removed one fruitful
cause of civil war. But these seven electoral princes
acquired, with their extended privileges, a marked and
dangerous predominance in Germany. They were to
enjoy full regalian rights in their territories<a name="FNanchor_277" id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>;
causes were
not to be evoked from their courts, save when justice
should have been denied: their consent was necessary to
all public acts of consequence. Their persons were held
to be sacred, and the seven mystic luminaries of the Holy
Empire, typified by the seven lamps of the Apocalypse,
soon gained much of the Emperor's hold on popular
reverence, as well as that actual power which he lacked.
To Charles, who viewed the German Empire much as
Rudolf had viewed the Roman, this result came not
unforeseen. He saw in his office a means of serving
personal ends, and to them, while appearing to exalt by
elaborate ceremonies its ideal dignity, he deliberately
sacrificed what real strength was left. The object which
he sought steadily through life was the prosperity of the
Bohemian kingdom, and the advancement of his own
house. In the Golden Bull, whose seal bears the legend,&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">

<p><span lang="la">'Roma caput mundi regit orbis frena rotundi<a name="FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>,'</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>there is not a word of Rome or of Italy. To Germany
he was indirectly a benefactor, by the foundation of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span>
University of Prague, the mother of all her schools:
otherwise her bane. He legalized anarchy, and called it
a constitution. The sums expended in obtaining the
ratification of the Golden Bull, in procuring the election
of his son Wenzel, in aggrandizing Bohemia at the expense
of Germany, had been amassed by keeping a
market in which honours and exemptions, with what
lands the crown retained, were put up openly to be bid
for. In Italy the Ghibelines saw, with shame and rage,
their chief hasten to Rome with a scanty retinue, and
return from it as swiftly, at the mandate of an Avignonese
Pope, halting on his route only to traffic away the last
rights of his Empire. The Guelf might cease to hate a
power he could now despise.</p>

<p>Thus, alike at home and abroad, the German king had
become practically powerless by the loss of his feudal
privileges, and saw the authority that had once been his
parcelled out among a crowd of greedy and tyrannical
nobles. Meantime how had it fared with the rights which
he claimed by virtue of the imperial crown?
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XV.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE EMPIRE AS AN INTERNATIONAL POWER.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">Theory of
the Roman
Empire in
the fourteenth
and
fifteenth
centuries.</p>

<p>That the Roman Empire survived the seemingly
mortal wound it had received at the era of the Great
Interregnum, and continued to put forth pretensions
which no one was likely to make good where the
Hohenstaufen had failed, has been attributed to its
identification with the German kingdom, in which some
life was still left. But this was far from being the only
cause which saved it from extinction. It had not ceased
to be upheld in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries by
the same singular theory which had in the ninth and
tenth been strong enough to re-establish it in the West.
The character of that theory was indeed somewhat
changed, for if not positively less religious, it was less
exclusively so. In the days of Charles and Otto, the
Empire, in so far as it was anything more than a tradition
from times gone by, rested solely upon the belief that
with the visible Church there must be coextensive a single
Christian state under one head and governor. But now
that the Emperor's headship had been repudiated by the
Pope, and his interference in matters of religion denounced
as a repetition of the sin of Uzziah; now that
the memory of mutual injuries had kindled an unquenchable
hatred between the champions of the ecclesiastical
and those of the civil power, it was natural that the latter,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span>
while they urged, fervently as ever, the divine sanction
given to the imperial office, should at the same time be
led to seek some further basis whereon to establish its
claims. What that basis was, and how they were guided
to it, will best appear when a word or two has been said
on the nature of the change that had passed on Europe in
the course of the three preceding centuries, and the progress
of the human mind during the same period.</p>

<p>Such has been the accumulated wealth of literature,
and so rapid the advances of science among us since the
close of the Middle Ages, that it is not now possible by
any effort fully to enter into the feelings with which the
relics of antiquity were regarded by those who saw in
them their only possession. It is indeed true that modern
art and literature and philosophy have been produced by
the working of new minds upon old materials: that in
thought, as in nature, we see no new creation. But with
us the old has been transformed and overlaid by the new
till its origin is forgotten: to them ancient books were
the only standard of taste, the only vehicle of truth, the
only stimulus to reflection. Hence it was that the most
learned man was in those days esteemed the greatest:
hence the creative energy of an age was exactly proportioned
to its knowledge of and its reverence for the
written monuments of those that had gone before. For
until they can look forward, men must look back: till
they should have reached the level of the old civilization,
the nations of mediæval Europe must continue to live
upon its memories. Over them, as over us, the common
dream of all mankind had power; but to them, as to
the ancient world, that golden age which seems now to
glimmer on the horizon of the future was shrouded in
the clouds of the past. It is to the fifteenth and sixteenth
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Revival of
learning
and literature,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span>
1100-1400.</span>
centuries that we are accustomed to assign that new birth
of the human spirit&mdash;if it ought not rather to be called
a renewal of its strength and quickening of its sluggish
life&mdash;with which the modern time begins. And the date
is well chosen, for it was then first that the transcendently
powerful influence of Greek literature began to work upon
the world. But it must not be forgotten that for a long
time previous there had been in progress a great revival
of learning, and still more of zeal for learning, which
being caused by and directed towards the literature and
institutions of Rome, might fitly be called the Roman
Renaissance. The twelfth century saw this revival begin
with that passionate study of the legislation of Justinian,
whose influence on the doctrines of imperial prerogative
has been noticed already. The thirteenth witnessed the
rapid spread of the scholastic philosophy, a body of
systems most alien, both in subject and manner, to anything
that had arisen among the ancients, yet one to
whose development Greek metaphysics and the theology
of the Latin fathers had largely contributed, and the spirit
of whose reasonings was far more free than the presumed
orthodoxy of its conclusions suffered to appear. In the
fourteenth century there arose in Italy the first great
masters of painting and song; and the literature of the
new languages, springing into the fulness of life in the
Divina Commedia, adorned not long after by the names
of Petrarch and Chaucer, assumed at once its place as
a great and ever-growing power in the affairs of men.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Growing
freedom of
spirit.</p>

<p>Now, along with the literary revival, partly caused by,
partly causing it, there had been also a wonderful stirring
and uprising in the mind of Europe. The yoke of
church authority still pressed heavily on the souls of men;
yet some had been found to shake it off, and many more
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span>
murmured in secret. The tendency was one which
shewed itself in various and sometimes apparently opposite
directions. The revolt of the Albigenses, the spread
of the Cathari and other so-called heretics, the excitement
created by the writings of Wickliffe and Huss, witnessed
to the fearlessness wherewith it could assail the dominant
theology. It was present, however skilfully disguised,
among those scholastic doctors who busied themselves
with proving by natural reason the dogmas of the Church:
for the power which can forge fetters can also break
them. It took a form more dangerous because of a more
direct application to facts, in the attacks, so often repeated
from Arnold of Brescia downwards, upon the wealth and
corruptions of the clergy, and above all of the papal
court. For the agitation was not merely speculative.
There was beginning to be a direct and rational interest
in life, a power of applying thought to practical ends,
which had not been seen before.
<span class="sidenote">Influence
of thought
upon the
arrangements
of
society.</span>
Man's life among his
fellows was no longer a mere wild beast struggle; man's
soul no more, as it had been, the victim of ungoverned
passion, whether it was awed by supernatural terrors or
captivated by examples of surpassing holiness. Manners
were still rude, and governments unsettled; but society
was learning to organize itself upon fixed principles; to
recognize, however faintly, the value of order, industry,
equality; to adapt means to ends, and conceive of the
common good as the proper end of its own existence.
In a word, Politics had begun to exist, and with them
there had appeared the first of a class of persons whom
friends and enemies may both, though with different
meanings, call ideal politicians; men who, however
various have been the doctrines they have held, however
impracticable many of the plans they have advanced, have
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>
been nevertheless alike in their devotion to the highest
interests of humanity, and have frequently been derided
as theorists in their own age to be honoured as the prophets
and teachers of the next.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Separation
of the peoples
of Europe
into
hostile
kingdoms:
consequent
need of an
international
power.</p>

<p>Now it was towards the Roman Empire that the hopes
and sympathies of these political speculators as well as of
the jurists and poets of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
were constantly directed. The cause may be gathered
from the circumstances of the time. The most remarkable
event in the history of the last three hundred years
had been the formation of nationalities, each distinguished
by a peculiar language and character, and by steadily
increasing differences of habits and institutions. And as
upon this national basis there had been in most cases
established strong monarchies, Europe was broken up
into disconnected bodies, and the cherished scheme of
a united Christian state appeared less likely than ever to
be realized. Nor was this all. Sometimes through race-hatred,
more often by the jealousy and ambition of their
sovereigns, these countries were constantly involved in
war with one another, violating on a larger scale and with
more destructive results than in time past the peace of
the religious community; while each of them was at the
same time torn within by frequent insurrections, and
desolated by long and bloody civil wars. The new
nationalities were too fully formed to allow the hope that
by their extinction a remedy might be applied to these
evils. They had grown up in spite of the Empire and
the Church, and were not likely to yield in their strength
what they had won in their weakness. But it still appeared
possible to soften, if not to overcome, their antagonism.
What might not be looked for from the erection of a presiding
power common to all Europe, a power which, while
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span>
it should oversee the internal concerns of each country,
not dethroning the king, but treating him as an hereditary
viceroy, should be more especially charged to prevent
strife between kingdoms, and to maintain the public order
of Europe by being not only the fountain of international
law, but also the judge in its causes and the enforcer of
its sentences?</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Popes
as international
Judges.</p>

<p>To such a position had the Popes aspired. They were
indeed excellently fitted for it by the respect which the
sacredness of their office commanded; by their control of
the tremendous weapons of excommunication and interdict;
above all, by their exemption from those narrowing influences
of place, or blood, or personal interest, which it
would be their chiefest duty to resist in others. And there
had been pontiffs whose fearlessness and justice were
worthy of their exalted office, and whose interference was
gratefully remembered by those who found no other
helpers. Nevertheless, judging the Papacy by its conduct
as a whole, it had been tried and found wanting. Even
when its throne stood firmest and its purposes were most
pure, one motive had always biassed its decisions&mdash;a
partiality to the most submissive. During the greater
part of the fourteenth century it was at Avignon the
willing tool of France: in the pursuit of a temporal principality
it had mingled in and been contaminated by the
unhallowed politics of Italy; its supreme council, the
college of cardinals, was distracted by the intrigues of two
bitterly hostile factions. And while the power of the
Popes had declined steadily, though silently, since the
days of Boniface the Eighth, the insolence of the great
prelates and the vices of the inferior clergy had provoked
throughout Western Christendom a reaction against the
pretensions of all sacerdotal authority. As there is no
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span>
theory at first sight more attractive than that which
entrusts all government to a supreme spiritual power,
which, knowing what is best for man, shall lead him to
his true good by appealing to the highest principles of his
nature, so there is no disappointment more bitter than
that of those who find that the holiest office may be
polluted by the lusts and passions of its holder; that craft
and hypocrisy lead while fanaticism follows; that here
too, as in so much else, the corruption of the best is worst.
Some such disappointment there was in Europe now,
and with it a certain disposition to look with favour on
the secular power: a wish to escape from the unhealthy
atmosphere of clerical despotism to the rule of positive
law, harsher, it might be, yet surely less corrupting.
Espousing the cause of the Roman Empire as the chief
opponent of priestly claims, this tendency found it, with
shrunken territory and diminished resources, fitter in some
respects for the office of an international judge and
mediator than it had been as a great national power.
For though far less widely active, it was losing that local
character which was fast gathering round the Papacy.
With feudal rights no longer enforcible, and removed, except
in his patrimonial lands, from direct contact with the
subject, the Emperor was not, as heretofore, conspicuously
a German and a feudal king, and occupied an ideal
position far less marred by the incongruous accidents of
birth and training, of national and dynastic interests.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Duties attributed
to
the Empire
by the
developed
theory.</p>

<p>To that position three cardinal duties were attached.
He who held it must typify spiritual unity, must preserve
peace, must be a fountain of that by which alone among
imperfect men peace is preserved and restored, law and
justice. The first of these three objects was sought not
only on religious grounds, but also from that longing for
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span>
a wider brotherhood of humanity towards which, ever
since the barrier between Jew and Gentile, Greek and
barbarian, was broken down, the aspirations of the higher
minds of the world have been constantly directed. Placed
in the midst of Europe, the Emperor was to bind its tribes
into one body, reminding them of their common faith,
their common blood, their common interest in each other's
welfare. And he was therefore above all things, professing
indeed to be upon earth the representative of the
Prince of Peace, bound to listen to complaints, and to
redress the injuries inflicted by sovereigns or people upon
each other; to punish offenders against the public order
of Christendom; to maintain through the world, looking
down as from a serene height upon the schemes and
quarrels of meaner potentates, that supreme good without
which neither arts nor letters, nor the gentler virtues of
life, can rise and flourish. The mediæval Empire was in
its essence what the modern despotisms that mimic it
profess themselves: the Empire was peace<a name="FNanchor_279" id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a>:
the oldest
and noblest title of its head was <span lang="la">'Imperator pacificus<a name="FNanchor_280" id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a>.'</span>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Divine
right of the
Emperor.</span>
And that he might be the peacemaker, he must be the
expounder of justice and the author of its concrete
embodiment, positive law; chief legislator and supreme
judge of appeal, like his predecessor the compiler of the
<span lang="la">Corpus Iuris</span>, the one and only source of all legitimate
authority. In this sense, as governor and administrator,
not as owner, is he, in the words of the jurists, Lord of
the world; not that its soil belongs to him in the same
sense in which the soil of France or England belongs to
their respective kings: he is the steward of Him who has
received the heathen for his possession and the uttermost
parts of the earth for his inheritance. It is, therefore, by
him alone that the idea of pure right, acquired not by force
but by legitimate devolution from those whom God himself
had set up, is visibly expressed upon earth. To find an
external and positive basis for that idea is a problem
which it has at all times been more easy to evade than to
solve, and one peculiarly distressing to those who could
neither explain the phenomena of society by reducing it to
its original principles, nor inquire historically how its existing
arrangements had grown up. Hence the attempt
to represent human government as an emanation from
divine: a view from which all the similar but far less
logically consistent doctrines of divine right which have
prevailed in later times are borrowed. As has been said
already, there is not a trace of the notion that the Emperor
reigns by an hereditary right of his own or by the will of
the people, for such a theory would have seemed to the
men of the middle ages an absurd and wicked perversion
of the true order. Nor do his powers come to him from
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>
those who choose him, but from God, who uses the electoral
princes as mere instruments of nomination. Having
such an origin, his rights exist irrespective of their actual
exercise, and no voluntary abandonment, not even an
express grant, can impair them. Boniface the Eighth<a name="FNanchor_281" id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>

reminds the king of France, and imperialist lawyers till
the seventeenth century repeated the claim, that he, like
other princes, is of right and must ever remain subject to
the Roman Emperor. And the sovereigns of Europe long
continued to address the Emperor in language, and yield
to him a precedence, which admitted the inferiority of
their own position<a name="FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a>.</p>

<p>There was in this theory nothing that was absurd,
though much that was impracticable. The ideas on which
it rested are still unapproached in grandeur and simplicity,
still as far in advance of the average thought of Europe,
and as unlikely to find men or nations fit to apply them,
as when they were promulgated five hundred years ago.
The practical evil which the establishment of such a
universal monarchy was intended to meet, that of wars
and hardly less ruinous preparations for war between the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span>
states of Europe, remains what it was then. The remedy
which mediæval theory proposed has been in some
measure applied by the construction and reception of
international law; the greater difficulty of erecting a
tribunal to arbitrate and decide, with the power of enforcing
its decisions, is as far from a solution as ever.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Roman
Empire
why an international
power.</p>

<p>It is easy to see how it was to the Roman Emperor,
and to him only, that the duties and privileges above
mentioned could be attributed. Being Roman, he was
of no nation, and therefore fittest to judge between contending
states, and appease the animosities of race. His
was the imperial tongue of Rome, not only the vehicle of
religion and law, but also, since no other was understood
everywhere in Europe, the necessary medium of diplomatic
intercourse. As there was no Church but the Holy
Roman Church, and he its temporal head, it was by him
that the communion of the saints in its outward form, its
secular side, was represented, and to his keeping that the
sanctity of peace must be entrusted. As direct heir of
those who from Julius to Justinian had shaped the existing
law of Europe<a name="FNanchor_283" id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a>,
he was, so to speak, legality personified<a name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a>
;
the only sovereign on earth who, being possessed of
power by an unimpeachable title, could by his grant confer
upon others rights equally valid. And as he claimed
to perpetuate the greatest political system the world had
known, a system which still moves the wonder of those
who see before their eyes empires as much wider than the
Roman as they are less symmetrical, and whose vast and
complex machinery far surpassed anything the fourteenth
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span>
century possessed or could hope to establish, it was not
strange that he and his government (assuming them to
be what they were entitled to be) should be taken as the
ideal of a perfect monarch and a perfect state.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Illustrations.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Right of
creating
Kings.</p>

<p>Of the many applications and illustrations of these doctrines
which mediæval documents furnish, it will suffice to
adduce two or three. No imperial privilege was prized
more highly than the power of creating kings, for there
was none which raised the Emperor so much above them.
In this, as in other international concerns, the Pope soon
began to claim a jurisdiction, at first concurrent, then
separate and independent. But the older and more
reasonable view assigned it, as flowing from the possession
of supreme secular authority, to the Emperor; and
it was from him that the rulers of Burgundy, Bohemia,
Hungary, perhaps Poland and Denmark, received the
regal title<a name="FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>. The prerogative was his in the same manner
in which that of conferring titles is still held to belong to
the sovereign in every modern kingdom. And so when
Charles the Bold, last duke of French Burgundy, proposed
to consolidate his wide dominions into a kingdom, it was
from Frederick III that he sought permission to do so.
The Emperor, however, was greedy and suspicious, the
Duke uncompliant; and when Frederick found that terms
could not be arranged between them, he stole away suddenly,
and left Charles to carry back, with ill-concealed
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span>
mortification, the crown and sceptre which he had brought
ready-made to the place of interview.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Chivalry.</p>

<p>In the same manner, as representing what was common
to and valid throughout all Europe, nobility, and more
particularly knighthood, centred in the Empire. The
great Orders of Chivalry were international institutions,
whose members, having consecrated themselves a military
priesthood, had no longer any country of their own,
and could therefore be subject to no one save the
Emperor and the Pope. For knighthood was constructed
on the analogy of priesthood, and knights were conceived
of as being to the world in its secular aspect exactly what
priests, and more especially the monastic orders, were to
it in its religious aspect: to the one body was given the
sword of the flesh, to the other the sword of the spirit;
each was universal, each had its autocratic head<a name="FNanchor_286" id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>. Singularly,
too, were these notions brought into harmony
with the feudal polity. Cæsar was lord paramount of the
world: its countries great fiefs whose kings were his
tenants in chief, the suitors of his court, owing to him
homage, fealty, and military service against the infidel.</p>

<p>One illustration more of the way in which the empire
was held to be something of and for all mankind, cannot
be omitted. Although from the practical union of the
imperial with the German throne none but Germans were
chosen to fill it<a name="FNanchor_287" id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>,
it remained in point of law absolutely
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Persons
eligible as
Emperors.</span>
free from all restrictions of country or birth. In an age
of the most intense aristocratic exclusiveness, the highest
office in the world was the only secular one open to all
Christians. The old writers, after debating at length the
qualifications that are or may be desirable in an Emperor,
and relating how in pagan times Gauls and Spaniards,
Moors and Pannonians, were thought worthy of the purple,
decide that two things, and no more, are required of the
candidate for Empire: he must be free-born, and he must
be orthodox<a name="FNanchor_288" id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Empire
and
the new
learning.</p>

<p>It is not without a certain surprise that we see those
who were engaged in the study of ancient letters, or felt
indirectly their stimulus, embrace so fervently the cause of
the Roman Empire. Still more difficult is it to estimate
the respective influence exerted by each of the three
revivals which it has been attempted to distinguish. The
spirit of the ancient world by which the men who led
these movements fancied themselves animated, was in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span>
truth a pagan, or at least a strongly secular spirit, in
many respects inconsistent with the associations which
had now gathered round the imperial office. And this
hostility did not fail to shew itself when at the beginning
of the sixteenth century, in the fulness of the Renaissance,
a direct and for the time irresistible sway was exercised
by the art and literature of Greece, when the mythology
of Euripides and Ovid supplanted that which had fired
the imagination of Dante and peopled the visions of
St. Francis; when men forsook the image of the saint in
the cathedral for the statue of the nymph in the garden;
when the uncouth jargon of scholastic theology was
equally distasteful to the scholars who formed their style
upon Cicero and the philosophers who drew their inspiration
from Plato. That meanwhile the admirers of antiquity
did ally themselves with the defenders of the Empire,
was due partly indeed to the false notions that were
entertained regarding the early Cæsars, yet still more to
the common hostility of both sects to the Papacy. It
was as successor of old Rome, and by virtue of her
traditions, that the Holy See had established so wide
a dominion; yet no sooner did Arnold of Brescia and his
republicans arise, claiming liberty in the name of the
ancient constitution of the republic, than they found in
the Popes their bitterest foes, and turned for help to the
secular monarch against the clergy. With similar aversion
did the Romish court view the revived study of the
ancient jurisprudence, so soon as it became, in the hands
of the school of Bologna and afterwards of the jurists of
France, a power able to assert its independence and resist
ecclesiastical pretensions. In the ninth century, Pope
Nicholas the First had himself judged in the famous case
of Teutberga, wife of Lothar, according to the civil law:
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>
in the thirteenth, his successors<a name="FNanchor_289" id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a>
 forbade its study, and
the canonists strove to expel it from Europe<a name="FNanchor_290" id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a>. And as
the current of educated opinion among the laity was
beginning, however imperceptibly at first, to set against
sacerdotal tyranny, it followed that the Empire would find
sympathy in any effort it could make to regain its lost
position. Thus the Emperors became, or might have
become had they seen the greatness of the opportunity
and been strong enough to improve it, the exponents and
guides of the political movement, the pioneers, in part at
least, of the Reformation. But the revival came too late
to arrest, if not to adorn, the decline of their office. The
growth of a national sentiment in the several countries of
Europe, which had already gone too far to be arrested,
and was urged on by forces far stronger than the theories
of Catholic unity which opposed it, imprinted on the
resistance to papal usurpation, and even on the instincts
of political freedom, that form of narrowly local patriotism
which they still retain.
<span class="sidenote">The doctrine
of
the Empire's
rights
and functions
never
carried out
in fact.</span>
It can hardly be said that upon
any occasion, except the gathering of the council of
Constance by Sigismund, did the Emperor appear filling
a truly international place. For the most part he exerted
in the politics of Europe no influence greater than that of
other princes. In actual resources he stood below the
kings of France and England, far below his vassals the
Visconti of Milan<a name="FNanchor_291" id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a>. Yet this helplessness, such was
men's faith or their timidity, and such their unwillingness
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span>
to make prejudice bend to facts, did not prevent his
dignity from being extolled in the most sonorous language
by writers whose imaginations were enthralled by the halo
of traditional glory which surrounded it.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Attitude
of the men
of letters.</p>

<p>We are thus brought back to ask, What was the connection
between imperialism and the literary revival?</p>

<p>To moderns who think of the Roman Empire as the
heathen persecuting power, it is strange to find it depicted
as the model of a Christian commonwealth. It is stranger
still that the study of antiquity should have made men
advocates of arbitrary power. Democratic Athens, oligarchic
Rome, suggest to us Pericles and Brutus: the
moderns who have striven to catch their spirit have been
men like Algernon Sidney, and Vergniaud, and Shelley.
The explanation is the same in both cases<a name="FNanchor_292" id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>. The ancient
world was known to the earlier middle ages by tradition,
freshest for what was latest, and by the authors of the
Empire. Both presented to them the picture of a mighty
despotism and a civilization brilliant far beyond their own.
Writings of the fourth and fifth centuries, unfamiliar to us,
were to them authorities as high as Tacitus or Livy; yet
Virgil and Horace too had sung the praises of the first
and wisest of the Emperors. To the enthusiasts of poetry
and law, Rome meant universal monarchy<a name="FNanchor_293" id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a>;
to those of
religion, her name called up the undimmed radiance of
the Church under Sylvester and Constantine. Petrarch,
<span class="sidenote">Petrarch.</span>
the apostle of the dawning Renaissance, is excited by the
least attempt to revive even the shadow of imperial greatness:
as he had hailed Rienzi, he welcomes Charles IV
into Italy, and execrates his departure. The following
passage is taken from his letter to the Roman people
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>
asking them to receive back Rienzi:&mdash;'When was there
ever such peace, such tranquillity, such justice, such honour
paid to virtue, such rewards distributed to the good and
punishments to the bad, when was ever the state so wisely
guided, as in the time when the world had obtained one
head, and that head Rome; the very time wherein God
deigned to be born of a virgin and dwell upon earth. To
every single body there has been given a head; the whole
world therefore also, which is called by the poet a great
body, ought to be content with one temporal head. For
every two-headed animal is monstrous; how much more
horrible and hideous a portent must be a creature with
a thousand different heads, biting and fighting against one
another! If, however, it is necessary that there be more
heads than one, it is nevertheless evident that there ought
to be one to restrain all and preside over all, that so the
peace of the whole body may abide unshaken. Assuredly
both in heaven and in earth the sovereignty of one has
always been best.'</p>

<p class="sidenote">Dante.</p>

<p>His passion for the heroism of Roman conquest and
the ordered peace to which it brought the world, is the
centre of Dante's political hopes: he is no more an exiled
Ghibeline, but a patriot whose fervid imagination sees
a nation arise regenerate at the touch of its rightful lord.
Italy, the spoil of so many Teutonic conquerors, is the
garden of the Empire which Henry is to redeem: Rome
the mourning widow, whom Albert is denounced for
neglecting<a name="FNanchor_294" id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a>. Passing through purgatory, the poet sees
Rudolf of Hapsburg seated gloomily apart, mourning
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span>
his sin in that he left unhealed the wounds of Italy<a name="FNanchor_295" id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a>. In
the deepest pit of hell's ninth circle lies Lucifer, huge,
three-headed; in each mouth a sinner whom he crunches
between his teeth, in one mouth Iscariot the traitor to
Christ, in the others the two traitors to the first Emperor
of Rome, Brutus and Cassius<a name="FNanchor_296" id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>. To multiply illustrations
from other parts of the poem would be an endless task;
for the idea is ever present in Dante's mind, and displays
itself in a hundred unexpected forms. Virgil himself is
selected to be the guide of the pilgrim through hell and
purgatory, not so much as being the great poet of antiquity,
as because he 'was born under Julius and lived
beneath the good Augustus;' because he was divinely
charged to sing of the Empire's earliest and brightest
glories. Strange, that the shame of one age should be
the glory of another. For Virgil's melancholy panegyrics
upon the destroyer of the republic are no more like
Dante's appeals to the coming saviour of Italy than is
Cæsar Octavianus to Henry count of Luxemburg.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Attitude of
the Jurists.</p>

<p>The visionary zeal of the man of letters was seconded
by the more sober devotion of the lawyer. Conqueror,
theologian, and jurist, Justinian is a hero greater than
either Julius or Constantine, for his enduring work bears
him witness. Absolutism was the civilian's creed<a name="FNanchor_297" id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>:
the
phrases <span lang="la">'legibus solutus,'</span> <span lang="la">'lex regia,'</span> whatever else tended
in the same direction, were taken to express the prerogative
of him whose official style of Augustus, as well as
the vernacular name of 'Kaiser,' designated the legitimate
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>
successor of the compiler of the <span lang="la">Corpus Juris</span>. Since it
was upon that legitimacy that his claim to be the fountain
of law rested, no pains were spared to seek out and observe
every custom and precedent by which old Rome
seemed to be connected with her representative.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Imitations of
old Rome.</p>

<p>Of the many instances that might be collected, it would
be tedious to enumerate more than a few. The offices
of the imperial household, instituted by Constantine the
Great, were attached to the noblest families of Germany.
The Emperor and Empress, before their coronation at
Rome, were lodged in the chambers called those of
Augustus and Livia<a name="FNanchor_298" id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a>;
a bare sword was borne before
them by the prætorian prefect; their processions were
adorned by the standards, eagles, wolves and dragons,
which had figured in the train of Hadrian or Theodosius<a name="FNanchor_299" id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a>.
The constant title of the Emperor himself, according to
the style introduced by Probus, was <span lang="la">'semper Augustus,'</span>
or <span lang="la">'perpetuus Augustus,'</span> which erring etymology translated
'at all times increaser of the Empire<a name="FNanchor_300" id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a>.' Edicts issued by
a Franconian or Swabian sovereign were inserted as
Novels<a name="FNanchor_301" id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a>
 in the <span lang="la">Corpus Juris</span>, in the latest editions of
which custom still allows them a place. The <i lang="la">pontificatus
maximus</i> of his pagan predecessors was supposed to be
preserved by the admission of each Emperor as a canon
of St. Peter's at Rome and St. Mary's at Aachen<a name="FNanchor_302" id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a>. Sometimes
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>
we even find him talking of his consulship<a name="FNanchor_303" id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>.
Annalists invariably number the place of each sovereign
from Augustus downwards<a name="FNanchor_304" id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>. The notion of an uninterrupted
succession, which moves the stranger's wondering
smile as he sees ranged round the magnificent Golden
Hall of Augsburg the portraits of the Cæsars, laurelled,
helmeted, and periwigged, from Julius the conqueror of
Gaul to Joseph the partitioner of Poland, was to those
generations not an article of faith only because its denial
was inconceivable.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Reverence
for ancient
forms and
phrases in
the Middle
Ages.</p>

<p>And all this historical antiquarianism, as one might call
it, which gathers round the Empire, is but one instance,
though the most striking, of that eager wish to cling to
the old forms, use the old phrases, and preserve the old
institutions to which the annals of mediæval Europe bear
witness. It appears even in trivial expressions, as when
a monkish chronicler says of evil bishops deposed, <i lang="la">Tribu
moti sunt</i>, or talks of the 'senate and people of the
Franks,' when he means a council of chiefs surrounded
by a crowd of half-naked warriors. So throughout Europe
charters and edicts were drawn up on Roman precedents;
the trade-guilds, though often traceable to a different source,
represented the old <i lang="la">collegia</i>; villenage was the offspring
of the system of <i lang="la">coloni</i> under the later Empire. Even in
remote Britain, the Teutonic invaders used Roman ensigns,
and stamped their coins with Roman devices; called
themselves <span lang="la">'Basileis'</span> and <span lang="la">'Augusti<a name="FNanchor_305" id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a>.'</span> Especially did the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span>
cities perpetuate Rome through her most lasting boon
to the conquered, municipal self-government; those of
later origin emulating in their adherence to antique style
others who, like Nismes and Cologne, Zürich and Augsburg,
could trace back their institutions to the <i lang="la">coloniæ</i> and
<i lang="la">municipia</i> of the first centuries. On the walls and gates
of hoary Nürnberg<a name="FNanchor_306" id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a>
 the traveller still sees emblazoned the
imperial eagle, with the words <span lang="la">'Senatus populusque
Norimbergensis,'</span> and is borne in thought from the quiet
provincial town of to-day to the stirring republic of the
middle ages: thence to the Forum and the Capitol of her
greater prototype. For, in truth, through all that period
which we call the Dark and Middle Ages, men's minds
were possessed by the belief that all things continued as
they were from the beginning, that no chasm never to be
recrossed lay between them and that ancient world to
which they had not ceased to look back. We who are
centuries removed can see that there had passed a great
and wonderful change upon thought, and art, and literature,
and politics, and society itself: a change whose best
illustration is to be found in the process whereby there
arose out of the primitive basilica the Romanesque
cathedral, and from it in turn the endless varieties of
Gothic.
<span class="sidenote">Absence of
the idea of
change or
progress.</span>
But so gradual was the change that each generation
felt it passing over them no more than a man feels that
perpetual transformation by which his body is renewed
from year to year; while the few who had learning
enough to study antiquity through its contemporary
records, were prevented by the utter want of criticism
and of that which we call historical feeling, from seeing
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span>
how prodigious was the contrast between themselves and
those whom they admired. There is nothing more
modern than the critical spirit which dwells upon the
difference between the minds of men in one age and in
another; which endeavours to make each age its own
interpreter, and judge what it did or produced by a relative
standard. Such a spirit was, before the last century
or two, wholly foreign to art as well as to metaphysics.
The converse and the parallel of the fashion of calling
mediæval offices by Roman names, and supposing them
therefore the same, is to be found in those old German
pictures of the siege of Carthage or the battle between
Porus and Alexander, where in the foreground two armies
of knights, mailed and mounted, are charging each other
like Crusaders, lance, in rest, while behind, through the
smoke of cannon, loom out the Gothic spires and towers
of the beleaguered city. And thus, when we remember
that the notion of progress and development, and of
change as the necessary condition thereof, was unwelcome
or unknown in mediæval times, we may better understand,
though we do not cease to wonder, how men, never doubting
that the political system of antiquity had descended
to them, modified indeed, yet in substance the same,
should have believed that the Frank, the Saxon, and the
Swabian ruled all Europe by a right which seems to us
not less fantastic than that fabled charter whereby Alexander
the Great<a name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a>
 bequeathed his empire to the Slavic race
for the love of Roxolana.</p>

<p>It is a part of that perpetual contradiction of which the
history of the Middle Ages is full, that this belief had
hardly any influence on practical politics. The more
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>
abjectly helpless the Emperor becomes, so much the
more sonorous is the language in which the dignity of
his crown is described. His power, we are told, is
eternal, the provinces having resumed their allegiance
after the barbarian irruptions<a name="FNanchor_308" id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a>;
it is incapable of diminution
or injury: exemptions and grants by him, so far as
they tend to limit his own prerogative, are invalid<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a>:
all
Christendom is still of right subject to him, though it may
contumaciously refuse obedience<a name="FNanchor_310" id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>. The sovereigns of
Europe are solemnly warned that they are resisting the
power ordained of God<a name="FNanchor_311" id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a>. No laws can bind the Emperor,
though he may choose to live according to them:
no court can judge him, though he may condescend to
be sued in his own: none may presume to arraign the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>
conduct or question the motives of him who is answerable
only to God<a name="FNanchor_312" id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a>. So writes Æneas Sylvius, while Frederick
the Third, chased from his capital by the Hungarians, is
wandering from convent to convent, an imperial beggar;
while the princes, whom his subserviency to the Pope has
driven into rebellion, are offering the imperial crown to
Podiebrad the Bohemian king.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Henry VII,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1308-1313.</p>

<p>But the career of Henry the Seventh in Italy is the
most remarkable illustration of the Emperor's position:
and imperialist doctrines are set forth most strikingly in
the treatise which the greatest spirit of the age wrote to
herald the advent of that hero, the <i>De Monarchia</i> of
Dante<a name="FNanchor_313" id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a>. Rudolf, Adolf of Nassau, Albert of Hapsburg,
none of them crossed the Alps or attempted to aid the
Italian Ghibelines who battled away in the name of their
throne. Concerned only to restore order and aggrandize
his house, and thinking apparently that nothing more was
to be made of the imperial crown, Rudolf was content
never to receive it, and purchased the Pope's goodwill
by surrendering his jurisdiction in the capital, and his
claims over the bequest of the Countess Matilda. Henry
the Luxemburger ventured on a bolder course; urged
perhaps only by his lofty and chivalrous spirit, perhaps
in despair at effecting anything with his slender resources
against the princes of Germany. Crossing from his Burgundian
dominions with a scanty following of knights,
and descending from the Cenis upon Turin, he found
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>
his prerogative higher in men's belief after sixty years of
neglect than it had stood under the last Hohenstaufen.
The cities of Lombardy opened their gates; Milan decreed
a vast subsidy; Guelf and Ghibeline exiles alike
were restored, and imperial vicars appointed everywhere:
supported by the Avignonese pontiff, who dreaded the
restless ambition of his French neighbour, king Philip IV,
Henry had the interdict of the Church as well as the ban
of the Empire at his command. But the illusion of success
vanished as soon as men, recovering from their first
impression, began to be again governed by their ordinary
passions and interests, and not by an imaginative reverence
for the glories of the past. Tumults and revolts
broke out in Lombardy; at Rome the king of Naples
held St. Peter's, and the coronation must take place in
St. John Lateran, on the southern bank of the Tiber.
The hostility of the Guelfic league, headed by the Florentines,
Guelfs even against the Pope, obliged Henry to
depart from his impartial and republican policy, and to
purchase the aid of the Ghibeline chiefs by granting them
the government of cities. With few troops, and encompassed
by enemies, the heroic Emperor sustained an
unequal struggle for a year longer, till, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1313, he
sank beneath the fevers of the deadly Tuscan summer.
<span class="sidenote">Death of
Henry VII.</span>
His German followers believed, nor has history wholly
rejected the tale, that poison was given him by a Dominican
monk, in sacramental wine.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Later Emperors
in
Italy.</p>

<p>Others after him descended from the Alps, but they
came, like Lewis the Fourth, Rupert, Sigismund, at the
behest of a faction, which found them useful tools for a
time, then flung them away in scorn; or like Charles the
Fourth and Frederick the Third, as the humble minions
of a French or Italian priest. With Henry the Seventh
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span>
ends the history of the Empire in Italy, and Dante's book
is an epitaph instead of a prophecy. A sketch of its
argument will convey a notion of the feelings with which
the noblest Ghibelines fought, as well as of the spirit in
which the Middle Age was accustomed to handle such
subjects.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Dante's
feelings and
theories.</p>

<p>Weary of the endless strife of princes and cities, of the
factions within every city against each other, seeing municipal
freedom, the only mitigation of turbulence, vanish
with the rise of domestic tyrants, Dante raises a passionate
cry for some power to still the tempest, not to quench
liberty or supersede local self-government, but to correct
and moderate them, to restore unity and peace to hapless
Italy. His reasoning is throughout closely syllogistic: he
is alternately the jurist, the theologian, the scholastic
metaphysician: the poet of the Divina Commedia is
betrayed only by the compressed energy of diction, by
his clear vision of the unseen, rarely by a glowing
metaphor.</p>

<p class="sidenote">
The 'De Monarchia.'</p>

<p>Monarchy is first proved to be the true and rightful
form of government. Men's objects are best attained
during universal peace: this is possible only under a
monarch. And as he is the image of the Divine unity,
so man is through him made one, and brought most near
to God. There must, in every system of forces, be a
<span lang="la">'primum mobile;'</span> to be perfect, every organization must
have a centre, into which all is gathered, by which all is
controlled<a name="FNanchor_314" id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>. Justice is best secured by a supreme arbiter
of disputes, himself unsolicited by ambition, since his
dominion is already bounded only by ocean. Man is best
and happiest when he is most free; to be free is to exist
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>
for one's own sake. To this grandest end does the
monarch and he alone guide us; other forms of government
are perverted<a name="FNanchor_315" id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a>,
and exist for the benefit of some
class; he seeks the good of all alike, being to that very
end appointed<a name="FNanchor_316" id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a>.</p>

<p>Abstract arguments are then confirmed from history.
Since the world began there has been but one period of
perfect peace, and but one of perfect monarchy, that,
namely, which existed at our Lord's birth, under the sceptre
of Augustus; since then the heathen have raged, and the
kings of the earth have stood up; they have set themselves
against their Lord, and his anointed the Roman prince<a name="FNanchor_317" id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a>.
The universal dominion, the need for which has been thus
established, is then proved to belong to the Romans.
Justice is the will of God, a will to exalt Rome shewn
through her whole history<a name="FNanchor_318" id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a>. Her virtues deserved honour:
Virgil is quoted to prove those of Æneas, who by descent
and marriage was the heir of three continents: of Asia
through Assaracus and Creusa; of Africa by Electra
(mother of Dardanus and daughter of Atlas) and Dido;
of Europe by Dardanus and Lavinia. God's favour was
approved in the fall of the shields to Numa, in the miraculous
deliverance of the capital from the Gauls, in the
hailstorm after Cannæ. Justice is also the advantage of
the state: that advantage was the constant object of the
virtuous Cincinnatus, and the other heroes of the republic.
They conquered the world for its own good, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span>
therefore justly, as Cicero attests<a name="FNanchor_319" id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a>;
so that their sway was
not so much <span lang="la">'imperium'</span> as <span lang="la">'patrocinium orbis terrarum.'</span>
Nature herself, the fountain of all right, had, by their
geographical position and by the gift of a genius so
vigorous, marked them out for universal dominion:&mdash;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">

<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Excudent alii spirantia mollius æra,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Credo equidem: vivos ducent de marmore vultus;</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Orabunt causas melius, cœlique meatus</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Describent radio, et surgentia sidera dicent:</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento;</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Hæ tibi erunt artes; pacisque imponere morem,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Parcere subiectis, et debellare superbos.'</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>Finally, the right of war asserted, Christ's birth, and
death under Pilate, ratified their government. For Christian
doctrine requires that the procurator should have been a
lawful judge<a name="FNanchor_320" id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a>,
which he was not unless Tiberius was a
lawful Emperor.</p>

<p>The relations of the imperial and papal power are then
examined, and the passages of Scripture (tradition being
rejected), to which the advocates of the Papacy appeal,
are elaborately explained away. The argument from the
sun and moon<a name="FNanchor_321" id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a>
 does not hold, since both lights existed
before man's creation, and at a time when, as still sinless,
he needed no controlling powers. Else <i lang="la">accidentia</i> would
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span>
have preceded <i lang="la">propria</i> in creation. The moon, too, does
not receive her being nor all her light from the sun, but
so much only as makes her more effective. So there is
no reason why the temporal should not be aided in a corresponding
measure by the spiritual authority. This difficult
text disposed of, others fall more easily; Levi and
Judah, Samuel and Saul, the incense and gold offered by
the Magi<a name="FNanchor_322" id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a>;
the two swords, the power of binding and
loosing given to Peter. Constantine's donation was
illegal: no single Emperor nor Pope can disturb the everlasting
foundations of their respective thrones: the one
had no right to bestow, nor the other to receive, such a
gift. Leo the Third gave the Empire to Charles wrongfully:
'<i lang="la">usurpatio iuris non facit ius</i>.' It is alleged that all
things of one kind are reducible to one individual, and so
all men to the Pope. But Emperor and Pope differ in
kind, and so far as they are men, are reducible only to
God, on whom the Empire immediately depends; for it
existed before Peter's see, and was recognized by Paul
when he appealed to Cæsar. The temporal power of the
Papacy can have been given neither by natural law, nor
divine ordinance, nor universal consent: nay, it is against
its own Form and Essence, the life of Christ, who said,
'My kingdom is not of this world.'</p>

<p>Man's nature is twofold, corruptible and incorruptible:
he has therefore two ends, active virtue on earth, and the
enjoyment of the sight of God hereafter; the one to
be attained by practice conformed to the precepts of
philosophy, the other by the theological virtues. Hence
two guides are needed, the pontiff and the Emperor, the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span>
latter of whom, in order that he may direct mankind in
accordance with the teachings of philosophy to temporal
blessedness, must preserve universal peace in the world.
Thus are the two powers equally ordained of God, and
the Emperor, though supreme in all that pertains to the
secular world, is in some things dependent on the pontiff,
since earthly happiness is subordinate to eternal. 'Let
Cæsar, therefore, shew towards Peter the reverence wherewith
a firstborn son honours his father, that, being illumined
by the light of his paternal favour, he may the
more excellently shine forth upon the whole world, to the
rule of which he has been appointed by Him alone who
is of all things, both spiritual and temporal, the King and
Governor.' So ends the treatise.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The 'De
Monarchia:'
conclusion.</p>

<p>Dante's arguments are not stranger than his omissions.
No suspicion is breathed against Constantine's donation;
no proof is adduced, for no doubt is felt, that the Empire
of Henry the Seventh is the legitimate continuation of
that which had been swayed by Augustus and Justinian.
Yet Henry was a German, sprung from Rome's barbarian
foes, the elected of those who had neither part nor share
in Italy and her capital.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XVI.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE CITY OF ROME IN THE MIDDLE AGES.</span></h2>

<p>'It is related,' says Sozomen in the ninth book of his
Ecclesiastical History, 'that when Alaric was hastening
against Rome, a holy monk of Italy admonished him to
spare the city, and not to make himself the cause of such
fearful ills. But Alaric answered, "It is not of my own
will that I do this; there is One who forces me on, and
will not let me rest, bidding me spoil Rome<a name="FNanchor_323" id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a>."'</p>

<p>Towards the close of the tenth century the Bohemian
Woitech, famous in after legend as St. Adalbert, forsook
his bishopric of Prague to journey into Italy, and settled
himself in the Roman monastery of Sant' Alessio. After
some few years passed there in religious solitude, he was
summoned back to resume the duties of his see, and
laboured for awhile among his half-savage countrymen.
Soon, however, the old longing came over him: he resought
his cell upon the brow of the Aventine, and there,
wandering among the ancient shrines, and taking on himself
the menial offices of the convent, he abode happily
for a space. At length the reproaches of his metropolitan,
the archbishop of Mentz, and the express commands of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span>
Pope Gregory the Fifth, drove him back over the Alps,
and he set off in the train of Otto the Third, lamenting,
says his biographer, that he should no more enjoy his
beloved quiet in the mother of martyrs, the home of the
Apostles, golden Rome. A few months later he died a
martyr among the pagan Lithuanians of the Baltic<a name="FNanchor_324" id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a>.</p>

<p>Nearly four hundred years later, and nine hundred after
the time of Alaric, Francis Petrarch writes thus to his
friend John Colonna:&mdash;</p>

<p>'Thinkest thou not that I long to see that city to which
there has never been any like nor ever shall be; which
even an enemy called a city of kings; of whose people
it hath been written, "Great is the valour of the Roman
people, great and terrible their name;" concerning whose
unexampled glory and incomparable empire, which was,
and is, and is to be, divine prophets have sung; where
are the tombs of the apostles and martyrs and the bodies
of so many thousands of the saints of Christ<a name="FNanchor_325" id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a>
?'</p>

<p>It was the same irresistible impulse that drew the
warrior, the monk, and the scholar towards the mystical
city which was to mediæval Europe more than Delphi had
been to the Greek or Mecca to the Islamite, the Jerusalem
of Christianity, the city which had once ruled the earth,
and now ruled the world of disembodied spirits<a name="FNanchor_326" id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a>. For
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>
there was then, as there is now, something in Rome to
attract men of every class. The devout pilgrim came to
pray at the shrine of the Prince of the Apostles, too
happy if he could carry back to his monastery in the
forests of Saxony or by the bleak Atlantic shore the bone
of some holy martyr; the lover of learning and poetry
dreamed of Virgil and Cicero among the shattered
columns of the Forum; the Germanic kings, in spite of
pestilence, treachery and seditions, came with their hosts
to seek in the ancient capital of the world the fountain of
temporal dominion. Nor has the spell yet wholly lost its
power. To half the Christian nations Rome is the
metropolis of religion, to all the metropolis of art. In her
streets, and hers alone among the cities of the world,
may every form of human speech be heard: she is more
glorious in her decay and desolation than the stateliest
seats of modern power.</p>

<p>But while men thought thus of Rome, what was Rome
herself?</p>

<p>The modern traveller, after his first few days in Rome,
when he has looked out upon the Campagna from the
summit of St. Peter's, paced the chilly corridors of the
Vatican, and mused under the echoing dome of the Pantheon,
when he has passed in review the monuments of
regal and republican and papal Rome, begins to seek for
some relics of the twelve hundred years that lie between
Constantine and Pope Julius the Second. 'Where,' he
asks, 'is the Rome of the Middle Ages, the Rome of
Alberic and Hildebrand and Rienzi? the Rome which
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>
dug the graves of so many Teutonic hosts; whither the
pilgrims flocked; whence came the commands at which
kings bowed? Where are the memorials of the brightest
age of Christian architecture, the age which reared Cologne
and Rheims and Westminster, which gave to Italy the
cathedrals of Tuscany and the wave-washed palaces of
Venice?'</p>

<p>To this question there is no answer. Rome, the
mother of the arts, has scarcely a building to commemorate
those times, for to her they were times of turmoil
and misery, times in which the shame of the present was
embittered by recollections of a brighter past. Nevertheless
a minute scrutiny may still discover, hidden in dark
corners or disguised under an unbecoming modern
dress, much that carries us back to the mediæval town,
and helps us to realize its social and political condition.
Therefore a brief notice of the state of Rome during the
Middle Ages, with especial reference to those monuments
which the visitor may still examine for himself, may not
be without its use, and is at any rate no unfitting pendant
to an account of the institution which drew from the city
its name and its magnificent pretensions. Moreover, as
will appear more fully in the sequel, the history of the
Roman people is an instructive illustration of the influence
of those ideas upon which the Empire itself rested, as
well in their weakness as in their strength<a name="FNanchor_327" id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a>.</p>

<p>It is not from her capture by Alaric, nor even from the
more destructive ravages of the Vandal Genseric, that the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Causes of
the rapid
decay of
the city.</span>
material and social ruin of Rome must be dated, but
rather from the repeated sieges which she sustained in the
war of Belisarius with the Ostrogoths. This struggle
however, long and exhausting as it was, would not have
proved so fatal had the previous condition of the city
been sound and healthy. Her wealth and population in
the middle of the fifth century were probably little inferior
to what they had been in the most prosperous days of
the imperial government. But this wealth was entirely
gathered into the hands of a small and effeminate aristocracy.
The crowd that filled her streets was composed
partly of poor and idle freemen, unaccustomed to arms
and debarred from political rights; partly of a far more
numerous herd of slaves, gathered from all parts of the
world, and morally even lower than their masters. There
was no middle class, and no system of municipal institutions,
for although the senate and consuls with many of
the lesser magistracies continued to exist, they had for
centuries enjoyed no effective power, and were nowise
fitted to lead and rule the people. Hence it was that
when the Gothic war and the subsequent inroads of the
Lombards had reduced the great families to beggary, the
framework of society dissolved and could not be replaced.
In a state rotten to the core there was no vital force left
for reconstruction. The old forms of political activity
had been too long dead to be recalled to life: the people
wanted the moral force to produce new ones, and all the
authority that could be said to exist in the midst of
anarchy tended to centre itself in the chief of the new
religious society.</p>

<p>So far Rome's condition was like that of the other
great towns of Italy and Gaul. But in two points her
case differed from theirs, and to these the difference of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Peculiarities
in the
position
of Rome.</span>
her after fortunes may be traced. Her bishop had no
temporal potentate to overshadow his dignity or check his
ambition, for the vicar of the Eastern court lived far away
at Ravenna, and seldom interfered except to ratify a papal
election or punish a more than commonly outrageous sedition.
Her population received an all but imperceptible
infusion of that Teutonic blood and those Teutonic
customs by whose stern discipline the inhabitants of
northern Italy were in the end renovated. Everywhere
the old institutions had perished of decay: in Rome alone
there was nothing except the ecclesiastical system out of
which new ones could arise. Her condition was therefore
the most pitiable in which a community can find
itself, one of struggle without purpose or progress. The
citizens were divided into three orders: the military class,
including what was left of the ancient aristocracy; the
clergy, a host of priests, monks and nuns, attached to the
countless churches and convents; and the people or
<i>plebs</i>, as they are called, a poverty-stricken rabble without
trade, without industry, without any municipal organization
to bind them together. Of these two latter classes
the Pope was the natural leader, the first was divided into
factions headed by some three or four of the great families,
whose quarrels kept the town in incessant bloodshed.
The internal history of Rome from the sixth to the twelfth
century is an obscure and tedious record of the contest
of these factions with each other, and of the aristocracy as
a whole with the slowly growing power of the Church.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Her condition
in the
ninth and
tenth centuries.</p>

<p>The revolt of the Romans from the Iconoclastic Emperors
of the East, followed as it was by the reception of
the Franks as patricians and emperors, is an event of
the highest importance in the history of Italy and of the
popedom. In the domestic constitution of Rome it made
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>
little change. With the instinct of a profound genius,
Charles the Great saw that Rome, though it might be
ostensibly the capital, could not be the real centre of his
dominions. He continued to reside in Germany, and did
not even build a palace at Rome. For a time the awe of
his power, the presence of his <i lang="la">missus</i> or lieutenant, and
the occasional visits of his successors Lothar and Lewis II
to the city, repressed her internal disorders. But after
the death of the prince last named, and still more after
the dissolution of the Carolingian Empire itself, Rome
relapsed into a state of profligacy and barbarism to which,
even in that age, Europe supplied no parallel, a barbarism
which had inherited all the vices of civilization without
any of its virtues. The papal office in particular seems
to have lost its religious character, as it had certainly lost
all claim to moral purity. For more than a century the
chief priest of Christendom was no more than a tool of
some ferocious faction among the nobles. Criminal
means had raised him to the throne; violence, sometimes
going the length of mutilation or murder, deprived him of
it. The marvel is, a marvel in which papal historians
have not unnaturally discovered a miracle, that after
sinking so low, the Papacy should ever have risen again.
Its rescue and exaltation to the pinnacle of glory was
accomplished not by the Romans but by the efforts of
the Transalpine Church, aiding and prompting the Saxon
and Franconian Emperors. Yet even the religious reform
did not abate intestine turmoil, and it was not till the
twelfth century that a new spirit began to work in politics,
which ennobled if it could not heal the sufferings of the
Roman people.</p>

<p>Ever since the time of Alberic their pride had revolted
against the haughty behaviour of the Teutonic emperors.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Growth of
a republican
feeling:
hostility to
the Popes.</span>
From still earlier times they had been jealous of sacerdotal
authority, and now watched with alarm the rapid
extension of its influence. The events of the twelfth
century gave these feelings a definite direction. It was
the time of the struggle of the Investitures, in which
Hildebrand and his disciples had been striving to draw
all the things of this world as well as of the next into
their grasp. It was the era of the revived study of
Roman law, by which alone the extravagant pretensions
of the decretalists could be resisted. The Lombard and
Tuscan towns had become flourishing municipalities, independent
of their bishops, and at open war with their
Emperor. While all these things were stirring the minds
<span class="sidenote">Arnold of
Brescia.</span>
of the Romans, Arnold of Brescia came preaching reform,
denouncing the corrupt life of the clergy, not perhaps,
like some others of the so-called schismatics of his time,
denying the need of a sacerdotal order, but at any rate
urging its restriction to purely spiritual duties. On the
minds of the Romans such teaching fell like the spark
upon dry grass; they threw off the yoke of the Pope<a name="FNanchor_328" id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a>
,
drove out the imperial prefect, reconstituted the senate
and the equestrian order, appointed consuls, struck their
own coins, and professed to treat the German Emperors
as their nominees and dependants. To have successfully
imitated the republican constitution of the cities of
northern Italy would have been much, but with this they
were not content. Knowing in a vague ignorant way
that there had been a Roman republic before there was
a Roman empire, they fed their vanity with visions of a
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span>
renewal of all their ancient forms, and saw in fancy their
senate and people sitting again upon the Seven Hills and
ruling over the kings of the earth. Stepping, as it were,
into the arena where Pope and Emperor were contending
for the headship of the world, they rejected the one as a
priest, and declaring the other to be only their creature,
they claimed as theirs the true and lawful inheritance
of the world-dominion which their ancestors had won.
Antiquity was in one sense on their side, and to us now
it seems less strange that the Roman people should aspire
to rule the earth than that a German barbarian should
rule it in their name. But practically the scheme was
absurd, and could not maintain itself against any serious
opposition. As a modern historian aptly expresses it,
'they were setting up ruins:' they might as well have
raised the broken columns that strewed their Forum and
hoped to rear out of them a strong and stately temple.
The reverence which the men of the Middle Ages felt for
Rome was given altogether to the name and to the place,
nowise to the people.
<span class="sidenote">Short-sighted
policy of the
Emperors.</span>
As for power, they had none:
so far from holding Italy in subjection, they could scarcely
maintain themselves against the hostility of Tusculum.
But it would have been well worth the while of the Teutonic
Emperors to have made the Romans their allies,
and bridled by their help the temporal ambition of the
Popes. The offer was actually made to them, first to
Conrad the Third, who seems to have taken no notice of
it; and afterwards, as has been already stated, to Frederick
the First, who repelled in the most contumelious
fashion the envoys of the senate. Hating and fearing
the Pope, he always respected him: towards the Romans
he felt all the contempt of a feudal king for burghers, and
of a German warrior for Italians. At the demand of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span>
Pope Hadrian, whose foresight thought no heresy so
dangerous as one which threatened the authority of the
clergy, Arnold of Brescia was seized by the imperial
prefect, put to death, and his ashes cast into the Tiber,
lest the people should treasure them up as relics. But
the martyrdom of their leader did not quench the hopes
of his followers. The republican constitution continued
to exist, and rose from time to time, during the weakness
or the absence of the Popes, into a brief and fitful
activity<a name="FNanchor_329" id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a>. Once awakened, the idea, seductive at once
to the imagination of the scholar and the vanity of the
Roman citizen, could not wholly disappear, and two centuries
after Arnold's time it found a more brilliant if less
disinterested exponent in the tribune Nicholas Rienzi.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Character
and career
of the
tribune
Rienzi.</p>

<p>The career of this singular personage is misunderstood
by those who suppose him to have been possessed of
profound political insight, a republican on modern principles.
He was indeed, despite his overweening conceit,
and what seems to us his charlatanry, both a patriot and
a man of genius, in temperament a poet, filled with soaring
ideas. But those ideas, although dressed out in
gaudier colours by his lively fancy, were after all only the
old ones, memories of the long-faded glories of the
heathen republic, and a series of scornful contrasts levelled
at her present oppressors, both of them shewing no vista
of future peace except through the revival of those ancient
names to which there were no things to correspond. It
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>
was by declaiming on old texts and displaying old monuments
that the tribune enlisted the support of the Roman
populace, not by any appeal to democratic principles;
and the whole of his acts and plans, though they astonished
men by their boldness, do not seem to have been regarded
as novel or impracticable<a name="FNanchor_330" id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a>. In the breasts of men
like Petrarch, who loved Rome even more than they
hated her people, the enthusiasm of Rienzi found a sympathetic
echo: others scorned and denounced him as an
upstart, a demagogue, and a rebel. Both friends and
enemies seem to have comprehended and regarded as
natural his feelings and designs, which were altogether
those of his age. Being, however, a mere matter of
imagination, not of reason, having no anchor, so to speak,
in realities, no true relation to the world as it then stood,
these schemes of republican revival were as transient and
unstable as they were quick of growth and gay of colour.
As the authority of the Popes became consolidated, and
free municipalities disappeared elsewhere throughout Italy,
the dream of a renovated Rome at length withered up
and fell and died. Its last struggle was made in the conspiracy
of Stephen Porcaro, in the time of Pope Nicholas
the Fifth; and from that time onward there was no question
of the supremacy of the bishop within his holy city.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Causes of
the failure
of the
struggle
for independence.</p>

<p>It is never without a certain regret that we watch the
disappearance of a belief, however illusive, around which
the love and reverence for mankind once clung. But this
illusion need be the less regretted that it had only the
feeblest influence for good on the state of mediæval Rome.
During the three centuries that lie between Arnold of
Brescia and Porcaro, the disorders of Rome were hardly
less violent than they had been in the Dark Ages, and to
all appearance worse than those of any other European
city. There was a want not only of fixed authority, but
of those elements of social stability which the other cities
of Italy possessed. In the greater republics of Lombardy
and Tuscany the bulk of the population were artizans,
hard working orderly people; while above them stood
a prosperous middle class, engaged mostly in commerce,
and having in their system of trade-guilds an organization
both firm and flexible. It was by foreign
trade that Genoa, Venice, and Pisa became great, as
it was the wealth acquired by manufacturing industry
that enabled Milan and Florence to overcome and
incorporate the territorial aristocracies which surrounded
them.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Internal
condition
of the city.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The people.</p>

<p>Rome possessed neither source of riches. She was
ill-placed for trade; having no market she produced no
goods to be disposed of, and the unhealthiness which
long neglect had brought upon her Campagna made its
fertility unavailable. Already she stood as she stands
now, lonely and isolated, a desert at her very gates. As
there was no industry, so there was nothing that deserved
to be called a citizen class. The people were a mere
rabble, prompt to follow the demagogue who flattered
their vanity, prompter still to desert him in the hour of
danger. Superstition was with them a matter of national
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>
pride, but they lived too near sacred things to feel much
reverence for them: they ill-treated the Pope and fleeced
the pilgrims who crowded to their shrines: they were
probably the only community in Europe who sent no
recruit to the armies of the Cross. Priests, monks, and
all the nondescript hangers on of an ecclesiastical court
formed a large part of the population; while of the rest
many were supported in a state of half mendicancy by
the countless religious foundations, themselves enriched
by the gifts or the plunder of Latin Christendom. The
<span class="sidenote">The nobility.</span>
noble families were numerous, powerful, ferocious; they
were surrounded by bands of unruly retainers, and waged
a constant war against each other from their castles in the
adjoining country or in the streets of the city itself. Had
things been left to take their natural course, one of these
families, the Colonna, for instance, or the Orsini, would
probably have ended by overcoming its rivals, and have
established, as was the case in the republics of Romagna
and Tuscany, a 'signoria' or local tyranny, like those
which had once prevailed in the cities of Greece. But
the presence of the sacerdotal power, as it had hindered
<span class="sidenote">The bishop.</span>
the growth of feudalism, so also it stood in the way of such
a development as this, and in so far aggravated the confusion
of the city. Although the Pope was not as yet
recognized as legitimate sovereign, he was not only the
most considerable person in Rome, but the only one
whose authority had anything of an official character.
But the reign of each pontiff was short; he had no military
force, he was frequently absent from his see. He
was, moreover, very often a member of one of the great
families, and, as such, no better than a faction leader at
home, while venerated by the rest of Europe as the
universal priest.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">The Emperor.</p>

<p>It remains only to speak of the person who should
have been to Rome what the national king was to the
cities of France, or England, or Germany, that is to say,
of the Emperor. As has been said already, his power was
a mere chimera, chiefly important as furnishing a pretext
to the Colonna and other Ghibeline chieftains for their
opposition to the papal party. Even his abstract rights
were matter of controversy. The Popes, whose predecessors
had been content to govern as the lieutenants of
Charles and Otto, now maintained that Rome as a spiritual
city could not be subject to any temporal jurisdiction,
and that she was therefore no part of the Roman Empire,
though at the same time its capital. Not only, it was
urged, had Constantine yielded up Rome to Sylvester and
his successors, Lothar the Saxon had at his coronation
formally renounced his sovereignty by doing homage to
the pontiff and receiving the crown as his vassal. The
Popes felt then as they feel now, that their dignity and
influence would suffer if they should even appear to admit
in their place of residence the jurisdiction of a civil
potentate, and although they could not secure their own
authority, they were at least able to exclude any other.
Hence it was that they were so uneasy whenever an
Emperor came to them to be crowned, that they raised up
difficulties in his path, and endeavoured to be rid of him
as soon as possible.
<span class="sidenote">Visits of the
Emperors
to Rome.</span>
And here something must be said of
the programme, as one may call it, of these imperial visits
to Rome, and of the marks of their presence which the
Germans left behind them, remembering always that after
the time of Frederick the Second it was rather the exception
than the rule for an Emperor to be crowned in his
capital at all.</p>

<p>The traveller who enters Rome now, if he comes, as he
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>
most commonly does, by way of Civita Vecchia, slips in
by the railway before he is aware, is huddled into a vehicle
at the terminus, and set down at his hotel in the middle of
the modern town before he has seen anything at all. If
he comes overland from Tuscany along the bleak road
that passes near Veii and crosses the Milvian bridge, he
has indeed from the slopes of the Ciminian range a
splendid prospect of the sea-like Campagna, girdled in by
glittering hills, but of the city he sees no sign, save the
pinnacle of St. Peter's, until he is within the walls. Far
otherwise was it in the Middle Ages. Then travellers of
<span class="sidenote">Their approach.</span>
every grade, from the humble pilgrim to the new-made
archbishop who came in the pomp of a lengthy train to
receive from the Pope the pallium of his office, approached
from the north or north-east side; following a track along
the hilly ground on the Tuscan side of the Tiber until
they halted on the brow of Monte Mario<a name="FNanchor_331" id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a>
&mdash;the Mount of
Joy&mdash;and saw the city of their solemnities lie spread
before them, from the great pile of the Lateran far away
upon the Cœlian hill, to the basilica of St. Peter's at their
feet. They saw it not, as now, a sea of billowy cupolas,
but a mass of low red-roofed houses, varied by tall brick
towers, and at rarer intervals by masses of ancient ruin,
then larger far than now; while over all rose those two
monuments of the best of the heathen Emperors, monuments
that still look down, serenely changeless, on the
armies of new nations and the festivals of a new religion&mdash;the
columns of Marcus Aurelius and Trajan.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Their entrance.</p>

<p>From Monte Mario the Teutonic host descended, when
they had paid their orisons, into the Neronian field, the
piece of flat land that lies outside the gate of St. Angelo.
Here it was the custom for the elders of the Romans to
meet the elected Emperor, present their charters for confirmation,
and receive his oath to preserve their good
customs<a name="FNanchor_332" id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a>. Then a procession was formed: the priests
and monks, who had come out with hymns to greet the
Emperor, led the way; the knights and soldiers of Rome,
such as they were, came next; then the monarch, followed
by a long array of Transalpine chivalry. Passing into
the city they advanced to St. Peter's, where the Pope,
surrounded by his clergy, stood on the great staircase of
the basilica to welcome and bless the Roman king. On
the next day came the coronation, with ceremonies too
elaborate for description<a name="FNanchor_333" id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a>,
ceremonies which, we may well
believe, were seldom duly completed. Far more usual
were other rites, of which the book of ritual makes no
mention, unless they are to be counted among the 'good
customs of the Romans;' the clang of war bells, the battle
<span class="sidenote">Hostility of
Pope and
people to the
Germans.</span>
cry of German and Italian combatants. The Pope, when
he could not keep the Emperor from entering Rome, required
him to leave the bulk of his host without the walls,
and if foiled in this, sought his safety in raising up plots
and seditions against his too powerful friend. The Roman
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span>
people, on the other hand, violent as they often were
against the Pope, felt nevertheless a sort of national pride
in him. Very different were their feelings towards the
Teutonic chieftain, who came from a far land to receive
in their city, yet without thanking them for it, the ensign
of a power which the prowess of their forefathers had won.
Despoiled of their ancient right to choose the universal
bishop, they clung all the more desperately to the belief
that it was they who chose the universal prince; and were
mortified afresh when each successive sovereign contemptuously
scouted their claims, and paraded before
their eyes his rude barbarian cavalry. Thus it was that a
Roman sedition was the all but invariable accompaniment
of a Roman coronation. The three revolts against Otto the
Great have been already described. His grandson Otto the
Third, in spite of his passionate fondness for the city, was
met by the same faithlessness and hatred, and departed at
last in despair at the failure of his attempts at conciliation<a name="FNanchor_334" id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a>.
A century afterwards Henry the Fifth's coronation produced
violent tumults, which ended in his seizing the Pope
and cardinals in St. Peter's, and keeping them prisoners
till they submitted to his terms. Remembering this, Pope
Hadrian the Fourth would fain have forced the troops of
Frederick Barbarossa to remain without the walls, but the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span>
rapidity of their movements disconcerted his plans and
anticipated the resistance of the Roman populace. Having
established himself in the Leonine city<a name="FNanchor_335" id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a>,
Frederick barricaded
the bridge over the Tiber, and was duly crowned
in St. Peter's. But the rite was scarcely finished when
the Romans, who had assembled in arms on the Capitol,
dashed over the bridge, fell upon the Germans, and were
with difficulty repulsed by the personal efforts of Frederick.
Into the city he did not venture to pursue them, nor was
he at any period of his reign able to make himself master
of the whole of it. Finding themselves similarly baffled,
his successors at last accepted their position, and were
content to take the crown on the Pope's conditions and
depart without further question.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Memorials
of the Germanic
Emperors
in
Rome.</p>

<p>Coming so seldom and remaining for so short a time, it
is not wonderful that the Teutonic Emperors should, in the
seven centuries from Charles the Great to Charles the
Fifth, have left fewer marks of their presence in Rome
than Titus or Hadrian alone have done; fewer and less
considerable even than those which tradition attributes to
those whom it calls Servius Tullius and the elder Tarquin.
Those monuments which do exist are just sufficient to
make the absence of all others more conspicuous. The
most important dates from the time of Otto the Third,
<span class="sidenote">Of Otto
the Third.</span>
the only Emperor who attempted to make Rome his permanent
residence. Of the palace, probably nothing more
than a tower, which he built on the Aventine, no trace has
been discovered; but the church, founded by him to receive
the ashes of his friend the martyred St. Adalbert,
may still be seen upon the island in the Tiber. Having
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span>
received from Benevento relics supposed to be those of
Bartholomew the Apostle<a name="FNanchor_336" id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a>,
it became dedicated to that
saint, and is now the church of San Bartolommeo in Isola,
whose quaintly picturesque bell-tower of red brick, now
grey with extreme age, looks out from among the orange
trees of a convent garden over the swift-eddying yellow
waters of the Tiber.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Of Otto
the Second.</p>

<p>Otto the Second, son of Otto the Great, died at Rome,
and lies buried in the crypt of St. Peter's, the only Emperor
who has found a resting-place among the graves of
the Popes<a name="FNanchor_337" id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a>. His tomb is not far from that of his nephew
Pope Gregory the Fifth: it is a plain one of roughly
chiselled marble. The lid of the superb porphyry sarcophagus
in which he lay for a time now serves as the
great font of St. Peter's, and may be seen in the baptismal
chapel, on the left of the entrance of the church, not
far from the tombs of the Stuarts. Last of all must be
mentioned a curious relic of the Emperor Frederick the
<span class="sidenote">Of Frederick
the
Second.</span>
Second, the prince whom of all others one would least
expect to see honoured in the city of his foes. It is an
inscription in the palace of the Conservators upon the
Capitoline hill, built into the wall of the great staircase,
and relates the victory of Frederick's army over the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span>
Milanese, and the capture of the carroccio<a name="FNanchor_338" id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a>
 of the rebel
city, which he sends as a trophy to his faithful Romans.
These are all or nearly all the traces of her Teutonic lords
that Rome has preserved till now. Pictures indeed there
are in abundance, from the mosaic of the Scala Santa at
the Lateran<a name="FNanchor_339" id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a>
 and the curious frescoes in the church of
Santi Quattro Incoronati<a name="FNanchor_340" id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a>,
down to the paintings of the
Sistine antechapel and the Stanze of Raphael in the
Vatican, where the triumphs of the Popedom over all its
foes are set forth with matchless art and equally matchless
unveracity. But these are mostly long subsequent to the
events they describe, and these all the world knows.</p>

<p>Associations of the highest interest would have attached
to the churches in which the imperial coronation was performed&mdash;a
ceremony which, whether we regard the dignity
of the performers or the splendour of the adjuncts,
was probably the most imposing that modern Europe has
known. But old St. Peter's disappeared in the end of
the fifteenth century, not long after the last Roman
coronation, that of Frederick the Third, while the basilica
of St. John Lateran, in which Lothar the Saxon and
Henry the Seventh were crowned, has been so wofully
modernized that we can hardly figure it to ourselves as
the same building<a name="FNanchor_341" id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Causes of
the want of
mediæval
monuments
in Rome.</p>

<p>Bearing in mind what was the social condition of Rome
during the middle ages, it becomes easier to understand the
architectural barrenness which at first excites the visitor's
surprise. Rome had no temporal sovereign, and there
were therefore only two classes who could build at all,
the nobles and the clergy. Of these, the former had seldom
the wealth, and never the taste, which would have enabled
them to construct palaces graceful as the Venetian or
massively grand as the Florentine and Genoese.
<span class="sidenote">Barbarism
of the aristocracy.</span>
Moreover,
the constant practice of domestic war made defence
the first object of a house, beauty and convenience the
second. The nobility, therefore, either adapted ancient
edifices to their purpose or built out of their materials
those huge square towers of brick, a few of which still
frown over the narrow streets in the older parts of
Rome. We may judge of their number from the statement
that the senator Brancaleone destroyed one hundred
and forty of them. With perhaps no more than one
exception, that of the so-called House of Rienzi, these
towers are the only domestic buildings in the city older
than the middle of the fifteenth century. The vast palaces
to which strangers now flock for the sake of the picture
galleries they contain, have been most of them erected in
the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries, some even later.
Among the earliest is that Palazzo Cenci<a name="FNanchor_342" id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a>,
whose gloomy
low-browed arch so powerfully affected the imagination of
Shelley.</p>

<p>It was no want of wealth that hampered the architectural
efforts of the clergy, for vast revenues flowed in
upon them from every corner of Christendom. A good
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Ambition,
weakness,
and corruption
of
the clergy.</span>
deal was actually spent upon the erection or repairs of
churches and convents, although with a less liberal hand
than that of such great Transalpine prelates as Hugh of
Lincoln or Conrad of Cologne. But the Popes always
needed money for their projects of ambition, and in times
when disorder or corruption were at their height the
work of building stopped altogether. Thus it was that
after the time of the Carolingians scarcely a church was
erected until the beginning of the twelfth century, when
the reforms of Hildebrand had breathed new zeal into the
priesthood. The Babylonish captivity of Avignon, as it
was called, with the great schism of the West that followed
upon it, was the cause of a second similar intermission,
which lasted nearly a century and a half.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Tendency of
the Roman
builders to
adhere to
the ancient
manner.</p>

<p>At every time, however, even when his work went on
most briskly, the labours of the Roman architect took the
direction of restoring and readorning old churches rather
than of erecting new ones. While the Transalpine countries,
except in a few favoured spots, such as Provence
and part of the Rhineland, remained during several ages
with few and rudely built stone churches, Rome possessed,
as the inheritance of the earlier Christian centuries, a profusion
of houses of worship, some of them still unsurpassed
in splendour, and far more than adequate to the
needs of her diminished population. In repairing these
from time to time, their original form and style of work
were usually as far as possible preserved, while in constructing
new ones, the abundance of models beautiful in
themselves and hallowed as well by antiquity as by religious
feeling, enthralled the invention of the workman,
bound him down to be at best a faithful imitator, and
forbade him to deviate at pleasure from the old established
manner. Thus it befel that while his brethren throughout
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span>
the rest of Europe were passing by successive steps from
the old Roman and Byzantine styles to Romanesque, and
from Romanesque to Gothic, the Roman architect scarcely
departed from the plan and arrangements of the primitive
basilica. This is one chief reason why there is so little
<span class="sidenote">Absence of
Gothic in
Rome.</span>
of Gothic work in Rome, so little even of Romanesque
like that of Pisa. What there is appears chiefly in the
pointed window, more rarely in the arch, seldom or never
in spire or tower or column. Only one of the existing
churches of Rome is Gothic throughout, and that, the
Dominican church of S. Maria sopra Minerva, was built
by foreign monks. In some of the other churches, and
especially in the cloisters of the convents, instances may
be observed of the same style: in others slight traces, by
accident or design almost obliterated<a name="FNanchor_343" id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Destruction
and alteration
of the
old buildings:</p>

<p>The mention of obliteration suggests a third cause of
the comparative want of mediæval buildings in the city&mdash;the
constant depredations and changes of which she has
been the subject. Ever since the time of Constantine
Rome has been a city of destruction, and Christians have
vied with pagans, citizens with enemies, in urging on the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">By invaders.</span>
fatal work. Her siege and capture by Robert Guiscard<a name="FNanchor_344" id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a>,
the ally of Hildebrand against Henry the Fourth, was far
more ruinous than the attacks of the Goths or Vandals:
and itself yields in atrocity to the sack of Rome in
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1526 by the soldiers of the Catholic king and most
pious Emperor Charles the Fifth<a name="FNanchor_345" id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a>. Since the days of the
first barbarian invasions the Romans have gone on building
<span class="sidenote">By the
Romans of
the Middle
Ages.</span>
with materials taken from the ancient temples, theatres,
law-courts, baths and villas, stripping them of their gorgeous
casings of marble, pulling down their walls for the
sake of the blocks of travertine, setting up their own hovels
on the top or in the midst of these majestic piles. Thus
it has been with the memorials of paganism: a somewhat
different cause has contributed to the disappearance of the
mediæval churches. What pillage, or fanaticism, or the
wanton lust of destruction did in the one case, the ostentatious
zeal of modern times has done in the other.
<span class="sidenote">By modern
restorers of
churches.</span>
The
era of the final establishment of the Popes as temporal
sovereigns of the city, is also that of the supremacy of
the Renaissance style in architecture. After the time of
Nicholas the Fifth, the pontiff against whom, it will be
remembered, the spirit of municipal freedom made its last
struggle in the conspiracy of Porcaro, nothing was built in
Gothic, and the prevailing enthusiasm for the antique produced
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span>
a corresponding dislike to everything mediæval, a
dislike conspicuous in men like Julius the Second and
Leo the Tenth, from whom the grandeur of modern Rome
may be said to begin. Not long after their time the great
religious movement of the sixteenth century, while triumphing
in the north of Europe, was in the south met
and overcome by a counter-reformation in the bosom of
the old church herself, and the construction or restoration
of ecclesiastical buildings became again the passion of
the devout<a name="FNanchor_346" id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a>. No employment, whether it be called an
amusement or a duty, could have been better suited to
the court and aristocracy of Rome. They were indolent;
wealthy, and fond of displaying their wealth; full of good
taste, and anxious, especially when advancing years had
chased away youth's pleasures, to be full of good works also.
Popes and cardinals and the heads of the great families
vied with one another in building new churches and restoring
or enlarging those they found till little of the old
was left; raising over them huge cupolas, substituting
massive pilasters for the single-shafted columns, adorning
the interior with a profusion of rare marbles, of carving
and gilding, of frescoes and altar-pieces by the best
masters of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. None
but a bigoted mediævalist can refuse to acknowledge the
warmth of tone, the repose, the stateliness, of the churches
of modern Rome; but even in the midst of admiration
the sated eye turns away from the wealth of ponderous
ornament, and we long for the clear pure colour, the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span>
simple yet grand proportions that give a charm to the
buildings of an earlier age.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Existing
relics of the
Dark and
Middle
Ages.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Mosaics.</p>

<p>Few of the ancient churches have escaped untouched;
many have been altogether rebuilt. There are also some,
however, in which the modernizers of the sixteenth and
subsequent centuries have spared two features of the old
structure, its round apse or tribune and its bell-tower.
The apse has its interior usually covered with mosaics,
exceedingly interesting, both from the ideas they express
and as the only monuments of pictorial art that remain
to us from the Dark Ages. To speak of them, however,
as they deserve to be spoken of, would involve a digression
for which there is no space here.
<span class="sidenote">The Bell-towers.</span>
The campanile or
bell-tower is a quaint little square brick tower, of no great
height, usually standing detached from the church, and
having in its topmost, sometimes also in its other upper
stories, several arcade windows, divided by tiny marble
pillars<a name="FNanchor_347" id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a>. What with these campaniles, then far more
numerous than they are now, and with the huge brick
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span>
fortresses of the nobles, towers must have held in the
landscape of the mediæval city very much the part which
domes do now. Although less imposing, they were probably
more picturesque, the rather as in the earlier part
of the Middle Ages the houses and churches, which are
now mostly crowded together on the flat of the Campus
Martius, were scattered over the heights and slopes of
the Cœlian, Aventine, and Esquiline hills<a name="FNanchor_348" id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a>. Modern
Rome lies chiefly on the opposite or north-eastern side
of the Capitol, and the change from the old to the new
site of the city, which can hardly be said to have distinctly
begun before the destruction of the south-western part of
the town by Robert Guiscard, was not completed until
the sixteenth century. In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1536 the Capitol was
rebuilt by Michael Angelo, in anticipation of the entry
of Charles the Fifth, upon foundations that had been
laid by the first Tarquin; and the palace of the Senator,
the greatest municipal edifice of Rome, which had hitherto
looked towards the Forum and the Coliseum, was made
to front in the direction of St. Peter's and the modern
town.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Changed
aspect of
the city of
Rome.</p>

<p>The Rome of to-day is no more like the city of Rienzi
than she is to the city of Trajan; just as the Roman
church of the nineteenth century differs profoundly, however
she may strive to disguise it, from the church of Hildebrand.
But among all their changes, both church and
city have kept themselves wonderfully free from the intrusion
of foreign, at least of Teutonic, elements, and have
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Analogy
between her
architecture
and her
civil and
ecclesiastical
constitution.</span>
faithfully preserved at all times something of an old
Roman character. Latin Christianity inherited from the
imperial system of old that firmly knit yet flexible organization,
which was one of the grand secrets of its power:
the great men whom mediæval Rome gave to or trained
up for the Papacy were, like their progenitors, administrators,
legislators, statesmen; seldom enthusiasts themselves,
but perfectly understanding how to use and guide
the enthusiasm of others&mdash;of the French and German
crusaders, of men like Francis of Assisi and Dominic
and Ignatius. Between Catholicism in Italy and Catholicism
in Germany or England there was always, as
there is still, a very perceptible difference. So also, if
the analogy be not too fanciful, was it with Rome the
city. Socially she seemed always drifting towards feudalism;
<span class="sidenote">Preservation
of an
antique
character
in both.</span>
yet she never fell into its grasp. Materially, her
architecture was at one time considerably influenced by
Gothic forms, yet Gothic never became, as in the rest of
Europe, the dominant style. It approached Rome late,
and departed from her early, so that we scarcely notice
its presence, and seem to pass almost without a break
from the old Romanesque<a name="FNanchor_349" id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a>
 to the Græco-Roman of the
Renaissance. Thus regarded, the history of the city, both
in her political state and in her buildings, is seen to be
intimately connected with that of the Holy Empire itself.
The Empire in its title and its pretensions expressed the
idea of the permanence of the institutions of the ancient
world; Rome the city had, in externals at least, carefully
preserved their traditions: the names of her magistracies,
the character of her buildings, all spoke of antiquity, and
gave it a strange and shadowy life in the midst of new
races and new forms of faith.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Relation of
the City
and the
Empire.</p>

<p>In its essence the Empire rested on the feeling of the
unity of mankind; it was the perpetuation of the Roman
dominion by which the old nationalities had been destroyed,
with the addition of the Christian element which
had created a new nationality that was also universal. By
the extension of her citizenship to all her subjects heathen
Rome had become the common home, and, figuratively,
even the local dwelling-place of the civilized races of man.
By the theology of the time Christian Rome had been
made the mystical type of humanity, the one flock of the
faithful scattered over the whole earth, the holy city whither,
as to the temple on Moriah, all the Israel of God should
come up to worship. She was not merely an image of
the mighty world, she was the mighty world itself in
miniature. The pastor of her local church is also the
universal bishop; the seven suffragans who consecrate
him are the overseers of petty sees in Ostia, Antium,
and the like, towns lying close round Rome: the
cardinal priests and deacons who join these seven in
electing him derive their title to be princes of the Church,
the supreme spiritual council of the Christian world,
from the incumbency of a parochial cure within the precincts
of the city. Similarly, her ruler, the Emperor, is
ruler of mankind; he is chosen by the acclamations of her
people<a name="FNanchor_350" id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a>:
he can be lawfully crowned nowhere but in one
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span>
of her basilicas. She is, like Jerusalem of old, the mother
of us all.</p>

<p>There is yet another way in which the record of the
domestic contests of Rome throws light upon the history
of the Empire. From the eleventh century to the fifteenth
her citizens ceased not to demand in the name of the old
republic their freedom from the tyranny of the nobles and
the Pope, and their right to rule over the world at large.
These efforts&mdash;selfish and fantastic we may call them, yet
men like Petrarch did not disdain to them their sympathy&mdash;issued
from the same theories and were directed to the
same ends as those which inspired Otto the Third and
Frederick Barbarossa and Dante himself. They witness
to the same incapacity to form any ideal for the future
except a revival of the past; the same belief that one
universal state is both desirable and possible, but possible
only through the means of Rome: the same refusal to
admit that a right which has once existed can ever be
extinguished.
<span class="sidenote">Extinction
of the
Florentine
republic,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1530.</span>
In the days of the Renaissance these
notions were passing silently away: the succeeding
century brought with it misfortunes that broke the spirit
of the nation. Italy was the battle-field of Europe: her
wealth became the prey of a rapacious soldiery: the last
and greatest of her republics was enslaved by an unfeeling
Emperor, and handed over as the pledge of amity to a
selfish Medicean Pope. When the hope of independence
had been lost, the people turned away from politics to live
for art and literature, and found, before many generations
had passed, how little such exclusive devotion could compensate
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span>
for the departure of freedom, and a national spirit,
and the activity of civic life. A century after the golden
days of Ariosto and Raphael, Italian literature had become
frigid and affected, while Italian art was dying of mannerism.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Feelings of
the modern
Italians
towards
Rome.</p>

<p>At length, after long ages of sloth, the stagnant waters
were troubled. The Romans, who had lived in listless
contentment under the paternal sway of the Popes, received
new ideas from the advent of the revolutionary
armies of France, and have found the Papal system, since
its re-establishment fifty years ago as a modern bureaucratic
despotism, far less tolerable than it was of yore.
Our own days have seen the name of Rome become
again a rallying-cry for the patriots of Italy, but in a sense
most unlike the old one. The contemporaries of Arnold
and Rienzi desired freedom only as a step to universal
domination: their descendants, more wisely, yet not more
from patriotism than from a pardonable civic pride, seek
only to be the capital of the Italian kingdom. Dante prayed
for a monarchy of the world, a reign of peace and Christian
brotherhood: those who invoke his name as the
earliest prophet of their creed strive after an idea that
never crossed his mind&mdash;the national union of Italy<a name="FNanchor_351" id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a>.</p>

<p>Plain common-sense politicians in other countries do
not understand this passion for Rome as a capital, and
think it their duty to lecture the Italians on their flightiness.
The latter do not themselves pretend that the
shores of the Tiber are a suitable site for a capital: Rome
is lonely, unhealthy, and in a bad strategical position; she
has no particular facilities for trade: her people, with
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span>
some fine qualities, are less orderly and industrious than
the Tuscans or the Piedmontese. Nevertheless all Italy
cries with one voice for Rome, firmly believing that
national life can never thrill with a strong and steady
pulsation till the ancient capital has become the nation's
heart. They feel that it is owing to Rome&mdash;Rome pagan
as well as Christian&mdash;that they once played so grand a
part in the drama of European history, and that they have
now been able to attain that fervid sentiment of unity
which has brought them at last together under one government.
Whether they are right, whether if right they are
likely to be successful, need not be inquired here. But it
deserves to be noted that this enthusiasm for a famous
name&mdash;for it is nothing more&mdash;is substantially the same
feeling as that which created and hallowed the Holy
Empire of the Middle Ages. The events of the last few
years on both sides of the Atlantic have proved that men
are not now, any more than they ever were, chiefly
governed by calculations of material profit and loss.
Sentiments, fancies, theories, have not lost their power;
the spirit of poetry has not wholly passed away from
politics. And strange as seems to us the worship paid to
the name of mediæval Rome by those who saw the sins
and the misery of her people, it can hardly have been an
intenser feeling than is the imaginative reverence wherewith
the Italians of to-day look on the city whence, as
from a fountain, all the streams of their national life have
sprung, and in which, as in an ocean, they are all again
to mingle.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XVII.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE RENAISSANCE: CHANGE IN THE CHARACTER
OF THE EMPIRE.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">Wenzel,
1378-1400.</p>
<p class="sidenote">Rupert,
1400-1410.</p>
<p class="sidenote">Sigismund,
1410-1438.</p>
<p class="sidenote">Council of
Constance.</p>

<p>In Frederick the Third's reign the Empire sank to its
lowest point. It had shot forth a fitful gleam under
Sigismund, who in convoking and presiding over the
council of Constance had revived one of the highest
functions of his predecessors. The precedents of the
first great œcumenical councils, and especially of the
council of Nicæa, had established the principle that it
belonged to the Emperor, even more properly than to the
Pope, to convoke ecclesiastical assemblies from the whole
Christian world<a name="FNanchor_352" id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a>. The tenet commended itself to the
reforming party in the church, headed by Gerson, the
chancellor of Paris, whose aim it was, while making no
changes in matters of faith, to correct the abuses which
had grown up in discipline and government, and limit the
power of the Popes by exalting the authority of general
councils, to whom there was now attributed an immunity
from error superior even to that which resided in the
successor of Peter. And although it was only the sacerdotal
body, not the whole Christian people, who were
thus made the exponents of the universal religious consciousness,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span>
the doctrine was nevertheless a foreshadowing
of that fuller freedom which was soon to follow. The
existence of the Holy Empire and the existence of
general councils were, as has been already remarked,
necessary parts of one and the same theory<a name="FNanchor_353" id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a>,
and it was
therefore more than a coincidence that the last occasion
on which the whole of Latin Christendom met to
deliberate and act as a single commonwealth<a name="FNanchor_354" id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a>
 was also
the last on which that commonwealth's lawful temporal
head appeared in the exercise of his international functions.
Never afterwards was he, in the eyes of Europe, anything
more than a German monarch.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Weakness
of Germany
as compared
with the
other states
of Europe.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Albert II.
1438-1440.
Frederick
III. 1440-1493.</p>

<p>It might seem doubtful whether he would long remain
a monarch at all. When in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1493 the calamitous
reign of Frederick the Third ended, it was impossible for
the princes to see with unconcern the condition into which
their selfishness and turbulence had brought the Empire.
The time was indeed critical. Hitherto the Germans had
been protected rather by the weakness of their enemies
than by their own strength. From France there had been
little to fear while the English menaced her on one side
and the Burgundian dukes on the other: from England
still less while she was torn by the strife of York and
Lancaster. But now throughout Western Europe the
power of the feudal oligarchies was broken; and its chief
countries were being, by the establishment of fixed rules
of succession and the absorption of the smaller into the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>
larger principalities, rapidly built up into compact and
aggressive military monarchies. Thus Spain became a
great state by the union of Castile and Aragon, and the
conquest of the Moors of Granada. Thus in England
there arose the popular despotism of the Tudors. Thus
France, enlarged and consolidated under Lewis the
Eleventh and his successors, began to acquire that predominant
influence on the politics of Europe which her
commanding geographical position, the martial spirit of
her people, and, it must be added, the unscrupulous ambition
of her rulers, have secured to her in every succeeding
century. Meantime there had appeared in the far
East a foe still more terrible. The capture of Constantinople
gave Turks a firm hold on Europe, and inspired
them with the hope of effecting in the fifteenth century
what Abderrahman and his Saracens had so nearly
effected in the eighth&mdash;of establishing the faith of Islam
through all the provinces that obeyed the Western as well
as the Eastern Cæsars. The navies of the Ottoman
Sultans swept the Mediterranean; their well-appointed
armies pierced Hungary and threatened Vienna.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Loss of imperial
territories.</p>

<p>Nor was it only that formidable enemies had arisen
without: the frontiers of Germany herself were exposed
by the loss of those adjoining territories which had formerly
owned allegiance to the Emperors. Poland, once
tributary, had shaken off the yoke at the interregnum, and
had recently wrested Prussia and Lusatz from the Teutonic
knights. Bohemia, where German culture had struck
deeper roots, remained a member of the Empire; but
the privileges she had obtained from Charles the Fourth,
and the subsequent acquisition of Silesia and Moravia,
made her virtually independent. The restless Hungarians
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span>
avenged their former vassalage to Germany by frequent
inroads on her eastern border.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Italy.</p>

<p>Imperial power in Italy ended with the life of Henry
the Seventh. Rupert did indeed cross the Alps, but it
was as the hireling of Florence; Frederick the Third
received the Lombard crown, but it no longer conveyed
the slightest power. In the beginning of the fourteenth
century Dante still hopes the renovation of his country
from the action of the Teutonic Emperors. Some fifty
years later Matthew Villani sees clearly that they do not
and cannot reign to any purpose south of the Alps<a name="FNanchor_355" id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a>.
Nevertheless the phantom of imperial authority lingers on
for a time. It is put forward by the Ghibeline tyrants of
the cities to justify their attacks on their Guelfic neighbours:
even resolute republicans like the Florentines do
not yet venture altogether to reject it, however unwilling
to permit its exercise. Before the middle of the fifteenth
century, the names of Guelf and Ghibeline had ceased to
have any sense or meaning; the Pope was no longer the
protector nor the Emperor the assailant of municipal
freedom, for municipal freedom itself had well-nigh disappeared.
But the old war-cries of the Church and the
Empire were still repeated as they had been three centuries
before, and the rival principles that had once enlisted the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span>
noblest spirits of Italy on one or other side had now sunk
into a pretext for wars of aggrandizement or of mere
unmeaning hate. That which had been remarked long
before in Greece was seen to be true here; the spirit of
faction outlived the cause of faction, and became itself the
new and prolific source of a useless, endless strife.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Burgundy.</p>

<p>After Frederick the Third no Emperor was crowned in
Rome, and almost the only trace of that connection between
Germany and Italy to maintain which so much had
been risked and lost, was to be found in the obstinate
belief of the Hapsburg Emperors, that their own claims,
though often purely dynastic and personal, could be
enforced by an appeal to the imperial rights of their predecessors.
Because Barbarossa had overrun Lombardy
with a Transalpine host they fancied themselves entitled
to demand duchies for themselves and their relatives, and
to entangle the Empire in wars wherein no interest but
their own was involved.</p>

<p>The kingdom of Arles, if it had never added much
strength to the Empire, had been useful as an outwork
against France. And thus its loss&mdash;Dauphiné passing
over, partly in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1350, finally in 1457, Provence in
1486&mdash;proved a serious calamity, for it brought the
French nearer to Switzerland, and opened to them a
tempting passage into Italy. The Emperors did not for
a time expressly renounce their feudal suzerainty over
these lands, but if it was hard to enforce a feudal claim over
a rebellious landgrave in Germany, how much harder to
control a vassal who was also the mightiest king in
Europe.</p>

<p>On the north-west frontier, the fall in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1477 of the
great principality which the dukes of French Burgundy
were building up, was seen with pleasure by the Rhinelanders
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span>
whom Charles the last duke had incessantly
alarmed. But the only effect of its fall was to leave
France and Germany directly confronting each other, and
it was soon seen that the balance of strength lay on the
side of the less numerous but better organized and more
active nation.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Switzerland.</p>

<p>Switzerland, too, could no longer be considered a part
of the Germanic realm. The revolt of the Forest Cantons,
in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1313, was against the oppressions practised in the
name of Albert count of Hapsburg, rather than against
the legitimate authority of Albert the Emperor. But
although several subsequent sovereigns, and among them
conspicuously Henry the Seventh and Sigismund, favoured
the Swiss liberties, yet while the antipathy between the
Confederates and the territorial nobility gave a peculiar
direction to their policy, the accession of new cantons to
their body, and their brilliant success against Charles the
Bold in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1477, made them proud of a separate
national existence, and not unwilling to cast themselves
loose from the stranded hulk of the Empire. Maximilian
tried to reconquer them, but after a furious struggle, in
which the valleys of Western Tyrol were repeatedly laid
waste by the peasants of the Engadin, he was forced to
give way, and in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1500 recognized them by treaty as
practically independent. Not, however, till the peace of
Westphalia, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648, was the Swiss Confederation in
the eye of public law a sovereign state, and even after
that date some of the towns continued to stamp their
coins with the double eagle of the Empire.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Internal
weakness.</p>

<p>If those losses of territory were serious, far more
serious was the plight in which Germany herself lay.
The country had now become not so much an empire as
an aggregate of very many small states, governed by sovereigns
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>
who would neither remain at peace with each
other nor combine against a foreign enemy, under the
nominal presidency of an Emperor who had little lawful
authority, and could not exert what he had<a name="FNanchor_356" id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Influence of
the theory
of the Empire
as an
international
power upon
the Germanic
constitution.</p>

<p>There was another cause, besides those palpable and
obvious ones already enumerated, to which this state of
things must be ascribed. That cause is to be found in
the theory which regarded the Empire as an international
power, supreme among Christian states. From the day
when Otto the Great was crowned at Rome, the characters
of German king and Roman Emperor were united in one
person, and it has been shewn how that union tended
more and more to become a fusion. If the two offices,
in their nature and origin so dissimilar, had been held by
different persons, the Roman Empire would most probably
have soon disappeared, while the German kingdom grew
into a robust national monarchy. Their connection gave
a longer life to the one and a feebler life to the other,
while at the same time it transformed both. So long as
Germany was only one of the many countries that bowed
beneath their sceptre it was possible for the Emperors,
though we need not suppose they troubled themselves
with speculations on the matter, to distinguish their imperial
authority, as international and more than half religious,
from their royal, which was, or was meant to be,
exclusively local and feudal. But when within the narrowed
bounds of Germany these international functions
had ceased to have any meaning, when the rulers of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span>
England, Spain, France, Denmark, Hungary, Poland,
Italy, Burgundy, had in succession repudiated their control,
and the Lord of the World found himself obeyed by
none but his own people, he would not sink from being
lord of the world into a simple Teutonic king, but continued
to play in the more contracted theatre the part
which had belonged to him in the wider. Thus did
Germany instead of Europe become the sphere of his
international jurisdiction; and her electors and princes,
originally mere vassals, no greater than a Count of Champagne
in France, or an Earl of Chester in England,
stepped into the place which it had been meant that the
several monarchs of Christendom should fill. If the power
of their head had been what it was in the eleventh century,
the additional dignity so assigned to them might
have signified very little. But coming in to confirm and
justify the liberties already won, this theory of their relation
to the sovereign had a great though at the time
scarcely perceptible influence in changing the German
Empire, as we may now begin to call it, from a state into
a sort of confederation or body of states, united indeed
for some of the purposes of government, but separate and
independent for others more important. Thus, and that
in its ecclesiastical as well as its civil organization, Germany
became a miniature of Christendom<a name="FNanchor_357" id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a>. The Pope,
though he retained the wider sway which his rival had
lost, was in an especial manner the head of the German
clergy, as the Emperor was of the laity: the three Rhenish
prelates sat in the supreme college beside the four temporal
electors: the nobility of prince-bishops and abbots
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span>
was as essential a part of the constitution and as influential
in the deliberations of the Diet as were the dukes, counts,
and margraves of the Empire. The world-embracing
Christian state was to have been governed by a hierarchy
of spiritual pastors, whose graduated ranks of authority
should exactly correspond with those of the temporal
magistracy, who were to be like them endowed with
worldly wealth and power, and to enjoy a jurisdiction co-ordinate
although distinct. This system, which it was in
vain attempted to establish in Europe during the eleventh
and twelfth centuries, was in its main features that which
prevailed in the Germanic Empire from the fourteenth
<span class="sidenote">Position of
the Emperor
in Germany,
compared
with that
of his predecessors
in
Europe.</span>
century onwards. And conformably to the analogy which
may be traced between the position of the archdukes of
Austria in Germany and the place which the four Saxon
and the two first Franconian Emperors had held in
Europe, both being recognized as leaders and presidents
in all that concerned the common interest, in the one case
of the Christian, in the other of the whole German people,
while neither of them had any power of direct government
in the territories of local kings and lords; so the plan by
which those who chose Maximilian emperor sought to
strengthen their national monarchy was in substance that
which the Popes had followed when they conferred the
crown of the world on Charles and Otto. The pontiffs
then, like the electors now, finding that they could not
give with the title the power which its functions demanded,
were driven to the expedient of selecting for the office
persons whose private resources enabled them to sustain
it with dignity. The first Frankish and the first Saxon
Emperors were chosen because they were already the
mightiest potentates in Europe; Maximilian because he
was the strongest of the German princes. The parallel
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span>
may be carried one step further. Just as under Otto and
his successors the Roman Empire was Teutonized, so
now under the Hapsburg dynasty, from whose hands the
sceptre departed only once thenceforth, the Teutonic
Empire tends more and more to lose itself in an Austrian
monarchy.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Beginning
of the Hapsburg
influence
in
Germany.</p>

<p>Of that monarchy and of the power of the house of
Hapsburg, Maximilian was, even more than Rudolph his
ancestor, the founder<a name="FNanchor_358" id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a>. Uniting in his person those wide
domains through Germany which had been dispersed
among the collateral branches of his house, and claiming
by his marriage with Mary of Burgundy most of the territories
of Charles the Bold, he was a prince greater than
any who had sat on the Teutonic throne since the death
of Frederick the Second. But it was as archduke of
Austria, count of Tyrol, duke of Styria and Carinthia,
feudal superior of lands, in Swabia, Alsace, and Switzerland,
that he was great, not as Roman Emperor. For
just as from him the Austrian monarchy begins, so with
him the Holy Empire in its old meaning ends. That
strange system of doctrines, half religious half political,
which had supported it for so many ages, was growing obsolete,
and the theory which had wrought such changes
on Germany and Europe, passed ere long so completely
from remembrance that we can now do no more than call
up a faint and wavering image of what it must once have
been.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Character
of the epoch
of Maximilian.</p>

<p>For it is not only in imperial history that the accession
of Maximilian is a landmark. That time&mdash;a time of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span>
change and movement in every part of human life, a time
when printing had become common, and books were no
longer confined to the clergy, when drilled troops were
replacing the feudal militia, when the use of gunpowder
was changing the face of war&mdash;was especially marked by
one event, to which the history of the world offers no
parallel before or since, the discovery of America. The
<span class="sidenote">The discovery
of
America.</span>
cloud which from the beginning of things had hung thick
and dark round the borders of civilization was suddenly
lifted: the feeling of mysterious awe with which men had
regarded the firm plain of earth and her encircling ocean
ever since the days of Homer, vanished when astronomers
and geographers taught them that she was an insignificant
globe, which, so far from being the centre of the universe,
was itself swept round in the motion of one of the least
of its countless systems. The notions that had hitherto
prevailed regarding the life of man and his relations to
nature and the supernatural, were rudely shaken by the
knowledge that was soon gained of tribes in every stage
of culture and living under every variety of condition, who
had developed apart from all the influences of the Eastern
hemisphere. In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1453 the capture of Constantinople
and extinction of the Eastern Empire had dealt a fatal
blow to the prestige of tradition and an immemorial name:
in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1492 there was disclosed a world whither the
eagles of all-conquering Rome had never winged their
flight. No one could now have repeated the arguments
of the <i>De Monarchia</i>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Renaissance.</p>

<p>Another movement, too, widely different, but even more
momentous, was beginning to spread from Italy beyond
the Alps. Since the barbarian tribes settled in the Roman
provinces, no change had come to pass in Europe at all
comparable to that which followed the diffusion of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span>
new learning in the latter half of the fifteenth century.
Enchanted by the beauty of the ancient models of art
and poetry, more particularly those of the Greeks, men
came to regard with aversion and contempt all that had
been done or produced from the days of Trajan to those
of Pope Nicholas the Fifth. The Latin style of the
writers who lived after Tacitus was debased: the architecture
of the Middle Ages was barbarous: the scholastic
philosophy was an odious and unmeaning jargon: Aristotle
himself, Greek though he was, Aristotle who had
been for three centuries more than a prophet or an
apostle, was hurled from his throne, because his name
was associated with the dismal quarrels of Scotists and
Thomists. That spirit, whether we call it analytical or
sceptical, or earthly, or simply secular, for it is more or
less all of these&mdash;the spirit which was the exact antithesis
of mediæval mysticism, had swept in and carried men
away, with all the force of a pent-up torrent. People were
content to gratify their tastes and their senses, caring little
for worship, and still less for doctrine: their hopes and
ideas were no longer such as had made their forefathers
crusaders or ascetics: their imagination was possessed
by associations far different from those which had inspired
Dante: they did not revolt against the church,
but they had no enthusiasm for her, and they had
enthusiasm for whatever was fresh and graceful and
intelligible. From all that was old and solemn, or that
seemed to savour of feudalism or monkery, they turned
away, too indifferent to be hostile. And so, in the
midst of the Renaissance, so, under the consciousness
that former things were passing from the earth, and a
new order opening, so, with the other beliefs and memories
of the Middle Age, the shadowy rights of the Roman
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span>
Empire melted away in the fuller modern light. Here
and there a jurist muttered that no neglect could destroy
its universal supremacy, or a priest declaimed to listless
hearers on its duty to protect the Holy See; but to
Germany it had become an ancient device for holding
together the discordant members of her body, to its
possessors an engine for extending the power of the
house of Hapsburg.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Empire
henceforth
German.</p>

<p>Henceforth, therefore, we must look upon the Holy
Roman Empire as lost in the German; and after a
few faint attempts to resuscitate old-fashioned claims,
nothing remains to indicate its origin save a sounding
title and a precedence among the states of Europe.
It was not that the Renaissance exerted any direct
political influence either against the Empire or for it;
men were too busy upon statues and coins and manuscripts
to care what befel Popes or Emperors. It acted
rather by silently withdrawing the whole system of doctrines
upon which the Empire had rested, and thus leaving it,
since it had previously no support but that of opinion,
without any support at all.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Attempts
to reform
the Germanic
Constitution.</p>

<p>During Maximilian's eventful reign several efforts were
made to construct a new constitution, but it is to German,
rather than to imperial history that they properly belong.
Here, indeed, the history of the Holy Empire might
close, did not the title unchanged beckon us on, and
were it not that the events of these later centuries may
in their causes be traced back to times when the name
of Roman was not wholly a mockery. It may be enough
to remark that while the preservation of peace and the
better administration of justice were in some measure
attained by the Public Peace and Imperial Chamber,
established in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1495, schemes still more important
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span>
failed through the bad constitution of the Diet, and the
unconquerable jealousy of the Emperor and the Estates.
Maximilian refused to have his prerogative, indefinite
though weak, restricted by the appointment of an
administrative council<a name="FNanchor_359" id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>,
and when the Estates extorted it
from him, did his best to ensure its failure. In the Diet,
which consisted of three colleges, electors, princes, and
cities, the lower nobility and knights of the Empire were
unrepresented, and resented every decree that affected
their position, refusing to pay taxes in voting which they
had no voice. The interests of the princes and the
cities were often irreconcilable, while the strength of
the crown would not have been sufficient to make its
adhesion to the latter of any effect. The policy of
conciliating the commons, which Sigismund had tried,
succeeding Emperors seldom cared to repeat, content
to gain their point by raising factions among the territorial
magnates, and so to stave off the unwelcome
demand for reform. After many earnest attempts to
establish a representative system, such as might resist
the tendency to local independence and cure the evils
of separate administration, the hope so often baffled died
<span class="sidenote">Causes of
the failure
of the projects
of reform.</span>
away. Forces were too nearly balanced: the sovereign
could not extend his personal control, nor could the
reforming party limit him by a strong council of government,
for such a measure would have equally trenched on
the independence of the states. So ended the first great
effort for German unity, interesting from its bearing on
the events and aspirations of our own day; interesting,
too, as giving the most convincing proof of the decline of
the imperial office. For the projects of reform did not
propose to effect their objects by restoring to Maximilian
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span>
the authority his predecessors had once enjoyed, but by
setting up a body which would resemble far more nearly
the senate of a federal state than the administrative council
which surrounds a monarch. The existing system
developed itself further: relieved from external pressure,
the princes became more despotic in their own territories:
distinct codes were framed, and new systems of
administration introduced: the insurgent peasantry were
crushed down with more confident harshness. Already
had leagues of princes and cities been formed<a name="FNanchor_360" id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a>
 (that
of Swabia was one of the strongest forces in Germany,
and often the monarch's firmest support); now alliances
begin to be contracted with foreign powers, and receive a
direction of formidable import from the rivalry which the
pretensions on Naples and Milan of Charles the Eighth
and Lewis the Twelfth of France kindled between their
house and the Austrian. It was no slight gain to have
friends in the heart of the enemy's country, such as
French intrigue found in the Elector Palatine and the
count of Würtemberg.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Germanic
nationality.</p>

<p>Nevertheless this was also the era of the first conscious
feeling of German nationality, as distinct from imperial.
Driven in on all hands, with Italy and the Slavic lands
and Burgundy hopelessly lost, Teutschland learnt to
separate itself from Welschland<a name="FNanchor_361" id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a>. The Empire became
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Change of
Titles.</span>
the representative of a narrower but more practicable
national union. It is not a mere coincidence that at this
date there appear several notable changes of style.
<span lang="la">'Nationis Teutonicæ'</span> (Teutscher Nation) is added to the
simple <span lang="la">'sacrum imperium Romanum.'</span> The title of
<span lang="la">'Imperator electus,'</span> which Maximilian obtains leave from
Pope Julius the Second to assume, when the Venetians
prevent him from reaching his capital, marks the severance
of Germany from Rome. No subsequent Emperor
received his crown in the ancient capital (Charles the
Fifth was indeed crowned by the Pope's hands, but the
ceremony took place at Bologna, and was therefore of
at least questionable validity); each assumed after his
German coronation<a name="FNanchor_362" id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a>
<span class="sidenote">The title
<span lang="la">'Imperator
Electus.'</span></span>
the title of Emperor Elect<a name="FNanchor_363" id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a>,
and
employed this in all documents issued in his name. But
the word 'elect' being omitted when he was addressed
by others, partly from motives of courtesy, partly because
the old rules regarding the Roman coronation were forgotten,
or remembered only by antiquaries, he was never
called, even when formality was required, anything but
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>
Emperor. The substantial import of another title now
first introduced is the same. Before Otto the First, the
Teutonic king had called himself either 'rex' alone, or
<span lang="la">'Francorum orientalium rex,'</span> or <span lang="la">'Francorum atque Saxonum
rex:'</span> after <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 962, all lesser dignities had been
merged in the <span lang="la">'Romanorum Imperator<a name="FNanchor_364" id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a>.</span>' To this
Maximilian appended <span lang="la">'Germaniæ rex,'</span> or, adding Frederick
the Second's bequest<a name="FNanchor_365" id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>,
<span lang="de">'König in Germanien und
Jerusalem.'</span> It has been thought that from a mixture of
the title King of Germany, and that of Emperor, has been
formed the phrase 'German Emperor,' or less correctly,
'Emperor of Germany<a name="FNanchor_366" id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a>.' But more probably the terms
'German Emperor' and 'Emperor of Germany' are nothing
but convenient corruptions of the technical description
of the Germanic sovereign<a name="FNanchor_367" id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a>.</p>

<p>That the Empire was thus sinking into a merely
German power cannot be doubted. But it was only
natural that those who lived at the time should not discern
the tendency of events. Again and again did the
restless and sanguine Maximilian propose the recovery
of Burgundy and Italy,&mdash;his last scheme was to adjust
the relations of Papacy and Empire by becoming Pope
himself: nor were successive Diets less zealous to check
private war, still the scandal of Germany, to set right
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span>
the gear of the imperial chamber, to make the imperial
officials permanent, and their administration uniform
throughout the country. But while they talked the
heavens darkened, and the flood came and destroyed
them all.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XVIII.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE REFORMATION AND ITS EFFECTS UPON
THE EMPIRE.</span></h2>

<p>The Reformation falls to be mentioned here, of course
not as a religious movement, but as the cause of political
changes, which still further rent the Empire, and struck
at the root of the theory by which it had been created
and upheld. Luther completed the work of Hildebrand.
Hitherto it had seemed not impossible to strengthen the
German state into a monarchy, compact if not despotic;
the very Diet of Worms, where the monk of Wittenberg
proclaimed to an astonished church and Emperor that
the day of spiritual tyranny was past, had framed and
presented a fresh scheme for the construction of a central
council of government. The great religious schism put
an end to all such hopes, for it became a source of political
disunion far more serious and permanent than any
that had existed before, and it taught the two factions
into which Germany was henceforth divided to regard
each other with feelings more bitter than those of hostile
nations.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Accession
of Charles
V (1519-1558).</p>

<p>The breach came at the most unfortunate time possible.
After an election, more memorable than any preceding,
an election in which Francis the First of France and
Henry the Eighth of England had been his competitors,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span>
a prince had just ascended the imperial throne who united
dominions vaster than any Europe had seen since the
days of his great namesake. Spain and Naples, Flanders,
and other parts of the Burgundian lands, as well as large
regions in Eastern Germany, obeyed Charles: he drew
inexhaustible revenues from a new empire beyond the
Atlantic. Such a power, directed by a mind more resolute
and profound than that of Maximilian his grandfather,
might have well been able, despite the stringency of his
coronation engagements<a name="FNanchor_368" id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a>,
and the watchfulness of the
electors<a name="FNanchor_369" id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a>,
to override their usurped privileges, and make
himself practically as well as officially the head of the
nation. Charles the Fifth, though from the coldness of
his manner<a name="FNanchor_370" id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a>
 and his Flemish speech never a favourite
among the Germans, was in point of fact far stronger
than Maximilian or any other Emperor who had reigned
for three centuries. In Italy he succeeded, after long
struggles with the Pope and the French, in rendering
himself supreme: England he knew how to lead, by
flattering Henry and cajoling Wolsey: from no state but
France had he serious opposition to fear. To this
strength his imperial dignity was indeed a mere accident:
its sources were the infantry of Spain, the looms of
Flanders, the sierras of Peru. But the conquest once
achieved, might could lose itself in right; and as an
earlier Charles had veiled the terror of the Frankish
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span>
sword under the mask of Roman election, so might his
successor sway a hundred provinces with the sole name
of Roman Emperor, and transmit to his race a dominion
as wide and more enduring.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Attitude of
Charles towards
the
religious
movement.</p>

<p>One is tempted to speculate as to what might have
happened had Charles espoused the reforming cause.
His reverence for the Pope's person is sufficiently seen
in the sack of Rome and the captivity of Clement; the
traditions of his office might have led him to tread in the
steps of the Henrys and the Fredericks, into which even
the timid Lewis the Fourth and the unstable Sigismund
had sometimes ventured; the awakening zeal of the
German people, exasperated by the exactions of the
Romish court, would have strengthened his hands, and
enabled him, while moderating the excesses of change, to
fix his throne on the deep foundations of national love.
It may well be doubted&mdash;Englishmen at least have reason
for the doubt&mdash;whether the Reformation would not have
lost as much as it could have gained by being entangled
in the meshes of royal patronage. But, setting aside
Charles's personal leaning to the old faith, and forgetting
that he was king of the most bigoted race of Europe, his
position as Emperor made him almost perforce the
Pope's ally. The Empire had been called into being
by Rome, had vaunted the protection of the Apostolic
See as its highest earthly privilege, had latterly been
wont, especially in Hapsburg hands, to lean on the
papacy for support. Itself founded entirely on prescription
and the traditions of immemorial reverence, how
could it abandon the cause which the longest prescription
and the most solemn authority had combined to consecrate?
With the German clergy, despite occasional
quarrels, it had been on better terms than with the lay
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span>
aristocracy; their heads had been the chief ministers of
the crown; the advocacies of their abbeys were the last
source of imperial revenue to disappear. To turn against
them now, when furiously assailed by heretics; to abrogate
claims hallowed by antiquity and a hundred laws,
would be to pronounce its own sentence, and the fall of
the eternal city's spiritual dominion must involve the fall
of what still professed to be her temporal. Charles would
have been glad to see some abuses corrected; but a
broad line of policy was called for, and he cast in his lot
with the Catholics<a name="FNanchor_371" id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Ultimate
failure of
the repressive
policy
of Charles.</p>

<p>Of many momentous results only a few need be noticed
here. The reconstruction of the old imperial system,
upon the basis of Hapsburg power, proved in the end
impossible. Yet for some years it had seemed actually
accomplished. When the Smalkaldic league had been
dissolved and its leaders captured, the whole country lay
prostrate before Charles. He overawed the Diet at Augsburg
by the Spanish soldiery: he forced formularies of
doctrine upon the vanquished Protestants: he set up and
pulled down whom he would throughout Germany, amid
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span>
the muttered discontent of his own partisans. Then, as
in the beginning of the year 1552, he lay at Innsbruck,
fondly dreaming that his work was done, waiting the
spring weather to cross to Trent, where the Catholic
fathers had again met to settle the world's faith for it,
news was suddenly brought that North Germany was in
arms, and that the revolted Maurice of Saxony had seized
Donauwerth, and was hurrying through the Bavarian
Alps to surprise his sovereign. Charles rose and fled
southwards over the snows of the Brenner, then eastwards,
under the blood-red cliffs of dolomite that wall in the
Pusterthal, far away into the valleys of Carinthia: the
council of Trent broke up in consternation: Europe saw
and the Emperor acknowledged that in his fancied triumph
over the spirit of revolution he had done no more than
block up for the moment an irresistible torrent. When
this last effort to produce religious uniformity by violence
had failed as hopelessly as the previous devices of holding
discussions of doctrine and calling a general council,
a sort of armistice was agreed to in 1554, which lasted
in mutual fear and suspicion for more than sixty years.
Four years after this disappointment of the hopes and
projects which had occupied his busy life, Charles, weighed
down by cares and with the shadow of coming death
already upon him, resigned the sovereignty of Spain and
the Indies, of Flanders and Naples, into the hands of his
son Philip the Second; while the imperial sceptre passed
to his brother Ferdinand, who had been some time before
chosen King of the Romans. Ferdinand was content to
<span class="sidenote">Ferdinand
I,
1558-1564.</span>
<span class="sidenote">Maximilian
II,
1564-1576.</span>
leave things much as he found them, and the amiable
Maximilian II, who succeeded him, though personally
well inclined to the Protestants, found himself fettered by
his position and his allies, and could do little or nothing
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Destruction
of the
Germanic
state-system.</span>
to quench the flame of religious and political hatred.
Germany remained divided into two omnipresent factions,
and so further than ever from harmonious action, or
a tightening of the long-loosened bond of feudal allegiance.
The states of either creed being gathered into
a league, there could no longer be a recognized centre of
authority for judicial or administrative purposes. Least
of all could a centre be sought in the Emperor, the leader
of the papal party, the suspected foe of every Protestant.
Too closely watched to do anything of his own authority,
too much committed to one party to be accepted as
a mediator by the other, he was driven to attain his own
objects by falling in with the schemes and furthering the
selfish ends of his adherents, by becoming the accomplice
or the tool of the Jesuits. The Lutheran princes addressed
themselves to reduce a power of which they had
still an over-sensitive dread, and found when they exacted
from each successive sovereign engagements more stringent
than his predecessor's, that in this, and this alone,
their Catholic brethren were not unwilling to join them.
Thus obliged to strip himself one by one of the ancient
privileges of his crown, the Emperor came to have little
influence on the government except that which his intrigues
might exercise. Nay, it became almost impossible
to maintain a government at all. For when the Reformers
found themselves outvoted at the Diet, they
declared that in matters of religion a majority ought not
to bind a minority. As the measures were few which
did not admit of being reduced to this category, for whatever
benefited the Emperor or any other Catholic prince
injured the Protestants, nothing could be done save by
the assent of two bitterly hostile factions. Thus scarce
anything was done; and even the courts of justice were
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>
stopped by the disputes that attended the appointment of
every judge or assessor.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Alliance
of the Protestants
with
France.</p>

<p>In the foreign politics of Germany another result
followed. Inferior in military force and organization,
the Protestant princes at first provided for their safety
by forming leagues among themselves. The device
was an old one, and had been employed by the monarch
himself before now, in despair at the effete and cumbrous
forms of the imperial system. Soon they began to look
beyond the Vosges, and found that France, burning heretics
at home, was only too happy to smile on free opinions
elsewhere. The alliance was easily struck; Henry the
Second assumed in 1552 the title of 'Protector of the
Germanic liberties,' and a pretext for interference was
never wanting in future.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Reformation
spirit, and
its influence
upon the
Empire.</p>

<p>These were some of the visible political consequences
of the great religious schism of the sixteenth century.
But beyond and above them there was a change far more
momentous than any of its immediate results. There is
perhaps no event in history which has been represented
in so great a variety of lights as the Reformation. It has
been called a revolt of the laity against the clergy, or of
the Teutonic races against the Italians, or of the kingdoms
of Europe against the universal monarchy of the
Popes. Some have seen in it only a burst of long-repressed
anger at the luxury of the prelates and the
manifold abuses of the ecclesiastical system; others a
renewal of the youth of the church by a return to primitive
forms of doctrine. All these indeed to some extent
it was; but it was also something more profound, and
fraught with mightier consequences than any of them. It
was in its essence the assertion of the principle of individuality&mdash;that
is to say, of true spiritual freedom. Hitherto
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span>
the personal consciousness had been a faint and broken
reflection of the universal; obedience had been held the
first of religious duties; truth had been conceived as a
something external and positive, which the priesthood who
were its stewards were to communicate to the passive
layman, and whose saving virtue lay not in its being felt
and known by him to be truth, but in a purely formal and
unreasoning acceptance. The great principles which
mediæval Christianity still cherished were obscured by the
limited, rigid, almost sensuous forms which had been
forced on them in times of ignorance and barbarism.
That which was in its nature abstract, had been able to
survive only by taking a concrete expression. The universal
consciousness became the Visible Church: the Visible
Church hardened into a government and degenerated into
a hierarchy. Holiness of heart and life was sought by outward
works, by penances and pilgrimages, by gifts to the
poor and to the clergy, wherein there dwelt often little
enough of a charitable mind. The presence of divine truth
among men was symbolized under one aspect by the existence
on earth of an infallible Vicar of God, the Pope;
under another, by the reception of the present Deity in the
sacrifice of the mass; in a third, by the doctrine that the
priest's power to remit sins and administer the sacraments
depended upon a transmission of miraculous gifts which
can hardly be called other than physical. All this system
of doctrine, which might, but for the position of the
church as a worldly and therefore obstructive power, have
expanded, renewed, and purified itself during the four
centuries that had elapsed since its completion<a name="FNanchor_372" id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a>,
and
thus remained in harmony with the growing intelligence
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span>
of mankind, was suddenly rent in pieces by the convulsion
of the Reformation, and flung away by the more
religious and more progressive peoples of Europe. That
which was external and concrete, was in all things to be
superseded by that which was inward and spiritual. It
was proclaimed that the individual spirit, while it continued
to mirror itself in the world-spirit, had nevertheless
an independent existence as a centre of self-issuing force,
and was to be in all things active rather than passive.
Truth was no longer to be truth to the soul until it should
have been by the soul recognized, and in some measure
even created; but when so recognized and felt, it is able
under the form of faith to transcend outward works and
to transform the dogmas of the understanding; it becomes
the living principle within each man's breast, infinite
itself, and expressing itself infinitely through his thoughts
and acts. He who as a spiritual being was delivered
from the priest, and brought into direct relation with the
Divinity, needed not, as heretofore, to be enrolled a
member of a visible congregation of his fellows, that he
might live a pure and useful life among them. Thus by
the Reformation the Visible Church as well as the priesthood
<span class="sidenote">Effect of
the Reformation
on
the doctrines
regarding
the Visible
Church.</span>
lost that paramount importance which had hitherto
belonged to it, and sank from being the depositary of all
religious tradition, the source and centre of religious life,
the arbiter of eternal happiness or misery, into a mere
association of Christian men, for the expression of mutual
sympathy and the better attainment of certain common
ends. Like those other doctrines which were now assailed
by the Reformation, this mediæval view of the nature of
the Visible Church had been naturally, and so, it may be
said, necessarily developed between the third and the twelfth
century, and must therefore have represented the thoughts
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span>
and satisfied the wants of those times. By the Visible
Church the flickering lamp of knowledge and literary
culture, as well as of religion, had been fed and tended
through the long night of the Dark Ages. But, like the
whole theological fabric of which it formed a part, it was
now hard and unfruitful, identified with its own worst
abuses, capable apparently of no further development,
and unable to satisfy minds which in growing stronger
had grown more conscious of their strength. Before the
awakened zeal of the northern nations it stood a cold and
lifeless system, whose organization as a hierarchy checked
the free activity of thought, whose bestowal of worldly
power and wealth on spiritual pastors drew them away
from their proper duties, and which by maintaining alongside
of the civil magistracy a co-ordinate and rival government,
maintained also that separation of the spiritual element
in man from the secular, which had been so complete
and so pernicious during the Middle Ages, which
debases life, and severs religion from morality.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Consequent
effect upon
the Empire.</p>

<p>The Reformation, it may be said, was a religious movement:
and it is the Empire, not the Church, that we have
here to consider. The distinction is only apparent. The
Holy Empire is but another name for the Visible Church.
It has been shewn already how mediæval theory constructed
the State on the model of the Church; how the Roman
Empire was the shadow of the Popedom&mdash;designed to rule
men's bodies as the pontiff ruled their souls. Both alike
claimed obedience on the ground that Truth is One, and
that where there is One faith there must be One government<a name="FNanchor_373" id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a>.
And, therefore, since it was this very principle of
Formal Unity that the Reformation overthrew, it became
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span>
a revolt against despotism of every kind; it erected the
standard of civil as well as of religious liberty, since both
of them are needed, though needed in a different measure,
for the worthy development of the individual spirit. The
Empire had never been conspicuously the antagonist of
popular freedom, and was, even under Charles the Fifth,
far less formidable to the commonalty than were the petty
princes of Germany. But submission, and submission on
the ground of indefeasible transmitted right, upon the
ground of Catholic traditions and the duty of the Christian
magistrate to suffer heresy and schism as little as the
parallel sins of treason and rebellion, had been its constant
claim and watchword. Since the days of Julius
Cæsar it had passed through many phases, but in none of
them had it ever been a constitutional monarchy, pledged
to the recognition of popular rights. And hence the
indirect tendency of the Reformation to narrow the province
of government and exalt the privileges of the subject
was as plainly adverse to the Empire as the Protestant
claim of the right of private judgment was to the pretensions
of the Papacy and the priesthood.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Immediate
influence of
the Reformation
on political
and religious
liberty.</p>

<p>The remark must not be omitted in passing, how much
less than might have been expected the religious movement
did at first actually effect in the way of promoting
either political progress or freedom of conscience. The
habits of centuries were not to be unlearnt in a few years,
and it was natural that ideas struggling into existence
and activity should work erringly and imperfectly for a
time. By a few inflammable minds liberty was carried
into antinomianism, and produced the wildest excesses of
life and doctrine. Several fantastic sects arose, refusing
to conform to the ordinary rules without which human
society could not subsist. But these commotions neither
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Conduct of
the Protestant
States.</span>
spread widely nor lasted long. Far more pervading and
more remarkable was the other error, if that can be called
an error which was the almost unavoidable result of the
circumstances of the time. The principles which had led
the Protestants to sever themselves from the Roman
Church, should have taught them to bear with the
opinions of others, and warned them from the attempt to
connect agreement in doctrine or manner of worship with
the necessary forms of civil government. Still less ought
they to have enforced that agreement by civil penalties;
for faith, upon their own shewing, had no value save when
it was freely given. A church which does not claim to be
infallible is bound to allow that some part of the truth
may possibly be with its adversaries: a church which
permits or encourages human reason to apply itself to
revelation has no right first to argue with people and then
to punish them if they are not convinced. But whether
it was that men only half saw what they had done, or that
finding it hard enough to unrivet priestly fetters, they
welcomed all the aid a temporal prince could give, the
result was that religion, or rather religious creeds, began
to be involved with politics more closely than had ever
been the case before. Through the greater part of Christendom
wars of religion raged for a century or more, and
down to our own days feelings of theological antipathy
continue to affect the relations of the powers of Europe.
In almost every country the form of doctrine which
triumphed associated itself with the state, and maintained
the despotic system of the Middle Ages, while it forsook
the grounds on which that system had been based. It
was thus that there arose National Churches, which were
to be to the several countries of Europe that which the
Church Catholic had been to the world at large; churches,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span>
that is to say, each of which was to be co-extensive with
its respective state, was to enjoy landed wealth and exclusive
political privilege, and was to be armed with coercive
powers against recusants. It was not altogether easy to
find a set of theoretical principles on which such churches
might be made to rest, for they could not, like the old
church, point to the historical transmission of their doctrines;
they could not claim to have in any one man or
body of men an infallible organ of divine truth; they could
not even fall back upon general councils, or the argument,
whatever it may be worth, '<i lang="la">Securus iudicat orbis terrarum</i>.'
But in practice these difficulties were soon got over, for the
dominant party in each state, if it was not infallible, was
at any rate quite sure that it was right, and could attribute
the resistance of other sects to nothing but moral obliquity.
The will of the sovereign, as in England, or the will of
the majority, as in Holland, Scandinavia, and Scotland,
imposed upon each country a peculiar form of worship,
and kept up the practices of mediæval intolerance without
their justification. Persecution, which might be at least
excused in an infallible Catholic and Apostolic Church,
was peculiarly odious when practised by those who were
not catholic, who were no more apostolic than their
neighbours, and who had just revolted from the most
ancient and venerable authority in the name of rights
which they now denied to others. If union with the
visible church by participation in a material sacrament be
necessary to eternal life, persecution may be held a duty,
a kindness to perishing souls. But if the kingdom of
heaven be in every sense a kingdom of the spirit, if saving
faith be possible out of one visible body and under a
diversity of external forms, persecution becomes at once
a crime and a folly. Therefore the intolerance of Protestants,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span>
if the forms it took were less cruel than those practised
by the Roman Catholics, was also far less defensible;
for it had seldom anything better to allege on its behalf
than motives of political expediency, or, more often, the
mere headstrong passion of a ruler or a faction to silence
the expressions of any opinions but their own. To enlarge
upon this theme, did space permit it, would not be to
digress from the proper subject of this narrative. For the
Empire, as has been said more than once already, was far
less an institution than a theory or doctrine. And hence it is
not too much to say, that the ideas which have but recently
ceased to prevail regarding the duty of the magistrate to
compel uniformity in doctrine and worship by the civil
arm, may all be traced to the relation which that doctrine
established between the Roman Church and the Roman
Empire; to the conception, in fact, of an Empire Church
itself.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Influence
of the Reformation
on the name
and associations
of
the Empire.</p>

<p>Two of the ways in which the Reformation affected the
Empire have been now described: its immediate political
results, and its far more profound doctrinal importance,
as implanting new ideas regarding the nature of freedom
and the province of government. A third, though apparently
almost superficial, cannot be omitted. Its name
and its traditions, little as they retained of their former
magic power, were still such as to excite the antipathy of
the German reformers. The form which the doctrine of
the supreme importance of one faith and one body of the
faithful had taken was the dominion of the ancient
capital of the world through her spiritual head, the
Roman bishop, and her temporal head, the Emperor.
As the names of Roman and Christian had been once
convertible, so long afterwards were those of Roman and
Catholic. The Reformation, separating into its parts
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span>
what had hitherto been one conception, attacked Romanism
but not Catholicity, and formed religious communities
which, while continuing to call themselves Christian, repudiated
the form with which Christianity had been so
long identified in the West. As the Empire was founded
upon the assumption that the limits of Church and State
are exactly co-extensive, a change which withdrew half
of its subjects from the one body while they remained
members of the other, transformed it utterly, destroyed
the meaning and value of its old arrangements, and forced
the Emperor into a strange and incongruous position.
To his Protestant subjects he was merely the head of the
administration, to the Catholics he was also the Defender
and Advocate of their church. Thus from being chief of
the whole state he became the chief of a party within it,
the <span lang="la">Corpus Catholicorum</span>, as opposed to the <span lang="la">Corpus
Evangelicorum</span>; he lost what had been hitherto his most
holy claim to the obedience of the subject; the awakened
feeling of German nationality was driven into hostility to
an institution whose title and history bound it to the
centre of foreign tyranny. After exulting for seven centuries
in the heritage of Roman rule, the Teutonic nations
cherished again the feelings with which their ancestors
had resisted Julius Cæsar and Germanicus. Two mutually
repugnant systems could not exist side by side without
striving to destroy one another. The instincts of theological
sympathy overcame the duties of political allegiance,
and men who were subjects both of the Empire
and of their local prince, gave all their loyalty to him who
espoused their doctrines and protected their worship.
For in North Germany, princes as well as people were
mostly Lutheran: in the southern and especially the
south-eastern lands, where the magnates held to the old
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span>
faith, Protestants were scarcely to be found except in the
free cities. The same causes which injured the Emperor's
position in Germany swept away the last semblance of
his authority through other countries. In the great
struggle which followed, the Protestants of England and
France, of Holland and Sweden, thought of him only as
the ally of Spain, of the Vatican, of the Jesuits; and he
of whom it had been believed a century before that by
nothing but his existence was the coming of Antichrist on
earth delayed, was in the eyes of the northern divines
either Antichrist himself or Antichrist's foremost champion.
The earthquake that opened a chasm in Germany
was felt through Europe; its states and peoples marshalled
themselves under two hostile banners, and with the Empire's
expiring power vanished that united Christendom
it had been created to lead<a name="FNanchor_374" id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Troubles of
Germany.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Rudolf II,
1576-1612.</p>

<p>Some of the effects thus sketched began to shew
themselves as early as that famous Diet of Worms, from
Luther's appearance at which, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1521, we may
date the beginning of the Reformation. But just as
the end of the religious conflict in England can hardly be
placed earlier than the Revolution of 1688, nor in France
than the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685,
so it was not till after more than a century of doubtful
strife that the new order of things was fully and finally
established in Germany. The arrangements of Augsburg,
like most treaties on the basis of <i lang="la">uti possidetis</i>, were no
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Matthias,
1612-1619.</span>
better than a hollow truce, satisfying no one, and consciously
made to be broken. The church lands which
Protestants had seized, and Jesuit confessors urged the
Catholic princes to reclaim, furnished an unceasing
ground of quarrel: neither party yet knew the strength of
its antagonists sufficiently to abstain from insulting or
persecuting their modes of worship, and the smouldering
hate of half a century was kindled by the troubles
of Bohemia into the Thirty Years' War.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Thirty
Years'
War,
1618-1648.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Ferdinand
II, <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
1619-37.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Plans of
Ferdinand
II.</p>

<p>The imperial sceptre had now passed from the indolent
and vacillating Rudolf II (1576-1612), the corrupt
and reckless policy of whose ministers had done much to
exasperate the already suspicious minds of the Protestants,
into the firmer grasp of Ferdinand the Second<a name="FNanchor_375" id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a>. Jealous,
bigoted, implacable, skilful in forming and concealing
his plans, resolute to obstinacy in carrying them out in
action, the house of Hapsburg could have had no abler
and no more unpopular leader in their second attempt to
turn the German Empire into an Austrian military
monarchy. They seemed for a time as near to the
accomplishment of the project as Charles the Fifth had
been. Leagued with Spain, backed by the Catholics of
Germany, served by such a leader as Wallenstein, Ferdinand
proposed nothing less than the extension of the
Empire to its old limits, and the recovery of his crown's
full prerogative over all its vassals. Denmark and Holland
were to be attacked by sea and land: Italy to be
reconquered with the help of Spain: Maximilian of
Bavaria and Wallenstein to be rewarded with principalities
in Pomerania and Mecklenburg. The latter general was
all but master of Northern Germany when the successful
resistance of Stralsund turned the wavering balance of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Gustavus
Adolphus.</span>
the war. Soon after (<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1630), Gustavus Adolphus
crossed the Baltic, and saved Europe from an impending
reign of the Jesuits. Ferdinand's high-handed proceedings
had already alarmed even the Catholic princes.
Of his own authority he had put the Elector Palatine
and other magnates to the ban of the Empire: he had
transferred an electoral vote to Bavaria; had treated
the districts overrun by his generals as spoil of war,
to be portioned out at his pleasure; had unsettled all
possession by requiring the restitution of church property
occupied since <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1555. The Protestants were
helpless; the Catholics, though they complained of the
flagrant illegality of such conduct, did not dare to oppose
it: the rescue of Germany was the work of the Swedish
king. In four campaigns he destroyed the armies and
the prestige of the Emperor; devastated his lands, emptied
his treasury, and left him at last so enfeebled that no
subsequent successes could make him again formidable.
Such, nevertheless, was the selfishness and apathy of the
Protestant princes, divided by the mutual jealousy of the
Lutheran and the Calvinist party&mdash;some, like the Saxon
elector, most inglorious of his inglorious house, bribed by
the cunning Austrian; others afraid to stir lest a reverse
<span class="sidenote">Ferdinand
III,
1637-1658.</span>
<span class="sidenote">The peace of
Westphalia.</span>
should expose them unprotected to his vengeance&mdash;that
the issue of the long protracted contest would have
gone against them but for the interference of France.
It was the leading principle of Richelieu's policy to depress
the house of Hapsburg and keep Germany disunited:
hence he fostered Protestantism abroad while trampling
it down at home. The triumph he did not live to see was
sealed in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648, on the utter exhaustion of all the
combatants, and the treaties of Münster and Osnabrück
were thenceforward the basis of the Germanic constitution.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XIX.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA: LAST STAGE IN
THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE.</span></h2>

<p>The Peace of Westphalia is the first, and, with the
exception perhaps of the Treaties of Vienna in 1815,
the most important of those attempts to reconstruct by
diplomacy the European states-system which have played
so large a part in modern history. It is important,
however, not as marking the introduction of new principles,
but as winding up the struggle which had convulsed
Germany since the revolt of Luther, sealing its results,
and closing definitively the period of the Reformation.
Although the causes of disunion which the religious
movement called into being had now been at work for
more than a hundred years, their effects were not fully
seen till it became necessary to establish a system which
should represent the altered relations of the German
states. It may thus be said of this famous peace, as of
the other so-called 'fundamental law of the Empire,' the
Golden Bull, that it did no more than legalize a condition
of things already in existence, but which by being legalized
acquired new importance. To all parties alike the result
of the Thirty Years' War was thoroughly unsatisfactory:
to the Protestants, who had lost Bohemia, and still were
obliged to hold an inferior place in the electoral college
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span>
and in the Diet: to the Catholics, who were forced to
permit the exercise of heretical worship, and leave the
church lands in the grasp of sacrilegious spoilers: to the
princes, who could not throw off the burden of imperial
supremacy: to the Emperor, who could turn that supremacy
to no practical account. No other conclusion
was possible to a contest in which every one had been
vanquished and no one victorious; which had ceased
because while the reasons for war continued the means of
war had failed. Nevertheless, the substantial advantage
remained with the German princes, for they gained the
formal recognition of that territorial independence whose
origin may be placed as far back as the days of Frederick
the Second, and the maturity of which had been hastened
by the events of the last preceding century. It was,
indeed, not only recognized but justified as rightful and
necessary. For while the political situation, to use a
current phrase, had changed within the last two hundred
years, the eyes with which men regarded it had changed
still more. Never by their fiercest enemies in earlier
times, not once by the Popes or Lombard republicans in
the heat of their strife with the Franconian and Swabian
Cæsars, had the Emperors been reproached as mere
German kings, or their claim to be the lawful heirs of
Rome denied. The Protestant jurists of the sixteenth or
rather of the seventeenth century were the first persons who
ventured to scoff at the pretended lordship of the world,
and declare their Empire to be nothing more than a
German monarchy, in dealing with which no superstitious
reverence need prevent its subjects from making the best
terms they could for themselves, and controlling a sovereign
whose religious predilections made him the friend of
their enemies.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span></p>

<p class="sidenote">The treatise
of Hippolytus
a
Lapide.</p>

<p>It is very instructive to turn suddenly from Dante or
Peter de Andlo to a book published shortly before <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
1648, under the name of Hippolytus a Lapide<a name="FNanchor_376" id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a>,
and
notice the matter-of-fact way, the almost contemptuous
spirit in which, disregarding the traditional glories of the
Empire, he comments on its actual condition and prospects.
Hippolytus, the pseudonym which the jurist
Chemnitz assumed, urges with violence almost superfluous,
that the Germanic constitution must be treated
entirely as a native growth: that the <span lang="la">'lex regia'</span> (so much
discussed and so often misunderstood) and the whole
system of Justinianean absolutism which the Emperor
had used so dexterously, were in their applications to
Germany not merely incongruous but positively absurd.
With eminent learning, Chemnitz examines the early
history of the Empire, draws from the unceasing contests
of the monarch with the nobility the unexpected moral
that the power of the former has been always dangerous,
and is now more dangerous than ever, and then launches
out into a long invective against the policy of the Hapsburgs,
an invective which the ambition and harshness of
the late Emperor made only too plausible. The one real
remedy for the evils that menace Germany he states concisely&mdash;<span lang="la">'domus
Austriacæ extirpatio:'</span> but, failing this,
he would have the Emperor's prerogative restricted in
every way, and provide means for resisting or dethroning
him. It was by these views, which seem to have made a
profound impression in Germany, that the states, or
rather France and Sweden acting on their behalf, were
guided in the negotiations of Osnabrück and Münster.
By extorting a full recognition of the sovereignty of all
the princes, Catholics and Protestants alike, in their
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Rights of
the Emperor
and
the Diet, as
settled in
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648.</span>
respective territories, they bound the Emperor from any
direct interference with the administration, either in particular
districts or throughout the Empire. All affairs of
public importance, including the rights of making war or
peace, of levying contributions, raising troops, building
fortresses, passing or interpreting laws, were henceforth
to be left entirely in the hands of the Diet. The Aulic
Council, which had been sometimes the engine of imperial
oppression, and always of imperial intrigue, was so
restricted as to be harmless for the future. The <span lang="la">'reservata'</span>
of the Emperor were confined to the rights of granting
titles and confirming tolls. In matters of religion, an
exact though not perfectly reciprocal equality was established
between the two chief ecclesiastical bodies, and
the right of <span lang="la">'Itio in partes,'</span> that is to say, of deciding
questions in which religion was involved by amicable
negotiations between the Protestant and Catholic states,
instead of by a majority of votes in the Diet, was definitely
conceded. Both Lutherans and Calvinists were
declared free from all jurisdiction of the Pope or any
Catholic prelate. Thus the last link which bound Germany
to Rome was snapped, the last of the principles by
virtue of which the Empire had existed was abandoned.
For the Empire now contained and recognized as its
members persons who formed a visible body at open war
with the Holy Roman Church; and its constitution admitted
schismatics to a full share in all those civil rights
which, according to the doctrines of the early Middle
Age, could be enjoyed by no one who was out of the
communion of the Catholic Church. The Peace of
Westphalia was therefore an abrogation of the sovereignty
of Rome, and of the theory of Church and State
with which the name of Rome was associated. And in
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span>
this light was it regarded by Pope Innocent the Tenth,
who commanded his legate to protest against it, and
subsequently declared it void by the bull <span lang="la">'Zelo domus
Dei<a name="FNanchor_377" id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>.'</span></p>

<p class="sidenote">Loss of
imperial
territories.</p>

<p>The transference of power within the Empire, from its
head to its members, was a small matter compared with
the losses which the Empire suffered as a whole. The
real gainers by the treaties of Westphalia were those who
had borne the brunt of the battle against Ferdinand the
Second and his son. To France were ceded Brisac,
the Austrian part of Alsace, and the lands of the three
bishoprics in Lorraine&mdash;Metz, Toul, and Verdun, which
her armies had seized in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1552: to Sweden, northern
Pomerania, Bremen, and Verden. There was, however,
this difference between the position of the two, that
whereas Sweden became a member of the German Diet
for what she received (as the king of Holland was, until
1866-7, a member for Dutch Luxemburg, and as the
kings of Denmark, up till the accession of the present sovereign,
were for Holstein), the acquisitions of France were
delivered over to her in full sovereignty, and for ever
severed from the Germanic body. And as it was by their
aid that the liberties of the Protestants had been won,
these two states obtained at the same time what was more
valuable than territorial accessions&mdash;the right of interfering
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span>
at imperial elections, and generally whenever the
provisions of the treaties of Osnabrück and Münster,
which they had guaranteed, might be supposed to be
endangered. The bounds of the Empire were further
narrowed by the final separation of two countries, once
integral parts of Germany, and up to this time legally
members of her body. Holland and Switzerland were, in
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648, declared independent.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Germany
after the
Peace.</p>

<p>The Peace of Westphalia is an era in imperial history
not less clearly marked than the coronation of Otto the
Great, or the death of Frederick the Second. As from
the days of Maximilian it had borne a mixed or transitional
character, well expressed by the name Romano-Germanic,
so henceforth it is in everything but title purely
and solely a German Empire. Properly, indeed, it was no
longer an Empire at all, but a Confederation, and that of
the loosest sort. For it had no common treasury, no
efficient common tribunals<a name="FNanchor_378" id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a>,
no means of coercing a refractory
member<a name="FNanchor_379" id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a>;
its states were of different religions,
were governed according to different forms, were administered
judicially and financially without any regard to
each other. The traveller in Central Germany now is
amused to find, every hour or two, by the change in the
soldiers' uniforms, and the colour of the stripes on the
railway fences, that he has passed out of one and into
another of its miniature kingdoms. Much more surprised
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Number of
petty independent
states: effects
of such
a system on
Germany.</span>
and embarrassed would he have been a century ago, when,
instead of the present thirty-two there were three hundred
petty principalities between the Alps and the Baltic, each
with its own laws, its own courts (in which the ceremonious
pomp of Versailles was faintly reproduced), its little
armies, its separate coinage, its tolls and custom-houses
on the frontier, its crowd of meddlesome and pedantic
officials, presided over by a prime minister who was
generally the unworthy favourite of his prince and the
pensioner of some foreign court. This vicious system,
which paralyzed the trade, the literature, and the political
thought of Germany, had been forming itself for some
time, but did not become fully established until the Peace
of Westphalia, by emancipating the princes from imperial
control, had made them despots in their own territories.
The impoverishment of the inferior nobility and the decline
of the commercial cities caused by a war that had lasted
a whole generation, removed every counterpoise to the
power of the electors and princes, and made absolutism
supreme just where absolutism wants all its justification,
in states too small to have any public opinion, states in
which everything depends on the monarch, and the
monarch depends on his favourites. After <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648 the
provincial estates or parliaments became obsolete in most
of these principalities, and powerless in the rest. Germany
was forced to drink to its very dregs the cup of feudalism,
feudalism from which all the feelings that once ennobled it
had departed.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Feudalism
in France,
England,
Germany.</p>

<p>It is instructive to compare the results of the system of
feudality in the three chief countries of modern Europe.
In France, the feudal head absorbed all the powers
of the state, and left to the aristocracy only a few privileges,
odious indeed, but politically worthless. In England,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span>
the mediæval system expanded into a constitutional
monarchy, where the oligarchy was still strong, but the
commons had won the full recognition of equal civil
rights. In Germany, everything was taken from the
sovereign, and nothing given to the people; the representatives
of those who had been fief-holders of the first
and second rank before the Great Interregnum were now
independent potentates; and what had been once a
monarchy was now an aristocratic federation. The Diet,
originally an assembly of magnates meeting from time to
time like our early English Parliaments, became in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1654
a permanent body, at which the electors, princes, and cities
were represented by their envoys. In other words, it was
now not a national council, but an international congress
of diplomatists.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Causes of
the continuance
of
the Empire.</p>

<p>Where the sacrifice of imperial, or rather federal, rights
to state rights was so complete, we may wonder that the
farce of an Empire should have been retained at all. A
mere German Empire would probably have perished; but
the Teutonic people could not bring itself to abandon the
venerable heritage of Rome. Moreover, the Germans were
of all European peoples the most slow-moving and long-suffering;
and as, if the Empire had fallen, something
must have been erected in its place, they preferred to
work on with the clumsy machine so long as it would
work at all. Properly speaking, it has no history after
this; and the history of the particular states of Germany
which takes its place is one of the dreariest chapters in the
annals of mankind. It would be hard to find, from the
Peace of Westphalia to the French Revolution, a single
grand character or a single noble enterprise; a single
sacrifice made to great public interests, a single instance
in which the welfare of nations was preferred to the selfish
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span>
passions of their princes. The military history of those
times will always be read with interest; but free and progressive
countries have a history of peace not less rich
and varied than that of war; and when we ask for an
account of the political life of Germany in the eighteenth
century, we hear nothing but the scandals of buzzing
courts, and the wrangling of diplomatists at never-ending
congresses.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Empire
and the
Balance of
power.</p>

<p>Useless and helpless as the Empire had become, it was
not without its importance to the neighbouring countries,
with whose fortunes it had been linked by the Peace of
Westphalia. It was the pivot on which the political
system of Europe was to revolve: the scales, so to speak,
which marked the equipoise of power that had become
the grand object of the policy of all states. This modern
caricature of the plan by which the theorists of the fourteenth
century had proposed to keep the world at peace,
used means less noble and attained its end no better than
theirs had done. No one will deny that it was and is
desirable to prevent a universal monarchy in Europe.
But it may be asked whether a system can be considered
successful which allowed Frederick of Prussia to seize
Silesia, which did not check the aggressions of Russia
and France upon their neighbours, which was for ever
bartering and exchanging lands in every part of Europe
without thought of the inhabitants, which permitted and
has never been able to redress that greatest of public misfortunes,
the partitionment of Poland. And if it be said
that bad as things have been under this system, they
would have been worse without it, it is hard to refrain
from asking whether any evils could have been greater
than those which the people of Europe have suffered
through constant wars with each other, and through the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span>
withdrawal, even in time of peace, of so large a part of
their population from useful labour to be wasted in maintaining
a standing army.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Position of
the Empire
in Europe.</p>

<p>The result of the extended relations in which Germany
now found herself to Europe, with two foreign kings
never wanting an occasion, one of them never the wish,
to interfere, was that a spark from her set the Continent
ablaze, while flames kindled elsewhere were sure to spread
hither. Matters grew worse as her princes inherited or
created so many thrones abroad. The Duke of Holstein
acquired Denmark, the Count Palatine Sweden, the Elector
of Saxony Poland, the Elector of Hanover England, the
Archduke of Austria Hungary and Bohemia, while the
Elector (originally Margrave) of Brandenburg obtained,
on the strength of non-imperial territories to the north-eastward
which had come into his hands, the style and
title of King of Prussia. Thus the Empire seemed again
about to embrace Europe; but in a sense far different
from that which those words would have expressed under
Charles and Otto. Its history for a century and a half
is a dismal list of losses and disgraces. The chief external
danger was from French influence, for a time
supreme, always menacing. For though Lewis the Fourteenth,
on whom, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1658, half the electoral college
wished to confer the imperial crown, was before the end
of his life an object of intense hatred, officially entitled
'Hereditary enemy of the Holy Empire<a name="FNanchor_380" id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a>
,' France had
nevertheless a strong party among the princes always at
her beck. The Rhenish and Bavarian electors were her
favourite tools. The '<span lang="fr"><i>réunions</i></span>' begun in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1680,
a pleasant euphemism for robbery in time of peace, added
Strasburg and other places in Alsace, Lorraine, and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span>
Franche Comté to the monarchy of Lewis, and brought
him nearer the heart of the Empire; his ambition and
cruelty were witnessed to by repeated wars, and by the
devastation of the Rhine countries; the ultimate though
short-lived triumph of his policy was attained when
Marshal Belleisle dictated the election of Charles VII in
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1742. In the Turkish wars, when the princes left
<span class="sidenote">Weakness
and stagnation
of
Germany.</span>
Vienna to be saved by the Polish Sobieski, the Empire's
weakness appeared in a still more pitiable light. There
was, indeed, a complete loss of hope and interest in the
old system. The princes had been so long accustomed
to consider themselves the natural foes of a central government,
that a request made by it was sure to be disregarded;
they aped in their petty courts the pomp and
etiquette of Vienna or Paris, grumbling that they should
be required to garrison the great frontier fortresses which
alone protected them from an encroaching neighbour.
The Free Cities had never recovered the famines and
sieges of the Thirty Years' War: Hanseatic greatness
had waned, and the southern towns had sunk into languid
oligarchies. All the vigour of the people in a somewhat
stagnant age either found its sphere in rising states like
the Prussia of Frederick the Great, or turned away from
politics altogether into other channels. The Diet had
become contemptible from the slowness with which it
moved, and its tedious squabbles on matters the most
frivolous. Many sittings were consumed in the discussion
of a question regarding the time of keeping Easter, more
ridiculous than that which had distracted the Western
churches in the seventh century, the Protestants refusing
to reckon by the reformed calendar because it was the
work of a Pope. Collective action through the old organs
was confessed impossible, when the common object of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span>
defence against France was sought by forming a league
under the Emperor's presidency, and when at European
congresses the Empire was not represented at all<a name="FNanchor_381" id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a>. No
change could come from the Emperor, whom the capitulation
of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1658 deposed <i>ipso facto</i> if he violated its
provisions. As Dohm<a name="FNanchor_382" id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a>
 said, to keep him from doing
harm, he was kept from doing anything.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Leopold I,
1658-1705.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Joseph I,
1705-1711.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Charles VI,
1711-1742.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The Hapsburg
Emperors
and
their policy.</p>

<p>Yet little was lost by his inactivity, for what could have
been hoped from his action? From the election of
Albert the Second, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1437, to the death of Charles the
Sixth, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1742, the sceptre had remained in the hands
of one family. So far from being fit subjects for undistinguishing
invective, the Hapsburg Emperors may be
contrasted favourably with the contemporary dynasties of
France, Spain, or England. Their policy, viewed as
a whole from the days of Rudolf downwards, had been
neither conspicuously tyrannical, nor faltering, nor dishonest.
But it had been always selfish. Entrusted with
an office which might, if there be any power in those
memories of the past to which the champions of hereditary
monarchy so constantly appeal, have stirred their sluggish
souls with some enthusiasm for the heroes on whose
throne they sat, some wish to advance the glory and the
happiness of Germany, they had cared for nothing, sought
nothing, used the Empire as an instrument for nothing
but the attainment of their own personal or dynastic ends.
Placed on the eastern verge of Germany, the Hapsburgs
had added to their ancient lands in Austria proper and
Tyrol, non-German territories far more extensive, and
had thus become the chiefs of a separate and independent
state. They endeavoured to reconcile its interests with
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span>
the interests of the Empire, so long as it seemed possible
to recover part of the old imperial prerogative. But when
such hopes were dashed by the defeats of the Thirty
Years' War, they hesitated no longer between an elective
crown and the rule of their hereditary states, and comported
themselves thenceforth in European politics not as
the representatives of Germany, but as heads of the great
Austrian monarchy. There would have been nothing
culpable in this had they not at the same time continued
to entangle Germany in wars with which she had no
concern: to waste her strength in tedious combats with
the Turks, or plunge her into a new struggle with France,
not to defend her frontiers or recover the lands she had
lost, but that some scion of the house of Hapsburg might
reign in Spain or Italy. Watching the whole course of
their foreign policy, marking how in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1736 they had
bartered away Lorraine for Tuscany, a German for a non-German
territory, and seeing how at home they opposed
every scheme of reform which could in the least degree
trench upon their own prerogative, how they strove to
obstruct the imperial chamber lest it should interfere with
their own Aulic council, men were driven to separate the
body of the Empire from the imperial office and its possessors<a name="FNanchor_383" id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a>,
and when plans for reinvigorating the one
failed, to leave the others to their fate. Still the old line
<span class="sidenote">Causes of
the long
retention of
the throne
by Austria.</span>
clung to the crown with that Hapsburg gripe which has
almost passed into a proverb. Odious as Austria was,
no one could despise her, or fancy it easy to shake her
commanding position in Europe. Her alliances were
fortunate: her designs were steadily pursued: her dismembered
territories always returned to her. Though
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span>
the throne continued strictly elective, it was impossible
not to be influenced by long prescription. Projects were
repeatedly formed to set the Hapsburgs aside by electing
a prince of some other line<a name="FNanchor_384" id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a>,
or by passing a law that
there should never be more than two, or four, successive
Emperors of the same house. France<a name="FNanchor_385" id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a>
 ever and anon
renewed her warnings to the electors, that their freedom
was passing from them, and the sceptre becoming hereditary
in one haughty family. But it was felt that a
change would be difficult and disagreeable, and that the
heavy expense and scanty revenues of the Empire required
to be supported by larger patrimonial domains than most
German princes possessed. The heads of states like
Prussia and Hanover, states whose size and wealth would
have made them suitable candidates, were Protestants,
and so excluded both by the connexion of the imperial
office with the Church, and by the majority of Roman
Catholics in the electoral college<a name="FNanchor_386" id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a>,
who, however jealous
they might be of Austria, were led both by habit and
sympathy to rally round her in moments of peril. The
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span>
one occasion on which these considerations were disregarded
shewed their force. On the extinction of the
male line of Hapsburg in the person of Charles the
Sixth, the intrigues of the French envoy, Marshal Belleisle,
procured the election of Charles Albert of Bavaria,
<span class="sidenote">Charles
VII, 1742-1745.</span>
who stood first among the Catholic princes. His reign
was a succession of misfortunes and ignominies. Driven
from Munich by the Austrians, the head of the Holy
Empire lived in Frankfort on the bounty of France,
cursed by the country on which his ambition had brought
the miseries of a protracted war<a name="FNanchor_387" id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a>. The choice in 1745
<span class="sidenote">Francis I,
1745-1765.</span>
of Duke Francis of Lorraine, husband of the archduchess
of Austria and queen of Hungary, Maria Theresa, was
meant to restore the crown to the only power capable
of wearing it with dignity: in Joseph the Second, her
son, it again rested on the brow of a Hapsburg<a name="FNanchor_388" id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>. In
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span>
the war of the Austrian succession, which followed
on the death of Charles the Sixth, the Empire as a
body took no part; in the Seven Years' War its whole
<span class="sidenote">Seven
Years' War.</span>
might broke in vain against one resolute member.
Under Frederick the Great Prussia approved herself at
least a match for France and Austria leagued against her,
and the semblance of unity which the predominance of a
single power had hitherto given to the Empire was replaced
by the avowed rivalry of two military monarchies. The
Emperor Joseph the Second, a sort of philosopher-king,
<span class="sidenote">Joseph II,
1765-1790.</span>
than whom few have more narrowly missed greatness,
made a desperate effort to set things right, striving to
restore the disordered finances, to purge and vivify the
Imperial Chamber. Nay, he renounced the intolerant
policy of his ancestors, quarrelled with the Pope<a name="FNanchor_389" id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a>,
and
presumed to visit Rome, whose streets heard once more
the shout that had been silent for three centuries,
<span lang="it">'Evviva il nostro imperatore! Siete a casa vostra: siete
il padrone<a name="FNanchor_390" id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a>.'</span> But his indiscreet haste was met by a
sullen resistance, and he died disappointed in plans for
which the time was not yet ripe, leaving no result save the
league of princes which Frederick the Great had formed
to oppose his designs on Bavaria. His successor, Leopold
<span class="sidenote">Leopold II,
1790-1792.
Last phase
of the Empire.</span>
the Second, abandoned the projected reforms, and a calm,
the calm before the hurricane, settled down again upon
Germany. The existence of the Empire was almost forgotten
by its subjects: there was nothing to remind them
of it but a feudal investiture now and then at Vienna (real
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span>
feudal rights were obsolete<a name="FNanchor_391" id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a>); a concourse of solemn old
lawyers at Wetzlar puzzling over interminable suits<a name="FNanchor_392" id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a>;
and
some thirty diplomatists at Regensburg<a name="FNanchor_393" id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>,
the relics of that
<span class="sidenote">The Diet.</span>
Imperial Diet where once a hero-king, a Frederick or a
Henry, enthroned amid mitred prelates and steel-clad
barons, had issued laws for every tribe from the Mediterranean
to the Baltic<a name="FNanchor_394" id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>. The solemn triflings of this so-called
'Diet of Deputation' have probably never been
equalled elsewhere<a name="FNanchor_395" id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>. Questions of precedence and title,
questions whether the envoys of princes should have
chairs of red cloth like those of the electors, or only of
the less honourable green, whether they should be served
on gold or on silver, how many hawthorn boughs should
be hung up before the door of each on May-day; these,
and such as these, it was their chief employment not to
settle but to discuss. The pedantic formalism of old
Germany passed that of Spaniards or Turks; it had now
crushed under a mountain of rubbish whatever meaning
or force its old institutions had contained. It is the
penalty of greatness that its form should outlive its substance:
that gilding and trappings should remain when
that which they were meant to deck and clothe has departed.
So our sloth or our timidity, not seeing that
whatever is false must be also bad, maintains in being
what once was good long after it has become helpless and
hopeless: so now at the close of the eighteenth century,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span>
strings of sounding titles were all that was left of the
Empire which Charles had founded, and Frederick
adorned, and Dante sung.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Feelings
of the
German
people.</p>

<p>The German mind, just beginning to put forth the
blossoms of its wondrous literature, turned away in disgust
from the spectacle of ceremonious imbecility more than
Byzantine. National feeling seemed gone from princes
and people alike. Lessing, who did more than any one
else to create the German literary spirit, says, 'Of the love
of country I have no conception: it appears to me at best
a heroic weakness which I am right glad to be without<a name="FNanchor_396" id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a>.'
The Emperor Joseph II writes to his brother of France:
'You must know that the annihilation of German nationality
is a necessary leading principle of my policy<a name="FNanchor_397" id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a>.'
There were nevertheless persons who saw how fatal such
a system was, lying like a nightmare on the people's soul.
Speaking of the union of princes formed by Frederick of
Prussia to preserve the existing condition of things,
Johannes von Müller writes<a name="FNanchor_398" id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a>:
'If the German Union
serves for nothing better than to maintain the <i>status quo</i>,
it is against the eternal order of God, by which neither the
physical nor the moral world remains for a moment in
the <i>status quo</i>, but all is life and motion and progress. To
exist without law or justice, without security from arbitrary
imposts, doubtful whether we can preserve from day
to day our honours, our liberties, our rights, our lives,
helpless before superior force, without a beneficial connexion
between our states, without a national spirit at all,
this is the <i>status quo</i> of our nation. And it was this that
the Union was meant to confirm. If it be this and
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span>
nothing more, then bethink you how when Israel saw that
Rehoboam would not hearken, the people gave answer to
the king and spake, "What portion have we in David, or
what inheritance in the son of Jesse? to your tents, O
Israel: David, see to thine own house." See then to your
own houses, ye princes.'</p>

<p>Nevertheless, though the Empire stood like a corpse
brought forth from some Egyptian sepulchre, ready to
crumble at a touch, there seemed no reason why it should
not stand so for centuries more. Fate was kind, and slew
it in the light.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XX.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">FALL OF THE EMPIRE.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">Francis II,
1792-1806.</p>

<p>Goethe has described the uneasiness with which, in
the days of his childhood, the burghers of his native
Frankfort saw the walls of the Roman Hall covered with
the portraits of Emperor after Emperor, till space was left
for few, at last for one<a name="FNanchor_399" id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a>. In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1792 Francis the Second
mounted the throne of Augustus, and the last place was
filled. Three years before there had arisen on the western
horizon a little cloud, no bigger than a man's hand, and
now the heaven was black with storms of ruin. There
was a prophecy<a name="FNanchor_400" id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a>,
dating from the first days of the Empire's
decline, that when all things were falling to ruin, and
wickedness rife in the world, a second Frankish Charles
should rise as Emperor to purge and heal, to bring back
peace and purify religion. If this was not exactly the
mission of the new ruler of the West Franks, he was at
least anxious to tread in the steps and revive the glories
of the hero whose crown he professed to have inherited.
It were a task superfluously easy to shew how delusive is
that minute historical parallel of which every Parisian was
full in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1804, the parallel between the heir of a long
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Napoleon,
Emperor of
the West.</span>
line of fierce Teutonic chieftains, whose vigorous genius
had seized what it could of the monkish learning of the
eighth century, and the son of the Corsican lawyer, with all
the brilliance of a Frenchman and all the resolute profundity
of an Italian, reared in, yet only half believing, the
ideas of the Encyclopædists, swept up into the seat of
absolute power by the whirlwind of a revolution. Alcuin
and Talleyrand are not more unlike than are their masters.
But though in the characters and temper of the men there
is little resemblance, though their Empires agree in this
only, and hardly even in this, that both were founded on
conquest, there is nevertheless a sort of grand historical
similarity between their positions. Both were the leaders
of fiery and warlike nations, the one still untamed as the
creatures of their native woods, the other drunk with revolutionary
fury. Both aspired to found, and seemed for a
time to have succeeded in founding, universal monarchies.
Both were gifted with a strong and susceptible imagination,
which if it sometimes overbore their judgment, was
yet one of the truest and highest elements of their greatness.
As the one looked back to the kings under the
Jewish theocracy and the Emperors of Christian Rome,
so the other thought to model himself after Cæsar and
Charlemagne. For, useful as was the fancied precedent
of the title and career of the great Carolingian to a chief
determined to be king, yet unable to be king after the
fashion of the Bourbons, and seductive as was such a connexion
to the imaginative vanity of the French people, it
was no studied purpose or simulating art that led Napoleon
<span class="sidenote">Belief of
Napoleon
that he was
the successor
of Charlemagne.</span>
to remind his subjects so frequently of the hero he
claimed to represent. No one who reads the records of
his life can doubt that he believed, as fully as he believed
anything, that the same destiny which had made France
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span>
the centre of the modern world had also appointed him
to sit on the throne and carry out the projects of Charles
the Frank, to rule all Europe from Paris, as the Cæsars
had ruled it from Rome<a name="FNanchor_401" id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a>. It was in this belief that he
went to the ancient capital of the Frankish Emperors to
receive there the Austrian recognition of his imperial title:
that he talked of 'revendicating' Catalonia and Aragon,
because they had formed a part of the Carolingian realm,
though they had never obeyed the descendants of Hugh
Capet: that he undertook a journey to Nimeguen, where
he had ordered the ancient palace to be restored, and inscribed
on its walls his name below that of Charles: that
he summoned the Pope to attend his coronation as
Stephen had come ten centuries before to instal Pipin in
the throne of the last Merovingian<a name="FNanchor_402" id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a>. The same desire
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span>
to be regarded as lawful Emperor of the West shewed
itself in his assumption of the Lombard crown at Milan;
in the words of the decree by which he annexed Rome to
the Empire, revoking 'the donations which my predecessors,
the French Emperors, have made<a name="FNanchor_403" id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a>
;' in the title
'King of Rome,' which he bestowed on his ill-fated son,
in imitation of the German 'King of the Romans<a name="FNanchor_404" id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a>.' We
are even told that it was at one time his intention to eject
the Hapsburgs, and be chosen Roman Emperor in their
stead. Had this been done, the analogy would have been
complete between the position which the French ruler
held to Austria now, and that in which Charles and Otto
had stood to the feeble Cæsars of Byzantium. It was
<span class="sidenote">Attitude of
the Papacy
towards
Napoleon.</span>
curious to see the head of the Roman church turning
away from his ancient ally to the reviving power of France&mdash;France,
where the Goddess of Reason had been worshipped
eight years before&mdash;just as he had sought the help
of the first Carolingians against his Lombard enemies<a name="FNanchor_405" id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a>.
The difference was indeed great between the feelings
wherewith Pius the Seventh addressed his 'very dear
son in Christ,' and those that had pervaded the intercourse
of Pope Hadrian the First with the son of Pipin;
just as the contrast is strange between the principles that
shaped Napoleon's policy and the vision of a theocracy
that had floated before the mind of Charles. Neither
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span>
comparison is much to the advantage of the modern; but
Pius might be pardoned for catching at any help in his
distress, and Napoleon found that the protectorship of the
church strengthened his position in France, and gave him
dignity in the eyes of Christendom<a name="FNanchor_406" id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">The French
Empire.</p>

<p>A swift succession of triumphs had left only one thing
still preventing the full recognition of the Corsican warrior
as sovereign of Western Europe, and that one was the
existence of the old Romano-Germanic Empire. Napoleon
had not long assumed his new title when he began to
mark a distinction between <span lang="fr">'la France'</span> and <span lang="fr">'l'Empire
Française.'</span> France had, since <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1792, advanced to
the Rhine, and, by the annexation of Piedmont, had overstepped
the Alps; the French Empire included, besides
the kingdom of Italy, a mass of dependent states, Naples,
Holland, Switzerland, and many German principalities,
the allies of France in the same sense in which the <span lang="la">'socii
populi Romani'</span> were allies of Rome<a name="FNanchor_407" id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a>. When the last of
Pitt's coalitions had been destroyed at Austerlitz, and
Austria had made her submission by the peace of Presburg,
the conqueror felt that his hour was come. He had
now overcome two Emperors, those of Austria and
Russia, claiming to represent the old and the new Rome
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span>
respectively, and had in eighteen months created more
kings than the occupants of the Germanic throne in as
many centuries. It was time, he thought, to sweep away
obsolete pretensions, and claim the sole inheritance of that
Western Empire, of which the titles and ceremonies of
his court presented a grotesque imitation<a name="FNanchor_408" id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>. The task was
an easy one after what had been already accomplished.
Previous wars and treaties had so redistributed the territories
and changed the constitution of the Germanic Empire
<span class="sidenote">Napoleon in
Germany.</span>
that it could hardly be said to exist in anything but name.
In French history Napoleon appears as the restorer of
peace, the rebuilder of the shattered edifice of social order:
the author of a code and an administrative system which
the Bourbons who dethroned him were glad to preserve.
Abroad he was the true child of the Revolution, and conquered
only to destroy. It was his mission&mdash;a mission
more beneficent in its result than in its means<a name="FNanchor_409" id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a>
&mdash;to break
up in Germany and Italy the abominable system of petty
states, to reawaken the spirit of the people, to sweep
away the relics of an effete feudalism, and leave the ground
clear for the growth of newer and better forms of political
life. Since <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1797, when Austria at Campo Formio
perfidiously exchanged the Netherlands for Venetia, the
work of destruction had gone on apace. All the German
sovereigns west of the Rhine had been dispossessed, and
their territories incorporated with France, while the rest
of the country had been revolutionized by the arrangements
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span>
of the peace of Luneville and the 'Indemnities,'
dictated by the French to the Diet in February 1803.
New kingdoms were erected, electorates created and
extinguished, the lesser princes mediatized, the free cities
occupied by troops and bestowed on some neighbouring
potentate. More than any other change, the secularization
of the dominions of the prince-bishops and abbots
proclaimed the fall of the old constitution, whose principles
had required the existence of a spiritual alongside
of the temporal aristocracy. The Emperor Francis,
partly foreboding the events that were at hand, partly
in order to meet Napoleon's assumption of the imperial
name by depriving that name of its peculiar meaning,
began in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1805 to style himself 'Hereditary Emperor
of Austria,' while retaining at the same time his former
title<a name="FNanchor_410" id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a>. The next act of the drama was one in which we
may more readily pardon the ambition of a foreign conqueror
than the traitorous selfishness of the German
princes, who broke every tie of ancient friendship and
duty to grovel at his throne. By the Act of the Confederation<a name="FNanchor_411" id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a>
<span class="sidenote">The Confederation
of
the Rhine.</span>
of the Rhine, signed at Paris, July 12th, 1806,
Bavaria, Würtemberg, Baden, and several other states,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span>
sixteen in all, withdrew from the body and repudiated the
laws of the Empire, while on August 1st the French
envoy at Regensburg announced to the Diet that his
master, who had consented to become Protector of the
Confederate princes, no longer recognized the existence
of the Empire. Francis the Second resolved at once
<span class="sidenote">Abdication
of the
Emperor
Francis II.</span>
to anticipate this new Odoacer, and by a declaration,
dated August 6th, 1806, resigned the imperial dignity.
His deed states that finding it impossible, in the altered
state of things, to fulfil the obligations imposed by his
capitulation, he considers as dissolved the bonds which
attached him to the Germanic body, releases from their
allegiance the states who formed it, and retires to the
government of his hereditary dominions under the title of
'Emperor of Austria<a name="FNanchor_412" id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a>.' Throughout, the term 'German
Empire' (<span lang="de"><i>Deutsches Reich</i></span>) is employed. But it was the
crown of Augustus, of Constantine, of Charles, of Maximilian,
that Francis of Hapsburg laid down, and a new
era in the world's history was marked by the fall of its
most venerable institution. One thousand and six years
<span class="sidenote">End of the
Empire.</span>
after Leo the Pope had crowned the Frankish king,
eighteen hundred and fifty-eight years after Cæsar had
conquered at Pharsalia, the Holy Roman Empire came
to its end.</p>

<p>There was a time when this event would have been
thought a sign that the last days of the world were at
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span>
hand. But in the whirl of change that had bewildered
men since <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1789, it passed almost unnoticed. No
one could yet fancy how things would end, or what sort
of a new order would at last shape itself out of chaos.
When Napoleon's universal monarchy had dissolved, and
old landmarks shewed themselves again above the receding
waters, it was commonly supposed that the Empire
would be re-established on its former footing<a name="FNanchor_413" id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a>. Such
was indeed the wish of many states, and among them of
Hanover, representing Great Britain<a name="FNanchor_414" id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a>. Though a simple
revival of the old Romano-Germanic Empire was plainly
out of the question, it still appeared to them that Germany
would be best off under the presidency of a single head,
entrusted with the ancient office of maintaining peace
among the members of the confederation. But the new
kingdoms, Bavaria especially, were unwilling to admit a
superior; Prussia, elated at the glory she had won in
the war of independence, would have disputed the crown
with Austria; Austria herself cared little to resume an
office shorn of much of its dignity, with duties to perform
and no resources to enable her to discharge them. Use
was therefore made of an expression in the Peace of
Paris which spoke of uniting Germany by a federative
bond<a name="FNanchor_415" id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a>,
<span class="sidenote">Congress of
Vienna.</span>
and the Congress of Vienna was decided by the
wishes of Austria to establish a Confederation. Thus
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span>
was brought about the present German federal constitution,
which is itself confessed, by the attempts so often
made to reform it, to be a mere temporary expedient,
oppressive in the hands of the strong, and useless for
the protection of the weak. Of late years, one school
of liberal politicians, justly indignant at their betrayal by
the princes after the enthusiastic uprising of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1814,
has aspired to the restoration of the Empire, either as an
hereditary kingdom in the Prussian or some other family,
or in a more republican fashion under a head elected by
the people<a name="FNanchor_416" id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a>. The obstacles in the way of such plans
are evidently very great; but even were the horizon more
clear than it is, this would not be the place from which
to scan it<a name="FNanchor_417" id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span></p>

<h2>CHAPTER XXI.<br />
<br />
<span class="s08">CONCLUSION.</span></h2>

<p class="sidenote">General
summary.</p>

<p>After the attempts already made to examine separately
each of the phases of the Empire, little need be said,
in conclusion, upon its nature and results in general.
A general character can hardly help being either vague
or false. For the aspects which the Empire took are
as many and as various as the ages and conditions of
society during which it continued to exist. Among the
exhausted peoples around the Mediterranean, whose national
feeling had died out, whose faith was extinct or
turned to superstition, whose thought and art was a faint
imitation of the Greek, there arises a huge despotism,
first of a city, then of an administrative system, which
presses with equal weight on all its subjects, and becomes
to them a religion as well as a government. Just when
the mass is at length dissolving, the tribes of the North
come down, too rude to maintain the institutions they
found subsisting, too few to introduce their own, and a
weltering confusion follows, till the strong hand of the
first Frankish Emperor raises the fallen image and bids
the nations bow down to it once more. Under him it
is for some brief space a theocracy; under his German
successors the first of feudal kingdoms, the centre of
European chivalry. As feudalism wanes, it is again transformed,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Perpetuation
of the
name of
Rome.</span>
and after promising for a time to become an
hereditary Hapsburg monarchy, sinks at last into the
presidency, not more dignified than powerless, of an international
league. To us moderns, a perpetuation under
conditions so diverse of the same name and the same
pretensions, appears at first sight absurd, a phantom too
vain to impress the most superstitious mind. Closer
examination will correct such a notion. No power was
ever based on foundations so sure and deep as those
which Rome laid during three centuries of conquest and
four of undisturbed dominion. If her empire had been
an hereditary or local kingdom, it might have fallen with
the extinction of the royal line, the conquest of the tribe,
the destruction of the city to which it was attached.
But it was not so limited. It was imperishable because
it was universal; and when its power had ceased, it was
remembered with awe and love by the races whose separate
existence it had destroyed, because it had spared the
weak while it smote down the strong; because it had
granted equal rights to all, and closed against none of
its subjects the path of honourable ambition. When the
military power of the conquering city had departed, her
sway over the world of thought began: by her the theories
of the Greeks had been reduced to practice; by her the
new religion had been embraced and organized; her
language, her theology, her laws, her architecture made
their way where the eagles of war had never flown, and
with the spread of civilization have found new homes
on the Ganges and the Mississippi.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Parallel
instances.</p>

<p>Nor is such a claim of government prolonged under
changed conditions by any means a singular phenomenon.
Titles sum up the political history of nations, and are as
often causes as effects: if not insignificant now, how
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Claims to
represent
the Roman
Empire.</span>
<span class="sidenote">Austria.</span>
much less so in ages of ignorance and unreason. It
would be an instructive, if it were not a tedious task, to
examine the many pretensions that are still put forward
to represent the Empire of Rome, all of them baseless,
none of them effectless. Austria clings to a name which
seems to give her a sort of precedence in Europe, and
was wont, while she held Lombardy, to justify her position
there by invoking the feudal rights of the Hohenstaufen.
With no more legal right than the prince of Reuss or the
landgrave of Homburg might pretend to, she has assumed
the arms and devices of the old Empire, and being almost
the youngest of European monarchies, is respected as the
<span class="sidenote">France.</span>
oldest and most conservative. Bonapartean France, as
the self-appointed heir of the Carolingians, grasped for a
time the sceptre of the West, and still aspires to hold the
balance of European politics, and be recognized as the
leader and patron of the so-called Latin races on both
sides of the Atlantic<a name="FNanchor_418" id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a>. Professing the creed of Byzantium,
<span class="sidenote">Russia.</span>
Russia claims the crown of the Byzantine Cæsars,
and trusts that the capital which prophecy has promised
for a thousand years will not be long withheld. The
doctrine of Panslavism, under an imperial head of the
whole Eastern church, has become a formidable engine
of aggression in the hands of a crafty and warlike despotism.
Another testimony to the enduring influence of
old political combinations is supplied by the eagerness
with which modern Hellas has embraced the notion of
<span class="sidenote">Greece.</span>
gathering all the Greek races into a revived Empire of
the East, with its capital on the Bosphorus. Nay, the
intruding Ottoman himself, different in faith as well as in
blood, has more than once declared himself the representative
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span>
of the Eastern Cæsars, whose dominion he
<span class="sidenote">The Turks.</span>
extinguished. Solyman the Magnificent assumed the
name of Emperor, and refused it to Charles the Fifth:
his successors were long preceded through the streets of
Constantinople by twelve officers, bearing straws aloft, a
faint semblance of the consular fasces that had escorted
a Quinctius or a Fabius through the Roman forum. Yet
in no one of these cases has there been that apparent
legality of title which the shouts of the people and the
benediction of the pontiff conveyed to Charles and Otto<a name="FNanchor_419" id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a>.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Parallel of
the Papacy.</p>

<p>These examples, however, are minor parallels: the
complement and illustration of the history of the Empire
is to be found in that of the Holy See. The Papacy,
whose spiritual power was itself the offspring of Rome's
temporal dominion, evoked the phantom of her parent,
used it, obeyed it, rebelled and overthrew it, in its old age
once more embraced it, till in its downfall she has heard
the knell of her own approaching doom<a name="FNanchor_420" id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a>.</p>

<p>Both Papacy and Empire rose in an age when the
human spirit was utterly prostrated before authority and
tradition, when the exercise of private judgment was
impossible to most and sinful to all. Those who believed
the miracles recorded in the <i lang="la">Acta Sanctorum</i>, and did not
question the Isidorian decretals, might well recognize as
ordained of God the twofold authority of Rome, founded,
as it seemed to be, on so many texts of Scripture, and
confirmed by five centuries of undisputed possession.</p>

<p>Both sanctioned and satisfied the passion of the Middle
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span>
Ages for unity. Ferocity, violence, disorder, were the conspicuous
evils of that time: hence all the aspirations of
the good were for something which, breaking the force
of passion and increasing the force of sympathy, should
teach the stubborn wills to sacrifice themselves in the
view of a common purpose. To those men, moreover,
unable to rise above the sensuous, not seeing the true
connexion or the true difference of the spiritual and the
secular, the idea of the Visible Church was full of awful
meaning. Solitary thought was helpless, and strove to
lose itself in the aggregate, since it could not create for
itself that which was universal. The schism that severed
a man from the congregation of the faithful on earth was
hardly less dreadful than the heresy which excluded him
from the company of the blessed in heaven. He who
kept not his appointed place in the ranks of the church
militant had no right to swell the rejoicing anthems of the
church triumphant. Here, as in so many other cases,
the continued use of traditional language seems to have
prevented us from seeing how great is the difference
between our own times and those in which the phrases
we repeat were first used, and used in full sincerity.
Whether the world is better or worse for the change
which has passed upon its feelings in these matters is
another question: all that it is necessary to note here
is that the change is a profound and pervading one.
Obedience, almost the first of mediæval virtues, is now
often spoken of as if it were fit only for slaves or fools.
Instead of praising, men are wont to condemn the submission
of the individual will, the surrender of the
individual belief, to the will or the belief of the community.
Some persons declare variety of opinion to be
a positive good. The great mass have certainly no
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span>
longing for an abstract unity of faith. They have no
horror of schism. They do not, cannot, understand the
intense fascination which the idea of one all-pervading
church exercised upon their mediæval forefathers. A life
in the church, for the church, through the church; a life
which she blessed in mass at morning and sent to peaceful
rest by the vesper hymn; a life which she supported
by the constantly recurring stimulus of the sacraments,
relieving it by confession, purifying it by penance, admonishing
it by the presentation of visible objects for contemplation
and worship,&mdash;this was the life which they of
the Middle Ages conceived of as the rightful life for man;
it was the actual life of many, the ideal of all. The unseen
world was so unceasingly pointed to, and its dependence
on the seen so intensely felt, that the barrier
between the two seemed to disappear. The church was
not merely the portal to heaven; it was heaven anticipated;
it was already self-gathered and complete. In
one sentence from a famous mediæval document may be
found a key to much which seems strangest to us in the
feelings of the Middle Ages: 'The church is dearer to
God than heaven. For the church does not exist for the
sake of heaven, but conversely, heaven for the sake of the
church<a name="FNanchor_421" id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a>.'</p>

<p>Again, both Empire and Papacy rested on opinion
rather than on physical force, and when the struggle of
the eleventh century came, the Empire fell, because its
rival's hold over the souls of men was firmer, more direct,
enforced by penalties more terrible than the death of the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span>
body. The ecclesiastical body under Alexander and Innocent
was animated by a loftier spirit and more wholly
devoted to a single aim than the knights and nobles who
followed the banner of the Swabian Cæsars. Its allegiance
was undivided; it comprehended the principles for which
it fought: they trembled at even while they resisted the
spiritual power.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Papacy
and Empire
compared
as
perpetuations
of a
name.</p>

<p>Both sprang from what might be called the accident of
name. The power of the great Latin patriarchate was a
Form: the ghost, it has been said, of the older Empire,
favoured in its growth by circumstances, but really vital
because capable of wonderful adaptation to the character
and wants of the time. So too, though far less perfectly,
was the Empire. Its Form was the tradition of the universal
rule of Rome; it met the needs of successive
centuries by civilizing barbarous peoples, by maintaining
unity in confusion and disorganization, by controlling
brute violence through the sanctions of a higher power,
by being made the keystone of a gigantic feudal arch, by
assuming in its old age the presidency of a European
confederation. And the history of both, as it shews the
power of ancient names and forms, shews also within
what limits such a perpetuation is possible, and how it
sometimes deceives men, by preserving the shadow while
it loses the substance. This perpetuation itself, what is
it but the expression of the belief of mankind, a belief
incessantly corrected yet never weakened, that their old
institutions do and may continue to subsist unchanged,
that what has served their fathers will do well enough for
them, that it is possible to make a system perfect and
abide in it for ever? Of all political instincts this is
perhaps the strongest; often useful, often grossly abused,
but never so natural and so fitting as when it leads men
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span>
who feel themselves inferior to their predecessors, to save
what they can from the wreck of a civilization higher than
their own. It was thus that both Papacy and Empire
were maintained by the generations who had no type of
greatness and wisdom save that which they associated
with the name of Rome. And therefore it is that no
examples shew so convincingly how hopeless are all such
attempts to preserve in life a system which arose out
of ideas and under conditions that have passed away.
Though it never could have existed save as a prolongation,
though it was and remained through the Middle
Ages an anachronism, the Empire of the tenth century
had little in common with the Empire of the second.
Much more was the Papacy, though it too hankered after
the forms and titles of antiquity, in reality a new creation.
And in the same proportion as it was new, and represented
the spirit not of a past age but of its own, was it
a power stronger and more enduring than the Empire.
More enduring, because younger, and so in fuller harmony
with the feelings of its contemporaries: stronger,
because at the head of the great ecclesiastical body, in
and through which, rather than through secular life, all
the intelligence and political activity of the Middle Ages
sought its expression. The famous simile of Gregory the
Seventh is that which best describes the Empire and the
Popedom. They were indeed the 'two lights in the
firmament of the militant church,' the lights which illumined
and ruled the world all through the Middle Ages.
And as moonlight is to sunlight, so was the Empire to
the Papacy. The rays of the one were borrowed, feeble,
often interrupted: the other shone with an unquenchable
brilliance that was all her own.</p>

<p>The Empire, it has just been said, was never truly
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">In what
sense was
the Empire
Roman?</span>
mediæval. Was it then Roman in anything but name?
and was that name anything better than a piece of fantastic
antiquarianism? It is easy to draw a comparison
between the Antonines and the Ottos which should shew
nothing but unlikeness. What the Empire was in the
second century every one knows. In the tenth it was
a feudal monarchy, resting on a strong territorial oligarchy.
Its chiefs were barbarians, the sons of those
who had destroyed Varus and baffled Germanicus, sometimes
unable even to use the tongue of Rome. Its powers
were limited. It could scarcely be said to have a regular
organization at all, whether judicial or administrative. It
was consecrated to the defence, nay, it existed by virtue
of the religion which Trajan and Marcus had persecuted.
Nevertheless, when the contrast has been stated in the
strongest terms, there will remain points of resemblance.
The thoroughly Roman idea of universal denationalization
survived, and drew with it that of a certain equality among
all free subjects. It has been remarked already, that the
world's highest dignity was for many centuries the only
civil office to which any free-born Christian was legally
eligible. And there was also, during the earlier ages,
that indomitable vigour which might have made Trajan
or Severus seek their true successors among the woods
of Germany rather than in the palaces of Byzantium,
where every office and name and custom had floated
down from the court of Constantine in a stream of unbroken
legitimacy. The ceremonies of Henry the Seventh's
coronation would have been strange indeed to Caius
Julius Cæsar Octavianus Augustus; but how much nobler,
how much more Roman in force and truth than the
childish and unmeaning forms with which a Palæologus
was installed! It was not in purple buskins that the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span>
dignity of the Luxemburger lay<a name="FNanchor_422" id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a>. To such a boast the
Germanic Empire had long ere its death lost right: it had
lived on, when honour and nature bade it die: it had
become what the Empire of the Moguls was, and that of
the Ottomans is now, a curious relic of antiquity, over
which the imaginative might muse, but which the mass of
men would push aside with impatient contempt. But
institutions, like men, should be judged by their prime.</p>

<p class="sidenote">'Imperialism:'
Roman,
French, and
mediæval.</p>

<p>The comparison of the old Roman Empire with its
Germanic representative raises a question which has been
a good deal canvassed of late years. That wonderful
system which Julius Cæsar and his subtle nephew erected
upon the ruins of the republican constitution of Rome
has been made the type of a certain form of government
and of a certain set of social as well as political arrangements,
to which, or rather to the theory whereof they are
a part, there has been given the name of Imperialism.
The sacrifice of the individual to the mass, the concentration
of all legislative and judicial powers in the person of
the sovereign, the centralization of the administrative
system, the maintenance of order by a large military force,
the substitution of the influence of public opinion for the
control of representative assemblies, are commonly taken,
whether rightly or wrongly, to characterize that theory.
Its enemies cannot deny that it has before now given
and may again give to nations a sudden and violent
access of aggressive energy; that it has often achieved the
glory (whatever that may be) of war and conquest; that
it has a better title to respect in the ease with which it
may be made, as it was by the Flavian and Antonine
Cæsars of old, and at the beginning of this century by
Napoleon in France, the instrument of comprehensive
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span>
reforms in law and government. The parallel between
the Roman world under the Cæsars and the French
people now is indeed less perfect than those who dilate
upon it fancy. That equalizing despotism which was
a good to a medley of tribes, the force of whose national
life had spent itself and left them languid, yet restless,
with all the evils of isolation and none of its advantages,
is not necessarily a good to a country already the strongest
and most united in Europe, a country where the administration
is only too perfect, and the pressure of social
uniformity only too strong. But whether it be a good or
an evil, no one can doubt that France represents, and
has always represented, the imperialist spirit of Rome far
more truly than those whom the Middle Ages recognized
as the legitimate heirs of her name and dominion. In
the political character of the French people, whether it be
the result of the five centuries of Roman rule in Gaul, or
rather due to the original instincts of the Gallic race, is to
be found their claim, a claim better founded than any
which Napoleon put forward, to be the Romans<a name="FNanchor_423" id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a>
of the
<span class="sidenote">Political
 character
 of the Teutonic
 and
 Gallic
 races.</span>
modern world. The tendency of the Teuton was and is
to the independence of the individual life, to the mutual
repulsion, if the phrase may be permitted, of the social
atoms, as contrasted with Keltic and so-called Romanic
peoples, among which the unit is more completely absorbed
in the mass, who live possessed by a common idea
which they are driven to realize in the concrete. Teutonic
states have been little more successful than their neighbours
in the establishment of free constitutions. Their
assemblies meet, and vote, and are dissolved, and nothing
comes of it: their citizens endure without greatly resenting
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span>
outrages that would raise the more excitable French
or Italians in revolt. But, whatever may have been the
form of government, the body of the people have in
Germany always enjoyed a freedom of thought which has
made them comparatively careless of politics; and the
absolutism of the Elbe is at this day no more like that of
the Seine than a revolution at Dresden is to a revolution
at Paris. The rule of the Hohenstaufen had nothing
either of the good or the evil of the imperialism which
Tacitus painted, or of that which the panegyrists of the
present system in France paint in colours somewhat different
from his.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Essential
principles
of the
mediæval
Empire.</p>

<p>There was, nevertheless, such a thing as mediæval
imperialism, a theory of the nature of the state and the
best form of government, which has been described once
already, and need not be described again. It is enough
to say, that from three leading principles all its properties
may be derived. The first and the least essential was the
existence of the state as a monarchy. The second was
the exact coincidence of the state's limits, and the perfect
harmony of its workings with the limits and the workings
of the church. The third was its universality. These
three were vital. Forms of political organization, the
presence or absence of constitutional checks, the degree
of liberty enjoyed by the subject, the rights conceded to
local authorities, all these were matters of secondary
importance. But although there brooded over all the
shadow of a despotism, it was a despotism not of the
sword but of law; a despotism not chilling and blighting,
but one which, in Germany at least, looked with favour
on municipal freedom, and everywhere did its best for
learning, for religion, for intelligence; a despotism not
hereditary, but one which constantly maintained in theory
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span>
the principle that he should rule who was found the
fittest. To praise or to decry the Empire as a despotic
power is to misunderstand it altogether. We need not,
because an unbounded prerogative was useful in ages of
turbulence, advocate it now; nor need we, with Sismondi,
blame the Frankish conqueror because he granted no
'constitutional charter' to all the nations that obeyed
him. Like the Papacy, the Empire expressed the political
ideas of a time, and not of all time: like the Papacy,
it decayed when those ideas changed; when men became
more capable of rational liberty; when thought grew
stronger, and the spiritual nature shook itself more free
from the bonds of sense.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Influence
of the Holy
Empire on
Germany.</p>

<p>The influence of the Empire upon Germany is a subject
too wide to be more than glanced at here. There is
much to make it appear altogether unfortunate. For
many generations the flower of Teutonic chivalry crossed
the Alps to perish by the sword of the Lombards, or the
deadlier fevers of Rome. Italy terribly avenged the
wrongs she suffered. Those who destroyed the national
existence of another people forfeited their own: the German
kingdom, crushed beneath the weight of the Roman
Empire, could never recover strength enough to form a
compact and united monarchy, such as arose elsewhere in
Europe: the race whom their neighbours had feared and
obeyed till the fourteenth century saw themselves, down
even to our own day, the prey of intestine feuds and their
country the battlefield of Europe. Spoiled and insulted
by a neighbour restlessly aggressive and superior in all
the arts of success, they came to regard France as the
persecuted Slave regards them. The want of national
union and political liberty from which Germany has suffered,
and to some extent suffers still, cannot be attributed
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span>
to the differences of her races; for, conspicuous as that
difference was in the days of Otto the Great, it was no
greater than in France, where intruding Franks, Goths,
Burgundians, and Northmen were mingled with primitive
Kelts and Basques; not so great as in Spain, or Italy, or
Britain. Rather is it due to the decline of the central
government, which was induced by its strife with the
Popedom, its endless Italian wars, and the passion for
universal dominion which made it the assailant of all the
neighbouring countries. The absence or the weakness
of the monarch enabled his feudal vassals to establish
petty despotisms, debarring the nation from united political
action, and greatly retarding the emancipation of
the commons. Thus, while the princes became shamelessly
selfish, justifying their resistance to the throne
as the defence of their own liberty&mdash;liberty to oppress
the subject&mdash;and ready on the least occasion to throw
themselves into the arms of France, the body of the
people were deprived of all political training, and have
found the lack of such experience impede their efforts
to this day.</p>

<p>For these misfortunes, however, there has not been
wanting some compensation. The inheritance of the
Roman Empire made the Germans the ruling race of
Europe, and the brilliance of that glorious dawn can
never fade entirely from their name. A peaceful people
now, peaceful in sentiment even now when they have
become a great military power, submissive to paternal
government, and given to the quiet enjoyments of art,
music, and meditation, they delight themselves with
memories of the time when their conquering chivalry
was the terror of the Gaul and the Slave, the Lombard
and the Saracen. The national life received a keen
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span>
stimulus from the sense of exaltation which victory brought,
and from the intercourse with countries where the old
civilization had not wholly perished. It was this connexion
with Italy that raised the German lands out of
barbarism, and did for them the work which Roman conquest
had performed in Gaul, Spain, and Britain. From
the Empire flowed all the richness of their mediæval life
and literature: it first awoke in them a consciousness of
national existence; its history has inspired and served as
material to their poetry; to many ardent politicians the
splendours of the past have become the beacon of the
future<a name="FNanchor_424" id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a>. There is a bright side even to their political
disunion. When they complain that they are not a nation,
and sigh for the harmony of feeling and singleness
of aim which their great rival displays, the example of the
Greeks may comfort them. To the variety which so
many small governments have produced may be partly
attributed the breadth of development in German thought
and literature, by virtue of which it transcends the French
hardly less than the Greek surpassed the Roman. Paris
no doubt is great, but a country may lose as well as gain
by the predominance of a single city; and Germany need
not mourn that she alone among modern states has not
and never has had a capital.</p>

<p>The merits of the old Empire were not long since the
subject of a brisk controversy among several German
professors of history<a name="FNanchor_425" id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a>. The spokesmen of the Austrian
or Roman Catholic party, a party which ten years ago
was not less powerful in some of the minor South German
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Austria
as heir of
the Holy
Empire.</span>
States than in Vienna, claimed for the Hapsburg
monarchy the honour of being the legitimate representative
of the mediæval Empire, and declared that only by again
accepting Hapsburg leadership could Germany win back
the glory and the strength that once were hers. The
North German liberals ironically applauded the comparison.
'Yes,' they replied, 'your Austrian Empire, as
it calls itself, is the true daughter of the old despotism:
not less tyrannical, not less aggressive, not less retrograde;
like its progenitor, the friend of priests, the enemy of free
thought, the trampler upon the national feeling of the
peoples that obey it. It is you whose selfish and anti-national
policy blasts the hope of German unity now, as
Otto and Frederick blasted it long ago by their schemes
of foreign conquest. The dream of Empire has been our
bane from first to last.' It is possible, one may hope, to
escape the alternative of admiring the Austrian Empire or
denouncing the Holy Roman. Austria has indeed, in
some things, but too faithfully reproduced the policy of
the Saxon and Swabian Cæsars. Like her, they oppressed
and insulted the Italian people: but it was in the defence
of rights which the Italians themselves admitted. Like
her, they lusted after a dominion over the races on their
borders, but that dominion was to them a means of
spreading civilization and religion in savage countries,
not of pampering upon their revenues a hated court and
aristocracy. Like her, they strove to maintain a strong
government at home, but they did it when a strong
government was the first of political blessings. Like her,
they gathered and maintained vast armies; but those
armies were composed of knights and barons who lived
for war alone, not of peasants torn away from useful
labour and condemned to the cruel task of perpetuating
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span>
their own bondage by crushing the aspirations of another
nationality. They sinned grievously, no doubt, but they
sinned in the dim twilight of a half-barbarous age, not
in the noonday blaze of modern civilization. The enthusiasm
for mediæval faith and simplicity which was so
fervid some years ago has run its course, and is not likely
soon to revive. He who reads the history of the Middle
Ages will not deny that its heroes, even the best of them,
were in some respects little better than savages. But
when he approaches more recent times, and sees how,
during the last three hundred years, kings have dealt with
their subjects and with each other, he will forget the
ferocity of the Middle Ages, in horror at the heartlessness,
the treachery, the injustice all the more odious because it
sometimes wears the mask of legality, which disgraces the
annals of the military monarchies of Europe. With regard,
however, to the pretensions of modern Austria, the
truth is that this dispute about the worth of the old system
has no bearing upon them at all. The day of imperial
greatness was already past when Rudolf the first Hapsburg
reached the throne; while during what may be
called the Austrian period, from Maximilian to Francis II,
the Holy Empire was to Germany a mere clog and incumbrance,
which the unhappy nation bore because she
knew not how to rid herself of it. The Germans are
welcome to appeal to the old Empire to prove that they
were once a united people. Nor is there any harm in
their comparing the politics of the twelfth century with
those of the nineteenth, although to argue from the one
to the other seems to betray a want of historical judgment.
But the one thing which is wholly absurd is to make
Francis Joseph of Austria the successor of Frederick of
Hohenstaufen, and justify the most sordid and ungenial
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span>
of modern despotisms by the example of the mirror of
mediæval chivalry, the noblest creation of mediæval
thought.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Bearing
of the
Empire
upon the
progress of
European
civilization.</p>

<p>We are not yet far enough from the Empire to comprehend
or state rightly its bearing on European progress.
The mountain lies behind us, but miles must be traversed
before we can take in at a glance its peaks and slopes and
buttresses, picture its form, and conjecture its height.
Of the perpetuation among the peoples of the West of
the arts and literature of Rome it was both an effect and
a cause, a cause only less powerful than the church. It
would be endless to shew in how many ways it affected
the political institutions of the Middle Ages, and through
them of the whole civilized world. Most of the attributes
of modern royalty, to take the most obvious instance,
belonged originally and properly to the Emperor, and
were borrowed from him by other monarchs. The once
famous doctrine of divine right had the same origin. To
the existence of the Empire is chiefly to be ascribed the
prevalence of Roman law through Europe, and its practical
importance in our own days. For while in Southern
<span class="sidenote">Influence
upon
modern
jurisprudence.</span>
France and Central Italy, where the subject population
greatly outnumbered their conquerors, the old system
would have in any case survived, it cannot be doubted
that in Germany, as in England, a body of customary
Teutonic law would have grown up, had it not been for
the notion that since the German monarch was the legitimate
successor of Justinian, the <span lang="la">Corpus Juris</span> must be
binding on all his subjects. This strange idea was received
with a faith so unhesitating that even the aristocracy,
who naturally disliked a system which the Emperors
and the cities favoured, could not but admit its validity,
and before the end of the Middle Ages Roman law prevailed
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">384</a></span>
through all Germany<a name="FNanchor_426" id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a>. When it is considered how
great are the services which German writers have rendered
and continue to render to the study of scientific jurisprudence,
this result will appear far from insignificant.
But another of still wider import followed. When by the
Peace of Westphalia a crowd of petty principalities were
recognized as practically independent states, the need of
a code to regulate their intercourse became pressing.
That code Grotius and his successors formed out of
what was then the private law of Germany, which thus
became the foundation whereon the system of international
jurisprudence has been built up during the last
two centuries. That system is, indeed, entirely a German
creation, and could have arisen in no country where the
law of Rome had not been the fountain of legal ideas and
the groundwork of positive codes. In Germany, too, was
it first carried out in practice, and that with a success
which is the best, some might say the only, title of the
later Empire to the grateful remembrance of mankind.
Under its protecting shade small princedoms and free
cities lived unmolested beside states like Saxony and
Bavaria; each member of the Germanic body feeling
that the rights of the weakest of his brethren were also
his own.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Influence of
the Empire
upon the
history of
the Church.</p>

<p>The most important chapter in the history of the
Empire is that which describes its relation to the Church
and the Papacy. Of the ecclesiastical power it was
alternately the champion and the enemy. In the ninth
and tenth centuries the Emperors extended the dominion
of Peter's chair: in the tenth and eleventh they rescued it
from an abyss of guilt and shame to be the instrument of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">385</a></span>
their own downfall. The struggle which Gregory the
Seventh began, although it was political rather than
religious, awoke in the Teutonic nations a hostility to
the pretensions of the Romish court. That struggle
ended, with the death of the last Hohenstaufen, in the
victory of the priesthood, a victory whose abuse by the
insolent and greedy pontiffs of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries made it more ruinous than a defeat. The anger
which had long smouldered in the breasts of the northern
nations of Europe burst out in the sixteenth with a
violence which alarmed those whom it had hitherto defended,
and made the Emperors once more the allies of
the Popedom, and the partners of its declining fortunes.
But the nature of that alliance and of the hostility which
<span class="sidenote">Nature
of the
question
at issue
between the
Emperors
and the
Popes.</span>
had preceded it must not be misunderstood. It is a
natural, but not the less a serious error to suppose, as
modern writers often seem to do, that the pretensions of
the Empire and the Popedom were mutually exclusive;
that each claimed all the rights, spiritual and secular,
of a universal monarch. So far was this from being the
case, that we find mediæval writers and statesmen, even
Emperors and Popes themselves, expressly recognizing a
divinely appointed duality of government&mdash;two potentates,
each supreme in the sphere of his own activity, Peter in
things eternal, Cæsar in things temporal. The relative
position of the two does indeed in course of time undergo
a signal alteration. In the days of Charles, the barbarous
age of modern Europe, when men were and could not but
be governed chiefly by physical force, the Emperor was
practically, if not theoretically, the grander figure. Four
centuries later, in the era of Pope Innocent the Third,
when the power of ideas had grown stronger in the world,
and was able to resist or to bend to its service the arms
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">386</a></span>
and the wealth of men, we see the balance inclined the
other way. Spiritual authority is conceived of as being
of a nature so high and holy that it must inspire and
guide the civil administration. But it is not proposed to
supplant that administration nor to degrade its head: the
great struggle of the eleventh and two following centuries
does not aim at the annihilation of one or other power,
but turns solely upon the character of their connexion.
Hildebrand, the typical representative of the Popedom,
requires the obedience of the Emperor on the ground of
his own personal responsibility for the souls of their
common subjects: he demands, not that the functions of
temporal government shall be directly committed to himself,
but that they shall be exercised in conformity with
the will of God, whereof he is the exponent. The imperialist
party had no means of meeting this argument,
for they could not deny the spiritual supremacy of the
Pope, nor the transcendant importance of eternal salvation.
They could therefore only protest that the Emperor, being
also divinely appointed, was directly answerable to God, and
remind the Pope that his kingdom was not of this world.
There was in truth no way out of the difficulty, for it was
caused by the attempt to sever things that admit of no
severance, life in the soul and life in the world, life for
the future and life in the present. What it is most
pertinent to remark is that neither combatant pushed his
theory to extremities, since he felt that his adversary's
title rested on the same foundations as his own. The
strife was keenest at the time when the whole world
believed fervently in both powers; the alliance came
when faith had forsaken the one and grown cold towards
the other; from the Reformation onwards Empire and
Popedom fought no longer for supremacy, but for
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">387</a></span>
existence. One is fallen already, the other shakes with
every blast.</p>

<p class="sidenote">Ennobling
influence
of the conception
of
the World
Empire.</p>

<p>Nor was that which may be called the inner life of the
Empire less momentous in its influence upon the minds
of men than were its outward dealings with the Roman
church upon her greatness and decline. In the Middle
Ages, men conceived of the communion of the saints as
the formal unity of an organized body of worshippers,
and found the concrete realization of that conception in
their universal religious state, which was in one aspect,
the Church; in another, the Empire. Into the meaning
and worth of the conception, into the nature of the connexion
which subsists or ought to subsist between the
Church and the State, this is not the place to inquire.
That the form which it took in the Middle Ages was
always imperfect and became eventually rigid and unprogressive
was sufficiently proved by the event. But by
it the European peoples were saved from the isolation,
and narrowness, and jealous exclusiveness which had
checked the growth of the earlier civilizations of the
world, and which we see now lying like a weight upon
the kingdoms of the East: by it they were brought into
that mutual knowledge and co-operation which is the
condition if it be not the source of all true culture and
progress. For as by the Roman Empire of old the
nations were first forced to own a common sway, so by
the Empire of the Middle Ages was preserved the feeling
of a brotherhood of mankind, a commonwealth of the
whole world, whose sublime unity transcended every minor
distinction.</p>

<p>As despotic monarchs claiming the world for their
realm, the Teutonic Emperors strove from the first against
three principles, over all of which their forerunners of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Principles
adverse to
the Empire.</span>
the elder Rome had triumphed,&mdash;those of Nationality,
Aristocracy, and Popular Freedom. Their early struggles
were against the first of these, and ended with its victory
in the emancipation, one after another, of England, France,
Poland, Hungary, Denmark, Burgundy, and Italy. The
second, in the form of feudalism, menaced even when seeming
to embrace and obey them, and succeeded, after the
Great Interregnum, in destroying their effective strength
in Germany. Aggression and inheritance turned the
numerous independent principalities thus formed out of
the greater fiefs, into a few military monarchies, resting
neither on a rude loyalty, like feudal kingdoms, nor on
religious duty and tradition, like the Empire, but on
physical force, more or less disguised by legal forms.
That the hostility to the Empire of the third was accidental
rather than necessary is seen by this, that the
very same monarchs who strove to crush the Lombard
and Tuscan cities favoured the growth of the free towns
of Germany. Asserting the rights of the individual in
the sphere of religion, the Reformation weakened the
Empire by denying the necessity of external unity in
matters spiritual: the extension of the same principle to
the secular world, whose fulness is still withheld from
the Germans, would have struck at the doctrine of imperial
absolutism had it not found a nearer and deadlier
foe in the actual tyranny of the princes. It is more
than a coincidence, that as the proclamation of the liberty
of thought had shaken it, so that of the liberty of action
made by the revolutionary movement, whose beginning
the world saw and understood not in 1789, whose end
we see not yet, should have indirectly become the cause
which overthrew the Empire.</p>

<p>Its fall in the midst of the great convulsion that changed
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">389</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Change
marked by
its fall.</span>
the face of Europe marks an era in history, an era whose
character the events of every year are further unfolding:
an era of the destruction of old forms and systems and
the building up of new. The last instance is the most
memorable. Under our eyes, the work which Theodoric
and Lewis the Second, Guido and Ardoin and the second
Frederick essayed in vain, has been achieved by the
steadfast will of the Italian people. The fairest province
of the Empire, for which Franconian and Swabian battled
so long, is now a single monarchy under the Burgundian
count, whom Sigismund created imperial vicar in Italy,
and who wants only the possession of the capital to be
able to call himself 'king of the Romans' more truly
than Greek or Frank or Austrian has done since Constantine
forsook the Tiber for the Bosphorus. No longer
the prey of the stranger, Italy may forget the past, and
sympathize, as she has now indeed, since the fortunate
alliance of 1866, begun to sympathize, with the efforts
after national unity of her ancient enemy&mdash;efforts confronted
by so many obstacles that a few years ago they
seemed all but hopeless. On the new shapes that may
emerge in this general reconstruction it would be idle
to speculate. Yet one prediction may be ventured. No
universal monarchy is likely to arise. More frequent intercourse,
and the progress of thought, have done much
to change the character of national distinctions, substituting
for ignorant prejudice and hatred a genial sympathy
and the sense of a common interest. They have
not lessened their force. No one who reads the history
of the last three hundred years, no one, above all, who
studies attentively the career of Napoleon, can believe
it possible for any state, however great her energy and
material resources, to repeat in modern Europe the part
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">390</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Relations of
the Empire
to the nationalities
of Europe.</span>
of ancient Rome: to gather into one vast political body
races whose national individuality has grown more and
more marked in each successive age. Nevertheless, it
is in great measure due to Rome and to the Roman
Empire of the Middle Ages that the bonds of national
union are on the whole both stronger and nobler than
they were ever before. The latest historian of Rome,
after summing up the results to the world of his hero's
career, closes his treatise with these words: 'There was
in the world as Cæsar found it the rich and noble heritage
of past centuries, and an endless abundance of splendour
and glory, but little soul, still less taste, and, least of all,
joy in and through life. Truly it was an old world,
and even Cæsar's genial patriotism could not make it
young again. The blush of dawn returns not until the
night has fully descended. Yet with him there came
to the much-tormented races of the Mediterranean a
tranquil evening after a sultry day; and when, after long
historical night, the new day broke once more upon the
peoples, and fresh nations in free self-guided movement
began their course towards new and higher aims, many
were found among them in whom the seed of Cæsar
had sprung up, many who owed him, and who owe him
still, their national individuality<a name="FNanchor_427" id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a>.' If this be the glory
of Julius, the first great founder of the Empire, so is it
also the glory of Charles, the second founder, and of
more than one amongst his Teutonic successors. The
work of the mediæval Empire was self-destructive; and
it fostered, while seeming to oppose, the nationalities that
were destined to replace it. It tamed the barbarous
races of the North, and forced them within the pale of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">391</a></span>
civilization. It preserved the arts and literature of antiquity.
In times of violence and oppression, it set before
its subjects the duty of rational obedience to an authority
whose watchwords were peace and religion. It kept alive,
when national hatreds were most bitter, the notion of a
great European Commonwealth. And by doing all this,
it was in effect abolishing the need for a centralizing
and despotic power like itself: it was making men capable
of using national independence aright: it was teaching
them to rise to that conception of spontaneous activity,
and a freedom which is above law but not against it,
to which national independence itself, if it is to be a
blessing at all, must be only a means. Those who mark
what has been the tendency of events since <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1789,
and who remember how many of the crimes and calamities
of the past are still but half redressed, need not
be surprised to see the so-called principle of nationalities
advocated with honest devotion as the final and perfect
form of political development. But such undistinguishing
advocacy is after all only the old error in a new shape.
If all other history did not bid us beware the habit of
taking the problems and the conditions of our own age
for those of all time, the warning which the Empire gives
might alone be warning enough. From the days of
Augustus down to those of Charles the Fifth the whole
civilized world believed in its existence as a part of the
eternal fitness of things, and Christian theologians were
not behind heathen poets in declaring that when it
perished the world would perish with it. Yet the Empire
is gone, and the world remains, and hardly notes the
change.</p>

<p>This is but a small part of what might be said upon an
almost inexhaustible theme: inexhaustible not from its
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">392</a></span>
<span class="sidenote">Difficulties
arising
from the
nature of
the subject.</span>
extent but from its profundity: not because there is so
much to say, but because, pursue we it never so far, more
will remain unexpressed, since incapable of expression.
For that which it is at once most necessary and least possible
to do, is to look at the Empire as a whole: a single
institution, in which centres the history of eighteen centuries&mdash;whose
outer form is the same, while its essence
and spirit are constantly changing. It is when we come
to consider it in this light that the difficulties of so vast a
subject are felt in all their force. Try to explain in words
the theory and inner meaning of the Holy Empire, as it
appeared to the saints and poets of the Middle Ages, and
that which we cannot but conceive as noble and fertile in
its life, sinks into a heap of barren and scarcely intelligible
formulas. Who has been able to describe the Papacy in
the power it once wielded over the hearts and imaginations
of men? Those persons, if such there still be, who
see in it nothing but a gigantic upas-tree of fraud and
superstition, planted and reared by the enemy of mankind,
are hardly further from entering into the mystery of its
being than the complacent political philosopher, who explains
in neat phrases the process of its growth, analyses
it as a clever piece of mechanism, enumerates and measures
the interests it appealed to, and gives, in conclusion,
a sort of tabular view of its results for good and for evil.
So, too, is the Holy Empire above all description or explanation;
not that it is impossible to discover the beliefs
which created and sustained it, but that the power of
those beliefs cannot be adequately apprehended by men
whose minds have been differently trained, and whose
imaginations are fired by different ideals. Something,
yet still how little, we should know of it if we knew what
were the thoughts of Julius Cæsar when he laid the
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">393</a></span>
foundations on which Augustus built: of Charles, when
he reared anew the stately pile: of Barbarossa and his
grandson, when they strove to avert the surely coming
ruin. Something more succeeding generations will know,
who will judge the Middle Ages more fairly than we, still
living in the midst of a reaction against all that is mediæval,
can hope to do, and to whom it will be given to
see and understand new forms of political life, whose
nature we cannot so much as conjecture. Seeing more
than we do, they will also see some things less distinctly.
The Empire which to us still looms largely on the
horizon of the past, will to them sink lower and lower as
they journey onwards into the future. But its importance
in universal history it can never lose. For into it all the
life of the ancient world was gathered: out of it all the
life of the modern world arose.</p>

<p class="center p2">THE END.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394"></a></span>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">395</a></span></p>

<h2>APPENDIX.</h2>

<h3>NOTE A.<a href="#noteA" id="noteA"></a><br />
<br />
<span class="smcap s08">On the Burgundies.</span></h3>

<p>It would be hard to mention any geographical name
which, by its application at different times to different
districts, has caused, and continues to cause, more confusion
than this name Burgundy. There may, therefore,
be some use in a brief statement of the more important
of those applications. Without going into the minutiæ of
the subject, the following may be given as the ten senses
in which the name is most frequently to be met with:&mdash;</p>

<p>I. The kingdom of the Burgundians (<i lang="la">regnum Burgundionum</i>),
founded <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 406, occupying the whole valley of
the Saone and lower Rhone, from Dijon to the Mediterranean,
and including also the western half of Switzerland.
It was destroyed by the sons of Clovis in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 534.</p>

<p>II. The kingdom of Burgundy (<i lang="la">regnum Burgundiæ</i>),
mentioned occasionally under the Merovingian kings as a
separate principality, confined within boundaries apparently
somewhat narrower than those of the older kingdom
last named.</p>

<p>III. The kingdom of Provence or Burgundy (<i lang="la">regnum
Provinciæ seu Burgundiæ</i>)&mdash;also, though less accurately,
called the kingdom of Cis-Jurane Burgundy&mdash;was founded
by Boso in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 877, and included Provence, Dauphiné,
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">396</a></span>
the southern part of Savoy, and the country between the
Saone and the Jura.</p>

<p>IV. The kingdom of Trans-Jurane Burgundy (<i lang="la">regnum
Iurense</i>, <i lang="la">Burgundia Transiurensis</i>), founded by Rudolf in
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 888, recognized in the same year by the Emperor
Arnulf, included the northern part of Savoy, and all
Switzerland between the Reuss and the Jura.</p>

<p>V. The kingdom of Burgundy or Arles (<i lang="la">regnum Burgundiæ</i>,
<i lang="la">regnum Arelatense</i>), formed by the union, under
Conrad the Pacific, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 937, of the kingdoms described
above as III and IV. On the death, in 1032, of the last
independent king, Rudolf III, it came partly by bequest,
partly by conquest, into the hands of the Emperor Conrad
II (the Salic), and thenceforward formed a part of the
Empire. In the thirteenth century, France began to absorb
it, bit by bit, and has now (since the annexation of
Savoy in 1861) acquired all except the Swiss portion
of it.</p>

<p>VI. The Lesser Duchy (<i lang="la">Burgundia Minor</i>), (Klein
Burgund), corresponded very nearly with what is now
Switzerland west of the Reuss, including the Valais. It
was Trans-Jurane Burgundy (IV) <i>minus</i> the parts of
Savoy which had belonged to that kingdom. It disappears
from history after the extinction of the house of
Zahringen in the thirteenth century. Legally it was part
of the Empire till <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648, though practically independent
long before that date.</p>

<p>VII. The Free County or Palatinate of Burgundy
(Franche Comté), (Freigrafschaft), (called also Upper
Burgundy), to which the name of Cis-Jurane Burgundy
originally and properly belonged, lay between the Saone
and the Jura. It formed a part of III and V, and was
therefore a fief of the Empire. The French dukes of
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">397</a></span>
Burgundy were invested with it in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1384, and in 1678
it was annexed to the crown of France.</p>

<p>VIII. The Landgraviate of Burgundy (Landgrafschaft)
was in Western Switzerland, on both sides of the Aar, between
Thun and Solothurn. It was a part of the Lesser
Duchy (VI), and, like it, is hardly mentioned after the
thirteenth century.</p>

<p>IX. The Circle of Burgundy (Kreis Burgund), an administrative
division of the Empire, was established by
Charles V in 1548; and included the Free County of
Burgundy (VII) and the seventeen provinces of the
Netherlands, which Charles inherited from his grandmother
Mary, daughter of Charles the Bold.</p>

<p>X. The Duchy of Burgundy (Lower Burgundy), (Bourgogne),
the most northerly part of the old kingdom of the
Burgundians, was always a fief of the crown of France,
and a province of France till the Revolution. It was of
this Burgundy that Philip the Good and Charles the Bold
were Dukes. They were also Counts of the Free
County (VII).</p>

<p class="p2">The most copious and accurate information regarding
the obscure history of the Burgundian kingdoms (III, IV,
and V) is to be found in the contributions of Baron
Frederic de Gingins la Sarraz, a Vaudois historian, to the
<span lang="de"><i>Archiv für Schweizer Geschichte</i></span>. See also an admirable
article in the <i>National Review</i> for October 1860, entitled
'The Franks and the Gauls.'
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">398</a></span></p>

<h3>NOTE B.<a href="#noteB" id="noteB"></a><br />
<br />
<span class="s08"><span class="smcap">On the Relations to the Empire of the Kingdom
of Denmark, and the Duchies of Schleswig and
Holstein.</span></span></h3>

<p>The history of the relations of Denmark and the
Duchies to the Romano-Germanic Empire is a very small
part of the great Schleswig-Holstein controversy. But
having been unnecessarily mixed up with two questions
properly quite distinct,&mdash;the first, as to the relation of
Schleswig to Holstein, and of both jointly to the Danish
crown; the second, as to the diplomatic engagements
which the Danish kings have in recent times contracted
with the German powers,&mdash;it has borne its part in making
the whole question the most intricate and interminable
that has vexed Europe for two centuries and a half.
Setting aside irrelevant matter, the facts as to the Empire
are as follows:&mdash;</p>

<p>I. The Danish kings began to own the supremacy of
the Frankish Emperors early in the ninth century. Having
recovered their independence in the confusion that followed
the fall of the Carolingian dynasty, they were again
subdued by Henry the Fowler and Otto the Great, and
continued tolerably submissive till the death of Frederick
II and the period of anarchy which followed. Since that
time Denmark has been always independent, although her
king was, until the treaty of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1865, a member of the
German Confederation for Holstein.</p>

<p>II. Schleswig was in Carolingian times Danish; the
Eyder being, as Eginhard tells us, the boundary between
Saxonia Transalbiana (Holstein), and the Terra Nortmannorum
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">399</a></span>
(wherein lay the town of Sliesthorp), inhabited
by the Scandinavian heathen. Otto the Great conquered
all Schleswig, and, it is said, Jutland also, and added the
southern part of Schleswig to the immediate territory of
the Empire, erecting it into a margraviate. So it remained
till the days of Conrad II, who made the Eyder again the
boundary, retaining of course his suzerainty over the
kingdom of Denmark as a whole. But by this time the
colonization of Schleswig by the Germans had begun;
and ever since the numbers of the Danish population
seem to have steadily declined, and the mass of the people
to have grown more and more disposed to sympathize
with their southern rather than their northern neighbours.</p>

<p>III. Holstein always was an integral part of the Empire,
as it is at this day of the North German Bund.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">400</a></span></p>

<h3>NOTE C.<a href="#noteC" id="noteC"></a><br />
<br />
<span class="s08"><span class="smcap">On certain Imperial Titles and Ceremonies.</span></span></h3>

<p>This subject is a great deal too wide and too intricate
to be more than touched upon here. But a few brief
statements may have their use; for the practice of the
Germanic Emperors varied so greatly from time to time,
that the reader becomes hopelessly perplexed without
some clue. And if there were space to explain the
causes of each change of title, it would be seen that the
subject, dry as it may appear, is very far from being a
barren or a dull one.</p>

<p>I. <span class="smcap">Titles of Emperors.</span></p>
<p>
Charles the Great styled himself <span lang="la">'Carolus serenissimus
Augustus, a Deo coronatus, magnus et pacificus imperator,
Romanum (<span lang="en"><i>or</i></span> Romanorum) gubernans imperium, qui et
per misericordiam Dei rex Francorum et Langobardorum.'</span></p>

<p>Subsequent Carolingian Emperors were usually entitled
simply <span lang="la">'Imperator Augustus.'</span> Sometimes <span lang="la">'rex Francorum
et Langobardorum'</span> was added<a name="FNanchor_428" id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a>.</p>

<p>Conrad I and Henry I (the Fowler) were only German
kings.</p>

<p>A Saxon Emperor was, before his coronation at Rome,
<span lang="la">'rex,'</span> or <span lang="la">'rex Francorum Orientalium,'</span> or <span lang="la">'Francorum
atque Saxonum rex;'</span> after it, simply <span lang="la">'Imperator Augustus.'</span>
Otto III is usually said to have introduced the form
<span lang="la">'Romanorum Imperator Augustus,'</span> but some authorities
state that it occurs in documents of the time of Lewis I.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">401</a></span></p>

<p>Henry II and his successors, not daring to take the
title of Emperor till crowned at Rome (in conformity with
the superstitious notion which had begun with Charles the
Bald), but anxious to claim the sovereignty of Rome, as
indissolubly attached to the German crown, began to call
themselves <span lang="la">'reges Romanorum.'</span> The title did not, however,
become common or regular till the time of Henry IV,
in whose proclamations it occurs constantly.</p>

<p>From the eleventh century till the sixteenth, the invariable
practice was for the monarch to be called <span lang="la">'Romanorum
rex semper Augustus,'</span> till his coronation at Rome
by the Pope; after it, <span lang="la">'Romanorum Imperator semper
Augustus.'</span></p>

<p>In <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1508, Maximilian I, being refused a passage to
Rome by the Venetians, obtained a bull from Pope Julius
II permitting him to call himself <span lang="la">'Imperator electus'</span>
(erwählter Kaiser). This title Ferdinand I (brother of
Charles V) and all succeeding Emperors took immediately
upon their German coronation, and it was till <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1806
their strict legal designation<a name="FNanchor_429" id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a>,
and was always employed
by them in proclamations or other official documents.
The term 'elect' was however omitted, even in formal
documents when the sovereign was addressed or spoken
of in the third person; and in ordinary practice he was
simply 'Roman Emperor.'</p>

<p>Maximilian added the title <span lang="la">'Germaniæ rex,'</span> which had
never been known before, although the phrase <span lang="la">'rex Germanorum'</span>
may be found employed once or twice in early
times. <span lang="la">'Rex Teutonicorum,'</span> <span lang="la">'regnum Teutonicum<a name="FNanchor_430" id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a>
,'</span>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">402</a></span>
occur often in the tenth and eleventh centuries. A great
many titles of less consequence were added from time to
time. Charles the Fifth had seventy-five, not, of course,
as Emperor, but in virtue of his vast hereditary possessions<a name="FNanchor_431" id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a>.</p>

<p>It is perhaps worth remarking that the word Emperor
has not at all the same meaning now that it had even so
lately as two centuries ago. It is now a commonplace,
not to say vulgar, title, somewhat more pompous than that
of King, and supposed to belong especially to despots.
It is given to all sorts of barbarous princes, like those of
China and Abyssinia, in default of a better name. It is
peculiarly affected by new dynasties; and has indeed
grown so fashionable, that what with Emperors of Brazil,
of Hayti, and of Mexico, the good old title of King seems
in a fair way to become obsolete<a name="FNanchor_432" id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a>. But in former times
there was, and could be but one Emperor; he was always
mentioned with a certain reverence: his name summoned
up a host of thoughts and associations, which we cannot
comprehend or sympathize with. His office, unlike that
of modern Emperors, was by its very nature elective, and
not hereditary; and, so far from resting on conquest
or the will of the people, rested on and represented
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">403</a></span>
pure legality. War could give him nothing which law
had not given him already: the people could delegate
no power to him who was their lord and the viceroy
of God.</p>

<p>II. <span class="smcap">The Crowns.</span></p>

<p>Of the four crowns something has been said in the text.
They were those of Germany, taken at Aachen; of Burgundy,
at Arles; of Italy, sometimes at Pavia, more
usually at Milan or Monza; of the world, at Rome.</p>

<p>The German crown was taken by every Emperor after
the time of Otto the Great; that of Italy by every one,
or almost every one, who took the Roman down to
Frederick III, by none after him; that of Burgundy, it
would appear, by four Emperors only, Conrad II, Henry
III, Frederick I, and Charles IV. The imperial crown
was received at Rome by most Emperors till Frederick
III; after him by none save Charles V, who obtained
both it and the Italian at Bologna in a somewhat informal
manner. But down to <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1806, every Emperor bound
himself by his capitulation to proceed to Rome to receive
it.</p>

<p>It should be remembered that none of these inferior
crowns was necessarily connected with that of the Roman
Empire, which might have been held by a simple knight
without a foot of land in the world. For as there had
been Emperors (Lothar I, Lewis II, Lewis of Provence
(son of Boso), Guy, Lambert, and Berengar) who were
not kings of Germany, so there were several (all those
who preceded Conrad II) who were not kings of Burgundy,
and others (Arnulf, for example) who were not
kings of Italy. And it is also worth remarking, that
although no crown save the German was assumed by the
successors of Charles V, their wider rights remained in full
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">404</a></span>
force, and were never subsequently relinquished. There
was nothing, except the practical difficulty and absurdity
of such a project, to prevent Francis II from having
himself crowned at Arles<a name="FNanchor_433" id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a>,
Milan, and Rome.</p>

<p>III. <span class="smcap">The King of the Romans (<span lang="de">Römischer Köni</span>g).</span></p>

<p>It has been shewn above how and why, about the time
of Henry II, the German monarch began to entitle himself
<span lang="la">'Romanorum rex.'</span> Now it was not uncommon in
the Middle Ages for the heir-apparent to a throne to be
crowned during his father's lifetime, that at the death of
the latter he might step at once into his place. (Coronation,
it must be remembered, which is now merely a
spectacle, was in those days not only a sort of sacrament,
but a matter of great political importance.) This plan
was specially useful in an elective monarchy, such as Germany
was after the twelfth century, for it avoided the
delays and dangers of an election while the throne was
vacant. But as it seemed against the order of nature to
have two Emperors at once<a name="FNanchor_434" id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a>,
and as the sovereign's
authority in Germany depended not on the Roman but
on the German coronation, the practice came to be that
each Emperor during his own life procured, if he could,
the election of his successor, who was crowned at Aachen,
in later times at Frankfort, and took the title of 'King
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">405</a></span>
of the Romans.' During the presence of the Emperor
in Germany he exercised no more authority than a Prince
of Wales does in England, but on the Emperor's death he
succeeded at once, without any second election or coronation,
and assumed (after the time of Ferdinand I) the
title of 'Emperor Elect<a name="FNanchor_435" id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>.' Before Ferdinand's time, he
would have been expected to go to Rome to be crowned
there. While the Hapsburgs held the sceptre, each
monarch generally contrived in this way to have his son
or some other near relative chosen to succeed him. But
many were foiled in their attempts to do so; and, in such
cases, an election was held after the Emperor's death,
according to the rules laid down in the Golden Bull.</p>

<p>The first person who thus became king of the Romans
in the lifetime of an Emperor seems to have been Henry
VI, son of Frederick I.</p>

<p>It was in imitation of this title that Napoleon called his
son king of Rome.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">406</a></span></p>

<h3>NOTE D.<a href="#noteD" id="noteD"></a><br />
<br />
<span class="s08"><span class="smcap">Lines contrasting the Past and Present of Rome.</span></span></h3>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">

<p><span lang="la">Dum simulacra mihi, dum numina vana placebant,</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Militia, populo, mœnibus alta fui:</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">At simul effigies arasque superstitiosas</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Deiiciens, uni sum famulata Deo,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Cesserunt arces, cecidere palatia divûm,</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Servivit populus, degeneravit eques.</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Vix scio quæ fuerim, vix Romæ Roma recordor;</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Vix sinit occasus vel meminisse mei.</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Gratior hæc iactura mihi successibus illis;</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Maior sum pauper divite, stante iacens:</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Plus aquilis vexilla crucis, plus Cæsare Petrus,</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Plus cinctis ducibus vulgus inerme dedit.</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Stans domui terras, infernum diruta pulso,</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Corpora stans, animas fracta iacensque rego.</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Tunc miseræ plebi, modo principibus tenebrarum</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Impero: tunc urbes, nunc mea regna polus.</span></p>
</div></div>

<p>Written by Hildebert, bishop of Le Mans, and afterwards
archbishop of Tours (born <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1057). Extracted
from his works as printed by Migne, <i>Patrologiæ Cursus
Completus</i><a name="FNanchor_436" id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a>.</p>

<p>
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">407</a></span></p>

<h2>INDEX.</h2>

<ul class="idx">
<li class="alpha">A.</li>

<li>Aachen, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a> note, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Adalbert</span> (St.), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;
  the church founded at Rome to receive his ashes, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Adelheid</span> (Queen of Italy), account of her adventures, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Adolf</span> of Nassau, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Adso</span>, his <i lang="la">Vita Antichristi</i>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Aistulf</span> the Lombard, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Alaric</span>, his desire to preserve the institutions of the Empire, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Alberic</span> (consul or senator), <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Albert I</span> (son of Rudolf of Hapsburg), <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li>

<li>Albigenses, revolt of the, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Alboin</span>, his invasion of Italy, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Alcuin</span> of York, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Alexander III</span> (Pope), Frederick I's contest with, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;
  their meeting at Venice, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Alfonso</span> of Castile, his double election with Richard of England, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li>America, discovery of, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Anastasius</span>, his account of the coronation of Charles, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Angelo</span> (Michael), rebuilding of the Capitol by, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li>Antichrist, views respecting, in the earlier Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_114">114</a> note;
  in later times, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>

<li>Architecture, Roman, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;
  analogy between it and the civil and ecclesiastical constitution, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;
  preservation of an antique character in both, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Ardoin</span> (Marquis of Ivrea), <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li>Aristocracy, barbarism of the, in the Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;
  struggles of the Teutonic Emperors against the, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li>

<li>Arles; <i>see</i> <a href="#Burgundy">Burgundy</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Arnold</span> of Brescia, Rome under, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;
  put to death at the instance of Pope Hadrian, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Arnulf</span> (Emperor), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Athanaric</span>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Athanasius</span>, the triumph of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Athaulf</span> the Visigoth, his thoughts and purposes respecting the Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li>Augsburg, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;
  treaty of, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Augustine</span>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li>Aulic Council, the, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a> note.</li>

<li>Austria, privilege of, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;
  her claim to represent the Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li>

<li>Austrian succession, war of the, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li>

<li>Avignon, exactions of the court of, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;
  its subservience to France, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Avitus</span>, letter of, on Sigismund's behalf, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">408</a></span></li>

<li class="alpha">B.</li>

<li>Barbarians, feared by the Romans, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;
  Roman armies largely composed of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;
  admitted to Roman titles and honours, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;
  their feelings towards the Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
  their desire to preserve its institutions, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;
  value of the Roman officials and Christian bishops to the, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Bartolommeo</span> (San), the church of, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Basil</span> the Macedonian and Lewis II, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>

<li>'Basileus,' the title of, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>

<li>Basilica, erected at Aachen by Charles the Great, <a href="#Page_76">76</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Belisarius</span>, his war with the Ostrogoths, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li><a name="Belltower">Bell-tower</a>, or campanile, in the churches of Rome, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Benedict</span> of Soracte, <a href="#Page_51">51</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Benedict VIII</span> (Pope), alleged decree of, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>

<li>Benevento, the Annals of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Berengar</span> of Friuli, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;
  his death, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Berengar II</span> (King of Italy), <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Bernard</span> (St.), <a href="#Page_109">109</a> note.</li>

<li>Bible, rights of the Empire proved from the, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;
  perversion of its meaning, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>

<li>Bohemia, acquired by Luxemburg <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1309, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;
  the king of, an elector, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Boniface VIII</span> (Pope), his extravagant pretensions, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;
  declares himself Vicar of the Empire, <a href="#Page_219">219</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Boso</span>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</li>

<li>Bosphorus, removal of the seat of government to the, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li>Britain, abandoned by Imperial Government, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;
  Roman Civil Law not forgotten in, at a late date, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
  Roman ensigns and devices in, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li>

<li>Buildings, the old, destruction and alteration of, by invaders, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;
  by the Romans of the Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;
  by modern restorers of churches, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li>

<li>Bull, the Golden, of Charles IV, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li><a name="Burgundy" id="Burgundy">Burgundy</a>, the kingdom of, Otto's policy towards, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
  added to the Empire under Conrad II, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;
  effect of its loss on the Empire, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;
  confusion caused by the name, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;
  ten senses in which it is met with, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>- <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</li>

<li>Byzantium, effect of the removal of the seat of power to, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;
  Otto's policy towards, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
  attitude towards Emperor, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">C.</li>

<li>Campanile; <i>see</i> <a href="#Belltower">Bell-tower</a>.</li>

<li>Canon law, correspondence between it and the <span lang="la">Corpus Juris Civilis</span>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;
  its consolidation by Gregory IX, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Capet</span> (Hugh), <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>

<li>Capitol, rebuilding of the, by Michael Angelo, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li>Capitulary of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 802, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Caracalla</span> (Emperor), effect of his edict, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>

<li>Carolingian Emperors, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>

<li>Carolingian Empire of the West, its end in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 888, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;
  Florus the Deacon's lament over its dissolution, <a href="#Page_85">85</a> note.</li>

<li>Carroccio, the, <a href="#Page_178">178</a> note, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>

<li>Cathari and other heretics, spread of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>

<li>Catholicity or Romanism, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>

<li>Celibacy, enforcement of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>

<li>Cenci, name of, <a href="#Page_289">289</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charlemagne</span>; <i>see</i> <a href="#Charles">Charles I</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap"><a name="Charles" id="Charles">Charles</a> I</span> (the Great), extinguishes the Lombard kingdom, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;
  is received with honours by Pope Hadrian and the people, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">409</a></span>
  his personal ambition, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;
  his treatment of Pope Leo III, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;
  title of 'Champion of the Faith and Defender of the Holy See' conferred upon, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;
  crowned at Rome, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;
  important consequences of his coronation, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;
  its real meaning, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;
  contemporary accounts, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
    their uniformity, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;
  illegality of the transaction, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;
  three theories respecting it held four centuries after, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;
  was the coronation a surprise? <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;
  his reluctance to assume the imperial title, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;
  solution suggested by Döllinger, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;
  seeks the hand of Irene, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;
  defect of his imperial title, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;
  theoretically the successor of the whole Eastern line of Emperors, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;
  has nothing to fear from Byzantine Princes, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;
  his authority in matters ecclesiastical, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
  presses Hadrian to declare Constantine VI a heretic, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
  his spiritual despotism applauded by subsequent Popes, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
  importance attached by him to the Imperial name, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;
  issues a Capitulary, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;
  draws closer the connexion of Church and State, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;
  new position in civil affairs acquired with the Imperial title, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;
  his position as Frankish king, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;
  partial failure of his attempt to breathe a Teutonic spirit into Roman forms, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;
  his personal habits and sympathies, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;
  groundlessness of the claims of the modern French to, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;
  the conception of his Empire Roman, not Teutonic, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;
  his Empire held together by the Church, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;
  appreciation of his character generally, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;
  impress of his mind on mediæval society, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;
  buried at Aachen, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;
  inscription on his tomb, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;
  canonised as a saint, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;
  his plan of Empire, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles II</span> (the <span class="smcap">Bald</span>), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles III</span> (the <span class="smcap">Fat</span>), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles IV</span>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;
  his electoral constitution, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;
  his Golden Bull, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
  general results of his policy, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
  his object through life, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;
  the University of Prague founded by, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;
  welcomed into Italy by Petrarch, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles V</span>, accession of, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;
  casts in his lot with the Catholics, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;
  the momentous results, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;
  failure of his repressive policy, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles VI</span>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles VII</span>, his disastrous reign, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles VIII</span> (King of France), his pretensions on Naples and Milan, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles Martel</span>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles</span> of Valois, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Charles</span> the <span class="smcap">Bold</span> and Frederick III, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Chemnitz</span>, his comments on the condition and prospects of the Empire, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Childeric</span>, his deposition by the Holy See, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li>Chivalry, the orders of, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li>

<li>Church, the, opposed by the Emperors, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;
  growth of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;
  alliance of, with the State, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;
  organization of, framed on the model of the secular administration, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;
  the Emperor the head of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;
  maintains the Imperial idea, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;
  attitude of Charles the Great towards, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;
  the bond that holds together the Empire of Charles, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;
  first gives men a sense of unity, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">410</a></span>
  how regarded in Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;
  draws tighter all bonds of outward union, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;
  unity of, felt to be analogous to that of the Empire, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;
  becomes the exact counterpart of the Empire, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;
  position of, in Germany, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;
  Otto's position towards, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;
  effect of the Reformation upon, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;
  influence of the Empire upon the history of, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li>

<li>Churches, national, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>

<li>Churches of Rome, destruction of old buildings by modern restorers of, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;
  mosaics and bell-tower in the, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li>Cities, in Lombardy, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;
  growth of in Germany, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
  their power, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>

<li>Civil law, revival of the study of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;
  its study forbidden by the Popes in the thirteenth century, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Civilis</span>, the Batavian, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li>Clergy, aversion of the Lombards to the, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;
  their idea of political unity, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;
  their power in the eleventh century, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;
  Gregory VII's condemnation of feudal investitures to the, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;
  their ambition and corruption in the later Middle Age, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Clovis</span>, his desire to preserve the institutions of the Empire, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;
  his unbroken success, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>

<li>Coins, papal, <a href="#Page_278">278</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Colonna</span> (John), Petrarch's letters to, <a href="#Page_270">270</a> and note;
  the family of, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>

<li>Commons, the, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li>

<li>Concordat of Worms, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li>Confederation of the Rhine, provisions of the, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Conrad I</span> (King of the East Franks), <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Conrad II</span>, the reign of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;
  comparison between the prerogative at his accession and at the death of Henry V, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;
  the crown of Burgundy first gained by, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Conrad III</span>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Conrad IV</span>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Conradin</span> (Frederick II's grandson), murder of, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>

<li>Constance, the Council of, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;
  the peace of, signed by Frederick I, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Constantine</span>, his vigorous policy, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;
  the Donation of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a> note.</li>

<li>Constantinople, capture of, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li>Coronations, ceremonies at, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;
  the four, gone through by the Emperors, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;
  their meaning, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;
  churches in which they were performed, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li>

<li>Corpus Juris Civilis, correspondence between, and the Canon Law, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li>Councils, General, right of Emperors to summon, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>

<li>Counts Palatine, Otto's institution of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Crescentius</span>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li>Crown, the Imperial, the right to confer, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;
  not legally attached to Frankish crown or nation, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;
  how treated by the Popes, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>

<li>Crowns, the four, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li>

<li>Crusades, the, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">D.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Dante</span>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;
  his attitude towards the Empire, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;
  his treatise <i>De Monarchia</i>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;
  sketch of its argument, <a href="#Page_264">264</a> et seq.;
  its omissions, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li>

<li>Dark Ages, existing relics of the, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li>Decretals, the False, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">411</a></span></li>

<li>Denmark, and the Slaves, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
  imperial authority in, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;
  its relations to the Empire, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</li>

<li>Diet, the, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;
  its rights as settled <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;
  its altered character <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1654, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;
  its triflings, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Diocletian</span>, his vigorous policy, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li>Divine right of the Emperor, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Döllinger</span> (Dr.), <a href="#Page_60">60</a> note.</li>

<li>Dominicans, the order of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li>Donation of Constantine, forgery of the, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a> note, <a href="#Page_261">261</a> note.</li>

<li>Dukes, the, in Germany, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">E.</li>

<li>East, imperial pretensions in the, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li>Eastern Church, the, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>

<li>Eastern Empire, its relations with the Western, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
  decay of its power in the West, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;
  how regarded by the Popes, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>

<li>Edict of Caracalla, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Edward II</span> (King of England), his declaration of England's independence of the Empire, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Edward III</span> (King of England) and Lewis the Bavarian, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;
  his election against Charles IV, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Eginhard</span>, his statement respecting Charles's coronation, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>

<li>Elective constitution, the, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;
  difficulty of maintaining the principle in practice, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;
  its object the choice of the fittest man, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;
  restraint of the sovereign, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;
  recognition of the popular will, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>

<li>Elector, the title of, its advantage, <a href="#Page_232">232</a> note;
  personages upon whom it was conferred by Napoleon, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li>

<li>Electoral body in primitive times, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>

<li>Electoral function, conception of the, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>

<li>Electorate, the Eighth, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;
  the Ninth, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li>Electors, the Seven, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;
  their names and offices, <a href="#Page_230">230</a> note;
  the question of their vote, <a href="#Page_257">257</a> note.</li>

<li>Emperor, the position of, in the second century, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;
  the head of the Church, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;
  sanctity of the name, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;
  correspondence between his position and functions and those of the Pope, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;
  proofs from mediæval documents, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;
  and from the coronation ceremonies, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;
  illustrations from mediæval art, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;
  nature of his power, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;
  fusion of his functions with those of German King, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;
  his office feudalized, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;
  attitude of Byzantine Emperors towards, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;
  his dignities and titles, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>;
  the title not assumed till the Roman coronation, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;
  origin and results of this practice, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;
  policy of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;
  his office as peace-maker, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;
  divine right of the, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;
  his right of creating kings, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;
  his international place at the Council of Constance, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;
  change in titles of, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;
  his rights as settled <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;
  altered meaning of the word now-a-days, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>.</li>

<li>Emperors, meaning of their four coronations, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;
  persons eligible as, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;
  after Henry VII, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;
  their short-sighted policy towards Rome, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;
  their visits to Rome, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;
  their approach, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;
  their entrance, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;
  hostility of the Pope and people to the, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">412</a></span>
  their burial-places, <a href="#Page_287">287</a> note;
  nature of the question at issue between the Popes and the, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>;
  their titles, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>.</li>

<li>Emperors, Carolingian, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>

<li>Emperors, Franconian, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>

<li>Emperors, Hapsburg, beginning of their influence in Germany, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;
  their policy, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;
  repeated attempts to set them aside, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;
  causes of the long retention of the throne by the, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;
  modern pretensions of, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li>

<li>Emperors, Italian, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>

<li>Emperors, Saxon, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>

<li><a name="Emperors" id="Emperors">Emperors</a>, Swabian or Hohenstaufen, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>

<li>Emperors, Teutonic, defects in their title, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;
  their short-sighted policy, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;
  their memorials in Rome, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;
  names of those buried in Italy, <a href="#Page_287">287</a> note;
  their struggles against nationality, aristocracy, and popular freedom, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li>

<li>Empire, the Roman, growth of despotism in, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;
  obliteration of national distinctions in, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;
  unity of, threatened from without and from within, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;
  preserved for a time by the policy of Diocletian and Constantine, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;
  partition of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;
  influence of the Church in supporting, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;
  armies of, composed of barbarians, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;
  how regarded by the barbarians, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;
  belief in eternity of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;
  reunion of Italy to, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;
  its influence in the Transalpine provinces, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;
  influence of religion and jurisprudence in supporting, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
  belief in, not extinct in the eighth century, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;
  restoration of by Charles the Great, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;
  the 'translation' of the, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;
  divided between the grandsons of Charles, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;
  dissolution of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;
  ideal state supposed to be embodied in, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;
  never, strictly speaking, restored, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li>Empire, the Holy Roman, created by Otto the Great, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;
  a prolongation of the Empire of Charles, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
  wherein it differed therefrom, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
  motives for establishment of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
  identical with Holy Roman Church, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;
  its rights proved from the Bible, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;
  its anti-national character, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;
  its union with the German kingdom, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;
  dissimilarity between the two, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;
  results of the union, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;
  its pretensions in Hungary, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;
  in Poland, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;
  in Denmark, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;
  in France, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;
  in Sweden, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;
  in Spain, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;
  in England, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;
  in Naples, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;
  in Venice, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;
  in the East, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;
  the epithet 'Holy' applied by Frederick I, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;
  origin and meaning of epithet, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;
  its fall with Frederick II, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;
  Italy lost to, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;
  change in its position, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;
  its continuance due to its connexion with the German kingdom, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;
  its relations with the Papacy, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;
  its financial distress, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;
  theory of, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;
  its duties as an international judge and mediator, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;
  why an international power, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;
  illustrations, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;
  attitude of new learning towards, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;
  doctrine of its rights and functions never carried out in fact, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;
  end of its history in Italy, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;
  relation between it and the city, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;
  reaches its lowest point in Frederick III's reign, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;
  its loss of Burgundy, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, and of Switzerland, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">413</a></span>
  change in its character, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;
  effects of the Renaissance upon, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;
  effects of the Reformation upon, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;
  its influence upon the name and associations of, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;
  narrowing of its bounds, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;
  causes of the continuance of, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;
  its relation to the balance of power, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;
  its position in Europe, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;
  its last phase, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;
  signs of its approaching fall, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;
  its end, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;
  the desire for its re-establishment, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;
  unwillingness of certain states, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;
  technically never extinguished, <a href="#Page_364">364</a> note;
  summary of its nature and results, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;
  claim of Austria to represent, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;
  of France, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;
  of Russia, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;
  of Greece, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;
  of the Turks, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;
  parallel between the Papacy and, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;
  never truly mediæval, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;
  sense in which it was Roman, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;
  its condition in the tenth century, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;
  essential principles of, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;
  its influence on Germany, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;
  Austria as heir of, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;
  its bearing on the progress of Europe, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;
  ways in which it affected the political institutions of the Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;
  its influence upon modern jurisprudence, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;
  upon the history of the Church, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;
  influence of its inner life on the minds of men, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;
  principles adverse to, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;
  change marked by its fall, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;
  its relations to the nationalities of Europe, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;
  difficulty of fully understanding, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</li>

<li>Empire and Papacy, interdependence of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;
  consequences, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;
  struggle between, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;
  their relations, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;
  parallel between, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;
  compared as perpetuation of a name, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li>

<li>Empire Western, last days of the, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;
  its extinction by Odoacer, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;
  its restoration, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>

<li>Empire, French, under Napoleon, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Engelbert</span>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a> note.</li>

<li>England, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;
  Otto's position towards, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
  authority not exercised by any Emperors in, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;
  vague notion that it must depend on the Empire, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;
  imperial pretensions towards, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;
  position of the regal power in, as compared with Germany, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;
  feudalism in, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li>

<li>Estate, Third, did not exist in time of Otto the Great, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Eudes</span> (Count of Champagne), <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li>

<li>Europe, bearing of the Empire on the progress of, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;
  on the nationalities of, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">F.</li>

<li>False Decretals, the, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Ferdinand I</span>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a> note, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Ferdinand II</span>, accession of, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;
  his plans, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;
  deprives the Palsgrave Frederick of his electoral vote, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li>Feudal aristocracy, power of the, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li>

<li>Feudal king, his peculiar relation to his tenants, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>

<li>Feudalism, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;
  reason of its firm grasp upon society, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;
  hostility between it and imperialism, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;
  its results in France, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;
  in England, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;
  in Germany, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;
  struggles of the Teutonic Emperors against, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li>

<li>Financial distress of the Empire, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Florus</span> the Deacon's lament over the dissolution of the Carolingian Empire, <a href="#Page_85">85</a> note.</li>

<li>Fontenay, battle of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li>France, modern, dates from Hugh Capet, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">414</a></span>
  imperial authority exercised in, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;
  her irritation at Germany's precedence, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;
  growth of the regal power in, as compared with Germany, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;
  alliance of the Protestants with, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;
  territory gained by treaties of Westphalia, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;
  feudalism in, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;
  under Napoleon, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;
  her claim to represent the Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li>

<li>Francia occidentalis, given to Charles the Bald, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Francis I</span>, reign of, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Francis II</span>, accession of, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;
  resignation of imperial crown by, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li>

<li>Franciscans, the order of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li>Franconia, extinction of the dukedom of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li>

<li>Franconian Emperors, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>

<li>'Frank,' sense in which the name was used, <a href="#Page_142">142</a> note.</li>

<li>Franks, rise of the, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;
  success of their arms, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;
  Catholics from the first, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;
  their greatness chiefly due to the clergy, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;
  enter Rome, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li>Franks, the West, Otto's policy towards, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>

<li>Frankfort, synod held at, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;
  coronations at, <a href="#Page_316">316</a> note, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Frederick I</span> (Barbarossa), his brilliant reign, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
  his relations to the Popedom, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;
  his contest with Pope Hadrian IV, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;
  incident at their meeting on the way to Rome, <a href="#Page_314">314</a> note;
  his contest with Pope Alexander III, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;
  their meeting at Venice, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;
  magnificent ascriptions of dignity to, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;
  assertion of his prerogative in Italy, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;
  his version of the 'Translation of the Empire,' <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;
  his dealings with the rebels of Milan and Tortona, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;
  his temporary success, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;
  victory of the Lombards over, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;
  his prosperity as German king, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;
  his glorious life and happy death, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
  legend respecting him, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;
  extent of his jurisdiction, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;
  his dominion in the East, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;
  his letter to Saladin, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;
  anecdote of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Frederick II</span>, character of, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;
  events of his struggle with the Papacy, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;
  results of his reign, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;
  the charge of heresy against, <a href="#Page_251">251</a> note;
  memorials left by, in Rome, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Frederick III</span>, abases himself before the Romish court, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;
  Charles the Bold seeks an arrangement with, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;
  his calamitous reign, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Frederick</span> (Count Palatine and King of Bohemia), deprived by Ferdinand II of his electoral vote, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Frederick</span> of Prussia (the Great), <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a> note.</li>

<li>Freedom popular, growth of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;
  struggles of the Teutonic Emperors against, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">G.</li>

<li>Gallic race, political character of the, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li>

<li>Gauverfassung, the so-called, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gerbert</span> (Pope Sylvester II), <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li>'German Emperor,' the title of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>

<li>Germanic constitution, the, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;
  influence upon, of the theory of the Empire as an international power, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;
  attempted reforms of, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;
  means by which it was proposed to effect them, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;
  causes of their failure, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li>

<li>Germany, beginning of the national existence of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;
  chooses Arnulf as king, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">415</a></span>
  overrun by Hungarians, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;
  establishment of monarchy in, by Henry the Fowler, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;
  desires the restoration of the Carolingian Empire, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;
  position of in the tenth century, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;
  union of the Empire with, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;
  results of the union, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;
  dissimilarity of the two systems, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;
  feudalism in, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;
  the feudal polity of, generally, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;
  nature of the history of, till the twelfth century, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;
  princes of, ally themselves with the Pope against the Emperor, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;
  its hatred of the Romish Court, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;
  the position of under Frederick Barbarossa, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;
  growth of towns in, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;
  decline of imperial power in, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;
  state of during Great Interregnum, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;
  decline of regal power in, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;
  encroachments of nobles in, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;
  kingdom of, not originally elective, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;
  how it ultimately became elective, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;
  changes in the constitution of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;
  its weakness as compared with other states of Europe, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;
  its loss of imperial territories, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;
  its internal weakness, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;
  position of the Emperor in, compared with that of his predecessors in Europe, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;
  beginning of the Hapsburg influence in, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;
  first consciousness of its nationality, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;
  destruction of its State-system, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;
  its troubles, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;
  finally severed from Rome, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;
  after the peace of Westphalia, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;
  effect of a number of petty independent states upon, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;
  feudalism in, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;
  its political life in the eighteenth century, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;
  foreign thrones acquired by its princes, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;
  French aggression upon, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;
  its weakness and stagnation, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;
  popular feeling in at the close of eighteenth century, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;
  Napoleon in, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;
  changes in, by war of 1866, <a href="#Page_365">365</a> note;
  influence of the Holy Empire on, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gerson</span>, chancellor of Paris, plans of, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li>Ghibeline, the name of, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Goethe</span>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a> note, <a href="#Page_316">316</a> note, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li>

<li>Golden Bull of Charles IV, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li>Goths, wisest and least cruel of the Germanic family, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;
  Arian Goths regarded as enemies by Catholic Italians, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>

<li>Greece, her influence in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;
  her claim to represent the Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li>

<li>Greeks and Latins, origin of their separation, <a href="#Page_37">37</a> note.</li>

<li>Greeks, effect of their hostility upon the Teutonic Empire, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gregory the Great</span>, fame of his sanctity and writings, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;
  means by which he advanced Rome's ecclesiastical authority, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gregory II</span> (Pope), reason of his reluctance to break with the Byzantine princes, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gregory III</span> (Pope) appeals to Charles Martel for succour against the Lombards, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gregory V</span> (Pope), <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap"><a name="Gregory" id="Gregory">Gregory</a> VII</span> (Pope), his condemnation of feudal investitures to the clergy, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;
  war between him and Henry IV, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;
  his letter to William the Conqueror, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;
  passage in his second excommunication of Henry, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;
  results of the struggle between them, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;
  his death, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;
  his theory as to the rights of the Pope with respect to the election of Emperors, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;
  his silence about the Translation of the Empire, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">416</a></span>
  his simile between the Empire and the Popedom, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;
  his demands on the Emperor, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gregory IX</span> (Pope), Canon law consolidated by, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;
  receives the title of 'Justinian of the Church,' <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gregory X</span> (Pope), <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Grotius</span>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li>

<li>Guelf, the name of, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Guido</span>, or <span class="smcap">Guy</span>, of Spoleto, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Guiscard</span>, Robert, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gundobald</span> the Burgundian, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gunther</span> of Schwartzburg, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Gustavus Adolphus</span>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">H.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hadrian I</span> (Pope), summons Charles (the Great) to resist the Lombards, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;
  motives of his policy, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;
  his allusion to Constantine's Donation, <a href="#Page_118">118</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hadrian IV</span> (Pope), Frederick I's contest with, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
  his pretensions, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hallam</span>, his view of the grant of a Roman dignity to Clovis, <a href="#Page_30">30</a> note.</li>

<li>Hanseatic Confederacy, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li>

<li>Hapsburg, the castle of, <a href="#Page_213">213</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Harold</span> the <span class="smcap">Blue-toothed</span>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry I</span> (the Fowler), <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry II</span> crowned Emperor, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry II</span> (King of France), assumes the title of 'Protector of the German Liberties,' <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry II</span> (King of England), his submissive tone towards Frederick I, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry III</span>, power of the Empire at its meridian under, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;
  his reform of the Popedom, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;
  fatal results of his encroachments, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;
  his death, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry IV</span>, election of, <a href="#Page_226">226</a> note;
  war between him and Gregory VII, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;
  his humiliation, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;
  results of the struggle, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;
  his death, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry V</span> (Emperor), his claims over ecclesiastics, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;
  his quarrel with Pope Paschal II, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;
  his perilous position, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;
  comparison between the prerogative at his death and that at the accession of Conrad II, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;
  tumults produced by his coronation, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry V</span> (King of England) refuses submission to the Emperor Sigismund, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry VI</span>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;
  his proposal to unite Naples and Sicily to the Empire, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;
  opposition to the scheme, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;
  his untimely death, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry VII</span>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;
  in Italy, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;
  his death, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Henry VIII</span> (King of England), <a href="#Page_334">334</a> note.</li>

<li>Hessen-Cassel, Elector of, dethroned, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hilary</span>, feelings of, towards the Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_21">21</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hildebert</span> (Bishop of Caen), his lines contrasting the past and present of Rome, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hildebrand</span>; <i>see</i> <a href="#Gregory">Gregory VII</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hippolytus</span> a Lapide, the treatise of, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li>

<li>Hohenstaufen; <i>see</i> <a href="#Emperors">Emperors, Swabian</a>.</li>

<li>Hohenstaufen, the castle of, <a href="#Page_165">165</a> note.</li>

<li>Holland, declared independent, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li>

<li>Holstein, its relations to the Empire, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hugh Capet</span>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Hugh</span> of Burgundy, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li>Hungarians, the, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>

<li>Hungary, imperial authority exercised in, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">417</a></span>
  its connexion with the Hapsburgs, <a href="#Page_184">184</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Huss</span>, the writings of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">I.</li>

<li>Iconoclastic controversy, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li><span lang="la">'Imperator electus,'</span> the title of, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>.</li>

<li>Imperialism, Roman, French, and Mediæval, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>.</li>

<li>Imperial titles and ceremonies, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Innocent III</span> (Pope), his exertions on behalf of Otto IV, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;
  his pretensions, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;
  his struggle with Frederick II, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Innocent X</span> and the sacred number Seven of the electors, <a href="#Page_227">227</a> note;
  his protest against the Peace of Westphalia, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li>

<li>International power, the need of an, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;
  why the Roman Empire an, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li>

<li>Interregnum, the Great, frightful state of Germany during, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;
  enables the feudal aristocracy to extend their power, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li>

<li>Investitures, the struggle of the, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Irene</span> (Empress), behaviour of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>

<li>Irminsûl, overthrow of, by Charles the Great, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;
  meaning of term, <a href="#Page_69">69</a> note.</li>

<li>Italian Emperors, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>

<li>Italian nationality, era at which its first rudiments appeared, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li>Italians, modern, their feelings towards Rome, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li>

<li>Italy, under Odoacer, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;
  attempt of Theodoric to establish a national monarchy in, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;
  reconquered by Justinian, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;
  harassed by the Lombards, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;
  condition of, previous to Otto's descent into, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;
  Otto the Great's first expedition into, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
  its connexion with Germany, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;
  Otto's rule in, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
  liberties of the northern cities of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;
  Frederick I in, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;
  Henry VII in, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;
  lost to the Empire, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;
  names of Emperors buried in, <a href="#Page_287">287</a> note;
  the nation at the present day, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li>

<li>Italy, Southern, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">J.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">John VIII</span> (Pope), <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">John XII</span> (Pope), crowns Otto the Great, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;
  plots against him, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;
  his reprobate life, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;
  Liudprand's list of the charges against, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
  letter recounting them sent to him, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
  his reply, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
  Otto's answer, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
  deposed by Otto, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;
  regret of the Romans at his expulsion, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;
  his return and death, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">John XXII</span> (Pope), his conflict with Lewis IV, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Joseph II</span>, reign of, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Julius Cæsar</span>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Julius II</span> (Pope), <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li>

<li>Jurisprudence, influence of, in supporting the Empire, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;
  aversion of the Romish court to the ancient, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;
  influence of the Empire on modern, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</li>

<li>Jurists, their attitude towards imperialism, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Justinian</span>, Italy reconquered by, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;
  study of the legislation of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>

<li>'Justinian of the Church,' title of, conferred on Gregory IX, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li>Jutland, Otto penetrates into, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">K.</li>

<li>Kings, the Emperor's right of creating, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">418</a></span></li>

<li>Knighthood, analogy between priesthood and, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">L.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lactantius</span>, his belief in the eternity of the Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lambert</span> (son of Guido of Spoleto), <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>

<li>Landgrave of Thuringia, choice of the, commanded by the Pope, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li>

<li>Lateran Palace at Rome, mosaic of the, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li>

<li>Latins and Greeks, origin of their separation, <a href="#Page_37">37</a> note.</li>

<li>Lauresheim, Annals of, their account of the coronation of Charles, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li>

<li>Law, old, the influence exercised by, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
  era of the revived study of, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li>

<li>Learning, revival of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;
  connexion between it and imperialism, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Leo I</span> (Pope), his assertion of universal jurisdiction, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Leo</span> the <span class="smcap">Isaurian</span> (Emperor), his attempt to abolish the worship of images, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Leo III</span> (Pope), his accession, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;
  his adventures, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;
  crowns Charles at Rome on Christmas Day, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;
  charter of, issued on same day, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;
  relation of, to the act of coronation, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;
  lectured by Charles, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Leo VIII</span> (Pope), <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li>Leonine city, the, <a href="#Page_286">286</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Leopold I</span>, ninth electorate conferred by, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Leopold II</span>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lewis I</span> (the Pious), <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lewis II</span>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a> note, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lewis III</span> (son of Boso), <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lewis IV</span>, his conflict with Pope John XXII, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lewis XII</span> (King of France), his pretensions on Naples and Milan, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lewis XIV</span> (King of France), <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lewis</span> (the German) (son of Lewis the Pious), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lewis</span> the <span class="smcap">Child</span> (son of Arnulf), <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>

<li>Literature, revival of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;
  connexion between it and imperialism, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Liudprand</span> (Bishop of Cremona), his list of the accusations against John XII, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
  account of his embassy to the princess Theophano, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Liudprand</span> (King of the Lombards), attacks Rome and the exarchate, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li>Lombard cities, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;
  their victory over Frederick I, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li>Lombards, arrival of the, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 568, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;
  their aversion to the clergy, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;
  the Popes seek help from the Franks against the, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;
  extinction of their kingdom by Charlemagne, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lothar I</span> (son of Lewis the Pious), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lothar II</span>, election of, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Lothar</span> (son of Hugh of Burgundy), <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li>Lotharingia or Lorraine, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li>Luneville, the Peace of, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Luther</span>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">M.</li>

<li>Majesty, the title of, <a href="#Page_247">247</a> note.</li>

<li>Mallum, the popular assembly so called, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Manuel Comnenus</span>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>

<li>Mario (Monte), <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Marsilius</span> of Padua, his <span lang="la">'de Imperio Romano,'</span> <a href="#Page_231">231</a> note.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">419</a></span></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Maximilian I</span>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;
  character of his epoch, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;
  events of his reign, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;
  his title of <span lang="la">'Imperator electus,'</span> <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;
  his proposals to recover Burgundy and Italy, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Maximilian II</span>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li>Mayfield, the popular assembly so called, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>

<li>Mediæval art, rights of the Empire set forth in, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li>Mediæval monuments, causes of the want of in Rome, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Michael</span>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Michael Angelo</span>, capital rebuilt by, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li>Middle Ages, the state of the human mind in, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;
  theology of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;
  philosophy of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;
  relations of Church and State during, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;
  mode of interpreting Scriptures in, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;
  art of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;
  opposition of theory and practice in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;
  real beginning of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;
  reverence for ancient forms and phrases in, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;
  absence of the idea of change or progress in, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;
  the city of Rome in, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;
  barbarism of the aristocracy in, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;
  ambition and corruption of the clergy in the latter, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;
  destruction of old buildings by the Romans of, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;
  existing relics of, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;
  aspiration for unity during, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;
  the Visible Church in the, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;
  ferocity of the heroes of, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;
  ways in which the Empire affected the political institutions of, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;
  idea of the communion of saints during, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.</li>

<li>Milan, Frederick I's dealings with the rebels of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;
  the rebuilding of, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;
  victory of Frederick II over, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;
  pretensions of Charles VIII and Lewis XII of France on, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li>

<li>Mahommedanism, rise of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li>

<li>Moissac, Chronicle of, its account of the coronation of Charles, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Mommsen</span>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>.</li>

<li>Monarchy, universal, doctrine of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>

<li>Monarchy, elective, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li>

<li>Mosaics in the churches of Rome, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Müller</span>, Johannes von, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li>

<li>Münster, the treaty of; <i>see</i> <a href="#Westphalia">Westphalia</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">N.</li>

<li>Naples, imperial authority in, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;
  pretensions of Charles VIII and Lewis XII of France on, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Napoleon</span>, as compared with Charles the Great, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;
  extinction of Electorates by, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;
  Emperor of the West, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;
  his belief that he was the successor of Charlemagne, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;
  attitude of the Papacy towards, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;
  his mission in Germany, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li>

<li>Nationalities of Europe, the formation of, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;
  relations of the Empire to the, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>.</li>

<li>Nationality, struggles of the Teutonic Emperors against, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>.</li>

<li>Neo-Platonism, Alexandrian, effect of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>

<li>Nicæa, first council of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;
  second council of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Nicephorus</span>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Nicholas I</span> (Pope) and the case of Teutberga, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Nicholas II</span> (Pope), fixes a regular body to elect the Pope, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Nicholas V</span> (Pope), <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li>

<li>Nobles, the, in feudal times, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;
  encroachments of the, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li>

<li>Nürnberg, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">420</a></span></li>

<li class="alpha">O.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Occam</span>, the English Franciscan, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Odo</span>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Odoacer</span>, extinction of the Western Empire by, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 476, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
  his original position, <a href="#Page_25">25</a> note;
  his assumption of the title of King, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;
  nature of his government, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Optatus</span> (Bishop of Milevis), his treatise <i lang="la">Contra Donatistas</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a> note.</li>

<li>Orsini, the family of, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>

<li>Osnabrück, treaty of; <i>see</i> <a href="#Westphalia">Westphalia</a>.</li>

<li>Ostrogoths, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;
  war between Belisarius and the, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Otto I</span>, the <span class="smcap">Great</span>, appealed to by Adelheid, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;
  his first expedition into Italy, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
  invitation sent by the Pope to, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
  his victory over the Hungarians, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;
  crowned king of Italy at Rome, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;
  his coronation a favourable opening to sacerdotal claims, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;
  causes of the revival of the Empire under, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;
  his coronation feast the inauguration of the Teutonic realm, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;
  consequences of his assumption of the imperial title, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;
  his position towards the Church, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;
  changes in title, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;
  his imperial office feudalized, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;
  the Germans made a single people by, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;
  incidents which befel him in Rome, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;
  inquires into the character and manners of Pope John XII, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;
  his letters to John, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
  deposes John, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;
  appoints Leo in his stead, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;
  his suppression of the revolts of the Romans on account of John, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;
  his rule in Italy, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;
  resumes Charles's plans of foreign conquest, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;
  his policy towards Byzantium, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
  seeks for his heir the hand of the princess Theophano, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;
  his policy towards the West Franks, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
  his Northern and Eastern conquests, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
  extent of his empire, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;
  comparison between it and that of Charles, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;
  beneficial results of his rule, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;
  how styled by Nicephorus, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Otto II</span>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;
  memorials left by, in Rome, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Otto III</span>, his plans and ideas, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;
  his intense religious belief in the Emperor's duties, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;
  his reason for using the title 'Romanorum Imperator,' <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;
  his early death, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;
  his burial at Aachen, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;
  respect in which his life was so memorable, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;
  compared with Frederick II, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;
  his expostulation with the Roman people, <a href="#Page_285">285</a> note;
  memorials left by, in Rome, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Otto IV</span>, Pope Innocent III's exertions in behalf of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;
  overthrown by Innocent, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;
  explanation of a curious seal of, <a href="#Page_266">266</a> note.</li>

<li class="alpha">P.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Palgrave</span> (Sir F.), his view of the grant of a Roman dignity to Clovis, <a href="#Page_30">30</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Palsgrave</span>, deprived of his vote, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;
  reinstated, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li>Panslavism, Russia's doctrine of, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li>

<li>Papacy, the Teutonic reform of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;
  Frederick I's bad relations with, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;
  Henry III's purification of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;
  growth of its power, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;
  its relations with the Empire, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;
  its condition after the dissolution of the Carolingian Empire, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">421</a></span>
  its attitude towards Napoleon, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>

<li>Papacy and Empire, interdependence of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;
  its consequences, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;
  struggle between them, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;
  their relations, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;
  parallel between, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;
  compared as perpetuation of a name, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li>

<li>Papal elections, veto of Emperor on, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li>Partition treaty of Verdun, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Paschal II</span> (Pope), his quarrel with Henry V, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li>Patrician of the Romans, import of the title, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;
  date when it was bestowed on Pipin, <a href="#Page_40">40</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Patritius</span>, secretary of Frederick III, on the poverty of the Empire, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li>

<li>Pavia, the Council of, and Charles the Bald, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li>Persecution, Protestant, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>

<li>Peter's (St.), old, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Petrarch</span>, his feelings towards the Empire, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;
  towards the city of Rome, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Pfeffinger</span>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Philip</span> of Hohenstaufen, contest between Otto of Brunswick and, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;
  his assassination, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>

<li>Philosophy, scholastic, spread of, in the thirteenth century, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Pipin</span> of Herstal, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Pipin</span> the <span class="smcap">Short</span> appointed successor to Childeric, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;
  twice rescues Rome from the Lombards, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;
  receives the title of Patrician of the Romans, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;
  import of this title, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;
  date at which it was bestowed, <a href="#Page_40">40</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Pius VII</span> (Pope), <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>

<li>Placitum, the popular assembly so called, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Podiebrad</span> (George), (King of Bohemia), <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>

<li>Poland, imperial authority in, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;
  partition of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li>Politics, beginning of the existence of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>

<li>Popes, emancipation of the, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;
  appeal to the Franks for succour against the Lombards, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;
  their reasons for desiring the restoration of the Western Empire, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;
  their theory respecting the coronation of Charles, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;
  their profligacy in the tenth century, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;
  their theory respecting the chair of St. Peter, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;
  their position and functions, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;
  growth of their pretensions, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;
  and power, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;
  their relations to the Emperor, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;
  their temporal power, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;
  their position as international judges, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;
  reaction against their pretensions, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;
  their aversion to the study of ancient jurisprudence, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;
  hostility of, to the Germans, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;
  nature of the question at issue between the Emperors and, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Porcaro</span> (Stephen), conspiracy of, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li>

<li>Prætaxation, the so-called right of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li>Pragmatic Sanctions of Frederick II, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li>

<li>Prague, University of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>

<li>Prerogative, Imperial, contrast of, at accession of Conrad II and death of Henry V, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>

<li>Priesthood, analogy between knighthood and, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li>

<li>Princes, league of, formed by Frederick the Great, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li>

<li>Protestant States, their conduct after the Reformation, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>

<li>Protestants of Germany, their alliance with France, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li>

<li>Public Peace and Imperial Chamber, establishment of the, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">422</a></span></li>

<li class="alpha">R.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Radulfus de Colonna</span>, his account of the origin of the separation of Greeks and Latins, <a href="#Page_37">37</a> note.</li>

<li>Ravenna, exarch of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>

<li>Reformation, dawnings of the, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;
  Charles V's attitude towards the, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;
  influence of its spirit on the Empire, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;
  its real meaning, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;
  its effect on the doctrines regarding the Visible Church, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;
  consequent effect upon the Empire, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;
  its small immediate influence on political and religious liberty, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;
  conduct of the Protestant States after the, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;
  its influence on the name and associations of the Empire, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li>

<li>Religion, influence of, in supporting the Empire, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;
  wars of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>

<li>Renaissance, the, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li><span lang="la">'Renovatio Romani Imperii,'</span> signification of the seal bearing legend of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li>Rhine, towns of the, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;
  provisions of the Confederation of the, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Richard I</span> (King of England), pays homage to the Emperor Henry VI, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;
  his release, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Richard</span> (Earl of Cornwall), his double election with Alfonso X of Castile, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Richelieu</span>, policy of, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Ricimer</span> (patrician), <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Rienzi</span>, Petrarch's letter to the Roman people respecting, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;
  his character and career, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li>

<li>Romans, revolts of the, at the expulsion of Pope John XII, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;
  Otto's vigorous measures against the, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;
  their revolt from the Iconoclastic Emperors of the East, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;
  the title of King of the, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</li>

<li>Romanism or Catholicity, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>

<li>Rome, commanding position of, in the second century, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;
  prestige of, not destroyed by the partition of the Empire, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;
  lingering influences of her Church and Law, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;
  claim of, to the right of conferring the imperial crown, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;
  republican institutions of, renewed, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;
  profligacy of, in the tenth century, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;
  under Arnold of Brescia, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;
  imitations of old, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;
  in the Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;
  absence of Gothic in, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;
  the modern traveller in, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;
  causes of her rapid decay, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;
  peculiarities of her position, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;
  her internal history from the sixth to the twelfth century, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;
  her condition in the ninth and tenth centuries, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;
  growth of a republican feeling in, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;
  short-sighted policy of the Emperors towards, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;
  causes of the failure of the struggle for independence in, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;
  her internal condition, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;
  her people, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;
  her nobility, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;
  her bishop, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;
  relation of the Emperor to, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;
  the Emperors' visits to, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;
  dislike of, to the Germans, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;
  memorials of Otto III in, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;
  of Otto II, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;
  of Frederick II, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;
  causes of the want of mediæval monuments in, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;
  barbarism of the aristocracy of, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;
  ambition, weakness, and corruption of the clergy of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;
  tendency of her builders to adhere to the ancient manner, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;
  destruction and alteration of old buildings in, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;
  her modern churches, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;
  existing relics of Dark and Middle Ages in, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">423</a></span>
  changed aspect of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;
  analogy between her architecture and the civil and ecclesiastical constitution, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;
  relation of, to the Empire, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;
  feelings of modern Italians towards, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;
  perpetuation of the name of, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;
  parallel instances, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>;
  Hildebert's lines contrasting the past and present of, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Romulus Augustulus</span>, his resignation at Odoacer's bidding, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Rudolf</span> (King of Transjurane), <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Rudolf</span> of Hapsburg, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;
  financial distress under, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;
  Schiller's description of the coronation feast of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a> note, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Rudolf II</span>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Rudolf III</span>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Rudolf</span> of Swabia, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Rudolf III</span> (King of Burgundy), his proposal to bequeath Burgundy to Henry II, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li>

<li>Russia, her claim to represent the Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">S.</li>

<li>Sachsenspiegel, the, <a href="#Page_108">108</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Saladin</span> (the Sultan), Frederick I's letter to, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li>Santa Maria Novella at Florence, fresco in, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>

<li>Saxon Emperors, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>

<li>Saxony, extinction of the dukedom of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li>

<li>Schleswig, its annexation by Otto, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
  its relation to the Empire, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.</li>

<li>Scholastic philosophy, spread of, in the thirteenth century, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li>

<li>Seal, ascribed to <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Septimius Severus</span>, concentration of power in his hands, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Sergius IV</span> (Pope), <a href="#Page_228">228</a> note.</li>

<li>Seven Years' War, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li>

<li>Sicambri, probably the chief source of the Frankish nation, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>

<li>Sicily, imperial authority in, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Sigismund</span> (the Burgundian king), his desire to preserve the institutions of the Empire, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Sigismund</span> (Emperor), his visit to Henry V, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;
  at the Council of Constance, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li>Simony, measures taken against, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>

<li>Slavic races, the, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li>

<li>Smalkaldic league, the, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li>Southern Italy, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>

<li>Spain, Otto's position towards, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;
  authority not exercised by any Emperor in, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;
  compared with Germany, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>

<li>Speyer, Diet of, <a href="#Page_111">111</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Stephania</span> (widow of Crescentius), <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>

<li>Swabia, extinction of the dukedom of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;
  the towns of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;
  theory of the Emperors of the house of, respecting the coronation of Charles, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>

<li>Sweden, improbability of imperial pretensions to, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li>

<li>Swiss Confederation, the, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;
  her gains by treaties of Westphalia, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li>

<li>Switzerland lost to the Empire, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Sylvester</span> (Pope), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">T.</li>

<li>Taxes, mode of collecting in Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_9">9</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Tertullian</span>, his feelings towards the Roman Emperor, <a href="#Page_21">21</a> note, <a href="#Page_23">23</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Teutberga</span> (wife of Lothar), the famous case of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li>Teutonic race, political character of the, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Theodebert</span> (son of Clovis), his desire to preserve the institutions of the Empire, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.
<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">424</a></span></li>

<li><span class="smcap">Theodoric</span> the Ostrogoth, his attempt to establish a national monarchy in Italy, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;
  its failure, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;
  his usual place of residence, <a href="#Page_28">28</a> note;
  prosperity under his reign, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Theodosius</span> (the Emperor), his abasement before St. Ambrose, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Theophano</span> (princess), <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li>Thirty Years' War, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;
  its unsatisfactory results, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;
  its substantial advantage to the German princes, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Thomas</span> (St.), his statement respecting the election of Emperors, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li>

<li>Tithes, first enforced by Charles the Great, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>

<li>Titles, change of, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>.</li>

<li>Tortona, Frederick I's dealing with the rebels of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>

<li>Transalpine provinces, influence of the Empire in, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li>'Translation of the Empire,' <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li>

<li>Transubstantiation, <a href="#Page_326">326</a> note.</li>

<li>Turks, the, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;
  their claim to represent the Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Turpin</span> (Archbishop), <a href="#Page_51">51</a> note.</li>

<li class="alpha">U.</li>

<li>University of Prague, foundation of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>

<li>Unity, political, idea of, upheld by the clergy, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Urban IV</span> (Pope), on the right of choosing the Roman king, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">V.</li>

<li>Venice, her attitude, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;
  imperial pretensions towards, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;
  maintains her independence, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>

<li>Verdun, partition treaty of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Vespasian</span>, his dying jest, <a href="#Page_23">23</a> note.</li>

<li>Vienna, Congress of, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Villani</span> (Matthew), his idea of the Teutonic Emperors, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;
  his etymology of Guelf and Ghibeline, <a href="#Page_304">304</a> note.</li>

<li>Visigothic kings of Spain, the Empire's rights admitted by the, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="alpha">W.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Wallenstein</span>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Wenzel</span> of Bohemia, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>

<li>Western Empire, its last days, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;
  its extinction by Odoacer, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;
  its restoration, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>

<li><a name="Westphalia" id="Westphalia">Westphalia</a>, the Peace of, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;
  its advantages to France, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;
  to Sweden, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;
  its importance in imperial history, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Wickliffe</span>, excitement caused by his writings, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">William</span> the Conqueror, letter of Hildebrand to, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Wippo</span>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Witukind</span>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a> note.</li>

<li><span class="smcap">Woitech</span> (St. Adalbert), <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li>

<li>World-Monarchy, the idea of a, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;
  influence of metaphysics upon the theory, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>

<li>World-Religion, the idea of a, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;
  coincides with the World-Empire, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>

<li>Worms, Concordant of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;
  Diet of, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>
</ul>

<div class="footnotes">
<h2 class="fntitle">FOOTNOTES:</h2>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
 The author has in preparation, and hopes before long to
complete and publish, a set of chronological tables which may
be made to serve as a sort of skeleton history of mediæval Germany
and Italy.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a>
 Reckoning the Anti-pope Felix (<span class="smcap">A.D</span>. 356) as Felix II.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a>
 Crowned Emperor, but at Bologna, not at Rome.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a>
 According to the vicious financial
system that prevailed, the <i>curiales</i>
in each city were required to
collect the taxes, and when there
was a deficit, to supply it from
their own property.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a>
 See the eloquent passage of
Claudian, <i lang="la">In secundum consulatum
Stilichonis</i>, 129, <i>sqq.</i>, from which
the following lines are taken (150-60):&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Hæc est in gremio victos quæ sola recepit,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Humanumque genus communi nomine fovit,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Matris, non dominæ, ritu; civesque vocavit</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinxit.</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Hujus pacificis debemus moribus omnes</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Quod veluti patriis regionibus utitur hospes:</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Quod sedem mutare licet: quod cernere Thulen</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Lusus, et horrendos quondam penetrare recessus:</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Quod bibimus passim Rhodanum, potamus Oronten,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Quod cuncti gens una sumus. Nec terminus unquam</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Romanæ ditionis erit.'</span></p>
</div></div>
</div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>
 In the Roman jurisprudence, <i lang="la">ius sacrum</i> is a branch of <i>ius
publicum</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
 Tertullian, writing circ. <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
200, says: <span lang="la">'Sed quid ego amplius
de religione atque pietate Christiana
in imperatorem quem necesse
est suspiciamus ut eum quem Dominus
noster elegerit. Et merito
dixerim, noster est magis Cæsar, ut
a nostro Deo constitutus.'</span>&mdash;<i>Apologet.</i>
cap. 34.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a>
 See the book of Optatus, bishop
of Milevis, <i lang="la">Contra Donatistas</i>. <span lang="la">'Non
enim respublica est in ecclesia, sed
ecclesia in republica, id est, in imperio
Romano, cum super imperatorem
non sit nisi solus Deus:'</span> (p.
999 of vol. ii. of Migne's <i lang="la">Patrologiæ
Cursus completus</i>.) The
treatise of Optatus is full of interest,
as shewing the growth of the idea
of the visible Church, and of the
primacy of Peter's chair, as constituting
its centre and representing
its unity.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Addiderat consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii.'</span>&mdash;Tac.
<i>Ann.</i> i. 2.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a>
 Tac. <i>Ann.</i> ii. 9.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a>
 Stilicho, the bulwark of the Empire, seems to have been himself
a Vandal by extraction.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a>
 Of course not the consulship itself, but the <i lang="la">ornamenta consularia</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a>
 Jornandes, <i lang="la">De Rebus Geticis</i>, cap. 28.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a>
 Tac. <i>Hist.</i> i. and iv.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Vester quidem est populus
meus sed me plus servire vobis
quam illi præesse delectat. Traxit
istud a proavis generis mei apud
vos decessoresque vestros semper
animo Romana devotio, ut illa
nobis magis claritas putaretur,
quam vestra per militiæ titulos porrigeret
celsitudo: cunctisque auctoribus
meis semper magis ambitum
est quod a principibus sumerent
quam quod a patribus attulissent.
Cumque gentem nostram videamur
regere, non aliud nos quam milites
vestros credimus ordinari.... Per
nos administratis remotarum spatia
regionum: patria nostra vester orbis
est. Tangit Galliam suam lumen
orientis, et radius qui illis partibus
oriri creditur, hic refulget. Dominationem
vobis divinitus præstitam
obex nulla concludit, nec ullis provinciarum
terminis diffusio felicium
sceptrorum limitatur. Salvo divinitatis
honore sit dictum.'</span>&mdash;Letter
printed among the works of Avitus,
Bishop of Vienne. (Migne's
<i lang="la">Patrologia</i>, vol. lix. p. 285.)</p>

<p class="footnote">This letter, as its style shews,
is the composition not of Sigismund
himself, but of Avitus, writing on
Sigismund's behalf. But this makes
it scarcely less valuable evidence
of the feelings of the time.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Referre solitus est (<i>sc.</i> Ataulphus)
se in primis ardenter inhiasse:
ut obliterato Romanorum
nomine Romanum omne solum
Gothorum imperium et faceret et
vocaret: essetque, ut vulgariter
loquar, Gothia quod Romania fuisset;
fieretque nunc Ataulphus quod
quondam Cæsar Augustus. At ubi
multa experientia probavisset, neque
Gothos ullo modo parere legibus
posse propter effrenatam barbariem,
neque reipublicæ interdici
leges oportere sine quibus respublica
non est respublica; elegisse se saltem,
ut gloriam sibi de restituendo
in integrum augendoque Romano
nomine Gothorum viribus quæreret,
habereturque apud posteros Romanæ
restitutionis auctor postquam
esse non potuerat immutator. Ob
hoc abstinere a bello, ob hoc inhiare
paci nitebatur.'</span>&mdash;Orosius, vii. 43.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a>
 Athaulf formed only to abandon
it.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a>
 See, among other passages,
Varro, <i lang="la">De lingua Latina</i>, iv. 34;
Cic., <i lang="la">Pro Domo</i>, 33; and in the
<i lang="la">Corpus Iuris Civilis</i>, Dig. i. 5, 17;
l. 1, 33; xiv. 2, 9; quoted by
Ægidi, <span lang="de"><i>Der Fürstenrath nach dem
Luneviller Frieden</i></span>. The phrase
<span lang="la">'urbs æterna'</span> appears in a novel
issued by Valentinian III.</p>

<p class="footnote">Tertullian speaks of Rome as
<span lang="la">'civitas sacrosancta.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a>
 Lact. <i>Divin. Instit.</i> vii. 25:
<span lang="la">'Etiam res ipsa declarat lapsum
ruinamque rerum brevi fore: nisi
quod incolumi urbe Roma nihil
istiusmodi videtur esse metuendum.
At vero cum caput illud orbis occident,
et <span class="greek" title="rhymê">ῥύμη</span> esse cœperit quod
Sibyllæ fore aiunt, quis dubitet
venisse iam finem rebus humanis,
orbique terrarum? Illa, illa est
civitas quæ adhuc sustentat omnia,
precandusque nobis et adorandus
est Deus cœli si tamen statuta eius
et placita differri possunt, ne citius
quam putemus tyrannus ille abominabilis
veniat qui tantum facinus
moliatur, ac lumen illud effodiat
cuius interitu mundus ipse lapsurus
est.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote">Cf. Tertull. <i>Apolog.</i> cap. xxxii:
<span lang="la">'Est et alia maior necessitas nobis
orandi pro imperatoribus, etiam pro
omni statu imperii rebusque Romanis,
qui vim maximam universo
orbi imminentem ipsamque clausulam
sæculi acerbitates horrendas
comminantem Romani imperii commeatu
scimus retardari.'</span> Also the
same writer, <i lang="la">Ad Scapulam</i>, cap. ii:
<span lang="la">'Christianus sciens imperatorem a
Deo suo constitui, necesse est ut
ipsum diligat et revereatur et honoret
et salvum velit cum toto
Romano imperio quousque sæculum
stabit: tamdiu enim stabit.'</span> So too
the author&mdash;now usually supposed
to be Hilary the Deacon&mdash;of the
Commentary on the Pauline Epistles
ascribed to S. Ambrose: <span lang="la">'Non
prius veniet Dominus quam regni
Romani defectio fiat, et appareat
antichristus qui interficiet sanctos,
reddita Romanis libertate, sub suo
tamen nomine.'</span>&mdash;Ad II Thess. ii.
4, 7.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a>
 For example, by the <span lang="la">'restitutio natalium,'</span> and the '<span lang="la">adrogatio per
rescriptum principis,'</span> or, as it is expressed, <span lang="la">'per sacrum oraculum.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a>
 Even the Christian Emperors
took the title of Pontifex Maximus,
till Gratian refused it: <span class="greek" title="athemiston
einai Christianô to schêma nomisas">ἀθέμιστον εἶναι Χριστιάνῳ τὸ σχῆμα νομίσας</span>.&mdash;Zosimus,
lib. iv. cap. 36.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Maiore formidine et callidiore
timiditate Cæsarem observatis quam
ipsum ex Olympo Iovem, et merito,
si sciatis.... Citius denique apud
vos per omnes Deos quam per unum
genium Cæsaris peieratur.'</span>&mdash;Tertull.
<i>Apolog.</i> c. xxviii.</p>

<p class="footnote">Cf. Zos. v. 51: <span class="greek" title="ei men gar pros
ton theon tetychêkei didomenos horkos,
ên an hôs eikos paridein endidontas
tê tou theou philanthrôpia tên epi
tê asebeia syngnômên. epei de
kata tên tou basileôs omômokesan
kephalês, ouk einai themiton
autois eis ton tosouton horkon examartein.">εἰ μὲν γὰρ πρὸς
τὸν θεὸν τετυχήκει διδόμενος ὅρκος,
ἦν ἂν ὡς εἰκὸς παριδεῖν ἐνδίδοντας
τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ φιλανθρωπίᾳ τὴν ἐπὶ
τῇ ἀσεβείᾳ συγγνώμην. ἐπεὶ δὲ
κατὰ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ὀμωμόκεσαν
κεφαλῆς, οὐκ εἶναι θεμιτὸν
αὐτοῖς εἰς τὸν τοσοῦτον ὅρκον ἐξαμαρτεῖν.</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a>
 Tac. <i>Ann.</i> i. 73; iii. 38, etc.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a>
 It is curious that this should
have begun in the first years of the
Empire. See, among other passages
that might be cited from the Augustan
poets, Virg. <i>Georg.</i> i. 42;
iv. 462; Hor. <i>Od.</i> iii. 3, 11;
Ovid, <i>Epp. ex Ponto</i>, iv. 9. 105.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a>
 Hence Vespasian's dying jest,
<span lang="la">'Ut puto, deus fio.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a>
 <span class="greek" title="hopou an ho basileus ê, ekei hê Rhômê">ὅπου ἂν ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾖ, ἐκεῖ ἡ Ῥώμη</span>.&mdash;Herodian.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a>
 If the accounts we find of the Armorican republic can be trusted.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a>
 Odoacer or Odovaker, as it
seems his name ought to be written,
is usually, but incorrectly, described
as a King of the Heruli, who led
his people into Italy and overthrew
the Empire of the West; others
call him King of the Rugii, or
Skyrri, or Turcilingi. The truth
seems to be that he was not a king
at all, but the son of a Skyrrian
chieftain (Edecon, known as one of
the envoys whom Attila sent to
Constantinople), whose personal
merits made him chosen by the
barbarian auxiliaries to be their
leader. The Skyrri were a small
tribe, apparently akin to the more
powerful Heruli, whose name is
often extended to them.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a>
 <span class="greek" title="Augoustos ho Orestou huios
 akousas Zênôna palin tên basileian
 anakektêsthai tês heô ...
 ênankase tên boulên aposteilai
 presbeian Zênôni sêmainousan hôs
 idias men autois basileias ou deoi,
 koinos de apochrêsei monos ôn autokratôr
 ep' amphoterois tois perasi.
 ton mentoi Odoachon hyp' autôn probeblêsthai
 hikanon onta sôzein ta
 par' autois pragmata politikên
 echôn noun kai synesin homou kai
 machimon. kai deisthai tou Zênônos
 patrikiou te autô aposteilai axian
 kai tên tôn Italôn toutô epheinai
 dioikêsin">Αὔγουστος ὁ Ὀρέστου υἱὸς
 ἀκούσας Ζήνωνα πάλιν τὴν βασιλείαν
 ἀνακεκτῆσθαι τῆς ἕω ...
 ἠνάγκασε τὴν βουλὴν ἀποστεῖλαι
 πρεσβεῖαν Ζήνωνι σημαίνουσαν ὡς
 ἰδίας μὲν αὐτοῖς βασιλείας οὐ δέοι,
 κοινὸς δὲ ἀποχρήσει μόνος ὢν αὐτοκράτωρ
 ἐπ' ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς πέρασι.
 τὸν μέντοι Ὀδόαχον ὑπ' αὐτῶν προβεβλῆσθαι
 ἱκανὸν ὄντα σώζειν τὰ
 παρ' αὐτοῖς πράγματα πολιτικὴν
 ἐχὼν νοῦν καὶ σύνεσιν ὁμοῦ καὶ
 μάχιμον. καὶ δεῖσθαι τοῦ Ζήνωνος
 πατρικίου τε αὐτῷ ἀποστεῖλαι ἀξίαν
 καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἰτάλων τουτῷ ἐφεῖναι
 διοίκησιν</span>.&mdash;Malchus ap. Photium
in <i>Corp. Hist. Byzant.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a>
 Not king of Italy, as is often
said. The barbarian kings did not
for several centuries employ territorial
titles; the title 'king of
France,' for instance, was first used
by Henry IV. Jornandes tells us
that Odoacer never so much as
assumed the insignia of royalty.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a>
 Sismondi, <span lang="fr"><i>Histoire de la Chute
de l'Empire Occidentale</i></span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Nil deest nobis imperio vestro
famulantibus.'</span>&mdash;Theodoric to Zeno:
Jornandes, <i lang="la">De Rebus Geticis</i>, cap.
57.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Unde et pæne omnibus barbaris
Gothi sapientiores exstiterunt
Græcisque pæne consimiles.'</span>&mdash;Jorn.
cap. 5.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a>
 Theodoric (Thiodorich) seems
to have resided usually at Ravenna,
where he died and was buried; a remarkable
building which tradition
points out as his tomb stands a little
way out of the town, near the railway
station, but the porphyry sarcophagus,
in which his body is
supposed to have lain, has been
removed thence, and may be seen
built up into the wall of the building
called his palace, situated close
to the church of Sant' Apollinare,
and not far from the tomb of
Dante. There does not appear to
be any sufficient authority for attributing
this building to Ostrogothic
times; it is very different from the
representation of Theodoric's palace
which we have in the contemporary
mosaics of Sant' Apollinare in urbe.</p>

<p class="footnote">In the German legends, however,
Theodoric is always the prince of
Verona (Dietrich von Berne), no
doubt because that city was better
known to the Teutonic nations, and
because it was thither that he moved
his court when transalpine affairs
required his attention. His castle
there stood in the old town on the
left bank of the Adige, on the
height now occupied by the citadel;
it is doubtful whether any traces of
it remain, for the old foundations
which we now see may have belonged
to the fortress erected by
Gian Galeazzo Visconti in the
fourteenth century.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Igitur Chlodovechus ab imperatore
Anastasio codicillos de
consulatu accepit, et in basilica
beati Martini tunica blatea indutus
est et chlamyde, imponens vertici
diadema ... et ab ea die tanquam
consul aut (=et) Augustus est vocitatus.'</span>&mdash;Gregory
of Tours, ii. 58.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a>
 Sir F. Palgrave (<i>English Commonwealth</i>)
considers this grant as
equivalent to a formal ratification
of Clovis' rule in Gaul. Hallam
rates its importance lower (<i>Middle
Ages</i>, note iii. to chap. i.). Taken
in connection with the grant of
south-eastern Gaul to Theodebert
by Justinian, it may fairly be held
to shew that the influence of the
Empire was still felt in these distant
provinces.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a>
 Even so early as the middle
of the fifth century, S. Leo the
Great could say to the Roman
people, <span lang="la">'Isti (sc. Petrus et Paulus)
sunt qui te ad hanc gloriam provexerunt
ut gens sancta, populus
electus, civitas sacerdotalis et regia,
per sacram B. Petri sedem caput
orbis effecta latius præsideres religione
divina quam dominatione terrena.'</span>&mdash;<i>Sermon
on the feast of
SS. Peter and Paul.</i> (Opp. <i>ap.</i> Migne
tom. i. p. 336.)</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Ius Romanum est adhuc in
viridi observantia et eo iure præsumitur
quilibet vivere nisi adversum
probetur.'</span>&mdash;Maranta, quoted
by Marquard Freher.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Denique gens Francorum
multos et fœcundissimos fructus
Domino attulit, non solum credendo,
sed et alios salutifere convertendo,'</span>
says the emperor Lewis
II in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 871.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a>
 Martin, as in earlier times
Sylverius.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a>
 A singular account of the
origin of the separation of the
Greeks and Latins occurs in the
treatise of Radulfus de Columna
(Ralph Colonna, or, as some think,
de Coloumelle), <i lang="la">De translatione Imperii
Romani</i> (circ. 1300). 'The
tyranny of Heraclius,' says he,
'provoked a revolt of the Eastern
nations. They could not be reduced,
because the Greeks at the
same time began to disobey the
Roman Pontiff, receding, like Jeroboam,
from the true faith. Others
among these schismatics (apparently
with the view of strengthening their
political revolt) carried their heresy
further and founded Mohammedanism.'
Similarly, the Franciscan
Marsilius of Padua (circa 1324) says
that Mohammed, 'a rich Persian,'
invented his religion to keep the
East from returning to allegiance to
Rome. It is worth remarking that
few, if any, of the earlier historians
(from the tenth to the fifteenth
century) refer to the Emperors of
the West from Constantine to
Augustulus: the very existence of
this Western line seems to have
been even in the eighth or ninth
century altogether forgotten.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a>
 Anastasius, <i lang="la">Vitæ Pontificum
Romanorum</i> i. <i>ap.</i> Muratori.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a>
 Letter in <i lang="la">Codex Carolinus</i>, in
Muratori's <i lang="la">Scriptores Rerum Italicarum</i>,
vol. iii. (part 2nd), addressed
<span lang="la">'Subregulo Carolo.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a>
 Letter in <i>Cod. Carol.</i> (Mur.
<i>R. S. I.</i> iii. [2.] p. 96), a strange
mixture of earnest adjurations,
dexterous appeals to Frankish
pride, and long scriptural quotations:
<span lang="la">'Declaratum quippe est quod
super omnes gentes vestra Francorum
gens prona mihi Apostolo Dei
Petro exstitit, et ideo ecclesiam
quam mihi Dominus tradidit vobis
per manus Vicarii mei commendavi.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a>
 The exact date when Pipin received
the title cannot be made
out. Pope Stephen's next letter
(p. 96 of Mur. iii.) is addressed
<span lang="la">'Pipino, Carolo et Carolomanno
patriciis.'</span> And so the <i lang="la">Chronicon
Casinense</i> (Mur. iv. 273) says it
was first given to Pipin. Gibbon
can hardly be right in attributing
it to Charles Martel, although one
or two documents may be quoted
in which it is used of him. As
one of these is a letter of Pope
Gregory II's, the explanation may
be that the title was offered or intended
to be offered to him, although
never accepted by him.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a>
 The title of Patrician appears
even in the remote West: it stands
in a charter of Ina the West Saxon
king, and in one given by Richard
of Normandy in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1015. Ducange,
<i>s.v.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a>
 After the <i lang="la">translatio ad Francos</i>
of <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 800, the two Empires
corresponded exactly to the two
Khalifates of Bagdad and Cordova.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a>
</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="i6"><span lang="la">'Plaudentem cerne senatum</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Et Byzantinos proceres, Graiosque Quirites.'</span></p>
<p class="i10"><i>In Eutrop.</i> ii. 135.</p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a>
 Several Emperors during this
period had been patrons of images,
as was Irene at the moment of
which I write: the stain nevertheless
adhered to their government
as a whole.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a>
 I should not have thought it
necessary to explain that the sentence
in the text is meant simply
to state what were (so far as can
be made out) the sentiments and
notions of the ninth century, if a
writer in the <i>Tablet</i> (reviewing a
former edition) had not understood
it as an expression of the author's
own belief.</p>

<p class="footnote">To a modern eye there is of
course no necessary connection between
the Roman Empire and a
catholic and apostolic Church; in
fact, the two things seem rather,
such has been the impression made
on us by the long struggle of
church and state, in their nature
mutually antagonistic. The interest
of history lies not least in this, that
it shews us how men have at different
times entertained wholly
different notions respecting the relation
to one another of the same
ideas or the same institutions.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a>
 Monachus Sangallensis, <i lang="la">De
Gestis Karoli</i>; in Pertz, <i lang="la">Monumenta
Germaniæ Historica</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a>
 Monachus Sangallensis; <i lang="la">ut
supra</i>. So Pope Gregory the Great
two centuries earlier: <span lang="la">'Quanto
cæteros homines regia dignitas
antecedit, tanto cæterarum gentium
regna regni Francorum culmen
excellit.'</span> Ep. v. 6.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a>
 Alciatus, <i lang="la">De Formula imperii
Romani</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a>
 Or rather, according to the
then prevailing practice of beginning
the year from Christmas-day,
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 801.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a>
 An elaborate description of old
St. Peter's may be found in Bunsen's
and Platner's <span lang="de"><i>Beschreibung der Stadt
Rom</i></span>; with which compare Bunsen's
work on the Basilicas of
Rome.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a>
 The primitive custom was for
the bishop to sit in the centre of
the apse, at the central point of
the east end of the church (or, as
it would be more correct to say,
the end furthest from the door)
just as the judge had done in those
law courts on the model of which
the first basilicas were constructed.
This arrangement may still be seen
in some of the churches of Rome,
as well as elsewhere in Italy; nowhere
better than in the churches
of Ravenna, particularly the beautiful
one of Sant' Apollinare in
Classe, and in the cathedral of
Torcello, near Venice.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a>
 On this chair were represented
the labours of Hercules and the
signs of the zodiac. It is believed
at Rome to be the veritable chair
of the Apostle himself, and whatever
may be thought of such an
antiquity as this, it can be satisfactorily
traced back to the third
or fourth century of Christianity.
(The story that it is inscribed
with verses from the Koran is,
I believe, without foundation.)
It is now enclosed in a gorgeous
casing of gilded wood (some say,
of bronze), and placed aloft at the
extremity of St. Peter's, just over
the spot where a bishop's chair
would in the old arrangement of
the basilica have stood. The sarcophagus
in which Charles himself
lay, till the French scattered his
bones abroad, had carved on it
the rape of Proserpine. It may
still be seen in the gallery of the
basilica at Aachen.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a>
 Eginhard, <i lang="la">Vita Karoli</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a>
 The coronation scene is described
in all the annals of the time,
to which it is therefore needless to
refer more particularly.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a>
 Before the end of the tenth
century we find the monk Benedict
of Soracte ascribing to Charles
an expedition to Palestine, and
other marvellous exploits. The
romance which passes under the
name of Archbishop Turpin is well
known. All the best stories about
Charles&mdash;and some of them are
very good&mdash;may be found in the
book of the Monk of St. Gall.
Many refer to his dealings with
the bishops, towards whom he is
described as acting like a good-humoured
schoolmaster.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a>
 Baronius, <i>Ann.</i>, ad ann. 800;
Bellarminus, <i lang="la">De translatione imperii
Romani adversus Illyricum</i>;
Spanhemius, <i lang="la">De ficta translatione
imperii</i>; Conringius, <i lang="la">De imperio
Romano Germanico</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a>
 See especially Greenwood, <i>Cathedra Petri</i>, vol. iii. p. 109.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a>
 <i>Ann. Lauresb. ap.</i> Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i> i.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a>
 <i>Apud</i> Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i> i.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Vitæ Pontif.</i> in Mur. <i>S. R. I.</i>
Anastasius in reporting the shout
of the people omits the word
<span lang="la">'Romanorum,'</span> which the other
annalists insert after <span lang="la">'imperatori.'</span>
The balance of probability is certainly
in his favour.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a>
 Lorentz, <span lang="de"><i>Leben Alcuins</i></span>. And cf. Döllinger, <span lang="de"><i>Das Kaiserthum Karls
des Grossen und seiner Nachfolger</i></span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a>
 See a very learned and interesting
tract entitled <span lang="de"><i>Das Kaiserthum
Karls des Grossen und seiner Nachfolger</i></span>,
recently published by Dr. v.
Döllinger of Munich.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a>
 <span class="greek" title="Apokrisiarioi para Karoullou
 kai Leontos aitoumenoi zeuchthênai
 autên tô Karoullô pros gamon
 kai henôsai ta Heôa kai ta Hesperia."> Ἀποκρισιάριοι παρὰ Καρούλλου
 καὶ Λέοντος αἰτούμενοι ζευχθῆναι
 αὐτὴν τῷ Καρούλλῳ πρὸς γάμον
 καὶ ἑνῶσαι τὰ Ἑωὰ καὶ τὰ Ἑσπερία.</span>&mdash;Theoph.
<i>Chron.</i> in <i>Corp. Scriptt.
Hist. Byz.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a>
 Their ambassadors at last saluted
him by the desired title
<span lang="la">'Laudes ei dixerunt imperatorem eum
et basileum appellantes.'</span> Eginh.
<i>Ann.</i>, ad ann. 812.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a>
 Harun er Rashid; Eginh. <i>Vita
Karoli</i>, c. 16.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a>
 So Pope John VIII in a document
quoted by Waitz, <span lang="de"><i>Deutsche
Verfassungs-geschichte</i></span>, iii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a>
 Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i> iii. (legg. I.)</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a>
 Pütter, <i>Historical Development
of the German Constitution</i>; so too
Conring, and esp. David Blondel,
<i>Adv. Chiffletium</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Græcia capta ferum victorem
cepit,'</span> is repeated in this conquest
of the Teuton by the Roman.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a>
 The notion that once prevailed
that the Irminsûl was the 'pillar of
Hermann,' set up on the spot of
the defeat of Varus, is now generally
discredited. Some German
antiquaries take the pillar to be a
rude figure of the native god Irmin;
but nothing seems to be known of
this alleged deity: and it is more
probable that the name Irmin is
after all merely an altered form
of the Keltic word which appears in
Welsh as Hir Vaen, the long stone
(<i>Maen</i>, a stone). Thus the pillar,
so far from being the monument of
the great Teutonic victory, would
commemorate a pre-Teutonic race,
whose name for it the invading
tribes adopted. The Rev. Dr. Scott,
of Westminster, to whose kindness
I am indebted for this explanation,
informs me that a rude ditty recording
the destruction of the pillar
by Charles was current on the spot
a few years ago. It ran thus:&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="de">'Irmin slad Irmin</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Sla Pfeifen sla Trommen</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Der Kaiser wird kommen</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Mit Hammer und Stangen</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Wird Irmin uphangen.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>
<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a>
 Eginhard, <i>Ann</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a>
 Most probably the Scots of Ireland&mdash;Eginhard, <i>Vita Karoli</i>, cap. 16.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a>
 Eginhard, <i>Vita Karoli</i>, cap. 23.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a>
 Aix-la-Chapelle. See the lines
in Pertz (<i>M. G. H.</i> ii.), beginning,&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Urbs Aquensis, urbs regalis,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Sedes regni principalis,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Prima regum curia.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote">This city is commonly called Aken
in English books of the seventeenth
century, and probably that ought to
be taken as its proper English name.
That name has, however, fallen so
entirely into disuse that I do not
venture to use it; and as the employment
of the French name Aix-la-Chapelle
seems inevitably to produce
the belief that the place is
and was, even in Charles's time, a
French town, there is nothing for it
but to fall back upon the comparatively
unfamiliar German name.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a>
 Engilenheim, or Ingelheim, lies
near the left shore of the Rhine
between Mentz and Bingen.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a>
 Eginhard, <i>Vita Karoli</i>, cap. 29.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a>
 Eginhard, <i>Vita Karoli</i>, cap. 17.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a>
 It is not a little curious that of
the three whom the modern French
have taken to be their national
heroes all should have been foreigners,
and two foreign conquerors.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a>
 This basilica was built upon
the model of the church of the
Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, and
as it was the first church of any
size that had been erected in those
regions for centuries past, it excited
extraordinary interest among the
Franks and Gauls. In many of its
features it greatly resembles the
beautiful church of San Vitale, at
Ravenna (also modelled upon that
of the Holy Sepulchre) which was
begun by Theodoric, and completed
under Justinian. Probably
San Vitale was used as a pattern
by Charles's architects: we know
that he caused marble columns to
be brought from Ravenna to deck
the church at Aachen. Over the
tomb of Charles, below the central
dome (to which the Gothic
choir we now see was added some
centuries later), there hangs a huge
chandelier, the gift of Frederick
Barbarossa.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Romuleum Francis præstitit
imperium.'</span>&mdash;Elegy of Ermoldus
Nigellus, in Pertz; <i>M. G. H.</i>, t. i.
So too Florus the Deacon,&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Huic etenim cessit etiam gens Romula genti,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Regnorumque simul mater Roma inclyta cessit:</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Huius ibi princeps regni diademata sumpsit</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Munere apostolico, Christi munimine fretus.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a>
 Usage has established this
translation of <span lang="la">'Hludowicus Pius,'</span>
but 'gentle' or 'kind-hearted'
would better express the meaning
of the epithet.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a>
 Von Ranke discovers in this
early traces of the aversion of the
Germans to the pretensions of the
spiritual power.&mdash;<i>History of Germany
during the Reformation</i>: Introduction.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a>
 Singularly enough, when one
thinks of modern claims, the dynasty
of France (Francia occidentalis)
had the least share of it.
Charles the Bald was the only
West Frankish Emperor, and reigned
a very short time.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a>
 Tac. <i>Hist.</i> i. 4.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a>
 For an account of the various
applications of the name Burgundy,
see <a href="#noteA">Appendix, Note A</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a>
 The accession of Boso took
place in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 877, eleven years
before Charles the Fat's death.
But the new kingdom could not
be considered legally settled until
the latter date, and its establishment
is at any rate a part of that
general break-up of the great
Carolingian empire whereof <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
888 marks the crisis. See <a href="#noteA">Appendix
A</a> at the end.</p>

<p class="footnote">It is a curious mark of the reverence
paid to the Carolingian blood,
that Boso, a powerful and ambitious
prince, seems to have chiefly
rested his claims on the fact that
he was husband of Irmingard,
daughter of the Emperor Lewis II.
Baron de Gingins la Sarraz quotes
a charter of his (drawn up when
he seems to have doubted whether
to call himself king) which begins,
<span lang="la">'Ego Boso Dei gratia id quod sum,
et coniux mea Irmingardis proles
imperialis.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a>
 Lewis had been surprised by
Berengar at Verona, blinded, and
forced to take refuge in his own
kingdom of Provence.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a>
 Alberic is called variously senator,
consul, patrician, and prince of
the Romans.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a>
 Adelheid was daughter of Rudolf,
king of Trans-Jurane Burgundy.
She was at this time in
her nineteenth year.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a>
 <i>Chron. Moiss.</i>, in Pertz; <i>M. G. H.</i> i. 305.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a>
 See especially the poem of
Florus the Deacon (printed in
the Benedictine collection and in
Migne), a bitter lament over the
dissolution of the Carolingian
Empire. It is too long for quotation.
I give four lines here:&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Quid faciant populi quos ingens alluit Hister,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Quos Rhenus Rhodanusque rigant, Ligerisve, Padusve,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Quos omnes dudum tenuit concordia nexos,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Foedere nunc rupto divortia moesta fatigant.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>
<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a>
 Witukind, <i>Annales</i>, in Pertz.
It may, however, be doubted whether
the annalist is not here giving
a very free rendering of the triumphant
cries of the German army.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a>
 Cf. esp. the <span lang="la">'<i>Libellus de imperatoria
potestate in urbe Roma</i>,'</span>
in Pertz.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Licet videamus Romanorum
regnum in maxima parte jam destructum,
tamen quamdiu reges
Francorum duraverint qui Romanum
imperium tenere debent, dignitas
Romani imperii ex toto non
peribit, quia stabit in regibus
suis.'</span>&mdash;<i lang="la">Liber de Antichristo</i>, addressed
by Adso, abbot of Moutier-en-Der,
to queen Gerberga (circa
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 950).</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a>
 From the money which Otto
struck in Italy, it seems probable
that he did occasionally use the title
of king of Italy or of the Lombards.
That he was crowned can hardly be
considered quite certain.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'A papa imperator ordinatur,'</span>
says Hermannus Contractus. <span lang="la">'Dominum
Ottonem, ad hoc usque
vocatum regem, non solum Romano
sed et pœne totius Europæ
populo acclamante imperatorem
consecravit Augustum.'</span>&mdash;<i>Annal.
Quedlinb.</i>, ad ann. 962. <span lang="la">'Benedictionem
a domno apostolico Iohanne,
cuius rogatione huc venit, cum sua
coniuge promeruit imperialem ac
patronus Romanæ effectus est ecclesiæ.'</span>&mdash;Thietmar.
<span lang="la">'Acclamatione
totius Romani populi ab apostolico
Iohanne, filio Alberici, imperator et
Augustus vocatur et ordinatur.'</span>&mdash;Continuator
Reginonis. And similarly
the other annalists.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a>
 I do not mean to say that the
system of ideas which it is endeavoured
to set forth in the following
pages was complete in this
particular form, either in the days of
Charles or in those of Otto, or in those
of Frederick Barbarossa. It seems
to have been constantly growing and
decaying from the fourth century
to the sixteenth, the relative prominence
of its cardinal doctrines varying
from age to age. But, just as the
painter who sees the ever-shifting
lights and shades play over the face
of a wide landscape faster than his
brush can place them on the canvas,
in despair at representing their
exact position at any single moment,
contents himself with painting
the effects that are broadest
and most permanent, and at giving
rather the impression which the
scene makes on him than every
detail of the scene itself, so here,
the best and indeed the only practicable
course seems to be that of
setting forth in its most self-consistent
form the body of ideas and
beliefs on which the Empire rested,
although this form may not be exactly
that which they can be asserted
to have worn in any one
century, and although the illustrations
adduced may have to be taken
sometimes from earlier, sometimes
from later writers. As the doctrine
of the Empire was in its essence
the same during the whole Middle
Age, such a general description as
is attempted here may, I venture
to hope, be found substantially true
for the tenth as well as for the
fourteenth century.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a>
 Empires like the Persian did
nothing to assimilate the subject
races, who retained their own laws
and customs, sometimes their own
princes, and were bound only to
serve in the armies and fill the
treasury of the Great King.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a>
 Od. iii. 72:&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="i2"><span class="greek" title="... ê mapsidiôs alalêsthe,">ἢ μαψίδιως ἀλάλησθε,</span></p>
<p><span class="greek" title="hoia te lêïstêres, hypeir hala, toit' aloôntai">οἷά τε ληϊστῆρες, ὑπεὶρ ἅλα, τοίτ' ἀλόωνται</span></p>
<p><span class="greek" title="psychas parthemenoi, kakon allodapoisi pherontes?"> ψυχὰς παρθέμενοι, κακὸν <b>ἀλλοδαποῖσι</b> φέροντες;</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote">Cf. Od. ix. 39: and the Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, I. 274. So in II.
v. 214, <span class="greek" title="allotrios phôs">ἀλλότριος φώς</span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a>
 Plato, in the beginning of the
Laws, represents it as natural between
all states: <span class="greek" title="polemos physei
hyparchei pros hapasas tas poleis">πολεμὸς φύσει
ὑπάρχει πρὸς ἁπάσας τὰς πόλεις</span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a>
 See especially Acts xvii. 26;
Gal. iii. 28; Eph. ii. 11, sqq.; iv.
3-6; Col. iii. 11.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a>
 This is drawn out by Laurent,
<span lang="fr"><i>Histoire du Droit des Gens</i></span>; and
Ægidi, <span lang="de"><i>Der Fürstenrath nach dem
Luneviller Frieden</i></span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Romanos enim vocitant homines
nostræ religionis.'</span>&mdash;Gregory of
Tours, quoted by Ægidi, from A.
F. Pott, <i>Essay on the Words 'Römisch,'
'Romanisch,' 'Roman,'
'Romantisch.'</i> So in the Middle
Ages, <span class="greek" title="Rhômaioi">Ῥωμαῖοι</span> is used to mean
Christians, as opposed to <span class="greek" title="Hellênes"> Ἕλληνες</span>,
heathens.</p>

<p class="footnote">Cf. Ducange, <span lang="la">'Romani olim dicti
qui alias Christiani vel etiam Catholici.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a>
 As a reviewer in the <i>Tablet</i>
(whose courtesy it is the more pleasant
to acknowledge since his point
of view is altogether opposed to
mine) has understood this passage
as meaning that 'people imagined
the Christian religion was to last
for ever because the Holy Roman
Empire was never to decay,' it may
be worth while to say that this is
far from being the purport of the
argument which this chapter was
designed to state. The converse
would be nearer the truth:&mdash;'people
imagined the Holy Roman Empire
was never to decay, because the
Christian religion was to last for
ever.'</p>

<p class="footnote">The phenomen may perhaps be
stated thus:&mdash;Men who were already
disposed to believe the Roman Empire
to be eternal for one set of reasons,
came to believe the Christian
Church to be eternal for another and,
to them, more impressive set of reasons.
Seeing the two institutions
allied in fact, they took their alliance
and connection to be eternal
also; and went on for centuries
believing in the necessary existence
of the Roman Empire because they
believed in its necessary union with
the Catholic Church.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a>
 Augustine, in the <i lang="la">De Civitate
Dei</i>. His influence, great through
all the Middle Ages, was greater on
no one than on Charles.&mdash;<span lang="la">'Delectabatur
et libris sancti Augustini,
præcipueque his qui De Civitate Dei
prætitulati sunt.'</span>&mdash;Eginhard, <i lang="la">Vita
Karoli</i>, cap. 24.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Quapropter universorum precibus
fidelium optandum est, ut in
omnem gloriam vestram extendatur
imperium, ut scilicet catholica fides... veraciter in una confessione
cunctorum cordibus infigatur, quatenus
summi Regis donante pietate
eadem sanctæ pacis et perfectæ caritatis
omnes ubique regat et custodiat
unitas.'</span> Quoted by Waitz (<span lang="de"><i>Deutsche
Verfassungsgeschichte</i></span>, ii. 182) from
an unprinted letter of Alcuin.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a>
 A curious illustration of this
tendency of mind is afforded by
the descriptions we meet with of
Learning or Theology (<i lang="la">Studium</i>)
as a concrete existence, having a
visible dwelling in the University
of Paris. The three great powers
which rule human life, says one
writer, the Popedom, the Empire,
and Learning, have been severally
entrusted to the three foremost
nations of Europe: Italians, Germans,
French. <span lang="la">'His siquidem tribus,
scilicet sacerdotio imperio et studio,
tanquam tribus virtutibus, videlicet
naturali vitali et scientiali, catholica
ecclesia spiritualiter mirificatur,
augmentatur et regitur. His itaque
tribus, tanquam fundamento,
pariete et tecto, eadem ecclesia
tanquam materialiter proficit. Et
sicut ecclesia materialis uno tantum
fundamento et uno tecto eget,
parietibus vero quatuor, ita imperium
quatuor habet parietes, hoc
est, quatuor imperii sedes, Aquisgranum,
Arelatum, Mediolanum,
Romam.'</span>&mdash;<i lang="la">Jordanis Chronica</i>; <i>ap.</i>
Schardius <i lang="la">Sylloge Tractatuum</i>. And
see Döllinger, <span lang="de"><i>Die Vergangenheit
und Gegenwart der katholischen
Theologie</i></span>, p. 8.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Una est sola respublica totius
populi Christiani, ergo de necessitate
erit et unus solus princeps et rex
illius reipublicæ, statutus et stabilitus
ad ipsius fidei et populi Christiani
dilatationem et defensionem.
Ex qua ratione concludit etiam
Augustinus (<i>De Civitate Dei</i>, lib.
xix.) quod extra ecclesiam nunquam
fuit nec potuit nec poterit esse
verum imperium, etsi fuerint imperatores
qualitercumque et secundum
quid, non simpliciter, qui
fuerunt extra fidem Catholicam et
ecclesiam.'</span>&mdash;Engelbert (abbot of
Admont in Upper Austria), <i lang="la">De
Ortu et Fine imperii Romani</i> (circ.
1310).</p>

<p class="footnote">In this <span lang="la">'de necessitate'</span> everything
is included.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a>
 See <a href="#Footnote_37">note f, p. 32</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a>
 This is admirably brought out by Ægidi, <span lang="de"><i>Der Fürstenrath nach dem
Luneviller Frieden</i></span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a>
 See the original forgery (or
rather the extracts which Gratian
gives from it) in the <i lang="la">Corpus Iuris
Canonici</i>, <i>Dist.</i> xcvi. cc. 13, 14.
<span lang="la">'Et sicut nostram terrenam imperialem
potentiam, sic sacrosanctam
Romanam ecclesiam decrevimus
veneranter honorari, et amplius
quam nostrum imperium et
terrenum thronum sedem beati Petri
gloriose exaltari, tribuentes ei potestatem
et gloriæ dignitatem atque
vigorem et honorificentiam imperialem....
Beato Sylvestro patri
nostro summo pontifici et universali
urbis Romæ papæ, et omnibus
eius successoribus pontificibus, qui
usque in finem mundi in sede beati
Petri erunt sessuri, de præsenti
contradimus palatium imperii nostri
Lateranense, deinde diadema, videlicet
coronam capitis nostri, simulque
phrygium, necnon et superhumerale,
verum etiam et chlamydem purpuream
et tunicam coccineam, et
omnia imperialia indumenta, sed et
dignitatem imperialem præsidentium
equitum, conferentes etiam et imperialia
sceptra, simulque cuncta
signa atque banda et diversa ornamenta
imperialia et omnem processionem
imperialis culminis et
gloriam potestatis nostræ....
Et sicut imperialis militia ornatur
ita et clerum sanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ
ornari decernimus.... Unde
ut pontificalis apex non vilescat sed
magis quam terreni imperii dignitas
gloria et potentia decoretur, ecce
tam palatium nostrum quam Romanam
urbem et omnes Italiæ seu
occidentalium regionum provincias
loca et civitates beatissimo papæ
Sylvestro universali papæ contradimus
atque relinquimus....
Ubi enim principatus sacerdotum
et Christianæ religionis caput ab
imperatore cœlesti constitutum est,
iustum non est ut illic imperator
terrenus habeat potestatem.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote">The practice of kissing the
Pope's foot was adopted in imitation
of the old imperial court. It
was afterwards revived by the German
Emperors.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a>
 Döllinger has shewn in a recent
work (<span lang="de"><i>Die Papst-Fabeln des Mittelalters</i></span>)
that the common belief that
Gregory II excited the revolt against
Leo the Iconoclast is unfounded.</p>

<p class="footnote">So Anastasius, <span lang="la">'Ammonebat (<i>sc.</i>
Gregorius Secundus) ne a fide vel
amore Romani imperii desisterent.'</span>&mdash;<i>Vitæ
Pontif. Rom.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a>
 Of this curious seal, a leaden
one, preserved at Paris, a figure is
given upon the cover of this volume.
There are very few monuments of
that age whose genuineness can be
considered altogether beyond doubt;
but this seal has many respectable
authorities in its favour. See,
among others, Le Blanc, <span lang="fr"><i>Dissertation
historique sur quelques Monnoies
de Charlemagne</i></span>, Paris, 1689;
J. M. Heineccius, <i lang="la">De Veteribus
Germanorum aliarumque nationum
sigillis</i>, Lips. 1709; Anastasius,
<i lang="la">Vitæ Pontificum Romanorum</i>, ed.
Vignoli, Romæ, 1752; Götz,
<i lang="de">Deutschlands Kayser-Münzen des
Mittelalters</i>, Dresden, 1827; and
the authorities cited by Waitz,
<span lang="de"><i>Deutsche Verfassungs-geschichte</i></span>, iii.
179, n. 4.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Præterea mirari se dilecta
fraternitas tua quod non Francorum
set Romanorum imperatores
nos appellemus; set scire te convenit
quia nisi Romanorum imperatores
essemus, utique nec Francorum.
A Romanis enim hoc
nomen et dignitatem assumpsimus,
apud quos profecto primum tantæ
culmen sublimitatis effulsit,'</span> &amp;c&mdash;<i>Letter
of the Emperor Lewis II to
Basil the Emperor at Constantinople</i>,
from <i>Chron. Salernit. ap.</i> Murat.
<i>S. R. I.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Illam (<i>sc.</i> Romanam ecclesiam)
solus ille fundavit, et super
petram fidei mox nascentis erexit,
qui beato æternæ vitæ clavigero
terreni simul et cœlestis imperii
iura commisit.'</span>&mdash;<i lang="la">Corpus Iuris
Canonici</i>, <i>Dist.</i> xxii. c. 1. The
expression is not uncommon in
mediæval writers. So <span lang="la">'unum est
imperium Patris et Filii et Spiritus
Sancti, cuius est pars ecclesia constituta
in terris,'</span> in Lewis II's
letter.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Merito summus Pontifex Romanus
episcopus dici potest rex et
sacerdos. Si enim dominus noster
Iesus Christus sic appellatur, non
videtur incongruum suum vocare
successorem. Corporale et temporale
ex spirituali et perpetuo dependet,
sicut corporis operatio ex
virtute animæ. Sicut ergo corpus
per animam habet esse virtutem et
operationem, ita et temporalis iurisdictio
principum per spiritualem
Petri et successorum eius.'</span>&mdash;St.
Thomas Aquinas, <i lang="la">De Regimine
Principum</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Nonne Romana ecclesia tenetur
imperatori tanquam suo patrono,
et imperator ecclesiam fovere et
defensare tanquam suus vere patronus?
certe sic.... Patronis
vero concessum est ut prælatos in
ecclesiis sui patronatus eligant.
Cum ergo imperator onus sentiat
patronatus, ut qui tenetur eam defendere,
sentire debet honorem et
emolumentum.'</span> I quote this from
a curious document in Goldast's
collection of tracts (<i lang="la">Monarchia Imperii</i>),
entitled '<i>Letter of the four
Universities, Paris, Oxford, Prague,
and the <span lang="la">"Romana generalitas,"</span> to the
Emperor Wenzel and Pope Urban</i>,'
<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1380. The title can scarcely
be right, but if the document is,
as in all probability it is, not later
than the fifteenth century, its being
misdescribed, or even its being a
forgery, does not make it less valuable
as an evidence of men's ideas.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a>
 So Leo III in a charter issued
on the day of Charles's coronation:
<span lang="la">'... actum in præsentia gloriosi
atque excellentissimi filii nostri
Caroli quem auctore Deo in defensionem
et provectionem sanctæ
universalis ecclesiæ hodie Augustum
sacravimus.'</span>&mdash;Jaffé <i lang="la">Regesta Pontificum
Romanorum</i>, ad ann. 800.</p>

<p class="footnote">So, indeed, Theodulf of Orleans,
a contemporary of Charles, ascribes
to the Emperor an almost papal authority
over the Church itself:&mdash;</p>
<div class="poetry-container">
  <div class="poem">
<div class="footnote">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Cœli habet hic (<i>sc.</i> Papa) claves, proprias te iussit habere;</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Tu regis ecclesiæ, nam regit ille poli;</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Tu regis eius opes, clerum populumque gubernas,</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="la">Hic te cœlicolas ducet ad usque choros.'</span></p>
<p class="i10">In D. Bouquet, v. 415.</p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a>
 Perhaps at no more than
three: in the time of Charles and
Leo; again under Otto III and
his two Popes, Gregory V and Sylvester
II; thirdly, under Henry
III; certainly never thenceforth.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a>
 <i>The Sachsenspiegel</i> (<i lang="la">Speculum
Saxonicum</i>, circ. <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1240), the
great North-German law book,
says, 'The Empire is held from
God alone, not from the Pope.
Emperor and Pope are supreme
each in what has been entrusted
to him: the Pope in what concerns
the soul; the Emperor in all that
belongs to the body and to knighthood.'
<i>The Schwabenspiegel</i>, compiled
half a century later, subordinates
the prince to the pontiff:
<span lang="de">'Daz weltliche Schwert des Gerichtes
daz lihet der Babest dem
Chaiser; daz geistlich ist dem
Babest gesetzt daz er damit richte.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a>
 So Boniface VIII in the bull
<i lang="la">Unam Sanctam</i>, will have but one
head for the Christian people.
<span lang="la">'Igitur ecclesiæ unius et unicæ
unum corpus, unum caput, non duo
capita quasi monstrum.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a>
 St. Bernard writes to Conrad
III: <span lang="la">'Non veniat anima mea in
consilium eorum qui dicunt vel imperio
pacem et libertatem ecclesiæ
vel ecclesiæ prosperitatem et exaltationem
imperii nocituram.'</span> So in
the <i lang="la">De Consideratione</i>: <span lang="la">'Si utrumque
simul habere velis, perdes
utrumque,'</span> of the papal claim to
temporal and spiritual authority,
quoted by Gieseler.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Sedens in solio armatus et cinctus
ensem, habensque in capite Constantini
diadema, stricto dextra capulo
ensis accincti, ait: "Numquid
ego summus sum pontifex? nonne
ista est cathedra Petri? Nonne
possum imperii iura tutari? ego sum Cæsar,
ego sum imperator."'</span>&mdash;Fr. Pipinus
(ap. Murat. <i>S. R. I.</i> ix.) l. iv. c. 47.
These words, however, are by this
writer ascribed to Boniface, when
receiving the envoys of the emperor
Albert I, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1299. I have not
been able to find authority for their
use at the jubilee, but give the current
story for what it is worth.</p>

<p class="footnote">It has been suggested that Dante
may be alluding to this sword scene
in a well-known passage of the
Purgatorio (xvi. l. 106):&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="it">'Soleva Roma, che 'l buon mondo feo</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="it">Duo Soli aver, che l' una e l' altra strada</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="it">Facean vedere, e del mondo e di Deo.</span></p>
<p><span lang="it">L' un l' altro ha spento, ed è giunta la spada</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="it">Col pastorale: e l' un coll altro insieme</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="it">Per viva forzu mal convien che vada.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a>
 See especially Peter de Andlo
(<i lang="la">De Imperio Romano</i>); Ralph
Colonna (<i lang="la">De translatione Imperii
Romani</i>); Dante (<i lang="la">De Monarchia</i>);
Engelbert (<i lang="la">De Ortu et Fine Imperii
Romani</i>); Marsilius Patavinus
(<i lang="la">De translatione Imperii Romani</i>);
Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini (<i lang="la">De Ortu
et Authoritate Imperii Romani</i>);
Zoannetus (<i lang="la">De Imperio Romano
atque ejus Iurisdictione</i>); and the
writers in Schardius's <i>Sylloge</i>, and
in Goldast's Collection of Tracts,
entitled <i lang="la">Monarchia Imperii</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a>
 Letter of Lewis II to Basil the
Macedonian, in <i>Chron. Salernit.</i> in
Mur. <i>S. R. I.</i>; also given by Baronius,
<i>Ann. Eccl.</i> ad ann. 871.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Ad summum dignitatis pervenisti:
Vicarius es Christi.'</span>&mdash;Wippo,
<i lang="la">Vita Chuonradi</i> (<i>ap.</i> Pertz),
c. 3.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a>
 Letter in Radewic, <i>ap.</i> Murat,
<i>S. R. I.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a>
 Lewis IV is styled in one of
his proclamations, <span lang="la">'Gentis humanæ,
orbis Christiani custos, urbi et orbi
a Deo electus præesse.'</span>&mdash;Pfeffinger,
<i lang="la">Vitriarius Illustratus</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a>
 In a document issued by the
Diet of Speyer (<span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1529) the
Emperor is called <span lang="de">'Oberst, Vogt, und
Haupt der Christenheit.'</span> Hieronymus
Balbus, writing about the same
time, puts the question whether all
Christians are subject to the Emperor
in temporal things, as they
are to the Pope in spiritual, and
answers it by saying, <span lang="la">'Cum ambo
ex eodem fonte perfluxerint et
eadem semita incedant, de utroque
idem puto sentiendum.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Non magis ad Papam depositio
seu remotio pertinet quam
ad quoslibet regum prælatos, qui
reges suos prout assolent, consecrant
et inungunt.'</span>&mdash;<i>Letter of Frederick
II</i> (lib. i. c. 3).</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Liber Ceremonialis Romanus</i>,
lib. i. sect. 5; with which compare
the <i lang="la">Coronatio Romana</i> of Henry
VII, in Pertz, and Muratori's Dissertation
in vol. i. of the <i lang="la">Antiquitates
Italiæ Medii Ævi</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a>
 See Goldast, <i>Collection of Imperial
Constitutions</i>; and Moser,
<span lang="de"><i>Römische Kayser</i></span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a>
 The abbot Engelbert (<i lang="la">De Ortu
et Fine Imperii Romani</i>) quotes
Origen and Jerome to this effect,
and proceeds himself to explain,
from 2 Thess. ii., how the falling
away will precede the coming of
Antichrist. There will be a triple
<span lang="la">'discessio,'</span> of the kingdoms of the
earth from the Roman Empire, of
the Church from the Apostolic See,
of the faithful from the faith. Of
these, the first causes the second;
the temporal sword to punish heretics
and schismatics being no longer
ready to work the will of the rulers
of the Church.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a>
 A full statement of the views
that prevailed in the earlier Middle
Age regarding Antichrist&mdash;as well
as of the singular prophecy of the
Frankish Emperor who shall appear
in the latter days, conquer the
world, and then going to Jerusalem
shall lay down his crown on the
Mount of Olives and deliver over
the kingdom to Christ&mdash;may be
found in the little treatise, <i lang="la">Vita
Antichristi</i>, which Adso, monk and
afterwards abbot of Moutier-en-Der,
compiled (cir. 950) for the
information of Queen Gerberga,
wife of Louis d'Outremer. Antichrist
is to be born a Jew of the
tribe of Dan (Gen. xlix. 17), <span lang="la">'non
de episcopo et monacha, sicut alii
delirando dogmatizant, sed de immundissima
meretrice et crudelissimo
nebulone. Totus in peccato
concipietur, in peccato generabitur,
in peccato nascetur.'</span> His birthplace
is Babylon: he is to be
brought up in Bethsaida and Chorazin.</p>

<p class="footnote">Adso's book may be found printed
in Migne, t. ci. p. 1290.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a>
 S. Thomas explains the prophecy
in a remarkable manner,
shewing how the decline of the
Empire is no argument against its
fulfilment. <span lang="la">'Dicendum quod nondum
cessavit, sed est commutatum
de temporali in spirituale, ut dicit
Leo Papa in sermone de Apostolis:
et ideo discessio a Romano imperio
debet intelligi non solum a temporali
sed etiam a spirituali, scilicit
a fide Catholica Romanæ Ecclesiæ.
Est autem hoc conveniens signum
nam Christus venit, quando Romanum
imperium omnibus dominabatur:
ita e contra signum adventus
Antichristi est discessio ab eo.'</span>&mdash;<i>Comment.
ad 2 Thess.</i> ii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a>
 See <a href="#Footnote_149">note z, page 119</a>. The
Papal party sometimes insisted that
both swords were given to Peter,
while the imperialists assigned the
temporal sword to John. Thus a
gloss to the <span lang="de"><i>Sachsenspiegel</i></span> says,
<span lang="de">'Dat eine svert hadde Sinte Peter,
dat het nu de paves: dat andere hadde
Johannes, dat het nu de keyser.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a>
 2 Thess. ii. 7.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a>
 St. Augustine, however, though
he states the view (applying the
passage to the Roman Empire)
which was generally received in
the Middle Ages, is careful not
to commit himself positively to
it.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Jordanis Chronica</i> (written towards the close of the thirteenth
century).</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a>
 Compare with this the words
which Pope Hadrian I. had used
some twenty-three years before, of
Charles as representative of Constantine:
<span lang="la">'Et sicut temporibus
Beati Sylvestri, Romani pontificis,
a sanctæ recordationis piissimo
Constantino magno imperatore, per
eius largitatem sancta Dei catholica
et apostolica Romana ecclesia elevata
atque exaltata est, et potestatem
in his Hesperiæ partibus
largiri dignatus est, ita et in his
vestris felicissimis temporibus atque
nostris, sancta Dei ecclesia, id est,
beati Petri apostoli germinet atque
exsultet, ut omnes gentes quæ hæc
audierint edicere valeant, 'Domine
salvum fac regem, et exaudi nos in
die in qua invocaverimus te;' quia
ecce novus Christianissimus Dei
Constantinus imperator his temporibus
surrexit, per quem omnia
Deus sanctæ suæ ecclesiæ beati
apostolorum principis Petri largiri
dignatus est.'</span>&mdash;<i>Letter XLIX of Cod.
Carol.</i>, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 777 (in Mur. <i lang="la">Scriptores
Rerum Italicarum</i>).</p>

<p class="footnote">This letter is memorable as containing
the first allusion, or what
seems an allusion, to Constantine's
Donation.</p>

<p class="footnote">The phrase <span lang="la">'sancta Dei ecclesia,
id est, B. Petri apostoli,'</span> is worth
noting.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a>
 The church in which the opening
scene of Boccaccio's <i>Decameron</i>
is laid.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a>
 So Kugler (Eastlake's ed. vol. i.
p. 144), and so also Messrs. Crowe
and Cavalcaselle, in their <i>New History
of Painting in Italy</i>, vol. ii.
pp. 85 <i>sqq.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">Domini canes</span>. Spotted because
of their black-and-white
raiment.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a>
 There is of course a great deal
more detail in the picture, which
it does not appear necessary to
describe. St. Dominic is a conspicuous
figure.</p>

<p class="footnote">It is worth remarking that the
Emperor, who is on the Pope's left
hand, and so made slightly inferior
to him while superior to every one
else, holds in his hand, instead of
the usual imperial globe, a death's
head, typifying the transitory nature
of his power.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a>
 Although this was of course
never his legal title. Till 1806
he was <span lang="la">'Romanorum Imperator
semper Augustus;'</span> <span lang="de">'Römischer
Kaiser.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a>
 Pütter, <i lang="la">Dissertationes de Instauratione
Imperii Romani</i>; cf.
Goldast's <i>Collection of Constitutions</i>;
and the proclamations and other
documents collected in Pertz,
<i>M. G. H.</i> legg. I.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a>
 Pütter (<i lang="la">De Instauratione Imperii
Romani</i>) will have it that upon
this mistake, as he calls it, of Otto's,
the whole subsequent history of the
Empire turned; that if Otto had
but continued to style himself <span lang="la">'Francorum
Rex,'</span> Germany would have
been spared all her Italian wars.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Iohannes episcopus, servus servorum
Dei, omnibus episcopis. Nos
audivimus dicere quia vos vultis
alium papam facere: si hoc facitis,
da Deum omnipotentem excommunico
vos, ut non habeatis licentiam
missam celebrare aut nullum ordinare.'</span>&mdash;Liudprand,
<i lang="la">ut supra</i>. The
'da' is curious, as shewing the
progress of the change from Latin
to Italian. The answer sent by
Otto and the council takes exception
to the double negative.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Cives fidelitatem promittunt
hæc addentes et firmiter iurantes
nunquam se papam electuros aut
ordinaturos præter consensum atque
electionem domini imperatoris Ottonis
Cæsaris Augusti filiique ipsius
Ottonis.'</span>&mdash;Liudprand, <i lang="la">Gesta Ottonis</i>,
lib. vi.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'In timporibus adeo a dyabulo
est percussus ut infra dierum octo
spacium eodem sit in vulnere mortuus,'</span>
says the chronicler, crediting
with but little of his wonted cleverness
the supposed author of John's
death, who well might have desired
a long life for so useful a
servant.</p>

<p class="footnote">He adds a detail too characteristic
of the time to be omitted&mdash;<span lang="la">'Sed
eucharistiæ viaticum, ipsius
instinctu qui eum percusserat, non
percepit.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Corpus Iuris Canonici</i>, Dist.
lxiii., <span lang="la">'<i>In synodo</i>.'</span> A decree which
is probably substantially genuine,
although the form in which we
have it is evidently of later date.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a>
 Cf. St. Peter Damiani's lines&mdash;</p>

 <div class="footnote">
 <div class="poetry-container">
 <div class="poem">
 <p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Roma vorax hominum domat ardua colla virorum,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Roma ferax febrium necis est uberrima frugum,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Romanæ febres stabili sunt iure fideles.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a>
 There was a separate chancellor for Italy, as afterwards for the
kingdom of Burgundy.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a>
 Liudprand, <i lang="la">Legatio Constantinopolitana</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Sancti imperii nostri olim
servos principes, Beneventanum
scilicet, tradat,'</span> &amp;c. The epithet
is worth noticing.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a>
 Liudprand calls the Eastern
Franks <span lang="la">'Franci Teutonici'</span> to distinguish
them from the Romanized
Franks of Gaul or <span lang="la">'Francigenæ,'</span>
as they were frequently called. The
name 'Frank' seems even so early
as the tenth century to have been
used in the East as a general name
for the Western peoples of Europe.
Liudprand says that the Greek
Emperor included <span lang="la">'sub Francorum
nomine tam Latinos quam Teutonicos.'</span>
Probably this use dates
from the time of Charles.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a>
 Conring, <i lang="la">De Finibus Imperii</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a>
 Basileus was a favourite title of
the English kings before the Conquest.
Titles like this used in these
early English charters prove, it need
hardly be said, absolutely nothing
as to the real existence of any
rights or powers of the English
king beyond his own borders. What
they do prove (over and above the
taste for florid rhetoric in the royal
clerks) is the impression produced
by the imperial style, and by the
idea of the emperor's throne as supported
by the thrones of kings and
other lesser potentates.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a>
 The coins of Crescentius are
said to exhibit the insignia of the
old Empire.&mdash;Palgrave, <i>Normandy
and England</i>, i. 715. But probably
some at least of them are forgeries.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a>
 Proclamation in Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i> ii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Imperator antiquam Romanorum
consuetudinem iam ex magna
parte deletam suis cupiens renovare
temporibus multa faciebat quæ diversi
diverse sentiebant.'</span>&mdash;Thietmar,
<i>Chron.</i> ix.; ap. Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i> t. iii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Annales Quedlinb.</i>, ad ann.
1002.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a>
 Henry had already entered
Italy in 1004.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Annales Beneventani</i>, in Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a>
 See <a href="#noteA">Appendix, Note A</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Roma per sedem Beati Petri caput orbis effecta.'</span>&mdash;See <a href="#Footnote_37">note <i>i</i>,
p. 32</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Claves tibi <i>ad regnum</i> dimisimus.'</span>&mdash;Pope
Stephen to Charles
Martel, in <i lang="la">Codex Carolinus</i>, ap.
Muratori, <i>S. R. I.</i> iii. Some, however,
prefer to read <span lang="la">'ad rogum.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Corpus Iuris Canonici</i>, Dist.
lxiii. c. 22.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a>
 Dist. lxiii. c. 30. This decree
is, however, in all probability spurious.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Nos elegimus merito et approbavimus
una cum annisu et voto
patrum amplique senatus et gentis
togatæ,'</span> &amp;c., ap. Baron. <i>Ann. Eccl.</i>,
ad ann. 876.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Divina vos pietas B. principum
apostolorum Petri et Pauli interventione
per vicarium ipsorum
dominum Ioannem summum pontificem... ad imperiale culmen
S. Spiritus iudicio provexit.'</span>&mdash;<i>Concil.
Ticinense</i>, in Mur., <i>S. R. I.</i>
ii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a>
 Strictly speaking, Henry was at this time only king of the Romans:
he was not crowned Emperor at Rome till 1084.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a>
 Letter of Gregory VII to William I, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1080. I quote from Migne,
t. cxlviii. p. 568.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Gradum statim post Principes
Electores.'</span>&mdash;Frederick I's Privilege
of Austria, in Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i> legg.
ii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a>
 Hohenstaufen is a castle in
what is now the kingdom of Würtemberg,
about four miles from the
Göppingen station of the railway
from Stuttgart to Ulm. It stands,
or rather stood, on the summit of
a steep and lofty conical hill, commanding
a boundless view over the
great limestone plateau of the
Rauhe Alp, the eastern declivities
of the Schwartzwald, and the bare
and tedious plains of western Bavaria.
Of the castle itself, destroyed
in the Peasants' War, there
remain only fragments of the wall-foundations:
in a rude chapel lying
on the hill slope below are some
strange half-obliterated frescoes;
over the arch of the door is inscribed
<span lang="la">'Hic transibat Cæsar.'</span> Frederick
Barbarossa had another famous
palace at Kaiserslautern, a small town
in the Palatinate, on the railway
from Mannheim to Treves, lying in
a wide valley at the western foot of
the Hardt mountains. It was destroyed
by the French and a
house of correction has been built
upon its site; but in a brewery
hard by may be seen some of the
huge low-browed arches of its lower
story.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a>
 A great deal of importance seems to have been attached to this
symbolic act of courtesy. See Art. I of the <span lang="de">Sachsenspiegel</span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a>
 Letter to the German bishops in Radewic; Mur., <i>S. R. I.</i>, t. vi.
p. 833.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a>
 A picture in the great hall of the ducal palace (the <span lang="it">Sala del Maggio
Consiglio</span>) represents the scene. See Rogers' Italy.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a>
 Psalm xci.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a>
 Document of 1230, quoted by
Von Raumer, v. p. 81.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a>
 Speech of archbishop of Milan,
in Radewic; Mur. vi.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a>
 Frederick's election (at Frankfort)
was made <span lang="la">'non sine quibusdam
Italiæ baronibus.'</span>&mdash;Otto Fris. i.
But this was the exception.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a>
 See also <a href="#Page_269"><i>post</i>, Chapter XVI.</a></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Senatus Populusque Romanus
urbis et orbis totius domino Conrado.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a>
 Otto of Freysing.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a>
 Later in his reign, Frederick
condescended to negotiate with
these Roman magistrates against
a hostile Pope, and entered into
a sort of treaty by which they
were declared exempt from all
jurisdiction but his own.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a>
 See the first note to Shelley's
<i>Hellas</i>. Sismondi is mainly answerable
for this conception of Barbarossa's
position.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a>
 They say rebelliously, says
Frederick, <span lang="la">'Nolumus hunc regnare
super nos ... at nos maluimus
honestam mortem quam ut,'</span> &amp;c.&mdash;Letter
in Pertz. <i>M. G. H.</i> legg. ii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a>
</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'De tributo Cæsaris nemo cogitabat;</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Omnes erant Cæsares, nemo censum dabat;</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Civitas Ambrosii, velut Troia, stabat,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Deos parum, homines minus formidabat.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote">Poems relating to the Emperor Frederick of Hohenstaufen, published by
Grimm.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a>
 Charles the Great was canonized
by Frederick's anti-pope and
confirmed afterwards.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Acta Concil. Hartzhem.</i> iii.,
quoted by Von Raumer, ii. 6.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a>
 Poems relating to Frederick I,
<i lang="la">ut supra</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a>
 The carroccio was a waggon
with a flagstaff planted on it, which
served the Lombards for a rallying-point
in battle.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a>
 Lübeck, Hamburg, Bremen,
and Frankfort.</p>

<p class="footnote">[Since this was first written
Frankfort has been annexed by
Prussia, and her three surviving
sisters have, by their entrance into
the North German confederation,
lost something of their independence.]</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a>
 The legend is one which appears
under various forms in many
countries.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a>
 'Pruzzi,' says the biographer
of St. Adalbert, <span lang="la">'quorum Deus est
venter et avaritia iuncta cum
morte.'</span>&mdash;<i>M. G. H.</i> t. iv.</p>

<p class="footnote">It is curious that this non-Teutonic
people should have given
their name to the great German
kingdom of the present.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a>
 Conring, <i lang="la">De Finibus Imperii</i>.
It is hardly necessary to observe
that the connection of Hungary
with the Hapsburgs is of comparatively
recent origin, and of a purely
dynastic nature. The position of
the archdukes of Austria as kings
of Hungary had nothing to do
legally with the fact that many of
them were also chosen Emperors,
although practically their possession
of the imperial crown had greatly
aided them in grasping and retaining
the thrones of Hungary and
Bohemia.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a>
 Cf. Pfeffel, <span lang="fr"><i>Abrégé Chronologique</i></span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a>
 Letter of Frederick I to Otto
of Freising, prefixed to the latter's
History. This king is also called
Sweyn.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a>
 See <a href="#noteB">Appendix, Note B</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a>
 Albertus Stadensis apud Conringium, <i lang="la">De Finibus Imperii</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a>
 There is an allusion to this in
the poems of the Cid. Arthur
Duck, <i lang="la">De Usu et Authoritate Iuris
Civilis</i>, quotes the view of some
among the older jurists, that Spain
having been, as far as the Romans
were concerned, a <i lang="la">res derelicta</i>, recovered
by the Spaniards themselves
from the Moors, and thus acquired
by <i lang="la">occupatio</i>, ought not to be subject
to the Emperors.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a>
 One of the greatest of English
kings appears performing an act of
courtesy to the Emperor which was
probably construed into an acknowledgment
of his own inferior position.
Describing the Roman coronation
of the Emperor Conrad II,
Wippo (c. 16) tells us <span lang="la">'His ita peractis
in duorum regum præsentia
Ruodolfi regis Burgundiæ et Chnutonis
regis Anglorum divino officio
finito imperator duorum regum medius
ad cubiculum suum honorifice
ductus est.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a>
 Letter in Otto Fris. i.: <span lang="la">'Nobis
submittuntur Francia et Hispania,
Anglia et Dania.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a>
 Letter in Radewic says, <span lang="la">'Regnum
nostrum vobis exponimus....
Vobis imperandi cedat auctoritas,
nobis non deerit voluntas obsequendi.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a>
 The alleged instances of homage
by the Scots to the Saxon
and early Norman kings are almost
all complicated in some such
way. They had once held also
the earldom of Huntingdon from
the English crown, and some have
supposed (but on no sufficient
grounds) that homage was also done
by them for Lothian.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a>
 Selden, <i>Titles of Honour</i>, part i.
chap. ii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a>
 Edward refused upon the
ground that he was '<i lang="la">rex inunctus</i>.'</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a>
 Sigismund had shortly before
given great offence in France by
dubbing knights.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a>
 Sigismund answered, <span lang="la">'Nihil se
contra superioritatem regis prætexere.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a>
 Selden, <i>Titles of Honour</i>, part i.
chap. ii. Nevertheless, notaries in
Scotland, as elsewhere, continued
for a long time to style themselves
<span lang="la">'Ego M. auctoritate imperiali (<span lang="en">or</span>
papali) notarius.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a>
 It is not necessary to prove
this letter to have been the composition
of Frederick or his ministers.
If it be (as it doubtless is)
contemporary, it is equally to the
purpose as an evidence of the
feelings and ideas of the age.
As a reviewer of a former edition
of this book has questioned its
authenticity, I may mention that
it is to be found not only in
Hoveden, but also in the <span lang="la">'Itinerarium
regis Ricardi,'</span> in Ralph de
Diceto, and in the <span lang="la">'Chronicon
Terrae Sanctae.'</span> [See Mr. Stubbs'
edition of Hoveden, vol. ii. p. 356.]</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a>
 Liutprand, <i lang="la">Legatio Constantinopolitana</i>.
Nicephorus says, <span lang="la">'Vis
maius scandalum quam quod se imperatorem
vocat.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a>
 Otto of Freising, i.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Isaachius a Deo constitutus
Imperator, sacratissimus, excellentissimus,
potentissimus, moderator
Romanorum, Angelus totius orbis,
heres coronæ magni Constantini,
dilecto fratri imperii sui, maximo
principi Alemanniæ.'</span> A remarkable
speech of Frederick's to the envoys
of Isaac, who had addressed a letter
to him as <span lang="la">'Rex Alemaniæ'</span> is preserved
by Ansbert (<i lang="la">Historia de Expeditione
Friderici Imperatoris</i>):&mdash;<span lang="la">'Dominus
Imperator divina se illustrante
gratia ulterius dissimulare non
valens temerarium fastum regis (<i>sc.</i>
Græcorum) et usurpantem vocabulum
falsi imperatoris Romanorum,
hæc inter cætera exorsus est:&mdash;"Omnibus
qui sanæ mentis sunt
constat, quia unus est Monarchus
Imperator Romanorum, sicut et
unus est pater universitatis, pontifex
videlicet Romanus; ideoque cum
ego Romani imperii sceptrum plusquam
per annos XXX absque omnium
regum vel principum contradictione
tranquille tenuerim et in
Romana urbe a summo pontifice
imperiali benedictione unctus sim et
sublimatus, quia denique Monarchiam
prædecessores mei imperatores
Romanorum plusquam per
CCCC annos etiam gloriose transmiserint,
utpote a Constantinopolitana
urbe ad pristinam sedem imperii,
caput orbis Romam, acclamatione
Romanorum et principum
imperii, auctoritate quoque summi
pontificis et S. catholicæ ecclesiæ
translatam, propter tardum et infructuosum
Constantinopolitani imperatoris
auxilium contra tyrannos
ecclesiæ, mirandum est admodum cur
frater meus dominus vester Constantinopolitanus
imperator usurpet
inefficax sibi idem vocabulum et
glorietur stulte alieno sibi prorsus
honore, cum liquido noverit me et
nomine dici et re esse Fridericum
Romanorum imperatorem semper
Augustum."'</span></p>

<p class="footnote">Isaac was so far moved by Frederick's
indignation that in his next
letter he addressed him as <span lang="la">'generosissimum
imperatorem Alemaniæ,'</span>
and in a third thus:&mdash;</p>

<p class="footnote"><span lang="la">'Isaakius in Christo fidelis divinitus
coronatus, sublimis, potens,
excelsus, hæres coronæ magni Constantini
et Moderator Romeon Angelus
nobilissimo Imperatori antiquæ
Romæ, regi Alemaniæ et dilecto
fratri imperii sui, salutem,'</span> &amp;c., &amp;c.
(Ansbert, <i lang="la">ut supra</i>.)</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a>
 Baronius, ad ann.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a>
 See <a href="#noteC">Appendix, Note C</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a>
 Godefr. Viterb., <i>Pantheon</i>, in
Mur., <i>S. R. I.</i>, tom. vii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a>
 Dönniges, <span lang="de"><i>Deutsches Staatsrecht</i></span>,
thinks that the crown of
Italy, neglected by the Ottos, and
taken by Henry II, was a recognition
of the separate nationality of
Italy. But Otto I seems to have
been crowned king of Italy, and
Muratori (<i>Ant. It.</i> Dissert. iii.)
believes that Otto II and Otto III
were likewise.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a>
 See <a href="#noteA">Appendix, note A</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a>
 Some add a fifth crown, of
Germany (making that of Aachen
Frankish), which they say belonged
to Regensburg&mdash;Marquardus Freherus.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a>
 <span lang="de">'Dy erste ist tho Aken: dar
kronet men mit der Yseren Krone,
so is he Konig over alle Dudesche
Ryke. Dy andere tho Meylan, de
is Sulvern, so is he Here der Walen.
Dy drüdde is tho Rome; dy is
guldin, so is he Keyser over alle dy
Werlt.'</span>&mdash;Gloss to the <i lang="de">Sachsenspiegel</i>,
quoted by Pfeffinger. Similarly
Peter de Andlo.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a>
 Cf. Gewoldus, <i lang="la">De Septemviratu
imperii Romani</i>. One would
expect some ingenious allegorizer
to have discovered that the crown
of Burgundy must be, and therefore
is, of copper or bronze, making the
series complete, like the four ages
of men in Hesiod. But I have not
been able to find any such.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a>
 Hence the numbers attached to
the names of the Emperors are often
different in German and Italian
writers, the latter not reckoning
Henry the Fowler nor Conrad I.
So Henry III (of Germany) calls
himself <span lang="la">'Imperator Henricus Secundus;'</span>
and all distinguish the
years of their <i lang="la">regnum</i> from those
of the <i lang="la">imperium</i>. Cardinal Baronius
will not call Henry V anything
but Henry III, not recognizing
Henry IV's coronation, because it
was performed by an antipope.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a>
 Life of S. Adalbert (written
at Rome early in the eleventh
century, probably by a brother of
the monastery of SS. Boniface and
Alexius) in Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i> iv.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a>
 Given by Glaber Rudolphus.
It is on the face of it a most impudent
forgery: <span lang="la">'Ne quisquam
audacter Romani Imperii sceptrum
præpostere gestare princeps appetat
neve Imperator dici aut
esse valeat nisi quem Papa Romanus
morum probitate aptum
elegerit, eique commiserit insigne
imperiale.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a>
 Universal and undisputed in
the West, which, for practical purposes,
meant the world. The denial
of the supreme jurisdiction of
Peter's chair by the eastern churches
affected very slightly the belief of
Latin Christendom, just as the existence
of a rival emperor at Constantinople
with at least as good
a legal title as the Teutonic Cæsar,
was readily forgotten or ignored
by the German and Italian subjects
of the latter.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a>
 Odious especially for the inscription,&mdash;</p>

 <div class="footnote">
 <div class="poetry-container">
 <div class="poem">
 <p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Rex venit ante fores nullo prius urbis honore;</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Post homo fit Papæ, sumit quo dante coronam.'</span>&mdash;Radewic.</p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a>
 Mediæval history is full of
instances of the superstitious
veneration attached to the rite of
coronation (made by the Church
almost a sacrament), and to the
special places where, or even
utensils with which it was performed.
Everyone knows the
importance in France of Rheims
and its sacred <i>ampulla</i>; so the
Scottish king must be crowned
at Scone, an old seat of Pictish
royalty&mdash;Robert Bruce risked a
great deal to receive his crown
there; so no Hungarian coronation
was valid unless made with the
crown of St. Stephen; the possession
whereof is still accounted so
valuable by the Austrian court.</p>

<p class="footnote">Great importance seems to have
been attached to the imperial globe
(Reichsapfel) which the Pope delivered
to the Emperor at his coronation.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a>
 Whether the poem which
passes under the name of Gunther
Ligurinus be his work or that of
some scholar in a later age is for
the present purpose indifferent.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a>
 Zedler, <i>Universal Lexicon</i>,
s. v. <i>Reich</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a>
 It does not occur before
Frederick I's time in any of the
documents printed by Pertz; and
this is the date which Boeclerus also
assigns in his treatise, <i lang="la">De Sacro
Imperio Romano</i>, vindicating the
terms <span lang="la">'sacrum'</span> and <span lang="la">'Romanum'</span>
against the aspersions of Blondel.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a>
 Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i>, tom. iv.
(legum ii.)</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a>
 Ibid. iv.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a>
 Radewic. <i>ap.</i> Pertz.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a>
 Blondellus adv. Chiffletium.
Most of these theories are stated
by Boeclerus. Jordanes (<i lang="la">Chronica</i>)
says, <span lang="la">'Sacri imperii quod non est
dubium sancti Spiritus ordinatione,
secundum qualitatem ipsam et exigentiam
meritorum humanorum
disponi.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a>
 Marquard Freher's notes to
Peter de Andlo, book i. chap. vii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a>
 So in the song on the capture
of the Emperor Lewis II by Adalgisus
of Benevento, we find the
words, <span lang="la">'Ludhuicum comprenderunt
sancto, pio, Augusto.'</span> (Quoted by
Gregorovius, <span lang="de"><i>Geschichte der Stadt
Rom im Mittelalter</i></span>, iii. p. 185.)</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a>
 Goldast, <i>Constitutiones</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a>
 Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i>, legg. ii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a>
 'Apostolic majesty' was the
proper title of the king of Hungary.
The Austrian court has recently
revived it.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a>
 Moser, <span lang="de"><i>Römische Kayser</i></span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a>
 Urban IV used the title in
1259: Francis I (of France) calls
the Empire <span lang="la">'sacrosanctum.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a>
 Cf. 'Holy Russia.'</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a>
 It is almost superfluous to
observe that the beginning of the
title 'Holy' has nothing to do
with the beginning of the Empire
itself. Essentially and substantially,
the Holy Roman Empire
was, as has been shewn
already, the creation of Charles
the Great. Looking at it more
technically, as the monarchy, not
of the whole West, like that of
Charles, but of Germany and
Italy, with a claim, which was
never more than a claim, to universal
sovereignty, its beginning
is fixed by most of the German
writers, whose practice has been
followed in the text, at the coronation
of Otto the Great. But
the title was at least one, and
probably two centuries later.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a>
 I quote from the <span lang="la">Liber Augustalis</span>
printed among Petrarch's works
the following curious description of
Frederick: <span lang="la">'Fuit armorum strenuus,
linguarum peritus, rigorosus, luxuriosus,
epicurus, nihil curans vel
credens nisi temporale: fuit malleus
Romanae ecclesiae.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote">As Otto III had been called
<span lang="la">'mirabilia mundi,'</span> so Frederick II
is often spoken of in his own time
as <span lang="la">'stupor mundi Fridericus.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a>
 <span lang="it">'Quà entro è lo secondo Federico.'</span>&mdash;<i>Inferno</i>, canto x.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a>
 The interregnum is by some
reckoned as the two years before
Richard's election; by others, as
the whole period from the death
of Frederick II or that of his son
Conrad IV till Rudolf's accession
in 1273.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a>
 Surnamed, from his scientific
tastes, 'the Wise.'</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a>
 Hapsburg is a castle in the
Aargau on the banks of the Aar,
and near the line of railway from
Olten to Zürich, from a point on
which a glimpse of it may be had.
'Within the ancient walls of Vindonissa,'
says Gibbon, 'the castle
of Hapsburg, the abbey of Königsfeld,
and the town of Bruck have
successively arisen. The philosophic
traveller may compare the
monuments of Roman conquests,
of feudal or Austrian tyranny, of
monkish superstition, and of industrious
freedom. If he be truly
a philosopher, he will applaud the
merit and happiness of his own
time.'</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Corpus Iuris Canonici</i>, Decr.
Greg. i. 6, cap. 34, <span lang="la"><i>Venerabilem</i>:
'Ius et authoritas examinandi personam
electam in regem et promovendam
ad imperium, ad nos
spectat, qui eum inungimus, consecramus,
et coronamus.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Illis principibus,'</span> writes Innocent,
<span lang="la">'ius et potestatem eligendi
regem [Romanorum] in imperatorem
postmodum promovendum recognoscimus,
ad quos de iure ac
antiqua consuetudine noscitur pertinere,
præsertim quum ad eos ius
et potestas huiusmodi ab apostolica
sede pervenerit, quæ Romanum
imperium in persona magnifici
Caroli a Græcis transtulit in Germanos.'</span>&mdash;Decr.
Greg. i. 6, cap. 34,
<i lang="la">Venerabilem</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a>
 Its influence, however, as Döllinger
(<span lang="de"><i>Das Kaiserthum Karls des
Grossen und seiner Nachfolger</i></span>)
remarks, first became great when
this letter, some forty or fifty years
after Innocent wrote it, was inserted
in the digest of the canon law.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a>
 Vid. supra, pp. 52-58.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a>
 Upon this so-called 'Translation
of the Empire,' many books remain
to us: many more have probably
perished. A good although far
from impartial summary of the
controversy may be found in Vagedes,
<i lang="la">De Ludibriis Aulæ Romanæ
in transferendo Imperio Romano</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Vacante imperio Romano,
cum in illo ad sæcularem iudicem
nequeat haberi recursus, ad summum
pontificem, cui in persona
B. Petri terreni simul et cœlestis
imperii iura Deus ipse commisit,
imperii prædicti iurisdictio regimen
et dispositio devolvitur.'</span>&mdash;Bull
<i lang="la">Si fratrum</i> (of John XXI, in <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
1316), in <i>Bullar. Rom.</i> So again:
<span lang="la">'Attendentes quod Imperii Romani
regimen cura et administratio tempore
quo illud vacare contingit ad
nos pertinet, sicut dignoscitur pertinere.'</span>
So Boniface VIII, refusing
to recognize Albert I, because he
was ugly and one-eyed (<span lang="la">'est homo
monoculus et vultu sordido, non
potest esse Imperator'</span>), and had
taken a wife from the serpent brood
of Frederick II (<span lang="la">'de sanguine viperali
Friderici'</span>), declared himself
Vicar of the Empire, and assumed
the crown and sword of Constantine.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a>
 Avignon was not yet in the
territory of France: it lay within
the bounds of the kingdom of
Arles. But the French power was
nearer than that of the Emperor;
and pontiffs many of them French
by extraction sympathized, as was
natural, with princes of their own
race.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a>
 Quoted by Moser, <span lang="de"><i>Römische
Kayser</i></span>, from <i>Chron. Hirsang.</i>:
<span lang="la">'Regni vires temporum iniuria
nimium contritæ vix uni alendo
regi sufficerent, tantum abesse ut
sumptus in duos reges ferre queant.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a>
 At Rupert's death, under
whom the mischief had increased
greatly, there were, we are told,
many bishops better off than the
Emperor.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Proventus Imperii ita minimi
sunt ut legationibus vix suppetant.'</span>&mdash;Quoted
by Moser.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a>
 Albert I tried in vain to wrest
the tolls of the Rhine from the
grasp of the Rhenish electors.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a>
 The Æthelings of the line of
Cerdic, among the West Saxons,
and the Bavarian Agilolfings, may
thus be compared with the Achæmenids
of Persia or the heroic
houses of early Greece.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a>
 Wippo, describing the election
of Conrad the Franconian,
says, <span lang="la">'Inter confinia Moguntiæ
et Wormatiæ convenerunt cuncti
primates et, ut ita dicam, vires
et viscera regni.'</span> So Bruno says
that Henry IV was elected by
the '<i lang="la">populus</i>.' So Gunther Ligurinus
of Frederick I's election:&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Acturi sacræ de successione coronæ</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Conveniunt proceres, totius viscera regni.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote">So Amandus, secretary of Frederick
Barbarossa, in describing his
election, says, <span lang="la">'Multi illustres heroes
ex Lombardia, Tuscia, Ianuensi et
aliis Italiæ dominiis, ac maior et
potior pars principum ex Transalpino
regno.'</span>&mdash;Quoted by Mur.
<i>Antiq.</i> Diss. iii. And see many
other authorities to the same effect,
collected by Pfeffinger, <i lang="la">Vitriarius
illustratus</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a>
 Alciatus, <i lang="la">De Formula Romani
Imperii</i>. He adds that the Gauls
and Italians were incensed at the
preference shewn to Germany. So
too Radulfus de Columna.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a>
 Quoted by Gewoldus, <i lang="la">De Septemviratu
Sacri Imperii Romani</i>,
himself a violent advocate of
Gregory's decree, though living as
late as the days of Ferdinand II.
As late as <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648 we find Pope
Innocent X maintaining that the
sacred number <i>Seven</i> of the electors
was <span lang="la">'apostolica auctoritate olim
præfinitus.'</span> Bull <i lang="la">Zelo domus</i> in
<i>Bullar. Rom.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a>
 Sometimes we hear of a decree
made by Pope Sergius IV and his
cardinals (of course equally fabulous
with Otto's). So John Villani,
iv. 2.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a>
 In 1152 we read, <span lang="la">'Id iuris
Romani Imperii apex habere dicitur
ut non per sanguinis propaginem
sed per principum electionem
reges creentur.'</span>&mdash;Otto Fris. Gulielmus
Brito, writing not much
later, says (quoted by Freher),&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
 <div class="poetry-container">
 <div class="poem">
 <p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Est etenim talis dynastia Theutonicorum</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Ut nullus regnet super illos, ni prius illum</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Eligat unanimis cleri populique voluntas.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>
<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a>
 Innocent III, during the contest
between Philip and Otto IV,
speaks of <span lang="la">'principes ad quos principaliter
spectat regis Romani electio.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a>
<span lang="la">'Rex Bohemiæ non eligit,
quia non est Teutonicus,'</span> says a
writer early in the fourteenth century.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a>
 The names and offices of the
seven are concisely given in these
lines, which appear in the treatise of Marsilius of Padua, <i lang="la">De Imperio
Romano</i>:&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">'Moguntinensis, Trevirensis, Coloniensis,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Quilibet Imperii sit Cancellarius horum;</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Et Palatinus dapifer, Dux portitor ensis,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Marchio præpositus cameræ, pincerna Bohemus,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Hi statuunt dominum cunctis per sæcula summum.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote">It is worth while to place beside
this the first stanza of Schiller's
ballad, <span lang="de"><i>Der Graf von Hapsburg</i></span>,
in which the coronation feast of
Rudolf is described:&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="de">'Zu Aachen in seiner Kaiserpracht</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="de">Im alterthümlichen Saale,</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Sass König Rudolphs heilige Macht</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="de">Beim festlichen Krönungsmahle.</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Die Speisen trug der Pfalzgraf des Rheins,</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Es schenkte der Böhme des perlenden Weins,</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="de">Und alle die Wähler, die Sieben,</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Wie der Sterne Chor um die Sonne sich stellt,</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Umstanden geschäftig den Herrscher der Welt,</span></p>
<p class="i1"><span lang="de">Die Würde des Amtes zu üben.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote">It is a poetical licence, however (as
Schiller himself admits), to bring the
Bohemian there, for King Ottocar
was far away at home, mortified
at his own rejection, and already
meditating war.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a>
 The electoral prince (Kurfürst)
of Hessen-Cassel. His retention of
the title has this advantage, that it
enables the Germans readily to distinguish
electoral Hesse (Kur-Hessen)
from the Grand Duchy (Hessen-Darmstadt)
and the landgraviate
(Hessen Homburg). [Since the
above was written (in 1865) this
last relic of the electoral system has
passed away, the Elector of Hessen
having been dethroned in 1866,
and his territories (to the great
satisfaction of the inhabitants, whom
he had worried by a long course of
petty tyrannies) annexed to the
Prussian kingdom, along with
Hanover, Nassau, and the free
city of Frankfort. Count Bismarck,
as he raises his master nearer and
nearer to the position of a Germanic
Emperor, destroys one by
one the historical memorials of that
elder Empire which people had
learned to associate with the Austrian
house.]</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a>
 Goethe, whose imagination
was wonderfully attracted by the
splendours of the old Empire, has
given in the second part of <i>Faust</i>
a sort of fancy sketch of the origin
of the great offices and the territorial
independence of the German
princes. Two lines express concisely
the fiscal rights granted by
the Emperor to the electors:&mdash;</p>

<div class="footnote">
 <div class="poetry-container">
 <div class="poem">
 <p class="o1"><span lang="de">'Dann Steuer Zins und Beed, Lehn und Geleit und Zoll,</span></p>
<p><span lang="de">Berg-, Salz- und Münz-regal euch angehören soll.'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a>
 This line is said to be as old as the time of Otto III.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a>
 See esp. Ægidi, <span lang="de"><i>Der Fürstenrath
nach dem Luneviller Frieden</i></span>,
and the passages by him
quoted.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a>
 The archbishop of Mentz addresses
Conrad II on his election
thus: <span lang="la">'Deus quum a te multa
requirat tum hoc potissimum desiderat
ut facias iudicium et iustitiam
et pacem patriæ quæ respicit
ad te, ut sis defensor ecclesiarum et
clericorum, tutor viduarum et orphanorum.'</span>&mdash;Wippo,
Vita Chuonradi,
c. 3, <i>ap.</i> Pertz. So Pope Urban IV
writes to Richard: <span lang="la">'Ut consternatis
Imperii Romani inimicis, in pacis
pulchritudine sedeat populus Christianus
et requie opulenta quiescat.'</span>
Compare also the <span lang="la">'Edictum de
crimine læsæ maiestatis'</span> issued by
Henry VII in Italy: <span lang="la">'Ad reprimenda
multorum facinora qui ruptis totius
debitæ fidelitatis habenis adversus
Romanum imperium, in cuius
tranquillitate totius orbis regularitas
requiescit, hostili animo armati conentur
nedum humana, verum etiam
divina præcepta, quibus iubetur quod
omnis anima Romanorum principi
sit subiecta, scelestissimis facinoribus
et rebellionibus demoliri,'</span> &amp;c.&mdash;Pertz,
<i>M. G. H.</i>, legg. ii. p. 544.</p>

<p class="footnote">See also a curious passage in the
Life of St. Adalbert, describing the
beginning of the reign at Rome of
the Emperor Otto III, and his cousin
and nominee Pope Gregory V:
<span lang="la">'Lætantur cum primatibus minores
civitatis: cum afflicto paupere exultant
agmina viduarum, quia novus
imperator dat iura populis; dat
iura novus papa.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Imperator est monarcha omnium
regum et principum terrenorum ... nec insurgat superbia
Gallicorum quæ dicat quod non
recognoscit superiorem, mentiuntur,
quia de iure sunt et esse debent sub
rege Romanorum et Imperatore.'</span>&mdash;Speech
of Boniface VIII. It is
curious to compare with this the
words addressed nearly five centuries
earlier by Pope John VIII to Lewis,
king of Bavaria: <span lang="la">'Si sumpseritis
Romanum imperium, omnia regna
vobis subiecta existent.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a>
 So Alfonso, king of Naples,
writes to Frederick III: <span lang="la">'Nos reges
omnes debemus reverentiam Imperatori,
tanquam summo regi, qui
est Caput et Dux regum.'</span>&mdash;Quoted
by Pfeffinger, <i lang="la">Vitriarius illustratus</i>,
i. 379. And Francis I (of France),
speaking of a proposed combined
expedition against the Turks, says,
<span lang="la">'Cæsari nihilominus principem ea
in expeditione locum non gravarer
ex officio cedere.'</span>&mdash;For a long time
no European sovereign save the
Emperor ventured to use the title
of 'Majesty.' The imperial chancery
conceded it in 1633 to the kings of
England and Sweden; in 1641 to
the king of France.&mdash;Zedler, <i>Universal
Lexicon</i>, <i>s. v.</i> Majestät.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a>
 For with the progress of society
and the growth of commerce
the old feudal customs were through
the greater part of Western Europe,
and especially in Germany, either
giving way to or being remodelled
and supplemented by the civil law.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Imperator est animata lex in
terris.'</span>&mdash;Quoted by Von Raumer,
v. 81.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a>
 Thus we are told of the Emperor
Charles the Bald, when he
confirmed the election of Boso, king
of Burgundy and Provence, <span lang="la">'Dedit
Bosoni Provinciam (<i>sc.</i> Carolus
Calvus), et corona in vertice capitis
imposita, eum regem appellari iussit,
ut more priscorum imperatorum
regibus videretur dominari.'</span>&mdash;<i>Regin.
Chron.</i> Frederick II made
his son Enzio (that famous Enzio
whose romantic history every one
who has seen Bologna will remember)
king of Sardinia, and also
erected the duchy of Austria into
a kingdom, although for some
reason the title seems never to
have been used; and Lewis IV gave
to Humbert of Dauphiné the title
of King of Vienne, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1336.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_286" id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a>
 It is probably for this reason
that the <i lang="la">Ordo Romanus</i> directs
the Emperor and Empress to be
crowned (in St. Peter's) at the altar
of St. Maurice, the patron saint of
knighthood.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_287" id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a>
 See especially Gerlach Buxtorff,
<i lang="la">Dissertatio ad Auream Bullam</i>;
and Augustinus Stenchus,
<i lang="la">De Imperio Romano</i>; quoted by
Marquard Freher. It was keenly
debated, while Charles V and
Francis I (of France) were rival
candidates, whether any one but
a German was eligible. By birth
Charles was either a Spaniard or
a Fleming; but this difficulty his
partisans avoided by holding that
he had been, according to the civil
law, <i lang="la">in potestate</i> of Maximilian his
grandfather. However, to say nothing
of the Guidos and Berengars
of earlier days, the examples of
Richard and Alfonso are conclusive
as to the eligibility of others than
Germans. Edward III of England
was, as has been said, actually
elected; Henry VIII was a candidate.
And attempts were frequently
made to elect the kings of France.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_288" id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a>
 The mediæval practice seems to
have been that which still prevails
in the Roman Catholic Church&mdash;to
presume the doctrinal orthodoxy
and external conformity of every
citizen, whether lay or clerical,
until the contrary be proved. Of
course when heresy was rife it
went hard with suspected men,
unless they could either clear themselves
or submit to recant. But
no one was required to pledge himself
beforehand, as a qualification
for any office, to certain doctrines.
And thus, important as an Emperor's
orthodoxy was, he does not
appear to have been subjected to
any test, although the Pope pretended
to the right of catechizing
him in the faith and rejecting him
if unsound. In the <i lang="la">Ordo Romanus</i>
we find a long series of questions
which the Pontiff was to administer,
but it does not appear, and is in the
highest degree unlikely, that such
a programme was ever carried out.</p>

<p class="footnote">The charge of heresy was one of
the weapons used with most effect
against Frederick II.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_289" id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a>
 Honorius II in 1229 forbade
it to be studied or taught in the
University of Paris. Innocent IV
published some years later a still
more sweeping prohibition.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_290" id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a>
 See Von Savigny, <i>History of
Roman Law in the Middle Ages</i>,
vol. iii. pp. 81, 341-347.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a>
 Charles the Bold of Burgundy
was a potentate incomparably
stronger than the Emperor Frederick
III from whom he sought the
regal title.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a>
 Cf. Sismondi, <span lang="fr"><i>Républiques Italiennes</i></span>, iv. chap. xxvii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a>
 See Dante, <i>Paradiso</i>, canto vi.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a>
</p>

<div class="footnote">
 <div class="poetry-container">
 <div class="poem">
 <p class="o1"><span lang="it">'Vieni a veder la tua Roma, che piange</span></p>
<p><span lang="it">Vedova, sola, e di e notte chiama:</span></p>
<p><span lang="it">"Cesare mio, perchè non m' accompagne?"'</span></p>
<p class="i10"><i lang="it">Purgatorio</i>, canto vi.</p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a>
 <i>Purgatorio</i>, canto vii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a>
 <i>Inferno</i>, canto xxxiv.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a>
 Not that the doctors of the
civil law were necessarily political
partisans of the Emperors. Savigny
says that there were on the contrary
more Guelfs than Ghibelines
among the jurists of Bologna.&mdash;<i>Roman
Law in the Middle Ages</i>,
vol. iii. p. 80.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a>
 Cf. Palgrave, <i>Normandy and
England</i>, vol. ii. (of Otto and Adelheid).
The <i lang="la">Ordo Romanus</i> talks
of a <span lang="la">'Camera Iuliæ'</span> in the Lateran
palace, reserved for the Empress.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_299" id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a>
 See notes to <i>Chron. Casin.</i> in
Muratori, <i>S. R. I.</i> iv. 515.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_300" id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a>
 <span lang="de">Zu aller Zeiten Mehrer des
Reichs</span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_301" id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Novellæ Constitutiones</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_302" id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a>
 Marquard Freher. The question
whether the seven electors
vote as <i lang="la">singuli</i> or as a <i lang="la">collegium</i>,
is solved by shewing that they
have stepped into the place of the
senate and people of Rome, whose
duty it was to choose the Emperor,
though (it is naïvely added) the
soldiers sometimes usurped it.&mdash;Peter
de Andlo, <i lang="la">De Imperio Romano</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_303" id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a>
 Thus Charles, in a capitulary
added to a revised edition of the
Lombard law issued in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 801,
says, <span lang="la">'Anno consulatus nostri
primo.'</span> So Otto III calls himself
<span lang="la">'Consul Senatus populique Romani.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_304" id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a>
 Francis II, the last Emperor,
was one hundred and twentieth
from Augustus. Some chroniclers
call Otto the Great Otto II, counting
in Salvius Otho, the successor
of Galba.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_305" id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a>
 See <a href="#Page_45">p. 45</a> and <a href="#Footnote_162">note to p. 143</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_306" id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a>
 Nürnberg herself was not of
Roman foundation. But this makes
the imitation all the more curious.
The fashion even passed from the
cities to rural communities like
some of the Swiss cantons. Thus
we find <span lang="la">'Senatus populusque Uronensis.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_307" id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a>
 See Palgrave, <i>Normandy and England</i>, i. p. 379.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_308" id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a>
 Æneas Sylvius, <i lang="la">De Ortu et
Authoritate Imperii Romani</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_309" id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a>
 Thus some civilians held Constantine's
Donation null; but the
canonists, we are told, were clear as
to its legality.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_310" id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Et idem dico de istis aliis regibus
et principibus, qui negant se
esse subditos regi Romanorum, ut
rex Franciæ, Angliæ, et similes. Si
enim fatentur ipsum esse Dominum
universalem, licet ab illo universali
domino se subtrahant ex privilegio
vel ex præscriptione vel consimili,
non ergo desunt esse cives Romani,
per ea quæ dicta sunt. Et per hoc
omnes gentes quæ obediunt S. matri
ecclesiæ sunt de populo Romano.
Et forte si quis diceret dominum
Imperatorem non esse dominum et
monarcham totius orbis, esset hæreticus,
quia diceret contra determinationem
ecclesiæ et textum S.
evangelii, dum dicit, "Exivit edictum
a Cæsare Augusto ut describeretur
universus orbis." Ita et
recognovit Christus Imperatorem
ut dominum.'</span>&mdash;Bartolus, <i>Commentary
on the Pandects</i>, xlviii. i. 24;
<i lang="la">De Captivis et postliminio reversis</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_311" id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a>
 Peter de Andlo, <i lang="la">multis locis</i>
(see esp. cap. viii.), and other writings
of the time. Cf. Dante's
letter to Henry VII: <span lang="la">'Romanorum
potestas nec metis Italiæ nec tricornis
Siciliæ margine coarctatur.
Nam etsi vim passa in angustum
gubernacula sua contraxit undique,
tamen de inviolabili iure fluctus
Amphitritis attingens vix ab inutili
unda Oceani se circumcingi dignatur.
Scriptum est enim</span></p>

<div class="footnote">
<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poem">
<p class="o1"><span lang="la">"Nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Cæsar,</span></p>
<p><span lang="la">Imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris."'</span></p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote">So Fr. Zoannetus, in the sixteenth
century, declares it to be a mortal
sin to resist the Empire, as the
power ordained of God.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_312" id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a>
 Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini
(afterwards Pope Pius II), <i lang="la">De Ortu
et Authoritate Imperii Romani</i>. Cf.
Gerlach Buxtorff, <i lang="la">Dissertatio ad
Auream Bullam</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_313" id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a>
 It has hitherto been the common
opinion that the <i>De Monarchia</i>
was written in the view of
Henry's expedition. But latterly
weighty reasons have been advanced
for believing that its date must be
placed some years later.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_314" id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a>
 Suggesting the celestial hierarchies of Dionysius the Areopagite.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_315" id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a>
 Quoting Aristotle's <i>Politics</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_316" id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Non enim cives propter consules
nec gens propter regem, sed e
converso consules propter cives, rex
propter gentem.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_317" id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Reges et principes in hoc
unico concordantes, ut adversentur
Domino suo et uncto suo Romano
Principi,'</span> having quoted <span lang="la">'Quare
fremuerunt gentes.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_318" id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a>
 Especially in the opportune
death of Alexander the Great.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_319" id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a>
 Cic., <i>De Off.</i>, ii. <span lang="la">'Ita ut illud
patrocinium orbis terrarum potius
quam imperium poterat nominari.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_320" id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Si Pilati imperium non de
iure fuit, peccatum in Christo non
fuit adeo punitum.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_321" id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a>
 There is a curious seal of the
Emperor Otto IV (figured in J. M.
Heineccius, <i lang="la">De veteribus Germanorum
atque aliarum nationum sigillis</i>),
on which the sun and moon
are represented over the head of the
Emperor. Heineccius says he cannot
explain it, but there seems to be no
reason why we should not take the
device as typifying the accord of the
spiritual and temporal powers which
was brought about at the accession
of Otto, the Guelfic leader, and the
favoured candidate of Pope Innocent
III.</p>

<p class="footnote">The analogy between the lights
of heaven and the princes of earth
is one which mediæval writers are
very fond of. It seems to have
originated with Gregory VII.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_322" id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a>
 Typifying the spiritual and
temporal powers. Dante meets this
by distinguishing the homage paid
to Christ from that which his Vicar
can rightfully demand.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_323" id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a>
 Hist. Eccl. l. ix. c. 6: <span class="greek" title="ton de
 phanai, hôs ouch hekôn tade epicheirei,
 alla tis synechôs enochlôn auton
 biazetai, kai epitattei tên Rhômên
 porthein">τὸν δὲ
 φάναι, ὡς οὐχ ἑκὼν τάδε ἐπιχειρεῖ,
 ἀλλά τις συνεχῶς ἐνοχλῶν αὐτὸν
 βιάζεται, καὶ ἐπιτάττει τὴν Ῥώμην
 πορθεῖν</span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_324" id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a>
 See the two Lives of St. Adalbert
in Pertz, <i>M. G. H.</i>, iv., evidently
compiled soon after his
death.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a>
 Another letter of Petrarch's
to John Colonna, written immediately
after his arrival in the city,
deserves to be quoted, it is so like
what a stranger would now write
off after his first day in Rome:&mdash;<span lang="la">'In
præsens nihil est quod inchoare
ausim, miraculo rerum tantarum
et stuporis mole obrutus ...
præsentia vero, mirum dictu, nihil
imminuit sed auxit omnia: vere
maior fuit Roma maioresque sunt
reliquiæ quam rebar: iam non
orbem ab hac urbe domitum sed
tam sero domitum miror. Vale.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a>
 The idea of the continuance
of the sway of Rome under a new
character is one which mediæval
writers delight to illustrate. In
<a href="#noteD">Appendix, Note D</a>, there is quoted
as a specimen a poem upon Rome,
by Hildebert (bishop of Le Mans,
and afterwards archbishop of
Tours), written in the beginning
of the twelfth century.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a>
 In writing this chapter I have
derived much assistance from the
admirable work of Ferdinand Gregorovius,
<span lang="de"><i>Geschichte der Stadt Rom
im Mittelalter</i></span>. Unfortunately no
English translation of it exists; but
I am informed by the author that
one is likely ere long to appear.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_328" id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a>
 Republican forms of some sort
had existed before Arnold's arrival,
but we hear the name of no other
leader mentioned; and doubtless it
was by him chiefly that the spirit
of hostility to the clerical power
was infused into the minds of the
Romans.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_329" id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a>
 The series of papal coins is
interrupted (with one or two slight
exceptions) from <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 984 (not long
after the time of Alberic) to <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
1304. In their place we meet with
various coins struck by the municipal
authorities, some of which
bear on the obverse the head of
the Apostle Peter, with the legend
Roman. Pricipe: on the reverse
the head of the Apostle Paul,
legend, Senat. Popul. Q. R. Gregorovius,
<i lang="la">ut supra</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_330" id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a>
 Rienzi called himself Augustus
as well as tribune; <span lang="it">'tribuno Augusto
de Roma.'</span> (He pretended,
or his friends pretended for him&mdash;it
was at any rate believed&mdash;that
he was an illegitimate son of the
Emperor Henry the Seventh.) He
cited, on his appointment, the Pope
and cardinals to appear before the
people of Rome and give an account
of their conduct; and after them
the Emperor. <span lang="it">'Ancora citao lo
Bavaro (Lewis the Fourth). Puoi
citao li elettori de lo imperio in
Alemagna, e disse "Voglio vedere
che rascione haco nella elettione,"
che trovasse scritto che passato
alcuno tempo la elettione recadeva
a li Romani.'</span>&mdash;<i>Vita di Cola di
Rienzi</i>, c. xxvi (written by a contemporary).
I give the spelling as
it stands in Muratori's edition.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_331" id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a>
 The Germans called this hill,
which is the highest in or near
Rome, conspicuous from a beautiful
group of stone-pines upon
its brow, Mons Gaudii; the origin
of the Italian name, Monte
Mario, is not known, unless it be,
as some think, a corruption of
Mons Malus.</p>

<p class="footnote">It was on this hill that Otto the
Third hanged Crescentius and his
followers.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_332" id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a>
 I quote this from the <i lang="la">Ordo
Romanus</i> as it stands in Muratori's
third Dissertation in the <i lang="la">Antiquitates
Italiæ medii ævi</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_333" id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a>
 Great stress was laid on one
part of the procedure,&mdash;the holding
by the Emperor of the Pope's
stirrup for him to mount, and the
leading of his palfrey for some
distance. Frederick Barbarossa's
omission of this mark of respect
when Pope Hadrian IV met him on
his way to Rome, had nearly caused
a breach between the two potentates,
Hadrian absolutely refusing
the kiss of peace until Frederick
should have gone through the form,
which he was at last forced to do in
a somewhat ignominious way.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_334" id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a>
 A remarkable speech of expostulation
made by Otto III to the
Roman people (after one of their
revolts) from the tower of his house
on the Aventine has been preserved
to us. It begins thus: <span lang="la">'Vosne
estis mei Romani? Propter vos
quidem meam patriam, propinquos
quoque reliqui; amore vestro Saxones
et cunctos Theotiscos, sanguinem
meum, proieci; vos in remotas
partes imperii nostri adduxi, quo
patres vestri cum orbem ditione premerent
numquam pedem posuerunt;
scilicet ut nomen vestrum et gloriam
ad fines usque dilatarem; vos filios
adoptavi: vos cunctis prætuli.'</span>&mdash;<i>Vita
S. Bernwardi</i>; in Pertz, <i>M. G.
H.</i>, t. iv.</p>

<p class="footnote">(It is from this form 'Theotiscus'
that the Italian 'Tedesco' seems to
have been derived.)</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_335" id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a>
 The Leonine city, so called
from Pope Leo IV, lay between
the Vatican and St. Peter's and the
river.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_336" id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a>
 It would seem that Otto was
deceived, and that in reality they are
the bones of St. Paulinus of Nola.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_337" id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a>
 The only other of the Teutonic
Emperors buried in Italy were, so
far as I know, Lewis the Second
(whose tomb, with an inscription
commemorating his exploits, is built
into the wall of the north aisle of
the famous church of S. Ambrose at
Milan), Henry the Sixth and Frederick
the Second, who lie at Palermo,
Conrad IV, buried at Foggia, and
Henry the Seventh, whose sarcophagus
may be seen in the Campo
Santo of Pisa, a city always conspicuous
for her zeal on the imperial
side.</p>

<p class="footnote">Six Emperors lie buried at Speyer,
three or four at Prague, two at
Aachen, two at Bamberg, one at
Innsbruck, one at Magdeburg, one
at Quedlinburg, two at Munich,
and most of the later ones at
Vienna.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_338" id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a>
 See <a href="#Footnote_198">note s, p. 178</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_339" id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a>
 See <a href="#Page_117">p. 117</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_340" id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a>
 These highly curious frescoes
are in the chapel of St. Sylvester
attached to the very ancient church
of Quattro Santi on the Cœlian
hill, and are supposed to have been
executed in the time of Pope
Innocent III. They represent scenes
in the life of the Saint, more particularly
the making of the famous
donation to him by Constantine,
who submissively holds the bridle
of his palfrey.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_341" id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a>
 The last imperial coronation,
that of Charles the Fifth, took place
in the church of St. Petronius at
Bologna, Pope Clement VII being
unwilling to receive Charles in
Rome. It is a grand church, but
the choir, where the ceremony took
place, seems to have been 'restored,'
that is to say modernized, since
Charles' time.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_342" id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a>
 The name of Cenci is a very
old one at Rome: it is supposed to
be an abbreviation of Crescentius.
We hear in the eleventh century of
a certain Cencius, who on one occasion
made Gregory VII prisoner.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_343" id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a>
 Thus in the church of San
Lorenzo without the walls there
are several pointed windows, now
bricked up; and similar ones may
be seen in the church of Ara Cœli
on the summit of the Capitol. So
in the apse of St. John Lateran
there are three or four windows of
Gothic form: and in its cloister, as
well as in that of St. Paul without
the walls, a great deal of beautiful
Lombard work. The elegant porch
of the church of Sant' Antonio
Abate is Lombard. In the apse of
the church of San Giovanni e Paolo
on the Cœlian hill there is an external
arcade exactly like those of
the Duomo at Pisa. Nor are these
the only instances.</p>

<p class="footnote">The ruined chapel attached to
the fortress of the Caetani family&mdash;the
family to which Boniface the
Eighth belonged, and whose head
is now the first of the Roman nobility&mdash;is
a pretty little building,
more like northern Gothic than
anything within the walls of Rome.
It stands upon the Appian Way,
opposite the tomb of Cæcilia Metella,
which the Caetani used as a
stronghold.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_344" id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a>
 A good deal of the mischief
done by Robert Guiscard, from
which the parts of the city lying
beyond the Coliseum towards the
river and St. John Lateran never
recovered, is attributed to the Saracenic
troops in his service. Saracen
pirates are said to have once before
sacked Rome. Genseric was not
a heathen, but he was a furious
Arian, which, as far as respect to
the churches of the orthodox went,
was nearly the same thing. He is
supposed to have carried off the
seven-branched candlestick and
other vessels of the Temple, which
Titus had brought from Jerusalem
to Rome.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_345" id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a>
 We are told that one cause of
the ferocity of the German part of
the army of Charles was their anger
at the ruinous condition of the imperial
palace.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_346" id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a>
 Under the influence, partly of
this anti-pagan spirit, partly of his
own restless vanity, partly of a
passion to be doing something, Pope
Sixtus the Fifth did a great deal of
mischief in the way of destroying
or spoiling the monuments of antiquity.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_347" id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a>
 These campaniles are generally
supposed to date from the ninth
and tenth centuries. I am informed,
however, by Mr. J. H.
Parker, of Oxford, whose antiquarian
skill is well known, that
he is led to believe by an examination
of their mouldings that few or
none, unless it be that of San
Prassede, are older than the twelfth
century.</p>

<p class="footnote">This of course applies only to
the existing buildings. The type
of tower may be, and indeed no
doubt is, older.</p>

<p class="footnote">Somewhat similar towers may
be observed in many parts of the
Italian Alps, especially in the wonderful
mountain land north of
Venice, where such towers are of
all dates from the eleventh or
twelfth down to the nineteenth
century, the ancient type having in
these remote valleys been adhered
to because the builder had no other
models before him. In the valley
of Cimolais I have seen such a campanile
in course of erection, precisely
similar to others in the neighbouring
villages some eight centuries
old.</p>

<p class="footnote">The very curious round towers
of Ravenna, some four or five of
which are still standing, seem to
have originally had similar windows,
though these have been all, or nearly
all, stopped up. The Roman towers
are all square.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_348" id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a>
 The Palatine hill seems to have
been then, as it is for the most part
now, a waste of stupendous ruins.
In the great imperial palace upon
its northern and eastern sides was
the residence of an official of the
Eastern court in the beginning of
the eighth century. In the time of
Charles, some seventy years later,
this palace was no longer habitable.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_349" id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a>
 Such as we see it in the later and lesser churches of basilica form.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_350" id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a>
 It was thus that most of the
earlier Teutonic Emperors, and
notably Charles and Otto, professed
to have obtained the crown;
although practically it was partly a
matter of conquest and partly of
private arrangement with the Pope.
In later times, the seven Germanic
princes were recognized as the
legally qualified electoral body, but
their appearance on the stage was
a result of the confusion of the
German kingdom with the Roman
Empire, and in strictness they had
nothing to do with the Roman
crown at all. The right to bestow
it could only&mdash;on principle&mdash;belong
to some Roman authority, and
those who felt the difficulty were
driven to suppose a formal cession
of their privilege by the Roman
people to the seven electors. See
<a href="#Page_227">p. 227</a> <i>supra</i>: and cf. Matthew
Villani (iv. 77), <span lang="it">'Il popolo Romano,
non da se, ma la chiesa per lui,
concedette la elezione degli Imperadori
a sette principi della
Magna.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_351" id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a>
 That which Dante, Arnold of
Brescia, and the rest really have in
common with the modern Italian
'party of movement' is their hostility
to the temporal power of the
Popes.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_352" id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a>
 See Dean Stanley's <i>Lectures on the History of the Eastern Church</i>,
Lecture II.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_353" id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a>
 It is not without interest to
observe that the council of Basel
shewed signs of reciprocating imperial
care by claiming those very
rights over the Empire to which
the Popes were accustomed to pretend.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_354" id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a>
 The councils of Basel and
Florence were not recognized from
first to last by all Europe, as was the
council of Constance. When the
assembly of Trent met, the great
religious schism had already made a
general council, in the true sense of
the word, impossible.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_355" id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a>
 <span lang="it">'E pero venendo gl'imperadori
della Magna col supremo
titolo, e volendo col senno e colla
forza della Magna reggiere gli
Italiani, non lo fanno e non lo
possono fare.'</span>&mdash;M. Villani, iv. 77.</p>

<p class="footnote">Matthew Villani's etymology of
the two great faction names of
Italy is worth quoting, as a fair
sample of the skill of mediævals in
such matters:&mdash;<span lang="it">'La Italia tutta e
divisa mistamente in due parti,
l'una che seguita ne' fatti del
mondo la santa chiesa&mdash;e questi
son dinominati Guelfi; cioè, guardatori
di fè. E l'altra parte seguitano
lo 'mperio o fedele o enfedele che
sia delle cose del mondo a santa
chiesa. E chiamansi Ghibellini,
quasi guida belli; cioè, guidatori
di battaglie.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_356" id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Nam quamvis Imperatorem
et regem et dominum vestrum esse
fateamini, precario tamen ille imperare
videtur: nulla ei potentia
est; tantum ei paretis quantum
vultis, vultis autem minimum.'</span>&mdash;Æneas
Sylvius to the princes of
Germany, quoted by Hippolytus a
Lapide.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_357" id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a>
 See Ægidi, <span lang="de"><i>Der Fürstenrath
nach dem Luneviller Frieden</i></span>; a
book which throws more light than
any other with which I am acquainted
on the inner nature of the
Empire.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_358" id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a>
 The two immediately preceding
Emperors, Albert II (1438-1439)
and Frederick III, father of Maximilian
(1439-1493), had been
Hapsburgs. It is nevertheless from
Maximilian that the ascendancy of
that family must be dated.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_359" id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a>
 Reichsregiment.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_360" id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a>
 Wenzel had encouraged the
leagues of the cities, and incurred
thereby the hatred of the nobles.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_361" id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a>
 The Germans, like our own
ancestors, called foreign, <i>i. e.</i> non-Teutonic
nations, Welsh. Yet apparently
not all such nations, but
only those which they in some way
associated with the Roman Empire,
the Cymry of Roman Britain,
the Romanized Kelts of Gaul, the
Italians, the Roumans or Wallachs
of Transylvania and the Principalities.
It does not appear that
either the Magyars or any Slavonic
people were called by any form of
the name Welsh.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_362" id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a>
 The German crown was received
at Aachen, the ancient
Frankish capital, where may still
be seen, in the gallery of the basilica,
the marble throne on which
the Emperors from the days of
Charles to those of Ferdinand I
were crowned. It was upon this
chair that Otto III had found the
body of Charles seated, when he
opened his tomb in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1001.
After Ferdinand I, the coronation
as well as the election took place
at Frankfort. An account of the
ceremony may be found in Goethe's
<span lang="de"><i>Wahrheit und Dichtung</i></span>. Aachen,
though it remained and indeed is
still a German town, lay in too
remote a corner of the country to
be a convenient capital, and was
moreover in dangerous proximity
to the West Franks, as stubborn
old Germans continue to call them.
As early as <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1353 we find
bishop Leopold of Bamberg complaining
that the French had arrogated
to themselves the honours of
the Frankish name, and called themselves
<span lang="la">'reges Franciæ,'</span> instead of
'<span lang="la">reges Franciæ occidentalis.'</span>&mdash;Lupoldus
Bebenburgensis, apud Schardium,
<i>Sylloge Tractatuum</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_363" id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a>
 Erwählter Kaiser. See <a href="#noteC">Appendix,
Note C</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_364" id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a>
 Romanorum rex (after Henry
II) till the coronation at Rome.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_365" id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a>
 But the Emperor was only one
of many claimants to this kingdom;
they multiplied as the prospect of
regaining it died away.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_366" id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a>
 The latter does not occur, even
in English books, till comparatively
recent times. English writers of
the seventeenth century always call
him 'The Emperor,' pure and simple,
just as they invariably say
'the French king.' But the phrase
<span lang="fr">'Empereur d'Almayne'</span> may be
found in very early French writers.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_367" id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a>
 See Moser, <span lang="de"><i>Römische Kayser</i></span>;
Goldast's and other collections of
imperial edicts and proclamations.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_368" id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a>
 The so-called <span lang="de">'Wahlcapitulation.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_369" id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a>
 The electors long refused to
elect Charles, dreading his great
hereditary power, and were at last
induced to do so only by their
overmastering fear of the Turks.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_370" id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a>
 Nearly all the Hapsburgs seem
to have wanted that sort of genial
heartiness which, apt as it is to be
stifled by education in the purple,
has nevertheless been possessed by
several other royal lines, greatly
contributing to their vitality; as for
instance by more than one prince
of the houses of Brunswick and
Hohenzollern.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_371" id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a>
 See this brought out with great
force in the very interesting work
of Padre Tosti, <span lang="it"><i>Prolegomeni alla
Storia Universale della Chiesa</i></span>, from
which I quote one passage, which
bears directly on the matter in
hand: <span lang="it">'Il grido della riforma clericale
aveva un eco terribile in tutta
la compagnia civile dei popoli:
essa percuoteva le cime del laicale
potere, e rimbalzava per tutta la
gerarchia sociale. Se l'imperadore
Sigismondo nel concilio di Costanza
non avesse fiutate queste consequenze
nella eresia di Hus e di
Girolamo di Praga, forse non avrebbe
con tanto zelo mandati alle
fiamme que' novatori. Rotto da
Lutero il vincolo di suggezione al
Papa ed ai preti in fatti di religione,
avvenne che anche quello
che sommetteva il vassallo al barone,
il barone al imperadore si
allentasse. Il popolo con la Bibbia
in mano era prete, vescovo, e papa;
e se prima contristato della prepotenza
di chi gli soprastava, ricorreva
al successore di San Pietro,
ora ricorreva a se stesso, avendogli
commesse Fra Martino le chiavi
del regno dei Cieli.'</span>&mdash;vol. ii. pp.
398, 9.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_372" id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a>
 It was not till the end of the
eleventh century that transubstantiation
was definitely established as
a dogma.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_373" id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a>
 See the passages quoted in <a href="#Footnote_113">note m, p. 98</a>; and <a href="#Footnote_132">note g, p. 110</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_374" id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a>
 Henry VIII of England when
he rebelled against the Pope called
himself King of Ireland (his predecessors
had used only the title
<span lang="la">'Dominus Hiberniæ'</span>) without asking
the Emperor's permission, in
order to shew that he repudiated
the temporal as well as the spiritual
dominion of Rome.</p>

<p class="footnote">So the Statute of Appeals is careful
to deny and reject the authority
of 'other foreign potentates,' meaning,
no doubt, the Emperor as well
as the Pope.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_375" id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a>
 Matthias, brother of Rudolf II, reigned from 1612 till 1619.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_376" id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">De Ratione Status in Imperio nostro Romano-Germanico</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_377" id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a>
 Even then the Roman pontiffs
had lapsed into that scolding, anile
tone (so unlike the fiery brevity of
Hildebrand, or the stern precision
of Innocent III) which is now
seldom absent from their public
utterances. Pope Innocent the
Tenth pronounces the provisions
of the treaty, <span lang="la">'ipso iure nulla,
irrita, invalida, iniqua, iniusta,
damnata, reprobata, inania, viribusque
et effectu vacua, omnino
fuisse, esse, et perpetuo fore.'</span> In
spite of which they were observed.</p>

<p class="footnote">This bull may be found in vol.
xvii. of the <i>Bullarium</i>. It bears
date Nov. 20th, <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1648.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_378" id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a>
 The Imperial Chamber (Kammergericht)
continued, with frequent
and long interruptions, to
sit while the Empire lasted. But
its slowness and formality passed
that of any other legal body the
world has yet seen, and it had
no power to enforce its sentences.
The Aulic council was little more
efficient, and was generally disliked
as the tool of imperial intrigue.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_379" id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a>
 The <span lang="la">'matricula'</span> specifying the
quota of each state to the imperial
army could not be any longer employed.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_380" id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a>
 <span lang="de"><i>Erbfeind des heiligen Reichs.</i></span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_381" id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a>
 Only the envoys of the several states were present at Utrecht in
1713.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_382" id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a>
 Quoted by Ludwig Haüsser, <span lang="de"><i>Deutsche Geschichte</i></span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_383" id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a>
 The distinction is well expressed by the German <span lang="de">'Reich'</span> and
<span lang="de">'Kaiserthum,'</span> to which we have unfortunately no terms to correspond.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_384" id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a>
 So the Elector of Saxony proposed
in 1532 that Albert II,
Frederick III, and Maximilian
having been all of one house,
Charles V's successor should be
chosen from some other.&mdash;Moser,
<span lang="de"><i>Römische Kayser</i></span>. See the various
attempts of France in Moser. The
coronation engagements (<span lang="de">Wahlcapitulation</span>)
of every Emperor
bound him not to attempt to make
the throne hereditary in his family.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_385" id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a>
 In 1658 France offered to subsidize
the Elector of Bavaria if he
would become Emperor.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_386" id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a>
 Whether an Evangelical was
eligible for the office of Emperor
was a question often debated, but
never actually raised by the candidature
of any but a Roman Catholic
prince. The <span lang="la">'exacta æqualitas'</span>
conceded by the Peace of Westphalia
might appear to include so
important a privilege. But when
we consider that the peculiar relation
in which the Emperor stood to
the Holy Roman Church was one
which no heretic could hold, and
that the coronation oaths could not
have been taken by, nor the coronation
ceremonies (among which
was a sort of ordination) performed
upon a Protestant, the conclusion
must be unfavourable to the claims
of any but a Catholic.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_387" id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a>
</p>

<div class="footnote">
 <div class="poetry-container">
 <div class="poem">
 <p class="o1">'The bold Bavarian, in a luckless hour,</p>
<p>Tries the dread summits of Cæsarian power.</p>
<p>With unexpected legions bursts away,</p>
<p>And sees defenceless realms receive his sway....</p>
<p>The baffled prince in honour's flattering bloom</p>
<p>Of hasty greatness finds the fatal doom;</p>
<p>His foes' derision and his subjects' blame,</p>
<p>And steals to death from anguish and from shame.'</p>
<p class="i10"><span class="smcap">Johnson</span>, <i>Vanity of Human Wishes</i>.</p>
</div></div></div>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_388" id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a>
 The following nine reasons for
the long continuance of the Empire
in the House of Hapsburg are given
by Pfeffinger (<i lang="la">Vitriarius Illustratus</i>),
writing early in the eighteenth century:&mdash;</p>

<ul class="fn">
<li>1. The great power of Austria.</li>

<li>2. Her wealth, now that the Empire was so poor.</li>

<li>3. The majority of Catholics among the electors.</li>

<li>4. Her fortunate matrimonial alliances.</li>

<li>5. Her moderation.</li>

<li>6. The memory of benefits conferred by her.</li>

<li>7. The example of evils that had followed a departure from
the blood of former Cæsars.</li>

<li>8. The fear of the confusion that would ensue if she were
deprived of the crown.</li>

<li>9. Her own eagerness to have it.</li>
</ul>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_389" id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a>
 The Pope undertook a journey
to Vienna to mollify Joseph, and
met with a sufficiently cold reception.
When he saw the famous
minister Kaunitz and gave him his
hand to kiss, Kaunitz took it and
shook it.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_390" id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a>
 'You are in your own house:
be the master.'</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_391" id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a>
 Joseph II was foiled in his
attempt to assert them.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_392" id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a>
 Goethe spent some time in
studying law at Wetzlar among
those who practised in the Kammergericht.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_393" id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a>
 Cf. Pütter, <i>Historical Developement
of the Political Constitution of
the German Empire</i>, vol. iii.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_394" id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a>
 Frederick the Great said of
the Diet, <span lang="de">'Es ist ein Schattenbild,
eine Versammlung aus Publizisten
die mehr mit Formalien als mit
Sachen sich beschäftigen, und, wie
Hofhunde, den Mond anbellen.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_395" id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a>
 Cf. Haüsser, <span lang="de"><i>Deutsche Geschichte</i></span>;
Introduction.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_396" id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a>
 Quoted by Haüsser.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_397" id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a>
 Rotteck and Welcker, <span lang="de"><i>Staats
Lexikon</i></span>, s. v. <span lang="de">'Deutsches Reich.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_398" id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a>
 <i lang="de">Deutschlands Erwartungen
vom Fürstenbunde</i>, quoted in the
<span lang="de"><i>Staats Lexikon</i></span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_399" id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a>
 <span lang="de"><i>Wahrheit und Dichtung</i></span>, book i.
The <span lang="de">Römer Saal</span> is still one of the
sights of Frankfort. The portraits,
however, which one now sees in it,
seem to be all or nearly all of them
modern; and few have any merit
as works of art.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_400" id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a>
 <i lang="la">Jordanis Chronica</i>, ap. Schardium,
<i lang="la">Sylloge Tractatuum</i>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_401" id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a>
 In an address by Napoleon to
the Senate in 1804, bearing date
10th Frimaire (1st Dec.), are the
words, <span lang="fr">'Mes descendans conserveront
longtemps ce trône, le premier
de l'univers.'</span> Answering a deputation
from the department of the
Lippe, Aug. 8th, 1811, <span lang="fr">'La Providence,
qui a voulu que je rétablisse
le trône de Charlemagne, vous a
fait naturellement rentrer, avec la
Hollande et les villes anséatiques,
dans le sein de l'Empire.'</span>&mdash;<i>Œuvres
de Napoléon</i>, tom. v. p. 521.</p>

<p class="footnote"><span lang="fr">'Pour le Pape, je suis Charlemagne,
parce que, comme Charlemagne,
je réunis la couronne de
France à celle des Lombards, et
que mon Empire confine avec
l'Orient.'</span> (Quoted by Lanfrey, <i>Vie
de Napoleon</i>, iii. 417.)</p>

<p class="footnote"><span lang="fr">'Votre Sainteté est souveraine
de Rome, mais j'en suis l'Empereur.'</span>
(Letter of Napoleon to Pope
Pius, Feb. 13th, 1806. Lanfrey.)</p>

<p class="footnote"><span lang="fr">'Dites bien,'</span> says Napoleon to
Cardinal Fesch, '<span lang="fr">que je suis Charlemagne,
leur Empereur</span> [of the Papal
Court] <span lang="fr">que je dois être traité de
même. Je fais connaitre au Pape
mes intentions en peu de mots, s'il
n'y acquiesce pas, je le réduirai à
la même condition qu'il était avant
Charlemagne.'</span> (Lanfrey, <span lang="fr"><i>Vie de
Napoleon</i></span>, iii. 420.)</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_402" id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a>
 Napoleon said on one occasion,
<span lang="fr">'Je n'ai pas succédé a Louis
Quatorze, mais à Charlemagne.'</span>&mdash;Bourrienne,
<span lang="fr"><i>Vie de Napoléon</i></span>, iv.
In 1804, shortly before he was
crowned, he had the imperial insignia
of Charles brought from the
old Frankish capital, and exhibited
them in a jeweller's shop in Paris,
along with those which had just
been made for his own coronation;&mdash;(Bourrienne,
<i lang="la">ut supra</i>.) Somewhat
in the same spirit in which he
displayed the Bayeux tapestry, in
order to incite his subjects to the
conquest of England.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_403" id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a>
 <span lang="fr">'Je n'ai pu concilier ces grands
interêts</span> (of political order and the
spiritual authority of the Pope) <span lang="fr">qu'en
annulant les donations des Empereurs
Français, mes predecesseurs,
et en réunissant les états romains à
la France.'</span>&mdash;Proclamation issued
in 1809: <i>Œuvres</i>, iv.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_404" id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a>
 See <a href="#noteC">Appendix, Note C</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_405" id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a>
 Pope Pius VII wrote to the
First Consul, <span lang="la">'Carissime in Christo
Fili noster ... tam perspecta sunt
nobis tuæ voluntatis studia erga nos,
ut <i>quotiescunque</i> ope aliqua in rebus
nostris indigemus, eam a te fidenter
petere non dubitare debeamus.'</span>&mdash;Quoted
by Ægidi.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_406" id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a>
 Let us place side by side the
letters of Hadrian to Charles in the
<i lang="la">Codex Carolinus</i>, and the following
preamble to the Concordat of <span class="s08">A.D.</span>
1801, between the First Consul
and the Pope (which I quote from
the <i lang="la">Bullarium Romanum</i>), and
mark the changes of a thousand
years.</p>

<p class="footnote"><span lang="la">'Gubernium reipublicæ [Gallicæ]
recognoscit religionem Catholicam
Apostolicam Romanam eam esse
religionem quam longe maxima pars
civium Gallicæ reipublicæ profitetur.</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><span lang="la">'Summus pontifex pari modo
recognoscit eandem religionem
maximam utilitatem maximumque
decus percepisse et hoc quoque
tempore præstolari ex catholico
cultu in Gallia constituto, necnon
ex peculiari eius professione quam
faciunt reipublicæ consules.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_407" id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a>
 Cf. Heeren, <i>Political System</i>,
vol. iii. 273.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_408" id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a>
 He had arch-chancellors, arch-treasurers,
and so forth. The
Legion of Honour, which was
thought important enough to be
mentioned in the coronation oath,
was meant to be something like
the mediæval orders of knighthood:
whose connexion with the Empire
has already been mentioned.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_409" id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a>
 Napoleon's feelings towards
Germany may be gathered from
the phrase he once used, <span lang="fr">'Il faut
depayser l'Allemagne.'</span></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_410" id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a>
 Thus in documents issued by
the Emperor during these two years
he is styled 'Roman Emperor Elect,
Hereditary Emperor of Austria'
<span lang="de">(erwählter Römischer Kaiser, Erbkaiser
von Oesterreich)</span>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_411" id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a>
 This Act of Confederation of
the Rhine (<span lang="de">Rheinbund</span>) is printed
in Koch's <span lang="fr"><i>Traités</i></span> (continued by
Schöll), vol. viii., and Meyer's <i lang="la">Corpus
Iuris Confœderationis Germanicæ</i>,
vol. i. It has every appearance of
being a translation from the French,
and was no doubt originally drawn
up in that language. Napoleon is
called in one place <span lang="de">'Der nämliche
Monarch, dessen Absichten sich
stets mit den wahren Interessen
Deutschlands übereinstimmend gezeigt
haben.'</span> The phrase 'Roman
Empire' does not occur: we hear
only of the 'German Empire,'
'body of German states' (<span lang="de">Staatskörper</span>),
and so forth. This Confederation
of the Rhine was eventually
joined by every German
State except Austria, Prussia, Electoral
Hesse, and Brunswick.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_412" id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a>
 <span lang="fr"><i>Histoire des Traités</i></span>, vol. viii.
The original may be found in
Meyer's <i lang="la">Corpus Iuris Confœderationis
Germanicæ</i>, vol. i. p. 70. It
is a document in no way remarkable,
except from the ludicrous resemblance
which its language suggests
to the circular in which a
tradesman, announcing the dissolution
of an old partnership, solicits,
and hopes by close attention to
merit, a continuance of his customers'
patronage to his business,
which will henceforth be carried on
under the name of, &amp;c., &amp;c.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_413" id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a>
 Koch (Schöll), <span lang="fr"><i>Histoire des
Traités</i></span>, vol. xi. p. 257, sqq.;
Haüsser, <span lang="de"><i>Deutsche Geschichte</i></span>, vol.
iv.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_414" id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a>
 Great Britain had refused in
1806 to recognize the dissolution
of the Empire. And it may indeed
be maintained that in point
of law the Empire was never extinguished
at all, but lives on as
a disembodied spirit to this day.
For it is clear that, technically
speaking, the abdication of a sovereign
can destroy only his own
rights, and does not dissolve the
state over which he presides.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_415" id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a>
 <span lang="fr">'Les états d'Allemagne seront
independans et unis par un lien
federatif.'</span>&mdash;<span lang="fr"><i>Histoire des Traités</i></span>, xi.
p. 257.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_416" id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a>
 The late king of Prussia was
actually elected Emperor by the
revolutionary Diet at Frankfort in
1848. He refused the crown.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_417" id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a>
 [Since the above was written
(in <span class="s08">A.D.</span> 1865) sudden and momentous
changes have been effected
in Germany by the war of 1866;
the Prussian kingdom has been enlarged
by the annexation of Hanover,
Hessen-Cassel, Nassau, and
Frankfort; the establishment of the
North German Confederation has
brought all the states north of the
Main under Prussian control; while
even the potentates of the south
have virtually accepted the hegemony
of the house of Hohenzollern.
It was the author's intention to
have added here a chapter examining
these changes by the light of
the past history of Germany and
the Empire, and tracing out the
causes to which the success of
Prussia is to be ascribed. But
at this moment (July 15th, 1870)
the French Emperor declares war
against Prussia, and there rises to
meet the challenge an united German
people,&mdash;united for the time,
at least, by the folly of the enemy
who has so long plotted for and
profited by its disunion. Whatever
the result of the struggle may be,
it is almost certain to alter still
further the internal constitution of
Germany; and there is therefore
little use in discussing the existing
system, and tracing the progress
hitherto of a development which,
if not suddenly arrested, is likely
to be greatly accelerated by the
events which we see passing.]</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_418" id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a>
 See Louis Napoleon's letter to General Forey, explaining the object
of the expedition to Mexico.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_419" id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a>
 One may also compare the retention
of the office of consul at
Rome till the time of Justinian:
indeed it even survived his formal
abolition. The relinquishment of
the title 'King of Great Britain,
France, and Ireland,' seriously distressed
many excellent persons.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_420" id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a>
 I speak, of course, of the Papacy
as an autocratic power claiming a
more than spiritual authority.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_421" id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a>
 <span lang="la">'Ipsa enim ecclesia charior
Deo est quam cœlum. Non enim
propter cœlum ecclesia, sed e converso
propter ecclesiam cœlum.'</span>
From the tract entitled 'A Letter of
the four Universities to Wenzel and
Urban VIII,' quoted in an earlier
chapter.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_422" id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a>
 Von Raumer, <i>Geschichte der Hohenstaufen</i>, v.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_423" id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a>
 Meaning thereby not the citizens
of Rome in her republican
days, but the Italo-Hellenic subjects
of the Roman Empire.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_424" id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a>
 Take, among many instances,
those of the preface to Giesebrecht,
<span lang="de"><i>Die Deutsche Kaiserzeit</i></span>; and Rotteck
and Welcker's <span lang="de"><i>Staats Lexikon</i></span>.
The German newspapers are indeed
sufficient illustration.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_425" id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a>
 See especially Von Sybel, <span lang="de"><i>Die
Deutsche Nation und das Kaiserreich</i></span>;
and the answers of Ficker
and Von Wydenbrugk.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_426" id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a>
 Modified of course by the canon law, and not superseding the feudal
law of land.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_427" id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a>
 Mommsen, <span lang="de"><i>Römische Geschichte</i></span>, iii. <i>sub. fin.</i></p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_428" id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a>
 Waitz (<span lang="de"><i>Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte</i></span>)
says that the phrase
<span lang="la">'semper Augustus'</span> may be found
in the times of the Carolingians,
but not in official documents.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_429" id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a>
 There is some reason to think
that towards the end of the Empire
people had begun to fancy that
'erwählter' did not mean 'elect,'
but 'elective.' Cf. <a href="#Footnote_410">note m, p. 362</a>.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_430" id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a>
 These expressions seem to have
been intended to distinguish the
kingdom of the Eastern or Germanic
Franks from that of the
Western or Gallicized Franks
(Francigenæ), which having been
for some time <span lang="la">'regnum Francorum
Occidentalium,'</span> grew at last to be
simply <span lang="la">'regnum Franciæ,'</span> the East
Frankish kingdom being swallowed
up in the Empire.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_431" id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a>
 It is right to remark that
what is stated here can be taken
as only generally and probably
true: so great are the discrepancies
among even the most careful
writers on the subject, and so
numerous the forgeries of a later
age, which are to be found among
the genuine documents of the
early Empire. Goldast's <i>Collections</i>,
for instance, are full of
forgeries and anachronisms. Detailed
information may be found
in Pfeffinger, Moser, and Pütter,
and in the host of writers to whom
they refer.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_432" id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a>
 We in England may be thought
to have made some slight movement
in the same direction by calling
the united great council of the
Three Kingdoms the Imperial Parliament.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_433" id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a>
 Although to be sure the Burgundian
dominions had all passed
from the Emperor to France, the
kingdom of Sardinia, and the Swiss
Confederation.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_434" id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a>
 Nevertheless, Otto II was
crowned Emperor, and reigned for
some time along with his father,
under the title of 'Co-Imperator.'
So Lothar I was associated in the
Empire with Lewis the Pious, as
Lewis himself had been crowned
in the lifetime of Charles. Many
analogies to the practice of the
Romano-Germanic Empire in this
respect might be adduced from the
history of the old Roman, as well
as of the Byzantine Empire.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_435" id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a>
 Maximilian had obtained this
title, 'Emperor Elect,' from the
Pope. Ferdinand took it as of
right, and his successors followed
the example.</p>

<p class="footnote"><a name="Footnote_436" id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a>
 See <a href="#Footnote_324">note d, p. 270</a>.</p>
</div>








<pre>





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Holy Roman Empire, by James Bryce

*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE ***

***** This file should be named 44101-h.htm or 44101-h.zip *****
This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
        http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/1/0/44101/

Produced by Melissa McDaniel, Stephen Rowland, and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
(This file was produced from images generously made
available by The Internet Archive)


Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.

Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.



*** START: FULL LICENSE ***

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
  www.gutenberg.org/license.


Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works

1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.  See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.

1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org

1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.

1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that

- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
     License.  You must require such a user to return or
     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
     Project Gutenberg-tm works.

- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
     of receipt of the work.

- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.

1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.


Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org


Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at 809
North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887.  Email
contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the
Foundation's web site and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

For additional contact information:
     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
     Chief Executive and Director
     gbnewby@pglaf.org

Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit:  www.gutenberg.org/donate


Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone.  For forty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:

     www.gutenberg.org

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.


</pre>

</body>
</html>
generated by cgit v1.2.3 (git 2.25.1) at 2026-01-06 15:10:22 +0000