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diff --git a/44021-8.txt b/44021-0.txt index 7be289f..296cf8e 100644 --- a/44021-8.txt +++ b/44021-0.txt @@ -1,37 +1,4 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Feudal England -- Historical Studies On The -Eleventh And Twelfth Centuries, by J.H. Round - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Feudal England -- Historical Studies On The Eleventh And Twelfth Centuries - -Author: J.H. Round - -Release Date: October 25, 2013 [EBook #44021] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FEUDAL ENGLAND -- HISTORICAL *** - - - - -Produced by Frank van Drogen, Lesley Halamek, Stephen -Rowland and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from scans of -public domain works at McMaster University's Archive for -the History of Economic Thought.) - - - - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 44021 *** FEUDAL ENGLAND @@ -70,16 +37,16 @@ obscure period of our history. As a foreign scholar has felicitously observed: Je lis avec plaisir le chroniqueur qui nous raconte les - événements de son époque. Les détails anecdotiques, les traits - piquants dont son [oe]uvre est parsémée font mes délices. Mais - comment saurai-je s'il dit la vérité si les pages qu'il me - présente ne sont pas un roman de pure imagination? Dans les - chartes, au contraire, tout est authentique, certain, précis, - indubitable. Leur témoignage est contradictoirement établi, - sous le contrôle de la partie adverse, avec l'approbation et - la reconaissance de l'autorité souveraine, en présence d'une - imposante assemblée de notables qui apposent leur signature. - C'est la plus pure de toutes les sources où il soit possible + événements de son époque. Les détails anecdotiques, les traits + piquants dont son [oe]uvre est parsémée font mes délices. Mais + comment saurai-je s'il dit la vérité si les pages qu'il me + présente ne sont pas un roman de pure imagination? Dans les + chartes, au contraire, tout est authentique, certain, précis, + indubitable. Leur témoignage est contradictoirement établi, + sous le contrôle de la partie adverse, avec l'approbation et + la reconaissance de l'autorité souveraine, en présence d'une + imposante assemblée de notables qui apposent leur signature. + C'est la plus pure de toutes les sources où il soit possible de puiser un renseignement historique.[1] An instance in point will be found in the paper on 'Richard the @@ -319,8 +286,8 @@ been.] - [Footnote 1: _Table chronologique des chartes et diplômes - imprimés concernant l'histoire de la Belgique._ Par Alphonse + [Footnote 1: _Table chronologique des chartes et diplômes + imprimés concernant l'histoire de la Belgique._ Par Alphonse Wauters, vol. i, p. xxxi.] [Footnote 2: See pp. 198, 208, 404-5.] @@ -637,7 +604,7 @@ _Domesday Book_ arranges the Manors according to fiefs, the _Inq. Com. Cant._, on the contrary, arranges them by hundreds and townships. Its system is regular and simple. For every hundred it first enumerates the principal jurors who made the return, and then gives the return -itself, arranged according to townships (_villæ_). These townships +itself, arranged according to townships (_villæ_). These townships are thus the units of which the Manors they contain are merely the component fractions. This is precisely what we should expect to find in the original returns, but it only creates a presumption; it does @@ -683,25 +650,25 @@ is an instance in illustration:[10] _I.C.C._ _I.E._ Meldeburna pro x. sol[idis] se Meldeburne pro x. hidis se - defendebat T.R.E. et modo pro defendebat in tempore R. ÆD. et + defendebat T.R.E. et modo pro defendebat in tempore R. ÆD. et viii. Et de his x. hidis tenet modo pro viii. Et de his x. predictus abbas ii. hidas et hun[dredis] tenet abbas de eli I^{am.} virgam. v. carrucis est ii. hidas et i. v[irgam]. ibi terra. Una carruca et dimidia, v. carucis ibi est terra. I. et una hida et una virga in caruca et dimidia, et i. hida dominio, et dimidia carruca et dimidia, in dominio, et - potest fieri. iii. Carucæ dimidia caruca potest fieri. - villanis. vi. villani, ix. iii. carucæ hominibus. vi. + potest fieri. iii. Carucæ dimidia caruca potest fieri. + villanis. vi. villani, ix. iii. carucæ hominibus. vi. bordarii, iii. cotarii, villani, ix. bordarii, iii. dimidium molendinum de iii. cotarii. Pratum v. carucis. solidis, et viii. denariis. i. molendinum de ii. solidis Pratum v. carrucis. Pastura ad et viii. denariis. Pastura ad - pecora villæ, ccc. oves iii. pecora villæ. oves ccc., iii^{es.} + pecora villæ, ccc. oves iii. pecora villæ. oves ccc., iii^{es.} minus, xxxiiii. porci. Inter minus, et xxxiiii. porci. Inter totum valet c. sol., et quando totum valet v. lib. Quando recepit totidem. T.R.E. vi. lib. recepit v. lib. T.R.E. vi. - Hæc terra jacet et jacuit in lib. Hæc terra jacet et jacuit - ecclesia sancte Ædel. de eli in in ecclesia sancte Ædel' + Hæc terra jacet et jacuit in lib. Hæc terra jacet et jacuit + ecclesia sancte Ædel. de eli in in ecclesia sancte Ædel' dominio. ely in dominio. Et de his x. hidis tenet Wido de In eadem villa habet Guido de @@ -725,7 +692,7 @@ clearly thus: _I.C.C._ _I.E._ - T.R.E. = in tempore R. ÆD. + T.R.E. = in tempore R. ÆD. predictus abbas = abbas de eli. villanis = hominibus. dimidium molendinum = i. molendinum. @@ -776,13 +743,13 @@ abbreviated original entry.[11] Another of Mr Hamilton's examples is this: - 'Hæc terra fuit et est de dominio æcclesiæ' (Domesday) is + 'Hæc terra fuit et est de dominio æcclesiæ' (Domesday) is abbreviated from a long account of the holdings of Harduuinus de Scalariis and Turcus homo abbatis de Rameseio in the Cotton MS. But, on referring to the passage in question, we find that the -Domesday passage: 'Hæc terra fuit et est de dominio æcclesiæ' has +Domesday passage: 'Hæc terra fuit et est de dominio æcclesiæ' has nothing to do with that 'long account', but corresponds to the simple formula in the I.C.C., 'Hanc terram tenuerunt monache de cet'ero T.R.E. et modo tenent'. The example which follows it is this: @@ -822,15 +789,15 @@ A similar 'run on' omission is found on fo. 109A (1): _I.C.C._ (p. 79) _D.B._ (I. 200A, 193A) Tenet Radulfus de bans de [Widone Tenet Radulfus de Widone iii^{ciam.} - de] rembercurt terciam partem partem i. virgatæ [Terra est i. + de] rembercurt terciam partem partem i. virgatæ [Terra est i. unius virge. I. bovi ibi est bovi], et ibi est bos. Valet et terra, et est bos [.............. valuit ii. sol., et vendere potuit, ................................. et iiii^{tam.} partem unius Avere ................................. vicecomiti invenit. ................................. ................................. In Oreuuelle tenet eadem - ................................. æcclesia iiii^{tam.} partem unius - .......................] Valet et virgatæ. Terra est dimidio bovi + ................................. æcclesia iiii^{tam.} partem unius + .......................] Valet et virgatæ. Terra est dimidio bovi valuit semper xii. den.[13] et valet xii. den. Another instance of 'running on' occurs on fo. 105A (1), where 'xviii. @@ -841,7 +808,7 @@ x.] cotarii'. Again on fo. 79B (2) we have this: Eadiua unam hidam habuit et Tenuit Eddeua i. hidam et i. unam virgam [.................. virgatam et Wluui homo ejus - ....] Socham huius habuit ædiua i. hidam et i. virgatam. Socam + ....] Socham huius habuit ædiua i. hidam et i. virgatam. Socam T.R.E.[14] ejus habuit Eddeua. So, too, on fo. 100B(1): @@ -885,13 +852,13 @@ express them conveniently in tabular form: dominio et iii. villanis' 7 _Ibid._ 'Mille de anguillis dimidium de piscina', _for_ 'i. millen' et dimidium anguill'' (D.B.) 7 - 78 (_b_) 2. 'iiii. in dominio carucæ et iiii. hidæ in dominio', - _for_ 'iiii. carucæ et iiii. hidæ in dominio' 11 + 78 (_b_) 2. 'iiii. in dominio carucæ et iiii. hidæ in dominio', + _for_ 'iiii. carucæ et iiii. hidæ in dominio' 11 79 (_a_) 1. 'cuius honor erat', _for_ 'cuius ho(mo) erat' 12 79 (_b_) 2. 'iiii. bobus', _for_ 'iiii. bord(arii)' 14 91 (_b_) 2. 'valent iii.', _for_ 'valent iii. den.' 21 92 (_b_) 2. 'xliii. car(ucis) ibi e(st) terra', _for_ 'xl. - acras terræ' 25 + acras terræ' 25 95 (_a_) 2. 'has v. h(idas) tenet', _for_ 'de his v. h(idis) tenet' 33 95 (_b_) 1. 'et pro iiii. virgis', _for_ 'et pro iii. virgis' 34 @@ -932,14 +899,14 @@ Again, we find such blunders as this: baiocensis_ (p. 3). semper. Tenuit Turbertus i. hidam sub Tenuit Turbern i. hidam de abbate. - abbate de eli. _Et in morte_ ita Non poterat separare ab æcclesia + abbate de eli. _Et in morte_ ita Non poterat separare ab æcclesia quod non potuit dare neque extra firmam monachorum T.R.E. separare ab ecclesia extra _nec in die mortis ejus_. dominicam firmam monachorum T.R.E. (p. 63). - Abuerunt de soca S. Ædel' ii. Habuerunt ii. hidas et dimidiam - hidas et dimidiam virgam _de ely_ vir[gatam] de soca S. Ædeldride + Abuerunt de soca S. Ædel' ii. Habuerunt ii. hidas et dimidiam + hidas et dimidiam virgam _de ely_ vir[gatam] de soca S. Ædeldride T.R.E. (p. 65). _de Ely_. In all these three cases the italicized words are misplaced, and in @@ -947,7 +914,7 @@ all three the explanation is the same, the scribe having first omitted them, and then inserted them later out of place. Having now criticized the text of the I.C.C., and shown that it presents no small traces of unintelligent clerkship, if not of actual ignorance of the terms and -_formulæ_ of Domesday, I turn to the text of Domesday Book, to test it +_formulæ_ of Domesday, I turn to the text of Domesday Book, to test it by comparison with that of the I.C.C. @@ -1018,7 +985,7 @@ instance, the entries are here given in parallel columns: recedere nisi recedere sed recedere cum recedere cum iii^{cs.} virgas soca remanebat terra, sed soca terra, sed soca absque ejus abbati. remanebat remanebat - licentia. æcclesia de ely. æcclesiæ Ely. + licentia. æcclesia de ely. æcclesiæ Ely. Et si alias vendidissent tres virgas, @@ -1044,7 +1011,7 @@ here tabulate them like those of the I.C.C.: i. 189 (_b_) 2. 'mancipium', _for_ 'inuuardum' (I.C.C.) 4 i. 195 (_b_) 1. 'Terra est ii. carucis et ibi est', _for_ - 'Terra est i. carucæ et ibi est' 15 + 'Terra est i. carucæ et ibi est' 15 i. 199 (_b_) 1. 'xxx. acras', _for_ 'xx. acras' (I.C.C.) 15 @@ -1057,7 +1024,7 @@ here tabulate them like those of the I.C.C.: i. 198 (_a_) 1. 'tenet Harduuinus i. virgatam' _for_ 'tenet Hardeuuinus dim. virgatam' (I.C.C.) 38 - i. 194 (_b_) 1. 'ii. hidas et i. virg. terræ', _for_ 'ii. hidas + i. 194 (_b_) 1. 'ii. hidas et i. virg. terræ', _for_ 'ii. hidas et una virg. et dimidiam' (I.C.C.) 64 i. 199 (_b_) 2. 'xvi. sochemanni', _for_ 'xv sochemanni' 65 @@ -1065,8 +1032,8 @@ here tabulate them like those of the I.C.C.: i. 198 (_b_) 1. 'tenet Durand ... i. hidam et i. virg.', _for_ 'tenet Durand i. hidam et dim. virg.' 67 - i. 200 (_a_) 1. 'In dominio ii. hidæ et dim', _for_ 'In - dominio ii. hidæ et dim. virg.'[33] 67 + i. 200 (_a_) 1. 'In dominio ii. hidæ et dim', _for_ 'In + dominio ii. hidæ et dim. virg.'[33] 67 i. 200 (_b_) 2. 'tenet Radulf de Picot iii. virg.', _for_ 'tenet Radulf de Picot i. virg.' 80 @@ -1084,7 +1051,7 @@ favour of the Domesday Book text, although, from the process of its compilation, it was far the most exposed to error. No one who has not analysed and collated such texts for himself can realize the extreme difficulty of avoiding occasional error. The abbreviations and the -_formulæ_ employed in these surveys are so many pitfalls for the +_formulæ_ employed in these surveys are so many pitfalls for the transcriber, and the use of Roman numerals is almost fatal to accuracy. The insertion or omission of an 'x' or an 'i' was probably the cause of half the errors of which the Domesday scribes were @@ -1139,11 +1106,11 @@ are side by side: quo voluit cum terra sua sua potuit, sed soca licentia ejus, sed soca absque ejus sed soca Abbati sed soca remanebat licentia, remansit remansit. remansit - Harlestone. sed semper æcclesiæ. Abbati. + Harlestone. sed semper æcclesiæ. Abbati. remansit socha ejus in ecclesia - sancte Ædel' + sancte Ædel' ut hund testantur. @@ -1315,27 +1282,27 @@ Leicestershire a remarkable instance of a whole fief being entered twice over. It is that of Robert Hostiarius: Robertus hostiarius tenet de Robertus filus W. hostiari, - rege ii. car. terræ in Howes. tenet de rege in Howes ii. - Terra est iii. carucis. In cari terræ. Ibi habet i. car. + rege ii. car. terræ in Howes. tenet de rege in Howes ii. + Terra est iii. carucis. In cari terræ. Ibi habet i. car. dominio est i. caruca et iii. in dominio et iii. serv[os] et servi, et viii. villani cum viii. villani cum i. bordario i. bordario habent ii. car.... habentes ii. car.... Idem [Turstinus] tenet de R. Idem Turstinus tenet de Roberto - iiij. car. terræ in in Clachestone iiii. car. terræ - Clachestone. Terra est ii. et Tetbald[us] ii. car. terræ. + iiij. car. terræ in in Clachestone iiii. car. terræ + Clachestone. Terra est ii. et Tetbald[us] ii. car. terræ. caruca. Has habent ibi iii. Ibi est in dominio i. caruca et sochemanni cum ii. villanis iii. sochemanni et v. villani et ii. bordariis. Ibi viii. et iiii. [_sic_] bordarii cum - acræ prati. Valuit et valet iii. carucis et i. servo. Ibi - x. solidos. xiii. acræ prati. Valuit et + acræ prati. Valuit et valet iii. carucis et i. servo. Ibi + x. solidos. xiii. acræ prati. Valuit et valet totum xx. solidos. Has Tetbald[us] tenet de Roberto terras tenuerunt T.R.E. Outi et - ii. car. terræ in Clachestone. Arnui cum saca et soca. + ii. car. terræ in Clachestone. Arnui cum saca et soca. In dominio est i. caruca cum i. servo et iii. villani cum i. bordario habent i. car. - Ibi vi. acræ prati. Valuit et + Ibi vi. acræ prati. Valuit et valet x. solidos. Here the last two entries (both relating to Claxton) have been boldly @@ -1376,8 +1343,8 @@ specially distinguished from 'sokeland' (_terra de soca_). Both, of course, are distinct from the 'dominium'. Thus in one of the Conqueror's writs we read: - Restituantur ecclesiæ terræ que in _dominio_ suo erant die - obitus Æduardi.... Qui autem tenent _theinlandes_ que procul + Restituantur ecclesiæ terræ que in _dominio_ suo erant die + obitus Æduardi.... Qui autem tenent _theinlandes_ que procul dubio debent teneri de ecclesia faciant concordiam cum abbate quam meliorem poterint,... Hoc quoque de tenentibus _socam_ et _sacam_ fiat.[46] @@ -1453,11 +1420,11 @@ The _consuetudo_ referred to was this: The corresponding entries in the I.E. run thus: - 'In Brugge una libera femina commend' S. Ædel. de lxxx. ac. + 'In Brugge una libera femina commend' S. Ædel. de lxxx. ac. pro manerio. - In Beuresham ten[uit] Ælfricus i. liber homo commed' S. - Ædel.[54] lx. acras pro manerio' (p. 165). + In Beuresham ten[uit] Ælfricus i. liber homo commed' S. + Ædel.[54] lx. acras pro manerio' (p. 165). Thus we obtain direct evidence of the services due from commended freemen owing 'consuetudines'. Turning now to those of _sochemanni_, @@ -1487,12 +1454,12 @@ run thus: Felteuuelle ... Huic manerio adjacebant T.R.E. xxxiiii. homines cum omni consuetudine, et alii vii. erant liberi homines,[55] qui poterant vendere terras, sed soca et - commendatio remansit S. Ædel. (p. 132). + commendatio remansit S. Ædel. (p. 132). In felteuuella tenet W. de uuarenna xli. sochemannos ... Super - hos omnes habebat S. Ædel. socam et commendationem et omnem + hos omnes habebat S. Ædel. socam et commendationem et omnem consuetudinem. Illorum vii. liberi erant cum terris suis, sed - soca et commendatio remanebat S. Ædel. (p. 139). + soca et commendatio remanebat S. Ædel. (p. 139). IIII. sochemanni adjacent [_sic_] huic manerio [felteuuella] T.R.E. Et modo habet eos W. de Warenna (p. 138). @@ -1500,18 +1467,18 @@ run thus: Nortuualde ... Huic manerio adjacebant T.R.E. xxx. sochemanni cum omni consuetudine. Et alii iiii. liberi homines qui poterant vendere terras, sed saca et commendatio remanebat S. - Ædel. (p. 132). + Ædel. (p. 132). - In Nortuualde S. Ædel. xxxiiii. sochem [annos] ... S. - Ædel. [habuit] socam et commendationem et omnem consuetudinem + In Nortuualde S. Ædel. xxxiiii. sochem [annos] ... S. + Ædel. [habuit] socam et commendationem et omnem consuetudinem de illis xxx. tantum; et iiii. erant liberi homines, socam et - sacam et commendationem [super hos] S. Ædel. habebat[56] (p. + sacam et commendationem [super hos] S. Ædel. habebat[56] (p. 139). Mundeforde ... Huic manerio adjacebant T.R.E. septem sochemanni cum omni consuetudine (p. 132). - In Mundeforde S. Ædel. vii. sochemannos cum omni consuetudine + In Mundeforde S. Ædel. vii. sochemannos cum omni consuetudine (p. 139). Huic manerio [Mareham] T.R.E. adjacebant viginti vii. @@ -1519,9 +1486,9 @@ run thus: habuit eos hugo de Munfort preter unum (p. 130). [Terre hugo de Munford.] In mareham xxvi. sochemanni - quos tenet [_sic_] S. Ædel. T.R.E.[57] ... hanc terram + quos tenet [_sic_] S. Ædel. T.R.E.[57] ... hanc terram receperunt[58] pro escangio, et mensurata est in brevi S. - Ædel. (p. 137). + Ædel. (p. 137). Here then we identify these four cases: Feltwell, with its 41 _sochemanni_ (more accurately described as 34 s. and 7 _liberi @@ -1534,21 +1501,21 @@ northwards, towards the Wash. Just to the south of the three Manors, over the borders of Suffolk, lay Brandon, where Lisois de Moustiers had usurped the rights of Ely over six _sochemanni_. - In Lakincgeheda et in Brandona vi. sochemanni S. Ædel. ita + In Lakincgeheda et in Brandona vi. sochemanni S. Ædel. ita quod non potuerunt vendere terras liberati liseie antecessori eudo[nis] dapif[eri] ... Post eum tenuit eos eudo et tenet cum saca et soca (p. 142). The record of the _placitum_, drawn up during the tenure of Lisois, shows us their limited services: 'Isti solummodo arabant et c'terent -[_sic_] messes ejusdem loci quotienscunque abbas præceperit.' The +[_sic_] messes ejusdem loci quotienscunque abbas præceperit.' The difference between these services and the others we have seen recorded is considerable. Yet another group of sokemen on Suffolk Manors rendered these services: - Ita proprie sunt abbati ut quotienscunque ipse præceperit + Ita proprie sunt abbati ut quotienscunque ipse præceperit in anno arabunt suam terram, purgabunt et colligent segetes, portabunt victum monachorum ad monasterium, equos eorum in suis necessitatibus habebit [abbas], et ubicunque deliquerint @@ -1570,7 +1537,7 @@ of the eastern counties. A man might be 'commended' to one lord while another held his _soca_. Thus we read of Eadwine, a 'man' of the Abbot of Ely: 'Potuit dare absque eius licentia, sed socam comes Algarus habuit.'[61] That is to say, he was 'commended to the Abbot of Ely', -but Earl Ælfgar had the right of 'sac and soc' over him.[62] +but Earl Ælfgar had the right of 'sac and soc' over him.[62] So too in the case of three 'liberi homines', commended to the Abbot in Norfolk. He had no right over them, but such as commendation @@ -1586,24 +1553,24 @@ In the above extracts we saw 'liberi homines qui vendere poterant' distinguished from 'Sochemanni', who could not sell. But we also saw that the two classes were not always carefully distinguished. We find, moreover, that the 'liberi homines' were themselves, sometimes, 'not -free to sell'. Thus 'tenuit anant unus liber homo sub S. Ædel. T.R.E. -pro manerio ii. carucatas terræ sed non potuit vendere' (p. 142). Some +free to sell'. Thus 'tenuit anant unus liber homo sub S. Ædel. T.R.E. +pro manerio ii. carucatas terræ sed non potuit vendere' (p. 142). Some light may be thrown on this by the case of the estate held by Godmund, an abbot's brother: Totam terram quam tenebat Gudmundus in dominio, id est - Nectuna, sic tenebat T.R.E. de S. Ædel. quod nullo modo + Nectuna, sic tenebat T.R.E. de S. Ædel. quod nullo modo poterat vendere, nec dare; sed post mortem suam debebat - manerium redire in dominio ecclesiæ; quia tali pacto tenuit + manerium redire in dominio ecclesiæ; quia tali pacto tenuit Gudmundus de Abbate (p. 144). With this we may compare these entries: - In Cloptuna ... Ædmundus commendatus S. Ædel. unam carucatam + In Cloptuna ... Ædmundus commendatus S. Ædel. unam carucatam ... quam non potuit vendere nec dare (p. 150). - In Brandestuna Ædmundus presbyter terram quam accepit - cum femina sua dedit S. Ædel. concedente femina T.R.E. ea + In Brandestuna Ædmundus presbyter terram quam accepit + cum femina sua dedit S. Ædel. concedente femina T.R.E. ea conventione quod non posset eam dare nec vendere. Similiter de Clopetona' (p. 152). @@ -1613,9 +1580,9 @@ lands to St. Paul's, reserving a life interest for himself and his wife--'et mortua illa Sanctus Paulus hereditare debuit'.[66] The above commendation of Edmund the priest ought to be compared with -that of 'unus liber homo S. Ædel. commendatus _ita quod_ non poterat +that of 'unus liber homo S. Ædel. commendatus _ita quod_ non poterat vendere terram suam sine licentia abbatis', and of 'i. liber homo S. -Ædel. Commendatus _ita quod_ non poterat vendere terram suam extra +Ædel. Commendatus _ita quod_ non poterat vendere terram suam extra ecclesiam (sed sacam et socam habuit stigandus in hersham)'.[67] Thus both those who were free to sell and those who were not, might belong to the class of 'liberi homines'. The essential distinction was one, @@ -1641,14 +1608,14 @@ the evidence given below is as welcome as it is conclusive: _I.C.C._ _D.B._ - fo. 96 (_a_) 2: 'Dimidiæ caruce I. 202 (_a_) 2: 'Terra est. + fo. 96 (_a_) 2: 'Dimidiæ caruce I. 202 (_a_) 2: 'Terra est. est ibi terra.' iiii. bobus.' fo. 103 (_a_) 2: 'iiii. bobus I. 190 (_a_) 1: 'Terra est - est terra ibi.' dimidiæ carucæ.' - fo. 103 (_b_) 2: 'Dimidiæ caruce I. 196 (_b_) 2: 'Terra est + est terra ibi.' dimidiæ carucæ.' + fo. 103 (_b_) 2: 'Dimidiæ caruce I. 196 (_b_) 2: 'Terra est est ibi [terra].' iiii. bobus.' fo. 112 (_b_) 1: 'iiii. bobus I. 201 (_a_) 1: 'Terra est - est ibi terra.' dimidiæ caruce.' + est ibi terra.' dimidiæ caruce.' fo. 112 (_b_) 2: 'iiii. bobus I. 202 (_b_) 1: 'Terra est est ibi terra. iiii. bobus, et Et ibi sunt. Pratum ibi sunt, et @@ -1688,7 +1655,7 @@ parallel passages will amply prove the fact: _I.C.C._ _D.B._ - fo. 102 (_a_) 1: i. hidam et i. hidam et iii. virgatas terræ.-- + fo. 102 (_a_) 1: i. hidam et i. hidam et iii. virgatas terræ.-- dimidiam et unam virgam. i. 194 (_a_) 2. fo. 102 (_a_) 1: dimidiam ii. virg' et dimidiam--i. 194 hidam et dimidiam virg'. (_a_) 2. @@ -1698,9 +1665,9 @@ parallel passages will amply prove the fact: dimidia et dimidia virg'. i. 190 (_a_) 2. fo. 103 (_b_) 2: i. hida et i. hida et iii. virg'--i. 198 dimidia et i. virg'. (_b_) 1. - fo. 106 (_b_) 2: iiii. hidæ iv. hidæ et iii. virg'--i. 200 + fo. 106 (_b_) 2: iiii. hidæ iv. hidæ et iii. virg'--i. 200 et dimidia et una virg'. (_b_) 1. - fo. 112 (_a_) 2: xi. hidæ i. x. hidæ et iii. virg--i. 192 + fo. 112 (_a_) 2: xi. hidæ i. x. hidæ et iii. virg--i. 192 virg' minus. (_b_) 1. These are only some of the passages of _direct_ glossarial value.[72] @@ -1866,7 +1833,7 @@ A third class of these exceptions is due to the frequent omission in the I.C.C. of estates belonging to the king. Thus at Wilbraham it records an assessment of 10 hides represented only by two estates of four hides apiece. But on turning to Domesday (i. 189 _b_) we read: -'Wilborham dominica villa regis est. Ibi ii. hidæ.' The missing factor +'Wilborham dominica villa regis est. Ibi ii. hidæ.' The missing factor is thus supplied, and the apparent discrepancy disposed of. So, too, at 'Haslingefelda' (Haslingfield), where the I.C.C. accounts only for twelve hides and three virgates out of an assessment of twenty hides. @@ -1989,16 +1956,16 @@ Let us now take a typical Hundred and test this theory in practice: (T.R.E.) - Bottisham 10 20 £16 0 0 + Bottisham 10 20 £16 0 0 Swaffham (1) 10 16 11 10 0 Swaffham (2) 10 13-1/4 12 10 0 Wilbraham 10 17 20 0 0 Stow-cum-Quy 10 11 14 10 0 -- ------ ------------ - 50 77-1/4 £74 10 0 + 50 77-1/4 £74 10 0 Here we have five Vills varying in area from eleven ploughlands to -twenty, and in value T.R.E., from £11 10s to £20, all assessed alike +twenty, and in value T.R.E., from £11 10s to £20, all assessed alike at ten hides each. What is the meaning of it? Simply that ASSESSMENT BORE NO RATIO TO AREA OR TO VALUE in a Vill, and still less in a Manor. @@ -2018,7 +1985,7 @@ Take now the next Hundred in the _Inq. Com. Cant._: (T.R.E.) - Dullingham 10 16 £19 5 0 + Dullingham 10 16 £19 5 0 Stetchworth 10 13-1/4 12 15 0 Borough Green and Westley 10 17 17 1 4 @@ -2027,10 +1994,10 @@ Take now the next Hundred in the _Inq. Com. Cant._: Wratting 10 15-3/4 8 8 0 Balsham 10 20 12 13 4 -- ------- ------------- - 70 120-3/4 £102 7 8 + 70 120-3/4 £102 7 8 Here again we have seven Vills varying in area from thirteen and a -quarter ploughlands to twenty, and in value from £8 8s to £19 5s, all +quarter ploughlands to twenty, and in value from £8 8s to £19 5s, all uniformly assessed at ten hides each. The thing speaks for itself. Had the hidation in these two Hundreds been dependent on area or value, the assessments would have varied infinitely. As it is, there is for @@ -2056,13 +2023,13 @@ Whittlesford. (T.R.E.) - Whittlesford 12 } 20 11 } 20 £15 2 0 } £34 2 0 + Whittlesford 12 } 20 11 } 20 £15 2 0 } £34 2 0 Sawston 8 } 9 } 19 0 0 } Hinxton 20 16 20 10 0 Icklington 20 24-1/2 24 5 0 Duxford 20 20-1/4 27 5 0 -- ------ --------- - 80 80-3/4 £106 2 0 + 80 80-3/4 £106 2 0 Here we are left to discover for ourselves that Whittlesford and Sawston were grouped together to form a twenty-hide block. And on @@ -2287,7 +2254,7 @@ having a five-hide unit further knocked off its assessment, just as in the case of Chippenham (_Ibid._, p. 2).[94] It has been my object in the above argument to recall attention to the -corporate character, the _solidarité_ of the Hundred. This character, +corporate character, the _solidarité_ of the Hundred. This character, of which the traces are preserved in its collective responsibility, even now, for damages caused by riot, strongly favours the view which I am here bringing forward, that it was the Hundred itself which was @@ -2324,7 +2291,7 @@ is only necessary here to add, as a corollary of this conclusion, that the assessment of a single Manor could not be reduced by the Crown without the amount of that reduction falling upon the rest of the Hundred. Either therefore, that amount must have been allowed -('computatum') to the local collector as were _terræ datæ_ to the +('computatum') to the local collector as were _terræ datæ_ to the sheriff, or (which came to the same thing) the assessment on the Hundred must have been reduced _pro tanto_. @@ -2350,7 +2317,7 @@ prove to have been assessed as follows: This list speaks for itself, but it may be as well to point out how convenient for the Treasury was this system. At the normal Danegeld rate of two shillings on the hide, an assessment of fifty hides would -represent £5, one hundred hides £10, and so on. +represent £5, one hundred hides £10, and so on. Can we discover in other counties traces of this same system? Let us first take the adjacent county of Bedfordshire. @@ -2589,9 +2556,9 @@ This case of the Hundred of Fishborough is, however, peculiar. The entry, which was prominently quoted by Ellis (who failed to see its true significance), is this: - In Fisseberge hundred habet æcclesia de Euesham lxv. hidæ. Ex - his xii. hidæ sunt liberæ. In illo Hundredo jacent xx. hidæ de - dodentreu. et xv. hidæ de Wircecestre perficiunt hundred.[112] + In Fisseberge hundred habet æcclesia de Euesham lxv. hidæ. Ex + his xii. hidæ sunt liberæ. In illo Hundredo jacent xx. hidæ de + dodentreu. et xv. hidæ de Wircecestre perficiunt hundred.[112] Now this entry is purely incidental, and its real meaning is this. In the true Hundred of Fishborough (adjoining Evesham on the east), @@ -2609,8 +2576,8 @@ us how large a margin must be allowed for these arrangements. Before leaving Worcestershire, attention should be called to the great Manor of Pershore, which Westminster Abbey held for 200 hides, and -to the 100 hides connected therewith under the heading 'Terra sanctæ -Mariæ de Persore'. +to the 100 hides connected therewith under the heading 'Terra sanctæ +Mariæ de Persore'. In Somerset we find some good instances, with the help of Mr Eyton's analyses. @@ -2664,7 +2631,7 @@ to wit, the fourth part of the next superior denomination, the fourth part of the virgate.'[116] One might at first sight be tempted to suggest that the hide was in these two counties a term of higher denomination when we find Manor after Manor assessed at a fraction -of a hide, while in Cornwall the 'acra terræ' was clearly a peculiar +of a hide, while in Cornwall the 'acra terræ' was clearly a peculiar measure.[117] Yet in some Manors adjacent to Exeter or to the neighbouring coast the assessment is much less abnormally low, though even there moderate. There is much scope, here also, for intelligent @@ -2825,8 +2792,8 @@ The evidence I have adduced in the present paper carries further its significance; but we must not allow its financial to obscure its military importance. I appealed, at that time, to the Exeter instance: - Quando expeditio ibat per terram aut per mare serviebat hæc - civitas quantum v. hidæ terræ; + Quando expeditio ibat per terram aut per mare serviebat hæc + civitas quantum v. hidæ terræ; and to the service of Malmesbury: @@ -2855,7 +2822,7 @@ duties, and rights of a thegn',[130] sets forth his view thus: Dr Stubbs' views will be found in his _Constitutional History_ (1874), i. 155-6, 190-2, and those of Gneist in his _Constitutional History_ (1886), i. 13, 90, 94. The latter writer follows Schmidt rather than -Maurer, but sums up his position in the words: 'Since under Ælfred and +Maurer, but sums up his position in the words: 'Since under Ælfred and his successors every estate of five hides is reckoned in the militia system as one heavy-armed man, the rank of a thane becomes the right (as such) of a possessor of five hides.' @@ -2880,8 +2847,8 @@ propose to adduce for my theory convincing corroborative evidence by showing that the part which is played in the hidated district of England by the five-hide unit is played in the Danish districts by a unit of six carucates. In other words, where we look in the former -for 'v. hidæ', we must learn to look in the latter for 'vi. carucatæ -terræ'. +for 'v. hidæ', we must learn to look in the latter for 'vi. carucatæ +terræ'. One must dissociate at the outset this six-carucate unit from the 'long hundred', or _Angelicus numerus_, with which Mr Pell confused @@ -2947,7 +2914,7 @@ Derby, Nottingham, and Lincoln. For two of the Boroughs, Lincoln and Stamford, both belonged to this last shire, which was, indeed, the stronghold of the system.[137] Between Stamford and Cambridge we have the same contrast as between Warwick and Leicester, for while -Cambridge was divided into _ten_ wards ('custodiæ'), Stamford was +Cambridge was divided into _ten_ wards ('custodiæ'), Stamford was divided into _six_. Lincolnshire, as I have said, was the stronghold of the system, and it is in Lincoln itself that we find Domesday alluding _eo nomine_ to the _Anglicus numerus_, the practice of @@ -2980,10 +2947,10 @@ immunities confirmed to York Cathedral by Henry I, Stephen, and Henry II. We there read: Si quis enim quemlibet cujuscumque facinoris aut flagitii - reum et convictum infra atrium ecclesiæ caperet et retineret, + reum et convictum infra atrium ecclesiæ caperet et retineret, universali judicio vi. _hundreth_ emendabit; si vero infra ecclesiam xii. _hundreth_ infra chorum xviii. ... _In - hundreth_ viii. _libræ continentur_.[138] + hundreth_ viii. _libræ continentur_.[138] As there were _twelve_ carucates in the 'Hundred', so it paid _twelve_ marcs, which, if we can trust the above explanation, themselves came @@ -2993,7 +2960,7 @@ _six_ Manors or less paid three marcs to the sheriff; if he held more than six, _twelve_ marcs to the king (_Domesday_, i. 289_b_). It is a special feature of the 'Danish' district that each -territorial 'Hundred' contained twelve 'carucatæ terræ'. This point +territorial 'Hundred' contained twelve 'carucatæ terræ'. This point is all-important. Just as a 'Hundred' to an Anglo-Saxon suggested one hundred 'hides', so to the Danes of this district it suggested twelve 'carucates'. Nay, to the men of Lincolnshire there could be no more @@ -3025,13 +2992,13 @@ local habitation and a name'; they are merely sums of twelve carucates produced by compound addition. We further find, at the head of the survey of each Wapentake, a note that it is reckoned to contain so many 'Hundreds', with the explanation, in some instances that in each -'Hundred' were 'xii. carucatæ terræ'.[143] But even here the real unit +'Hundred' were 'xii. carucatæ terræ'.[143] But even here the real unit is shown to be 'six carucates', for several Wapentakes contain an odd 'half-hundred', while in that of Horncastle this is actually entered as 'six carucates'. Here are the nineteen Wapentakes, with the number of Hundreds assigned -to each, and the number of 'carucatæ terræ' that such Hundreds would +to each, and the number of 'carucatæ terræ' that such Hundreds would imply: West Trithing @@ -3065,7 +3032,7 @@ imply: Horncastle 6-1/2 78 All the above, it will be seen, are multiples of the six-carucate -unit. That the aggregate of recorded 'carucatæ terræ' appears to +unit. That the aggregate of recorded 'carucatæ terræ' appears to differ, though slightly, from the totals here given only shows how vain is the argument that, because the recorded aggregates of Hundreds may often be uneven figures, there could therefore have been no @@ -3076,7 +3043,7 @@ It has never, so far as I know, been pointed out that these Lindsey Trithings were so arranged as to contain an approximately equal number of 'Hundreds'. So far as it is possible now to reckon them, the South Trithing contained 51-1/2, the North Trithing 51-1/2, and the West -Trithing 49-1/2. Fifty 'Hundreds' would represent 600 _carucatæ_; and +Trithing 49-1/2. Fifty 'Hundreds' would represent 600 _carucatæ_; and it is, to say the least, a singular coincidence that, in the archaic territorial list that has hitherto baffled investigation, the North Gyrwa, South Gyrwa, and Spalda are reckoned each at 600 hides.[145] @@ -3247,13 +3214,13 @@ of Domesday), we find the same system at work that meets us in the Lindsey Survey. We read: In Alfnodestou Wapent' sunt ii. Hundrez. In unoquoque [sunt] - xii. carucatæ ad geldum.... In Martinesleie Wap' est i. - hundret, in quo xii. carucatæ ad geldum.--_D.B._, i. 293_b._ + xii. carucatæ ad geldum.... In Martinesleie Wap' est i. + hundret, in quo xii. carucatæ ad geldum.--_D.B._, i. 293_b._ On analysing the contents of these Wapentakes, we find this statement fully borne out, the former containing twenty-four, and the latter -twelve, 'carucatæ terræ'. These are carefully contrasted throughout -with the 'terra carucæ' or areal measure.[146] +twelve, 'carucatæ terræ'. These are carefully contrasted throughout +with the 'terra carucæ' or areal measure.[146] In Yorkshire, Notts and Derby, we have less direct evidence. Sawley, in Derbyshire, has indeed been alleged to be entered in Domesday as @@ -3267,11 +3234,11 @@ The prevalence, however, of assessment by sixes, threes, and twelves, meets us on every side, as does, in hidated districts, the assessments by fives and tens. At the outset, for instance, of the survey of Yorkshire we have the district 'gelding' with the city assessed at -eighty-four (12×7) carucates (which would be described in Lincolnshire +eighty-four (12×7) carucates (which would be described in Lincolnshire as seven 'Hundreds'). We have two lists of the details, which are given here.[148] - _Car. terræ_ _Car. terræ_ + _Car. terræ_ _Car. terræ_ Archbishop 6 Archbishop 6 Osboldeuuic 6 Osboldeuuic 6 @@ -3306,7 +3273,7 @@ But my strong evidence is found in an invaluable survey of Leicestershire, unknown till now to historians,[150] which does for the carucated districts just what the _Inq. Com. Cant._ does for the hidated ones. Here we find the townships grouped in small blocks -of from six to twenty-four 'carucatæ terræ', as a rule with almost +of from six to twenty-four 'carucatæ terræ', as a rule with almost monotonous regularity. And these blocks are further combined in small local Hundreds, of which the very existence is unknown to historians and antiquaries,[151] and which are usually multiples, like the @@ -3422,12 +3389,12 @@ contents. Those contents must have been, therefore, familiar and fixed. But what were those contents? Three incidental notices enable us to determine them: - 231 (_a_), 2: 'Ibi est i. hida et iiii^{ta.} pars i. hidæ. Ibi - sunt xxii. car' terræ et dimidia.' + 231 (_a_), 2: 'Ibi est i. hida et iiii^{ta.} pars i. hidæ. Ibi + sunt xxii. car' terræ et dimidia.' - 236 (_a_), 1: 'II. partes unius hidæ, id est xii. car' terræ.' + 236 (_a_), 1: 'II. partes unius hidæ, id est xii. car' terræ.' - 237 (_a_), 2: 'II. partes unius hidæ, id est xii. car' terræ.' + 237 (_a_), 2: 'II. partes unius hidæ, id est xii. car' terræ.' Just as the 'Hundred' of Lincolnshire was a sum of twelve carucates, so the 'Hide' of Leicestershire was a sum of _eighteen @@ -3440,15 +3407,15 @@ should speak in one place of half a 'hide', and in another of nine twenty-four carucates. The answer is that the singular love of variety which distinguishes Domesday in Cambridgeshire (as we saw) is at work here also. For instance, two equal estates are thus described: -'Willelmus iiii. car' terræ et dimidiam et iii. bovatas, et Rogerus -iiii. car' terræ et vii. bovatas' (fo. 234_a_). The same instinct +'Willelmus iiii. car' terræ et dimidiam et iii. bovatas, et Rogerus +iiii. car' terræ et vii. bovatas' (fo. 234_a_). The same instinct which led the scribe to enter these seven bovates as half a carucate _plus_ three bovates, led him also to enter ten and a half carucates as half a hide _plus_ a carucate and a half (fo. 237_a_). But to the rule I have established there is a single exception. We -read of 'Medeltone' in this shire: 'Ibi sunt vii. hidæ et una carucata -terræ et una bovata. In unaquaque hida sunt xiiii. carucatæ terræ et +read of 'Medeltone' in this shire: 'Ibi sunt vii. hidæ et una carucata +terræ et una bovata. In unaquaque hida sunt xiiii. carucatæ terræ et dimidia' (fo. 235_b_). The actual formula employed is unique for the shire, and the figures are specially given as an exception. But, with singular perversity, Domesday students have always been inclined to @@ -3465,24 +3432,24 @@ Leicestershire 'hida' was only a clerical error for H[undred], and that it was really that 'Hundred' of _twelve_ carucates which we meet with in the Lindsey Survey. To prove this, he reads an entry on 236_a_, 1, as 'Ogerus Brito tenet in Cilebe de rege ii. partes unius -hidæ, id est xii. car[ucatæ] terræ', and claims that this gloss +hidæ, id est xii. car[ucatæ] terræ', and claims that this gloss defines the 'hida' as a 'hundred' of twelve carucates. I confess that to me such a rendering is in the highest degree non-natural. If we speak of 'two-thirds of a yard, that is twenty-four inches', we should clearly imply that the yard itself was thirty-six inches, not twenty-four. Similarly, I claim to render the 'gloss' as implying that -the 'hida' itself contained eighteen carucatæ, not twelve.[157] If +the 'hida' itself contained eighteen carucatæ, not twelve.[157] If I am right, Mr Stevenson's suggestion that this 'hida' was really a 'Hundred' also falls to the ground. After careful study of the Domesday Survey of Leicestershire, -I definitely hold that in that county 'carucata terræ' was the +I definitely hold that in that county 'carucata terræ' was the geld-carucate and 'terra _x_ car[ucis]' the actual ploughlands.[158] Now there are only three instances in which the Survey records the -assessment both in terms of the 'hida' and in 'carucatæ terræ', and in +assessment both in terms of the 'hida' and in 'carucatæ terræ', and in all three the figures support my own theory. The Abbot of Coventry's Burbage estate (231_a_, 2), where a 'hide' and a quarter equates -22-1/2 'carucatæ terræ', is a test-case, and Mr Stevenson there takes +22-1/2 'carucatæ terræ', is a test-case, and Mr Stevenson there takes refuge in a suggested 'beneficial hidation'. The exact formula, no doubt, is peculiar, but reference to the text shows that 's[un]t' has been interpolated between 'ibi' and 'xxii.' I suspect that the scribe @@ -3493,9 +3460,9 @@ I close this portion of my essay by applying my own theory to the case of 'Erendesbi' (Arnesby). The relative entries are: 'Episcopus Constantiensis tenet in Erendesber iii^{as.} - car[ucatas] terræ et dim. et unam bovatam (231).' + car[ucatas] terræ et dim. et unam bovatam (231).' - 'W[illelmus] Pevrel tenet dim. hidam et iii. bovatas terræ in + 'W[illelmus] Pevrel tenet dim. hidam et iii. bovatas terræ in Erendesbi (235).' Put into figures they work out: @@ -3516,7 +3483,7 @@ There is one other case of a peculiar 'hide' in Domesday. This is that which is found in the land 'between Ribble and Mersey', that district of which the description offers so many peculiarities. We find it divided into six hundreds, and of the 'hides' in the first, that of -(West) Derby, we read: 'In unaquaque hida sunt vi. carucatæ terræ' (i. +(West) Derby, we read: 'In unaquaque hida sunt vi. carucatæ terræ' (i. 269_b_). Whether or not that explanation applies, as is believed, to the whole district, we have here again a 'Danish' place-name brought into direct relation with the six-carucate unit. On the opposite @@ -3551,14 +3518,14 @@ assessment on their own system. X. THE YORKSHIRE UNIT We have seen that the unit of assessment for the carucated districts -of England was 'vi. carucatæ terræ', just as five hides was the +of England was 'vi. carucatæ terræ', just as five hides was the old unit in the south. We have also seen that the former reckoning extended over those districts which the Danish immigrants had settled. There remains the question whether the Danes had merely substituted six for five in the pre-existing arrangement, or had made a wholly new one for themselves based on actual area. -It is _primâ facie_ not probable that they can have adopted the latter +It is _primâ facie_ not probable that they can have adopted the latter course, for the uniformity of their assessment proves its artificial character. Yet, in his remarkable paper on 'The Ploughland and the Plough',[164] Canon Taylor has arrived at the conclusion that: @@ -3576,7 +3543,7 @@ the Domesday Commemoration produced. The Canon's theory, which (so far as his own East Riding is concerned) he certainly seems to have established, is, at first sight, fatal to mine. But, on the other hand, my own theory can be proved no less clearly for Leicestershire, -where the 'carucata terræ' and the ploughs are often connected in +where the 'carucata terræ' and the ploughs are often connected in about the same ratio as in Yorkshire.[166] This leads us to inquire whether, even in the East Riding (where his theory works best), we may not find traces of that assessment by the six-carucate unit which I @@ -3654,15 +3621,15 @@ his own. How far they can be reconciled I leave to others to decide. There are certain difficulties, however, which his brilliant suggestion must raise. It is the essence of his theory that in a two-field Manor the ploughland of 160 acres (half fallow) was -assessed at _one_ 'carucata terræ', while in the three-field Manor the +assessed at _one_ 'carucata terræ', while in the three-field Manor the ploughland of 180 acres (a third fallow) was assessed at _two_. This would be an obvious and gross injustice. Again, remembering that, -according to the Canon, the proportion of 'carucatæ' to ploughlands +according to the Canon, the proportion of 'carucatæ' to ploughlands should be either 2 to 1 or 1 to 1, what are we to make of such figures as these, taken at a venture from a page of the Leicestershire Survey (232_a_, 1): - _Carucatæ_ _Ploughlands_ _Carucata_ _Ploughlands_ + _Carucatæ_ _Ploughlands_ _Carucata_ _Ploughlands_ 1 2 12 8 1 1/2 11-1/8 7 @@ -3678,14 +3645,14 @@ as these, taken at a venture from a page of the Leicestershire Survey It is certainly difficult to discover any regular or consistent assessment in a system where the ploughland was represented by -anything from 1/2 _carucata_ to 2-1/4 _carucatæ_. There is, however, -in so many cases an approximation to an assessment of three _carucatæ_ +anything from 1/2 _carucata_ to 2-1/4 _carucatæ_. There is, however, +in so many cases an approximation to an assessment of three _carucatæ_ for two ploughlands, that there seems to have been some underlying idea, if we could only trace it out. But for this there is needed a special investigation of all the carucated counties, a work of great labour and requiring local co-operation. If we could have tables for each county, arranged Hundred by Hundred and Vill by Vill, showing in -parallel columns the ploughland and the _carucatæ ad geldum_, we +parallel columns the ploughland and the _carucatæ ad geldum_, we could then, and only then, venture to speak positively. Till that is accomplished we are not in a position to explain how a system of assessment, based on actual area, could result in aggregate @@ -3726,7 +3693,7 @@ We might even be tempted to go far further than this, and to carry our discoveries to a logical conclusion. If, as is asserted, direct taxation ('geld') began in England with the need for raising money to buy off the Danes, let us ask ourselves how the Witan would proceed -when confronted with a demand, let us say, for £10,000. As there had +when confronted with a demand, let us say, for £10,000. As there had been hitherto, _ex hypothesi_, no direct taxation, there would be no statistical information at their disposal, enabling them to raise by a direct levy the sum required. Their only possible resource, we might @@ -3749,7 +3716,7 @@ the ratio assessment being higher or lower in one county than in another. But such an hypothesis would imply that this assessment dated only -from the days of Æthelred, or _circ._ 1000. Now the five-hide unit, +from the days of Æthelred, or _circ._ 1000. Now the five-hide unit, on the contrary, was undoubtedly an old institution. Church lordships, the easiest to trace, appear to have retained their hidation unchanged from early times, and the 'possessio decem familiarum' of Bede seems @@ -3806,7 +3773,7 @@ The three eastern counties work out thus: Square Miles (At 1/7) Actual Sum - £ £ s d + £ £ s d Norfolk 2,119 302-5/7 330 3 2 Suffolk 1,475 210-5/7 235 0 8 @@ -3818,7 +3785,7 @@ Sussex, just over, a seventh: Square Miles (At 1/7) Actual Sum - £ £ s d + £ £ s d Cambridgeshire 820 117-1/7 114 15 0 Sussex 1,458 208-2/7 209 18 6 @@ -3827,7 +3794,7 @@ Most remarkable, however, is this Midland group: Square Miles (At 1/7) Actual Sum - £ £ s d + £ £ s d Leicestershire 700 100 100 0 0 Warwickshire 885 126-3/7 128 12 6 @@ -3843,26 +3810,26 @@ to the square mile: Square Miles (At 2/7) Actual Sum - £ £ s d + £ £ s d Buckinghamshire 745 212-3/7 204 14 7 Oxfordshire 756 216 239 9 3 Berkshire 722 206-2/7 200 1 3 Wiltshire 1,354 386-6/7 388 13 0 -Taking this group as a whole, it paid £1,032 18s 1d, a curiously close -approximation to the £1,021-4/7 which my suggested rate of 2/7 would +Taking this group as a whole, it paid £1,032 18s 1d, a curiously close +approximation to the £1,021-4/7 which my suggested rate of 2/7 would give. Middlesex was so exceptional a county, that one hardly likes to include it, but there also the rate was a little over two-sevenths. On the other hand, the counties to the north-west of what I have termed the Midland group are assessed at a rate singularly low. Nottingham and Derby, with a joint area of 1,855 miles, contributed -only £108 8s 6d, representing one-seventeenth;[174] while -Staffordshire, with its 1,169 miles, is found paying £44 0s 11d, a +only £108 8s 6d, representing one-seventeenth;[174] while +Staffordshire, with its 1,169 miles, is found paying £44 0s 11d, a rate scarcely more than one twenty-seventh. Passing to the opposite corner of the realm, we have Kent, always a wealthy county, assessed -at the phenomenally low rate of about one-fifteenth (£105 2s 10d, +at the phenomenally low rate of about one-fifteenth (£105 2s 10d, as against 1,555 miles), rather less than half that of Essex to its north, and Sussex to its west. @@ -3959,8 +3926,8 @@ XII. THE EAST ANGLIAN 'LEET' In Norfolk and Suffolk we find Domesday recording assessed values not, as everywhere else, at the outset of an entry, but at its close; not in terms of hides and carucates, but in terms of shillings and pence. -Instead of saying that a Manor paid on so many 'hidæ' or 'carucatæ -terræ', Domesday, in the case of these counties, normally employs the +Instead of saying that a Manor paid on so many 'hidæ' or 'carucatæ +terræ', Domesday, in the case of these counties, normally employs the phrase: '_x_ denarii de gelto'. Its meaning is that to every _pound_ paid by the Hundred as geld the Manor contributed _x_ pence.[182] Thus, in the case of a Hundred assessed at a hundred hides, the @@ -3987,7 +3954,7 @@ into which this Hundred was divided.[184] Here are the divisions recorded in it, with the Domesday assessment (in pence) of each Vill placed against its name. - £ s d + £ s d { Barrow 7 I.{ Flemington 6 @@ -4031,7 +3998,7 @@ Here are the divisions recorded in it, with the Domesday assessment X., XI., XII. Sudbury 60 0 5 0 ---------- - £1 0 0-1/2 + £1 0 0-1/2 The two records--Domesday and the Inquest--thus confirm one another, and their concurrent testimony establishes the fact not only that the @@ -4054,7 +4021,7 @@ first on the original return for the Hundred, and so--as in the I.E., where it is derived from the original returns--the general heading crept in. Though Professor Maitland has to leave the origin of the word unexplained, it seems to me impossible to overlook the analogy -between the Danish _lægd_, described by Dr Skeat as a division of +between the Danish _lægd_, described by Dr Skeat as a division of the country (in Denmark) for military conscription,[186] and the East Anglian _leet_, a division of the country (as we have seen) for purposes of taxation. @@ -4068,8 +4035,8 @@ peculiar system, we can advance to more difficult types. The Hundred of Thedwastre, for instance, was divided not into twelve blocks, each paying twenty pence in the pound, but into nine blocks, each paying twenty-seven. This assessment allowed a margin of 3d for every pound -(i.e. £1 0s 3d); but in the case of Thedwastre the total excess -was only 1-1/2d on the pound (i.e. £1 0s 1-1/2d). I group the Vills +(i.e. £1 0s 3d); but in the case of Thedwastre the total excess +was only 1-1/2d on the pound (i.e. £1 0s 1-1/2d). I group the Vills _tentatively_, thus: _d_ @@ -4104,7 +4071,7 @@ _tentatively_, thus: IX. {Tinworth 14 } 26 {Livermere 12 } -------- - 241-1/2 (£1 0s 1-1/2d) + 241-1/2 (£1 0s 1-1/2d) The same unit of 27 (x9)--or, which comes to the same thing, 13-1/2 @@ -4162,7 +4129,7 @@ in this case the hide was not of the ordinary dimension'. At p. lxxviii he inferred, from a reference to 'la Scoland' in a survey of Drayton, that '"ploughed land" would seem to be opposed to "Scoland"'. At p. cx he was led by the important passage--'De hydis hiis decem, -due fuerunt in dominio, una in scolanda, et vii. assisæ'--to suggest +due fuerunt in dominio, una in scolanda, et vii. assisæ'--to suggest that it 'appears to denote some difference in the tenure'. This last conjecture seems the most probable. If we take the case of Sutton and Chiswick, we read in the survey of 1222: @@ -4177,7 +4144,7 @@ Chiswick. The above passage should further be compared with the survey of Caddington (1222): Dicunt juratores quod manerium istud defendit se versus regem - pro x. hidis ... preter duas prebendas quæ sunt in eadem + pro x. hidis ... preter duas prebendas quæ sunt in eadem parochia. The formula is the same in both cases, and a _solanda_ was clearly @@ -4191,7 +4158,7 @@ and was not a unit of measurement. We have, in 1183, a 'grant by William de Belmes, canon of St. Paul's, to the chapter of that church, of the Church of St. Pancras, situate in his _solanda_ near London' (i.e. his prebend of St. Pancras), etc.[193] This solves the mystery. -The three _solandæ_ at Tillingham were no other than the three +The three _solandæ_ at Tillingham were no other than the three prebends--Ealdland, Weldland, and Reculverland--which that parish actually contained.[194] @@ -4327,7 +4294,7 @@ unit. Should this suggestion meet with acceptance, it might obviously lead to rather important results. Mr Elton, in his well-known _Tenures of Kent_, attaches considerable -importance to a list, 'De Suylingis Comitatus Kanciæ et qui eas +importance to a list, 'De Suylingis Comitatus Kanciæ et qui eas tenent', in the Cottonian MS., Claud. C. IV, which he placed little subsequent to Domesday. Having transcribed it for collation with the Survey, I came to the conclusion that it was not sufficiently @@ -4344,16 +4311,16 @@ The curious and evidently archaic institution of the _firma unius noctis_ was clearly connected with the problem of hidation. In Somerset the formula for a Manor contributing to this _firma_ was: - Nunquam geldavit nec scitur quot hidæ sint ibi (i. 85). + Nunquam geldavit nec scitur quot hidæ sint ibi (i. 85). In Dorset it ran: - Nescitur quot hidæ sint ibi quia non geldabat T.R.E. (i. 75). + Nescitur quot hidæ sint ibi quia non geldabat T.R.E. (i. 75). In Wiltshire we read: Nunquam geldavit nec hidata fuit, _or_ nunquam geldavit: ideo - nescitur quot hidæ sint ibi.[200] + nescitur quot hidæ sint ibi.[200] In all these entries the 'hide' is recognized as merely a measure of assessment quite independent of area. @@ -4371,18 +4338,18 @@ in point. Of Basingstoke, Kingsclere, and 'Esseborne', we read: _Esseborne_ tenet rex in dominio. De firma Regis Edwardi fuit. Numerum hidarum non habent.... - Hæc tria maneria, Basingestoches, Clere, Esseborne, reddunt + Hæc tria maneria, Basingestoches, Clere, Esseborne, reddunt firmam unius diei (39). Other Manors are found about the county displaying the same peculiarity. - Ipse rex tenet _Bertune_. De firmâ Regis E. fuit, et dimidiam - diem firmæ reddidit in omnibus rebus.... Nunquam in hid(is) + Ipse rex tenet _Bertune_. De firmâ Regis E. fuit, et dimidiam + diem firmæ reddidit in omnibus rebus.... Nunquam in hid(is) numeratum fuit.... Numerum hidarum non dixerunt. Ipse rex tenet _Edlinges_ in dominio. Hoc manerium reddidit - dimidiam diem firmæ tempore Regis E. Numerum hidarum nesciunt + dimidiam diem firmæ tempore Regis E. Numerum hidarum nesciunt (38). Manors, such as Andover, not hidated, clearly belonged to the same @@ -4424,7 +4391,7 @@ others. Here are the Somerset groups of demesne, each charged with the render of a _firma unius noctis_. - _Commutation_ £ s d + _Commutation_ £ s d Somerton (with Borough of Langport) 79 10 7 } Chedder (with borough of Axbridge) 21 0 2-1/2} 100 10 9-1/2 @@ -4461,12 +4428,12 @@ were: Bedwin 79 Amesbury 40 Warminster 40 - Chippenham 100 £110 - 'Theodulveshide' 40 £100 + Chippenham 100 £110 + 'Theodulveshide' 40 £100 From the figures given for Somerset and Wilts, it may fairly be concluded that, in this district, the value of the 'firma' was about -£105. In Somerset, however, there was clearly a special sum, £106 0s +£105. In Somerset, however, there was clearly a special sum, £106 0s 10d, on which calculations were based. An examination of Mr Eyton's statements on the _firma unius noctis_ @@ -4474,8 +4441,8 @@ in Somerset and Dorset would prove a peculiarly conclusive test of his whole system. In the case of Somerset one need not dwell on his giving its amount -for the Williton group as £105 16s 6-1/2d, when the sum named is -£105 17s 4-1/2d, although absolute accuracy is, in these matters, +for the Williton group as £105 16s 6-1/2d, when the sum named is +£105 17s 4-1/2d, although absolute accuracy is, in these matters, essential. We will pass at once to the bottom of the page (ii. 2), and collate his rendering of Domesday with the original: @@ -4486,11 +4453,11 @@ collate his rendering of Domesday with the original: Domesday gives the payment (in a characteristic phrase), as _three-quarters_ [a half and a quarter] of a _firma noctis_. Mr Eyton first interpolates a 'unum', and then overlooks the 'quadrantem', -with the result that he represents the due T.R.E. as a _firma dimidiæ +with the result that he represents the due T.R.E. as a _firma dimidiæ noctis_ (i. 77). So far, this is only a matter of error _per se_. But -Domesday records the commutation of the due T.R.W. at £79 10s 7d. This +Domesday records the commutation of the due T.R.W. at £79 10s 7d. This proves to be _three-quarters_ of the commutation, in two other cases, -for a whole _firma noctis_ (£106 0s 10d). Mr Eyton, however, imagining +for a whole _firma noctis_ (£106 0s 10d). Mr Eyton, however, imagining the due to have been only _half a firma_ set himself to account for its commutation at so high a figure (i. 77-8). This he found no difficulty in doing. He explained that 'this was not a @@ -4516,20 +4483,20 @@ never be sure if one is dealing with facts or fancies. And far more startling than the case of Somerset is that of Dorset, the 'Key to Domesday'. Mr Eyton here held that Dorchester, Bridport, and Wareham paid a full _firma unius noctis_ each, the total amount -being reckoned by him at the astounding figure of £312 (p. 70)! -Exeter, which affords a good comparison, paid only £18 (as render), +being reckoned by him at the astounding figure of £312 (p. 70)! +Exeter, which affords a good comparison, paid only £18 (as render), though the king had 285 houses there: the three Dorset towns in which, says Mr Eyton, the Crown had 323 houses, paid in all, according to -him, £312. The mere comparison of these figures is sufficient. +him, £312. The mere comparison of these figures is sufficient. But further, Mr Eyton observes (p. 93), that in 1156 'Fordington, Dorchester, and Bridport' were granted by Henry II to his uncle, 'as -representing Royal Demesne to the annual value of £60'. This is an +representing Royal Demesne to the annual value of £60'. This is an instructive commentary on his view that Dorchester and Bridport alone -rendered £208 per annum. Our doubts being thus aroused, we turn to +rendered £208 per annum. Our doubts being thus aroused, we turn to Domesday and find that it does not speak of any of these towns as paying that preposterous _firma_. The right formula for that would be 'reddit firmam unius noctis' (p. 84). Instead of that, we only have -'exceptis consuetudinibus quæ pertinent ad firmam unius noctis' (p. +'exceptis consuetudinibus quæ pertinent ad firmam unius noctis' (p. 70). The explanation is quite simple. Just as in Somerset, Mr Eyton admits, Langport and Ilchester, although boroughs, were 'interned' in groups of Royal demesne, paying the _firma unius noctis_, so in Dorset @@ -4561,13 +4528,13 @@ different principle to those of the Manors in private hands. (2) The sums rendered are 'de albo argento'. (3) In at least ten out of the fifteen cases, they are multiples of -the strange unit £1 3s. +the strange unit £1 3s. As this fact seems to have escaped Mr Eyton's notice, I append a list of these Manors, showing the multiples of this unit that their renders represent: - _£_ _s_ _d_ + _£_ _s_ _d_ Crewkerne 46 0 0 40 Congresbury 28 15 0 25 @@ -4601,7 +4568,7 @@ examples in point: alanus [_sic_] et est appretiata in essexia (p. 40). [SHELFORD.] De his xx. hidis tenet petrus valonensis iii. - hidas de firma regis in neueport.... Hæc terra est berewica in + hidas de firma regis in neueport.... Hæc terra est berewica in neueport, sed Wara jacet in grantebrigge syra (p. 49). [TRUMPINGTON.] De his vii. hidis [tenet] unus burgensis de @@ -4612,7 +4579,7 @@ To these I may add a fourth instance, although in this case the name _wara_ does not occur: [BATHBURGAM.] De his vii. hidis tenet Picotus in manu - regis dimidiam hidam et dimidiam virgam. Hæc terra jacet in + regis dimidiam hidam et dimidiam virgam. Hæc terra jacet in cestreforda et ibi est appretiata xxx. sol. in essexia (p. 36). @@ -4621,7 +4588,7 @@ the royal Manor of Chesterford in Essex, and those at Shelford were a 'berewick' of the royal Manor of Newport, also in Essex. But they were all _assessed_ in Cambridgeshire, where they actually lay. -So also we read under Berkshire (61_b_): 'Hæc terra jacet et +So also we read under Berkshire (61_b_): 'Hæc terra jacet et appreciata est in Gratentun quod est in Oxenefordscire, et tamen dat scotum in Berchesire'. Again (203_b_) we read under Pertenhall: 'Hec terra sita est in Bedefordsire, set geldum et servitium reddit in @@ -4658,10 +4625,10 @@ One cannot disprove the first proposition without reading through all Domesday for this purpose. I can only say that I do not remember ever meeting in Domesday Book with such an expression. The solitary instance of its use known to me is in the _Liber Niger_ of -Peterborough (p. 159), where we read: 'in Estona sunt iii. hidæ ad +Peterborough (p. 159), where we read: 'in Estona sunt iii. hidæ ad in Waram'; and there the relevant entry in Domesday has no such expression. Of the statement as to the Burton cartulary, one can -positively say it is an error. Its 'waræ' have quite another meaning +positively say it is an error. Its 'waræ' have quite another meaning and are spoken of as virgates would elsewhere be. Collation with what I have termed the Northamptonshire geld-roll @@ -4688,8 +4655,8 @@ reading of this phrase will show that the 'barones regis' must have been the Domesday Commissioners. The difficulty is caused by the statement as to the oaths of the sheriff, the tenants-in-chief (_barones_), and their foreign (? military) under-tenants -(_francigenæ_). The lists of _juratores_ contain the names of many -_francigenæ_ in their respective hundreds, but, so far as I can find, +(_francigenæ_). The lists of _juratores_ contain the names of many +_francigenæ_ in their respective hundreds, but, so far as I can find, of no tenants-in-chief. The sheriff, of course, stands apart. His name indeed in the I.C.C. is appended to the list of jurors for the first Hundred on the list, but is not found in the I.E. Moreover, it should @@ -4757,7 +4724,7 @@ once that the body which gave evidence for the Domesday Inquest was of a special and most interesting character. It combined the old _centuriatus_--deputations of the priest, reeve, and six villeins from each township (_villa_)--with the new settlers in the Hundred, the -_francigenæ_. A careful investigation of the lists will prove that +_francigenæ_. A careful investigation of the lists will prove that half the _juratores_ were selected from the former and half from the latter. This fact, which would seem to have been hitherto overlooked, throws a flood of light on the compilation of the Survey, and @@ -4782,7 +4749,7 @@ elected to confirm by their oaths the (unsworn) verdict of the whole court: Cum illis (i.e. omnes illius comitatus homines) Baiocensis - episcopus, qui placito præerat, non bene crederet; præcepit + episcopus, qui placito præerat, non bene crederet; præcepit ut, si verum esse quod dicebant scirent, ex seipsis duodecim eligerent, qui quod omnes dixerant jure jurando confirmarent. @@ -4807,15 +4774,15 @@ personal knowledge upheld. So again in the Dorset suit of St. Stephen's, Caen (1122),[211] the men of seven Hundreds are convened, but the suit is to be decided 'in affirmatione virorum de quatuor partibus vicinitatis illius -villæ'.[212] Accordingly, 'sexdecim homines, tres videlicet de +villæ'.[212] Accordingly, 'sexdecim homines, tres videlicet de Brideport, et tres de Bridetona, et decem de vicinis, juraverunt se -veram affirmationem facturos de inquisitione terræ illius'. The +veram affirmationem facturos de inquisitione terræ illius'. The names of the jurors are carefully given: 'Nomina vero illorum qui -juraverunt, hæc sunt'. Again in the same Abbey's suit for lands in -London, 'per commune consilium de Hustingo, secundum præceptum -regis, elegerunt quatuordecim viros de civibus civitatis Londoniæ qui -juraverunt'. And in this case also we read: 'Hæc sunt nomina illorum -qui juraverunt.... Et hæc sunt nomina eorum in quorum præsentia +juraverunt, hæc sunt'. Again in the same Abbey's suit for lands in +London, 'per commune consilium de Hustingo, secundum præceptum +regis, elegerunt quatuordecim viros de civibus civitatis Londoniæ qui +juraverunt'. And in this case also we read: 'Hæc sunt nomina illorum +qui juraverunt.... Et hæc sunt nomina eorum in quorum præsentia juraverunt.'[213] This corresponds, it will be seen, exactly with the writ to which the @@ -4832,14 +4799,14 @@ We may take, as a typical set of _juratores_, those for the Hundred of Erningford, the survey of which, in Mr Hamilton's book, occupies pp. 51-68. I give them in their order: - [_Francigenæ_] [_Angli_] + [_Francigenæ_] [_Angli_] Walterus Monachus Colsuenus Hunfridus de anseuilla Ailmarus eius filius Hugo petuuolt Turolfus Ricardus de Morduna Alfuuinus odesune -All four _francigenæ_ can be identified in the Hundred. Walter held +All four _francigenæ_ can be identified in the Hundred. Walter held a hide and a quarter in 'Hatelai' from the wife of Ralf Tailbois; Humfrey, a hide and a quarter in 'Hatelai', from Eudo dapifer;[215] Hugh, a hide and a half in 'Melrede', from Hardwin de Scalers; and @@ -4853,7 +4820,7 @@ were probably lower in the social scale. It will be observed that Colsweyn belongs to a special class, the English under-tenants. He is thus distinct at once from the -_Francigenæ_, and from the villeins of the township. He and his peers, +_Francigenæ_, and from the villeins of the township. He and his peers, however, are classed with the latter as jurors, because they are both of English nationality. In the great majority of cases the English _juratores_ cannot be identified as under-tenants, and may therefore @@ -4939,13 +4906,13 @@ Here are some further illustrations of errors in the I.E.: _D.B. and I.C.C._ _I.E._ VIII. hidas et dimidiam et VIII. hidis et dimidia et dimidia - dimidiam virgam.... In dominio virga ... iii. hidæ et dimidia - iii. hidæ et dimidia (p. 18). _et dimidia virga_ in dominio + dimidiam virgam.... In dominio virga ... iii. hidæ et dimidia + iii. hidæ et dimidia (p. 18). _et dimidia virga_ in dominio (p. 104). II. carruce in dominio. Et IIII^{or.} carruce ... in tercia potest fieri (p. 21). dominio. - I. hida _et dimidia_ et xii. I. hida et xii. acræ in dominio - acræ in dominio (p. 87). (p. 110). + I. hida _et dimidia_ et xii. I. hida et xii. acræ in dominio + acræ in dominio (p. 87). (p. 110). tenet Radulfus de Picot (p. 85). Rod[bertus] tenet de vicecomite (p. 110). Johannes filius _Waleranni_ Johannem filium @@ -4975,7 +4942,7 @@ both MSS. Ric[ardus] Ric[ardus] _prefectus huius hundreti_. - Euerard[us] filius Brientii Æduuard[us] _homo Alb[er]ici de + Euerard[us] filius Brientii Æduuard[us] _homo Alb[er]ici de uer_ Radulfus de hotot Radulfus de hotot Will[elmu]s de mara Will[elmu]s de mara @@ -5002,7 +4969,7 @@ These are the lists for Staines Hundred. Roger[us] Rogger[us] _homo Walt[er]i giffardi_[230] Aleranus _francigena_ - Ric[ardus] fareman Ric[ardus] _p[ræ]fectus hui[us] + Ric[ardus] fareman Ric[ardus] _p[ræ]fectus hui[us] hundreti_ Farmannus Huscarl de suafham[231] Huscarlo de suafham[231] Leofuuin[us] _de bodischesham_ Leofuuin[us] @@ -5045,9 +5012,9 @@ instructive variants, we shall obtain important evidence. Osmund[us] parvulus Fulcold _homo abbatis de Ely_ Baldeuuinus _cum barba_ Baldeuuinus _cocus_ - Æduuin[us] presbyter Æduuinus presbyter + Æduuin[us] presbyter Æduuinus presbyter Ulfric[us] de teuersham Wlfuric de teuersham - Silac[us] _eiusdem villæ_ Syla + Silac[us] _eiusdem villæ_ Syla Godwun[us] _nabesone_ Goduuine _de fulburne_ It is impossible to examine the italicized variations in these @@ -5104,11 +5071,11 @@ point. _I.C.C._ _I.E._ III. sochemanni fuerunt ... In Erningetone fuit quidam - secundus homo abbatis de Ely sochemannus, _Ædwardus_, et + secundus homo abbatis de Ely sochemannus, _Ædwardus_, et tenuit ii.[235] hidas ... habuit i. hidam. Homo abbatis - Potuerunt Eli fuit in obitu regis Ædwardi, + Potuerunt Eli fuit in obitu regis Ædwardi, recedere (p. 83). sed terram suam vendere potuit; - sed soca semper S. Ædeldrede + sed soca semper S. Ædeldrede remansit (p. 110). X. sochemanni ... et i. istorum In Ouro fuit quidam sochemannus @@ -5138,7 +5105,7 @@ preserves the 'sine socha' which qualifies the holder's right. Now D.B. gives the last clause as: Hi omnes terras suas vendere potuerunt. Soca tantum hominis - abbatis de Ely remansit æcclesiæ. + abbatis de Ely remansit æcclesiæ. This qualification corresponds with the 'sine socha' of the I.E., and is, we should observe, wholly omitted in the I.C.C. Thirdly, the @@ -5184,20 +5151,20 @@ Tuddenham, in Suffolk: _D.B._ _I.E._ - In Tudenham Geroldus i. lib' In Tudenham i. li. homo Ælfric' - hominem ... comend' Saxæ de commend' S. Ædel' xii. ac' et iii. + In Tudenham Geroldus i. lib' In Tudenham i. li. homo Ælfric' + hominem ... comend' Saxæ de commend' S. Ædel' xii. ac' et iii. abbate T.R.E. xii. ac' pro man', b. et i. c. et iii. ac' prati et iii. bord' Semp' i. car. ii. ac' val. viginti iii. s. prati ... val. iii. sol.; et in eadem ii. liberi homines comend' In eadem i. l. ho' hedric'[236] - i. sancte Æ. et alter comend' commend' S. Ædel' viii. ac' et val' + i. sancte Æ. et alter comend' commend' S. Ædel' viii. ac' et val' heroldi x. ac', et dim. car. et xx. den. Hoc tenet R. de Raimes val. ii. sol. Hoc tenet Geroldus (p. 151). de R. [de Raimes] (ii. 423_b_). One knows not, truly, which blunder is the worst, that of the Domesday -scribe, who has converted a probable 'S. æ',[237] i.e. Ely Abbey, into -'Saxæ', or that of the compiler of the I.E., who, by interpolating the +scribe, who has converted a probable 'S. æ',[237] i.e. Ely Abbey, into +'Saxæ', or that of the compiler of the I.E., who, by interpolating the word 'viginti', has converted three shillings into three-and-twenty. But the point is that the latter could name the Abbot's sokeman (nameless in Domesday) and could supply his acreage and the value of @@ -5232,7 +5199,7 @@ _Inquisitio_ with which it should be closely compared. Willelmus Rex Anglorum Lanfranco archiepiscopo salutem.... Inquire per episcopum Constantiensem et per episcopum - Walchelinum et per ceteros qui terras sanctæ Ædeldrede + Walchelinum et per ceteros qui terras sanctæ Ædeldrede scribi et jurari fecerunt, quomodo jurate fuerunt et qui eas juraverunt, et qui jurationem audierunt, et qui sunt terre, et quante, et quot, et quomodo vocate [et] qui eas tenent. His @@ -5254,7 +5221,7 @@ _Inquisitio_ with which it should be closely compared. molendina, quot piscine, quantum est additum vel ablatum, quantum valebat totum simul,[242] et quantum modo, quantum quisque liber homo vel sochemannus habuit vel habet. Hoc totum - tripliciter, scilicet tempore regis Æduardi, et quando Rex + tripliciter, scilicet tempore regis Æduardi, et quando Rex Willelmus dedit et qualiter modo sit, et si potest plus haberi quam habeatur. @@ -5323,12 +5290,12 @@ supposed by the compilers of the index volume (pp. 250, 315) to relate to lands held by 'Eddeva' and entered immediately before it. The passage is an independent note, running thus: - In ESCH Hund' jacent x. hidæ in Fecheham et iii. hidæ in - Holewei et scriptæ sunt in _brevi de Hereford_. + In ESCH Hund' jacent x. hidæ in Fecheham et iii. hidæ in + Holewei et scriptæ sunt in _brevi de Hereford_. - In DODINTRET Hund' jacent xiii. hidæ de Mertelai et v. hidæ de - Suchelei quæ hic placitant et geldant, et ad Hereford reddunt - firmam suam, et sunt scriptæ in _breve regis_ (i. 178). + In DODINTRET Hund' jacent xiii. hidæ de Mertelai et v. hidæ de + Suchelei quæ hic placitant et geldant, et ad Hereford reddunt + firmam suam, et sunt scriptæ in _breve regis_ (i. 178). All four places are found on fo. 180_b_, 'Feccheham' and 'Haloede' [_sic_][243] together (under 'Naisse' Hundred[244]) as paying a @@ -5341,9 +5308,9 @@ entries made in Domesday Book itself as distinct from those _in extenso_ found in the original returns.[245] This usage is found in both volumes. We read of land at Marham, -Norfolk, held by Hugh de Montfort; 'est mensurata in brevi Sanctæ -Adeldret' (ii. 238), where the reference is to the 'Terra Sanctæ -Adeldredræ' (ii. 212), and of Hurstington Hundred, Hunts, 'Villani +Norfolk, held by Hugh de Montfort; 'est mensurata in brevi Sanctæ +Adeldret' (ii. 238), where the reference is to the 'Terra Sanctæ +Adeldredræ' (ii. 212), and of Hurstington Hundred, Hunts, 'Villani et sochemanni geldant secundum hidas in brevi scriptas' (i. 203). The reference, in both cases, is to the text itself. @@ -5401,8 +5368,8 @@ the I.E. followed D.B. even when recording a judicial decision. _D.B._ _I.E._ In dermodesduna tenuerunt xxv. In dermodesduna tenuerunt xxv. - liberi homines I car. terræ ex lib. homines I car. terre ex - quibus habuit sca. Al. commend. quibus habuit S. Ædel. sacam et + liberi homines I car. terræ ex lib. homines I car. terre ex + quibus habuit sca. Al. commend. quibus habuit S. Ædel. sacam et et socam T.R.E. Tunc vi. car. socam et commend. T.R.E. Tunc modo ii., et iii. acre prati, vi. car. modo ii., et iii. acre et val. xx. sol. prati, et val. xx. @@ -5441,7 +5408,7 @@ And he explicitly stated that: capacity has been worked in England since.[249] But was it worked then? All that the chronicle says of the King is -that the '_gewrita_ wæran gebroht to him', a phrase which does not +that the '_gewrita_ wæran gebroht to him', a phrase which does not imply more than the original returns themselves. Of course, the chief authority quoted is the colophon to the second @@ -5452,7 +5419,7 @@ volume: solum per hos tres comitatus sed etiam per alios. It seems to have been somewhat hastily concluded that because the -Survey ('Descriptio Angliæ') took place in 1086, Domesday Book (which +Survey ('Descriptio Angliæ') took place in 1086, Domesday Book (which styles itself _Liber de Wintonia_), was completed in that year. The phrase 'per hos tres comitatus' proves, surely, that 'descriptio' refers to the Survey, not to the book.[250] @@ -5537,7 +5504,7 @@ impleaded by certain men: Londoniensi, et multis regis baronibus, ratiocinando ostendit declamationem eorum injustam esse. Quare, justiciarorum regis judicio obtinuit ut illud manerium, etc. ... sed quia rex tunc - in Normanniâ erat, regina, quæ tunc præsens erat, taliter hoc + in Normanniâ erat, regina, quæ tunc præsens erat, taliter hoc sigillo suo confirmavit. Then follows the Queen's writ, announcing the decision of the plea @@ -5573,7 +5540,7 @@ But what was the 'Liber de Thesauro'? I contend that it was Domesday Book, and can have been nothing else. For, passing now to the _Dialogus de Scaccario_ (_circa_ 1177), we there read in reply to an inquiry as to the nature of Domesday Book (which 'in thesauro servatur -et inde non recedit'): '_liber ille_ de quo quæris sigilli regii comes +et inde non recedit'): '_liber ille_ de quo quæris sigilli regii comes est individuus _in thesauro_' (I. XV.). The connection of the Book with the Treasury is brought out strongly in the _Dialogus_, and leads to the presumption, as Mr Hall perceived, that the Treasury being @@ -5587,9 +5554,9 @@ For myself, I claim for the Winchester Treasury greater importance and continuity than he is willing to admit. The leading records, of course, were stored there as well as treasure. We find William Rufus speaking of 'meis brevibus ... qui sunt in thesauro mea -Wyntoniæ';[258] and we read that, on his father's death, 'pergens apud +Wyntoniæ';[258] and we read that, on his father's death, 'pergens apud Wincestre thesaurum patris sui ... divisit: erant autem in thesauro -illo lx. m[ille] libræ argenti excepto auro et gemmis et vasis et +illo lx. m[ille] libræ argenti excepto auro et gemmis et vasis et palliis.'[259] Heming's Cartulary describes the Domesday returns as stored 'in thesauro regali', and Henry of Huntingdon states that 'inter thesauros reposita usque hodie servantur'.[260] Now, as the @@ -5606,7 +5573,7 @@ Giraldus, speaking of that ring and letters which John of Salisbury declared had been brought by him from the Pope, and were 'still stored in the Royal Treasury', writes of - Annulum aureum in investituræ signum ... qui statim simul cum + Annulum aureum in investituræ signum ... qui statim simul cum privilegio _in archivis Wintoniae_ repositus fuerat. Giraldus certainly must have looked on the Royal Treasury at @@ -5630,7 +5597,7 @@ sessions only.[263] In any case, we have seen its witness appealed to on a far earlier occasion than had hitherto been known. In my paper on 'An Early Reference to Domesday',[264] I quoted an even earlier mention of the -'Descriptio Angliæ', but here again the reference seems to make rather +'Descriptio Angliæ', but here again the reference seems to make rather to the Domesday Survey itself than to Domesday Book, the 'Liber de Thesauro'. @@ -5667,7 +5634,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 3: _Domesday Book_, p. 42.] - [Footnote 4: _Athenæum_, 1885, I, 472, 566-7; _Domesday Book_, + [Footnote 4: _Athenæum_, 1885, I, 472, 566-7; _Domesday Book_, 1887, p. 44.] [Footnote 5: _Domesday Studies_ (1891), II, 488.] @@ -5725,12 +5692,12 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 17: 'Potuerunt [recedere] qua parte voluerunt'--p. 62 (Mr Hamilton noticed this omission).] - [Footnote 18: 'Sed [soca] eius remansit ædiue' (p. 61).] + [Footnote 18: 'Sed [soca] eius remansit ædiue' (p. 61).] [Footnote 19: 'Tenet [Odo] de comite Alano' (p. 15).] [Footnote 20: 'Soca tantum hominis abbatis de Ely remansit - æcclesiæ' (D.B.); 'sine socha' (I.E.).] + æcclesiæ' (D.B.); 'sine socha' (I.E.).] [Footnote 21: The latter is the reading of D.B., and is the right one because confirmed by I.E.] @@ -5803,7 +5770,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 35: _Domesday Studies_, pp. 227-363, 561-619.] - [Footnote 36: 'Domesday Measures of Land' (_Archæological + [Footnote 36: 'Domesday Measures of Land' (_Archæological Review_, September 1889; iv, 130).] [Footnote 37: _Domesday Studies_, 188, 354.] @@ -5812,8 +5779,8 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 39: Compare the equivalent tenure recognized in William of Poitier's charter to Bayonne: 'Le _voisin_ qui - voulait abandonner la cité sans esprit de retour avait le - droit de vendre librement tout ce qu'il possédait maisons, + voulait abandonner la cité sans esprit de retour avait le + droit de vendre librement tout ce qu'il possédait maisons, prairies, vergers, moulins.'] [Footnote 40: We have three separate statements (of which more @@ -5839,7 +5806,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 42: This is not always the case. At Whaddon, for instance, the entry under Hardwin's land is the fuller. It is noteworthy also that in this case the _later_ entry (i. 198, - _b_, 1) is referred to ('Hæc terra appreciata est cum terra + _b_, 1) is referred to ('Hæc terra appreciata est cum terra Hardwini') in the _earlier_ one (i. 191, _a_, 2).] [Footnote 43: This same change of phrase is repeated four @@ -5937,7 +5904,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] they can only have done so because the rule was of universal application.] - [Footnote 71: _Archæological Review_, vol. i, p. 286.] + [Footnote 71: _Archæological Review_, vol. i, p. 286.] [Footnote 72: Compare also the Exon. Domesday, where 'Stoches', which is entered 'pro. ii. virgatis et dim.' @@ -6014,9 +5981,9 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] reduction. Indeed, this would be hard to discover; for the original assessment was distinctly low, whether we compare it with the aggregate of ploughlands or of valuation. It is true - that the total of _valets_ which had been £235 0s 4d T.R.E., - and was £203 8s 4d at the time of the survey, had fallen so - low as £161 18s 4d, when the grantees received their lands, + that the total of _valets_ which had been £235 0s 4d T.R.E., + and was £203 8s 4d at the time of the survey, had fallen so + low as £161 18s 4d, when the grantees received their lands, but, even at the lowest figure, the assessment was still moderate.] @@ -6024,8 +5991,8 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] defendebat.'--_D.B._, i. 189.] [Footnote 91: This figure is arrived at by adding to the 'hida - et dimidia et xx. acræ' of Domesday, and the _Inq. Com. Cant._ - the 'viii. hidæ et xl. acræ', which the latter omits, but + et dimidia et xx. acræ' of Domesday, and the _Inq. Com. Cant._ + the 'viii. hidæ et xl. acræ', which the latter omits, but which Domesday records. The sum is exactly ten hides.] [Footnote 92: Domesday reads 'iii.', and _Inq. Com. Cant._ @@ -6086,7 +6053,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 109: Edgar spoke of it as three Hundreds.] [Footnote 110: 'Unum hundret quod vocatur Oswaldeslaw in quo - jacent ccc. hidæ.'--_D.B._, i., 172_b._] + jacent ccc. hidæ.'--_D.B._, i., 172_b._] [Footnote 111: It also contained one 23-hide and two 24-hide Manors, which were once perhaps, of 25 hides. The Church @@ -6098,7 +6065,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 113: I make the aggregate 118-1/2 hides.] - [Footnote 114: 'Quæ hic [Dodintret hundred] placitant et + [Footnote 114: 'Quæ hic [Dodintret hundred] placitant et geldant et ad Hereford reddunt firmam suam.' It would have been said in Cambridgeshire that their 'wara' was in Doddentree Hundred.] @@ -6107,7 +6074,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 116: Eyton's _Dorset Domesday_, p. 14.] - [Footnote 117: I drew attention in the _Archæological Review_ + [Footnote 117: I drew attention in the _Archæological Review_ (vol. 1) to a Cornish survey of 21 Ed. I. (_Testa de Nevill_, p. 204), in which every Cornish acre contains a Cornish carucate.] @@ -6117,7 +6084,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 119: 'A New View of the Geldable Unit of Assessment of Domesday.' _Ibid_., pp. 227-363, 561-619.] - [Footnote 120: _Archæological Review_, i, 285-95; iv, 130-40, + [Footnote 120: _Archæological Review_, i, 285-95; iv, 130-40, 391.] [Footnote 121: _Ibid._, iv, 325.] @@ -6137,8 +6104,8 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 125: 'Unam hidam et iii^{es.} virgatas et iii^{ciam.} partem de i. virgata.'] - [Footnote 126: 'Dimidiam hidam et iii^{ciam.} partem dimidiæ - hidæ.'] + [Footnote 126: 'Dimidiam hidam et iii^{ciam.} partem dimidiæ + hidæ.'] [Footnote 127: Lysons. So also Domesday: '_soco vero jacebat in Stains_'.] @@ -6152,7 +6119,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 131: _English Historical Review_, 1889, iv. 728-9.] - [Footnote 132: _Archæological Review_, iv. 313-27.] + [Footnote 132: _Archæological Review_, iv. 313-27.] [Footnote 133: Mr Stevenson, perhaps, is rather too severe on Canon Taylor's 'Carucate' remarks in the _New English @@ -6164,7 +6131,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 134: _Genealogist_, N.S., vi. 160-1.] - [Footnote 135: _Archæological Review_, iv. 322.] + [Footnote 135: _Archæological Review_, iv. 322.] [Footnote 136: On this point one may compare with profit 'the making of the Danelaw' (858-78), by the late Mr Green @@ -6190,7 +6157,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 138: Reg. Mag. Alb. at York, pars. ii. 1. Quoted by Canon Raine, in his edition of John of Hexham (who applies - these _formulæ_ to Hexham itself), p. 61.] + these _formulæ_ to Hexham itself), p. 61.] [Footnote 139: _Vide infra_, p. 149, _et seq._] @@ -6253,7 +6220,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] 'car[ucatarum]'.] [Footnote 158: I also hold the formula 'T.R.E. erant ibi _x_ - car[ucæ]' to refer to ploughs, not ploughlands.] + car[ucæ]' to refer to ploughs, not ploughlands.] [Footnote 159: Note that the assessment of 2-5/8 carucates represented 2-1/2 ploughlands, and that of 9-3/8 carucates @@ -6264,7 +6231,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 161: _Ibid._, p. 276.] - [Footnote 162: _Chester Archæological Journal_, vol. v.] + [Footnote 162: _Chester Archæological Journal_, vol. v.] [Footnote 163: 'De harieta Lagemanorum habuit isdem picot viii. lib,' etc. (i. 189).] @@ -6338,13 +6305,13 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] 109_b_) has 'de xx. solidis reddit xvi. d. in gelto.'] [Footnote 183: Compare also the very curious system of - 'purses' adopted by the Cinque Ports. The 'purse' was £4 + 'purses' adopted by the Cinque Ports. The 'purse' was £4 7s, and to every 'purse' Sandwich, for instance, paid twenty shillings, while, whenever it paid twenty such shillings, its four 'members' were assessed to pay three and fourpence apiece towards it.] - [Footnote 184: 'In hundredo de Tinghowe sunt xx. villæ ex + [Footnote 184: 'In hundredo de Tinghowe sunt xx. villæ ex quibus constituuntur ix. lete, quas sic distinguimus.' Gage's _Suffolk_, p. xii.] @@ -6364,8 +6331,8 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 188: See p. 58.] - [Footnote 189: 'Wisbeche, quæ est quarta pars centuriatus - insulæ' (_Liber Eliensis_ p. 192).] + [Footnote 189: 'Wisbeche, quæ est quarta pars centuriatus + insulæ' (_Liber Eliensis_ p. 192).] [Footnote 190: 'In Sparle et in Pagrave, xviii. d. quando hundret scotabat xx. solidos et in Acra vi. d. et in pichensam @@ -6395,15 +6362,15 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 199: _English Village Community_, pp. 54, 139, 396.] - [Footnote 200: The phrase 'quot hidæ _sint_ ibi' is of + [Footnote 200: The phrase 'quot hidæ _sint_ ibi' is of importance because such _formulae_ as 'T.R.E. geldabat pro ii. - hidis, sed tamen _sunt_ ibi xii. hidæ', have sometimes been + hidis, sed tamen _sunt_ ibi xii. hidæ', have sometimes been understood to imply two geldable, but twelve arable hides, whereas both figures refer to assessment only.] [Footnote 201: _English Village Community_, 212 note.] - [Footnote 202: We might also compare the _droit de gîte_ on + [Footnote 202: We might also compare the _droit de gîte_ on the other side of the Channel.] [Footnote 203: I am indebted for these identifications to Mr @@ -6445,7 +6412,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 211: Palgrave's _Commonwealth_, ii. 183.] [Footnote 212: This seems of great importance as a very early - instance of the _quatuor villatæ_ system, on which see Gross's + instance of the _quatuor villatæ_ system, on which see Gross's 'The Early History and Influence of the Office of Coroner' (_Political Science Quarterly_, vol. vii, No. 4), where the researches of Prof Maitland and others are summarized.] @@ -6456,7 +6423,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 214: The number eight perhaps, is unusual for the jury of a Hundred but we have an instance in 1222, of a - 'jurata per octo legales cives Lincolniæ et præterea per octo + 'jurata per octo legales cives Lincolniæ et præterea per octo legales homines de visneto Lincolnie' (_Bracton's Note-book_, ii. 121); and see Addenda.] @@ -6482,7 +6449,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 222: 'Toft' (rightly) in C.] - [Footnote 223: Chauelæi, C.] + [Footnote 223: Chauelæi, C.] [Footnote 224: Stanhard[us], B, C.] @@ -6564,7 +6531,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] seems to have been erroneously quoted as fixing the time of entrance upon it as 1080' (i. 3). Mr Ewald,[*] following in his footsteps, has repeated his statement (under 'Domesday - Book'), in the _Encyclopædia Britannica_; and, lastly, Mr + Book'), in the _Encyclopædia Britannica_; and, lastly, Mr de Gray Birch asserts on his authority that 'this valuable manuscript' is not responsible for that date (_Domesday Book_, p. 71). All these writers are mistaken. The _Diologus de @@ -6588,7 +6555,7 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 254: _Vide infra_, p. 154.] [Footnote 255: Henry, says Orderic, in 1100, 'concito cursu - ad _arcem Guentoniæ, ubi regalis thesaurus continebatur_, + ad _arcem Guentoniæ, ubi regalis thesaurus continebatur_, festinavit'.] [Footnote 256: This account of the Winchester placitum is @@ -6602,14 +6569,14 @@ according to the views I have expressed.[265] [Footnote 258: _Mon. Ang._, iii. 86.] [Footnote 259: _Hen. Hunt._, 211; Richard of Hexham says - of Henry I's charter of liberties that 'in ærari suo apud - Wintoniam [eam] conservari præcepit' (p. 142).] + of Henry I's charter of liberties that 'in ærari suo apud + Wintoniam [eam] conservari præcepit' (p. 142).] [Footnote 260: _Domesday Studies_, 546-7.] [Footnote 261: _Supra_, note 255.] - [Footnote 262: _Athenæum_, November 27, 1886.] + [Footnote 262: _Athenæum_, November 27, 1886.] [Footnote 263: See also _Domesday Studies_, 547 note^{2}.] @@ -6862,7 +6829,7 @@ identified. Thus 'Robert the Earl's wife' is one of those in Rothwell Hundred, whose land was 'unwered'. This was clearly Maud, wife of Count Robert of Mortain, who had been given lands by her father, Roger of Montgomery, at Harrington in this Hundred. Domesday, it is true, -where it figures as 'Arintone', knows it only as 'Terra æcclesiæ de +where it figures as 'Arintone', knows it only as 'Terra æcclesiæ de Grestain' (222 _b_); but a charter of Richard I (_per Inspeximus_) confirms to the Abbey 'ex dono Matildis Comitisse Moreton ... xxxii. hidas terre quas dederat ei pater suus Rogerus de Montegomerico, @@ -6896,7 +6863,7 @@ Robert de Buci, in the days of William the Conqueror. It is particularly instructive to follow out the Northamptonshire fief of William Engaine. In Domesday (i. 229) he is entered only as 'Willelmus' holding 3-1/2 hides in Pytchley (_Piteslea_), and Laxton -(_Lastone_), worth at that time, £3 10s. 'Vitalis' Engaine was his +(_Lastone_), worth at that time, £3 10s. 'Vitalis' Engaine was his heir in 1130, for the Pipe-Roll of 31 Hen. I (p. 82) records his discharge of a debt to the crown 'ut rehabeat terram suam de Laxetona'. And this is confirmed by the survey of 1125 in the _Liber @@ -6904,10 +6871,10 @@ Niger_ of Peterborough, where we read under 'Pihtesle' (p. 162): 'Et Vitalis reddit iii. solidos pro i. virga', this being the 'i. virga' assigned to him in the list of Peterborough knights (_ibid._, p. 169). The 'Rotulus de Dominabus' (1185) shows us the 'Piteslea' estate in -the hands of Margaret Engaine, makes it worth £6, and mentions that +the hands of Margaret Engaine, makes it worth £6, and mentions that her heir was Richard Engaine (p. 14). The 'Testa de Nevill' (p. 37) enters Richard 'de Angayne' as holding five carucates of land in -'Pettesle' and 'Laxeton' worth £6 a year. It tells us, further, +'Pettesle' and 'Laxeton' worth £6 a year. It tells us, further, that he held them by serjeanty--'et est venator leporum, et facit servitium'. From the nature of this return I assign it to the inquest of 1198, in which case it is of some value, as identifying five @@ -6919,7 +6886,7 @@ from his neck.[18] The association of Pytchley with hunting is carried back even further still. For Richard and William Engaine had for their predecessor in -title, Ælfwine the huntsman ('venator'), who owned their lands when +title, Ælfwine the huntsman ('venator'), who owned their lands when King Edward sat upon the throne. Among the lands deducted we observe in Spelho Hundred 'fif and xx. @@ -7034,7 +7001,7 @@ if, indeed, it is not earlier. The first entry it contains is a good specimen of its value: Asketillus de Sancto Medardo tenet de abbatia de Burch - in Hamtonascira x. hidas et iii. partes i. virgæ, et in + in Hamtonascira x. hidas et iii. partes i. virgæ, et in Lincolnescira iii. carrucatas et inde servit se vi. milite. Et de feudo hujus militis dedit rex Willelmus senior Eudoni Dapifero in Estona hidam et dimidiam et mandavit de Normannia @@ -7116,7 +7083,7 @@ speaking of the vacancy at Bayeux in 1908, wrote: But the French editors of Ordericus, in a note to the passage from which this statement was taken (iv. 18), speak of our man as 'Hugue -d'Envermeu, donateur du prieuré de St. Laurent d'Envermeu à l'Abbaye +d'Envermeu, donateur du prieuré de St. Laurent d'Envermeu à l'Abbaye de Bec'.[7] Turning for a moment from Hugh to Ansford, we read in the Lincolnshire @@ -7133,13 +7100,13 @@ up the clue the 'Clamores' gave him. The relevant entry in the text of the Survey is duly found under the Peterborough fief: In Witham et Mannetorp et Toftlund habuit _Hereward_ xii. - bovatas terræ ad geldum.... Ibi Asuert [_sic_] homo abbatis + bovatas terræ ad geldum.... Ibi Asuert [_sic_] homo abbatis Turoldi habet, etc.... - Berew[ita] hujus M. in Bercaham et Estou i. carucata terræ ad + Berew[ita] hujus M. in Bercaham et Estou i. carucata terræ ad geldum. ... Ibi Asford habet, etc.... - In Estov Soca in Witham iiii. bovatæ terræ et dimidia ad + In Estov Soca in Witham iiii. bovatæ terræ et dimidia ad geldum.... Ibi Asfort de abbate habet, etc.... (i. 346). This is the 'terra Asford' referred to in the 'Clamores', and, as @@ -7158,9 +7125,9 @@ showing how 'Baldwin Wake' possessed the holdings both of Hugh and of Ansford:[10] Primus Hugo de Euremu. Baldwinus Wake tenet in Depinge, - Plumtre, et Stove feoda duorum militum.... Et præterea dictus + Plumtre, et Stove feoda duorum militum.... Et præterea dictus Baldewinus tenet feodum unius militis in Wytham et Bergham - de terra Affordi. Et prædictus Baldewinus de predictis feodis + de terra Affordi. Et prædictus Baldewinus de predictis feodis abbati de Burgo debet plenarie respondere de omni forensi [servitio]. @@ -7206,7 +7173,7 @@ forgotten' to mention the deeds or the fate of William Malet in the Isle (_ibid._, p. 473). We must also dismiss the 'fact'--'undoubted history' though it be (_ibid._, p. 805)--of Hereward's 'banishment' at some time between 1062 and 1070. For the Survey gives no date; it -merely speaks of 'die quâ aufugiit' (i. 376_b_), which phrase, in the +merely speaks of 'die quâ aufugiit' (i. 376_b_), which phrase, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, must be referred to his escape from the 'Isle',[14] when (1071) in the words of Florence, 'cum paucis evasit'. This at once explains the Domesday entry (_ante_, p. 160), @@ -7254,10 +7221,10 @@ that story. It might hastily be gathered, as it was by him, that it was Hereward's mother-in-law who 'very considerately takes the veil at the hands of Abbot Ulfcytel', whereas it was, according to the _Gesta_, his wife who did this. The _Gesta_ version, he writes, 'of -Turfrida going into a monastery to make way for Ælfthryth is plainly +Turfrida going into a monastery to make way for Ælfthryth is plainly another form of the story in Ingulf, which makes not herself but her mother do so'. But if the _Historia Ingulphi_ (pp. 67-8) be read with -care, it will be seen that 'mater Turfrid_æ_' should clearly be 'mater +care, it will be seen that 'mater Turfrid_æ_' should clearly be 'mater Turfrid_a_', the reading that the sense requires. So there is here no opposition, and Ingulf merely follows the _Gesta_ version. @@ -7328,7 +7295,7 @@ But, leaving Hereward, no entries in this list are more deserving of notice than those which bring before us the famous name of Nevile: Gislebertus de Nevila [tenet] ii. carrucatas in Lincolnescira, - et servit Abbatiæ pro ii. hidis et inde inventi i. militem (p. + et servit Abbatiæ pro ii. hidis et inde inventi i. militem (p. 171). Radulfus de Nevila [tenet] x. carrucatas in Lincolnescira @@ -7347,7 +7314,7 @@ With this clue we are enabled to detect Gilbert de Nevile in that 'Walecote' (Walcot near Folkingham). So also Hugh 'Candidus' writes of the other Nevile fee: - Heres Radulfi de Nevile tenet decem carrucatas terræ + Heres Radulfi de Nevile tenet decem carrucatas terræ in Lincolnshire, scilicet in Scottone Malmetone; et in Norhamtonscire unam hidam et dimidiam, scilicet in Holme, Rayniltorp, et inde facit plenum servitium trium militum (p. @@ -7392,7 +7359,7 @@ sheriff of Dorset, as Hugh of 'Wareham', while Walter and Miles 'of Gloucester', Edward and Walter 'of Salisbury', are also cases in point. Hugh 'of Leicester' was sheriff of Leicestershire _temp._ Henry I, while Turchil 'de Warwic' (D.B., i. 240_b_) may possibly have owed -that appellation to the fact that his father Ælfwine was sheriff of +that appellation to the fact that his father Ælfwine was sheriff of Warwickshire. Enough, in any case, has been said to show that it was a regular practice for sheriffs to derive, as often did earls, their styles from the capital town of their shire. @@ -7407,9 +7374,9 @@ styles from the capital town of their shire. [Footnote 3: _Norman Conquest_, iv. 219. We know _aliunde_ that 'Picot filius Colsuani' was the son of Colswegen of Lincoln. It would seem to be of this estate that we read in - the 'Clamores': 'Abbas de Burg clamat iiii. bov. terræ in + the 'Clamores': 'Abbas de Burg clamat iiii. bov. terræ in Risun terra Colsuani, et Wap' testatur quod T.R.E. jacuerunt - in æcclesia Omnium Sanctorum in Lincolia.'] + in æcclesia Omnium Sanctorum in Lincolia.'] [Footnote 4: Society of Antiquaries' MS. 60. Printed by Stapleton _ut supra_.] @@ -7432,7 +7399,7 @@ styles from the capital town of their shire. [Footnote 9: With its hamlet of Manthorpe and Toft with Lound.] - [Footnote 10: Ed. Sparke _Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores_ + [Footnote 10: Ed. Sparke _Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores_ [1723].] [Footnote 11: Professor Tout throws out the unlucky @@ -7563,7 +7530,7 @@ Let us now compare, Manor by Manor, the earlier with the later Survey: Bishop 10 Bishop 13 Monks 4 Monks 4 - Ælricus Archd. 2 + Ælricus Archd. 2 Urso 16 Walter de Beauchamp 16 Durand 2 Gile (? bertus) 1 Brictric fil' Algar King 1 @@ -7590,7 +7557,7 @@ Let us now compare, Manor by Manor, the earlier with the later Survey: Bishop 25-1/2 Bishop 22 Richard 2 Bishop 2 Ansgot 1-1/2 Walter de Beauchamp 5 - Stephen fil' Fulcred 3 'Dæilesford' 3 + Stephen fil' Fulcred 3 'Dæilesford' 3 Hereward 5 'Eunilade' 5 Monks 1 Monks 1 ------ ---- @@ -7699,7 +7666,7 @@ Let us now compare, Manor by Manor, the earlier with the later Survey: Church of Worcester 10 Monks 10 - _Alvievecherche_ _Ælfithe cyrce_ + _Alvievecherche_ _Ælfithe cyrce_ Church of Worcester 13 Bishop 13 @@ -7756,7 +7723,7 @@ itself and in the total. These four omitted hides bring up the 393 to If the Manors in the above Survey are examined with care _seriatim_, it will be found that they bear manifest witness to the aggressions of -Urse d'Abetot, who, we may gather from this Cartulary, was the _bête +Urse d'Abetot, who, we may gather from this Cartulary, was the _bête noire_ of the Church of Worcester. The various extensions of his Domesday holdings, as at 'Fledebyrie', where twelve hides had been increased to twenty-two, were partly due to the accession of the lands @@ -7816,7 +7783,7 @@ Domesday fief of Ralf de 'Todeni' in the hands of his heir, Roger de DROITWICH - Hee sunt x. hidæ in Wich'. De Witton' petri corbezun ii. + Hee sunt x. hidæ in Wich'. De Witton' petri corbezun ii. hidas. De feodo sancti Dionysii Ricardus corvus et Willelmus filius Oueclini tenent i. hidam. De sancto Guthlaco Willelmus filius Ricardi tenet i. hidam. De Johanne de Suthlega @@ -7835,10 +7802,10 @@ Domesday fief of Ralf de 'Todeni' in the hands of his heir, Roger de caure et socii ejus dimidiam virgatam.[15] H[oc] debet computari ad Scacarium Regis vicecomiti - Wirecestrie. Habes x. hidas ad Danegeld et Wasto forestæ ii. + Wirecestrie. Habes x. hidas ad Danegeld et Wasto forestæ ii. hidas. - Et in Ederesfeld vi hid[æ]. Et in happeworda i. hid[a]. Et in + Et in Ederesfeld vi hid[æ]. Et in happeworda i. hid[a]. Et in Biselega i. hid[a]. Et in Burlega i. hyda. @@ -7848,24 +7815,24 @@ Domesday fief of Ralf de 'Todeni' in the hands of his heir, Roger de (_Cott. MS. Vesp._, B. xxiv. fo. 8.) ... manerio de hambyry. Estona Ric' dimidiam hidam. In hundredo de - Camele. In Waresleia v. hidæ de manerio de hertlebery. Summa - quater xx. et xiii. hidæ. + Camele. In Waresleia v. hidæ de manerio de hertlebery. Summa + quater xx. et xiii. hidæ. In hundredo de persora habet ecclesia de Westmustier has terras quas tenet Willelmus de bello campo. Hekintona iii. - hidæ et iii. virgatæ. Chaddesleia ii. hidæ. Langeduna Osmundi - i. hida et dimidia. Colleduma iii. hidæ et iii. virgatæ. - Graftona Ebrandi i. hida et iii. virgatæ. Flavel et pidelet - v. hidæ. Newentona x. hidæ. Broctona Inardi iii. hidæ. Pidelet - radulfi iii. hidæ. Berford v. hidæ. Branefford i. hida. - Wicha Inardi iii. hidæ. Burlingeham ii. hidæ et i. virgata. - Cumbrintona ii. hidæ. Poiwica Willelmi de bello campo i. hida. + hidæ et iii. virgatæ. Chaddesleia ii. hidæ. Langeduna Osmundi + i. hida et dimidia. Colleduma iii. hidæ et iii. virgatæ. + Graftona Ebrandi i. hida et iii. virgatæ. Flavel et pidelet + v. hidæ. Newentona x. hidæ. Broctona Inardi iii. hidæ. Pidelet + radulfi iii. hidæ. Berford v. hidæ. Branefford i. hida. + Wicha Inardi iii. hidæ. Burlingeham ii. hidæ et i. virgata. + Cumbrintona ii. hidæ. Poiwica Willelmi de bello campo i. hida. Newebolt i. hida. Medeleffeld i. hida de poiwica. Ad bergam i. hida. Olendene i. hida. Arleia i. virgata. Poiwica Inardi i. - hida. Summa lx. hidæ et dimidia. + hida. Summa lx. hidæ et dimidia. In predicto hundredo de persora feudum Abbatis persore. Belega - xxi. hidæ. Branefford i. hida. Wadberga iii. hidæ et dimidia. + xxi. hidæ. Branefford i. hida. Wadberga iii. hidæ et dimidia. Cumbrintona i. hida et dimidia. Lega Ricardi dimidia hida. Walecote et torendune i. hida et dimidia. @@ -7873,23 +7840,23 @@ Domesday fief of Ralf de 'Todeni' in the hands of his heir, Roger de hidas de abbatia de Evesham. Croulega v. hidas de feudo Osberti filii hugonis. - In hundredo de Clent. Belua viii. hidæ de feudo folwi - paganelli. Salawarpa v. hidæ de feudo Rogeri Comitis. Item + In hundredo de Clent. Belua viii. hidæ de feudo folwi + paganelli. Salawarpa v. hidæ de feudo Rogeri Comitis. Item Salawarpa i. hida de feudo episcopi Cestrie. Chaluestona i. hida de feudo Roberti filii Archembaldi. Apud Wich dimidiam hidam Gunfrei. Item apud Wich i. hidam de terra Sancti Guthlaci quam Rodbertus filius Willelmi tenet. Item ibidem dimidiam hidam de Cormell' quam Gilebertus tenet. Cokehulla - ii. hidæ et dimidiam de feudo regis. Hactona iii. hidæ de + ii. hidæ et dimidiam de feudo regis. Hactona iii. hidæ de feudo episcopi baiocensis. Escreueleia i. hida. Summa tocius - cclxiiii. hidæ et dimidia et dimidia virgata. + cclxiiii. hidæ et dimidia et dimidia virgata. - Terra rogeri de toeney. Esla iii. hidæ. Bertona iii. hidæ et - iii. virgatæ. Alcrintona ii. hidæ. Linda ii. hidæ et ad halac - i. hida. Mora hugonis i. hida et dimidia. Werueslega ii. hidæ - et dimidia. Alboldeslega ii. hidæ et dimidia. Rudmerlega i. + Terra rogeri de toeney. Esla iii. hidæ. Bertona iii. hidæ et + iii. virgatæ. Alcrintona ii. hidæ. Linda ii. hidæ et ad halac + i. hida. Mora hugonis i. hida et dimidia. Werueslega ii. hidæ + et dimidia. Alboldeslega ii. hidæ et dimidia. Rudmerlega i. hida et dimidia. Estlega i. hida Geldans et una hida quieta. - Sceldeslega i. hida. Almelega Ricardi de portes xi. hidæ. + Sceldeslega i. hida. Almelega Ricardi de portes xi. hidæ. In the former of these two fragments we recognize in John of Sudeley the younger son of Harold, son of Earl Ralf. It would be of interest @@ -7941,10 +7908,10 @@ divided among many owners. Godwi 1/2 Urso tenet Witune in Wich et } De Waltero de Bello Campo Gunfrid de eo 1/2} Theobaldus et Petrus 1/2 - Æcclesia sancti Petri de } De la Berton de Gloucestra + Æcclesia sancti Petri de } De la Berton de Gloucestra Glou. 1/2} Randulf filius Ringulfi 1/2 In Wich est dimidia hida De monachis Gloucestrie - quæ pertinet ad aulam de Baldwinus et Lithulfus 1/2 + quæ pertinet ad aulam de Baldwinus et Lithulfus 1/2 Glou. 1/2 De Comite Warewice Randulfus et Essulfus @@ -8051,7 +8018,7 @@ Greenstreet truly observed: Stapleton, of course, knew better than this, and assigned the survey at one time to _circ._ 1108,[3] but in his _Rotuli Scaccarii -Normanniæ_[4] to 1106-20. It was subsequently investigated and +Normanniæ_[4] to 1106-20. It was subsequently investigated and analysed with great care by Mr Eyton, whose note-books, now in the British Museum, show that he adopted the sound method of comparing it in detail with Domesday Book. After his death Mr Chester Waters issued @@ -8091,7 +8058,7 @@ cars. three bovs. With another class of resultant errors I shall have to deal below. To the enterprise of Mr Greenstreet scholars were indebted for -an _édition de luxe_ of the record in facsimile, which made its +an _édition de luxe_ of the record in facsimile, which made its appearance shortly after the treatise of Mr Waters. Unfortunately, no attempt was made in the appended literal translation to identify the names of places or persons, while such a word as '[ap]pendiciis', @@ -8201,8 +8168,8 @@ York,[13] he writes of this William Meschin, that The words in the original are: - Testimonio Rannulfi comitis Cestriæ et Willelmi comitis - Cantebrigiæ fratris ejus (_Mon. Ang._, v. 949). + Testimonio Rannulfi comitis Cestriæ et Willelmi comitis + Cantebrigiæ fratris ejus (_Mon. Ang._, v. 949). Now, though Stapleton is positive on the point, speaking again of 'William Meschin, Earl of Cambridge' (p. 35), and though this learned @@ -8273,8 +8240,8 @@ the chronicle assigned to 'Peter of Blois' is so daring a forgery as the 'Historia Ingulphi', of which it is a 'continuatio', it must be plainly described as absolutely untrustworthy. Apart from the passage on Cambridge University,[17] we have a description 'Inclyti Comitis -Leycestriæ Roberti tunc validissimi adolescentis, burgensiumque suæ -dictæ civitatis' in 1113, and of his presence, with his knights, +Leycestriæ Roberti tunc validissimi adolescentis, burgensiumque suæ +dictæ civitatis' in 1113, and of his presence, with his knights, at the laying of the Abbey foundation stones next year.[18] Now the future Earl of Leicester was some nine years old at the time, and his father, the Count of Meulan, lived till 1118. So also, about the year @@ -8552,7 +8519,7 @@ inheritance was at stake.[37] [Footnote 12: See pp. 171, 179, _infra_.] [Footnote 13: pp. 1-237. Bound up in the York volume of the - Royal Archæological Institute.] + Royal Archæological Institute.] [Footnote 14: Stapleton indeed exposed himself unconsciously by stating on the very same page that William Meschin's lands @@ -8560,7 +8527,7 @@ inheritance was at stake.[37] be the Earl of 1139.] [Footnote 15: See on this point the important letters of Mr - Greenstreet and Mr J. A. C. Vincent to the _Athenæum_, May 9 + Greenstreet and Mr J. A. C. Vincent to the _Athenæum_, May 9 and June 27, 1885.] [Footnote 16: _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, p. 420 _et seq._] @@ -8571,7 +8538,7 @@ inheritance was at stake.[37] [Footnote 19: _Ibid._, pp. 124, 125.] - [Footnote 20: _Lectures on Mediæval and Modern History_, p. + [Footnote 20: _Lectures on Mediæval and Modern History_, p. 148.] [Footnote 21: _Survey of Lindsey_, p. 2.] @@ -8674,19 +8641,19 @@ likelihood of its having been compiled nearer the latter date. TEXT OF THE SURVEY - ... 'Comes Lerc[estri]æ vj. car. + ... 'Comes Lerc[estri]æ vj. car. _H[undredum] de[3] Langeton'_.--In eadem villa Comes - Lerc[estriæ] xj. car. et j. virg. Ibidem Ric[ardus] Basset + Lerc[estriæ] xj. car. et j. virg. Ibidem Ric[ardus] Basset iii. car. et. j. virg. In thorp Eustaci[us] iij. car. et. iij. virg. In alia Langeton' Abbas de Burg' iiij. car. et iii. virg. Ibidem Henricus de pport j. car. In thurlington idem - Henricus xij. car. In sscanketon' Comes Lerc[estriæ] x. car. + Henricus xij. car. In sscanketon' Comes Lerc[estriæ] x. car. Ansch' ij. car.[4] _H[undredum] de Chiburd'_.--In eadem villa xii. car. de feodo Ansch'. In alia chiburd' Walt[erus] de Bell' campo xj. car., - Ricardus Basset j. car. In bocton Comes Leicestriæ xij. car. + Ricardus Basset j. car. In bocton Comes Leicestriæ xij. car. In carleton' idem Comes x. car. Et Monachi Sancti Arnulphi v. virg. Et de ssoch' Regis iij. virg.[5] @@ -8723,25 +8690,25 @@ TEXT OF THE SURVEY _H[undredum] de bebia_.--In eadem villa Abbas de Croyland xij. car. In Cahiham iiij. car. de Soch[a] Regis. Comes Lercestrie ij. car. In Hung'ton ix. car. In Siglebia ix. car. et. vj. - bov. et dim. de[11] Comite Lercestriæ. Ibidem Comes Cestrie + bov. et dim. de[11] Comite Lercestriæ. Ibidem Comes Cestrie iij. car. Ibidem Ricardus Basset ij. car. Robertus de ferrer[iis] v. bov.[12] _H[undredum] de Barkbia_.--In eadem villa v. car. de feodo de Belvar[o]. In Hamelton' et in thorp vi. car. de eodem feudo, - et de feodo Comitis Lercestriæ j. car. et dim. In Thormedeston + et de feodo Comitis Lercestriæ j. car. et dim. In Thormedeston Canonici iij. car. In Crocheston[e] ij. car. et j. bov. et dim. de Soch[a] Regis. In Neubold[e] Robertus de ferer[iis] j. car. et dim. In Barnesby Rex iij. car. et dim. bov. Ibidem - Comes Lercestriæ xiij. bov. In Gadesby [t]erra[13] Reg[is] + Comes Lercestriæ xiij. bov. In Gadesby [t]erra[13] Reg[is] viij. car. et dim. et dim. et dim. [_sic_] bov. Ibidem - Episcopus Lincolniensis viij. bov. Comes Lercestriæ j. car. et + Episcopus Lincolniensis viij. bov. Comes Lercestriæ j. car. et dim. bov. Ricardus Basset dim. car. Rex D[avid] ij. car.[14] _H[undredum] de Essebia_.--In eadem villa Rex David v. car. Ibidem Hugo de Lerc[estria] j. car. In Humberstay Roger de Ram[is] viij. car. Ibidem Walter de Mustere j. car. Rad[ulfus] - de Martinwast iij. car. In Mardegrave Comes Lercestriæ xij. + de Martinwast iij. car. In Mardegrave Comes Lercestriæ xij. car. In thurmedeston idem Comes car. [_sic._] Idem in Burstall ix. car. Idem in Anlepia vij. car. Idem in Anesting[e] vj. car.[15] @@ -8749,7 +8716,7 @@ TEXT OF THE SURVEY _H[undredum] de Resebia_.--In eadem villa Ricardus Basset v. car. Ibidem Comes Cestrie ij. car. et dim. Rex David iiij car. et dim. In Quenburg[o] xij. car. de feodo de Belvar[o]. In - Siefton[e] Comes Lercestriæ xij. car. In Brokesbya Comes + Siefton[e] Comes Lercestriæ xij. car. In Brokesbya Comes [_sic_] Cestrie v. car. Rex David j. car. quam Pip[er]d tenet. In Quenebia vj. car. de feodo de Belvar[o]. In thurketleston[e] de feodo Comitis viij. car. In Cropeston[e] @@ -8759,7 +8726,7 @@ TEXT OF THE SURVEY Lincolniensis ix. car. et dim. Radulfus Basset j. car. et iij. bov. Ibidem Wil[elmus] Gam[erarius] j. car. In frisebia Comes Cestrie iij. car., et de Soch[a] Regis viij. car. In Rederbia - Comes cestrie vi. car. In Asfordebia Comes Lercestriæ xiij. + Comes cestrie vi. car. In Asfordebia Comes Lercestriæ xiij. car. In Wartnadeby de Soch[a] Regis vi. car.[17] _Hundredum de Dalbia super Wald'_.--In eadem villa ix. car. de @@ -8801,9 +8768,9 @@ TEXT OF THE SURVEY Comes iij. car. et dim. Normannus de Verdon j. car. et ij. bov. In Hanthirn[e] ix. car. In Widesers iij. car. Willelmi de Gresel[e]. Idem in Lintona j. car. In blakefordeb[ia] Comes - Lercestriæ iij. car. In Culverteb[ia] ij. car. et Robertus de + Lercestriæ iij. car. In Culverteb[ia] ij. car. et Robertus de ferr[ariis] j. car. In Wodete Robertus de ferr[ariis] j. car. - et dim. In Alton[e] Comes Lercestriæ j. car. et dim. Idem in + et dim. In Alton[e] Comes Lercestriæ j. car. et dim. Idem in Raveneston[e] j. virg. et dim. Ibidem Comes Cestrie iij. virg. et dim. Et Comes War' ij. car. In Suipestona Hugo vic[ecomes] ij. car.[25] @@ -8814,7 +8781,7 @@ TEXT OF THE SURVEY Strecton j. car. et dim. Idem in Durantestorp ij. car. quas Walkelinus tenet. Idem in Swepeston[e] vj. car. In Neuton ij. car. In Actorp dim. car. In Chilteston Comes cestrie j. car. - Idem in Alpelbia dim. car. In Assebia Comes Lercestriæ iij. + Idem in Alpelbia dim. car. In Assebia Comes Lercestriæ iij. car. In Pakinton Hugo Vicecomes v. car. Idem in Osgodesthorp dim. car. In scegla Henricus de Alben[eio] ij. car. que pertinent ad defencionem de Swepeston[e].[26] @@ -8857,7 +8824,7 @@ TEXT OF THE SURVEY car.[32] _H[undredum] de Droctona_.--In eadem villa Comes de Moretonio - xij. car. In thorp Comes Lercestriæ xij. car. In brantingbia + xij. car. In thorp Comes Lercestriæ xij. car. In brantingbia vj. car. de eodem feodo. In Ringolfestorp ij. car. et ij. bov. de eodem feodo. Robertus de ferrer[iis] j. car. et vj. bov. In Wyfordebia iiij. car. et dim. de blide. Roger de Moubray @@ -8869,7 +8836,7 @@ TEXT OF THE SURVEY Moubray vj. car. In Knipton Comes de Moriton[io] viij. car. et vi. bov., et Willelmus de Alben[eio] iij. car. et ij. bov.[34] - _H[undredum] de[35] Waltham_.--In eadem villa Comes Lercestriæ + _H[undredum] de[35] Waltham_.--In eadem villa Comes Lercestriæ xvj. car. et dim. Alanus de creon ij. car. et dim. In Stonesbia idem Alanus viij. car. In Caston Robertus de ferr[ariis] ix. car.[36] @@ -9419,7 +9386,7 @@ tenants-in-chief. Count of Meulan Earl of Leicester Earl Aubrey (Escheat) 'Countess' Godgifu - 'Countess' Ælfgifu Earl of Chester (Donnington) + 'Countess' Ælfgifu Earl of Chester (Donnington) Earl of Chester Earl of Chester Hugh de Grentmesnil Earl of Leicester Henry de Ferrers Robert de Ferrers @@ -9630,7 +9597,7 @@ we read: In Pytesle Abbas de Burgo v. hid. [et] dim. set tamen in Rotulis Wyncestr[ie] vi. hid. et iii. parvas virgatas. -Since Domesday records this holding as 'v. hid. et una virgata terræ', +Since Domesday records this holding as 'v. hid. et una virgata terræ', the reference (if the text of the survey is right) must clearly be to some other record preserved in the national treasury. @@ -9644,8 +9611,8 @@ I append about a fifth of the Survey as a specimen of the whole. Abbatis Burgi i. magnam virgatam. In Slipton i. hidam et unam virgatam de feudo Will'i de Corcy. - Ibidem Ricardus filius Hugonis ii. partes unius hidæ de feudo - Burgi. Ibidem Rogerus nepos Abbatis tertiam partem unius hidæ + Ibidem Ricardus filius Hugonis ii. partes unius hidæ de feudo + Burgi. Ibidem Rogerus nepos Abbatis tertiam partem unius hidæ de eodem feudo. In Suburc [Sudboro'] ii. hidas [et] dim. de feudo @@ -9685,7 +9652,7 @@ I append about a fifth of the Survey as a specimen of the whole. dim. hid. de Burgo. In Thrapston Radulfus fil. Oger ii. hid. et i. virg. de feudo - de Brunne. Ibidem Robertus filius Edelinæ i. hid. et i. virg. + de Brunne. Ibidem Robertus filius Edelinæ i. hid. et i. virg. de feudo de Clare. In Torpe et Achirche Ascelinus de Waterville vi. hid. [et] @@ -9973,7 +9940,7 @@ Ascelin de Waterville. All this goes to show that the fief of Eustace the Sheriff did not, as has been alleged, descend to his heirs. Such an entry as 'In Lilleford, Willelmus Olyfart v. hidas de feudo -Regis Scotiæ' is peculiarly suggestive. It reminds us that David +Regis Scotiæ' is peculiarly suggestive. It reminds us that David Holyfard, godson of King David of Scotland, and his protector in 1141, was the founder of the house of Oliphant; and in the family's possession of Lilford (which was held of the Countess Judith in 1086) @@ -10103,7 +10070,7 @@ the Norman knight, we are met at once by the frank confession that the charter of Henry I was designed to remedy, there is a difference which the short interval of time will not account for'.[4] To meet this difficulty, to account for this flaw in the unbroken continuity -of the series, a _Deus ex machinâ_ has been found in the person of +of the series, a _Deus ex machinâ_ has been found in the person of Ranulf Flambard. Now this solution of the difficulty will scarcely, I venture to think, @@ -10264,7 +10231,7 @@ hides; at times that it was the value of his estate. Gneist, who has discussed the matter in detail, and on several occasions, has held throughout, broadly speaking, the same view: he maintains that 'since Alfred's time the general rule had been observed that a fully equipped -man should be furnished for every five _hidæ_, but it had never been +man should be furnished for every five _hidæ_, but it had never been established as a rule of law as in the Carlovingian legislation':[24] consequently, he urges, 'a fixed standard for the apportionment of the soldiery was wanting' at the time of the Conquest, and this want was @@ -10286,9 +10253,9 @@ of a roll of the crown vassals';[26] upon it, 'in later times, the fee-rolls were framed'.[27] By its evidence, 'according to the extent and the nature of the productive property, could be computed how many shields were to be furnished by each estate, according to the -gradually fixed proportion of a £20 ground rent'.[28] For 'the _feuda +gradually fixed proportion of a £20 ground rent'.[28] For 'the _feuda militum_ thus computed are no knights' fees of a limited area',[29] -but 'units of possession', the unit being £20 in annual value. +but 'units of possession', the unit being £20 in annual value. Dr Stubbs, on the other hand, while rejecting the view that military service, since the days of Alfred, had been practically fixed at one @@ -10296,7 +10263,7 @@ warrior for every five hides,[30] leans nevertheless to the belief that the knight's fee was developed out of the five-hide unit, and that the military 'service' of a tenant-in-chief was determined by the number of such units which he possessed. But, as he also recognizes -the £20 unit, there will be less danger of misrepresenting his views +the £20 unit, there will be less danger of misrepresenting his views if I append _verbatim_ the relevant passages: The customary service of one The value of the knight's fee @@ -10345,7 +10312,7 @@ once confronted by the difficulty that the owner of _x_ units of possession would be compelled, for the discharge of his military obligations, to enfeoff _x_ knights, assigning a 'unit' to each. A tenant-in-chief, to take a concrete instance, whose fief was worth -£100 a year, would have to provide _ex hypothesi_ five knights; if, as +£100 a year, would have to provide _ex hypothesi_ five knights; if, as was quite usual, he enfeoffed the full number, he would have to assign to each knight twenty librates of land (which I may at once, though anticipating, admit was the normal value of a knight's fee), that @@ -10469,7 +10436,7 @@ returns. vivus et mortuus, (3) super dominium et (2) quot habeat vero nostrum, de quo de novo feodamento similiter mandare - feffatos post mortem præcepistis, etc. + feffatos post mortem præcepistis, etc. bonae memoriae avi (pp. 416, 418). vestri ejusdem, et (3) quot feoda @@ -10531,7 +10498,7 @@ each tenant received his writ direct from the crown; and a casual reading of the _cartae_ might, perhaps, favour such a view. I have, however, been led to the conclusion that a general writ was issued to the sheriff of each county, and that its terms were communicated by -him to the several tenants-in-chief, whose _capita baroniæ_ lay within +him to the several tenants-in-chief, whose _capita baroniæ_ lay within his jurisdiction. Baderun of Monmouth has heard the writ read out in the county @@ -11022,7 +10989,7 @@ have, that the amount of the _servitium debitum_ was a matter of custom and tradition, and could not usually be determined by reference to written grants or charters. On this point the returns of three Essex tenants are most instructive, while their similarity is so -striking, that, as in the case of the Shropshire _formulæ_, it can +striking, that, as in the case of the Shropshire _formulæ_, it can scarcely be due to accident. The Earl of Essex closes with the words: 'et homines mei dicunt mihi quod debeo Domino Regi lx. milites'. Walter fitz Robert, who follows him, writes: 'et hoc mihi homines mei @@ -11053,21 +11020,21 @@ is made not to record evidence, but to oral testimony. So, too, the Bishop of Exeter adds this clause to his return: Et praeter hos omnes, sicut _a multis audivi_, comes - Gloucestriæ, et comes Hugo, et comes de Clare debent tenere + Gloucestriæ, et comes Hugo, et comes de Clare debent tenere de Exoniensi Episcopo; sed nullum ei servitium faciunt vel recognoscunt. Surely in all such cases as these the obvious inference is that the tenant had been enfeoffed _sine carta_, or in the very words of the Provisions of the Barons (1259) 'feofatus sine carta a tempore -conquestus vel alio antiquo feofamento' (§ 1). +conquestus vel alio antiquo feofamento' (§ 1). And now for my theory. No one can have even glanced at the lists I have compiled without being instantly struck by the fact that the 'service' is reckoned in round numbers, and is almost invariably _a multiple of 5, if not of 10_.[96] This discovery, of course, is absolutely destructive of the view that it always represented the -number of five-hide (or £20) units contained in the fief. Further, the +number of five-hide (or £20) units contained in the fief. Further, the number of differing fiefs assessed at precisely the same figure proves that the assessment was wholly arbitrary and cannot have been even the round sum which approximated most nearly the number of such units.[97] @@ -11147,7 +11114,7 @@ best summarize: into military fees is erroneous.... According to the extent and the nature of the productive property it could be computed how many shields were to be furnished by each - estate, according to the gradually fixed proportion of a £20 + estate, according to the gradually fixed proportion of a £20 ground-rent.[106] There is no ground for thinking that William directly or @@ -11335,8 +11302,8 @@ the spirit of a copying clerk rather than of an intelligent student. One more example of his errors will suffice. In his abstracts from the aid 'ad maritandam primogenitam filiam regis' (1168), we read: - Abbas Gloucestriæ de promissione, sed non numeratur quid; - sed in rotulo praecedenti dicitur:--Abbas Gloucestriæ debet + Abbas Gloucestriæ de promissione, sed non numeratur quid; + sed in rotulo praecedenti dicitur:--Abbas Gloucestriæ debet xxxviij. l. ij. s. vj. d. de veteri scutagio Walliae. Now (1) the amount of the abbot's contribution is duly entered on the @@ -11372,8 +11339,8 @@ The following charter is found in the (MS.) _Liber Eliensis_ (Lib. III), No. xxi, and in the Cottonian MS. Nero A. 15: H. rex Anglorum Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, - Comitibus, etc. Salutem. Sciatis me condonasse Ecclesiæ S. - Ætheldredæ de Ely pro Dei amore et anima Patris et Matris + Comitibus, etc. Salutem. Sciatis me condonasse Ecclesiæ S. + Ætheldredæ de Ely pro Dei amore et anima Patris et Matris meae et pro redemptione peccatorum meorum, et petitione Hervei ejusdem Ecclesie Episcopi 40 libras de illis 100 libris quas predicta Ecclesia solebat dare de _Scutagio_ quando @@ -11420,10 +11387,10 @@ appeared. In reading through the letters of Herbert (Losinga), Bishop of Norwich (d. 1119), I found this appeal to the Bishop of Salisbury, in the king's absence from England: - In terris meis exiguntur quinquaginta libræ pro placitis, cum + In terris meis exiguntur quinquaginta libræ pro placitis, cum earundem terrarum mei homines nec in responsionem nec in facto - peccaverint.[127] Item _pro militibus sexaginta libræ_ quos [? - quas] tanto difficilius cogor reddere, quanto annis præteritis + peccaverint.[127] Item _pro militibus sexaginta libræ_ quos [? + quas] tanto difficilius cogor reddere, quanto annis præteritis mea substantia gravius attenuata est (Ed. Giles, p. 51). The sum is that to which the Ely contribution is reduced by the above @@ -11495,7 +11462,7 @@ On the roll of 10 Henry II we find: 'Liberatio iiii. militum et ii. servientum de Waletone a festo Ap. Phil' et Jac' usque ad festum S. Luce xxiiii. li. et xx. d.' This works out at exactly 8d a day for the _miles_, and 1d for the _serviens_. On the roll of the next year the -five knights at Dover are paid £25 for 150 days' service, or exactly +five knights at Dover are paid £25 for 150 days' service, or exactly 8d a day each. So too on the roll of the thirteenth year we read: 'Liberatio iiii. militum de Waletone xxiii. li. et ix. s. et iiii. d. de clxxvi. diebus.... Et ii. servientibus de clxxvi. diebus xxix. sol. @@ -11542,7 +11509,7 @@ in that instance. Miss Norgate holds that 'no resentment seems to have been provoked by the measure', although she sees in it 'the origin of the great institution of scutage'.[136] Then there is the question of the object for which the levy was made. Swereford says 'pro exercitu -Walliæ',[137] and this misled, through Madox, Dr Stubbs (who wrote +Walliæ',[137] and this misled, through Madox, Dr Stubbs (who wrote 'the scutage of 1156 was also for the war in Wales',[138]) and Gneist.[139] The former writer, however, has elsewhere[140] pointed out that 'its object was to enable Henry to make war on his brother'; @@ -11591,7 +11558,7 @@ show that all over England there were only eight cases in which those not owing 'services of the shield' contributed (and that in no way as an assessment on imaginary knights' fees) to this levy, while in six out of the eight their contributions were so insignificant that their -collective amount barely exceeded £50.[147] +collective amount barely exceeded £50.[147] The true explanation is probably to be found in the fact that only a portion of the tax was raised by way of scutage. As this great levy @@ -11762,16 +11729,16 @@ scutage of two years later (1161), but adds that, if so, the rolls are very incomplete. In his _Constitutional History_ he speaks of 'this [scutage] and a very large accumulation of treasure from other sources, amounting, according to the contemporary writers, to -£180,000' (i. 457), but admits, in a footnote, that 'the sum is +£180,000' (i. 457), but admits, in a footnote, that 'the sum is impossible', and throws out as probable a different explanation. Miss Norgate writes that 'the proceeds, with those of a similar tax levied -upon Henry's other dominions, amounted to some £180,000'.[156] But +upon Henry's other dominions, amounted to some £180,000'.[156] But Gervase distinctly states that this sum was raised _from England_. Now -the actual sum raised, _by scutage_, in England (1159) was £2,440 in +the actual sum raised, _by scutage_, in England (1159) was £2,440 in all, as I reckon it, while the special clerical impost produced some -£3,130 in addition. Consequently, no ingenuity can save the credit of +£3,130 in addition. Consequently, no ingenuity can save the credit of Gervase. He was not, after all, worse than his fellows. We shall find -that when mediæval chroniclers endeavour to foist on us these absurd +that when mediæval chroniclers endeavour to foist on us these absurd sums they require much bolder handling than they have ever yet received. @@ -11934,7 +11901,7 @@ transcriber has made a further omission. Another source of discrepancy may be found in the dangerous resemblance of formulae. Thus the _carta_ of Ranulf fitz Walter records three and three-quarter fees duly accounted for. Yet his -payment in 1168 is not £2 10s but £2 4s 5d. The explanation is +payment in 1168 is not £2 10s but £2 4s 5d. The explanation is that the holding was really three and one-third fees,[176] but the transcriber read 'iij[^{a.}] pars' (one-third) as 'iij. partes' (three-quarters). @@ -11965,19 +11932,19 @@ Hen. II, to be claimed by the exchequer as 17 + 3, _i.e._ 20. Here also, perhaps, it may be allowable to glance at the foreign parallels to fiefs of sixty fees and smaller multiples of five. There is a charter of Charles the Fair (1322-28) 'qua Alphonsum de Hispania -"Baronem et Ricum Hominem" Navarræ creat; et, ut Baronis et Rici +"Baronem et Ricum Hominem" Navarræ creat; et, ut Baronis et Rici Hominis statum manu tenere possit, eidem de gratia speciali 60 -militias [knight's fees] in regno sua Navarræ concedit modo consueto +militias [knight's fees] in regno sua Navarræ concedit modo consueto tenendos et possidendos',[180] while an edict of earlier date proclaims: 'De Vasvassore [_i.e._ baron] qui _quinque milites_ habet, -per mortem [? pro morte] ejus, emendetur 60 unciæ auri cocti, et +per mortem [? pro morte] ejus, emendetur 60 unciæ auri cocti, et per plagam [? pro plaga] 30, et si plures habuerit milites, crescat compositio sicut numerus militum.'[181] IV. THE TOTAL NUMBER OF KNIGHTS DUE -'Ad hoc solicitius animum direxi ut per regna Angliæ debita Regi +'Ad hoc solicitius animum direxi ut per regna Angliæ debita Regi servitia militaria quatinus potui plenissime percunctarer.'[182] So writes Swereford, who proceeds to explain that neither the famous Bishop Nigel himself, nor his successor, Bishop Richard, nor William @@ -12016,7 +11983,7 @@ of the early historians';[189] but neither he nor any other writer has detected, so far as I know, the peculiar interest of the sum. What that interest is will be seen at once when I say that Ordericus, who asserts that the Conqueror had so apportioned the knight-service 'ut -Angliæ regnum lx. millia militum indesinenter haberet' (iv. 7), also +Angliæ regnum lx. millia militum indesinenter haberet' (iv. 7), also alleges that the number present at the famous Salisbury assembly (1086) was 60,000. It is very instructive to compare this 'body whose numbers were handed down by tradition as no less than sixty @@ -12025,7 +11992,7 @@ sexaginta millia equitum'--of thirteen years earlier, and with the number of the Norman invaders, 'commonly given at sixty thousand',[192] of seven years earlier still. It is Ordericus, too, who states that the treasure in Normandy at the death of Henry I was -£60,000. His father seems to have left behind him the same sum at +£60,000. His father seems to have left behind him the same sum at Winchester, for, though the chronicle left the amount in doubt, 'Henry of Huntingdon,' Mr Freeman observed, with a touch of just sarcasm, 'knew the exact amount of the silver, sixty thousand pounds, one @@ -12055,7 +12022,7 @@ great number, and that 'sixty' was used in this sense just as the Romans[198] had used it in classical times and just as Russian peasants (I think I have read) use it to this day. The 'twice six hundred thousand men', who were burning to fight for England,[199] and -the £180,000 (60,000 × 3) of Gervase (1159), are traceable, doubtless, +the £180,000 (60,000 × 3) of Gervase (1159), are traceable, doubtless, to the same source. How strangely different from these wild figures are the sober facts @@ -12087,7 +12054,7 @@ for himself, the true facts of the case, is Mr Pearson;[202] but his calculations, I fear, are vitiated by the unfortunate guess that the alleged 32,000 fees were really 6,400 of five hides each. It is a hopeless undertaking to reconcile the facts with the wild figures -of mediæval historians by resorting to the ingenious devices of +of mediæval historians by resorting to the ingenious devices of apocalyptic interpretation. @@ -12106,7 +12073,7 @@ constituted a knight's fee. The circumstance of a fee, in many cases consisting of five hides, is merely, I think, due to the existence of five-hide estates, survivals -from the previous _régime_. We have an excellent instance of such +from the previous _régime_. We have an excellent instance of such fees in a very remarkable document, which has hitherto, it would seem, remained unnoticed. This is a transcript, in Heming's Cartulary, of a hidated survey of the Gloucestershire Manors belonging to the See of @@ -12151,7 +12118,7 @@ if we take 20 _librates_ as the amount of the fee--which it was already, as Dr Stubbs observes, in the days of the Conqueror--the _cartae_ confirm that conclusion.[214] We must therefore conclude that the knight's fee, held by an under-tenant, consisted normally of an estate, -worth £20 a year, and was not based on the 'five hides' of the +worth £20 a year, and was not based on the 'five hides' of the Anglo-Saxon system. @@ -12225,7 +12192,7 @@ Lastly, we have the return in the Black Book (1166): Homines faciunt iiii. milites in communi in servitium domini regis, ita quod tota terra abbatiae communicata est cum eis - per hidas ad prædictum servitium faciendum. + per hidas ad prædictum servitium faciendum. Prof Maitland, writing on the Court of the Abbey of Ramsey, in the thirteenth century, observes that: @@ -12309,11 +12276,11 @@ Athelelm At Ely, the abbot - habuit ex consuetudine, secundum jussum regis, prætaxatum + habuit ex consuetudine, secundum jussum regis, prætaxatum militiae numerum infra aulam ecclesiae, victum cotidie de manu celerarii capientem atque stipendia, quod intollerabiliter et supra modum potuit vexare locum.... Ex hoc compulsus quasdam - terras sanctæ Ædeldredae invasoribus in feudum permisit tenere + terras sanctæ Ædeldredae invasoribus in feudum permisit tenere ... ut in omni expeditione regi observarent, [et] ecclesia perpetim infatigata permaneret.[236] @@ -12361,14 +12328,14 @@ William. Abbot Walter of Evesham and his successor persisted in enfeoffing knights 'contradicente capitulo'.[244] So, during a vacancy at Abbotsbury under Henry I, 'cum Rogerus -Episcopus habuit custodiam Abbatiæ, duas hidas, ad maritandam quandam -neptem suam, dedit N. de M., contradicente conventu Ecclesiæ'.[245] +Episcopus habuit custodiam Abbatiæ, duas hidas, ad maritandam quandam +neptem suam, dedit N. de M., contradicente conventu Ecclesiæ'.[245] Henry of Winchester has left us a similar record of the action of his predecessors at Glastonbury.[246] His narrative is specially valuable for the light it throws on the power of subsequent revocation, perhaps in cases where the corporate body had protested at the time against the grant. Of this we have a striking instance in the grants of Abbot -Æthelwig of Evesham, almost all of which, we read, were revoked by +Æthelwig of Evesham, almost all of which, we read, were revoked by his successor.[247] Parallel rather to the cases of Middleton and Abbotsbury (_vide cartas_) would be the action of William Rufus during the Canterbury vacancy.[248] @@ -12399,7 +12366,7 @@ full liability.[250] milites quos de abb[at]ia tua mihi debes tec[um] paratos adducas. Teste Eudone dapif[er]o Ap[ud] Wintoniam.[251] -Being addressed to Æthelwig, the writ, of course, must be previous +Being addressed to Æthelwig, the writ, of course, must be previous to his death in 1077, but I think that we can date it, perhaps, with precision, and that it belongs to the year 1072. In that year, says the Ely chronicler, the Conqueror, projecting his invasion to @@ -12419,7 +12386,7 @@ position he occupied as 'chief ruler of several counties at the time'.[252] We find him again, two years later (1074), acting as a military commander. On that occasion the line of the Severn was guarded against the rebel advance by Bishop Wulfstan, 'cum magna -militari manu, et Ægelwius Eoveshamnensis abbas cum suis, ascitis sibi +militari manu, et Ægelwius Eoveshamnensis abbas cum suis, ascitis sibi in adjutorium Ursone vicecomite Wigorniae et Waltero de Laceio cum copiis suis, et cetera multitudine plebis'.[253] The number of knights which constituted the _servitium debitum_ of Evesham was five then @@ -12595,8 +12562,8 @@ survey itself, a list of the tenants of the fee, which should prove of peculiar value. If the sums entered be added up, their total will amount to exactly -£250. It is tempting to connect this figure with a _servitium debitum_ -(_teste episcopo_) of fifty fees at the 'ancient relief' of £5 a fee; +£250. It is tempting to connect this figure with a _servitium debitum_ +(_teste episcopo_) of fifty fees at the 'ancient relief' of £5 a fee; but we are only justified in treating it as one of those round sums that we find exacted for relief under Henry II, especially as its items cannot be connected with the actual knights' fees. The appended @@ -12605,7 +12572,7 @@ hides held. DOMESDAY, 1086 THE RELIEF, 1095 - _h._ _v._ _£_ _s._ + _h._ _v._ _£_ _s._ Roger de Laci 23 2 Hugh de Laci 20 0 Walter Ponther 10 2 Walter Punther 20 0 @@ -12627,7 +12594,7 @@ hides held. Berald 1 0 William de Wick 1 0 Robert fitz Nigel 5 0 - Ælfric the archdeacon 4 0 Ælfric the archdeacon 5 0 + Ælfric the archdeacon 4 0 Ælfric the archdeacon 5 0 Orderic} 6 1 Orderic the _Dapifer_ 40 0 Orderic} Orderic Black 5 0 Coleman 2 0 @@ -12637,10 +12604,10 @@ hides held. Alfred 1 10 Siward 5 0 Siward 2 0 Sawulf 15 0 - Ælfar 2 0 + Ælfar 2 0 Cheping 1 0 ----------------- - £250 0 + £250 0 The comparison of these two lists suggests some interesting @@ -12831,7 +12798,7 @@ dispute. fiefs.] [Footnote 42: Compare the _carta_ of the bishop of Exeter, - _Præcepistis mihi quod mandarem vobis_ non _quod servitia + _Præcepistis mihi quod mandarem vobis_ non _quod servitia militum vobis debeam_, etc. Dr Stubbs writes: 'The king issued a writ to all the tenants-in-chief of the crown, lay and clerical, directing each of them to send in a cartel or report @@ -13110,7 +13077,7 @@ dispute. Rou_): 'Ne ke jamez d'ore en avant, - Ço lor a miz en covenant, + Ço lor a miz en covenant, N'ierent de servise requis, Forz tel ke solt estre al paiz, E tel come lor ancessor @@ -13233,7 +13200,7 @@ dispute. 17, 38), and are referred to in a charter of Stephen to Shaftesbury Abbey.] - [Footnote 126: Printed in _Athenæum_, December 2, 1893.] + [Footnote 126: Printed in _Athenæum_, December 2, 1893.] [Footnote 127: Cf. _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, p. 105.] @@ -13324,15 +13291,15 @@ dispute. [Footnote 147: The abbots of Shrewsbury, Thorney, and Croyland; the abbesses of Barking, Winchester, and Romsey. The - total of their _dona_ amounted to £51 13s 4d.] + total of their _dona_ amounted to £51 13s 4d.] [Footnote 148: Not, however, by Dr Stubbs (Preface to _Gesta Henrici Regis_, II. xciv-xcvi).] [Footnote 149: Dr Stubbs, independently, reckons the total - payments of the church at £3,700 (_Gesta Henrici Regis_), + payments of the church at £3,700 (_Gesta Henrici Regis_), which does not differ greatly from the above calculation - (£3,167 6s 8d). ] + (£3,167 6s 8d). ] [Footnote 150: 'Ille quidem gladius quem in sancte matris ecclesiae viscera vestra paulo ante manus immerserat cum ad @@ -13669,8 +13636,8 @@ dispute. [Footnote 239: A charter of Henry I (_Mon. Ang._, vi. 496) addressed 'Willelmo Episcopo Exoniensi et Ricardo filio Baldwini vicecomiti' (see p. 256) contains the clause: - 'Prohibeo ne aliquis præter monachos ipsas terras amplius - teneat vel alias aliquas quæ de dominio ecclesie fuerunt, + 'Prohibeo ne aliquis præter monachos ipsas terras amplius + teneat vel alias aliquas quæ de dominio ecclesie fuerunt, exceptis illis quas Gaufridus abbas dedit _ad servicium militare_.' Abbot Geoffrey is said to have died in 1088. A curious difficulty has been raised about the words in italics. @@ -13740,7 +13707,7 @@ dispute. Bayeux, Bishop Wulfstan, and Urse d'Abetot, and witnessed by Bishop Geoffrey (of Coutances) and (like our writ) by Eudo Dapifer, being also witnessed, like it, at Winchester. It is - noteworthy that it grants Æthelwig the Hundred of Fishborough + noteworthy that it grants Æthelwig the Hundred of Fishborough 'in potestate et _justitia_ sua'.] [Footnote 251: Cott. MS. Vesp. B. xxvi. f. 15[18].] @@ -13941,8 +13908,8 @@ tendencies of Edward' paved the way for the coming of William. Nor can we hesitate to begin the study of the Norman Conquest with the coming of those, its true forerunners-- - 'Ke Ewart i aveit menéz - Et granz chastels è fieux dunez,' + 'Ke Ewart i aveit menéz + Et granz chastels è fieux dunez,' and with whom may be said to have begun the story of Feudal England. @@ -13951,11 +13918,11 @@ theory, in his little book upon the Cinque Ports,[6] that Edward the Confessor 'had evidently intended to make the little group of Sussex towns, the "New Burgh" [? afterwards Hastings], Winchelsea, and Rye, a strong link of communication between England and Normandy', by placing -them under the control of Fécamp Abbey. He holds, indeed, that Godwine +them under the control of Fécamp Abbey. He holds, indeed, that Godwine and Harold had contrived to thwart this intention in the case of the latter; but this, as I shall show in my paper on the Cinque Ports, arises from a misapprehension. This theory I propose to develop by -adding the case of Steyning, Edward's grant of which to Fécamp is well +adding the case of Steyning, Edward's grant of which to Fécamp is well known, and has been discussed by Mr Freeman. It might not, possibly, occur to any one that Steyning, like Arundel, was at that time a port. But in a very curious record of 1103, narrating the agreement made @@ -13966,7 +13933,7 @@ lately impeded by a bridge that had been erected at Bramber. Here then was another Sussex port placed in Norman hands. Yet this does not exhaust the list. Mr Freeman seems to have strangely overlooked the fact that the great benefice of Bosham, valued under the Confessor -at £300 a year, had been conferred by Edward on his Norman chaplain, +at £300 a year, had been conferred by Edward on his Norman chaplain, Osbern, afterwards (1073) Bishop of Exeter, whose brother, in the words of the Regius Professor, was the 'Duke's earliest and dearest friend', and who, of course, was of kin both to William and to @@ -14100,7 +14067,7 @@ had _re_-fortified it ('hoc castellum refirmaverat'), implying that it had existed, and been dismantled before the Conquest. It heads, in the great survey, the possessions of Alfred of Marlborough, and although its holder T.R.E. is not mentioned, we read of the two Manors which -follow it: 'Hæc duo maneria tenuit Osbernus avunculus Alveredi T.R.E. +follow it: 'Hæc duo maneria tenuit Osbernus avunculus Alveredi T.R.E. quando Goduinus et Heraldus erant exulati' (i. 186). Mr Freeman, of course, assumed that this Osbern was identical with Osbern, the son of Richard, the Domesday tenant-in-chief. This assumption is not only @@ -14116,7 +14083,7 @@ Ewyas Harold fits in also with the chronicle's mention of the Normans fleeing 'west' to Pentecost's castle. We have now seen that Richard's castle did not stand alone, and that -there is nothing to identify it with that Herefordshire castle ('ænne +there is nothing to identify it with that Herefordshire castle ('ænne castel') of which the garrison had committed outrages in 1051, and which is far more likely, so far as our evidence goes, to have been 'Pentecost's Castle'. Mr Freeman rightly called attention to 'the firm @@ -14170,20 +14137,20 @@ so much by King Edward as by his Earl Ralph, just as Earl William (Fitz Osbern) planted a fresh one after the Conquest. Among the Normans allowed to remain, on the triumph of Godwine's -party in 1052, Florence mentions 'Ælfredum regis stratorem'. On him Mr +party in 1052, Florence mentions 'Ælfredum regis stratorem'. On him Mr Freeman thus comments: - Several Ælfreds occur in Domesday as great landowners, Ælfred - of Marlborough (Osbern's nephew) and Ælfred of Spain, but it + Several Ælfreds occur in Domesday as great landowners, Ælfred + of Marlborough (Osbern's nephew) and Ælfred of Spain, but it is not easy to identify their possessions with any holder of - the name in Edward's time. The names Ælfred and Edward and the + the name in Edward's time. The names Ælfred and Edward and the female name Eadgyth seem to have been the only English names adopted by the Normans. The two former would naturally be given to godsons or dependants of the two Althelings while in Normandy [_i.e._ after 1013].[24] -An appendix, in the first volume, devoted to Ælfred the giant--who -appears in Normandy, _circ._ 1030--claims that Ælfred is a name so +An appendix, in the first volume, devoted to Ælfred the giant--who +appears in Normandy, _circ._ 1030--claims that Ælfred is a name so purely English that the presumption in favour of the English birth of any one bearing it 'in this generation is extremely strong',[25] and that it was only adopted by 'a later generation of Normans'. Mr @@ -14232,11 +14199,11 @@ visited Baldwin, Abbot of St Edmund's, to be cured of an injury to his eye, the Abbot induced him to renounce his claim to jurisdiction over the Abbey: - In sacri monasterii vestiario, præsentibus ejusdem loci - majoris ætatis fratribus, sed etiam accitis illuc ab abbate + In sacri monasterii vestiario, præsentibus ejusdem loci + majoris ætatis fratribus, sed etiam accitis illuc ab abbate quibusdam regis primoribus, qui dictante justitia in eadem villa regia tenebant placita. Quorum nomina, quamvis - auditoribus tædio, tamen sunt veræ rationis testimonio; + auditoribus tædio, tamen sunt veræ rationis testimonio; videlicet Hugo de Mundford, et Rogerius cognomento Bigot, Richardus Gisleberti comitis filius, ac cum eis _Lincoliensis Turoldus_ et Hispaniensis Alveredus, cum aliis @@ -14252,7 +14219,7 @@ died before Domesday.[37] The name of William Malet, connected with that of Thorold, reminds me of a suggestion I once made,[38] that he held Aulkborough in -Lincolnshire, T.R.E., 'and was, to that extent, as M. le Prêvost held, +Lincolnshire, T.R.E., 'and was, to that extent, as M. le Prêvost held, "established in England previously to the Conquest"'. Stapleton, whose name in such matters rightly carries great weight, @@ -14264,7 +14231,7 @@ I pointed out, firstly, that 'it is not the practice of Domesday to enter Manors held _in maritagio_ thus', and gave an instance (i. 197) 'where we find Picot holding lands from Robert Gernon, which lands are entered in the Gernon fief with the note: "Has terras tenet Picot -Vicecomes de Roberto Gernon in maritagio feminæ suæ."' I can now, by +Vicecomes de Roberto Gernon in maritagio feminæ suæ."' I can now, by the kindness of Dr Liebermann, add the instance of the Mandeville fief in Surrey, where we read of 'Aultone': 'De his hidis tenet Wesman vi. hidas de Goisfrido filio comitis Eustachii; hanc terram dedit ei @@ -14313,7 +14280,7 @@ paper. chaplain, Bishop of Lichfield, 1075, have similarly been the Peter who was a chaplain of Edward?] - [Footnote 8: Chèruel's _Histoire de Rouen pendant l'époque + [Footnote 8: Chèruel's _Histoire de Rouen pendant l'époque communale_, i. 245.] [Footnote 9: _Norm. Conq._, ii. 136-8.] @@ -14367,7 +14334,7 @@ paper. of Eadric. I could almost have fancied that the words 'Herefordenses castellani' referred to 'the castle' in Herefordshire (see vol. ii. p. 139); but the words of the - Worcester chronicler 'þa castelmenn on Hereforda' seem to fix + Worcester chronicler 'þa castelmenn on Hereforda' seem to fix the meaning to the city itself' (iv. 64).] [Footnote 23: I have no hesitation in offering these @@ -14421,7 +14388,7 @@ paper. him into _two_ (1) 'Thuroldus Vicecomes Lincoln', whose benefaction to Crowland (D.B., i. 346_b_) was confirmed in 806 (!) and subsequently (pp. 6, 9, 15, 19), (2) 'quidam vicecomes - Lincolniæ, dictus Thoroldus ... de genere et cognatione illius + Lincolniæ, dictus Thoroldus ... de genere et cognatione illius vicedomini Thoroldi qui quondam', etc. (p. 65). It is the one living in '1051', to whom the Spalding foundation was assigned.] @@ -14480,9 +14447,9 @@ paper. MR FREEMAN AND THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS -[Greek: Hotan ho ischyros kathôplismenos phylassê tên heautou aulên, -en eirênê estin ta hyparchonta autou. epan de ischyroteros autou -epelthôn nikêsê auton, tên panoplian autou airei eph' hê epepoithei.] +[Greek: Hotan ho ischyros kathôplismenos phylassê tên heautou aulên, +en eirênê estin ta hyparchonta autou. epan de ischyroteros autou +epelthôn nikêsê auton, tên panoplian autou airei eph' hê epepoithei.] It might well be thought the height of rashness to attempt criticism, @@ -14550,7 +14517,7 @@ always remind one of Macaulay's words: cases established usage is considered as law by all writers except Mr Mitford ... but he proceeds on no principle but that of being unlike the rest of the world. Every child has heard - of Linnæus; therefore Mr Mitford calls him Linné. Rousseau is + of Linnæus; therefore Mr Mitford calls him Linné. Rousseau is known all over Europe as Jean Jacques; therefore Mr Mitford bestows on him the strange appellation of John James. @@ -14612,7 +14579,7 @@ uncalled for; it was also absolutely wrong. 'To the battle itself,' Mr Freeman wrote, 'I restore its true ancient name of Senlac.' In so doing the writer acted in the spirit of those who 'restore' our churches and who gave that word so evil a sound in the ears of all -archæologists, Mr Freeman himself included. I am reminded of the +archæologists, Mr Freeman himself included. I am reminded of the protest of the Society of Antiquaries on hearing 'with much regret that a fifteenth-century pinnacle' at Rochester Cathedral 'is in danger of destruction in order that a modern pinnacle, professing to @@ -14628,12 +14595,12 @@ save Orderic alone. Now Orderic wrote two generations after the battle was fought; the name he strove to give it fell from his pen stillborn; and the fact that this name was a fad of his own is shown by what Mr Freeman suppressed, namely, that Orderic, in the same breath, tells -us that Battle Abbey was founded as 'c[oe]nobium Sanctæ Trinitatis +us that Battle Abbey was founded as 'c[oe]nobium Sanctæ Trinitatis Senlac', whereas we learn from Mr Freeman himself that the usual title is 'ecclesia Sancti Martini de Bello', - 'ecclesia de Bello', or, as we have seen, in English 'þæt - mynster æt þære Bataille'. The fuller form, 'Abbas Sancti + 'ecclesia de Bello', or, as we have seen, in English 'þæt + mynster æt þære Bataille'. The fuller form, 'Abbas Sancti Martini de loco Belli', appears in Domesday, 11_b_: but it is commonly called in the Survey 'ecclesia de Labatailge'. @@ -14653,7 +14620,7 @@ chiefly complained of of _Senlac_' instead of 'the Battle of _Hastings_'. As every one knows, the fight took place on the site of Battle Abbey, seven miles from Hastings; as so many great battles, those of - Tours, Blenheim, Cannæ, Chalons, and the like, have been named + Tours, Blenheim, Cannæ, Chalons, and the like, have been named from places not the actual spot of the combat. But since for 800 years the historians of Europe have spoken @@ -14682,7 +14649,7 @@ the professor himself wrote: The spot was then quite unoccupied and untilled; nothing in any of the narratives implies the existence of any village or settlement; our own Chronicle only describes the site as - by 'the hoar apple-tree' ('He com him togenes æt þære haran + by 'the hoar apple-tree' ('He com him togenes æt þære haran apuldran'). Consequently, when men wished to speak of the great conflict, they @@ -14756,7 +14723,7 @@ the name 'Duncombe Park': How came a French 'Senlac' in 'Old English' Sussex? The name is as obviously foreign as 'Senlis' itself, and the occurrence, in later -days of 'Santlachæ' as a local field-name, cannot avail against this +days of 'Santlachæ' as a local field-name, cannot avail against this fact, or prove that this open down, in days before the Conquest, could have borne such a title. Therefore, when Mr Freeman wrote that the English king 'pitched his camp upon the ever memorable heights of @@ -14940,9 +14907,9 @@ hill.[20] (B) ll. 7815-26: The passage in question runs thus: Fet orent devant els _escuz_ - De fenestres è d'altres fuz, + De fenestres è d'altres fuz, Devant els les orent levez, - Come cleies joinz è serrez; + Come cleies joinz è serrez; Fait en orent devant closture, N'i laissierent nule jointure, Par onc Normant entr'els venist @@ -14973,7 +14940,7 @@ concerning them as follows: 12941: 'Fet orent devant els escuz - De fenestres è d'altres fuz; + De fenestres è d'altres fuz; Devant els les orent levez. . . . . . Et s'il se fussent bien tenu @@ -14981,10 +14948,10 @@ concerning them as follows: So William of Malmesbury, 241. 'Pedites omnes cum bipennibus, conserta ante se scutorum testudine, impenetrabilem cuneum - faciunt; quod profecto illis eâ die saluti fuisset, - nisi Normanni simulatâ fugâ more suo confertos manipulos + faciunt; quod profecto illis eâ die saluti fuisset, + nisi Normanni simulatâ fugâ more suo confertos manipulos laxassent.' So at the battle of the Standard, according to - Æthelred of Rievaux (343), 'scutis scuta junguntur, lateribus + Æthelred of Rievaux (343), 'scutis scuta junguntur, lateribus latera conseruntur' (iii. 763-4). The unquestionable meaning of Mr Freeman's words is that Wace's lines @@ -15049,8 +15016,8 @@ only reprint my argument as it appeared in the _Quarterly Review_. 'Angli nimium adjuvantur superioris loci opportunitate, quem sine procursu tenent, et maxime conferti; atque ingenti quoque - numerositate suâ atque validissimâ corpulentiâ; præterea - pugnæ instrumentis, quæ facile per scuta vel alia tegmina viam + numerositate suâ atque validissimâ corpulentiâ; præterea + pugnæ instrumentis, quæ facile per scuta vel alia tegmina viam inveniunt.' Now William who was not only a contemporary writer, but, says @@ -15288,7 +15255,7 @@ strictissime', and were thus 'impenetrabiles Normannis'. No feature of the great battle is more absolutely beyond dispute. It was the denseness of the English ranks that most vividly struck -their foes. 'Shield to shield, and shoulder to shoulder', as Æthelred +their foes. 'Shield to shield, and shoulder to shoulder', as Æthelred describes them at the Battle of the Standard, they wedged themselves together so tightly that the wounded could not move, nor even the corpses drop. And so they stood together, the living and the dead.[63] @@ -15305,7 +15272,7 @@ William of Malmesbury describes the famous shield-wall,[66] is depicted, with his usual painstaking care, by the designer of the Bayeux Tapestry. We read of the 'testudo' at Ashdown fight, even in the days of Alfred;[67] it was, again, with the shield-wall -that 'glorious Æthelstan' won the day on the hard-fought field of +that 'glorious Æthelstan' won the day on the hard-fought field of Brunanburh (937);[68] we hear of it at Maldon (991), where Brihtnoth, we read, 'bade his men work the war-hedge',--'that is, had made his men form the shield-wall, a sort of fortress made by holding their @@ -15408,7 +15375,7 @@ Against it is the fact that in this quarter the first assault was soonest repulsed: against it also is all analogy drawn from the study of English tactics. Snorro's description of Stamfordbridge is evidence, at least, that 'the fortress of shields' had a continuous -line of bucklers along its whole front: Æthelred gives us the reason +line of bucklers along its whole front: Æthelred gives us the reason in his story of the Battle of the Standard; namely, that it was the front line which had to meet the shock ('periculosum dicebant si primo aggressu inermes armatis occurrerent'). It was therefore an essential @@ -15420,12 +15387,12 @@ in prima fronte locati'.[83] The words 'and the lighter troops behind them', which originally followed here, have been objected to by Miss Norgate, who had originally made the same statement,[84] but who now wishes to withdraw -it.[85] Henry of Huntingdon, however--like Æthelred, a contemporary +it.[85] Henry of Huntingdon, however--like Æthelred, a contemporary authority--agrees with him in describing the dismounted knights, -men with shields and _loricæ_ like the 'housecarls' at Hastings, as +men with shields and _loricæ_ like the 'housecarls' at Hastings, as forming an 'iron wall' along the English front.[86] If then mailed warriors formed the front line, it is difficult to see where the -'inermis plebs', as Æthelred terms it, could be but 'behind them'. The +'inermis plebs', as Æthelred terms it, could be but 'behind them'. The fact is that the Battle of the Standard, for which we have excellent authorities, is of no small value for the study of the Battle of Hastings, as my opponents seem to be uncomfortably aware. 'The @@ -15451,8 +15418,8 @@ seem to have occurred to him.' Have we also the reason why our author himself overlooked these obvious analogies in the fact that to illustrate the Battle of Hastings he quotes some five and twenty times from the Odyssey and the Iliad, from Herodotus and Xenophon, from -Æschylus, Plutarch, and Dio Cassius; from Livy, Tacitus, Ammianus, and -even Ælius Spartianus? In his later edition, however, he inserted in +Æschylus, Plutarch, and Dio Cassius; from Livy, Tacitus, Ammianus, and +even Ælius Spartianus? In his later edition, however, he inserted in a footnote the words: 'On placing the inferior troops in the rear, see the tactics of Eadmund at Sherstone.'[92] 'In the _rear_?' Yes, but that is precisely my contention. The assumption that I am assailing is @@ -15622,7 +15589,7 @@ Here Baudri comes to our aid: Arcubus utantur dux imperat atque balistis; Nam prius has mortes Anglia tunc didicit. Tunc didicere mori quam non novere sagitta - Creditur a cælo mors super ingruere + Creditur a cælo mors super ingruere Hos velut a longe comitatur militis agmen, Palantes post se miles ut excipiat. @@ -15634,7 +15601,7 @@ some of them should sally forth, when their assailants would turn tail and leave them to be caught in the open and ridden down. As Bishop Guy expresses it: - Præmisit pedites committere bella sagittis, + Præmisit pedites committere bella sagittis, Et balistantes inserit in medio, Quatinus infigant volitantia vultibus arma, Vulneribusque datis ora retro faciant, @@ -15645,11 +15612,11 @@ English, as they dashed forth to strike their tormentors to the ground, were cut off in every direction by the horsemen waiting their chance: - Tunc præ tristitia gens effera præque pudore + Tunc præ tristitia gens effera præque pudore Egreditur palans, insequiturque vagos. Normanni simulantque fugam fugiuntque fugantes, - Intercepit eos undique præpes equus. - Ilico cæduntur; sic paulatim minuuntur, + Intercepit eos undique præpes equus. + Ilico cæduntur; sic paulatim minuuntur, Nec minuebatur callidus ordo ducis. This account is both intelligible and consistent, but differs wholly @@ -15953,12 +15920,12 @@ is supposed to be based, we find, with some astonishment, that it is all sheer imagination. William of Poitiers, on whom the writer seemed mainly to rely for the feigned flight, states that: - Normanni sociaque turba ... terga dederunt, fugam ex industriâ + Normanni sociaque turba ... terga dederunt, fugam ex industriâ simulantes-- words which distinctly imply that this feigned flight was general. Henry of Huntingdon merely writes: 'Docuit Dux Willelmus _genti -suæ_ fugam simulare.' No one, certainly, says or implies that it was +suæ_ fugam simulare.' No one, certainly, says or implies that it was restricted to the left wing. As for the theory that 'the main body of the Normans' were, by this man[oe]uvre, enabled to seize the western portion of the hill, and thus attack Harold on his flank, it is more @@ -15970,8 +15937,8 @@ The feigned flight was not a simple (as he supposed), but a combined movement. The best account of that movement is found in the Battle Chronicle: - Tandem strenuissimus Boloniæ comes Eustachius clam, callida - præmeditata arte--fugam cum exercitu duce simulante--super + Tandem strenuissimus Boloniæ comes Eustachius clam, callida + præmeditata arte--fugam cum exercitu duce simulante--super Anglos sparsim agiliter insequentes cum manu valida a tergo irruit, _sicque et duce hostes ferociter invadente ipsis interclusis utrinque_ prosternuntur innumeri. @@ -16039,7 +16006,7 @@ occurring in both cases: while William of Malmesbury describes the French king as thus 'astutia insidiis exceptus', just as he describes Harold, in turn as thus -'astutiâ Willelmi circumventus'. Mr Freeman quoted both passages, yet +'astutiâ Willelmi circumventus'. Mr Freeman quoted both passages, yet failed to note the parallel. I speak, it will be seen, of 'the relief of Arques'. As my critic so @@ -16063,7 +16030,7 @@ clear statement of William of Poitiers that the King went away.' Now, William's statement (which is quoted by him) is absolutely clear: _Perveniens tamen quo ire intenderat_, Rex exacerbatissimis - animis summâ vi præsidium attentavit: Willelmum ab ærumnis uti + animis summâ vi præsidium attentavit: Willelmum ab ærumnis uti eriperet, pariter decrementum sui, stragem suorum vindicaret. The King, that is, in spite of the ambush, reached his destination @@ -16074,7 +16041,7 @@ After describing the affair of the ambush, he proceeds thus: Les somiers fist apareilier, La garisun prendre e chargier, - _À la tur d'Arches fist porter_, + _À la tur d'Arches fist porter_, Il meisme fu al mener (II. ll. 3519-22). Arques, therefore, was duly relieved; the blockading party being only @@ -16082,14 +16049,14 @@ strong enough to defend, when attacked, its own _castellum_. We will certainly not say of Mr Freeman that he had not read his Wace 'with common care'--to quote from his criticism on Professor -Pearson--but really, when _more suo_ he corrected _ex cathedrâ_ the +Pearson--but really, when _more suo_ he corrected _ex cathedrâ_ the faults of others, he might at least have made sure of his facts. We will take (from the narrative of the Battle of Hastings) the case of the knighting of Harold on the eve of the Breton war: WACE MR FREEMAN - E Heraut out iloc geu, Mr Planché says that Wace lays + E Heraut out iloc geu, Mr Planché says that Wace lays E par la Lande fu passez, the scene at Avranches. He probably Quant il fu duc amenez, refers to the Roman de Rou, 13723, Qui a Aurenches donc esteit but the knighthood is not there @@ -16141,7 +16108,7 @@ his age', observes: One need scarcely point out that Mr Freeman has confused two successive bearers of the name. The confusion is avoided by the Duchess of Cleveland in her work on 'The Battle Abbey Roll', as it had -been by Planché and previous writers. +been by Planché and previous writers. I here notice it chiefly as illustrating Mr Freeman's ready acceptance of even glaring improbabilities. @@ -16334,10 +16301,10 @@ at the outset, the thought that his hero could err 'in the most carefully elaborated passage of his whole history',[151] his attitude of bold defiance was a joy to Mr Freeman's friends.[152] - [Greek: amphi d' ar' autô baine leôn hôs alki pepoithôs, - prosthe de hoi dyry t' esche kai aspida pantos eisên, - ton ktamenai memaôs hos tis tou g' antios elthoi, - smerdalea iachôn.] + [Greek: amphi d' ar' autô baine leôn hôs alki pepoithôs, + prosthe de hoi dyry t' esche kai aspida pantos eisên, + ton ktamenai memaôs hos tis tou g' antios elthoi, + smerdalea iachôn.] But his wildly brandished weapon proved more deadly to friend than foe: he discovered, as I knew, he could only oppose me by making @@ -16592,7 +16559,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ confuse the 'fosse' and the palisade will be found in _ibid._, ix. 213, 214.] - [Footnote 21: He paraphrased 'escuz de fenestres è d'altres + [Footnote 21: He paraphrased 'escuz de fenestres è d'altres fuz' as 'firm barricades of ash and other timber'.] [Footnote 22: I supply the passage in square brackets (the @@ -16624,7 +16591,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ translating this passage as if it referred to a shield-wall' (p. 270). - Instantly reminded by me (_Athenæum_, March 18, April 8, + Instantly reminded by me (_Athenæum_, March 18, April 8, 1893), that Mr Freeman himself had taken it as a description of the shield-wall, and challenged to account for the fact, again charged (_Quarterly Review_, July 1893, p. 88), with @@ -16648,7 +16615,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ [Footnote 27: _Quarterly Review_, July 1893, p. 84.] - [Footnote 28: _Athenæum_, March 18, 1893.] + [Footnote 28: _Athenæum_, March 18, 1893.] [Footnote 29: _English Historical Review_, ix. 40.] @@ -16707,7 +16674,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ (iii. 620). It has been remarked by Mr He rejects _in toto_ the - Planché and others, that at Tapestry's version of Edward the + Planché and others, that at Tapestry's version of Edward the this point the order of time Confessor's death, for that is forsaken; the burial of 'priceless record' makes _Edward Eadward is placed before his buried before he died!_ Mr @@ -16722,7 +16689,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ Tapestry and the Life) will attach much importance to the sceptical remarks of Mr - Planché (_ibid._). + Planché (_ibid._). One would hardly imagine from Mr Archer's sneers that Mr Freeman had really vindicated the Tapestry from its 'seeming inconsistency', @@ -16839,7 +16806,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ [Footnote 58: Wace, of course, is the only one worth mentioning of the three last, and even his 'decisive words' - prove to be only a personal opinion ('_ço me semble_') that + prove to be only a personal opinion ('_ço me semble_') that the axeman's shield must have hampered him (see _Cont. Rev._, 348, and _Norm. Conq._, iii. 765).] @@ -16850,7 +16817,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ [Footnote 61: Oman's _Art of War in the Middle Ages_, 24 (see _Q.R._, July 1893, p. 90).] - [Footnote 62: Compare (as Mr Freeman does) Æthelred's + [Footnote 62: Compare (as Mr Freeman does) Æthelred's description of the English array of the Battle of the Standard: 'lateribus latera conseruntur'.] @@ -16942,7 +16909,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ [Footnote 87: 'Tota namque gens Normannorum et Anglorum in una acie circum Standard conglobata, persistebant immobiles' (Hen. Hunt). 'Australes, quoniam pauci erant, in unum cuneum - sapientissime glomerantur' (_Æth. Riv._).] + sapientissime glomerantur' (_Æth. Riv._).] [Footnote 88: It is no less interesting than curious that the Bayeux Tapestry enables us to see how the archers @@ -16951,14 +16918,14 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ English archer of whom Mr Freeman has well observed: 'He is a small man without armour crouching under the shield of a tall Housecarl, like Teukros under that of Aias' (iii. 472). So - Æthelred writes that the mailed warriors 'sagittarios ita sibi + Æthelred writes that the mailed warriors 'sagittarios ita sibi inseruerunt ut, _militaribus armis protecti_, tanto acrius quanto securius vel in hostes irruerent, vel exciperent irruentes'.] - [Footnote 89: 'Proceres qui maturioris ætatis fuerunt ... + [Footnote 89: 'Proceres qui maturioris ætatis fuerunt ... circa signum regium constituuntur, quibusdam altius ceteris - in ipsa machina collatis' (_Æth. Riv._). 'Circum Standard in + in ipsa machina collatis' (_Æth. Riv._). 'Circum Standard in pectore belli condensantur' (_Ric. Hex._).] [Footnote 90: 'Reliqua autem multitudo undique conglomerata @@ -16999,7 +16966,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ [Footnote 104: Since this passage appeared (as it stands) in my original article (_Q.R._, July 1892, p. 19), I have noted - a curious confirmation in Æthelred's words where he speaks + a curious confirmation in Æthelred's words where he speaks of the archers at the Battle of the Standard as 'militaribus armis protecti [ut] tanto acrius quanto securius vel in hostes irruerent, vel exciperent irruentes'. For, as I wrote (p. 20), @@ -17033,7 +17000,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ [Footnote 111: Mr Freeman rendered the 'sagittis armatos et balistis' of William by 'archers, slingers, and crossbowmen'. - 'Balistæ' can hardly mean slings _and_ crossbows, and I think, + 'Balistæ' can hardly mean slings _and_ crossbows, and I think, on consideration, it is best referred to the latter; but the question is not of much importance.] @@ -17080,7 +17047,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ breaking down the 'barricade' (see also _supra_, p. 273). But when we turn to William of Poitiers, the authority cited, we find no mention of a 'barricade', but read only of him - 'irruens ac sternens magnâ cum audaciâ'. As the writer had + 'irruens ac sternens magnâ cum audaciâ'. As the writer had just described how the Duke '_stravit_ adversam gentem', we see that Robert, in his charge, laid low, not a barricade, but 'adversam gentem'. @@ -17090,7 +17057,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ description of Robert's exploits to the Conqueror himself at Ely (_Liber Eliensis_, pp. 244-5). The passages 'Exardentes Normanni--deleverunt ea', 'Egit enim quod--magna cum audacia', - 'Scriptor Thebaidos vel Æneidos', _et seq._, are all 'lifted' + 'Scriptor Thebaidos vel Æneidos', _et seq._, are all 'lifted' bodily from William's narrative of the Battle of Hastings and applied to the storming of the Isle of Ely!] @@ -17112,7 +17079,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ En la champaigne out un fosse: Normanz l'aueient adosse - En beliuant l'orent passé + En beliuant l'orent passé Ne l'aueint mie esgarde.' I had followed Taylor in my rendering of this passage; but @@ -17133,7 +17100,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ Andresen in his Wace (ii. 713) from Michel's notes to Benoit is very precise: 'Fecerant autem Angli foveam quandam caute et ingeniose, quam ipsi ex obliquo curantes maximam multitudinem - Normannorum in ea præcipitaverant. Et plures etiam ex eis + Normannorum in ea præcipitaverant. Et plures etiam ex eis insequentes et tracti ab aliis in eadem perierunt.'] [Footnote 126: See below, p. 292.] @@ -17160,7 +17127,7 @@ was girding himself for war. _De nobis fabula narratur._ Historical Review_, ix. 50) that Mr Freeman 'only' omitted the words from 'sicque' onwards. But it is precisely on these words that my statement is based. Mr Freeman, moreover, did - not even quote the rest _à propos_ of the feigned flight, + not even quote the rest _à propos_ of the feigned flight, where we should look for it.] [Footnote 134: So does Will. Gem., as quoted by Mr Freeman @@ -17299,9 +17266,9 @@ I have elsewhere[4] discussed 'the disputed passage' (_supra_, p. been suggested' as to its meaning.[5] Two of them, I there showed, were successively held by Mr Freeman, and the two others successively advanced by Mr Archer. When I add (anticipating) that, according to M. -Paris, 'le passage de Wace présente quelque obscurité',[6] and that +Paris, 'le passage de Wace présente quelque obscurité',[6] and that M. Meyer introduced yet another element of doubt in a special kind -of shield ('de grands écus') not previously suggested, it will be +of shield ('de grands écus') not previously suggested, it will be obvious, quite apart from any opinion of my own, that the passage presents difficulties. @@ -17374,7 +17341,7 @@ sufficient, nevertheless, to warrant its acceptance. As to corroboration, Mr Archer undertook 'to produce corroborative evidence from other sources';[20] but this at once dwindled down to -one line--'tending in the same direction'[21]--from Benoît de St Maur, +one line--'tending in the same direction'[21]--from Benoît de St Maur, who does not even mention a palisade.[22] There is therefore, on his own showing, not a shred of corroborative evidence. @@ -17425,7 +17392,7 @@ English weapons, because he differs from the Tapestry. As to Harold's wound, 'Wace places it too early in the battle' (iii. 497); Mr Freeman follows the Tapestry. As to the landing of the Normans at Pevensey: - _Venit ad Pevenesæ_, says the Tapestry ... Wace ... altogether + _Venit ad Pevenesæ_, says the Tapestry ... Wace ... altogether reverses the geography, making the army land at Hastings, and go to Pevensey afterwards' (iii. 402). @@ -17435,9 +17402,9 @@ adopts the 'horn' (iii. 382). Harold, says Mr Freeman, was imprisoned at Beaurain. This is quite plain from the Tapestry: 'Dux eum ad Belrem et - ibi eum tenuit'. Wace says, 'A Abevile l'ont mené....' This I + ibi eum tenuit'. Wace says, 'A Abevile l'ont mené....' This I conceive to arise from a misconception of the words of William - of Jumièges (iii. 224). + of Jumièges (iii. 224). This illustrates, I would remind Mr Archer, the difference between a primary authority and a mere late compiler. @@ -17497,7 +17464,7 @@ All this talk about Wace's father is based on ll. 6445-7, of which Andresen truly remarks, 'Die Verse "Mais co oi dire a mon pere, Bien m'en souient mais Vaslet ere, Que set cenz nes, quatre meins, furent", u.s.w., sind viel zu unbestimmt gehalten, so dass wir aus ihnen streng -genommen nicht einmal entnehmen können, ob der Vater im Jahre 1066 +genommen nicht einmal entnehmen können, ob der Vater im Jahre 1066 schon auf der Welt war oder nicht' (p. lxx). I venture to take my own case. Born within forty years of Waterloo, I can say with Wace that I remember my father telling me, as a boy, stories of the battle. But @@ -17570,8 +17537,8 @@ Before dealing with the passage which led me to believe that the other coincidences. We have first the alleged landing of William at Hastings instead of Pevensey. On this Mr Freeman observed: - _Venit ad Pevenesæ_, says the Tapestry. So William of - Poitiers and William of Jumièges. William of Malmesbury says + _Venit ad Pevenesæ_, says the Tapestry. So William of + Poitiers and William of Jumièges. William of Malmesbury says carelessly, _Placido cursu Hastingas appulerunt_. So Wace, who altogether reverses the geography, making the army land at Hastings and go to Pevensey afterwards.[41] @@ -17579,7 +17546,7 @@ Hastings instead of Pevensey. On this Mr Freeman observed: Here William of Malmesbury, who was probably using 'Hastingas' as loosely as when he applied that term to Battle, appears to be responsible for the mistake of Wace, who may have tried to harmonize -him with William of Jumièges by making the Normans proceed to Pevensey +him with William of Jumièges by making the Normans proceed to Pevensey after having landed. Take again the hotly disputed burial of Harold at Waltham. On this question Mr Freeman writes: @@ -17597,11 +17564,11 @@ to William of Malmesbury, _extorta a principibus fide, arripuit diadema_, and _diademate fastigiatus, nihil de pactis inter se et Willelmum cogitabat_. Wace's version runs: - Heraut ki ert manant è forz - Se fist énoindre è coroner; + Heraut ki ert manant è forz + Se fist énoindre è coroner; Unkes al duc n'en volt parler, - Homages prist è féeltez - Des plus riches è des ainz nes. + Homages prist è féeltez + Des plus riches è des ainz nes. Not only is the attitude of Wace and William towards Harold's action here virtually identical, but the mention of his exaction of homage @@ -17644,7 +17611,7 @@ I print these passages side by side: fatuitatem referentinum, lepido Cil dist a Heraut que li dus insecutus cachinno, quia non Aueit od sei proueies plus essent presbyteri, sed milites Que chevaliers ne altre gent; - validi, armis invicti. (§ 239) De co se merueillout forment + validi, armis invicti. (§ 239) De co se merueillout forment Que tuit erent res e tondu. E Heraut li a respondu Que co sunt cheualiers uaillanz, @@ -17679,15 +17646,15 @@ mentioned by Mr Freeman, that Wace expands the story 'in more detail': confessioni Tote noit firent oreisons peccatorum vacantes, mane E furent en afflictions. Dominico corpore communicarunt. De lor pechiez confes se firent, - (§§ 241, 242) As proueires les regehirent, + (§§ 241, 242) As proueires les regehirent, E qui nen out proueires pres, - À son ueisin se fist confes. + À son ueisin se fist confes. . . . . . Quant les messes furent chantees, Qui bien matin furent finees.... (ll. 7349-56, 7362-8, 7407-8) -This brings me to my destination, namely, § 241 of the 'Gesta Regum'. +This brings me to my destination, namely, § 241 of the 'Gesta Regum'. We may divide this section into three successive parts: (1) the description of the way in which the English spent the night--which is repeated, we have seen, by Wace; (2) the array of the English, with @@ -17714,7 +17681,7 @@ lapidibus)' and 'Guil. pois cele victoire Le fist porter a l'apostoire gloire. (ll. 7853-66) -The only part of § 241 which remains to be dealt with is the second. +The only part of § 241 which remains to be dealt with is the second. The two passages run thus: Pedites omnes cum bipennibus Geldons engleis haches portoent @@ -17725,7 +17692,7 @@ The two passages run thus: nisi Normanni, simulata fuga Comme cleies joinz e serrez; more suo confertos manipulos Fait en orent deuant closture, laxassent. N'i laissierent nule iointure, - (§ 241) Par onc Normant entr'els venist + (§ 241) Par onc Normant entr'els venist Qui desconfire les volsist. D'escuz e d'ais s'auironoent, Issi deffendre se quidoent; @@ -17779,7 +17746,7 @@ which stress has been laid as proof that the passage must describe a misunderstanding his authority, is shown by his taking Harold to Abbeville, after his capture on the French coast, a statement which arose, in Mr Freeman's opinion, 'from a misconception of the words of -William of Jumièges (iii. 224)'. No one, I think, can read +William of Jumièges (iii. 224)'. No one, I think, can read dispassionately the extracts I have printed side by side, without accepting the explanation I offer of this disputed passage in Wace, namely, that it is nothing but a metrical, elaborate, and somewhat @@ -17804,15 +17771,15 @@ being unacquainted with the Tapestry is, of course, obvious. But in any case he cannot have used it, as we do ourselves, among his foremost authorities. -In discussing his use of William of Jumièges, we stand on much surer +In discussing his use of William of Jumièges, we stand on much surer ground. It certainly strikes one as strange that in mentioning the obvious error by which Wace makes Harold receive his wound in the eye early in the fight (l. 8185), before the great feigned flight, Mr -Freeman does not suggest its derivation from William of Jumièges, +Freeman does not suggest its derivation from William of Jumièges, though he proceeds to add (p. 771): I need hardly stop to refute the strange mistake of William of - Jumièges, followed by Orderic: 'Heraldus ipse in primo militum + Jumièges, followed by Orderic: 'Heraldus ipse in primo militum progressu ['Congressu', _Ord._] vulneribus letaliter confossus occubuit'. @@ -17840,7 +17807,7 @@ makes Harold only occupy the battlefield on the Saturday morning: E a bataille conreer. (ll. 7768-72) -I have little doubt that he here follows William of Jumièges: +I have little doubt that he here follows William of Jumièges: '[Heraldus] in campo belli apparuit mane', and that he was thus led to contradict himself. @@ -17983,12 +17950,12 @@ consciousness of a hopeless cause. Wace's _gisarmes_ (ll. 7794, 7814, 8328, 8332, 8342, 8587, 8629, 8656). An excellent vindication of the Bayeux Tapestry--oddly enough overlooked by Mr Freeman--namely, M. - Delauney's 'Origine de la Tapisserie de Bayeux prouvée par - elle-même' (Caen, 1824)--discusses the weapons, the author - observing: 'La hache d'armes ressemble à celle de nos sapeurs; - celle des temps postèrieurs au xi^{e} siècle à, dans les - monuments, une espèce de petite lance au-dessus de la douille - du côté opposé au tranchant' (see Jubinal, _La Tapisserie de + Delauney's 'Origine de la Tapisserie de Bayeux prouvée par + elle-même' (Caen, 1824)--discusses the weapons, the author + observing: 'La hache d'armes ressemble à celle de nos sapeurs; + celle des temps postèrieurs au xi^{e} siècle à , dans les + monuments, une espèce de petite lance au-dessus de la douille + du côté opposé au tranchant' (see Jubinal, _La Tapisserie de Bayeux_, p. 17). This exactly describes the true _gisarme_, a later introduction. So again, Wace makes the _chevalier_ who has hurried from Hastings exclaim to Harold: @@ -18020,7 +17987,7 @@ consciousness of a hopeless cause. [Footnote 32: 'Demn nicht etwa am Schlusse, sondern gleich zu Anfang des genannten Theiles' (l. 179) 'spricht er von den - drei Königen Heinrich die er gesehen und gekannt' (p. xciv).] + drei Königen Heinrich die er gesehen und gekannt' (p. xciv).] [Footnote 33: 'Nimmt man das Jahr 1110 als Geburtsjahr des Dichters an', etc. (p. xciv).] @@ -18082,7 +18049,7 @@ curious coincidence is found in the principal weapon of the defending force. In Snorro's narrative, as Mr Freeman renders it, 'a dense wood of spears bristles in front of the circle to receive the charge of the English horsemen';[2] in the Pseudo-Ingulf the defending force 'contra -violentiam equitum densissimam aciem lancearum prætendebant'.[3] Such +violentiam equitum densissimam aciem lancearum prætendebant'.[3] Such a defence savours of the days when the knight, fighting on foot with his lance,[4] had replaced the housecarl with his battle-axe: it was not that of Harold's host, but one which we meet with in the twelfth @@ -18097,14 +18064,14 @@ of it. From him, it would seem, are taken the words 'testudo' and Conserta ante se _scutorum In unum cuneum conglobati, testudine_, impenetrabilem ... _testudinem clypeorum_ - cuneum faciunt. prætendebant. + cuneum faciunt. prætendebant. Again, after the disaster caused, in each case, by a feigned flight, we have the rally thus described: WILLIAM 'INGULF' - nec tamen ultioni suæ defuere, in quodam campi _tumulo_ cetera + nec tamen ultioni suæ defuere, in quodam campi _tumulo_ cetera quin crebro consistentes ... planitie aliquantulum altiore occupato _tumulo_, Normannos, in orbem conferti, barbaros calore succensos acriter ad arietantes diutissime @@ -18113,7 +18080,7 @@ we have the rally thus described: The Pseudo-Ingulf alludes but briefly to the Battle of Hastings itself. Yet here again we have traces of William of Malmesbury's words -in 'nec de toto exercitu, præter paucissimos eum aliquis concomitatur' +in 'nec de toto exercitu, præter paucissimos eum aliquis concomitatur' and 'more gregarii militis manu ad manum congrediens', which phrases are applied to Harold. @@ -18138,7 +18105,7 @@ REGENBALD, PRIEST AND CHANCELLOR No better illustration could be given of the fact that valuable historical evidence may lurk, even in print, unknown, than the charters printed, from the Cirencester Cartulary, by Sir Thomas -Phillips in _Archæologia_ (1836).[1] One can imagine how highly +Phillips in _Archæologia_ (1836).[1] One can imagine how highly prized they would have been by Mr Freeman, had he only known of their existence. @@ -18158,8 +18125,8 @@ Cartulary and are in Anglo-Saxon. The first is one of King Edward's in favour of 'Reinbold min preost', and is a confirmation to him of soc and sac, toll and team, etc., as his predecessors had enjoyed it 'on Cnutes kinges daie'. The third is a notification from King William -that 'ic hæbbe geunnen Regenbald minan preoste eall his lond' as 'he -hit under Ed[w]earde hædde mine meie'. The chief points to be noticed +that 'ic hæbbe geunnen Regenbald minan preoste eall his lond' as 'he +hit under Ed[w]earde hædde mine meie'. The chief points to be noticed here are that the land is granted _de novo_, not confirmed, and that the Conqueror speaks of Regenbald as 'minan preoste', implying that he has taken him into his service. @@ -18169,13 +18136,13 @@ importance. I here append it _in extenso_ as printed by Sir Thomas Phillips: 'Vyllelm king gret Hereman b. & Wulstan b. & Eustace eorl & Eadrich -& Bristrich & ealle mine þegenes on [W]yltoneshyre & on Glouc'shyre -fronliche & ic cuþe eo[w] ic habbe geunnan Reinbold mina preost [þt] -land æt Esi & [þt] land æt Latton & ealle þæra þinge [þt] þar to lið -binnan port & buten mið sace & mið socne s[w]a full and s[w]a forð -s[w]a his furmest on hondan stodan Harald kinge on ællan þingan on -dæge & æfter to atheonne s[w]a s[w]a ealra lefest ys & ic nelle nenna -men geþafian [þt] him fram honda teo ænig þære þinga þæs þa ic him +& Bristrich & ealle mine þegenes on [W]yltoneshyre & on Glouc'shyre +fronliche & ic cuþe eo[w] ic habbe geunnan Reinbold mina preost [þt] +land æt Esi & [þt] land æt Latton & ealle þæra þinge [þt] þar to lið +binnan port & buten mið sace & mið socne s[w]a full and s[w]a forð +s[w]a his furmest on hondan stodan Harald kinge on ællan þingan on +dæge & æfter to atheonne s[w]a s[w]a ealra lefest ys & ic nelle nenna +men geþafian [þt] him fram honda teo ænig þære þinga þæs þa ic him geunne habbe bi minan freonshype.' The relevant entry in Domesday speaks for itself: @@ -18223,7 +18190,7 @@ the connection of Regenbald de 'Cirencestre' with Glo'stershire may account for the inclusion of that county. Can we identify 'Eadrich' and 'Bristrich' with any local magnates? With some confidence I boldly suggest that the latter was no other than the 'Bristricus' of the Exon -Domesday, that famous Brihtric, the son of Ælfgar, who, to quote from +Domesday, that famous Brihtric, the son of Ælfgar, who, to quote from the appendix Mr Freeman devotes to him, 'appears distinctly as a great landowner in most of the western shires', one from whose vast domains was carved out later the great Honour of Gloucester. Until now, all we @@ -18237,7 +18204,7 @@ From 'Bristric' I turn to 'Eadric', and ask if we may not here recognize 'Eadric the Wild' himself? This can only be matter of conjecture, but it is certain that these two Englishmen are here assigned the place that would be given to a sheriff, and that 'Eadric -the Wild'--'quidam præpotens minister', as Florence terms him--was a +the Wild'--'quidam præpotens minister', as Florence terms him--was a magnate in the west (Herefordshire and Shropshire) at the time of the Conquest. Mr Freeman terms him 'a man about whom we should gladly know more'. It is stated by Orderic that he was one of those who came in @@ -18277,7 +18244,7 @@ wrote as follows: same Regenbald had been defrauded handed on to the grantee of his of land by a Norman tenant of his land.... So in Exon 432. own. 'Ricardus tenet in Rode i. 'Ricardus interpres habet - hidam, quam ipse tenuit de i. hidam terræ in Roda quam ipse + hidam, quam ipse tenuit de i. hidam terræ in Roda quam ipse Rainboldo presbytero licentia emit de Rainboldo sacerdote regis, ut dicit. Reinbold vero [Eadward's chancellor?] per tenuit T.R.E.' licentiam regis, ut dicit qui @@ -18305,9 +18272,9 @@ Canons Regular, and of which he claimed to be the founder--sets, as it were, the coping-stone on the story of Regenbald.[7] In it we read: Dedi et concessi ... totam tenuram Reimbaldi presbyteri in - terris et ecclesiis, et ceteris omnibusquæ subscripta sunt.... + terris et ecclesiis, et ceteris omnibusquæ subscripta sunt.... - De rebus autem predictis quæ fuerunt Rembaldi hec statuimus. + De rebus autem predictis quæ fuerunt Rembaldi hec statuimus. The details of Regenbald's possessions are given, and are of special value for collation with Domesday. They set him before us not only as @@ -18349,10 +18316,10 @@ compared with that we have discussed, is found in one of the cartularies of Bury St Edmund's.[12] Its address, as rendered in the transcript, runs: - William [_sic_] kyng gret Ægelmær Bischop and Raulf Eorl and + William [_sic_] kyng gret Ægelmær Bischop and Raulf Eorl and Nordman and ealle myne thegnaes on Sudfolke frendliche. -This writ is obviously previous to the deposition of Bishop Æthelmær +This writ is obviously previous to the deposition of Bishop Æthelmær in April, 1070, but how far previous it is not easy to say. 'Nordman' is clearly the sheriff of Suffolk, who appears in Domesday as 'Normannus Vicecomes' (II. 438). His name affords presumption, though @@ -18366,8 +18333,8 @@ mysterious person',[14] but eventually came to the conclusion that the son of a Breton mother: the elder was staller under Edward and Earl under William'. The younger was the Earl of Norfolk (or 'of the East Angles'), who rebelled and was forfeited in 1075; the elder was -that 'Rawulf' who, in the words of the chronicle, 'wæs Englisc and -wæs geboren on Norðfolce'. Putting our evidence together, I lean +that 'Rawulf' who, in the words of the chronicle, 'wæs Englisc and +wæs geboren on Norðfolce'. Putting our evidence together, I lean strongly to the view that we have here, as in the case of Regenbald, a writ addressed to English authorities before Norfolk had passed into the hands of Norman authorities. Mr Freeman held that a passage @@ -18376,7 +18343,7 @@ be read--'Hanc terram habuit A[rfastus] episcopus in tempore utrorumque [Radulforum]', and that therefore 'the elder Ralph was living as late as 1070, in which year the episcopate of Erfast begins'. But the context clearly shows that we should read 'A[ilmarus] -episcopus', and that, therefore, the elder Ralf died before Æthelmær +episcopus', and that, therefore, the elder Ralf died before Æthelmær was deposed. Moreover, Norwich, we are specially told, was entrusted by the Conqueror to William fitz Osbern before his departure from England in March 1067. William was placed, some two years later, in @@ -18418,11 +18385,11 @@ in Domesday. The words of the writ are these: W. rex Anglor' E. epo. B. Abbi W. Malet salm. sciatis vos mei fideles me concessisse servitium de Liuremere quam Werno - hactenus de me tenuit sancto Ædmundo Et filia Guernonis in + hactenus de me tenuit sancto Ædmundo Et filia Guernonis in vita sua de Abbate B. tenuit.[17] The last clause is clearly an addition by the cartulary scribe. -Now this charter being addressed, like the other, to Æthelmær +Now this charter being addressed, like the other, to Æthelmær ('Ethelmerus'), Bishop of the East Angles, is, of course, previous to April 1070. I should, therefore, also place it previous to the capture of William Malet at York in September 1069. But this, unlike the @@ -18457,7 +18424,7 @@ The charter records, I take it, the 'licencia regis' of Domesday.[19] Bishop William and Swegen the sheriff) belonged to the same early period. Compare, however, the Conqueror's Old English writ that I have discussed ('Londoners and the Chase') in the - _Athenæum_ of June 30, 1894.] + _Athenæum_ of June 30, 1894.] [Footnote 5: It is a noteworthy coincidence that 'Brihtricus princeps' and 'Eadricus princeps' are among the witnesses to @@ -18585,7 +18552,7 @@ Orderic.[10] But Orderic, it will at once be seen, does not say that any such league was effected; he does not even say that the league which was contemplated was intended to be an exclusively Civic League. What he does say is that the men of Exeter sought for allies in the -neighbouring coasts (_plagæ_)[11] and in other cities. The Dorset +neighbouring coasts (_plagæ_)[11] and in other cities. The Dorset townlets, such as Bridport, with its 120 houses, would scarcely represent these 'cities'. Mr Freeman assumed, however, that 'the Civic League' was formed, assumed that the Dorset towns had 'doubtless' @@ -18608,7 +18575,7 @@ such guesses from others. For he wrote of a deceased Somersetshire historian who boldly connects the story of Gisa with the banishment of Godwine: - One is inclined to ask with Henry II, 'Quære a rustico illo + One is inclined to ask with Henry II, 'Quære a rustico illo utrum hoc somniaverit?' But these things have their use. Every instance in the growth of a legend affords practice in the art of distinguishing legend from history. @@ -18681,7 +18648,7 @@ ruin'; and that so far from 'not a house' being 'able to pay taxes', Domesday tells us that four-fifths of the houses then existing could and did pay them. Here, again, the errors arose from not reading Domesday 'with common care'. The entry runs: 'Modo sunt ibi c. domus, -et xx. sunt ita destitutæ', etc. The meaning, of course, is that +et xx. sunt ita destitutæ', etc. The meaning, of course, is that twenty houses were impoverished. Mr Freeman must have hurriedly misconstrued his Latin, and read it as a hundred and twenty. No error that he detected in Mr Froude could be worse than representing @@ -18694,18 +18661,18 @@ of King Edward. From an appendix of our author's to which we are referred, we glean the fact that at Dorchester, out of a hundred and seventy-two houses no - less than a hundred and twenty-eight were 'penitus destructæ a + less than a hundred and twenty-eight were 'penitus destructæ a tempore Hugonis vicecomitis usque nunc'. Here, again, Mr Freeman's error can be traced beyond the possibility of question, to a misreading of Domesday: the entry runs, 'modo sunt -ibi quater xx. et viii. [88] domus, et c. [sunt] penitus destructæ'. +ibi quater xx. et viii. [88] domus, et c. [sunt] penitus destructæ'. Mr Freeman must have hurriedly ignored the 'quater', and then added the 'twenty-eight' thus evolved to the hundred houses that were destroyed. All this Mr Freeman did, and we have in 'that great record, from which there is no appeal', the proof of the fact. Clearly, in the -notable words of M. Bémont (_Revue Historique_), 'il est prudent de -revoir après lui les textes qu'il invoque'.[13] +notable words of M. Bémont (_Revue Historique_), 'il est prudent de +revoir après lui les textes qu'il invoque'.[13] The strange thing is that Sir Henry Ellis's work, though 'far from being up to the present standard of historical scholarship', could @@ -18746,7 +18713,7 @@ argue from it as from a proved historic fact: When Exeter stood forth for one moment ... _the chief of a confederation of the lesser towns of the West_ ... we see that the path was opening by which Exeter might have come to be - another Lübeck, the head of a Damnonian Hanse, another Bern, + another Lübeck, the head of a Damnonian Hanse, another Bern, the mistress of the subject-lands of the western peninsula. Such a dream sounds wild in our ears.[15] @@ -18828,7 +18795,7 @@ and he pointed out of the murder of Edward that: In the hands of William of Malmesbury the story becomes a romance.... The _obiter dictum_ of William of Malmesbury that - Ælfhere had a hand in Edward's death is contrary to the whole + Ælfhere had a hand in Edward's death is contrary to the whole tenor of the history ... (i. 265). If there is thus, on Mr Freeman's showing, need for accepting with @@ -18938,7 +18905,7 @@ Exeter', that (iv. 163).[30] Therefore, in the aggravated case of Exeter, we could but expect him -to deal with its citizens as he had dealt with those of Alençon,[31] +to deal with its citizens as he had dealt with those of Alençon,[31] and as he was to deal, hereafter, with the sturdy defenders of Ely.[32] A fearful vengeance was their certain doom. There was, moreover, as I stated at the outset, a need for sternness at this @@ -19072,11 +19039,11 @@ Edith's share of the eighteen pounds is entered in Domesday as 'xii. lib[ras] ad numerum'. This Mr Freeman rightly gave as the amount in 1086;[47] but turning back a few pages, we actually read that - In Domesday twelve houses in Exeter appear as 'liberæ ad - numerum in ministeriis Edid reginæ'.[48] + In Domesday twelve houses in Exeter appear as 'liberæ ad + numerum in ministeriis Edid reginæ'.[48] This is, of course, the same entry, only that here our author changed -pounds into houses, and _libras_ into _liberæ_. What idea was conveyed +pounds into houses, and _libras_ into _liberæ_. What idea was conveyed to his mind by a house 'libera ad numerum' I do not profess to explain. But, oddly enough, as he here turned pounds into houses, so in a passage of his _William Rufus_ he turned houses into pence.[49] @@ -19111,9 +19078,9 @@ if Mr Freeman's friends will be well pleased with the result. We have in the Chronicle a straightforward story, not only intelligible in itself, but also thoroughly in harmony with the known facts of the case. The king finds himself compelled to lay formal -siege to Exeter ('besæt þa burh'); he is detained before its walls day -after day ('xviii. dægas') in the depth of an English winter, 'and -þær wearð micel his heres forfaren'. The need for sternness was there +siege to Exeter ('besæt þa burh'); he is detained before its walls day +after day ('xviii. dægas') in the depth of an English winter, 'and +þær wearð micel his heres forfaren'. The need for sternness was there indeed; but swiftness was to him, for the moment, a matter of life and death. Held at bay by those stubborn walls, learning the might of those 'two generals'--January and February--in whom the Emperor @@ -19135,7 +19102,7 @@ himself to win by alluring terms the men whom he could not conquer. In the words of the Chronicle, he promised them well ('ac he heom well behet'). -This solution, of course, differs _toto cælo_ from Mr Freeman's +This solution, of course, differs _toto cælo_ from Mr Freeman's narrative. We have seen that he blindly accepted the statements of that 'abandoned flatterer', William of Poitiers (whom Orderic had here 'doubtless followed'[59])--against whom he elsewhere warned us--and @@ -19176,7 +19143,7 @@ driven, by the force of circumstances, to take such an oath himself. But, it may be urged, should we be justified in treating thus drastically the witness of Orderic, or rather, of William of Poitiers? -At Alençon, I reply, in Mr Freeman's words: +At Alençon, I reply, in Mr Freeman's words: William of Poitiers is silent altogether, both as to the vengeance and as to the insult. Neither subject was perhaps @@ -19206,7 +19173,7 @@ Mans is that longer to be a sovereign commonwealth, but it was to remain a privileged municipality.[67] -The words 'acceptis ab eo sacramentis, tam de impunitate perfidiæ quam +The words 'acceptis ab eo sacramentis, tam de impunitate perfidiæ quam de conservandis antiquis ejusdem civitatis consuetudinibus'[68] would apply exactly to the case of Exeter, and William may well have done there what he actually did, we here read, at Le Mans. There would have @@ -19306,7 +19273,7 @@ summing-up of the judge. but I am not at all sure that, taken in conjunction with the words just before about the accessibility of Exeter from Ireland and Brittany, and those just after, about 'mercatores - advenas', _plagæ_ does not refer to the shores from which + advenas', _plagæ_ does not refer to the shores from which these merchants came.] [Footnote 12: The boroughs of Dorset were doubtless among @@ -19375,7 +19342,7 @@ summing-up of the judge. oath, now gave the first of that long list of instances of indifference to human suffering', etc. (_Ibid._, ii. 285).] - [Footnote 32: 'At Ely, as at Alençon, the Conqueror felt no + [Footnote 32: 'At Ely, as at Alençon, the Conqueror felt no scruple against inflicting punishments which to our notions might seem more frightful than death itself' (_Ibid._, iv. 476).] @@ -19408,12 +19375,12 @@ summing-up of the judge. [Footnote 43: 'Hec reddit xviii. lib. per annum' (100).] - [Footnote 44: 'Hæc civitas T.R.E. non geldabat nisi quando + [Footnote 44: 'Hæc civitas T.R.E. non geldabat nisi quando Londonia et Eboracum et Wintonia geldabant, et hoc erat dimidia marka Argenti ad opus militum' (100).] [Footnote 45: 'Quando expeditio ibat per terram aut per mare, - serviebat hæc civitas quantum v. hidæ terræ' (100).] + serviebat hæc civitas quantum v. hidæ terræ' (100).] [Footnote 46: The practice in the Survey of Devon was to state the render in 1086, and, if it had been different formerly, @@ -19437,9 +19404,9 @@ summing-up of the judge. importance of the city were of the first rank' (i. 308).] [Footnote 51: The _firma_ of Gloucester had been raised to - £60, and that of Chester to over £70, while at Wallingford, + £60, and that of Chester to over £70, while at Wallingford, where the king had about as many houses as at Exeter, it was - £80.] + £80.] [Footnote 52: _Norm. Conq._, iv. 213.] @@ -19460,14 +19427,14 @@ summing-up of the judge. north. William had need of all his arts of war and policy to triumph over the combination of so many enemies at once.'] - [Footnote 58: 'Cives eam tenebant furiosi, copiosæ + [Footnote 58: 'Cives eam tenebant furiosi, copiosæ multitudinis, infestissimi mortalibus Gallici generis.'--_Ord. Vit._] [Footnote 59: _Norm. Conq._, iv. 146.] [Footnote 60: It is curious to see how Thierry waters down the - miracle: 'Son cheval, glissant sur le pavé, s'abattit et le + miracle: 'Son cheval, glissant sur le pavé, s'abattit et le froissa dans sa chute.' Of course this is likely enough to have been the kernel of truth in the legend, but no man has a right to tell the tale in this shape as if it were undoubted @@ -19525,10 +19492,10 @@ of the foundation of Leicester Abbey, one of a class of narratives notoriously inaccurate and corrupt: Robertus Comes Mellenti, veniens in Angliam cum Willelmo Duce - Normanniæ, adeptus consulatum Leycestriæ, ex dono dicti Ducis - et Conquestoris Angliæ, _destructa prius civitate Leicestriæ_ - cum castello et ecclesia infra castellum tempore prædicti - Conquestoris, reædificavit ipsam æcclesiam Sancta Mariæ infra + Normanniæ, adeptus consulatum Leycestriæ, ex dono dicti Ducis + et Conquestoris Angliæ, _destructa prius civitate Leicestriæ_ + cum castello et ecclesia infra castellum tempore prædicti + Conquestoris, reædificavit ipsam æcclesiam Sancta Mariæ infra castellum. Now, it strikes one in the first place as somewhat unlikely that @@ -19548,7 +19515,7 @@ two, one in his own right, and one (which was the King's share) as the King's reeve and representative. We also learn that he was among the 'seditiosi proceres', who rebelled against Henry in 1101, and that of these, 'aliqui contra fideles vicinos guerram arripuerunt et gremium -almæ telluris rapacitatibus et incendiis, cruentisque cædibus +almæ telluris rapacitatibus et incendiis, cruentisque cædibus maculaverunt'. Ivo is again mentioned by Orderic in 1102, not only among the 'proditores' of the previous year, who were now called to account, but also as a special ringleader in that internecine conflict @@ -19557,8 +19524,8 @@ to which he had already referred. He tells us that Henry Ivonem quoque, quia guerram in Anglia c[oe]perat et vicinorum rura suorum incendia combusserat (quod in illa regione crimen est inusitatum nec sine grave ultione fit expiatum), rigidus - censor accusatum nec purgatum ingentis pecuniæ redditione - oneravit, et plurimo angore tribulatum mæstificavit. + censor accusatum nec purgatum ingentis pecuniæ redditione + oneravit, et plurimo angore tribulatum mæstificavit. In short, as Dr Stubbs reminds us, Ivo 'has the evil reputation of being the first to introduce the horrors of private warfare into @@ -19570,7 +19537,7 @@ the accession of the Count of Meulan to the _comitatus_ of Leicester, may be assigned, without a shadow of doubt, to the struggle of 1101. On Ivo's disgrace, as is well known, the wily Count stepped at once -into his shoes, 'et auxilio regis suâque calliditate totam sibi +into his shoes, 'et auxilio regis suâque calliditate totam sibi civitatem mancipavit, et inde consul in Anglia factus'. There is no reason to doubt the statement that St Mary 'de Castro' was rebuilt and refounded by Count Robert after his obtaining this position at @@ -19624,8 +19591,8 @@ must be given and some of its features pointed out. vicecomitatu sicut rex preceperat, convenerunt, testimonio hominum rei veritatem cognoscentium determinaverunt terras que injuste fuerant ablate ab ecclesia sancte Dei genitricis - Marie de insulâ ely ... quatinus de dominio fuerant, - tempore videlicet regis Ædwardi, ad dominium sine alicujus + Marie de insulâ ely ... quatinus de dominio fuerant, + tempore videlicet regis Ædwardi, ad dominium sine alicujus contradictione redirent quicunque eas possideret. The mention of Count Eustace among those withholding lands proves @@ -19767,7 +19734,7 @@ Here we have all the Manors mentioned by Lambert (with their appurtenances) assigned to the Count of Guines, the heir of Arnold of Ardres; and we can thus believe the _Testa_ entry (p. 272) of Tolleshunt and Holland, 'quas idem comes et antecessores sui tenuerunt -de conquestu Angliæ'. But the _Testa_ does more than this; it informs +de conquestu Angliæ'. But the _Testa_ does more than this; it informs us that Holland and Lawford were held of the Count by 'Henry de Merk'. Now, 'Adelolf' de Merk is found in Domesday holding many Manors direct from Eustace of Boulogne, and these Manors are divided in the _Testa_ @@ -19799,7 +19766,7 @@ Stapleton. she was giving to St John's, Colchester--'de redditibus transmarinis ad suam voluntatem'. Another and earlier charter from her father and mother (printed by Mr E. J. L. Scott in - the _Athenæum_ of December 2, 1893) has Fulco de merc and M. + the _Athenæum_ of December 2, 1893) has Fulco de merc and M. de merc among the witnesses.] [Footnote 2: The non-appearance of Arnold's brother, @@ -19877,7 +19844,7 @@ allusion to its Irish trade: Si habentibus martrinas pelles juberet prepositus regis ut nulli venderet donec sibi prius ostensas compararet, qui hoc - non observabat xl. solidis emendabat ... Hæc civitas tunc + non observabat xl. solidis emendabat ... Hæc civitas tunc reddebat de firma xlv. lib et iii. timbres pellium martrinium. There is nothing to show where these marten skins came from, or why @@ -19885,13 +19852,13 @@ they are mentioned under Chester alone. But on turning to the customs of Rouen, as recorded in the charters of Duke Henry (1150-1) and King John (1199), we find they were imported from Ireland. - Quæcunque navis de Hibernia venerit, ex quo caput de Gernes + Quæcunque navis de Hibernia venerit, ex quo caput de Gernes [Guernsey] transierit, Rothomagum veniat, unde ego habeam - de unaquâque nave unum tymbrium de martris aut decem libras + de unaquâque nave unum tymbrium de martris aut decem libras Rothomagi, si ejusdem navis mercatores jurare poterint se ideo non mercatos fuisse illas martras ut auferrent consuetudinem - ducis Normanniæ, et vicecomes Rothomagi de unaquaque habeat - viginti solidos Rothomagi et Camerarius Tancarvillæ unam + ducis Normanniæ, et vicecomes Rothomagi de unaquaque habeat + viginti solidos Rothomagi et Camerarius Tancarvillæ unam accipitrem aut sexdecim solidos Rothomagi. Giraldus Cambrensis, it may be remembered, alludes to the abundance of @@ -19930,7 +19897,7 @@ The three passages we have first to consider are these, taking them in the same order as Mr Freeman: Adelidam filiam Ricardi de sublimi prosapia Gifardorum - conjugem habuit, quæ Hugonem de Pice, strenuissimum militem, + conjugem habuit, quæ Hugonem de Pice, strenuissimum militem, marito suo peperit (_Ord. Vit._). Laingaham tenet Walterus Tirelde R. quod tenuit Phin dacus pro @@ -19966,25 +19933,25 @@ brother Richard, Abbot of Ely, as parentum undique grege vallatus, quorum familiam ex Ricardis et Gifardis constare tota Anglia et novit et sensit. Ricardi - enim et Gifardi, duæ scilicet ex propinquo venientes familiæ, + enim et Gifardi, duæ scilicet ex propinquo venientes familiæ, virtutis fama et generis copia illustres effecerat. The above forms are curious, but not without parallel. Thus the descendants of Urse d'Abetot are spoken of as 'Ursini' in Heming's -Cartulary. Æthelred of Rievaulx speaks of 'Poncii' and 'Morini' as +Cartulary. Æthelred of Rievaulx speaks of 'Poncii' and 'Morini' as present at the battle of the Standard; Gerald, in a well-known passage -(v. 335), speaks of the 'Giraldidæ' and 'Stephanidæ', and Orderic, we +(v. 335), speaks of the 'Giraldidæ' and 'Stephanidæ', and Orderic, we have seen, of the 'Geroiani'. The doubly influential character of this descent is well illustrated in this passage (_quantum valeat_) from the chronicle of St John's Abbey, Colchester. - Parcebatur tamen Eudoni, propter genus uxoris ipsius Rohaisæ: - erat enim hæc de genere nobilissimo Normannorum, filia + Parcebatur tamen Eudoni, propter genus uxoris ipsius Rohaisæ: + erat enim hæc de genere nobilissimo Normannorum, filia scilicet Ricardi, qui fuit filius Gilbert Comitis, duxitque - Rohaisam uxorem, quæ erat soror Willelmi Giffardi, Episcopi - Wintoniæ. Itaque, cum fratres et propinqui junioris Rohaisæ + Rohaisam uxorem, quæ erat soror Willelmi Giffardi, Episcopi + Wintoniæ. Itaque, cum fratres et propinqui junioris Rohaisæ quoslibet motus machinaturi putarentur, si contra maritum ipsius aliquid durius decerneretur, sic factum est ut interventu predicti Episcopi, etc., etc. @@ -20013,7 +19980,7 @@ speak of Rohesia una sororum Walteri [Giffard secundi]--duas plures enim habuit--conjuncta in matrimonio Ricardo filio Gilberti, qui in re militari, tempore Conquestoris, omnes sui temporis - magnates præcessit-- + magnates præcessit-- as marrying Eudo Dapifer after her husband's death. But we must decide in favour of the Colchester narrative: Eudo's wife was her daughter @@ -20087,7 +20054,7 @@ Among the most persistent of errors are those which identify Richard family and died long before him), and which make this compound Richard an Earl of Devon. -Planché endeavoured to slay the former of these errors--which, +Planché endeavoured to slay the former of these errors--which, originating in the _Monasticon_, is embalmed in Dugdale's _Baronage_--as Taylor had previously done in his 'Wace', and the Duchess of Cleveland has rightly observed in her _Battle Abbey @@ -20237,10 +20204,10 @@ brought into that family the names of Gilbert and Richard. _aliunde_. It is not proved that William was a son of Emma.] [Footnote 2: 'Baldwino patri meo Molas et Sapum reddidit [Rex - W.] et filiam amitæ suæ uxorem dedit' (_Ord. Vit._)] + W.] et filiam amitæ suæ uxorem dedit' (_Ord. Vit._)] [Footnote 3: 'Eodem anno obierunt plures ex principibus - Angliæ.... Ricardus filius Gisleberti Robertus filius Ricardi, + Angliæ.... Ricardus filius Gisleberti Robertus filius Ricardi, patruus ejus, Ricardus filius Baldwini, consobrinus ejus' (_Robert of Torigni_).] @@ -20252,7 +20219,7 @@ brought into that family the names of Gilbert and Richard. antecessoribus meis' (Cartulary of St Neot's, fo. 73).] [Footnote 6: Ancestor of the fitzWalters of Dunmow and of - Baynard's Castle, who are accordingly spoken of by Fantôme as + Baynard's Castle, who are accordingly spoken of by Fantôme as 'Clarreaus'--a word which has puzzled his editor, Mr Howlett.] [Footnote 7: _Mon. Ang._ iv. 597. _Formul Ang._ p. 40.] @@ -20334,7 +20301,7 @@ Lastly, we come to the parentage of Walter Tirel himself. Mr Freeman wrote that this was 'undoubted', that 'Walter was one of a family of ten, seemingly the youngest of eight sons' of Fulc, Dean of Evreux, and that 'he became, by whatever means, Lord of Poix in Ponthieu -and of Achères by the Seine' (_W. Rufus_, II, 322, 673).[9] But the +and of Achères by the Seine' (_W. Rufus_, II, 322, 673).[9] But the mystery of his rise is not lessened by the fact that, as Mr Freeman put it, most accounts 'connect him with France rather than with Normandy'. Closer investigation suggests that Orderic in no way @@ -20342,11 +20309,11 @@ identifies the Walter Tirel of 1100 with the son of Dean Fulc, and shows indeed that his French editors had specially declared the two to be distinct. In short, Walter had nothing to do with Dean Fulc or with Normandy, but was, as categorically stated, a Frenchman, the third of -his name who occurs as Lord of Poix. Père Anselme identifies him with +his name who occurs as Lord of Poix. Père Anselme identifies him with the second (who occurs in 1069), but he is probably identical with the third, who occurs in an agreement with the Count of Amiens, 1087, and who, with his wife 'Adelice', founded the Priory of St Denis de -Poix,[10] and built the Abbey of St Pierre de Sélincourt. It was he +Poix,[10] and built the Abbey of St Pierre de Sélincourt. It was he who was father of Hugh the Crusader.[11] Here may be mentioned another name by which Walter seems to have been @@ -20355,11 +20322,11 @@ in the 'Chartularium Sithiense',[12] which appears to have eluded Mr Freeman's researches when he made his collection of all the versions of the death of William Rufus: - Willelmus prioris Willelmi regis Angliæ filius, eodem anno a + Willelmus prioris Willelmi regis Angliæ filius, eodem anno a Waltero _de Bekam_, ex improviso, interficitur. Qui, cum rege in saltu venatum iens, dum sagitta cervum appeteret, eadem divinitus retorta, rex occiditur. Cujus interitus sancte - recordationis viro Hugoni, abbati Cluniacensi est præostensus, + recordationis viro Hugoni, abbati Cluniacensi est præostensus, etc., etc. The testimony of a St Omer writer on the deed of the Lord of Poix is, @@ -20368,11 +20335,11 @@ the 'Bekam'.[13] If we now turn to the French writers, we find that the special work on the family is that of M. Cuvillier-Morel-d'Acy, -'Archiviste-Généalogiste'.[14] It savours, however, of Peerage rather -than of History, and relies for its expansion of Père Anselme's +'Archiviste-Généalogiste'.[14] It savours, however, of Peerage rather +than of History, and relies for its expansion of Père Anselme's somewhat jejune narrative[15] on private MS. collections instead of original authorities. This work was followed by an elaborate monograph -on 'Poix et ses Seigneurs' by M. l'Abbé Delgove,[16] who accepts +on 'Poix et ses Seigneurs' by M. l'Abbé Delgove,[16] who accepts the former writer's genealogy without question, though dealing more critically with the charters of foundation for the Priory of St Denis de Poix. He admits that these charters are not authentic in their @@ -20471,7 +20438,7 @@ are familiar to this day to those who hunt with the Essex and Suffolk. [Footnote 8: Cott. MS. Faustina A. iv. See also Addenda.] [Footnote 9: Mr Freeman rendered Walter Map's 'Achaza' by - 'Achères'. But as the Tirels always styled themselves 'Sires + 'Achères'. But as the Tirels always styled themselves 'Sires de Poix Vicomtes d'_Equesnes_' it is probable that the latter was meant.] @@ -20490,26 +20457,26 @@ are familiar to this day to those who hunt with the Essex and Suffolk. Piceio'.] [Footnote 12: _Cartulaire de l'Abbaye de St Bertin_ - (_Documents Inédits_), pp. 267-8.] + (_Documents Inédits_), pp. 267-8.] [Footnote 13: I find entered in the Cartulary of Hesdin - (Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris) on fo. 29, a notification + (Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris) on fo. 29, a notification 'quia Walterus Tireel et filius eius Hugo hospitem unum eum omni mansione ... apud villam Verton concesserunt', and that they have granted freedom from toll 'apud Belram ... coram militibus suis'. Could 'Bekam' possibly be a misprint for 'Belram' [Beaurain]?] - [Footnote 14: _Histoire Genealogique et Héraldique de la + [Footnote 14: _Histoire Genealogique et Héraldique de la Maison des Tyrel, Sires, puis Princes de Poix_, etc., etc. (2nd Ed.) 1869.] [Footnote 15: Vol. vii., pp. 820 _et seq._] - [Footnote 16: _Memoires de la Société d'Antiquaires de + [Footnote 16: _Memoires de la Société d'Antiquaires de Picardies_ (1876), xxv. 287 _et seq._] - [Footnote 17: M. l'Abbé Delgove produces (p. 369) a precisely + [Footnote 17: M. l'Abbé Delgove produces (p. 369) a precisely similar case, in which a deed of 1315 proves John Tirel to have been already in possession of Poix, although, according to the family history, he did not die till 1315. This throws @@ -20553,7 +20520,7 @@ myself, and there is no doubt as to the date, for the clause runs: centesimo vii^{o} apud Wintoniam. The other version, in the body of the charter, contains the -words, 'Anno Dominicæ Incarnationis millesimo centesimo sexto +words, 'Anno Dominicæ Incarnationis millesimo centesimo sexto apud Wintoniam'. I have always looked with some suspicion on these Tewkesbury charters,[4] and that suspicion is not lessened by the double version of this, or by the name of the last witness in that of @@ -20757,7 +20724,7 @@ baron; and Reginald (Rainaldus) de Vautort was a great under-tenant of the honour of Mortain. William fitz Richard I identify with that great Cornish magnate, whose daughter and heiress carried his fief to Reginald, afterwards Earl of Cornwall. Herbert de Alneto also was a -Cornish baron, father of that Richard who, in 1130, paid £100 for his +Cornish baron, father of that Richard who, in 1130, paid £100 for his succession (_Rot. Pip._, 31 Henry I, p. 158). Specially interesting, however, is the name of William fitz Odo, in whom I detect not the William fitz _Otho_, of Essex and Middlesex (with whom he is confused @@ -20806,7 +20773,7 @@ Devon large estates.[5] monks of Laon, 'venimus ad castrum, quod dicitur Bannistaplum, ubi manebat quidam princeps nomine Joellus de Totenes', etc. (_Hermannus_, ii. 17), adding that they afterwards visited - Totnes 'præfati principis castrum' (_ibid._, 18).] + Totnes 'præfati principis castrum' (_ibid._, 18).] [Footnote 5: Reprinted, with additions, from _English Historical Review_.] @@ -20832,7 +20799,7 @@ different versions are in the field. First, there is Dugdale's view that Robert fitz Maldred, their founder, was 'son of Dolfin, son of Earl Gospatric, son of Maldred fitz Crinan by Algitha daughter of Uchtred, Earl of Northumberland, -who was son-in-law to King Æthelred'. This was, apparently, Mr +who was son-in-law to King Æthelred'. This was, apparently, Mr Shirley's view, for, in his _Noble and Gentle Men of England_ he derives the Nevilles from 'Gospatric, the Saxon Earl of Northumberland', though he makes Robert fitz Maldred his @@ -20871,7 +20838,7 @@ the family without any hesitation, and this was adopted by the Duchess of Cleveland, whose elaborate work on the _Battle Abbey Roll_ has much excellent genealogy. Their patriarch Dolfin was now made the son of that Uchtred, who was a grandson and namesake of Dugdale's Earl -Uchtred, _temp._ King Æthelred. A chart pedigree is required to show +Uchtred, _temp._ King Æthelred. A chart pedigree is required to show the descent of the earls: (1) Earl (2) (3) @@ -21009,7 +20976,7 @@ question if we are to accept, on its sole authority, so improbable a story. But what does that evidence amount to? The _Gesta_, unlike other chronicles, not being arranged chronologically under years, the only definite note of time here afforded in its text is found in the -passage, 'Consuluit [Henricus] et avunculum [_sic_] Glaorniæ comitem, +passage, 'Consuluit [Henricus] et avunculum [_sic_] Glaorniæ comitem, sed ipse suis sacculis avide incumbens, rebus tantum sibi necessariis occurrere maluit'.[6] @@ -21023,11 +20990,11 @@ only absolutely contrary to all that we know of his character, but is virtually discredited by the _Gesta_ itself when its author tells us, further on: - Comes deinde Glaorniæ ut erat regis adversariorum + Comes deinde Glaorniæ ut erat regis adversariorum strenuissimus et ad magna quevis struenda paratissimus, iterum atque iterum exercitum comparare, jugi hortaminis et admonitionis stimulo complices suos incitavit; illos minis, - istos promissis sibi et præmiis conjugare; quatinus omnes + istos promissis sibi et præmiis conjugare; quatinus omnes in unam concordiam, in unum animum conspirati, exercitum e diverso ad idem velle repararent, et collectis undecumque agminibus, vive et constanter in regem insurgerent.[8] @@ -21101,8 +21068,8 @@ formal and authoritative a quarter as the preface to a Rolls volume. [Footnote 8: _Gesta_ (ed. Howlett), p. 134.] [Footnote 9: 'Successit in comitatum suum Willelmus filius - suus, senior quidem ætate, sed vir mollis, et thalamorum magis - quam militiæ appetitor' (_Gesta_, ed. Howlett, p. 134).] + suus, senior quidem ætate, sed vir mollis, et thalamorum magis + quam militiæ appetitor' (_Gesta_, ed. Howlett, p. 134).] [Footnote 10: Mr Howlett incidentally claims that knighthood was a necessary preliminary to comital rank, and appeals to @@ -21149,7 +21116,7 @@ that I propose especially to deal. The passage which forms our best evidence is found in Grim's _Life of St Thomas_, and its relative portion is as follows: - Movetur quæstio de consuetudine quadam quae in Anglia + Movetur quæstio de consuetudine quadam quae in Anglia tenebatur. Dabantur de hida bini solidi ministris regis qui vicecomitum loco comitatus servabant, quos voluit rex conscribere fisco et reditibus propriis associare. Cui @@ -21213,9 +21180,9 @@ assessment of this county, according to the late Mr Eyton, who had investigated it with his usual painstaking labour, and collated it with the geld-rolls of two years before, was about 2,300 hides.[7] This assessment would produce, at two shillings on the hide, about -£230. Now the actual amount accounted for on the Pipe-Roll of 1130 is -£228 5s; on that of 1156 it is £228 5s; and on that of 1162, the last -levy, it is £247 5s.[8] There is certainly no margin of profit for +£230. Now the actual amount accounted for on the Pipe-Roll of 1130 is +£228 5s; on that of 1156 it is £228 5s; and on that of 1162, the last +levy, it is £247 5s.[8] There is certainly no margin of profit for the sheriff here. In other counties, we find that the proceeds of the danegeld in 1130, 1156, and 1162, whilst slightly fluctuating, roughly correspond, as, indeed, they were bound to do, the Domesday assessment @@ -21258,7 +21225,7 @@ is perhaps just open to question. He took his stand on the sure ground of existing 'custom', recognized at that time as binding on all.[13] One is tempted to discern a grim irony in Henry's action when he promptly proceeded to turn the tables on his old friend by appealing -to the _avitæ consuetudines_ as obviously binding on so rigid a +to the _avitæ consuetudines_ as obviously binding on so rigid a constitutional purist as the primate.[14] @@ -21294,7 +21261,7 @@ constitutional purist as the primate.[14] [Footnote 8: Thus accounted for (_Rot. Pip._, 8 Hen. II): - £ s. d. + £ s. d. Paid in 141 10 0 Paid out previously 63 0 0 Allowed for remissions 20 1 2 @@ -21302,12 +21269,12 @@ constitutional purist as the primate.[14] ----------------- 247 5 0 - N.B. The roll sums up the remissions as £21 [_sic_] 1s 2d, but - the total of the items is £20 1s 2d.] + N.B. The roll sums up the remissions as £21 [_sic_] 1s 2d, but + the total of the items is £20 1s 2d.] [Footnote 9: Oxfordshire, for instance, where the amounts were - £239 9s 3d, £249 6s 5d, £242 0s 10d; or Wiltshire, where they - run £388 13s 0d, £389 13s 0d, £388 11s 11d.] + £239 9s 3d, £249 6s 5d, £242 0s 10d; or Wiltshire, where they + run £388 13s 0d, £389 13s 0d, £388 11s 11d.] [Footnote 10: _L'Aide al Vescunte_, as quoted by Miss Norgate, who observes thereon, 'This payment, although described as @@ -21395,7 +21362,7 @@ young king was present, must have been previous to his revolt in 1173, and therefore to his departure from England about the close of 1172. On the other hand, the date must be subsequent to June 1170, when the young king was crowned, and therefore probably to the meeting at -Fréteval (July 22, 1170), at which the Archdeacon of Canterbury was +Fréteval (July 22, 1170), at which the Archdeacon of Canterbury was present. Thus we obtain a limit of date. Within this limit we may exclude @@ -21485,7 +21452,7 @@ recorded. [Footnote 1: Madox gives a misleading reference. The charter occurs among the Clavering enrolments of m. 17 (not 19) of the - L.T.R. Memoranda of the Exchequer, containing the Michælmas + L.T.R. Memoranda of the Exchequer, containing the Michælmas _communia_ of 5 Edward II.] [Footnote 2: Mr Hubert Hall, of the Public Record Office, @@ -21516,7 +21483,7 @@ recorded. Archdeacon of Canterbury attests the Chinon charter, which Mr Eyton 'safely' assigns to the middle of October 1170, adding that he had 'apparently been with the king ever since the - peace of Fréteval' (July 22nd). But he is known to have been + peace of Fréteval' (July 22nd). But he is known to have been with the young king at Westminster on October 5th, as indeed Mr Eyton elsewhere observes (p. 151).] @@ -21534,12 +21501,12 @@ recorded. [Footnote 13: _Ibid._, i. 106; so Garnier (p. 166, Ed. Hippeua)-- - 'Le juefne Rei aveit à Wincestre trové. - Là èrent del pais li barun assemblé.'] + 'Le juefne Rei aveit à Wincestre trové. + Là èrent del pais li barun assemblé.'] [Footnote 14: _Ibid._, 106; so Garnier-- - 'Pur c'èrent assemblé cele genz à cel jur, + 'Pur c'èrent assemblé cele genz à cel jur, Et li prince et li cunte et des baruns plusur.'] [Footnote 15: 'Veniens itaque legatus ad curiam, convenit @@ -21586,7 +21553,7 @@ The earlier document I here print from the valuable cartulary of Evesham (_Vesp._ B. xxiv., fo. 71, etc.) is, I contend, a true fine, and is fortunately dated with exactitude (July 20th): - Hæc est finalis concordia facta in curia domini Regis apud + Hæc est finalis concordia facta in curia domini Regis apud Evesham ad proximum festum sancte Margarete post mortem comitis Reginaldi[2] Cornub' coram Willelmo filio Audelini et Willelmo filio Radulfi et Willelmo Basset et aliis @@ -21660,7 +21627,7 @@ So, too, he found that at Northampton the three justiciars who had attended him in his special _curia_ in Staffordshire and at York, negotiated a fine by - Robert de Nevill, 'pro rehabenda saisina de Uppetona quæ fuit + Robert de Nevill, 'pro rehabenda saisina de Uppetona quæ fuit Radulfi de Waltervilla' (p. 194). My own evidence proves that the same three justiciars had been with @@ -21686,7 +21653,7 @@ party of three or four justices with the four justices in eyre. The great importance of this royal _iter_ consists in its bearing on the evolution of the _curia regis_. The years 1175 and 1176 form a critical epoch in this institutional development. Dr Stubbs, writing -on this subject, reminds us that 'the first _placita curiæ regis_ +on this subject, reminds us that 'the first _placita curiæ regis_ mentioned by Madox are in 1175' (i. 600), and speaks of the 'two circuits of the justices in 1175, and the six circuits of the judges in 1176' (_ibid._). So far, indeed, all is clear. The two judicial @@ -21699,7 +21666,7 @@ have been unaware. His words are: All the eighteen justices of 1176 were officers of the Exchequer; some of them are found in 1175 holding 'placita - curiæ regis' in bodies of three or four judges, and not in the + curiæ regis' in bodies of three or four judges, and not in the same combinations in which they took their judicial journeys. We can scarcely help the conclusion that the new jurisprudence was being administered by committees of the general body of @@ -21880,7 +21847,7 @@ Report on the Portland MSS.[20] This is a confirmation by Roger de Mowbray of a grant to Fountains by 'Aldelin de Aldefeld and Ralph his son and his other sons'. Among the witnesses are 'Ralph son of Aldelin, William his brother', and at the close, 'Amelin son -of Aldel'. Now, if we turn to the _cartæ_ of 1166, we find, under +of Aldel'. Now, if we turn to the _cartæ_ of 1166, we find, under Yorkshire, that Ralph 'filius Aldelin' held half a knight's fee of Roger de Mowbray, and William filius Aldelin one fee of Henry de Lacy. Here we recognize the two brothers mentioned in the charters @@ -21997,7 +21964,7 @@ exposed: they seem to have been thought too fantastic for serious criticism. At the same time, it must be remembered that they have been formally and officially recognized by Sir W. Betham as Deputy Ulster, by the English crown (on the strength of his statement) and by the -Chevalier De la Rue, 'garde-général des archives du Royaume', on the +Chevalier De la Rue, 'garde-général des archives du Royaume', on the French side, in 1818. On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that MM. de Montmorency at the time, in spite of the repeated and strenuous appeals of the Morres family, declined to admit their claim to be @@ -22024,55 +21991,55 @@ mention of this Hervey--the sole connecting link--and from the curious form in which Giraldus chose to latinize his name. Now Duchesne, the historian of the house of Montmorency, whose version -Desormeaux and Père Anselme did but follow in the main, wrote thus of +Desormeaux and Père Anselme did but follow in the main, wrote thus of Hervey: Il espousa Elizabeth de Meullent veuve de Gislebert de Claire, - Comte de Pembroc en Angleterre et mère de Richard de Claire, - surnommé Strongbow, Comte de Pembroke, dompteur de l'Hibernie, - duquel à raison de cette alliance un Autheur du temps le - qualifie parastre ou beaupère (p. 92).[3] + Comte de Pembroc en Angleterre et mère de Richard de Claire, + surnommé Strongbow, Comte de Pembroke, dompteur de l'Hibernie, + duquel à raison de cette alliance un Autheur du temps le + qualifie parastre ou beaupère (p. 92).[3] But this 'Autheur' is Giraldus Cambrensis, on whom Duchesne based his account, and who, we find, does not speak of Hervey as stepfather, but as paternal uncle of Strongbow: Herveius de Monte Mauricii, vir quoque fugitivus a facie - fortunæ, inermis et inops, ex parte Richardi comitis cujus + fortunæ, inermis et inops, ex parte Richardi comitis cujus _patruus_ erat, explorator potius quam expugnator advenit (i. 3). Duchesne's version, therefore, is out of court, although it was -repeated by Père Anselme, and even adopted in the _Genealogist_ by so +repeated by Père Anselme, and even adopted in the _Genealogist_ by so skilled and able a genealogist as Mr G. W. Watson.[4] Col. Hervey Morres went so far as to accuse Duchesne and Desormeaux -'d'adulation, d'immoralité, et de mauvaise foi' in giving this account +'d'adulation, d'immoralité, et de mauvaise foi' in giving this account of his great namesake; and he proceeded to substitute a version of his own, severing the hapless man and converting him into two! To make this clear, I must print the essential part of the pedigree as given by him. - Hervé + Hervé de Montmorency | ------------------------------------------- | | | - Bouchard Geoffroi Hervé, + Bouchard Geoffroi Hervé, de Montmorency dit le Riche 1st Bishop V | of Ely [1109-31] | ------------------------------- | | - Adelaide = Hervé Robert, fils de + Adelaide = Hervé Robert, fils de de de Montmorency Geoffroi, fils - Clermont | de Hervé + Clermont | de Hervé | | | | ---------------- ----------------------- | | | | | - Guillaume, HERVÉ, Etienne, Jordan HERVÉ, - ob. s. p. fils de Hervé, d. 1136, V Connétable + Guillaume, HERVÉ, Etienne, Jordan HERVÉ, + ob. s. p. fils de Hervé, d. 1136, V Connétable chamberlain to aged 56 or 57 d'Irelande, Henry II, 1182 | ob. s. p. 1205 | @@ -22085,12 +22052,12 @@ with a view to making the Irish Hervey uncle to Robert fitz Stephen. This was done to satisfy the supposed requirements of Giraldus, whose words Col. Morres thus triumphantly quoted: - Robertus Stephanides ... Inter cæteros _Herveius de + Robertus Stephanides ... Inter cæteros _Herveius de Montemaurisco_ ROBERTI PATRUUS, _nepoti suo se_ comitem - præbuit (p. 77). + præbuit (p. 77). Unfortunately for him, he had gone, not to Giraldus, but to -'Stonyhurst de rebus Hibernicis i. 69-70, _d'après Giraldus +'Stonyhurst de rebus Hibernicis i. 69-70, _d'après Giraldus Cambrensis'_. Stonyhurst had carelessly made Giraldus speak of Hervey as uncle, not to Earl Richard, but to Robert fitz Stephen, and the pedigree was accordingly constructed to fit this error. When the error @@ -22106,11 +22073,11 @@ ii. 601: Adeliz, uxor Gilberti filii Ricardi et Gillebertus, et Baldewinus, et Rohaisia pueri Gilberti episcopo Lincolniensi ... salutem.... Hiis testibus, Gilberto filio Gilberti, - Galterio, _Hervæo_, Baldwino fratribus ejus et Rohaisia sorore + Galterio, _Hervæo_, Baldwino fratribus ejus et Rohaisia sorore eorum, etc., etc. The next is the confirmation of this grant by Robert Bishop of Lincoln -(ob. 1123) as 'donum Adelidæ _de Montemoraci_' (p. 602). The third is +(ob. 1123) as 'donum Adelidæ _de Montemoraci_' (p. 602). The third is a charter of 'Adeliz, mater comitis Gilberti' (p. 603), who is also styled in the Thorney Register 'Adelitia de Claromonte'. Col. Morres also relied much on a grant to Castleacre by 'Adalicia de Claromonte', @@ -22179,10 +22146,10 @@ filiation; but the following passage on Stephen is an excellent illustration of the sort of evidence which is vouched for this wholly imaginary pedigree: - Ce seigneur, très-jeune encore, en 1087, confirma - conjointement avec son père et son aïeul Hervé, fils de - Bouchard, la donation faite par Turillus le Gros à l'abbaye de - St. Florent de Saumur de certaines bénéfices. + Ce seigneur, très-jeune encore, en 1087, confirma + conjointement avec son père et son aïeul Hervé, fils de + Bouchard, la donation faite par Turillus le Gros à l'abbaye de + St. Florent de Saumur de certaines bénéfices. Sig. Hervei filii Burchardi, Sig. Roberti filii ejus, Sig. Stephani militis ejus. @@ -22235,9 +22202,9 @@ des marches' in England, connecting them with the fen district in Cambridgeshire. It would be easy to show that the early pedigree positively teems with absurdities similar to those I have already exposed, but it would be sheer waste of time to devote any more -attention to proofs, which Col. Morres proudly boasted were 'vérifiés -avec la plus scrupuleuse attention par l'autorité competente et -sanctionnés désormais par l'autorisation du prince qui gouverne +attention to proofs, which Col. Morres proudly boasted were 'vérifiés +avec la plus scrupuleuse attention par l'autorité competente et +sanctionnés désormais par l'autorisation du prince qui gouverne aujourd'hui l'empire britannique' (p. 25). I do not hesitate to say that a more impudent claim was never @@ -22255,9 +22222,9 @@ exception of the _Monasticon_, did not attempt to verify the 'proofs' set before him! It will be seen from his own words that his decision was subject to their genuineness: - Toutes les citations puisées par monsieur de Morrès dans les + Toutes les citations puisées par monsieur de Morrès dans les monuments, registres, et terriers publics d'Angleterre - étant, _comme je n'en doute pas_, aussi exactes que celles du + étant, _comme je n'en doute pas_, aussi exactes que celles du Monasticon (p. 37). The value of his loudly-trumpeted verdict may be estimated from this @@ -22283,8 +22250,8 @@ family of Smith.[11] E. C. _sub_ 'Frankfort de Montmorency'.] [Footnote 2: _Les Montmorency de France et les Montmorency - d'Irlande, ou Précis historique des démarches faites à - l'occasion de la reprise du nom de ses ancêtres par la branche + d'Irlande, ou Précis historique des démarches faites à + l'occasion de la reprise du nom de ses ancêtres par la branche de Montmorency-marisco-morres._ Paris, 1828.] [Footnote 3: _Histoire de la maison de Montmorency_. Paris, @@ -22302,9 +22269,9 @@ family of Smith.[11] [Footnote 8: _Henry the Second_, p. 159.] - [Footnote 9: 'Etienne de Mariscis [_sic_] ... fut tué en 1136 + [Footnote 9: 'Etienne de Mariscis [_sic_] ... fut tué en 1136 par les Gallois lorsqu'il gouvernait ce pays' (p. 74). 'Il - n'était agé lors de sa mort que de cinquante six ou cinquante + n'était agé lors de sa mort que de cinquante six ou cinquante sept ans' (p. 75).] [Footnote 10: _London Gazette_, September 9, 1815; _Dublin @@ -22553,7 +22520,7 @@ But the point to which I would call attention is the nature and intention of this gathering. Orderic writes: Confirmatus itaque in regno, turmas optimatum ascivit, et - Guentoniæ congregatis, quæ intrinsecus ruminabat sic ore + Guentoniæ congregatis, quæ intrinsecus ruminabat sic ore deprompsit. Mr Freeman attaches to the speech that follows no small importance. @@ -22584,10 +22551,10 @@ feudal and Norman: Nunc igitur commoneo vos omnes, qui patris mei homines fuistis, et feudos vestros in Normannia et Anglia de illo - tenuistis[28] ... c[oe]nobia quæ patres nostri construxerunt + tenuistis[28] ... c[oe]nobia quæ patres nostri construxerunt in Neustria ... Decet ergo ut, sicut nomen ejus [_i.e._ - Willelmi] et diadema gero, sic ad defensionem patriæ inhæream - ejus [_i.e._ Normanniæ] studio. + Willelmi] et diadema gero, sic ad defensionem patriæ inhæream + ejus [_i.e._ Normanniæ] studio. Mr Freeman expressed astonishment and delight at William's 'constitutional language', and declared that though, in its actual @@ -22699,7 +22666,7 @@ history in masquerade. abbatem oportuit respondere de iiii. militibus mittendis' (ed. Camden Soc, p. 63).] - [Footnote 12: 'Præparavit maximam expeditionem ita ut duo + [Footnote 12: 'Præparavit maximam expeditionem ita ut duo milites de tota Anglia tertium pararent ad opprimendum Gualenses.' _Robert de Torigni_.] @@ -22709,7 +22676,7 @@ history in masquerade. [Footnote 14: 'Cumque summoneri fecisset omnes milites suos, et eos inde convenisset, responderunt feudos suos, quos de - Sancto Ædmundo tenuerunt, hoc non debere, nec se nec patres + Sancto Ædmundo tenuerunt, hoc non debere, nec se nec patres eorum unquam Angliam exisse, set scutagium aliquando ad praeceptum regis dedisse' (_ibid._).] @@ -22717,7 +22684,7 @@ history in masquerade. libertatem suorum militum periclitari, illinc timens ne amitteret saisinam baronie sue pro defectu servicii regis, sicut contigerat Episcopo Lundonensi [? Lincolnensi] et multis - baronibus Angliæ, statim transfretavit, et ... in primis + baronibus Angliæ, statim transfretavit, et ... in primis nullum potuit facere finem cum rege per denarios. Dicenti ergo se non indigere auro nec argento, sed quatuor milites instanter exigenti', etc. (_ibid._).] @@ -22810,14 +22777,14 @@ RICHARD THE FIRST'S CHANGE OF SEAL (1198) With the superficial student and the empiric politician, it is too common to relegate the investigation of such changes - to the domain of archæology. I shall not attempt to rebut - the imputation; only, if such things are archæology, then - archæology is history.--STUBBS, Preface to _R. Hoveden_, IV, + to the domain of archæology. I shall not attempt to rebut + the imputation; only, if such things are archæology, then + archæology is history.--STUBBS, Preface to _R. Hoveden_, IV, lxxx. Historical research is about to pass, if indeed it is not already -passing, into a new sphere--the sphere of Archæology. The central idea +passing, into a new sphere--the sphere of Archæology. The central idea of that great advance which the present generation has witnessed in the domain of history has been the rebuilding of the historical fabric on the relatively sure foundation of original and contemporary @@ -22836,7 +22803,7 @@ testing, by independent evidence, these statements, of submitting our witnesses to a cross-examination which may shake their testimony and their credit in a most unexpected manner. -As an instance of the results to be attained by archæological +As an instance of the results to be attained by archæological research, I have selected Richard the First's celebrated change of seal. Interesting as being the occasion on which the three lions first appear as the Royal arms of England--arms unchanged to the present @@ -22846,7 +22813,7 @@ to its adoption. Historians have agreed, without the least hesitation, to refer this event to the year 1194, and to place it subsequent to the truce of -Tillières or about the beginning of August. 'That Richard I,' writes a +Tillières or about the beginning of August. 'That Richard I,' writes a veteran student,[1] 'adopted a new seal upon his return from the Holy Land is a matter of notoriety.' Speed, in fact, had shown the way. We are told by him that 'the king caused [1194] a new broad seale to @@ -22875,7 +22842,7 @@ telling us how it was effected, and whether any traces of it remain. An independent writer, M. Boivin-Champeaux, in his monograph on William Longchamp, discusses the episode at some length, and asserts that the repudiated documents were 'assujettis, pour leur -revalidation, à une nouvelle et coûteuse scellure'. Like the others, +revalidation, à une nouvelle et coûteuse scellure'. Like the others, however, he relies on the authority of Hoveden, and consequently repeats the same date. @@ -22909,7 +22876,7 @@ original grant. We are thus brought to the instructive formula invariably used in these charters: Is erat tenor carte nostre in primo sigillo nostro. Quod quia - aliquando perditum fuit, et, dum capti essemus in alem[anniâ], + aliquando perditum fuit, et, dum capti essemus in alem[anniâ], in aliena potestate constitutum, mutatum est. Huius autem innovationis testes sunt Hii, etc., etc. @@ -22924,7 +22891,7 @@ by the chronicler. minus discrete quam esset necesse, tum quia sigillum illud perditum erat, quando Rogerus Malus Catulus, vicecancellarius suus, submersus erat in mari ante insulam de Cipro, et - præcepit rex quod omnes qui cartas habebant venirent ad novum + præcepit rex quod omnes qui cartas habebant venirent ad novum sigillum ad cartas suas renovandas. In both cases we find there are two reasons given; but while one of @@ -22937,34 +22904,34 @@ of the Bishop of Oxford and of M. Boivin-Champeaux: Richard's first seal was lost Sur deux exemplaires usuels du when the vice-chancellor was grand sceau, le premier, que drowned between Rhodes and Cyprus portait le vice-chancelier - in 1190; but it was recovered Mauchien, avait été perdu lors + in 1190; but it was recovered Mauchien, avait été perdu lors with his dead body. The seal that de l'ouragan qui, en vue de was now broken must have been the Chypre avait assailli la flotte - one which the chancellor had used Anglo-Normande, le second était - during the king's absence. resté en Angleterre; mais il + one which the chancellor had used Anglo-Normande, le second était + during the king's absence. resté en Angleterre; mais il Richard, however, when he was at avait subi, par suite de la Messina, had allowed his seal to revolution du 10 octobre, de be set to various grants for nombreuses vicissitudes. - which he took money, but which Richard se prévalut de ces + which he took money, but which Richard se prévalut de ces he never intended to confirm. circonstances jointes au - Therefore probably he found it désaveu de la trève de Tillières - convenient now to have a new pour publier un édit aux termes + Therefore probably he found it désaveu de la trève de Tillières + convenient now to have a new pour publier un édit aux termes seal in lieu of both the former duquels tous les actes publics - ones, although he threw the blame passés sous son règne, qui - of the transactions annulled upon avaient été légalisés avec les - the chancellor. The importance of anciens sceaux étaient frappés - the seal is already very great. de nullité et assujettis, pour - (_Const. Hist._, i. 506, note.) leur revalidation â une nouvelle - et coûteuse scellure. Cette - ordonnance aurait pu, à la + ones, although he threw the blame passés sous son règne, qui + of the transactions annulled upon avaient été légalisés avec les + the chancellor. The importance of anciens sceaux étaient frappés + the seal is already very great. de nullité et assujettis, pour + (_Const. Hist._, i. 506, note.) leur revalidation â une nouvelle + et coûteuse scellure. Cette + ordonnance aurait pu, à la rigueur, se colorer, si elle - n'avait concerné que les actes - accomplis pendant l'expédition - et la captivité du roi; mais le + n'avait concerné que les actes + accomplis pendant l'expédition + et la captivité du roi; mais le comble de l'impudence et de - l'iniquité était de l'appliquer - même à ceux qui avaient précéde - son départ ou suivi son retour + l'iniquité était de l'appliquer + même à ceux qui avaient précéde + son départ ou suivi son retour (p. 223). Thus both writers assume that there were two seals, one which remained @@ -22989,17 +22956,17 @@ all have followed, I contend that it may, and indeed ought to be, read as referring to a single seal. But it is, as Miss Norgate justly observes, 'very confused', from its allusion to the chancellor's use of the seal. That allusion, however, would most naturally refer to the -truce of Tillières, and not to the use of a separate seal in England. +truce of Tillières, and not to the use of a separate seal in England. Therefore even if we accepted, which I do not, Hoveden's statement, it would not warrant the inference that has been drawn. Again, when Miss Norgate writes of the 'withdrawal of the seal from William', and when Dr Stubbs tells us that the king 'took the seal from' him, these statements may have two meanings. But M. -Boivin-Champeaux is more precise: 'L'emploi de ces procédés emportait -le mépris et la violation non seulement de tous les actes étrangers -au chancelier, mais encore de tous ceux où il avait mis la main. Il ne -pouvait décemment conserver les sceaux. Le roi les lui enleva.' This +Boivin-Champeaux is more precise: 'L'emploi de ces procédés emportait +le mépris et la violation non seulement de tous les actes étrangers +au chancelier, mais encore de tous ceux où il avait mis la main. Il ne +pouvait décemment conserver les sceaux. Le roi les lui enleva.' This is a distinct assertion that Longchamp was deprived of his office. Yet all our evidence points to the conclusion that he remained chancellor to the day of his death. @@ -23033,10 +23000,10 @@ for confirmation; in other words ... paid for a second time'.[14] Let us now look at the other chroniclers. R. Coggeshall is independent and precise: - Accessit autem ad totius mali cumulum, juxta vitæ ejus + Accessit autem ad totius mali cumulum, juxta vitæ ejus terminum, prioris sigilli sui renovatio, quo exiit edictum - per totum ejus regnum ut omnes cartæ, confirmationes, ac - privilegiatæ libertates quæ prioris sigilli impressione + per totum ejus regnum ut omnes cartæ, confirmationes, ac + privilegiatæ libertates quæ prioris sigilli impressione roboraverat, irrita forent nec alicujus libertatis vigorem obtinerent, nisi posteriori sigillo roborarentur. In quibus renovandis et iterum comparandis innumerabilis pecunia @@ -23047,7 +23014,7 @@ Richard changed his seal, and regranted the old charters, within the last year of his life. Similarly independent and precise evidence is afforded by the Annals of Waverley: - MCXCVIII. Anno X. regis Ricardi præcepit idem rex omnes cartas + MCXCVIII. Anno X. regis Ricardi præcepit idem rex omnes cartas in regno suo emptas reformari, et novo sigilli sui impressione roborari, vel omnes cassari, cujuscunque dignitatis aut ordinis essent, qui vellent sua protectione defensari, vel @@ -23055,7 +23022,7 @@ afforded by the Annals of Waverley: Further, we read in the Annals of Worcester[16] and in the _Historia Major_ of M. Paris (ii. 450-451)[17] that in 1198, 'circaque festum -sancti Michaelis, mutatæ sunt carte quas prius fecerat rex Ricardus, +sancti Michaelis, mutatæ sunt carte quas prius fecerat rex Ricardus, novo sigillo suo'. Now this Michaelmas fell just in the heart of the period within which the process of confirmation is proved to have been going on. @@ -23067,7 +23034,7 @@ appeal to Hoveden against himself. After telling us of the king's proclamation on the refusal of the religious to contribute to the carucage in the spring of 1198, he adds: - Præterea præcepit idem rex ut omnes, tam clerici quam laici, + Præterea præcepit idem rex ut omnes, tam clerici quam laici, qui cartas sive confirmationes habebant de sigillo suo veteri deferrent eas ad sigillum suum novum renovandas, et nisi fecerint, nihil quod actum fuerat per sigillum suum vetus @@ -23100,7 +23067,7 @@ anachronism in its bearing on the authorship of the chronicle is by him clearly explained. How far does the rejection of this statement on the change of seal -affect the statement which precedes it as to the Truce of Tillières? +affect the statement which precedes it as to the Truce of Tillières? Hoveden places the latter and the former in the relation of cause and effect: @@ -23113,7 +23080,7 @@ This is rendered by Dr Stubbs in the margin: 'He annuls the truce and all the acts of the chancellor passed under the old seal.' The passage has also been so read by M. Boivin-Champeaux (p. 221); but if that is the meaning, which I think is by no means certain, Hoveden contradicts -himself. For he speaks five months later of the truce ('Treuga quæ +himself. For he speaks five months later of the truce ('Treuga quæ inter eos statuta fuerat duratura usque ad festum omnium sanctorum') as not having stopped private raids on either side.[22] R. de Diceto, mentioning the truce (ii. 120), says nothing of it being annulled, nor @@ -23178,10 +23145,10 @@ evidence itself breaks down when submitted to the test of fact. _at_ _Grantee_ _Authority_ 1. Lions Robert fitz Roger Cart. Ant. EE. 6 - 2. Château Gaillard Hugh Bardulf Cart. Ant. EE. 10 - 3. Château Gaillard Ely Cart. Ant. JJ. 43 - 4. Château Gaillard Ely Cart. Ant. NN. 26 - 5. Château Gaillard William Longchamp Cart. Ant. JJ. 46 + 2. Château Gaillard Hugh Bardulf Cart. Ant. EE. 10 + 3. Château Gaillard Ely Cart. Ant. JJ. 43 + 4. Château Gaillard Ely Cart. Ant. NN. 26 + 5. Château Gaillard William Longchamp Cart. Ant. JJ. 46 6. Lire Rievaulx Abbey Rievaulx Cartulary (Surtees Soc.), p. 308 7. Lire Rievaulx Abbey Rievaulx Cartulary @@ -23192,27 +23159,27 @@ evidence itself breaks down when submitted to the test of fact. (Rymer i. 67) 10. Roche d'Orival Alan Basset Anc. Deeds, Ser. A. No. 5924 - 11. Château Gaillard Shaftesbury Abbey Harl. MS. 61, fo. 26 - 12. Château Gaillard Peterborough Abbey Cart. Ant. EE. 21 - 13. Château Gaillard Waltham Abbey Cart. Ant. RR. 7 & 8 - 14. Château Gaillard Roger de Sancto Manveo Cart. Ant. BB. 6 - 15. Château Gaillard Fontevrault Cart. Ant. F. 1 + 11. Château Gaillard Shaftesbury Abbey Harl. MS. 61, fo. 26 + 12. Château Gaillard Peterborough Abbey Cart. Ant. EE. 21 + 13. Château Gaillard Waltham Abbey Cart. Ant. RR. 7 & 8 + 14. Château Gaillard Roger de Sancto Manveo Cart. Ant. BB. 6 + 15. Château Gaillard Fontevrault Cart. Ant. F. 1 16. Lions St Leonard's, Stratford Add. MS. 6, 166, fo. 341 - 17. Château Gaillard Stratford Langthorne Abbey Cart. Ant. E. 1 - 18. Château Gaillard St Jacques de Boishallebout Add. Cart. (Brit. + 17. Château Gaillard Stratford Langthorne Abbey Cart. Ant. E. 1 + 18. Château Gaillard St Jacques de Boishallebout Add. Cart. (Brit. Mus.) No. 3 - 19. Château Gaillard Boxley Abbey Cart. Ant. Q. 8 - 20. Château Gaillard St Alban's Abbey Ancient Deeds, + 19. Château Gaillard Boxley Abbey Cart. Ant. Q. 8 + 20. Château Gaillard St Alban's Abbey Ancient Deeds, A. 1050 - 21. Château Gaillard Tynmouth Priory Cart. Ant. BB. 18 - 22. Château Gaillard Llanthony Abbey Cart. Ant. B. 26 + 21. Château Gaillard Tynmouth Priory Cart. Ant. BB. 18 + 22. Château Gaillard Llanthony Abbey Cart. Ant. B. 26 23. Lions The Templars Deville's Transcripts 24. Lions Church of Durham Surtees Soc., vol. IX. p. lvi. 25. 'Sanctum Ebruskum' Domus Dei (Southampton) Cart. Ant. D. 30 26. Cahagnes Spalding Priory Add. MS. 5844, fo. 228 - 27. Château du Loir Gilbert fitz Roger Hist. MSS., 10th + 27. Château du Loir Gilbert fitz Roger Hist. MSS., 10th Report, 325 28. Chinon W. Briwerre Great Coucher II. 1, 67 IV. (1, 2) @@ -23221,7 +23188,7 @@ evidence itself breaks down when submitted to the test of fact. - [Footnote 1: Canon Raine, _Historiæ Dunelmensis Scriptores + [Footnote 1: Canon Raine, _Historiæ Dunelmensis Scriptores Tres_ (Surtees Soc.), p. 379.] [Footnote 2: Speed's History (1611).] @@ -23282,7 +23249,7 @@ evidence itself breaks down when submitted to the test of fact. a 'factum Ricardi regis enorme') in which he gives us a circumstantial account of the event and of the prior of St Alban's going over to France to secure the confirmation, 'cum - effusione multæ pecuniæ et laboris', but assigns it to the + effusione multæ pecuniæ et laboris', but assigns it to the year 1189. Hoveden's error pales before such a blunder as this, which has been accepted without question by the learned editor, Dr Luard.] @@ -23313,7 +23280,7 @@ evidence itself breaks down when submitted to the test of fact. to twenty-eight. Of these a detailed list is given on pp. 442-15.] - [Footnote 24: 'Scilicet die secunda coronationis nostræ.'] + [Footnote 24: 'Scilicet die secunda coronationis nostræ.'] [Footnote 25: 'December' in Cart. Ant., which date is accepted in Gibson's 'Monastery of Tynmouth'.] @@ -23353,35 +23320,35 @@ offences against the _commune_ in its corporate capacity. Thierry, basing his conclusions mainly on the charters of the _commune_ of Amiens and the daughter-charter of Abbeville writes: - Celui qui se soustrait à la justice de la Commune est puni + Celui qui se soustrait à la justice de la Commune est puni de banissement, et sa maison est abattue. Celui qui tient - des propos injurieux contre la Commune encourt la même peine. - Voilà pour les dispositions communes aux chartes d'Amiens et - d'Abbeville, c'est-à-dire pour celles qui authentiquement sont - plus anciennes que l'acte royal de 1190. Si l'on ne s'y arrête - pas et qu'on relève dans cet acte d'autres dispositions, + des propos injurieux contre la Commune encourt la même peine. + Voilà pour les dispositions communes aux chartes d'Amiens et + d'Abbeville, c'est-à -dire pour celles qui authentiquement sont + plus anciennes que l'acte royal de 1190. Si l'on ne s'y arrête + pas et qu'on relève dans cet acte d'autres dispositions, probablement primitives aussi, on trouvera les peines du crime - politique, _l'abatis de maison_ et le banissement, appliquées - à celui qui viole sciemment les constitutions de la Commune et - à celui qui, blessé dans une querelle, refuse la composition - en justice et refuse pareillement de donner sécurité à son + politique, _l'abatis de maison_ et le banissement, appliquées + à celui qui viole sciemment les constitutions de la Commune et + à celui qui, blessé dans une querelle, refuse la composition + en justice et refuse pareillement de donner sécurité à son adversaire. - Une peine moindre, car elle se réduit à ce que la maison du - délinquant soit abattue s'il n'aime mieux en payer la valeur, - est appliquée à celui qui addresse des injures au Maire dans - l'exercice de ses fonctions, et à celui qui frappe un de - ses Jurés devant les magistrats, en pleine audience. Ainsi - l'abatis de maison, vengeance de la Commune lésée ou offensée, - était à la fois un châtiment par lui-même et le signe + Une peine moindre, car elle se réduit à ce que la maison du + délinquant soit abattue s'il n'aime mieux en payer la valeur, + est appliquée à celui qui addresse des injures au Maire dans + l'exercice de ses fonctions, et à celui qui frappe un de + ses Jurés devant les magistrats, en pleine audience. Ainsi + l'abatis de maison, vengeance de la Commune lésée ou offensée, + était à la fois un châtiment par lui-même et le signe qui rendait plus terrible aux imaginations la sentence de banissement conditionnel ou absolu. Il avait lieu dans la plupart ... des communes du nord de la France avec un appareil - sombre et imposant; en présence des citoyens, convoqués à + sombre et imposant; en présence des citoyens, convoqués à son de cloche, le Maire frappait un coup de marteau contre - la demeure du condamné, et des ouvriers, requis pour service - public, procédaient à la démolition qu'ils poursuivaient - jusqu'à ce qu'il ne restât plus pierre sur pierre.[2] + la demeure du condamné, et des ouvriers, requis pour service + public, procédaient à la démolition qu'ils poursuivaient + jusqu'à ce qu'il ne restât plus pierre sur pierre.[2] The public character of the ceremony, which was no less marked at Sandwich (_vide supra_), is well illustrated in the _Ordonnances_ @@ -23389,8 +23356,8 @@ of Philip of Alsace (_circ._ 1178) on the powers of his _baillis_ in Flanders: Domus diruenda Judicio Scabinorum, post quindenam a scabinis - indultam, quandocunque comes præceperit, aut ballivus ejus, - diruetur a communia villæ, campana pulsata per Scabinos; et + indultam, quandocunque comes præceperit, aut ballivus ejus, + diruetur a communia villæ, campana pulsata per Scabinos; et qui ad diruendam illam non venerit, in forisfacto erit, etc., etc. @@ -23407,7 +23374,7 @@ voluerint domum eius prosternere, poterunt', etc., etc. So, too, at Roye, the charter (_circ._ 1183) provides: 'Domus forisfactoris diruetur si Major voluerit, et si Major redempcionem accipiet de domibus diruendis', etc., etc.... 'Si quis extraneus ... forisfactum -fecerit ... Major et homines ville ad diruendam domum ejus exeant; quæ +fecerit ... Major et homines ville ad diruendam domum ejus exeant; quæ si sit adeo fortis ut vi Burgensium dirui non possit, ad eam diruendam vim et auxilium conferemus'.[3] So essential was the power of distraint, as we might term it, given to the community over its @@ -23478,7 +23445,7 @@ these two clauses: demourra en le merchy du roy au jugement de esquevins. Derekief se li maires qui eslus seroit refusoit le mairie et - vausist souffrir le damage, jà pour che ne demouerroit qu'il + vausist souffrir le damage, jà pour che ne demouerroit qu'il ne fesist l'office; et se aucuns refusoit l'esquevinage, on abateroit sa maison et l'amenderoit au jugement de esquevins, et pour chou ne demoureroit mie que il ne fesist l'office de @@ -23488,7 +23455,7 @@ Thierry, who was ignorant of the Cinque Ports custom--as the historians of the Cinque Ports appear to have been ignorant of that at Amiens--describes this provision as 'loi remarquable en ce qu'elle faisait revivre et sanctionnait par des garanties toutes nouvelles ce -principe de la législation romaine, que les offices municipaux sont +principe de la législation romaine, que les offices municipaux sont une charge obligatoire'.[13] But this brings us face to face with the difficult and disputed question of the persistence of Roman institutions. Personally, I have always thought it rash to accept @@ -23535,18 +23502,18 @@ Northern France. From Picardy, which faced the Cinque Ports, they derived, I believe, their confederation. To quote Thierry: - La région du nord, qui est le berceau, et pour ainsi dire la - terre classique des communes jurées, comprend la Picardie, + La région du nord, qui est le berceau, et pour ainsi dire la + terre classique des communes jurées, comprend la Picardie, l'Artois, etc.... Parmi ces provinces, la Picardie est celle qui renferme le plus grand nombre de communes proprement - dites, où cette forme de régime atteint le plus haut degré - d'indépendance et où dans ses applications, elle offre le plus - de variété. Les communes de Picardie avaient en général toute + dites, où cette forme de régime atteint le plus haut degré + d'indépendance et où dans ses applications, elle offre le plus + de variété. Les communes de Picardie avaient en général toute justice, haute, moyenne et basse. Nonseulement dans cette province les chartes municipales des villes se trouvaient - appliquées à de simples villages, dont quelques-uns n'existent - plus, mais encore _il y avait des confédérations de plusieurs - villages ou hameaux réunis en municipalités sous une charte et + appliquées à de simples villages, dont quelques-uns n'existent + plus, mais encore _il y avait des confédérations de plusieurs + villages ou hameaux réunis en municipalités sous une charte et une magistrature collectives_.[14] Let me briefly summarize the arguments on which I base my hypothesis: @@ -23566,7 +23533,7 @@ French name of _Jurats_.[19] (4) In the Cinque Ports, as in the French _Communes_, we find side by side with this elective administration, a royal officer, with us a -Warden, with them the _Sénéchal_ (or _Prévôt_ or _Bailli_) _du Roi_. +Warden, with them the _Sénéchal_ (or _Prévôt_ or _Bailli_) _du Roi_. (5) The very same penalty of house demolition for refusal to accept office as Mayor or Jurat was exacted in the Cinque Ports (and nowhere @@ -23575,7 +23542,7 @@ else in England) as at Amiens. I do not contend that the French 'commune' was adopted intact by the Cinque Ports, for, of course, it was not so. In the matter of names alone, they are not styled a 'commune', nor are the members of their -community termed 'jurés' (_jurati_), but 'barons' (_barones_). +community termed 'jurés' (_jurati_), but 'barons' (_barones_). The study, however, of the 'commune' in France itself reveals the adaptation to environment it underwent on transplantation. And, the salient feature of the Cinque Ports organization, the fact that they @@ -23591,12 +23558,12 @@ is evidence of the use of this term at an earlier period than is supposed, viz., in the early years of Stephen;[21] but on its origin the 'commune' throws no light. One can only quote the parallel afforded by the 'commune' of Niort, and this is taken from a late -document (1579). Its officers are said to hold of the King 'à droit -de baronie, à foi et homage-lige, au devoir d'un gant ou cinq -sols tournois, pour tous devoirs, payables à chaque mutation de +document (1579). Its officers are said to hold of the King 'à droit +de baronie, à foi et homage-lige, au devoir d'un gant ou cinq +sols tournois, pour tous devoirs, payables à chaque mutation de seigneur'.[22] This 'devoir' is parallel, it will be seen, to the 'canopy-service' (or 'Honours at Court') of the Cinque Ports, rendered -as it was, in practice, 'à chaque mutation de seigneur'. It is +as it was, in practice, 'à chaque mutation de seigneur'. It is noteworthy that a French royal charter of 1196 contains the clause: 'prefati quatuor ville exercitum et equitationem novis debent _sicut alie communie nostre_';[23] but one can scarcely connect this with the @@ -23636,7 +23603,7 @@ force'.[26] ('domus ejus et omnia ad ejus mancionem pertinentia prosternantur') for homicide, which lies outside the class of 'political offences'. Giry, in his _Etablissements de Rouen_ - (1883), speaks of the 'abattis de maison' as 'caractéristique + (1883), speaks of the 'abattis de maison' as 'caractéristique du droit municipal du Nord' (i. 431), but I do not find that he anywhere mentions it as the penalty appointed for refusing office.] @@ -23645,29 +23612,29 @@ force'.[26] xi., p. 228.] [Footnote 4: So also p. 263, where he calls attention to - 'l'établissement de la constitution communale de Rouen et de - Falaise dans quatre des provinces annexées au XII^{e} siècle à + 'l'établissement de la constitution communale de Rouen et de + Falaise dans quatre des provinces annexées au XII^{e} siècle à la domination anglo-normande'; and to 'cette adoption de la - commune jurée selon le type donné par les grandes villes de la - Normandie, événement auquel contribua sans doute la politique + commune jurée selon le type donné par les grandes villes de la + Normandie, événement auquel contribua sans doute la politique des rois d'Angleterre'.] - [Footnote 5: 'À Bordeaux ... le principal titre de - magistrature était celui de Jurats, titre qu'on retrouve dans + [Footnote 5: 'À Bordeaux ... le principal titre de + magistrature était celui de Jurats, titre qu'on retrouve dans une foule de villes, depuis la Gironde jusqu'au milieu de la - chaîne des Pyrénées' (p. 247).] + chaîne des Pyrénées' (p. 247).] - [Footnote 6: 'Au milieu de cette unité d'organisation + [Footnote 6: 'Au milieu de cette unité d'organisation administrative et judiciaire la ville de Bayonne se - détache, et contraste avec toutes les autres. On la voit, au - commencement du XIII^e siècle, abandonner le régime municipal - indigène et chercher de loin une constitution éstrangère, - celle des communes normandes, transportée et perfectionée + détache, et contraste avec toutes les autres. On la voit, au + commencement du XIII^e siècle, abandonner le régime municipal + indigène et chercher de loin une constitution éstrangère, + celle des communes normandes, transportée et perfectionée dans les villes du Poitou et de la Saintonge; c'est une double - cause, la suzeraineté des rois d'Angleterre étendue de la - Normandie aux Pyrénées, et le commerce d'une ville maritime, - qui amène ainsi aux extrémités de la zone municipale du Midi - la commune jurée dans sa forme native, avec toutes ses règles + cause, la suzeraineté des rois d'Angleterre étendue de la + Normandie aux Pyrénées, et le commerce d'une ville maritime, + qui amène ainsi aux extrémités de la zone municipale du Midi + la commune jurée dans sa forme native, avec toutes ses règles et ses pratiques' (p. 249).] [Footnote 7: 'La soe maizon, so es del marie o d'aquet quiu @@ -23718,7 +23685,7 @@ force'.[26] erroneously, used' (_ibid._, p. 44).] [Footnote 19: The mayor and his twelve _pairs_, _jurats_ - (or _jurés_) or _échevins_, were an essential feature of the + (or _jurés_) or _échevins_, were an essential feature of the _commune_, and spread with the communal movement.] [Footnote 20: _Recueil des Ordonnances des Rois de France_, @@ -23743,7 +23710,7 @@ force'.[26] proving it, of course, to belong to the reign, not of Stephen, but of Henry II: - 'R. Com(es) leg(recestriæ) Baronibus regis de Hastingg' salutem. + 'R. Com(es) leg(recestriæ) Baronibus regis de Hastingg' salutem. Precipio quod abbas et monachi de Hulmo teneant bene et in pace et juste terras suas in Gernemut ... sicut eas melius tenuerunt tempore Regis H. _avi regis_ ... T. R. Basset per breve @@ -23772,7 +23739,7 @@ force'.[26] [Footnote 23: _Recueil_ (_ut supra_), xi. 277.] [Footnote 24: I can find no trace of it in Professor - Burrows' careful _résumé_ of the factors in the Cinque Ports + Burrows' careful _résumé_ of the factors in the Cinque Ports organization.] [Footnote 25: _Cinque Ports_, p. 56.] @@ -23839,10 +23806,10 @@ he had done in his book, from an English translation only, and that a misleading one. The actual words (as given by Jeake), confirms to the Ports their liberties as held: - temporibus Regum Angliæ Edwardi, Willelmi primi et secundi, + temporibus Regum Angliæ Edwardi, Willelmi primi et secundi, Henrici regis proavi nostri, et temporibus Regis Richardi et Regis Johannis avi nostri et Domini Henrici Regis patris - nostri per cartas eorundem, sicut cartæ illæ quas iidem + nostri per cartas eorundem, sicut cartæ illæ quas iidem Barones nostri inde habent, et quas inspeximus, rationabiliter testantur. @@ -23850,7 +23817,7 @@ In this peculiar wording we notice two points: (1) that it divides the kings into two groups, and that Henry II is placed in the first group, not, as we should expect, with his sons; (2) that Edward does not say that he has 'inspected' charters of all the kings named, but only -'cartæ _illæ_ quas iidem Barones nostri inde habent'.[4] I claim, +'cartæ _illæ_ quas iidem Barones nostri inde habent'.[4] I claim, therefore, to read the words as not implying that Edward had actually seen any charter older than that of Richard, whose name heads what I have termed the second group of kings. It is noteworthy that Richard's @@ -23943,7 +23910,7 @@ it throws no light on the old town, the King's town, of Hastings.[9] The importance of Hastings before the Conquest is shown not only by the action of its ships in 1049, but also by its possessing a mint. Yet the only mention of this town in Domesday is the incidental entry -that the Abbot of Fécamp had 'in Hastings' appurtenant to his Manor of +that the Abbot of Fécamp had 'in Hastings' appurtenant to his Manor of Brede, 'iiii. burgenses et xiiii. bordarios'.[10] One is fairly driven to the bold hypothesis that Hastings, which ought to have figured at the head of the county survey (as did Dover in Kent), was one of the @@ -23967,7 +23934,7 @@ Professor Burrows: of Sussex towns, the 'New Burgh', Winchelsea, and Rye, a strong link of communication between England and Normandy; but Godwin and Harold had contrived to prevent the two latter from - becoming the property of the Abbey of Fécamp, to which Edward + becoming the property of the Abbey of Fécamp, to which Edward granted them in the early part of his reign; and this formed one of the Norman grievances. William promised to restore them to the Abbey, and when he had conquered England he kept his @@ -24006,7 +23973,7 @@ word 'baron' can be shown to have here had a definite connotation. The exemption from 'wardship and marriage', for instance, granted by Edward I (1278), implies that these 'barons' were subject to the burdens of tenants-in-chief, while their extraordinary appeal, after -the battle of St Mahé (1293), to 'the judgment of their peers, earls, +the battle of St Mahé (1293), to 'the judgment of their peers, earls, and barons'[13] has not, so far as I know, received the attention it deserves. By such a phrase the Cinque Ports 'barons' virtually claimed the privilege of peers of the realm. @@ -24038,7 +24005,7 @@ sphere of action must remain, of course, as yet matter of conjecture. - [Footnote 1: _Archæological Review_, iv. 439-44.] + [Footnote 1: _Archæological Review_, iv. 439-44.] [Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 441.] @@ -24058,7 +24025,7 @@ sphere of action must remain, of course, as yet matter of conjecture. [Footnote 9: The Professor's argument that 'the lordship of St Denis over the Saxon Hastings had ceased--probably when the Northmen took possession of the Seine valley and blocked out - the French; that of Fécamp was the renewal of the old idea + the French; that of Fécamp was the renewal of the old idea on an adjoining territory' (_Cinque Ports_, p. 27), is as baseless as that which follows it as to Winchelsea and Rye. For the 'charter of Offa, king of the Mercians' (p. 25), @@ -24125,7 +24092,7 @@ sphere of action must remain, of course, as yet matter of conjecture. beach' (p. 75), between Romney Marsh and the sea.] [Footnote 15: See my paper on the origin of 'The Mayoralty of - London', in _Archæological Journal_ (1894).] + London', in _Archæological Journal_ (1894).] @@ -24160,11 +24127,11 @@ three wrongly for Wilburton, and Mr Pell, by accepting as genuine these two erroneous figures, was led to quite erroneous conclusions. Pages 68-9. The parallel for this system of counting by threes and -sixes is found in the wergild of Scandinavia, with its _rétt_ of 3 +sixes is found in the wergild of Scandinavia, with its _rétt_ of 3 marcs, or 6, or 12, the 6 or the 12 _aurar_, the 12 ells or the 12 feet of _vadmal_. -For the _formulæ_ on p. 68 an instructive parallel is found in the +For the _formulæ_ on p. 68 an instructive parallel is found in the Frostathing's Law: If a _haulld_ wounds a man, he is liable to pay 6 @@ -24175,7 +24142,7 @@ Frostathing's Law: Thus we find in Scandinavia the counterpart of the system of counting found in the 'Danish' districts of England, just as we find in Angeln and Ditmarsh the counterpart of the 'hide', with its four 'yards', -found in southern England (_Archæologia_, xxxvii. 380). +found in southern England (_Archæologia_, xxxvii. 380). Page 105. For the election of _juratores_ we may compare the Abingdon Abbey case, under Henry II: 'ex utroque parte seniores viri @@ -24230,8 +24197,8 @@ Page 356. On the great influence, by their connection, of the Clares see also the _Becket Memorials_ (iii. 43), where Fitz Stephen writes (1163): - Illi autem comiti de Clara fere omnes nobiles Angliæ - propinquitate adhærebant, qui et pulcherrimam totius regni + Illi autem comiti de Clara fere omnes nobiles Angliæ + propinquitate adhærebant, qui et pulcherrimam totius regni sororem habebat, quam rex aliquando concupierat. We are reminded here of the curious story in the _Monasticon_ (iv. @@ -24456,7 +24423,7 @@ INDEX Bell: Ringing of the town, 417 - Bémont, M. Ch., 334 + Bémont, M. Ch., 334 Berkshire, Hidation in, 63-4 @@ -24490,7 +24457,7 @@ INDEX _Breve abbatis_, the: its meaning, 35, 36, 115-6 - Brihtric, son of Ælfgar, 323, 324-5 + Brihtric, son of Ælfgar, 323, 324-5 Bristol: its trade with Ireland, 354 @@ -24525,7 +24492,7 @@ INDEX Canterbury, Geoffrey (Ridel), Archdeacon of, 381, 382, 383-4, 388 - _Cartæ_ of 1166, 189 _sqq._, 210-11, 225, 228, 396; + _Cartæ_ of 1166, 189 _sqq._, 210-11, 225, 228, 396; sealing of, 194; their evidence, 198-9 _sqq._; errors in, 226-7, 234, 431 @@ -24650,7 +24617,7 @@ INDEX De La Rue, Chevalier, 392, 397 - Delgove, M. l'Abbé, 361-2 + Delgove, M. l'Abbé, 361-2 Democracy: its failure, 302-5 @@ -24796,7 +24763,7 @@ INDEX ---- Abbey: its knights, 237-8; its service, 238; - Æthelwig, abbot of, 238-9; + Æthelwig, abbot of, 238-9; Walter, abbot of, 237-8^{247} Evidence, treatment of historical, 291-292, 336-7, 343, 344, 346, 376 @@ -24847,7 +24814,7 @@ INDEX Faritius, Abbot, 120 - Fécamp Abbey, grants to, 248-9, 427-8 + Fécamp Abbey, grants to, 248-9, 427-8 Feoffment: the 'old' and 'new', 190-2, 194, 196-7. _See_ Enfeoffment @@ -25264,7 +25231,7 @@ INDEX Jones, Mr: on Wilts, in Domesday, 125^{2} - Jumièges, William of, 314, 318, 319 + Jumièges, William of, 314, 318, 319 _Jugum_, the Kentish: its four 'virgates', 95 @@ -25349,7 +25316,7 @@ INDEX _Liber Exoniensis_: 42^{72}, 122^{265}, 125^{2} ---- _Niger_, 179, 189, 226, 431. - _See_ 'Cartæ' + _See_ 'Cartæ' ---- _Rubeus_, 179, 189, 192^{44}, 209, 226, 245 @@ -25816,7 +25783,7 @@ INDEX on the Leicestershire 'hide', 77-8; on the St Denis charters, 427^{9} - Steyning: granted to Fécamp, 249, 428 + Steyning: granted to Fécamp, 249, 428 Stigand, archbishop, 349-50 @@ -25826,7 +25793,7 @@ INDEX on Stephen's earldoms, 152; on the origin of knight-service, 182-4; on the knight's fee, 187-9, 232; - on the _Cartæ Baronum_, 189 _sqq._; + on the _Cartæ Baronum_, 189 _sqq._; on personal assessment, 195^{56}, 196^{57}; on scutage, 217-18; on joint equipment, 218^{143}; @@ -25840,7 +25807,7 @@ INDEX on Becket's opposition, 380^{13}; on the _curia regis_, 387-8, 432-3; on St Hugh's opposition [1197], 398, 400, 402^{19}; - on archæology, 406; + on archæology, 406; on Richard's change of seal, 407-10, 411-15 Sudbury, peculiar position of, 90 @@ -25879,7 +25846,7 @@ INDEX Thorold (of Lincoln) the Sheriff--_see_ Turold - Tillières, Truce of, 406, 409, 412-13 + Tillières, Truce of, 406, 409, 412-13 Tirel, Walter, 355 _sqq._; his parentage, 360-1; @@ -26070,8 +26037,8 @@ Transcriber's Note: ^ denotes a superscript. - The ligature æ is not necessarily consistent in its use, e.g. - 'mediæval' is used more in Part I of this book, but not in Part II; + The ligature æ is not necessarily consistent in its use, e.g. + 'mediæval' is used more in Part I of this book, but not in Part II; 'mediaeval' is used in both parts. The original book contained a Foreword, which is not present in the @@ -26097,7 +26064,7 @@ Transcriber's Note: Survives in five twelfth-century manuscripts. Holinshed's last citation is under 1115, ... ~ CATALOGUE OF - PRINCIPAL SOURCES USED IN 1577 EDITION OF HOLINSHED’S CHRONICLES + PRINCIPAL SOURCES USED IN 1577 EDITION OF HOLINSHEDÂ’S CHRONICLES COMPILED BY HENRY SUMMERSON [http://www.cems.ox.ac.uk/holinshed/ Catalogue%20of%20principal%20sources.....pdf] @@ -26111,13 +26078,13 @@ Transcriber's Note: Anglo-Saxon letters in this Charter include: - þ = (lower-case) thorn; + þ = (lower-case) thorn; [W] representing Capital Wynn; [w] representing lower-case wynn; - ð = (lower-case) eth; - [þt] representing thorn with stroke, an abbreviation for þæt + ð = (lower-case) eth; + [þt] representing thorn with stroke, an abbreviation for þæt - þ and ð are also used elsewhere in the book. + þ and ð are also used elsewhere in the book. Page 381: The printer has used a symbol to simulate a mediaeval scribe's abbreviarion of 'et'. @@ -26191,9 +26158,9 @@ Transcriber's Note: "Potuerunt recedere cum terra ad quem dominum voluerunt." - Page 34: 'teræ' corrected to 'terræ', (as 1895 ed.). + Page 34: 'teræ' corrected to 'terræ', (as 1895 ed.). - "Robertus hostiarius tenet de rege ii. car. terræ in Howes." + "Robertus hostiarius tenet de rege ii. car. terræ in Howes." Page 34, footnote 44: 'ne musad' corrected to 'nemus ad' @@ -26233,7 +26200,7 @@ Transcriber's Note: Page 89, footnote 184: 'constituuntut' corrected to 'constituuntur', (as 1895 ed.). - "'In hundredo de Tinghowe sunt xx. villæ ex quibus constituuntur + "'In hundredo de Tinghowe sunt xx. villæ ex quibus constituuntur ix. lete, quas sic distinguimus.' Gage's Suffolk, p. xii." Page 90: eim[idium] corrected to 'dim[idium]', (as 1895 ed.) @@ -26260,7 +26227,7 @@ Transcriber's Note: Elton's book).) "Mr Elton, in his well-known _Tenures of Kent_, attaches - considerable importance to a list, 'De Suylingis Comitatus Kantiæ + considerable importance to a list, 'De Suylingis Comitatus Kantiæ et qui eas tenent;...' in the Cottonian MS., Claud. C. IV, which he placed little subsequent to Domesday." @@ -26279,10 +26246,10 @@ Transcriber's Note: Page 107: Missing tag for footnote 219 added to page (as 1895 ed.). - Page 109: 'p[ræ] fectus' corrected to 'p[ræ]fectus' and 'hui [us]' + Page 109: 'p[ræ] fectus' corrected to 'p[ræ]fectus' and 'hui [us]' corrected to 'hui[us]' - "Ric[ardus] p[ræ]fectus hui[us] hundreti" (TN: words italicised + "Ric[ardus] p[ræ]fectus hui[us] hundreti" (TN: words italicised in text). Page 113: 'Abllot's' corrected to 'Abbot's'. @@ -26291,7 +26258,7 @@ Transcriber's Note: Page 116: '_brere_' corrected to '_breve_'. - "et sunt scriptæ in _breve regis_ (i. 178)." + "et sunt scriptæ in _breve regis_ (i. 178)." Page 117: "... by by...." First 'by' replaced with 'but'. @@ -26307,9 +26274,9 @@ Transcriber's Note: "and Henry of Huntingdon states that '... inter thesauros reposita usque hodie servantur'." - Page 147: 'hidæet' corrected to 'hidæ et'. + Page 147: 'hidæet' corrected to 'hidæ et'. - "Summa lx. hidæ et dimidia." + "Summa lx. hidæ et dimidia." Page 151: '1212' corrected to '1122'. @@ -26336,8 +26303,8 @@ Transcriber's Note: Leyc[estrie]." Page 189 (et seq.): 'I. THE CARTAE OF 1166'. The 3rd impression - agrees with the 1st Edition (1895). Subsequent 'cartæ' in this - chapter (3rd impression) do not. All instances of 'cartæ' in this + agrees with the 1st Edition (1895). Subsequent 'cartæ' in this + chapter (3rd impression) do not. All instances of 'cartæ' in this chapter have been corrected to 'cartae', as 1895 ed. Page 208, Footnote 106: 'Gnesit' corrected to 'Gneist'. @@ -26352,8 +26319,8 @@ Transcriber's Note: Page 212: 'xxxviij. lij. s. vj. d.' corrected to 'xxxviij. l. ij. s. vj. d.' (38 pounds, 2 shillings, 6 pence) - "Abbas Gloucestriæ de promissione, sed non numeratur quid; - sed in rotulo praecedenti dicitur:--Abbas Gloucestriæ debet + "Abbas Gloucestriæ de promissione, sed non numeratur quid; + sed in rotulo praecedenti dicitur:--Abbas Gloucestriæ debet xxxviij. l. ij. s. vj. d. de veteri scutagio Walliae." Page 213: 'Charteris Abbey' corrected to 'Chatteris Abbey'. @@ -26388,12 +26355,12 @@ Transcriber's Note: Page 230: 'restoring' corrected to 'resorting'. "It is a hopeless undertaking to reconcile the facts with the wild - figures of mediæval historians by resorting to the ingenious + figures of mediæval historians by resorting to the ingenious devices of apocalyptic interpretation." (as 1895 ed.) - Page 253, Footnote 22: 'pa' corrected to 'þa', as in 1895 ed. + Page 253, Footnote 22: 'pa' corrected to 'þa', as in 1895 ed. - "... but the words of the Worcester chronicler 'þa castelmenn on + "... but the words of the Worcester chronicler 'þa castelmenn on Hereforda' seem to fix the meaning to the city itself'" Page 254: 'Althelings' corrected to 'Athelings', as in 1895 ed. @@ -26419,16 +26386,16 @@ Transcriber's Note: "'De his hidis tenet Wesman vi. hidas de Goisfrido filio comitis Eustachii;..." - Page 261: 'pæt mysnter æt pære Bataille' corrected to - 'þæt mynster æt þære Bataille'. + Page 261: 'pæt mysnter æt pære Bataille' corrected to + 'þæt mynster æt þære Bataille'. "... the usual title is 'ecclesia Sancti Martini de Bello', 'ecclesia de Bello', or, as we have seen, in English - 'þæt mynster æt þære Bataille'." + 'þæt mynster æt þære Bataille'." - Page 261: 'pære' corrected to 'þære'. + Page 261: 'pære' corrected to 'þære'. - "('He com him togenes æt þære haran apuldran')." + "('He com him togenes æt þære haran apuldran')." Page 273: 'in' corrected to 'it'. @@ -26456,7 +26423,7 @@ Transcriber's Note: Page 295: '_d' Arches_' corrected to '_d'Arches_' (as 1895 ed.) - "_À la tur d'Arches fist porter_," + "_À la tur d'Arches fist porter_," Page 300, Footnote 148: 'Coonq.' corrected to 'Conq.' @@ -26481,10 +26448,10 @@ Transcriber's Note: "Add. MS., 14,314, fo. 32_b_ (pencil)." - Page 335: 'Lubeck' corrected to 'Lübeck'. + Page 335: 'Lubeck' corrected to 'Lübeck'. "... we see that the path was opening by which Exeter might have - come to be another Lübeck, the head of a Damnonian Hanse,..." + come to be another Lübeck, the head of a Damnonian Hanse,..." Page 355: 'daous' corrected to 'dacus', as 1895 ed. @@ -26497,15 +26464,15 @@ Transcriber's Note: "'Baldwinus vero genuit Rodbertum, et Guillelmum,...'" Page 358, Footnote 6: 'Boynard's' corrected to 'Baynard's', and - 'Fatome' corrected to 'Fantôme' as 1895 ed. + 'Fatome' corrected to 'Fantôme' as 1895 ed. "Ancestor of the fitzWalters of Dunmow and of Baynard's Castle, - who are accordingly spoken of by Fantôme as 'Clarreaus'--a word + who are accordingly spoken of by Fantôme as 'Clarreaus'--a word which has puzzled his editor, Mr Howlett." - Page 360: 'Acheres' corrected to 'Achères', as 1895 ed. + Page 360: 'Acheres' corrected to 'Achères', as 1895 ed. - "... Lord of Poix in Ponthieu and of Achères by the Seine'..." + "... Lord of Poix in Ponthieu and of Achères by the Seine'..." Page 368: 'p. 481' corrected to p. 365'. @@ -26546,9 +26513,9 @@ Transcriber's Note: Page 394: 'ROBERT I' corrected to 'ROBERTI', as 1895 ed. - "Robertus Stephanides ... Inter cæteros _Herveius de + "Robertus Stephanides ... Inter cæteros _Herveius de Montemaurisco_ ROBERTI PATRUUS, _nepoti suo se_ comitem - præbuit (p. 77)." + præbuit (p. 77)." Page 400: 'sevitium' corrected to 'servitium', as 1895 ed. @@ -26646,363 +26613,4 @@ Transcriber's Note: End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Feudal England -- Historical Studies On The Eleventh And Twelfth Centuries, by J.H. 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Round - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Feudal England -- Historical Studies On The Eleventh And Twelfth Centuries - -Author: J.H. 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