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diff --git a/43876-8.txt b/43876-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f117f37..0000000 --- a/43876-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8043 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's California Athabascan Groups, by Martin A. Baumhoff - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: California Athabascan Groups - -Author: Martin A. Baumhoff - -Release Date: October 3, 2013 [EBook #43876] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CALIFORNIA ATHABASCAN GROUPS *** - - - - -Produced by Colin Bell, Richard Tonsing, Joseph Cooper and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - -CALIFORNIA ATHABASCAN -GROUPS - -BY - -MARTIN A. BAUMHOFF - - -ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS - -Vol. 16, No. 5 - -UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS - -ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS - -Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe, R. F. Heizer, R. F. Murphy, E. Norbeck -Volume 16, No. 5, pp. 157-238, plates 9-11, 2 figures in text, 18 maps - -Submitted by editors May 6, 1957 -Issued August 1, 1958 -Price, $1.50 - -University of California Press -Berkeley and Los Angeles -California - -Cambridge University Press -London, England - -Manufactured in the United States of America - - - - -PREFACE - - -In March, 1950, the University of California assumed custodianship of -an extensive collection of original and secondary data referring to -California Indian ethnology, made by Dr. C. Hart Merriam and originally -deposited with the Smithsonian Institution. Since that time the Merriam -collection has been consulted by qualified persons interested in -linguistics, ethnogeography, and other specialized subjects. Some of -the data have been published, the most substantial publication being a -book, Studies of California Indians (1955), which comprises essays and -original records written or collected by Dr. Merriam. - -The selection and editing of the material for the Studies volume made -us aware of the extent of the detailed information on ethnogeography -which a thorough survey of the Merriam data would provide. We therefore -approached Dr. Leonard Carmichael, Secretary of the Smithsonian -Institution, with the proposal that a qualified graduate student be -appointed as research assistant to study and prepare for publication -a discrete amount of Merriam record material, remuneration for this -work to be paid from the E. H. Harriman fund, administered by the -Smithsonian Institution for preparation and publication of Dr. Merriam's -ethnological data. This proposal was approved, and Mr. Martin Baumhoff -began his one year of investigation on September 15, 1955. - -After discussion, we agreed that the area where tribal distributions, -village locations, and aboriginal population numbers were least -certainly known--and also a field where the Merriam data were fairly -abundant--was the territory of the several Athabascan tribes of -Northwestern California. Under our direction, Baumhoff patiently -assembled all the available material on these tribes, producing what is -certainly the most definitive study yet made of their distribution and -numbers. - -In this monograph the importance of the Merriam data is central, -although they are compounded with information collected by other -students of the California Athabascans. We believe that the maps showing -group distribution represent the closest possible approximation to the -aboriginal situation that can now be arrived at. - -The Department of Anthropology hopes to be able to continue the work of -studying and publishing the Merriam data on tribal distributions. It -takes this opportunity to express its appreciation of the coöperation of -the Smithsonian Institution in this undertaking. - - A. L. Kroeber - - R. F. Heizer - - - - -CONTENTS - - - Page - - Preface iii - - Introduction 157 - Athabascan culture 158 - - Athabascan boundaries 160 - Exterior boundaries 160 - Interior boundaries 161 - - Groups 166 - Kato 166 - Wailaki 167 - Pitch Wailaki 176 - Lassik 178 - Nongatl 181 - Sinkyone 184 - Mattole 195 - Bear River 200 - Whilkut 201 - Hupa 209 - - Population 216 - Sources 216 - Estimates based on village counts 216 - Estimates based on fish resources 218 - Gross estimate 220 - - Appendixes - I. The Tolowa: Data from Notes of C. Hart Merriam 225 - II. Notes of Upper Eel River Indians, by A. L. Kroeber 227 - - Bibliography 230 - - Plates 233 - - -MAPS - - 1. Athabascan Boundaries--Kroeber vs. Baumhoff 162 - 2. Athabascan Boundaries--Baumhoff 162 - 3. Athabascan Boundaries--Merriam vs. Baumhoff 163 - 4. Athabascan Boundaries--Various authors vs. Baumhoff 163 - 5. Villages and Tribelets of the Eel Wailaki and the North Fork - Wailaki 168 - 6. Villages and Tribelets of the Pitch Wailaki 177 - 7. Presumed Nongatl Villages in the Bridgeville Region 180 - 8. Lassik Villages in the Alder Point Region 180 - 9. Nongatl Villages on Yager Creek 182 - 10. Nongatl Villages in the Blocksburg Region 182 - 11. Villages of the Lolangkok Sinkyone 186 - 12. Villages of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone 190 - 13. Place Names of the Lolangkok Sinkyone 192 - 14. Villages and Tribelets of the Mattole 197 - 15. Villages of the Chilula Whilkut, - North Fork Whilkut, and Kloki Whilkut 204 - 16. Villages of the Mad River - Whilkut, the South Fork Hupa, and Kloki Whilkut 208 - 17. Villages of the Hupa and South Fork Hupa 211 - 18. Yuki "Tribes," according to Eben Tillotson (App. II) 228 - -CALIFORNIA ATHABASCAN -GROUPS - -BY - -MARTIN A. BAUMHOFF - - - - -INTRODUCTION - -In 1910 C. Hart Merriam, already well known as a naturalist, came to -California and began the study of California ethnography which was to -occupy him for the rest of his life. Almost every year from then until -his death in 1942 Merriam spent about six months in the field, talking -to Indians and recording their memories of aboriginal times. All this -field work resulted in an immense collection of data on the California -Indians, most of which has never been published (see Merriam's -bibliography in Merriam, 1955, pp. 227-229). - -In 1950 the greater part of Merriam's field notes was deposited at the -University of California, with the intention of making them available -for study and publication. One volume of papers has already appeared -(Merriam, 1955), and the present study is part of a continuing program. - -The California Athabascans were selected as the first group for study at -the suggestion of A. L. Kroeber, the reason being that the Athabascans -have been and still remain one of the least known aboriginal groups -in the State. This is not because they were conquered early and their -culture dissipated, as is true of the Mission Indians; there were -scarcely any whites in the California Athabascan area before the 1850's. -Indeed, as late as the 1920's and '30's there were many good Athabascan -informants still available. The reason for the hiatus in our knowledge -lies in an accident in the history of ethnology rather than in the -history of California. - -The early work among the California Athabascans was done by Pliny Earle -Goddard. Goddard began his studies of the Athabascans in 1897 at the -Hoopa Indian Reservation, where he was a lay missionary. He stayed -there until 1900, when he went to Berkeley to work for his doctorate -in linguistics under Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President of the University -of California. Between 1900 and 1909 Goddard was associated with the -University as student and professor and during this time he visited the -Athabascans periodically, until he had worked with virtually all the -groups considered in this paper. - -During this same period A. L. Kroeber was engaged in gathering material -for his classic Handbook of California Indians. Because of the scarcity -of ethnographers in those years Kroeber could not afford the time to -work in the Athabascan area and duplicate Goddard's investigations. -Kroeber did study the Hupa and the Kato at either end of the Athabascan -area but, except for a hurried trip through the region in 1902, he -did not work with the other groups, and the responsibility for the -ethnographic field work therefore devolved upon Goddard. - -Goddard, however, was not primarily an ethnographer but a linguist, -and he directed his chief efforts toward linguistic investigations. He -has published an impressive body of Athabascan texts and linguistic -analyses but, except for his Life and Culture of the Hupa (1903_a_), -almost nothing on the culture of the Athabascans. - -The net result is that the California Athabascans are virtually unknown, -and Merriam's fresh data provide an opportunity to piece together the -available evidence. - -The Merriam files, deposited at the Department of Anthropology of the -University of California, contain information on each of the tribes of -California, some of it being information gathered by Merriam himself, -the rest clippings and quotations from various historic and ethnographic -sources. The primary and secondary materials are easily distinguished, -since Merriam gave scrupulous citations to his sources. - -Merriam's own data consist of word lists, ethnogeographical material, -and random notes on various aspects of native culture. I have not used -his word lists, since their usefulness is primarily linguistic and I am -not competent to perform the necessary linguistic analysis, but all the -random ethnographic notes which he recorded for the Athabascan groups -are here included under the discussion of the appropriate tribes. - -Most of the Merriam Athabascan material is geographic, consisting -of lists of villages and place names, of descriptions and lengthy -discussions of tribal boundaries. Obviously Merriam attempted to -gather a complete file of this sort of information, and he was largely -successful. His work provides a good basis for establishing boundaries -and for locating tribelets and villages. - -Another important source of information, serving the same purpose, is -the Goddard material. Evidently Goddard very much enjoyed the long -horseback trips he made with an informant, who could point out the -village sites, landmarks, and other points of interest of his native -territory. This information, carefully recorded by Goddard, has proved -extremely valuable in the present work, the more so since it represents -firsthand observation. - -Goddard's ethnogeographic work for three of the California Athabascan -groups has already been published (1914_a_; 1923_a_; 1924). Besides -this, the present writer has been fortunate enough to have access to -Goddard's unpublished notes, which contain information on several -hundred additional villages in the area. These notes were in the -possession of Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, Goddard's literary executor, -and on her death they were sent to the University of California by -Dr. Gladys Reichard. They remained in the files of the University of -California Museum of Anthropology until their use in the present work. - -This unpublished material of Goddard's consists of a group of file -cards, on each of which is typed the name, location, and any other -pertinent data for a single village. Some of the lists are accompanied -by maps, showing precise location of the villages. In the lists for -which there are no maps but only verbal descriptions of the sites, -the township, range, and quarter section coördinates are given. The -township and range coördinates have been changed since Goddard's time, -in accordance with the more accurate surveys of the last thirty years, -but county maps of the appropriate period provide a perfectly adequate -way of locating Goddard's sites within a few hundred yards. - -It is clear, on the basis of internal evidence, that there is or was -more Goddard material than is now accessible to the present author. For -the Kato, for instance, Goddard says that he recorded more than fifty -villages (Goddard, 1909, p. 67); all that remain in his notes are two -village cards numbered 51 and 52 respectively. There may also be some -data, once recorded but now lost, from the Lassik, Nongatl, and Shelter -Cove Sinkyone. I have communicated with the American Museum of Natural -History, where Goddard was a member of the staff, and with Indiana -University, where some of his manuscripts are deposited, but neither of -these institutions has any knowledge of the material in question. - -The Merriam and Goddard material, taken together, provides a fair amount -of information on the geography of the California Athabascan groups. We -are now in the position of knowing a great deal about the location of -the tribes, tribelets, and villages of these people, while we know very -little about their way of life, except what can be gained by inference -from the surrounding groups. - -The author's thanks are due to Dr. A. L. Kroeber and Dr. R. F. Heizer, -who gave their full coöperation throughout the preparation of the -present paper. Dr. Henry Sheffé was kind enough to advise on the -statistics used in the section on population. - - -ATHABASCAN CULTURE - -The following sketch of Athabascan culture attempts to provide some -background for the later discussion of the various groups. In this -sketch I have not used the material from the Hupa, since they are -virtually identical with the Yurok and not at all typical of the more -southern Athabascans. - -_Subsistence._--For information on Athabascan economy I have relied -heavily on Essene's account of the Lassik (1942, p. 84). There was, no -doubt, variation among the different groups, but for the most part, they -must have followed a similar pattern. - -The most difficult time in the annual cycle of food production was -winter. There were then few fish and almost no game animals or crops for -gathering. From late November to early March people had to rely on food -that had been stored the previous year. Essene's informant said that -about every four or five years there would be a hard winter, but she -could remember only one when people actually starved to death. - -In February or March the spring salmon run began, and after that the -danger of starvation was past. At about this time the grass began to -grow again, and the first clover was eaten ravenously because of the -dearth of greens during the winter. - -The herb-gathering and salmon-fishing activity lasted until the spring -rains ended in April or May, when the people left their villages on the -salmon streams and scattered out into the hills for the summer. Usually -only a few families would stay together during the summer, while the men -hunted deer, squirrels, and other animals and the women gathered clover, -seeds, roots, and nuts. Food was most plentiful at this season, and -the places visited varied with the abundance of different crops. If a -certain crop was good, the Indians would spend more time that summer in -the area where the crop grew best. The next year they might go somewhere -else. The vegetation of the Athabascan habitat is not well enough mapped -to permit a precise delineation of these various summer camping grounds. - -In September or October, when the acorns were ripe, the Indians would -return to their winter villages and smoke meat for storing and probably -store the acorns. Each family built a new house to protect it from the -heavy winter rains. After the first rain in the fall the salmon run -again in some of the streams of the region and were caught and smoked -for winter storage. - -It is evident that the crucial factor in the economy was the amount -of food stored for winter and that this food supply was a controlling -influence on the size of the population, since, in bad years, people -starved. At least, this was so for the Lassik, and it was no doubt true -among the other groups as well. Salmon, meat, and acorns were doubtless -the chief foods stored, and thus population size would have responded -quite sensitively to the quantity and condition of the salmon, deer, and -oak trees. - -_Social organization._--For social organization I have had to rely -mostly on Nomland's accounts of the Sinkyone and Bear River groups -(1935, 1938). The primary social unit among the California Athabascans -was the simple family, including a man, his wife, and his children. -Although polygyny was known, at least among some groups, it was rare, -and the possessor of two wives was reckoned a rich man. Most marriage -was by purchase; the levirate and sororate were common. Divorce was also -common and might be obtained by a man because of his wife's barrenness, -laziness, or infidelity. - -The next social group, larger than the family, was the tribelet. Kroeber -(1932, p. 258) has defined the tribelet as follows. - - Each of these [tribelets] seemed to possess a small territory - usually definable in terms of drainage; a principal town or - settlement, often with a chief recognized by the whole group; - normally, minor settlements which might or might not be occupied - permanently; and sometimes a specific name, but more often none - other than the designation of the principal town. Each group acted - as a homogeneous unit in matters of land ownership, trespass, war, - major ceremonies, and the entertainment entailed by them. - -This definition, given for the Pomo, fits the Athabascan area very well. -Merriam usually refers to these groups as "bands," while Goddard calls -them "subtribes." In the body of this paper I use the word "band" when -quoting or paraphrasing Merriam, otherwise I call them "tribelets." - -The tribelet was the largest corporate group in the area. A -larger group, which I call the tribe, has been identified by most -ethnographers. This latter group ordinarily had no corporate -functions, unless it happened to be coterminous with, and therefore -indistinguishable from, the tribelet. The tribe, as the term is used -here, was a group of two or more tribelets--or occasionally one single -group--with a single speech dialect, different from that of their -neighbors. The tribe was also culturally uniform, but not necessarily -distinct from its neighbors in this respect. The similarity between -people of a single tribe evidently gave them a feeling of community but -had no further effect on their social or political organization. - -The following tribes have been identified in the Athabascan area, each -including several tribelets, except for the Bear River tribe, which -consists of one single tribelet. - - Kato: The Kato probably included at least 2 tribelets, but we - have no information on this point. - - Eel River Wailaki: 9 tribelets. - - North Fork Wailaki: 6 tribelets. - - Pitch Wailaki: 4 tribelets. - - Lassik: Probably several tribelets, but there is no - information. - - Nongatl: There is evidence of 6 subgroups of the Nongatl. Some - of these may be dialect divisions, that is, tribes. The information - is not sufficient to permit definition and they have therefore been - grouped under Nongatl. The extent of Nongatl territory indicates - that there must have been several tribelets. - - Lolangkok Sinkyone: There were at least 2, and possibly more, - tribelets. - - Shelter Cove Sinkyone: There were at least 4 tribelets. - - Mattole: 2 tribelets. - - Bear River: The Bear River tribe consists of a single tribelet. - - Whilkut: The 4 subdivisions of the Whilkut--Chilula Whilkut, - Kloki Whilkut, Mad River Whilkut, and North Fork Whilkut--all - appear to be tribelets. It is possible that the Mad River Whilkut - spoke a different dialect than the other groups and, if so, they - should be given tribal status. The evidence is not clear on this - point and I have therefore included them simply as a Whilkut - tribelet. - - Hupa: 2 tribelets are to be distinguished for the Hupa - proper. In addition, Merriam distinguishes the South Fork Hupa - as a distinct dialect division. The linguistic separation is not - supported by Goddard or Kroeber and I have therefore included the - South Fork Hupa under the Hupa proper, but as a separate tribelet. - This gives a total of 3 tribelets for the Hupa. - -In general, it may be stated that the California Athabascans did not -have the strong local organization characteristic of Central California. -Emphasis on wealth, although present, was less strongly developed than -among the Yurok and therefore did not lead to the fragmented villages -and tight family organization of that group. This statement, of course, -does not apply to the Hupa, and probably not to the Whilkut, both of -which were more like the Yurok. - -_Religion and the supernatural._--The clearest account of the religious -practices of the Athabascans is given by Nomland (1938, pp. 93-98), -who obtained her information from the Bear River woman, Nora Coonskin, -herself a shaman. The account, however, may not be representative of the -Athabascans as a whole. - -The Athabascans thought that each person had a spirit which, leaving him -when he died, might come back to earth as a small creature about two -feet high. This returned spirit could communicate with shamans. When a -person had a fainting spell, the spirit departed from the body and a -shaman had to be called in order to get the patient's spirit back. If -the shaman failed, the patient died. Shamans' spirits went to a special -afterworld and were accompanied only by the spirits of other shamans. - -Shamans were important among the Bear River people and probably among -the other Athabascans as well. They might be either men or women; most -often they were women, men being thought less powerful. The first -signs of a shaman's power came in childhood, the visible signs being, -for example, excessive drooling in sleep. If the childhood omens were -proper, the training began about the age of twelve, under the direction -of an older shaman, the main ceremony being a series of dances performed -on five successive nights. Other ceremonies followed; then the girl -was a full-fledged shaman. She was not supposed to use her power for a -period of two to five years or it would harm her. The fee for training -the initiate was large, 200 to 300 dollars in Indian money (perhaps a -6-8 ft. string of dentalia shells). - -There were two types of shamans--curing shamans and sucking shamans. The -curing shaman sang and danced for two nights while her spirit searched -for the spirit of the patient. A shaman's fee was from five to ten -dollars per night; if the patient died within two months, the fee had to -be returned. - -The sucking shamans could suck out pains which were causing illness. -These shamans were paid more because they were more powerful; having -greater power, they were in greater danger and had a shorter life -expectancy. - -_Connections with other groups._--The foregoing account of economy, -social organization, and religious practices does not by any means make -up a complete picture of Athabascan life, but it illustrates certain -salient factors. In particular, the connections with Northwestern -California are clear. So far as influence from Northwestern California -is concerned the Athabascans may be divided into three groups: the -Hupa and Whilkut on the north are an integral part of the northwestern -culture center; the Wailaki and Kato on the south are essentially -Central Californian; and the groups in between are transitional, but -more northern than southern in their outlook. - - - - -ATHABASCAN BOUNDARIES - - -In evaluating boundaries I have relied most heavily on the information -of Merriam (map 3) and Kroeber (map 1). Merriam's data are contained in -a 1:500,000 map of California, together with a descriptive text. The -map and the description were made up by Dr. Merriam's daughter, Mrs. -Zenaida Merriam Talbot, during the years 1939 to 1946, from information -in Merriam's notes and journals, the latter of which are not accessible -to this writer. Often, where Merriam's boundaries disagree with those of -Kroeber or other authors, Merriam's line will follow a stream, whereas -the alternative follows a ridge or drainage diversion. When the evidence -is inconclusive, I have usually followed Kroeber's method and chosen the -ridge rather than the stream as the boundary. In this area the streams -are small and easily crossed during most of the year and therefore would -not constitute a barrier sufficient for the divergence of dialects. On -the other hand, the hills were visited only briefly for hunting and -gathering; the population depended to a great extent on the products of -streams for its subsistence, and consequently all the permanent villages -were in the lowlands and canyons. For this reason, the ridges rather -than the streams would tend to be boundaries. Kroeber has discussed this -point more generally (1939, p. 216) and also in greater detail (1925_a_, -p. 160). - - -EXTERIOR BOUNDARIES - -The southern boundary of the Athabascans begins at Usal Creek on the -coast and goes eastward for a few miles before swinging south to include -the drainages of Hollow Tree Creek and the South Fork of the Eel in -Kato territory. It turns north to enclose the headwaters of South Fork -and proceeds along the ridge dividing Ten Mile Creek from the main Eel -until it reaches the drainage of Blue Rock Creek; it then passes around -north of the creek and crosses the Eel near the mouth of the creek. From -this point it runs in an easterly direction around the drainage of Hulls -Creek. - -Kroeber's map in the Handbook shows the southern boundary beginning a -few miles south of Usal Creek, but Merriam and Nomland both maintain -that the creek itself is the boundary and Gifford (1939, p. 304) says -that both Sinkyone and Yuki were spoken in the village situated at the -mouth of the creek. The information of all four authors came from either -Sally or Tom Bell, wife and husband, who are respectively Shelter Cove -Sinkyone and Coast Yuki. I have accepted Merriam's boundary, since it -agrees with Nomland's. - -Merriam maintains that the western boundary of the Kato runs along the -South Fork of the Eel and he is partly supported in this by Barrett -(1908, map), whose boundary includes the drainage of South Fork but -not the drainage of Hollow Tree Creek. Barrett, however, disavows -any certainty on this particular boundary. Kroeber's line, which -does include the drainage of Hollow Tree Creek in Kato territory, is -supported by a specific statement from Gifford (1939, p. 296) that -"Hollow Tree Creek did not belong to the Coast Yuki although they fished -there." I have therefore accepted Kroeber's version. - -All authorities agree on the southern and eastern boundaries of the -Kato as far north as the drainage of Blue Rock Creek. Merriam claims -this drainage for the Wailaki, whereas both Kroeber and Foster claim it -for the ta'no'm tribelet of the Yuki. It is evident that this territory -was disputed, for it was the scene of several of the wars involving the -Wailaki, the Kato, and the Yuki (Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 165; 1925_b_). -Kroeber obtained a detailed list of place names in this area from a -ta'no'm Yuki, whereas Merriam's Wailaki information is only of a most -general nature. For this reason I have given the territory to the Yuki. - -All the authorities, except Foster, agree on the rest of the southern -boundary of the Athabascans. Foster has the Yuki-Wailaki line cross -Hulls Creek about five miles from its mouth instead of passing south of -its drainage. Both Kroeber and Merriam favor the more southern line, and -Goddard (1924, p. 224) says that the Wailaki claimed a fishing spot in -the disputed area, so I have accepted this version. - -The eastern boundary of the Athabascans runs north along the ridge -separating the drainages of the North Fork and Middle Fork of the Eel -until it reaches the headwaters of the Mad River. Thence it runs in a -northern direction along the ridge that separates the drainage of the -Mad River from that of the South Fork of the Trinity until it reaches -Grouse Creek, where it turns eastward to cross the South Fork of the -Trinity at the mouth of the creek. It continues north on the east side -of South Fork, following the crest until it crosses the main Trinity -about five miles above its confluence with South Fork, and then follows -around the headwaters of Horse Linto Creek and Mill Creek. - -Merriam's eastern Athabascan boundary conflicts with the one drawn by -Kroeber, Foster, and Goddard in assigning the northern part of the -drainage of the Middle Fork of the Eel to the Pitch Wailaki instead of -to the Yuki. Merriam is almost certainly wrong here, for Goddard (1924) -definitely does not include this area within Wailaki territory and his -information in this region appears to have been especially reliable. -Moreover, Merriam got his information from natives of the main Eel -River, who were evidently not on good terms with their relatives to the -east and knew little about them. I have therefore accepted the Kroeber -boundary. - -The next conflict is to the north of this, where Kroeber's boundary -runs up the ridge separating the Mad River from the South Fork of the -Trinity, whereas Merriam's runs along South Fork itself in the twenty -miles from Yolla Bolly Mountain northwest to Ruth. Essene (1942) agrees -with Merriam on this point, but his data add nothing to the argument, -since he worked with the same Lassik informant as Merriam. I have -accepted Kroeber's version because it is corroborated by both Goddard -(1907) and Du Bois (1935, map 1), who agree in assigning the valley of -the South Fork of the Trinity to the Wintun. - -Kroeber and Merriam agree on the line running north of Ruth as far as -a point about fifteen miles south of Grouse Creek, where Merriam's -line drifts westward to follow the north-south channel of Grouse Creek -for a short distance, whereas Kroeber's line follows due north along -the drainage pattern. Essene supports Kroeber, but his informant did -not come from this region so her testimony perhaps cannot be relied on -heavily. I have accepted Kroeber's line because it follows the drainage -pattern. - -Kroeber's boundary also conflicts with Merriam's on the east side of -South Fork. Kroeber's line runs along the ridge separating South Fork -from the main Trinity whereas Merriam's runs along the Trinity itself. -The testimony of Dixon on the Chimariko (1910, pp. 295-296) supports -Kroeber, so I have accepted the latter's line. - -The northern boundary of the Athabascans runs west, parallel to Mill -Creek, crossing the Trinity a few miles south of its confluence with -the Klamath, and then continues west until it reaches Bald Hills Ridge, -which separates Redwood Creek drainage from Klamath River drainage. It -continues north along this ridge and then turns east to cross Redwood -Creek about ten miles southeast of Orick. - -Goddard (1914_a_, pl. 38) indicates three Athabascan summer camps on the -Yurok side of the dividing ridge. This may mean that some Athabascan -territory was included in the Klamath drainage, but if so, it would -contradict the testimony of the Yurok (Kroeber, 1925_a_, fig. 1; -Waterman, 1920, map 2). However, the land away from the Klamath was -little used by the Yurok (Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 8), so it may be that -this territory was claimed by both groups. I have accepted Kroeber's -boundary here. Otherwise there are no conflicts on the northern boundary. - -The western boundary of the Athabascans runs due south from Redwood -Creek, following the 124th Meridian, crossing the North Fork of the Mad -River at Blue Lake and crossing the main Mad River a few miles above -the mouth of North Fork. From here the line follows south around the -drainage of Humboldt Bay until it crosses the Eel River at the mouth -of the Van Duzen, whence it runs south to Bear River Ridge, which it -follows west to the ocean. - -A major conflict in the western boundary of the Athabascans involves -the drainage of the North Fork of the Mad River. Kroeber and Loud -both assign this area to the Wiyot, whereas Merriam assigns it to the -Athabascans. Neither Kroeber nor Loud gives specific data in support of -his contention; thus Merriam's specific local information quoted below, -renders his line preferable. - - Sunday, August 11, 1918.... I found two old men of the - same tribe, who were born and reared at the Blue Lake rancheria - 'Ko-tin-net--the westernmost village of the Ha-whil-kut-ka tribe. - -I have therefore accepted Merriam's boundary. - -From the Mad River south to the Eel there is general agreement except -that, as usual, Merriam's lines tend to follow the streams, whereas -those of Kroeber and Loud follow the ridges. Another conflict comes -at the crossing of the Eel River. Curtis (1924, 13:67) says the line -crosses at the mouth of the Van Duzen. Nomland (1938, map 1), Loud, -and Merriam all agree with this. Powers (1877, p. 101) and Kroeber -both locate the line a few miles up the river from this point at Eagle -Prairie, while Nomland's Wiyot informant (Nomland and Kroeber, 1936, map -1) places the line even farther south at the mouth of Larabee Creek. The -weight of evidence indicates that the line was probably near the mouth -of the Van Duzen; Goddard (1929, p. 292) states that there was a Bear -River village near there. - -There is also some disagreement on the northern boundary of the Bear -River group. Nomland says that it is at Fleener Creek, about five miles -north of Bear River Ridge, whereas Kroeber indicates a line about two -miles north of Bear River Ridge. Loud, Merriam, and Goddard, on the -other hand, all indicate that the boundary is Bear River Ridge itself. -Nomland's boundary is almost certainly in error, since Loud gives Wiyot -villages occurring south of that line. Most of the evidence points to -Bear River Ridge as the line, and this version has been accepted. - - -INTERIOR BOUNDARIES - -There is no disagreement on the western boundary of the Hupa. It -runs north and south along Bald Hills Ridge, dividing the drainages -of Redwood Creek and the Trinity River. Merriam gives the Hupa -two divisions--the Tin-nung-hen-na-o, or Hupa proper, and the -Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a], or Southern Hupa. The line dividing these two -groups lies just north of the main Trinity to the east of South Fork and -along Madden Creek to the west of South Fork. Kroeber (1925_a_, p. 129) -and Goddard (1903_a_, p. 7) do not give any support for a linguistic -division, as indicated by Merriam, but there does seem to have been some -cultural difference. - -In the division of the territory west of the Hupa Merriam differs -radically from Kroeber and Goddard, although all three scholars divide -the area between two groups. Kroeber and Goddard call the northernmost -group Chilula, an anglicization of the Yurok word tsulu-la meaning "Bald -Hills people," and the southern, Whilkut, from the Hupa word hoilkut-hoi -meaning "Redwood Creek people" or "upper Redwood Creek people." - -Merriam calls the first of his two divisions Hoilkut and says that they -lived on Redwood Creek and on the North Fork of the Mad. This group he -further subdivides into three parts: one, living on lower Redwood Creek, -corresponds to the Chilula of Kroeber and Goddard; another, on upper -Redwood Creek, corresponds to part of Kroeber's Whilkut; and a third, on -the North Fork of the Mad River, corresponds to a part of Loud's Wiyot. - -Merriam calls his second division Ma-we-nok. They live in the drainage -of the main Mad River and correspond to a part of Kroeber's Whilkut. - -It would appear that, except for Goddard's Chilula information (Goddard, -1914_a_), Merriam's data are the most detailed and therefore preferable. -He had informants from lower Redwood Creek, from the North Fork of the -Mad River, and from the main Mad River. For this reason I have accepted -his boundaries. I therefore propose that all the peoples previously -included under the terms Whilkut or Chilula be called Whilkut. This -seems justified by Merriam's statements, on the one hand, that the -Mad River Ma-we-nok differed but little in speach from their Whilkut -neighbors, and, on the other hand, that the other groups in the area -called themselves hoilkut or terms related to this. - -[Illustration: Map 1. Athabascan boundaries: Kroeber vs. Baumhoff.] - -[Illustration: Map 2. Athabascan boundaries: Baumhoff.] - -[Illustration: Map 3. Athabascan boundaries: Merriam vs. Baumhoff.] - -[Illustration: Map 4. Athabascan boundaries: various authors vs. -Baumhoff.] - -If this proposal is accepted, the Whilkut may then be divided into -four subgroups--the Chilula Whilkut, the Kloki Whilkut, the Mad River -Whilkut, and the North Fork Whilkut. The Chilula Whilkut would occupy -essentially the territory assigned to the Chilula by Goddard and -Kroeber--the drainage of Redwood Creek from about ten miles southeast -of Orick to about a mile above the mouth of Minor Creek. Above them are -the Kloki Whilkut, occupying the upper drainage of Redwood Creek. The -name Kloki Whilkut means "prairie" Whilkut, a name used by these people -for themselves, according to Merriam, and derived from the prairies that -occur on upper Redwood Creek. The Mad River Whilkut would be the group -in the drainage of Mad River from the mouth of North Fork as far up as -Bug Creek above Iaqua Buttes. The North Fork Whilkut would then be the -group in the entire drainage of the North Fork of the Mad River. - -The northern boundary of the Nongatl begins in the west near Kneeland -at the Wiyot boundary and runs southeast around Iaqua Buttes and the -drainage of the Mad River, then northeast to Grouse Creek. Kroeber and -Merriam agree on this boundary east of Iaqua Buttes, but west of that -landmark Merriam's line takes a northeast-southwest direction whereas -Kroeber's line runs due east-west. I have accepted Merriam's line here -because he has more detailed information than Kroeber on the neighboring -Whilkut. Neither has much information on the Nongatl themselves. - -One of the main interior lines of the Athabascans is the one which, -running north and south along the South Fork of the Eel, divides the -coastal groups on the west from the interior peoples to the east. It -begins at the mouth of the Van Duzen on the main Eel and runs south -along the Eel as far as Scotia, dividing the Nongatl from the Bear -River group. At Scotia it coincides with the Sinkyone-Nongatl boundary -and then continues in a southerly direction but, instead of lying -immediately on the river, it drifts slightly to the east to include also -the land adjacent to the stream. It continues thus near to, but off, the -main Eel until it crosses the river at about McCann, a few miles above -the mouth of South Fork. After crossing the main Eel, the line goes -south, including the immediate river valley of the South Fork of the Eel -in Sinkyone territory, until it turns west to cross South Fork at the -mouth of Hollow Tree Creek, continuing to the coast at Usal Creek. - -This section of the Athabascan boundary has been much disputed. It seems -certain that the western side of the Eel from the mouth of the Van Duzen -to Scotia was Bear River territory. This distribution is attested by -Powers (1877, p. 107), who says that the Bear River group owned as far -south as the mouth of South Fork, by Nomland's Bear River informant -(1938, map 1), by Kroeber, and by Goddard, who says (1929, p. 291), -"There was, however, one village at the mouth of Van Duzen creek which -was allied to Bear River both in its dialect and politically." This -evidence is fully in accordance with that of Merriam. - -The eastern side of the river along this stretch goes to the Nongatl by -default. Kroeber claims it for the Bear River people and Nomland's Wiyot -informant claimed it for the Wiyot (Nomland and Kroeber, 1936, map 1) -but except for these sources possession is denied by Wiyot, Bear River, -and Sinkyone alike. - -South of Scotia the area is also in dispute. Nomland and Kroeber claim -that the eastern side of the Eel from Scotia to the mouth of South Fork -is Nongatl. They say (1936, p. 40): - - In any event, Eel river from Scotia to Larrabee was not - Mattole, as Kroeber has it in map 1 of his Handbook, nor was it - Sinkyone. Nomland's Bear River, Mattole, and Sinkyone informants - were positive on the point. If Athabascan, the stretch in question - belonged to the Nongatl (Saia). Otherwise it was Wiyot. - -Merriam, on the contrary claims that this territory was definitely -Sinkyone. - -We must evaluate the statements of the informants involved before -reaching a decision on this point. Nomland's Bear River informant was -evidently not particularly accurate on boundaries, for she placed -the northern boundary of the Bear River group at Fleener Creek when -it was almost certainly at Bear River Ridge (see p. 163). Therefore -her testimony may be questioned on the present point also. Nomland's -Sinkyone informants were from the Shelter Cove Sinkyone of the Briceland -area to the south, and furthermore only one of them was said to be -reliable. Merriam, however, presents detailed evidence in the form -of place names obtained from George Burt, a very good informant who -was born and raised among the northern Sinkyone at Bull Creek. I have -therefore accepted the evidence of George Burt via Merriam, even though -several of Nomland's informants deny it. - -Actually, I have accepted Merriam's line as far south as Phillipsville -on the South Fork of the Eel, even though it conflicts somewhat with the -lines of Nomland and Kroeber. Merriam's information for this stretch of -South Fork is supported in detail by Goddard's village lists. South of -Phillipsville, Merriam's line runs along South Fork itself instead of -lying slightly east of it. This line is contradicted by Goddard, whose -informant, a native of the region, gave Goddard village names on both -sides of the river as far south as Garberville. I have accepted the line -indicated by Goddard's information along this stretch. - -South of Garberville I have relied heavily on Nomland. She had three -informants from the Shelter Cove Sinkyone--Sally Bell, Tom Bell, and -Jack Woodman, of whom she considered only the last reliable. Merriam -seems to have relied entirely on Sally Bell for information about this -group and his information should therefore be somewhat discounted. - -The Bear River-Mattole boundary is not disputed. Merriam and Nomland -agree that it begins on the coast at Davis Creek and then follows the -ridge east to the headwaters of Bear River. The two authors do not agree -on the Bear River-Sinkyone line. Nomland's boundary goes due east from -Bear River headwaters to strike the South Fork of the Eel a few miles -above its mouth. Merriam's line instead goes north to intercept the main -Eel at Scotia. I have accepted Merriam's version on the basis of George -Burt's evidence, even though Kroeber agrees with Nomland. - -The Mattole-Sinkyone boundary begins at Spanish Flat on the coast -and goes northeast from there, crossing the Mattole River just above -the mouth of Upper North Fork, Mattole River, and continuing in that -direction to the headwaters of the Bear River. I have altered Merriam's -map on this point. It shows the Mattole-Sinkyone line reaching the -coast at Big Flat, a point about six miles down the coast from Spanish -Flat. Merriam's notes say, however, that the line ends at Spanish Flat. -Merriam's line crosses the Mattole River near the town of Upper Mattole -about five miles below the mouth of Upper North Fork, but Goddard's -Mattole informant gave him villages as far up as the mouth of Upper -North Fork and I have considered this fact to be decisive. Nomland's -Mattole-Sinkyone line reaches the coast at Four Mile Creek, about five -miles up the coast from Merriam's line at Spanish Flat. This line of -Nomland's is probably a tribelet boundary, which Merriam and Goddard -give as occurring at about that point (see Mattole Tribelets). Otherwise -Nomland's boundary agrees with that of Merriam. - -Merriam's line dividing the northern or Lolangkok Sinkyone from the -southern or Shelter Cove Sinkyone begins in the east on South Fork Eel -about a mile or two above the mouth of Salmon Creek, runs west from -there through Kings Peak, and crosses the Mattole River just north of -Ettersberg, intersecting the Mattole line a few miles from the coast. -This line as given is the same as Merriam's, except that his begins in -the east at Redwood Creek instead of at Salmon Creek. The change here is -based on Goddard's village list, which indicates the present line. - -The Lassik-Nongatl line begins in the east just below Ruth on the Mad -River. It goes west from there around the headwaters of the Van Duzen -River until it crosses the Eel at the mouth of Dobbyn Creek and thence -west to the Sinkyone line. Kroeber and Merriam agree on the eastern -part of this line but Essene disagrees with them, including a much -larger portion of the drainage of the Mad and Van Duzen rivers in Lassik -territory. I am at a loss to explain this version, since Essene's -informant from the Lassik was the same one consulted by Merriam. It is -not clear that Essene's boundaries were obtained from his informants, -and this fact may explain the discrepancy. I have accepted the -Kroeber-Merriam line here. To the west of this, Kroeber's line, instead -of crossing the Eel, follows the river toward the northwest, so none -of the main Eel River valley falls in Nongatl territory. Goddard gives -villages on the main Eel which are said to be allied with others in the -Blocksburg region, so the Nongatl must have claimed at least a small -section of the Eel. I have therefore accepted the Merriam version. - -The Wailaki-Lassik boundary begins in the east at the head of the Mad -River and runs west to the North Fork of the Eel, which it crosses at -the mouth of Salt Creek. It follows Salt Creek for a short way and -then goes west to Kekawaka Creek, which it follows to its mouth on the -main Eel. It crosses the Eel here and then goes west to intersect the -Sinkyone boundary at the East Branch of the South Fork of the Eel. The -boundary as given here is identical with the one given by Merriam, -except that he includes part of the drainage of the Mad within Wailaki -territory whereas Kroeber does not. I have accepted Kroeber's version, -because it is supported in a negative way by Goddard (1924), who fails -to include any Mad River drainage in Pitch Wailaki territory. - -West of this area, Kroeber's boundary runs considerably north of -Merriam's and of the boundary I have accepted. Merriam's line seems -preferable because it is supported by Goddard and because Merriam's -information is more specific than Kroeber's. - -According to the information of Merriam and Goddard, the Wailaki may -be divided into three groups--the Eel River Wailaki, the North Fork -Wailaki, and the Pitch Wailaki. The eastern group, the Pitch Wailaki, -occupy the drainage of North Fork Eel River above Asbill Creek, Hulls -Creek, and Casoose Creek. Their western boundary begins in the north -on Salt Creek near its confluence with North Fork Eel. It runs south -from this point along Salt Creek and beyond it, crossing the North Fork -of the Eel just above the mouth of Asbill Creek and intersecting the -Yuki-Wailaki line near Summit Valley. The northern border of the North -Fork Wailaki begins in the west on the main Eel River at the mouth of -Cottonwood Creek, about three miles north of the mouth of North Fork -Eel, and runs from there eastward for about six miles, where it hits the -western boundary of the Pitch Wailaki. The western boundary of the North -Fork Wailaki is the main Eel River from the mouth of Cottonwood Creek -south to the Yuki line near Bell Springs Railroad Station. - -The Kato-Wailaki line runs from the head of Blue Rock Creek in the -east to the mouth of Hollow Tree Creek on the South Fork of the Eel in -the west. This is Kroeber's version of the boundary. Merriam's version -places the line somewhat south of this, beginning at Rattlesnake Creek -in the west and going eastward south of Blue Rock Creek. Since I have -ceded the drainage of Blue Rock Creek to the Yuki (see p. 160) in -accordance with the views of Kroeber, I must, as a corollary, accept the -northern boundary of the Kato as given by him. - -The net result of the foregoing discussion is that the line surrounding -the Athabascan peoples of Northwestern California remains much the -same as Kroeber showed it in 1925, whereas the tribal boundaries are -considerably changed. In the north, the Chilula and Whilkut occupy -almost entirely different areas and the Hupa have been divided into two -subgroups. On the coast, the Bear River and Mattole are divided, but -this division had been shown by Goddard and Nomland previously. The -Sinkyone have been divided into two subgroups and the Wailaki into three. - -A really major difference is the accretion of territory by the Nongatl. -This group is one about which least is known and this may be the reason -why the map shows their territory as so extensive. It is very likely -that data from a few good informants would show that the Nongatl -actually comprise several distinct groups. There is a hint of this in -Essene's account of Lassik war stories (1942, p. 91). He notes that -the Nai'aitci, centering near the town of Bridgeville, were distinct -from the Blocksburg people. Both of these groups are placed within the -Nongatl area. No doubt more detailed information than we possess would -show that the area which we have labeled Nongatl was actually occupied -by two, three, or even more distinct groups. - - - - -GROUPS - - -KATO - -The Kato are the southernmost of the California Athabascans (see pl. 11, -_e_ for a view of Kato territory). They are surrounded on three sides -by Yukian peoples and consequently resemble culturally the peoples of -Central California rather than those of Northwestern California. The -name Kato appears to be of Pomo origin and it was first thought that -the Kato language was a dialect of Pomo (Powers, 1877, p. 147). It was -not until 1903 that Goddard showed their Athabascan affinity (Goddard, -1903_b_). - -Information on the ethnogeography of the Kato is derived from several -sources. Merriam's notes contain some information, which seems to have -come from a man named Bill Ray, who was living near Laytonville on -August 16, 1922. This man had been Goddard's informant in 1906, when Ray -was already between sixty and sixty-five years old (Goddard, 1909, p. -68, pl. 9) and he served also as Kroeber's informant in 1923 (Kroeber, -1925_b_). - -The Merriam notes contain, in addition to several village names, a few -place and tribal names which I present herewith. - - Kato: to-chil´-pe ke´-ah-hahng - - Jackson V. people (inc. Branscom): sin´-k[=o]k ke´-ah-hahng - - Wailaki: we´-tah^ch - - Yuki of Round V.: chinch´ - - Coast Yuki: bahng´-ke´-ah-hahng - - Southern Sinkyone: ketch´-ing ke´-ah-hahng - - Tribe on the N side of Rattlesnake Cr. and E of South Fork Eel - division of Wailaki (?): tek´ ke´-ah-hahng - - Long V.: kin-t[)e]^{hl}-pe - - Laytonville: ten-tah^{ch}-tung - - Cahto Pond (now drained): to-chil´-pa - - Long V. Cr.: shah´-nah - - South Fork Eel R.: nahs-ling´-che - - Rattlesnake Cr.: tal-tl[=o]l´-kwit - - Main Eel R.: tah-ke´-kwit - - Blue Rock: seng-chah´-tung - - Bell Springs: s[)e]^{ch}-pis - - Round V.: kun-tel-ch[=o]-pe - - Jackson V.: kus´-cho-che´-pe; kas-tos´ cheek´-be - - Branscomb Mt.: k[=i]k; ch[=i]s´-naw - - -VILLAGES - -The villages of this group are mostly taken from Barrett (1908, pp. -280-283) indicated below by (B). Those taken from Merriam's notes are -distinguished by (M). The information given with each of the villages is -sometimes a direct quotation but most often is paraphrased. - - 1. netce'l[=i]gût (B). At a point about 9 mi. nearly due W of - the town of Laytonville and about 3 mi. SE of the confluence of the - E fork of the South Fork of Eel R. with the South Fork of Eel R. - This village is on top of the ridge separating these two streams - and is on the property of Mr. Jacob Lamb. - - 2. yictciLti'ñkût, "wolf something-lying-down creek" (B). On - the S bank of Ten Mile Cr. at a point about 5 mi. WNW of the town - of Laytonville. - - 3. sentca'[=u]kût, "rock big creek"; or kave'mato (Northern - Pomo dialect name), "rock big" (B). On Big Rock Cr. at a point - about 1-1/2 mi. from its confluence with Ten Mile Cr., or about - 5-1/2 mi. nearly due W of the town of Laytonville. - - sen-chow´-ten (M). Kato name for their village at Big Rock, - about 4 mi. N of their present rancheria in Long V. - - 4. ka'ibi, "nuts in" (B). On the NE bank of Ten Mile Cr. at a - point about 3 mi. downstream from the town of Laytonville. - - 5. neb[=o]'c[=e]gût, "ground hump on-top" (B). On what is - known as the Wilson ranch at a point about 1 mi. W of Laytonville. - - 6. seLgaitceli'nda, "rock white run-out" (B). About 300 yds. E - of the house on what is known as the "old" John Reed ranch about 1 - mi. N of Laytonville. - - 7. bûntcn[=o]ndi'lyi, "fly settle-upon under" (B). Just NW of - Laytonville and but a short distance from the place now occupied by - the Indians near Laytonville. - - 8. ko'cbi, "blackberry there" (B). About 1-1/2 mi. WSW of - Laytonville and on the SW bank of the Ten Mile Cr. - - 9. tc[=i]b[=e]'takût, "fir tips creek" (B). About a mile SW of - the town of Laytonville and about 1/2 mi. up the creek which drains - Cahto V. from its confluence with Ten Mile Cr. - - che-pa-tah-kut (M). A former village in the northern part of - Long V. on the James White place. - - 10. dist[=e]gû'ts[=i][=u], "madrona crooked under" (B). On the - western side of Long V. at a point about 2 mi. SSE of Laytonville. - - 11. t[=o]dji'Lbi, "water? ... in" (B). At the site now - occupied by the Indians at Cahto. This site is on the W bank of the - small creek running from Cahto into Ten Mile Cr. - - 12. bûntcten[=o]ndi'lkût, "fly low settle-upon creek" (B). On - the N bank of the northern branch of the head of the South Fork of - the Eel R. at a point about a mile SSW of Cahto. - - 13. kûcy[=i]'[=u]yet[=o]kût, "alder under water creek" (B). On - the N bank of the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 3 mi. SW of - Cahto. This site is about 1/2 mi. E of the ranch house on the Clark - ranch. - - 14. ne'[=i]yi, "ground under" (B), probably signifying that - the village was situated under a projecting ridge. On the S bank of - the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 3 mi. S of Branscomb. - - 15. s[=e]ne'tckût, "rock gravel creek" (B). On the NW bank - of the small stream known as Mud Springs Cr., which is tributary - to the South Fork of Eel R. This site is about 3 mi. a little S - of E of Branscomb. There are on this creek, and not far from this - village site, several springs which flow a very thin blueish mud, - thus giving the creek its name. - - 16. tontce'kût, "water bad creek" (B). About 1/4 mi. W of the - South Fork of Eel R. and about 1 mi. SW of Branscomb. - - 17. senansa'^{n}kût, "rock hang-down creek" (B). On the E bank - of the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 1-1/2 mi. downstream - from Branscomb. - -In addition to this list, there are two other sources of information on -villages. First, Curtis (1924, 14:184) presents a list of six villages, -almost all of which it is impossible to locate. None of the names -corresponds to any given by either Barrett or Merriam, and they are -therefore suspect as village names, though they may be valid place names -and are certainly good Athabascan. In the list below Curtis' orthography -has been changed slightly. The changes follow the pattern set by Curtis -in his Hupa village lists (Curtis, 1924, Vol. 13). - -_Curtis List (1924, 14:184)_ - - chunsandung, "tree 1-1/2 mi. W of Laytonville - prostrate place" on the site of the cemetery - - tsetandung, "trail emerges At the foot of the mountain - place" W of Laytonville - - totakut, "water center" N of tsetandung. On a knoll - down which water flowed - on two sides - - chekselgindun, "they N tsetandung - killed woman place" - -yitsche Ltindung, "they found wolf place" - -seyuhuchetsdung, "old stone house place" - -The second source is the notes of Goddard, who did extensive work in -the area in 1906 (Goddard, 1909), though mostly on language and myth. -His notes contain information on two villages, neither of which can be -located because the township and range coördinates have been changed -since the time of recording and also because the name of the creek -mentioned does not appear on maps in my possession. The two cards -bearing the information have the penciled notations 51 and 52 written -on their corners. This indicates that Goddard had recorded at least 50 -other sites for the Kato, a conclusion which is further corroborated -by his own statement (Goddard, 1909, p. 67). Our information on Kato -villages is therefore correspondingly incomplete. - -_Goddard List (Goddard, Notes)_ - - ne^{=e=}[-l]soki, "ground blue tail" SW sec. 26, T. 22 N., - R. 15 W. On a flat 200 yds. N of Blue Hill Cr. and 150 yds. W of - the river. There are 3 deep pits on the eastern edge of the higher - flat. Bill thought there were 3 others 100 yds. S where a white - man's house had stood, ne'^{[-l]}s[=o]k[=i] k[=i]yahûn. - - t'un[-l]tcintcki, "leaves black tail" W sec. 26, T. 22 N., R. - 15 W. On the higher bank 50 yds. N of tûn[-l]tcintckw[=o]t, the - next creek N of Blue Hill Cr. and 400 yds. W of the river. There is - timber W. Dr. Wilson used to live there. The site has been plowed. - Bill counted six places where he thought houses had been. - - -WAILAKI - -The Wailaki, the southernmost group of Athabascans on the Eel River, -are as little chronicled as most of the Athabascan groups. As far as -geography and language are concerned we have very good information -(Goddard, 1923_a_; 1923_b_), but there is very little general -ethnography. Kroeber was able to devote to them only a little more than -three pages in the Handbook (1925, pp. 151-154), and we know scarcely -more today. - -The territory of the Wailaki lies for the most part outside the redwood -forest (pls. 11_b_, _c_) and for that reason they had access to a more -abundant supply of the food, particularly acorns, used by the interior -peoples than did most of the Athabascan groups. Perhaps for this reason, -or perhaps simply because of proximity, the culture of the Wailaki -shows considerable affinity with the culture of Central California and -correspondingly less with that of Northwestern California. This affinity -is particularly evident in their tribelet organization, which obtrudes -itself in the accounts of both Goddard and Merriam. In the groups -farther north such organization receives little attention. - -Merriam's information on the Wailaki consists for the most part of -ethnogeography, including villages, tribelets, and place names. His -informants in this group were Fred Major and Wylakki Tip. I have been -able to find out nothing about Fred Major, but Merriam gives the -following statement on Wylakki Tip. - - My informant, known as Wylakki Tip, a full blood Tsennahkennes - [Eel R. Wailaki, but see Kroeber's data, p. 229], whose father and - mother were born and lived at Bell Springs, tells me that they - belonged to the Bell Springs Canyon band known as Tsi-to-ting - ke-ah, named from the neighboring mountain tsi-to-ting. He adds - that from the mouth of Blue Rock Creek northward the Tsennahkennes - owned the country to the main Eel, and that the present location of - Bell Springs Station, on the west side of the river, is in their - territory but that the east side of the river from Bell Springs - Station to the mouth of Blue Rock Creek was held by a so-called - Yukean tribe. - -In Merriam's notes there is no general statement on the Bahneko or North -Fork Wailaki; he was evidently somewhat undecided whether they were -truly a distinct group. However, he comments on the Tsennahkennes, or -Eel River Wailaki, as follows. - -[Illustration: Map 5. Villages and tribelets of the Eel Wailaki and the -North Fork Wailaki. Roman numerals indicate tribelets, arabic numerals -village sites.] - -Tsennahkennes ... A Nung-gah^{hl} Athabascan tribe in north-central -Mendocino County, California, occupying the greater part of the -mountainous country on both sides of main Eel River from Red Mountain -and the upper waters of East Branch South Fork Eel easterly to Salt -Creek, and from a few miles south of Harris southerly to Rattlesnake -Creek. Their territory thus includes the major part of Elkhorn Creek, -the headwaters of East Branch South Fork Eel, Milk Ranch Creek, and Red -Mountain Creek, practically all of Cedar Creek, and the whole of Bell -Springs and Blue Rock Creeks. The old stage road from Cummings north to -Harris, passing Blue Rock and Bell Springs, traverses their territory. - - -WAILAKI PHONOLOGY - -It is clear that in recording Wailaki words Merriam followed the same -principles that guided him in his published works on other Californian -languages. In transcribing the Achomawi language he said (1928, p. vi), -"All Indian words are written in simple phonetic English, the vowels -having their normal alphabetic sounds." For a more precise determination -I have made a comparison of words recorded by both Merriam and Goddard. -The values of the symbols used by Goddard are taken from a list he -gives in his Wailaki Texts (1923_b_, p. 77) together with Phonetic -Transcription of American Indian Languages (Amer. Anthro. Assoc., 1916), -a report which Goddard helped prepare. - -A total of twenty-eight words recorded by both Merriam and Goddard were -found. Although the discrepancies seem great, this is because Merriam -used Webster's English orthography whereas Goddard used a technical one -modified from the old Smithsonian system. Whatever the limitations of -Merriam's orthography for considerations of grammar (which he did not -try to obtain), his recordings consistently check Goddard's independent -information and serve as complete identifications of places and -ethnographic facts. - -_Goddard's Wailaki Phonology_ - - -------------+--------------------+--------+--------+--------+-------- - | | Labial | Apical | Frontal| Dorsal - -------------+--------------------+--------+--------+--------+-------- - | fully voiced | g - | +----------------------------------- - | medium voiced | b d G - +--------------------+----------------------------------- - Stops | voiceless | - | non-glottalized | t k - | +----------------------------------- - | voiceless | - | glottalized | t' k' - -------------+--------------------+----------------------------------- - | non-glottalized | ts tc - Affricates +--------------------+----------------------------------- - | glottalized | ts' tc' - -------------+--------------------+----------------------------------- - | voiceless | s c - Spirants +--------------------+----------------------------------- - | voiced | - -------------+--------------------+----------------------------------- - Nasals | | n ñ - -------------+--------------------+----------------------------------- - Semivowels | | w y - -------------+--------------------+----------------------------------- - | voiced | l - Laterals +--------------------+----------------------------------- - | voiceless | [-l] - -------------+--------------------+----------------------------------- - -Goddard gives the following vowels. - - i as in pique (written with an iota by Goddard) - e as a in fate - E as in met (written with an epsilon by Goddard) - a as in father - A as u in but (written with an alpha by Goddard) - o as in note - -Following is a rough correspondence between Goddard's and Merriam's -orthographies. - -_Comparison of Orthographies_ - - _Goddard_ _Merriam_ - a ah (occasionally a or e) - A ah, e, u, i (in order of frequency) - ai a, i - Ai i - b b - c s (once sh) - d d, t - e e - E e, [=a] - g [-l]g written as sk - G does not occur - h h - i [=e], [)e] (oi written i) - I i, u - k k (ky written ch) - k' k - l does not occur - [-l] kl, often not recorded at all ([-l] written sk) - m n (Goddard says n sometimes becomes m by assimilation. - Evidently it is n phonemically) - n n (occasionally ng, once not recorded at all) - ñ ng (occasionally n, twice not recorded at all) - o o (occasionally u) - s s - t t - t' does not occur - tc ch (once tch) - tc' does not occur - ts does not occur - ts' does not occur - u does not occur - w does not occur - y y, ky written ch, kiyah always written ke-ah or ka-ah - - -TRIBELETS - -The subgroups of the Wailaki (map 5) are called bands by Merriam and -subtribes by Goddard but it is clear that they correspond precisely to -the definition of tribelet given by Kroeber (1932, pp. 258-259), a fact -which Kroeber noted at the time (p. 257). Goddard says (1923_a_, p. 95): - - [They] had definite boundaries on the river as well as - delimited hunting grounds on an adjoining ridge. In the summer - and fall they appear to have been under the control of one chief, - and to have camped together for gathering nuts and seeds and for - community hunting. In winter they lived in villages and were - further subdivided. - -I. There is close agreement on the boundaries of the northernmost -Wailaki tribelet on the western side of the Eel. Merriam gives the -names kun-nun´-dung ke´-ah-hahng, ki´-kot-ke-ah-hahng, ki-ketch-e -k[=a]-ah-hahng, and ki-ke´-che ke´-ah-hahng as designations for the -group. He says the territory of this group runs from Chamise Creek -in the north to Pine Creek in the south. Goddard gives the same name -(rendered kaikitcEkaiya) and the same boundaries for the group. - -The territory north of Chamise Creek on the west side of the river is -assigned by Merriam to the taht´-so ke´ah tribelet of the Lassik. This -attribution would seem to indicate that Merriam has put his northern -Wailaki boundary too far north, that it should hit the Eel at Chamise -Creek rather than at Kekawaka Creek. Goddard calls these people the -da[-l]sokaiya, "blue ground people," which no doubt corresponds to -taht´-so ke´ah. He says, "It is doubtful that they should be counted as -Wailaki, but they were not Lassik and probably spoke the same dialect as -the Wailaki." - -II. This tribelet is called s[)e]-tah´-be ke´-ah-hahng or -s[=a]-tah´-ke-ahng by Merriam. In one place his notes say that the -territory includes land on both sides of the Eel, running south of -Indian Creek on the western side. This is clearly not so, for he refers -several times to a different tribelet occupying that area. That the -tribelet was confined to the east side of the river is further indicated -by Goddard, who gives Pine Creek on the north and Natoikot Creek on the -south as the boundaries. Goddard's name for the tribelet is sEtakaiya. - -III. Goddard says that there was a tribelet on the west side of the Eel -whose territory was bounded on the north by Natoikot Creek and extended -south to a point opposite the mouth of North Fork. His name for this -group is taticcokaiya. Merriam's name for the group in this general area -is tah-chis´-tin ke-ah-hahng. He does not give any boundaries for them. - -IV. and V. Merriam gives the following names for the tribelet occupying -the territory around Blue Rock and Bell Springs Creeks: tsi-to´-ting -ke´-ah, from the name of Bell Springs Mountain; sen-chah´-ke´-ah; -s[)e]-so ke´-ah-hahng, "Blue Rock Band"; then´-chah-tung k[=a]´-ah, -"Blue Rock Band." On the other hand, he gives the following names for -the people who occupied the west bank of the Eel for a mile or more -south of the mouth of North Fork: nin-ken-n[=e]tch k[=a]-ah-hahng; -nung-ken-ne-tse´ ke´-ah; n[)e]-tahs´ ke-ah-hahng. Goddard says that the -entire stretch from the mouth of North Fork south to Blue Rock Creek -on the west bank of the river was occupied by a single tribelet called -nIñkannitckaiya, a name clearly corresponding to Merriam's names for the -people on the west bank of the Eel, south of North Fork. I am inclined -to think that Merriam is correct and that there were two tribelets in -this area. Merriam's notes include five different references to the -southern tribelet as a separate group, so there is a distinct impression -of autonomy. If Merriam is correct in separating the two groups, the -division line no doubt falls a mile or two north of Bell Springs Creek. - -VI. On the eastern side of the river Merriam gives two names for the -tribelet holding the land south from Kekawaka Creek. He says the -yu-e-yet´-te ke´-ah was the tribelet north of Chamise Creek. Their -southernmost village, called sko´-teng, was on the east side of the -river a half-mile or a mile south of Kekawaka Creek. The sko´-den ke´-ah -Merriam gives as the name of the tribelet on the east side of the Eel -River and about a half-mile south of Kekawaka Creek. Goddard gives -i[-l]kodAñkaiya, corresponding to Merriam's sko´-den ke´-ah, as the -name of the group extending from about two miles south of the mouth of -Chamise Creek nearly to the mouth of Kekawaka Creek. Both Merriam and -Goddard indicate some doubt whether these people were Wailaki. - -VII. Merriam gives the names ch[=e]s-kot k[=e]-ah-hahng, -chis´-ko-ke´-ah, and t[=o]s-ahng´-kut for the tribelet living in -Horseshoe Bend. The first two names come from the word chis-kot, the -name for Copper Mine Creek. Goddard also gives these last two names for -the group (written tciskokaiya and tosAñkaiya, "water stands people"), -and he says their territory includes the land between Copper Mine Creek -on the south and a point a mile or two south of Chamise Creek on the -north. - -VIII. Goddard says that a tribelet named slakaiya or sEyadAñkaiya -occupied the territory between Copper Mine Creek in the north and Willow -Creek in the south. Merriam gives the name nung-ken-ne-tse´ ke´-ah to -this group, which he locates on the east side of the Eel River at Island -Mountain. He gives no boundaries for the group. - -IX. Merriam gives two names for the tribelet occupying the Indian Creek -region. The chen-nes´-no-ke´-ah was the band on chen-nes-no´-kot Creek -(Indian Cr.) from Lake Mountain to the Eel River; he also writes this -name ken-nis-no-kut ke-ah-hahng. His other name for the group has the -variants bas-k[=a]´-ah-hahng, bas-ki´-yah, bus-k[=a]-ah-hahng. This -group is said to have been on the east side of the Eel River a mile -or two north of Indian Creek (in the Fenton Range country). Goddard -gives the name bAskaiya, "slide people," corresponding to the last of -Merriam's names, for the tribelet from Willow Creek south to Cottonwood -Creek. The name refers to a hillside, usually of clay, which has broken -loose and has slid down. - -X. Merriam identifies no group as occupying the land from Cottonwood -Creek south to the mouth of North Fork. Goddard says the region was -occupied by a tribelet called sE[-l]tchikyokaiya, "rock red large -people." - -XI. Merriam says the s[=a]´-tan-do´-che ke´-ah-hahng was the name of -a tribelet on the north side of North Fork and about a half-mile from -its junction with the main Eel. The name means "rock reaching into the -water." Goddard's name for this same group is sEtandoñkiyahAñ, a clear -correspondence, and he indicates that their land was on about the last -mile of North Fork. - -XII. According to Merriam the next group up North Fork was named -s[)e]-cho ke´-ah-hahng. Its land was on the north side of North Fork a -mile or more above its mouth. Goddard has the same name for the group, -sEtcokiyahAñ; he says the people occupied both the north and south sides -of a one-mile stretch of North Fork beginning a little way below the -mouth of Wilson Creek and extending downstream from there. - -XIII. Merriam says ki´-ye ke´-ah-hahng was the name of the tribelet on -both sides of North Fork at the mouth of Wilson Creek. This is in accord -with Goddard's data. He gives the name as kAiyEkiyahAñ. Neither Goddard -nor Merriam gives the limits of this group up North Fork. Presumably -they coincide with the tribal boundary. - -XIV. According to Goddard a tribelet called nE[-l]tcikyokaiya was in -possession of the territory on the east bank of the Eel from McDonald -Creek northward to the mouth of North Fork. Merriam does not record this -group. - -XV. The southernmost tribelet on the eastern side of the Eel is called -sE[-l]gAikyokaiya, "rock white large people," by Goddard. They are said -to have occupied the territory from McDonald Creek south to Big Bend -Creek. This group is not recorded by Merriam. - - -VILLAGES - -The list of villages which follows includes all those contained in -Merriam's notes and also all those given by Goddard (1923_a_) that could -be located with accuracy (map 5). Occasionally there is a conflict -between Merriam and Goddard and then it has usually seemed best to -accept Goddard's information, since he actually visited the sites of -most of the villages he mentions. - -All the data are either from Merriam or Goddard, as indicated by (M) -or (G). Ancillary comment by myself is placed in square brackets. The -notations (Tip) and (Maj) refer to Merriam's informants (see p. 167). -The arabic numbers correspond with those on map 5, indicating separate -villages. These run consecutively from north to south, first on the west -side of the Eel (1-22) and then on the east side (23-67). - -_Villages on West Side of the Eel_ - - 1. The main village of the ki-ketch-e tribelet is said to have - been on the S side of the mouth of Chamise Cr. (M). - - kAntEltcEk'At, "valley small on" (G). The most northern - village of the kaikitcEkaiya, whose northern boundary was Chamise - Cr. - - [Both Merriam and Goddard give this as the native village - of the wife of Wylakki Tip so there is no doubt that they are - referring to the same village.] - - 2. kun-tes-che´-kut (M). Said to have been a Wailaki village - on the W side of the Eel R. a half-mile N of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel, - probably nearly opposite Horseshoe Bend Cr. (Tip). - - [Horseshoe Bend Tunnel cuts out the meander of Horseshoe - Bend. Horseshoe Bend Cr. appears to enter the Eel from the E about - a mile S of Boulder Cr. If Goddard's kAntEltcEk'At is really - kAntE[-l]tcEk'At, with the bar on the "l" dropped in error, then - these names are nearly the same. If so, kun-tes-che´-kut might - be the name of village no. 1 even though the location differs - slightly.] - - 3. basEtcE[-l]galk'At, "throw stone outside on" (G). On the - western side of the Eel, just N of the mouth of Pine Cr. - - 4. sEdAkk'añdAñ, "rock ridge place" (G). On the point of the - ridge around which the Eel turns toward the W at Horseshoe Bend. - - 5. kit-te-ken-n[)e]´-din (Tip), kit-ken-n[)e]-tung (Maj) (M). - At or near the S end of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel. It was the biggest - village of the tribelet and was said to have been the native - village of the father of Wylakki Tip. - - s[)e]-tah´-be (M). A large village on the W side of the Eel - River just S of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel near Island Mt. Station. It - was nearly opposite the mouth of Copper Mine Cr. - - tcInnagañtcEdai, "eye closed door" (G). At the base of the - ridge described in no. 4. It was said to have been the home of - Captain Jim. - - [These names may or may not refer to the same village. If - they do, it is likely that Merriam's kit-te-ken-n[)e]´-din is the - correct one. His s[)e]-tah´-be evidently refers to the name of - the tribelet, sEtakaiya, given by both him and Goddard. Goddard's - designation looks as though it might very well refer to the tunnel - and thus would be very modern.] - - 6. lacE[-l]kotcEdAñ, "buckeye small hole place" (G). This - seems to have been only a few hundred yards S of Horseshoe Bend. - - 7. kaigAntcik'At, "wind blows up on" (G). A big winter camp - about 1/4 mi. S of Horseshoe Bend. - - 8. sait'otcEdadAñ, "sand point on" (G). Also about 1/4 mi. S - of Horseshoe Bend but was about 500 ft. above the river near a big - spring. - - 9. tcIbbEtcEki, "gather grass tall" (G). A little more than - a mile S of Horseshoe Bend a very small stream runs into the Eel - from the W. On the N side of the mouth of this stream was this - house site where Captain Jim's father used to build his house some - winters and live by himself. - - 10. sEnanaitAnnik'At, "stone trail across on" (G). About a - mile S of Horseshoe Bend. - - 11. Isgaikyoki (G). About 1-1/2 mi. S of Horseshoe Bend a - small creek called Isgaikyokot enters the Eel from the W. The - village with this name was situated on the N side of the mouth of - this creek. It was the home of the father of the wife of Wylakki - Tip. - - 12. IsgaidadAbbIñlai (G). N of the creek mentioned in no. 11 - but on higher ground away from the river. - - 13. [-l]tAgtcEbi', "black oaks in" (G). About a mile N of - Natoikot Cr. on a flat above the river. - - 14. sEnagatcEdAñ, "stones walk around place" (G). About 200 - yds. N of no. 15. - - 15. sE[-l]sokyok'At, "stone blue large on" (G). About 1/2 mi. - N of the mouth of Natoikot Cr. There was said to have been a pond - here. - - 16. [-l]tcicsEyEbi', "ashes rock shelter in" (G). This shelter - was under a large rock which stood on the hillside a short distance - downstream from no. 17. Two or three families used to spend the - winter in it. - - 17. bantcEki, "war [ghosts] cry" (G). On the W side of the Eel - a little more than a mile N of the mouth of North Fork and opposite - the mouth of Cottonwood Cr. It was close to a fishing place that - the tribelet shared with the bAskaiya tribelet. - - 18. tah-t[=e]s-cho´-tung, tah-t[=e]s-cho´-ting, tah-chis´-ting - (M). 1/2 mi. or more N of the mouth of North Fork on the W side of - the main Eel. - - taticcodAñ (G). In a grove of oaks about 1/4 mi. downstream - from the mouth of North Fork on the W side of the Eel. - - 19. ne´-tahs, ning-ken-ne´-tset (M). Ne´-tahs is the name of - the town on a rocky stretch of the river. The town ran for a mile - or more S of the mouth of North Fork (Maj). Ning-ken-ne´-tset was - the name of the village which was at the fishing place opposite the - mouth of North Fork and extending S. It was also called "fishtown." - Tip's mother lived there (Tip). - - nEtacbi', "land slide in" (G). About a mile S of the mouth - of North Fork on the W side of the Eel. It was a noted fishing - place. Goddard says: "There is no mention in the notes of a village - at this point, but several Wailaki were spoken of at times as - belonging to the nEtacbi'." - - 20. sE[-l]tcabi' (G). Nearly opposite the mouth of McDonald - Cr. It was named for the large rock beneath which it stood. - - 21. tco[-l]Attcik'At, "graveyard on" (G). A large village on - the western side of the river a few hundred yards downstream from - the mouth of djoñkot. - - [The stream that Goddard calls djoñkot seems to be the one - that appears on the modern maps as Cinch Cr.; that is the only one - in the vicinity. On his map it is shown entering the Eel about - a mile downstream from the mouth of Bell Springs Cr. but it is - actually a tributary of Bell Springs Cr., joining that stream a - scant hundred yards from its mouth. On the assumption that Cinch - Cr. is, in fact, the stream that Goddard meant to indicate I have - moved the village about a mile to the S.] - - 22. sa'kAntE[-l]dAñ, "beaver valley place" (G). About midway - between the mouth of Blue Rock Cr. and Bell Springs Cr. on a fine - large flat. - -_Villages on East Side of the Eel_ - - 23. sE[-l]kaibi, "make a noise in the throat" (G). Opposite - the mouth of Chamise Cr. - - 24. tcadEtokInnEdAñ (G). Located only approximately--in - Horseshoe Bend at the point where the river turns toward the NE. - - 25. k'AcsAndAñ, "alder stands place" (G). About a mile - downstream from the point where the river turns W at Horseshoe Bend. - - 26. sEtcokInnEdAñ, "rock large its base place" (G). About 1/2 - mi. downstream from the point where the river turns toward the W at - Horseshoe Bend. - - 27. nEtcEdEtcAñk'At, "ground rolling on" (G). A short distance - W of the mouth of Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr.). - - 28. dAndaitcAmbi, "flint hole in" (G). On the downstream side - of the mouth of Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr.). - - 29. taht-aht (M). On the E side of the Eel R. at Horseshoe - Bend and opposite s[)e]-tah´-be. It was a big town (Tip). - - kaitcIlIñtadAñ, "Christmas berries among place" (G). There - was a graveyard about 1/4 mi. N of the village and just beyond the - graveyard was Copper Mine Cr. - - 30. to-ch[)e]´-ting (M). A big village on the E side of the - Eel R. at Horseshoe Bend (opposite s[)e]-tah´-be), only a short - distance S of taht-aht (Tip). It was probably less than 1/4 mi. S - of Island Mt. Station on the opposite side of the river. - - kaslInkyodAñ. "spring large place" (G). On the E bank of the - river about 300 yds. S of kaitcIlIñtadAñ, or about 1/2 mi. S of - Copper Mine Cr. - - [The names of these two villages are not the same at all and - since Goddard gives many villages in the near vicinity the chances - are good that the names do not represent the same village.] - - 31. kaslInkyobi, "spring large in" (G). A rock shelter near - Goddard's kaslInkyodAñ. A family used to spend the winter here. - Captain Jim's father-in-law was left here to die after he had been - wounded by the whites. - - 32. skEtcE[-l]kascanAñ, "mush thrown away sunny place" (G). - Evidently situated about a mile S of Copper Mine Cr., where the - river makes a slight turn toward the N. Here there is a flat 50 ft. - higher than the river and 150 ft. from it, in which 17 house pits - were counted. This village was just upstream from a rock called - skEtcE[-l]kaiyE. Each spring a mush-like substance appears on the - face of this rock and is washed away each winter. The thickness of - the deposit is supposed to indicate the abundance of the year's - acorn crop. - - 33. ah-chahng´-ket (M). On the E side of the Eel a mile or two - S of Horseshoe Bend. It was more than a mile S of to-che-ting (Tip). - - akyañk'At, "right here on" (G). Some distance N of Willow Cr. - and on the river. - - [These two names doubtless represent the same village but - neither Merriam nor Goddard gives a very exact location for it.] - - 34. slAsyanbi', "squirrels they eat in" (G). Only a - short distance S of Willow Cr. and back from the river near - nE[-l]tcAñk'At. slAsyañkot was an alternate name for Willow Cr. and - the name of the village was derived from this. - - 35. n[)e]-chung-ket´ (M). On the E side of the river about - 1/2 mi. S of ah-chahng´-ket (Tip). The inhabitants were called - n[)e]´-chung ke-ah-hahng (Maj and Tip). - - nE[-l]tcAñk'At, "ground black on" (G). Said to have been the - second one S of Willow Cr. - - [It is evident that both Merriam and Goddard have the same - name here. Goddard's location is more precise and thus has been - accepted.] - - 36. dabAstci'Añdañ, "ants' nest place" (G). A little way S - of the mouth of Willow Cr. The name comes from the name of Willow - Cr.--dabActci'Añkot. - - 37. dAstatcElai, "string (?) point" (G). Evidently only a - short distance above Indian Cr. It was said to have been a large - winter camp. - - 38. tcA[-l]sAl (G). Just N of the mouth of Indian Cr. was a - sharp rock with this name; the Indians camped near this in the - springtime. - - 39. tA[-l]djInlai, "water clayey point" (G). On the S side of - Indian Cr. The large village appears to have stood just a little E - of the NW corner of sec. 36, T. 5 S., R 6 E. Its inhabitants were - exterminated by mixed bands of white men and Kekawaka Indians. - - 40. tah-bus-che-sahng´-tung (M). A small village in the hills - 1 mi. E of the Eel R. and 1 mile S of Indian Cr. (Maj). - - 41. sE[-l]tcikyok'At, "red rock large on" (G). 1/4 mi. N of - the first creek downstream from North Fork on the E bank of the - main Eel. - - 42. chug´-ge´-tah (M). A small village on the E side of the - Eel N of the mouth of North Fork (Maj). It was about 2 mi. S of - Indian Cr. - - sEtatcikaiya (G). A tall rock is situated N of the mouth of - the first creek N of the mouth of North Fork. The village was just - to the W of this rock and was named for it. - - [The villages given by Merriam and Goddard are in about the - same place but Merriam's location is so indefinite that their - identity is uncertain.] - - 43. kai[-l]tcitadAñ, "redbud place" (G). A short distance N - of the mouth of North Fork a ridge runs down to the river. On the - northern side of the ridge a village was situated. - - 44. t[=o]n-klan´-be-ko-cho´-be (M). On the E side of the Eel - on the northern side of the mouth of North Fork (Tip). - - ton[-l]Embi', "streams come together in" (G). Situated on a - terrace N of the mouth of North Fork and on the E side of the main - Eel. In the summer of 1922 10 house pits were counted there, 4 of - them being large and deep. - - [These two sites are evidently the same, since both the names - and the locations match.] - - 45. s[=a]´-tan-do´-che ke´-ah-hahng (M). In a rocky stretch on - the N side of the North Fork about 1/2 mi. above its junction with - the main Eel. The name means "rock reaching into water." - - sEtandoñtci, "rock runs to the water" (G). On the N bank of - North Fork about 1/2 mi. above the mouth. - - 46. sEntciyE, "rock large under" (G). About 3/4 mi. above the - mouth of North Fork. The rock for which it was named, with a large - spruce tree, stands opposite the village site, on the S side of the - stream. - - 47. s[)e]-cho-ke´-ah-hahng (M). A village and band at - s[)e]-cho, "big rock," on the N side of the North Fork of the Eel - a mile or more above its mouth. "Thousands of Indians killed here" - (Maj). - - sEtcolai, "rock large point" (G). On the N side of North Fork - a little more than a mile above its mouth. - - 48. lacEnadailai, "horse chestnut stand point" (G). About 60 - yds. upstream from no. 47. A house pit 4-1/2 ft. deep was seen - there. - - [This site was no doubt included under no. 47 by Merriam's - informant.] - - 49. About halfway between the main Eel and Wilson Cr. a small - stream enters North Fork from the S (G). Near this there was a - village before the whites came. An incident there is said to have - occurred at a time when the informant's grandmother's grandmother - was small. - - 50. stAstcok'At, "rope large on it" (G). Somewhat farther - upstream than no. 49 and back a way from the bank of the stream, - also on the S side. The village is said to have been a large one - when the white people came to this region. In 1906 there was still - a house on the site. - - 51. totAkk'At, "between water" (G). Summer camp a little way - below the mouth of Wilson Cr. on the N side of North Fork. - - 52. se[-l]tcidadAñ, "stone red mouth place" (G). An old - village, occupied before the whites came. It stood between no. 11 - and the mouth of Wilson Cr. - - 53. nolEtcotadAñ, "water falls large among" (G). On the N side - of North Fork about 1/2 mi. below Wilson Cr. It was on two levels; - one near the stream, the other on a terrace some yards N. - - 54. ki´-ye ke´-ah-hahng (M). On North Fork at the mouth of - Wilson Cr. and covering both sides of North Fork and Wilson Cr. - (Maj). - - [This name is evidently the same as Goddard's name for the - tribelet on North Fork above Wilson Cr.--kAiyEkiyahAñ.] - - 55. sEnEsbInnAñkai, "rock tall its slope" (G). On the northern - side of North Fork and about midway E and W of sec. 12, T. 24 - N., R. 14 W. is a tall rock called sEnEs. Just W of this was the - village. - - 56. k'asolEtcobi', "arrowwood rotten flat" (G). On the S side - of North Fork opposite the tall rock mentioned in no. 55. The - informant said his uncle remembered the building of the dance house - when he was a small boy. - - 57. s[=a]´-yahs kun´-dung (M). A fishing camp for drying - salmon at Fishtown Spring or Upgraff fishery on North Fork about 5 - mi. up, "march till creek dries up." - - [Upgraff must be an error for Updegraff; the latter is a local - place name whereas the former is not, so far as I can see.] - - 58. sEnEstconatAñkai, "rock tall large crossing" (G). A small - stream comes into North Fork about 1-1/2 mi. above Wilson Cr. The - village of this name was situated 1/2 mi. S of North Fork and just - to the W of this tributary. The village had not been occupied in - the memory of the informants. - - 59. Another village not occupied in historic times was - situated on the S side of North Fork just above the mouth of the - stream mentioned in no. 58 (G). - - 60. s[=a]h-gah´-ket, se-kah´-ke-ah-ahng, se-ki´-ah-hahng (M). - A rancheria on the E side of the Eel R. on the S side of the mouth - of North Fork (named for s[=a]-gah-nah´-ting, the name of the land - on the S side of the mouth of North Fork in the angle between the - two rivers) (Tip). - - kai[-l]tcitadAñ, "redbud place" (G). This was apparently near - Merriam's s[=a]h-gah´-ket. - - [These different names may not represent the same village. If - these were two villages, they were very close together. Goddard - gives kai[-l]tcitadAñ as the name of another village N of North - Fork (no. 43) so it may be an error here (see pl. 11, b for a view - of this region).] - - 61. tsEgolkAllinseyE (G). A rock shelter situated back from - the river a short distance above McDonald Cr. The Indians lived - here in the winter. - - 62. ne-che´-cho-ket (M). On the E side of the Eel about a mile - S of the mouth of North Fork. It was apparently opposite part of - the elongate village ning-ken-ne´-tset (no. 19). "Salmon stop here; - great fishing; rocky place; Red Hill ground" (Tip). - - nE[-l]tcikyok'at, "ground red large on" (G). On a point of - land running down to the river on the E side just above nEtacbi', - the fishing place of the region. - - [Goddard adds some information which explains the statement - of Merriam's informant. He says, "About two-thirds of a mile below - the mouth of McDonald Creek a number of large rocks lie in the bed - of the river. This place is called nEtacbi', 'land slide in,' and - seems to have been a noted fishing place."] - - 63. sah-nah´-chung-kut, sah-nah-chin´-che ke´-ah-hahng (M). - On the E side of the Eel R. 1-1/2 or 2 mi. S of the mouth of North - Fork and near McDonald Cr. (Tip). - - 64. sel-di´-kot (M). On the E side of the Eel R. S of Bell - Springs Cr. (Maj). - - 65. s[)e]-ski´-cho-ding (M). Claimed as a Wailaki village - on the E side of the Eel R. at White Rock near Big Bend. On the - opposite side of the river from Bell Springs Station (Tip). - - se[-l]GaitcodAñ (G). On a flat on the E side of the river. - "The east and west section line dividing sections 84 and 85 of T. - 24 N., R. 14 W. was noted as passing through this flat." - - [These two names doubtless represent the same village; the - names are similar and the locations are the same.] - - 66. chin-to´-bin-nung (M). On the upper part of McDonald Cr., - about 3 mi. up from the Eel (Maj). - - 67. chus-nah-teg-gul-lah chen-ne-tung (M). An old village - about 2 mi. S of North Fork and 3 mi. E of the Eel. - - -PLACE NAMES - -The following list includes ethnogeographic information taken from -Merriam's notes in addition to information on creeks from Goddard -(1923_a_), the latter being especially important because most villages -are located with respect to streams. All streams and rivers may be found -on map 5. Locations of other features have been given after consulting -the appropriate United States Geological Survey (USGS) quadrangle -but they are not shown on the map. For this area the quadrangles are -Alderpoint (1951), Hoaglin (1935), Leggett (1952), and Spyrock (1952). - - Asbill Cr.--djoñot (G). - - Bell Springs Cr.--sAlt´okot (G). - - Bell Springs Mt.--tsi-to´-ting; si-to´-ting (M). This is the - mountain cut through by Bell Springs Cr. - - Bell Springs Station (native name for the site of the - station)--sah´-ten´-t[)e]´-te; sah-ten-t[)e]^{hl}-t[)e] (M). Bell - Springs Station is on the W side of the Eel about halfway between - Blue Rock Cr. and Bell Springs Cr., about the same place as village - 22. In fact, Merriam's names for this site may correspond to - Goddard's name for village 22, sa'kAntE[-l]dAñ. - - Big Bend Cr.--dAndaikot (G). - - Blue Rock--sen-chah´-tung (M). Evidently this is near Blue - Rock Cr. - - Chamise Cr.--sah-nah´-ting; shah-nah-ting (M); canAndAñkot (G). - - Chamise Cr. crossing--ses-ki´-be (M). - - Chamise Cr., mouth of--sun-ti´-che, soon-di´-che (M). - - Cinch Cr.--djoñkot (G). Goddard evidently has this creek - placed incorrectly on his map. If I understand his description, it - should be a tributary of Bell Springs Cr. rather than of the Eel R. - directly. - - Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr. on the more recent - maps)--chis´-kot, ch[=e]s-kot (M); tciskot (G). Both Merriam and - Goddard say that this name refers to red paint and was probably - suggested by the color of the water in the creek. This is also - responsible for the English name. - - Cottonwood Cr.--tgActcEkot (G). The English name is a - translation of the Wailaki name. The creek is unnamed on USGS maps. - - Dawson Flat--choo´-e-kun-tes´-te (M). This flat was W of Lake - Mt. between Horse Ranch and Fenton Ranch. - - Eel R.--tan´-cho-kut (M). Eel R. valley--bus´-be (M). This - name refers to a part of the valley of the main Eel R., especially - the E side, between Horseshoe Bend and North Fork. - - Eel R., E branch of South Fork--to-k[=a]-kut (M). - - Eel R., Middle Fork--tahng-cho-skus (M). The junction of the - Middle Fork with the main Eel was called t[=o]s-kahs-k[=a]. - - Eel R., North Fork--bah´-ne-kut (M); banikot (G). - - Eel R.-North Fork junction--ch[=a]-lin´-ding, kl[=a]-lin-ding - (M). - - Harris region--tah-sahn-ting´, tahs-ahng (M). Harris is a - small town about 8 mi. W of the main Eel R. in the territory of the - Lassik (according to Merriam's boundaries). - - Hettenshaw Valley--ken-tes´-tung (M). This valley is in Lassik - territory about 12 mi. N of the Wailaki boundary. It lies between - the headwaters of the North Fork of the Eel and the headwaters of - the Van Duzen R. - - Horse Ranch Cr.--kus´-ken-tes´-be (M); canAñtcakot (G). These - are clearly not the same names but sometimes streams have alternate - names. Cf. Willow Cr. below. - - Horseshoe Bend--ch[=e]s (M). The bend is named for the red - copper spring of Copper Mine Cr. ki´-ke-che (M) is the name for - the western part of the loop of Horseshoe Bend, to-sahng´-kut, - t[=o]s-ahng-kut (M) is the name of the part of Horseshoe Bend N of - Island Mt. Horseshoe Bend is the big switchback curve in the Eel R. - about 6 mi. N of the mouth of North Fork. - - Indian Cr.--chen-nes-no´-kut, ken´-nis-no´-kut (M). The name - Indian Cr. does not appear on any of the USGS maps but it is the - name used by Merriam. - - Island Mt.--bahng-kut, bahn-kut (M); bañk'At (G). Island Mt. - is a range of hills bordered on the E by the Eel R. and extending - from the mouth of North Fork in the S to beyond Horseshoe Bend in - the N. - - Jewett Cr.--sel-di´-kot (M); dAsk'Ekot (G). - - Kekawaka Cr.--kas-n[=a]´-kot, kahs´-ne-kot (M); kasnaikot (G). - - Lake Mt.--s[=a]-kahn-den, se-kahn´-ting (M). Lake Mt. is about - 3 mi. E of the Eel and 3 mi. N of North Fork. - - McDonald Cr.--sah´-nah-chin-che (M); canAñtcIntci (G). - - Middle Trail--be-ten-na´-be (M). This trail was in the hills E - of the Eel R. about a mile south of Indian Cr. - - Mina--to-les´ cho´-be (M). Mina is a modern place name for a - town about 2 mi. N of North Fork and 5 mi. E of the main Eel R. - - Natoikot Cr.--no-toi´-kut (M); natoikot (G). I have given this - creek its Wailaki name because it has no English name and is not, - in fact, located on modern maps. It is said to have run into the - Eel R. about 1-1/2 mi. S of Island Mt. Station, which is on the - southern side of Horseshoe Bend. It has been placed on the map in - accordance with the topography shown on USGS Hoaglin Quadrangle. - - Pine Cr.--ten-di´-kot (M); lacEtcikot (G). Merriam was not - certain that his name was correct. - - Pipe Cr.--taht-so´-kut (M). - - Poonkinny Ridge--nel-kis´-te (M). Merriam says this is the - name of the open ridge between the main Eel R. and the northern - part of Round V. That area is marked Poonkinny Ridge on the USGS - Spyrock Quadrangle. It is in Yuki territory. - - Rattlesnake Cr.--to-nah´-ling (M). This creek is a tributary - of the South Fork of the Eel R. and forms a part of the southern - boundary of the Eel River Wailaki, according to Merriam. - - Rockpile Mt.--sen´-ning ah´-kut (M). This mountain is said to - be on the E side of the Eel R. S of Alder Point, but the name does - not appear on modern maps. - - Round V.--ken´-tes-cho´-be (M). The inhabitants of Round V. - were called ken´-tes cho´-be ke´-ah, a locative rather than a - tribal name. - - Summit V.--ken-tes´[-l]-be (M). Summit V. lies about 2 mi. SE - of the bend of North Fork and seems to have marked the southeastern - limit of North Fork Wailaki territory. It is said that there was - once much camass there. - - Willow Cr.--dabActci'Añkot, slAsyañkot (G). The latter was - used occasionally for the stream. - - Wilson Cr.--dat'olkot (G). - - -ETHNOZOÖLOGY AND ETHNOBOTANY - -The following notes are from Merriam's records. - - Badger is called ye-ku-gus-cho, "he pulls into his hole." - - The Steller Crested Jay is called chi-cho, while the - California Jay is chi-che. In speaking of related species the - Indians often indicate the larger by the suffix _cho_, the smaller - by _che_. - - The Owl is called bis-chil-lo-che if it is small, the Great - Grey Owl is bis-chil-lo-cho. - - The Crow is kah-chan-che, the Raven is kah-chan-cho. - - The Meadow Lark sings in the daytime; the Yellow-breasted Chit - sings at night. - - The Bluebird is a dangerous bird. If a person throws a stone - at it, he should shout first to attract its attention, otherwise it - will throw a pain to him. - - The Junco is a great rustler, always busy hunting for food. - - The Chewink, or Towhee, called Nahl-tse, was instrumental in - procuring the first fire. In the very early days his parents threw - him out. He located the fire and Coyote-man went and got it. - - The Kildeer Plover is called nah-til yah-che, "necklace - wearing." - - The Toad is Rough Frog. - - The Cicada is used as a remedy for headache. The live insect - is pushed up into the nose, where, by kicking around, it makes the - nose bleed, thus curing the headache. - - The Dragonfly feeds rattlesnakes. - - Oak galls, called kim-mos, are excellent for sore eyes, and - also for suppression of urine in children. For weak eyes, the fresh - juice of a green gall is dropped into the eye. (It is astringent - and an excellent remedy and is a common eye drop among many - California tribes.) - - Oak mistletoe is used as a medicinal tea, also as a head-wash, - and sometimes for bathing the entire body. - - The thick creamy juice of the milkweed is called "snake milk." - - -ETHNOGRAPHY - -Each tribelet had its own chief and its own hunting, fishing, acorn, -and seed grounds. In winter the families of each band were scattered -along the river in small rancherias, each consisting of from four to -seven families, mostly blood relations, living together in two or three -houses. Usually there were seven or eight people in each house. - -The winter houses were of split pine slabs, standing upright or sloping -in at the top to form a conical house (pl. 11, _a_). - -People dying at home were buried. Those dying at a distance were burned -(cremated) and their burned bones were wrapped in buckskin, carried home -in a pack-basket, and then buried. - - -PITCH WAILAKI - -The Pitch Wailaki are close relatives of the Eel River Wailaki. They -live in the drainage of the North Fork of the Eel above Asbill Creek. -Virtually nothing is known of this group except their villages and -tribelets, which were recorded by Goddard (1924). Presumably they are -similar in culture to the Eel River Wailaki and the Round Valley Yuki. - -Merriam's notes contain very little information concerning the Pitch -Wailaki. He apparently was never in contact with any informants from -that group and what information he gives is derived from the Eel River -Wailaki. The following summary is presented verbatim from his notes. - -_The Che-teg-ge-kay._--The most southeasterly of the southern -Athabaskan tribes of California and consequently the southernmost of -the Nung-gah^{hl} division. They call themselves Che-teg-ge-kah (Pitch -Indians) and are nicknamed Si-yahng (sand-eaters). Neighboring tribes -call them Che-teg-gah-ahng and Wylakke. - -Beginning on the northwest just below the junction of Salt Creek with -North Fork Eel River (a short distance southeast of Hoaglin Valley) -their northern boundary extends from Salt Creek northeasterly along the -south side of Rock Creek and of Van Horn Creek to its junction with Mad -River, where it turns easterly, crossing the long ridge known as South -Fork Trinity Mountain immediately south of Kelsey Peak, and continuing -easterly to the upper waters of South Fork Trinity River, the west bank -of which it follows upstream to the southwest of North Yolla Bolla -Mountain, where it ends. From North Yolla Bolla the eastern boundary -follows the crest of the high divide southerly past Hammerhorn Peak to -Buck Rock (4 or 5 mi. north of Anthony Pk.) where it turns westerly. -From this point the southern boundary runs west-northwest to North Fork -Eel River, passing just south of Blue Nose Mountain and Hulls Valley -to the northern part of Summit Valley just south of Bald Mountain, and -crossing North Fork Eel River a few miles south of Mina. Salt Creek -forms the principal part of the western boundary. - -They had many summer camps but only two principal winter villages: -To-nis-cho-be (named for an unidentified blue flower), a large village -with a roundhouse situated on the site of Mina on what is now known -as the Charley Moore place; and Uk-ki, situated on Hulls Creek at the -southeast base of Bald Mountain. They always wintered on Bald Mountain -Ridge. - -They had also a permanent summer fishing camp called Ko-sen-ten, known -to the whites as Fishtown, located on Fishtown Creek, a small tributary -rising on Buck Rock and emptying into North Fork of Middle Fork Eel -River directly east of Leach Lake Mountain. - -Their houses were of bark and conical in form. - -Among the enemies of the Che-teg-ge-kah was a related Athapaskan -tribe which they called Theng-tah-hahn (called Then-chah-tung by the -Settenbiden) vaguely described as on the main Eel River between Island -Mountain and Bell Springs. - - -TRIBELETS - -The rest of the information on the Pitch Wailaki presented here concerns -tribelet and village organization and is taken from Goddard (1924). He -lists four tribelets among the Pitch Wailaki (Roman numerals, map 6).: -I, t'odAnnAñ kiyahAñ; II, t'okya kiyahAñ; III, tc'i'añkot kiyahAñ; IV, -tcokot kiyahAñ. - - -VILLAGES - -The villages belonging to each of these tribelets are listed below -(Arabic number, map 6). All are from Goddard's lists. - -I. _t'odAnnAñ kiyahAñ_ - - 1. t'otcadAñ. On the N side of North Fork not far below the - mouth of Hulls Creek. The site was sheltered by ridges on the E and - W and by the main mountainside on the N. Four pits were counted. - - This was the only site visited but the names of other villages - of the group were obtained. In their order downstream from Hulls - Creek they are AntcAnyacbAnnAñ, "pepperwood slope;" sEtcAmmi'; - nE[-l]=g=indAñ; lawasonk'ait; t'AntcankyodAñ. At this last there - is said to have been a large conical earth-covered lodge and many - dwellings. - -II. _t'okya kiyahAñ_ - - 2. [-l]Eliñkyobi', "streams flow together large in." On the - W side of North Fork just upstream from the mouth of Hulls Creek, - situated close to the hillside on a bench about 50 ft. higher than - the river. The site is divided by a gulch on the upstream side of - which, it was said, there had once been houses. Four distinct pits - and 3 less distinct ones were seen there. - - 3. tAntcInyasbAnnAñ. Nearly opposite nando'ndAñ on a point - of land running toward the SW. About 75 ft. above the stream 2 - pits, one above the other, were seen. No more could well have been - accommodated. - - 4. nando'ndAñ. On the E side of the river and about 1/4 mi. - above the mouth of Hulls Creek, 30 ft. above the bed of North Fork. - Four house pits were counted there, one of which was 15 ft. in - diameter and 5 ft. deep. This was the village of Goodboy Jack's - father. - - 5. kAllata. Named for a big jagged rock standing N of the - village site. It was on the W side of the river 1/4 mi. N of - tAntcInyasbAnnAñ and 300 ft. higher than the river. A grove of oaks - stands on a rounded point where 3 house pits were seen. A gulch on - the southern side furnished water in winter. - - 6. tco'Ammi'. On the W side of the river about 1/4 mi. - upstream from kAllata. The site is on a wide point of land covered - with oaks and pepperwood trees. There is a sheer rock on the - opposite side of the river. Three pits were seen here. - - 7. tAltcAskIñ. Named from a knoll, tAltcAs. Situated on the - slope of a large ridge around the end of which North Fork swings, - from flowing SE, to S. It was about 500 ft. higher than the stream - and distant from it about 1/8 mi. Here once stood an earth lodge, - the pit of which was 30 ft. in diameter. The center post was said - to have been 18 ft. high. The doorway was toward the N. Goodboy - Jack remembered going into this house when he was a small boy. - Messengers had been sent out to invite people from a distance of - two days' travel and Indians from the main Eel R. and from the - north were present. - - 8. sAñ'AnyE. Named from a very large rock standing on the - E side of the river. The village was on the W side a little - downstream from this rock. On a bench 30 ft. above the river bed - were seen 5 house pits and above were 6 more, one above the other, - on the slope. In this village lived tAntcAnyacta', who had charge - of the earth lodge at tAltcAskIñ, and si'idonta, who was "boss" of - all the villages of the t'okya kiyahAñ, especially when they camped - together in summertime. - - [Illustration: Map 6. Villages and tribelets of the Pitch - Wailaki. Roman numerals indicate tribelets according to Goddard - (1929); arabic numerals mark village sites.] - - 9. t'AntcAntantE[-l]dAñ, "pepperwood flat." About 100 yds. S - of the large rock called kai[-l]tsotci on a small bench on the - mountainside about 1,000 ft. above North Fork. Three pits were - found. A rock shelter higher on the hillside and to the S was - pointed out. At this village, shortly before the coming of white - people, lived dA=g=a'tco, "large beard," chief of this village - and of annEnE'tcAñ, of all the t'okya kiyahAñ, in fact. He was - succeeded by his son kissEkE', who was killed by the whites. - - 10. kai[-l]tsotci canAndAñ. Named for the large rock - kai[-l]tsotci, under the shelter of which the village stood. Four - pits were seen here and N of a small ridge were 3 others. - - 11. annEnE'tcAñ. On the NE side of the river stand two huge - rocks, the upstream one called sE[-l]tcAnnAñ, the downstream one - sAnAn. Between these two rocks flows a creek and on its N side, 75 - ft. below the summit of the rocks, were 3 house pits in a hollow. - A little S and 100 ft. higher were found in succession 3, 2, and 5 - pits. - - 12. mAntc'aik'At. On the mountainside N of a large rough - ravine and about 900 ft. higher than the bed of North Fork. Four - pits were found. - - 13. mIstco'ca'nAndAñ. Up the hill from no. 12. It was not - visited. - - 14. sE[-l]tcAnnAnt'a. Named for a high rock, sE[-l]tcAnnAñ, on - the S side of which there are 5 pits and, 100 yds. below, 6 more. - The site is about 700 ft. above North Fork and has a wonderful - outlook on the valley of that stream. - - 15. k'AckAntE[-l]dAñ, "alder flat." On the W side of the river - on a curving bench. Two pits were found close to the hillside, and - 2 nearer to the stream. Downstream on a little bench there were - also 2 indistinct ones, said by Jack to have been used long ago. - - 16. sE[-l]tcAnnAñ yE. At the base of the rock mentioned in no. - 14. Three pits were found on a small bench. - -III. _tc'i'añkot kiyahAñ_ - - 17. lonbAstEdAñ. On a flat on the S side of Casoose Cr. a - short way above its mouth. There were some unoccupied buildings - there at the time of Goddard's visit. The place was seen from the - trail on the N side of the creek. - - 18. sE[-l]kantcilai'. Mentioned as situated on the E side of - the creek below no. 25. - - 19. Goddard gives no name or other information for this - village but it is shown on his map. - - 20. sEttcitcikItdatdAñ, Named for a rock, settci. It was at - the base of a mountain on the N side of the creek and just above - the flood waters. It had a good SE exposure. Three pits in a row - were found. - - 21. yIctAnnEbi', "wolf's road in." About 300 yds. below the - large butte mentioned in no. 23. It was across an open knoll and - back from the creek somewhat, so the sun reaches the spot. There - are 2 pits there. Steelhead salmon are able to come up the creek - this far. - - 22. kIlkokyodAn. On the S side of the butte mentioned in no. - 23 and about 100 yds. distant. Four large pits were noticed. - - 23. kIkokyokInnEdAñ. Named for the bushy butte at the base of - which the village stood. The site is 100 ft. higher than the creek, - on its NW side just below a canyon. Three pits were seen. - - 24. mAñk'AtdAñ. Named from a small pond, near which are - deserted buildings and an old orchard. A hundred yards NE of this - pond, back against the hill, 4 pits were found in a row, 2 more - above them, and 2 others near by, making 8 altogether. The last - chief of this village was named tcAsnainIñaita'. - - 25. I[-l]t'Aktcibi'. Named from black oaks. It is nearer the - creek than no. 24. The number of pits was not recorded but signs of - a village there were unmistakable. - - 26. t'AntcigIt'tcAñ. On the W side of the creek nearly - opposite no. 27. It was N of a small creek with running water and - of a ridge which runs down to the main creek and terminates in a - great, nearly sheer cliff. The village site is about 500 ft. higher - than the stream. Eight pits in two rows were counted. - - 27. k'aickontE[-l]dAñ. On the E side of Casoose Cr. on a flat - 100 ft. higher than the creek, which flows just below it. The - village site is near a post which marked the old boundary between - Trinity and Mendocino counties. Two pits were seen. - - 28. tc'iañmiyE. On the E side of and 100 ft. higher than - Casoose Cr. It was 100 yds. downstream from the beginning of the - canyon. Five pits were counted. - -IV. _tcokot kiyahAñ_ - -The winter villages of this group were on Red Mountain Cr. Goodboy Jack -said that he did not know the village names. The impression had been -received that Salt Creek V. was inhabited but Jack said it was too cold -to live there in the winter. Presumably it was the hunting ground of the -tcokot kiyahAñ. - - -LASSIK - -The Lassik occupied the drainage of the main Eel River between the -mouths of Dobbyn and Kekawaka creeks and the territory east of there -to the crest of the Coast Range. There is almost no ethnographic -information on this group in the literature except a few notes gathered -by Essene (1942) when he was compiling a Culture Element List for the -area. Even the geographic information on this group is weak. Merriam -does not seem to have spent much time among them. Goddard may have -recorded their villages but, if so, I have been able to find only a -small part of his data. What there is I give below. - -Merriam records only random notes on the Lassik. His informant from that -group was Lucy Young, the same woman Essene worked with so effectively -(Essene, 1942; see also Kroeber's data, App. II). According to Merriam, -she lived with her daughter, Mrs. William Clark, on a ranch about two -miles south of Zenia; Mrs. Clark's husband came originally from Hyampom. -Merriam seems to have visited Lucy Young in 1922. His only statement on -the group follows. - - Sit-ten-biden keah ... Main Eel River from Fort Seward region - on north, southerly to Harris and Kekawaka Creek; westerly to South - Fork Eel River; easterly to Forest Glen and South Fork Trinity - River near Kelsey Peak. - - -TRIBELETS - -Merriam's notes contain no systematic information on the tribelets of -this group but do give the following miscellaneous data. - -Kos-kah-tun-den ka-ah is the Settenbiden name for a related tribelet in -the Blocksburg region [the territory E of Alder Pt.], now extinct. Their -language is the same as that of the Bridgeville group but with many -words different from Settenbiden. - -Sa-tahl-che-cho-be is the Settenbiden name for the band on the east -side of the Main Eel River just below the mouth of Kekawaka Creek. -This tribelet is the "sko-den ke-ah" of the Eel River Wailaki. Neither -Merriam nor Goddard was sure whether the group ought not more properly -to be included in the Lassik or the Wailaki. - -Taht-so keah is the name of a tribelet to the north of the Eel River -Wailaki which the latter said was related to them. This group, together -with the sa-tahl-che-cho-be, is said to constitute the then-chah-tung -tribelet of the Lassik. - - -VILLAGES - -For the most part the Lassik villages recorded by Merriam (and listed -below) cannot be located, hence they have not been placed on the map. - - Kahsh-bahn. A Lassik village on the W side of the main Eel R. - about 2 mi. above (S of) the mouth of Jewett Cr. This was a big - town and there were lots of acorns near there. - - Kes-tah-che. On the E side of the main Eel R. nearly opposite - (a little above) the mouth of Jewett Cr. - - 'Ki-che-be. On the site of the present (1923) store at Ruth on - the Mad R. This was a big town with many houses and a sweathouse. - There were lots of deer, bear, and acorns in this area. During - the cold weather, usually in January, a dance, which lasted three - nights, was held in this village. - - Sa-cho-yeh. A large village on the E side of the main Eel R. - about 2-1/2 mi. S of Alder Pt. - - Sa-tahl-che-cho-be. The name means "red rocks." On the E side - of the main Eel R. about 1/2 mi. or a mile below the mouth of - Kekawaka Cr. There were falls and a whirlpool there. - - Tah-kah-ta-cho-be. On the E side of the Mad R. on a flat near - the Hay place about 10 mi. above Ruth. It was a big town with a - sweathouse. - - Taht-so. On the Underhill ranch, which was owned by Glenn or - Green at the time Merriam was in the area (1920's). Evidently it - was somewhere in the Harris region W of the main Eel R. - - Tha-cho-yeh. On the main Eel R. on a flat under a high - standing rock. The rock is now called Cain Rock. It is on the E - side of the river about 3 mi. S of Alder Pt. - - Tha-ken-nes-ten. The name means "talking rock." The village - was on the E side of the main Eel R. near a big rock which stood at - a bend of the river at the Johnson place (near a big white house). - It was a big town with a sweathouse. - - Tha-tah-che. A large winter village in Soldier Basin on the - North Fork of the Eel (near present Gilman place). This was a big - town but had no sweathouse. In the winter they hunted deer and bear - here. - - To-be-se-a-tung. On the E side of the Mad R. above the Bushman - place. It was about a mile above the river. - - To-sos-ten. On the E side of the main Eel R. a mile or two - above Alder Pt. - -There is some ambiguity in Merriam's notes on the status of the Lassik -living in the western part of their territory near the South Fork of -the Eel. The Sinkyone George Burt told Merriam that a group called the -To-kub´-be ke´ah or To´-kah-be held the land on the east side of South -Fork from Rocky Glen Creek south to above Garberville. This tribe was -said to be centered on the east branch of South Fork and in the Harris -region and to be a different tribe from the one on the main Eel River -at Alder Point and Kekawaka Creek, but Merriam himself has refused to -accept this assertion. - -Goddard's information indicates that the east bank of South Fork was -owned by the Sinkyone, and it is so detailed that it has been accepted -here (see p. 164). - -Goddard's unpublished material on the Lassik consists of a single map -(here reproduced as map 8), which apparently shows the locations of 27 -villages. A list of what are presumably the village names accompanies -it, but Goddard changed the numbers on his map. Hence on our map the -correct name may not be assigned to each site. - -_Goddard's Lassik Villages_ - - 1. gastc[=i]kdûñ - 2. k[=o]nte^{l}tc[=i]dûñ - 3. satcin[=i]tc[=i]dûñ - 4. naslintce - 5. ist'etatc[=i]dûñ - 6. t[=o]kseye - 7. kiñk'ûtek[=o]nte^{l}dûñ - 8. k'ûct[=o]t[=o]dûñ - 9. d[=i]y[=i]ckûk - 10. nûndûkkatûndûñ - 11. k[=o]nte^{l}tc[=i]dûñ - 12. g[=o]sn[=o]lindûñ - 13. t[=o]tcadûñ - 14. sait[=o]tc[=i] - 15. nûnsûn^{l}tc[=i]kkinne^{=e=}dûñ - 16. y[=i]stcûttcadûñ - 17. tois[=i]b[=i] - 18. lesbatc[=i]tdûñ - 19. k'ûstc[=i]kdûñ - 20. tcûggûstatc[=i]^{=e=} - 21. lesbaitc[=i]^{=e=} - 22. setatc[=i]^{=e=} - 23. kast[=o]ntc[=i]^{=e=}dûñ - -Goddard lists other names, presumably for the Lassik villages, as -follows: sekû[-l]ne, tectatalindûñ, dûltc[=i]kyacdûñ, t'o-todûñ, -k'ûsnesdûñ, ne ga b[=i], kûttantc[=i]tc[=o]dûñ. The sites corresponding -to these names cannot be located. - -[Illustration: Map 7. Presumed Nongatl villages in the Bridgeville -region.] - -[Illustration: Map 8. Lassik villages in the Alder Point region.] - - -NONGATL - -The Nongatl are almost entirely confined to the drainages of the Van -Duzen River and upper Mad River. Their culture is the least known of -any group in northwestern California. Merriam evidently did not work -in their area although he recorded a few of their words given him by -George Burt's wife. George Burt was a Sinkyone, but his wife was born -and raised near Bridgeville. Goddard recorded some villages for this -group, whose names are given below. Nomland worked with someone from the -Nongatl in 1928 (Nomland, 1938, p. 9), but her results have not been -published. - -The territory of the Nongatl lies, for the most part, east of the main -redwood belt. It is therefore no doubt well supplied with oaks, and -plant foods are thus readily available. Salmon are abundant in the Van -Duzen River (pl. 10, _c_) and Yager Creek but not in the Mad River -in eastern Nongatl territory. In much of their territory then, the -subsistence patterns of the Nongatl must have differed from those of -most of northwestern California, where fishing was of primary importance. - -According to Merriam (1923) the word Nung-kah^{hl} is "a general or -blanket name used by themselves for all the southern Athapaskan tribes, -from Iaqua and Yager Creek on the north to the northern border of -Round Valley on the south, thus including the Athapaskan Wilakke." In -anthropological literature, however, especially in the work of Kroeber -and Goddard, this name has come to be used for the group living between -Iaqua Buttes and Mad River on the north and Dobbyn Creek on the south. -Merriam's name for this group is Kit-tel´. He does not seem to have -obtained any information from them although one of his notes mentions -the fact that the wife of George Burt, his Lolangkok Sinkyone informant, -was a Kit-tel´ woman. - -At times Merriam seems to have confused the Nongatl with the Lassik. In -his general statement on the Nongatl, which follows, he lists them as -Lassik although the area in which he places them marks them as Kit-tel´ -or Nongatl. - - Las´sik ... Name (from Chief Lassik, now dead) in common use - for a Non-ga´h^{hl} tribe occupying a rather large area, extending - from Iaqua Butte in the latitude of the mouth of Eel River, - southerly to Dobbyn Creek and to the head of Van Duzen River, and - from the eastern boundary of the Lolahnkok of Bull Creek and South - Fork Eel River easterly to Mad River and the crest of the long - ridge known as South Fork Mountain, and southerly to within about - two miles of Ruth on Mad River; to the headwaters of Van Duzen - River (but not reaching Kettenshaw Valley), and to Dobbyn Creek on - the main Eel; thus including the entire course and drainage area of - Larrabee Creek. - - There is doubt as to the northern boundary of the so-called - Las´sik for the reason that I have not been able to obtain the - necessary vocabularies for comparison. Goddard's information points - to a division south of the Bridgeville region but I have been told - by both the Nek´-kan-ni´ of Bear River and the Lolahnk[=o]k of Bull - Creek and South Fork Eel that the language is exactly the same from - Iaqua Butte southerly and that the languages of the Nek´-kan-ni´ - and Lo-lahn-k[=o]k do not differ essentially from that of the - Larrabee Creek region. - - The Indians over whom Chief Lassik held sway had no common - tribal name but consisted of a number of bands or subtribes, now - mostly or quite extinct, said to have spoken the same or closely - allied dialects. - - However, since the entire drainage basin of Larrabee Creek is - included in their territory, it may be desirable to adopt the term - Kos´-ten ke´-ah, by which term the Larrabee Creek band was known to - neighbors on the south--the Set-ten-bi´-den ke-ah. - - -SUBGROUPS - -There is evidence of several subgroups among the Nongatl, but it is not -known whether these were tribelets or dialect divisions. Essene (1942, -pp. 90-92) got information from the Lassik woman Lucy Young indicating -that there was a distinct group around Blocksburg, which the Lassik -called Kuskatundun, and another group around Bridgeville they called -Nai'aitci. This latter group is said to have been a roving band which -preyed on all the neighboring peoples. - -Goddard's village data indicate six other groups but do not give -boundaries. These were as follows. - - bûsk[=o]tk[=i]ya. In the neighborhood of Indian Cr. in the - upper part of the drainage of Yager Cr. (map 9). - - tcillûndûñ. On the upper reaches of North Yager Cr. (map 9). - - bûstc[=o]b[=i]k[=i]ya. In the vicinity of the junction of - North and Middle Yager creeks. The language of this group was said - to be the same as that of the tcittelk[=i]ya (map 9). - - senûñka. On upper Larabee Cr. in the vicinity of Blocksburg - (pl. 10, _e_, _f_). This no doubt is the same as Essene's - Kuskatundun, which was the Lassik name for the group (map 10). - - tcittelk[=i]ya. On the Van Duzen R. above Bridgeville. Appears - to be the same name as Merriam's Kit-tel´. - - na'aitcik[=i]ya. On the Van Duzen above the tcittelk[=i]ya - group. This name appears on the Goddard map from which map 1 was - taken but is not otherwise recorded. This is evidently the same as - Essene's Nai'aitci. - - k[=o]sdûñk[=i]ya. On the South Fork of the Van Duzen, - including Larabee V. - - -VILLAGES - -The Nongatl villages recorded below are all taken from Goddard's -unpublished notes (maps 7, 9, 10). This is evidently far from a complete -count but it is clear that there were about as many villages in the area -covered by these maps as in other parts of the Athabascan area. - -_bûsk[=o]tk[=i]ya group (1-7, map 9)_ - - 1. In the swag of a large ridge running toward the SSE to the - junction of the main components of Indian Cr., perhaps a mile from - it. There is one deep pit. There is a flowing creek 200 yds. E. - - 2. A single pit found by Pete E of a small stream flowing - south into Indian Cr. from the lowest place in the ridge at Big - Bend of the Mad R. Nearly 1/2 mi. from Indian Cr. W of a hill above - which the wagon road passes. This is where Goddard camped in 1906. - He hunted all around here without finding other pits. - - [Illustration: Map 9. Nongatl villages on Yager Creek.] - - [Illustration: Map 10. Nongatl villages in the Blocksburg - region.] - - 3. k'onûseb[=i]'. On a point running down SSW toward Indian - Cr. There were two pits near the creek and two more 200 ft. up the - hill. A few large and small oaks were growing there. Water was to - be had a few yards E. Pete saw a house there when he was a boy. - - 4. W of a small stream flowing into Indian Cr. from the N, and - E of a large flat. There was a flat place with dirt thrown out in - front of it but with no pit. About 1/8 mi. E on the round end of a - ridge was a fairly evident pit and a sekal. - - 5. About 200 yds. E of the small stream mentioned in no. 4 - were a few small pits. - - 6. One pit was on the W bank of a S-flowing branch of Indian - Cr. Small ridges N and S of it form a small basin, giving it - protection from the winds. Madrone and black oaks are growing - there. It is possible that a depression on the southern ridge is - also a house pit. - - 7. On a small ridge on the E side of the branch of Indian Cr., - which flows from the S past Fork Baker ranch buildings. About 1-1/2 - mi. north of these buildings Pete found 3 pits. He said there were - small streams N and S of the ridge. Goddard did not visit the place - but it was pointed out by Pete as W of a big Douglas spruce tree - and a large rock. Goddard described it as above. - -_tcillûndûñ group (8-12, map 9)_ - - 8. On the slope N of North Yager Cr. close to the county road - and about 100 yds. from the bridge. There are 2 pits close to the - wagon road and 1 or 2 a little farther N. The site is 65 ft. higher - than the bridge. - - 9. kactc[=o]tc[=i]b[=i]', "redwoods..?.. in." On the N side - of North Yager Cr. at the W end of a flat of about an acre. There - are a few redwoods on the opposite side of the creek. Six pits were - found about 100 yds. back from the creek. Pete had heard of the - flat but not that Indians lived there. A hunter told Goddard of the - Indians being killed there by whites. - - 10. About 1/4 mi. up a branch which flows into North Yager Cr. - from the north. On the W side of the creek on a rounded ridge were - 3 pits, 2 of which were very distinct. - - 11. On a small flat on the N side of Yager Cr. and close to it - Pete saw 2 large deep pits. They were about 1/4 mi. downstream from - the branch where village 10 was found. - - 12. tse'dûttc^{l}bûtta'dûñ. A half-mile N of North Yager Cr. - at the edge of Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber. Stones used - by the Indians were lying near the water and 2 pits were found - there. To the W, on the crest of the ridge, there were 5 pits at - the S end of the timber. A cabin stands there. - -Goddard lists five more sites found in this vicinity on North Yager -Creek but they are not named and their locations are indefinite so they -will not be given here. - -_bûstc[=o]b[=i]k[=i]ya group (13-18, map 9)_ - - 13. senindûsc[=i]m[=i]. On the W bank of North Yager Cr. 1/4 - mi. below a waterfall of the same name. Two pits were located 100 - ft. above the creek in brush and timber. On the same side of the - creek but 1/4 mi. downstream were 4 more pits, in one of which a - sekal lay. - - 14. nakat[=o]dûñ. On the E side of North Yager Cr., on a flat - now covered with huckleberry brush. Pete found 2 pits here. On the - W side of the creek, a little downstream, were 2 more pits. The - flat had been badly washed away by freshets. - - 15. Two pits were found among the redwoods and thick brush at - the junction of North and Middle Yager creeks. - - 16. ist'egab[=i]', "madrones in." Just at the eastern edge of - the timber on a point running down toward Middle Yager Cr. were 4 - pits. - - 17. k[=o]ntc[=o]wetc[=i]kinnedûñ. About 1/4 mi. N of Middle - Yager Cr. On a small flat on a hillside, facing SW in open timber - above a small stream. There were 7 pits here. Pete had heard that - there used to be a village so situated. - - 18. An overhanging rock on the N side of Middle Yager Cr. - shows signs of occupation and there is a pit near by. - -_senûñka group (19-35, map 10)_ - - 19. On a little point 200 yds. N of Curless' house. There is - one pit. Charlie Taylor's grandmother was born here, according to - Curless, who showed the site to Goddard. This was the most northern - village of the senûñka on Larabee Cr. - - 20. t'[=o]kintcab[=i]'. On the hillside on either side of the - stream which crosses the road about a mile S of Curless' place. - It is nearly a mile from Larabee Cr. and is close to the timber. - The village was in a line of Douglas spruce south of an oat-field. - There were 7 large pits on the W side of the stream and 5 on the E - side. With one exception these were N of the fence; others may have - been filled by plowing. - - 21. t'[=o]kintcab[=i]'. On the E side of Larabee Cr. a - good-sized stream flows across the county road by a group of farm - buildings. On the E side of the road close to the N side of this - stream are from 4 to 6 pits. Douglas spruce and tanbark timber with - brush obscured them. On the W side of the road is a large sheep - barn. W of this barn are 4 pits, some quite uncertain because the - ground has been cleared of large Douglas spruce timber. There is a - large plowed flat 1/4 mi. W, near Larabee Cr. Andrew's wife told - Pete of such a place where there used to be many Indians. - - 22. k'ûcna'aidûñ (?). In a swag on the W side of a gulch lined - with Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber with exposure toward the - S. There are 5 distinct pits. - - 23. On a point 200 yds. N of the junction of the two main - components of Larabee Cr., W of a small stream. There were 4 pits, - only one of which was large. The end of a pestle was lying in this - one. - - 24. On the E side of Larabee Cr., between it and the county - road, on the S side of a small stream. There was one pit. The - building of the road may have destroyed others. - - 25. On a large flat N of the junction of the two components of - Larabee Cr. and a little to the E. There were 10 pits. There is a - cabin and a corral here and many pits may have been filled in. - - 26. On the hillside N of the eastern component of Larabee Cr. - Pete thought there were 3 pits. There had been slides there and - Goddard was not sure of them. - - 27. On the N side of a large branch of Larabee Cr. from the E, - 200 yds. N of where it is joined by a stream from the N. The stream - from the E is bûstadûñk[=o]t. There were 3 pits among the Douglas - spruce and black oaks. - - 28. On the E side of the Eel R. about 3/4 mi. N of the mouth - of Coleman Cr. at the edge of timber on a small bench. There were 2 - small house pits. - - 29. On the E side Of the Eel about 300 yds. N of the mouth of - Coleman Cr., 75 yds. back from the river and 40 ft. above it. There - were 2 large deep pits. The exposure is SW. - - 30. canak[=i]', "creek tail." On the E side of the Eel R. S of - the mouth of Coleman Cr. There were 3 pits close to the creek but - high above it on the bank, 2 on a flat 25 yds. S, and 2 more near a - dry gulch 200 yds. S of the creek. Near the creek the brakes were - so thick that many pits may have been overlooked. This place was - mentioned by Charlie in 1908. - - 31. On the E side of the Eel R. about 500 yds. S of the mouth - of Coleman Cr. on a flat close to the S side of a gulch lined with - maple and peppernut trees. There were 8 pits here and 7 or 8 more - from 50 to 75 yds. S. - - 32. N of the knoll which is just below the forks of Coleman - Cr. There was 1 pit. - - 33. On the E side of the Eel R. about 300 yds. N of the mouth - of Mill Cr. on a brushy point. There were 5 pits. - - 34. On the E side of the Eel R. N of the mouth of Mill Cr. - just S of a big rock. There were 2 pits. - - 35. nadaitcûñ. This name was supplied by Charlie in 1908 as - belonging to the village at the mouth of a large creek on the E - side of the Eel R. above Coleman Cr. - - -SINKYONE - -The Sinkyone occupied the territory on the west side of the South Fork -of the Eel from Scotia south to Hollow Tree Creek. From the Mattole -boundary at Spanish Flat south to the Coast Yuki line at Usal Creek they -held the coast. - -We have more ethnographic information about the Sinkyone than about -most of the Athabascan groups. Merriam's material and Goddard's data -combined provide a virtually complete village list for the northern, -or Lolangkok, Sinkyone and a few villages for the southern, or Shelter -Cove, Sinkyone. Kroeber's Handbook (1925_a_, pp. 145-150) gives a fair -amount of general ethnography and this is well augmented by Nomland's -paper (Nomland, 1935). - -Sinkyone territory is in the redwood coastal zone and this location no -doubt reduced somewhat the supply of vegetal food. The Sinkyone were, -however, well supplied with fish products by the Eel River, which not -only had an excellent salmon run but also provided quantities of lamprey -eel. - -On the basis of Merriam's linguistic evidence the Sinkyone have been -divided into a northern group, called Lolangkok after the native -name for Bull Creek, and a southern group, called Shelter Cove after -a sheltered spot on the coast midway between the Mattole and Yuki -boundaries. This division is rendered somewhat questionable by the -unreliability of Sally Bell, Merriam's Shelter Cove Sinkyone informant. -It is doubtful, however, whether Sally Bell's linguistic information -could be falsified. In any case, the separation is partly verified by -Goddard's data and I have therefore accepted it. - -The Merriam notes contain a comparatively large amount of material on -the Lolangkok Sinkyone. The following general statement on that group is -taken verbatim from that source. - - The Lo-lahn´-k[=o]k. Information is from George Burt, a member - of the tribe, who was raised on Bull Creek at the rancheria called - Kahs-cho´-chin-net´-tah about seven miles upstream from Dyerville, - at a place now known as Schoolhouse Flat, and who now lives near - Fortuna (1922). - - The territory of the Lo-lahn´-k[=o]k began on the north at - Shively and covered a narrow strip on the east side of the main Eel - River to Dyerville, and a much broader area on the west side, and - continued southerly on the west side of South Fork Eel River nearly - to Garberville. On the west it not only covered the South Fork - drainage, but continued over Elk Ridge to the head waters of Upper - Mattole River. - - The southern boundary ran a little north of Ettersburg, - Briceland, and Garberville. - - Informant states that on the east side of South Fork Eel River - their territory included only the immediate river valley. - -Merriam's informant from the Southern Sinkyone was Sally Bell. She had -evidently lived at Briceland for more than thirty years when she was -interviewed in 1923. Nomland (1935, p. 149) says of her that she was -"born Needle Rock; reared from childhood by white settlers, married -Coast Yuki, Tom Bell; blind, senile, sees spirits in rafters, etc." -(See fig. 1, _d_.) This group Merriam describes only in a brief general -statement, summarized as follows. - -[Illustration: Fig. 1. Athabascan tattooing noted by C. Hart Merriam. -_a_, _b_. Whilkut women, _c_. Bear River woman from a sketch made by -Merriam in 1921. _d_. From a sketch made by Merriam of the Shelter Cove -woman named Sally Bell.] - - To´-cho´-be ke´ah is their own name and the Lolahnkok name - for the tribe (and village) in the Briceland region (between the - South Fork of the Eel and the coast). It is used also in a larger - sense for all bands speaking the same dialect from the west side of - the South Fork of the Eel River (in the Garberville region) to the - coast. The Set´tenbi´den [Lassik] call this group Yis-sing´-kun-ne. - The name of the group is pronounced To-cho´-be ke´ah by the - Lolahn´k[=o]k and Taw-chaw´-be-ke´ah by themselves. - - -TRIBELETS - -None of the tribelets of the Sinkyone is described or located -specifically enough to permit the drawing of boundaries. Hence they are -merely listed here, with available location data. Nomland (1935, p. -151) says: "Two informants always gave names of land areas in place of -village names." These names are no doubt those of tribelets. - - chi-chin-kah ke-ah (Merriam). This is the name for the - tribelet between the upper waters of Bull Cr. and Elk Ridge. - Nomland gives the name chacingu´k for the group in the ridge N of - Briceland, which is evidently Elk Ridge. - - yese'kuk (Nomland). This is given as the Mattole R. area, - possibly a tribelet designation. - - The two tribelets listed above are the only ones noted in the - area of the Bull Creek or Lolangkok Sinkyone. The following, all - from Merriam except where noted, are in the area of the Shelter - Cove Sinkyone. - - to-cho-be ke-ah (taw-chaw-be keah). Name for the tribelet and - village in the Briceland region between the South Fork of the Eel - and the coast. Used in the larger sense for all the tribelets from - Briceland south to Usal Cr. totro'b[=e] (Nomland, 1935). This was - the name of the Briceland area. - - nahs-lin-che-ke-ah. This was the name of the tribelet on South - Fork S of Garberville. senke'kut (Nomland). This is given as the - area "to the South Fork from Garberville." - - tahng-ah-ting keah. This was the Bull Creek Sinkyone name - for the Shelter Cove and Point Delgada tribelet. They were called - tahng-i-keah by themselves and by the Briceland Sinkyone. Kroeber - (1925, p. 145) gives tangating as the place name for Shelter Cove. - - Usal (Yosawl). This is the southernmost tribelet of the - Briceland Sinkyone, said to extend from Usal Cr. to Shelter Cove. - According to Kroeber (1925, p. 145) "This word seems to be from - Pomo Yoshol, denoting either the Coast Yuki or the Mankya, both of - whom are north of the Pomo; but yo is 'south' and shol 'eastward' - in that language." - -The following names are given by Nomland for Sinkyone areas. They do not -correspond to Merriam's tribelets and are probably just place names. - - anse'ntakuk The land south of Briceland - - cusacic'ha The region north of Garberville - - yenekuk The area southeast of Briceland - - yese' The coast area to the Mattole boundary at Four Mile Cr. - - -VILLAGES - -Most of the Sinkyone villages given here are taken from Goddard's notes. -A few are also given by Merriam. In the list the source is indicated -by (G) for Goddard, (M) for Merriam. Merriam's notes contain, besides -the village names, a list of place names on the Eel and on South Fork, -running from Scotia to south of Garberville (see pp. 191-193, map 13). -In areas where Merriam's material can be compared with Goddard's these -place names nearly all turn out to be village names. It seems likely -therefore that, in other areas also, nearly all are village names. In -calculating population (see p. 216), I have occasionally used these to -augment the village count. - -_Lolangkok Sinkyone villages on the main Eel (map 11)._--Of the -following villages, the two north of the mouth of South Fork are from -Merriam's notes, for which George Burt was the informant. Merriam also -gives several place names for the area below the mouth of South Fork, -and it seems probable that most, if not all, of these were actually -villages rather than mere landmarks; this was certainly so farther south -on South Fork. - -[Illustration: Map 11. Villages of the Lolangkok Sinkyone.] - -Above the mouth of South Fork the villages are from Goddard's notes; the -informant was Charlie and the information was gathered in 1903 and 1908. -It is possible that these villages are not Sinkyone. However, there is -no specific evidence for attributing this region to the Nongatl and it -is known that Charlie was a Lolangkok Sinkyone, so I have placed them in -this latter group. Goddard has given the section, township, and range -locations as he did for the preceding villages. These have been helpful -in locating the sites, but I have omitted his notations because they -are no longer accurate; the maps have been changed since the time of -Goddard's original work. - - 1. lah-s[=a]-se´-te (M). At Shively on the main Eel R. - - 2. kah´-li-cho´-be, "growing flat" (M). At a place now called - Englewood, a small settlement 9 mi. E of Scotia bridge. The name is - said to refer to things growing up there. - - 3. seûstcelindûñ (G). On the S bank of the main Eel not far - downstream from Dyerville. - - 4. t[=o]nesdadûñ (G). On the NE bank of the Eel directly - across from seûstcelindûñ. - - 5. tetcinne (G). On the E side of the Eel upstream from - t[=o]nesdadûñ. A big rock, pointing downstream, is said to project - into the river there. - - 6. tûggûstc[=o] dasañke (G). On the E side of the Eel S of - tetcinne. A large rancheria in an open place. - - 7. naltcûñka (G). On the W side of Eel R. S of tûggûstc[=o] - dasañke. There is a big slide there. It is below Camp Grant on the - S side, according to Charlie, 1903. - - nahl-tsin´-kah (M). Camp Grant. - - 8. t[=o][-l]tciñyasta' (G). On the E side of the Eel about 1 - mi. above naltcûñka. A large rock stands back of the village site. - - 9. tadûttc[=i]' (G). On the E side of the Eel not far above - t[=o][-l]tciñyasta', at the mouth of a large creek in which salmon - run (tadak[=o]k, Thompson Cr.?). Above Camp Grant. - - 10. tcillûñdûñ (G). On the E side of the Eel 1/4 mi. - above tadûttc[=i]'. An open place without a creek. (Given as - k[=i]lûndûñk[=i]a by Charlie in 1903.) - - 11. ne'gakak, "moss"? (G). On the W side of the Eel opposite - tcillûñdûñ. - - 12. ne'tcink[=o]k (G). At the mouth of a creek on the W side - of the Eel some way above ne'gakak. - - 13. gactc[=o]bi', "redwoods in" (G). In a large open flat - among the redwoods on the E side of the Eel above ne'tcink[=o]k. - Given by Charlie in 1903 as kûctc[=o]bek[=i]a on the S side. - - 14. On the E side of the Eel just S of a creek which flows - down a steep rough bed on a rather high bench are 4 pits. The - ground is black with refuse and cooking stones lie about. The river - enters a canyon N of this creek. A round timbered butte is close to - the mouth of the creek on the N. A great timbered butte seems to - occupy the E bank of the river for several miles. - - 15. seda'dûn, "rock mouth place" (G). On the E side (W also?), - where the river flows out between rocks. A small creek is there. - About 2 mi. above gactc[=o]bi'. - -_Lolangkok Sinkyone villages on South Fork (map 11)._-- - - 16. [-l]tcûnta'dûñ (G). Said to have been on the W side of - South Fork and the S side of the Eel R., where the store and saloon - of Dyerville now stand. - - chin-tah´-tah (M). The flat occupied by Dyerville; this is no - doubt the same as the name given by Goddard. - - 17. kahs-cho´-chin-net´-tah (M). A large village on Bull Cr. - about 7 mi. upstream from Dyerville. The place is now known as - Schoolhouse Flat. - - 18. [-l][=o]lûñk[=i]' (G). On the S bank of Bull Cr. at its - mouth, in large redwood timber. There were 10 pits along the bank - of South Fork and the pit of a yitco', 8 paces across, about 200 - yds. W of the mouth of Bull Cr. A large redwood, hollowed by - fire, had fallen, the floor being 4 ft. below the ground. Charlie - remembered seeing Indians living in it. Charlie thought there used - to be three or four houses on the S side of the creek, but we found - no evidence of them. Three men were once killed here by whites, and - a woman was shot through the hips; she lay here a day or two and - died. One of the white men, named Steve, cut a piece from the arm - of one of the Indians, built a fire, cooked it, and ate it. The - best man of the Indians escaped. - - lo-lahn´-k[=o]k (M). Bull Cr. Merriam does not mention a - village at its mouth. - - 19. [-l][=o]lûñk[=o]k y[=i]bañ (G). On the E bank of South - Fork opposite and N of the mouth of Bull Cr. Two pits were seen - directly across from Bull Cr. and 2 about 100 yds. downstream. They - are in heavy redwood timber, but receive a good deal of sun because - they are close to the river, which flows NW at this point. - - 20. s[=o]snoibûndûñ (G). On the E bank of South Fork about a - mile S of the mouth of Bull Cr. Five pits were counted in small - redwood timber, where there is a spring which supplied the village. - There used to be a yitco' here, in which Charlie remembered dancing - when he was a small boy. - - 21. nûnsûntc[=o]tc[=i]', "butte large mouth" (G). On both - sides of the mouth of Brush Cr. (Canoe Cr.) in large redwood - timber. On the N side are 6 pits, 5 of them in a row back about 30 - yds. There are seven pits on the S side of the creek, some of them - much plainer than others. The father of Albert's wife, Sally, came - from this village. - - nahn´-sin-cho´-ke (M). See Place Names. - - 22. sedj[=o]cb[=i]' (G). On the E bank of South Fork, which - flows toward the W at this point. A stream from the E (Feese Cr.) - flows in a little above the village. There are many tanbark oaks - growing near by, which Charlie suggested were the reason for the - village's being located here. Seven pits could be distinguished; - the clearing away of timber may have obscured some others. The name - setc[=o]sdiñ was also given by Charlie. Tc[=o]s means vagina, "what - woman has." - - s[=a]-ch[=o]s-te (M). See Place Names. - - 23. gûtta'bûndûñ, named from a deep hole in the stream (G). On - the W side of South Fork, where it flows toward the NE just below - Myer's. The site has been completely washed away. Charlie's father - belonged here and Charlie lived here when a boy. Jack, Charlie's - half-brother, was born at this village. There used to be a yitco' - and a large hollow tree in which a family used to spend the winter. - - kah-tah´-be (M). See Place Names. - - 24. tantañaik[=i]' bûndûñ (G). On the E side of South Fork. - A creek, along which are many tanbark oaks, flows into South Fork - on the opposite side and a little above. The name of the creek is - tantañaik[=o]k (Coon Cr.). The site is just below a garden. The - place was so grown up with brakes it was impossible to count the - pits. - - 25. t[=o]dûnni', "water sings" (G). On the NW corner of Myer's - Flat on the right bank of South Fork, where it completes its course - toward the W and turns toward the NE. The site has been washed - away. There used to be large peppernut trees growing there. A few - are still left. The name of Myer's Flat is kûnteltc[=o]b[=i]. It is - also mentioned as kontelky[=o]b[=i]. - - ken´-tes-cho´-be (M). See Place Names. - - 26. sestcicbandûñ (G). On the right bank of South Fork on a - narrow bench between the hill and that stream. There is an eddy - in the river just above, which furnished good fishing, and many - oaks are on the hills. The site received plenty of sun because the - river flows W at this point. Four pits were seen. Also given as - sûstc[=i]cb[=i], "rough like a rasp." - - ses-che´-is-ke (M). See Place Names. - - 27. sebûggûnna', "rock around" (G). On the right side and - close to South Fork just downstream from a rocky point around which - the river changes its direction from S to NW. Fourteen or fifteen - pits could be distinguished, most of them quite distinct. - - s[=a]-bug´-gah-nah´ (M). See Place Names. - - 28. sek[=o]ntc[=o]bandûñ (G). On the left side of South Fork - nearly opposite sebûggûnna'. The sandy bench is covered with - brakes. Five pits were made out. Charlie lived here for four - years after he came back from the reservation. Also mentioned as - tañaib[=i]. - - 29. s[=o]ldek[=o]k bûkk[=i]'d[=u]ñ (G). On a small flat - covered with large redwood timber on the N side of South Fork and - on the W side of Elk Creek (s[=o]ldek[=o]k), which flows into it - from the N. Seven pits were counted along the banks of the river - and the creek. - - s[=o]l´-te-che (M). See Place Names. - - 30. sente[-l]tcelindûñ, "rock flat flows out place" (G). - Close to the W bank of South Fork near a deep fishing place. There - are three pits between the county road and the river. Also called - sentelduñ. - - sen-t[)e]^{ch}-be (M). See Place Names. - - 31. ca'nak[=i]', "creek trail" (G). On the W bank of South - Fork 100 yds. N of the mouth of Salmon Cr., in large redwoods. - The river has washed the soil away so no evidence of occupation - remains. Willow brush is now growing there. Also called - natonank[=o]k bûttc[=i]'dûñ. - - sah-nah´-k[=o]k (M). Name for Salmon Cr. See Place Names. - - 32. tc[=i]stc[=i]bi' (G). On the E bank of South Fork opposite - the mouth of Salmon Cr. It is on the end of a ridge. Charlie had a - ne'y[=i]k' here after returning from the reservation (village site - not visited). This village was mentioned by Sam as his birthplace. - His mother may have been from here. Also referred to by Charlie as - canak[=i]' and tcûstc[=e]k[=o]ok. - - 33. nant'[=o]' (G). On the N side of Salmon Cr. in a bend. - Large redwoods fill the valley of the creek as well as the - particular site of this village. Five deep, distinct pits were - seen. There are said to be one or two on the south side of the - creek. - - 34. k[=o]nte[-l]b[=i], "flat in" (G). On a large flat, through - which Salmon Cr. flows. The village was on the N side of the creek - near where Tomlinson's barn now stands. There is a spring there - near a pepperwood tree. This flat is now in peach orchard. - - 35. kaslintc[=o]'dûñ, "riffle large place" (G). On the N side - of Salmon Cr. about 400 yds. upstream from k[=o]nte[-l]b[=i]'. - - 36. setcinnabatse tcelindûn (G). On the N side of Salmon Cr. - in a basin-like flat. Four pits were seen near the creek and 4 in a - row back about 50 yds. against the base of the hill. There were 2 - more pits in front of the last 4, making 10 in all. There is heavy - Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber on the southern side of the - creek. About 200 yds. upstream is a waterfall, which provided fine - fishing, since large salmon could not jump the falls. - - 37. bandûñ (G). On the end of a ridge, W of a small run lined - with peppernut trees. About 200 yds. NE of se[-l]tcindûñ. There - were 5 pits, 2 of which were very large. - - 38. setcinnabatse (G). On a flattened end of the ridge E of - se[-l]tcindûñ, 300 yds. S and a little W of it. Two pits were - certain. - - 39. se[-l]tcindûñ (G). On the E side of a gulch, in which - there was flowing water in July, about 300 yds. N of Salmon Cr. - There were 4 or 5 pits. The ground is strewn with black stones. - - 40. tcebanedûñ (G). On the flattened portion of a ridge, with - southern exposure. Black oaks and buckeyes are growing there. - Seven pits were to be seen with black stones lying in them. Great - broken rocks lie in a gulch to the west. About 350 yds. NNW of - se[-l]tcindûñ. - - 41. setc[=o]'seye (G). A large rock, with the overhanging side - facing SE. A rim of earth showed where the house wall used to be on - the W. The E was left open. About 1/4 mi. W of the falls of Salmon - Cr. - - 42. t[=o][-l]elindûñ, "water flows together place" (G). On the - flat W of Salmon Cr. and W of a large creek flowing into it from - the S (South Fork Salmon Cr.). Four pits are close to the bank of - Salmon Cr. and a fifth was partly caved in. One was seen on the - lower part of the flat to the S. - - 43. nesdai'dûñ (G). Said to be on a side hill. - - 44. to[-l]elindûñ, "water comes together place" (G). Said to - be where three creeks join, forming the South Fork of Salmon Cr., - about 5 mi. from its mouth. Distinguished from the village at the - mouth of the same creek by being called "small." - - 45. ses[=o]sye' (G). At the end of a ridge running down to - Salmon Cr. from the E. So close to the bank of the stream that - one pit has been undermined. Four remain. About 1/2 mi. NW of - to[-l]elindûñ. - - 46. ne'kañk[=i]' (G). In the saucer-shaped end of a ridge, - close to the E bank of Salmon Cr. and facing a little S of W. - Opposite, a large creek, called ne'kañk[=o]k, flows in from the W. - There are 9 pits, which may still be seen. Five of them, situated - close to the base of the hill, are very large and deep. Black oaks - grow there. - - 47. ne'i[-l]ga[-l]dûñ, "land shinny-playing place" (G). On a - flat close to the E side of Salmon Cr., which swings around it. A - gulch heads in the cedar grove N of the Hunter ranch buildings. - Twelve or 13 pits were counted, 5 of which were quite distinct. - - 48. seistc[=i]' (G). About 1/2 mi. E of Salmon Cr. on the - flattened southern slope of a ridge about 100 yds. from its crest. - There are 8 pits in a row and 1 other, not in line with them. There - is a gulch 100 ft. S of the row of pits. Cedars, black oaks, and - buckeyes grow there. A small pond of water is E of the site. - - 49. mûñkkasaik[=o]k (G). On the W side of a branch of Salmon - Cr. which flows from the N about 1/2 mi. W of the Burnell ranch - house. Two pits are close to the stream and 4 or 5 are 10 or 15 - ft. higher. The higher ones have good sun in the winter. The trail - crosses the creek at this place. - - 50. setc'ûnt[=o]dûñ (G). On the W side of the South Fork of - the Eel about 1/4 mi. above the mouth of Butte Cr. (nûnsûnk[=o]k), - which provided desirable fishing. A large rock stands there close - to the river. There are said to have been four houses. This site - was not visited. It was mentioned by Charlie as sesuñt[=o]; he said - it was the most southerly village of his people. Sam called it - senûns[=i]mkûk and said it belonged in Charlie's territory. - - The first name given by Goddard is evidently related to - Merriam's s[=a]´-chen-to´-te, "water against rock," which was said - to be a place in the river near Goddard's setc'ûnt[=o]dûñ. See - Place Names. - -_Shelter Cove Sinkyone villages (map 12)._--The following list of -villages comes almost entirely from Goddard's notes (G); relevant -comments by Merriam are noted (M). Goddard's informants were Sam, -Albert, and Charlie, of whom the first two were Shelter Cove Sinkyone, -the last Lolangkok Sinkyone. - - 1. ke'kestc[=i]' (G). Close to South Fork on the E side about - 1/8 mi. S of the mouth of Fish Cr. (kekek[=o]k). A large house with - a garden is just below. A deep place in the river provided fishing, - in addition to the creek. Three pits and a grinding stone were - found. Plowing had probably filled in other pits. The first store - of Phillipsville stood here. According to Sam (1903), this was the - most northern village of his people. - - k[)a]-kes´-k[=o]k (M). Fish Cr. - - 2. kûtdûntelb[=i]', "flat in" (G). At the NW part of the - Phillipsville flat. It is said to have been a large village. There - is fishing in an eddy just upstream. The site has been washed away - and therefore was not visited. - - ket´-tin-tel´-be (M). At a place called Phillipsville, 18 mi. - S of Dyerville. The site is in an orchard on a ranch and has a fine - redwood grove and a good camping place. - - 3. seb[=i]ye, "at base of rock" (G). On the E side of South - Fork at the upper end of the Phillipsville flat. The site has been - plowed and was in fruit and garden when visited. One pit could - still be seen. The river flows nearly W, hence the village has - southern sun. Large redwoods occupy the left bank of the stream. A - deep place here provided fishing. - - s[)a]-be-y[)e]´ (M). The flat on the E side of South Fork, S - of Phillipsville. See Place Names. - - 4. tcingûlge[-l]dûñ (name of a tree) (G). On the right bank - of South Fork just below a turn to the E. Between the road and the - river two pits were seen. There is a schoolhouse on the E side of - the road. Many eels were caught near this village. - - chig-gel´-e-yes´-ke (M). A place 1.9 mi. S of Phillipsville. - See Place Names. - - 5. da[-l]tcimmûndûñ (G). On the right (S) bank of South Fork, - where it flows W around a long ridge sloping down from the E. - Seven pits were counted between the county road and the river, - which may have carried others away. A large creek, seyekok (Rocky - Glen Cr.), empties N of this place. This village was mentioned as - t'altcimmûndûñ by Albert in 1907. - - [Illustration: Map 12. Villages of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone.] - - s[)e]-tes´-k[=o]k (M). Rocky Glen Cr. See Place Names. - - 6. tca'lûñk[=i]' (G). On the E bank of South Fork. A small - stream flows down from the E. Three pits were found on the N side - of it and two on the S side. The place had been plowed. Charlie - said there used to be many houses there. This village was given by - Albert as tca'lûntc[=i]. - - 7. da[-l]kaik[=o]k (G). On a flat 50 yds. E of the county - bridge across Buhne Cr. (now called Dean Cr.), along both sides of - the stream. Seven pits were found on the S side of the creek and - two on the N side. The road and plowed fields may have reduced the - number. This village was mentioned by Sam in 1903 as a settlement - of his people. - - tahs-ki´-ke (M). Merriam attributes this village to the - to-kub´-be people, who ranged E from here. - - 8. da[-l]kaik[=i]' (G). On the W side of South Fork, opposite - the mouth of Dean Cr. Albert said there used to be a village there. - - This is evidently the village Merriam refers to in the - paragraph above on village 7. - - 9. [-l]tûggan[=o]b[=i]' (G). On a flat on the E side of South - Fork about 1/4 mi. above the mouth of Redwood Cr. Goddard noted - that the place had a favorable location, but did not find the pits. - Albert said there used to be a village there. - - stuk´-kan-no´-be (M). Name for the flat at this place. See - Place Names. - - 10. k[=o]sc[=i]k[=i] (G). A short way below Garberville, - according to Sam (1903). Charlie said it was named k[=o]ssetc[=i]' - or k[=o]setc[=i]' and that it was just below Garberville on the E - side of the river. There used to be a store there. - - 11. seb[=i]yedadûñ, "rocks under..?... place" (G). A village - at Garberville. - - 12. kûnte[-l]tc[=o]b[=i]', "flat large in" (G). On a flat - above Garberville. - - ken-tes´-che tahng-ah´-te (M). A beautiful deep valley on - South Fork just SW of Garberville. - - 13. Usal (not necessarily the native name). Not mentioned by - Goddard, Merriam, or Nomland, but Gifford (1939, p. 304) says that - both Coast Yuki and Sinkyone were spoken here (pl. 11, _d_). - -Following are a number of Shelter Cove Sinkyone villages which I have -not been able to locate precisely. - - kahs´-cho-so´-be (M). A village of the Briceland Sinkyone - on South Fork about 4 mi. S of Garberville and not in sight from - the present highway. It may not actually be one of the Briceland - Sinkyone villages. - - kaicañkûk (G). On a ridge below Garberville. Information from - Sam, 1903. - - [-l]tc[=i]kûk (G). On a ridge below seyadûñ on South Fork. - Information from Sam, 1903. - - t[=o]kûbb[=i] (G). On a ridge above Garberville. Information - from Sam, 1903. seya(e)dûñ (G). On a ridge on the E side of South - Fork, probably below Garberville. - - -PLACE NAMES - -The first list of place names below was taken by Merriam from George -Burt in 1923. (See map 13.) It starts at Scotia, runs upstream to the -confluence of the Eel and South Fork, and then runs up South Fork as -far as Garberville. Many of the places indicated cannot be located -from maps and it would even be difficult to identify them on the spot. -Merriam seems to have driven by auto from Scotia to Garberville, marking -locations in tenths of miles. - - tah´-cho. Main Eel R. - - hah´-tin cho´-be. A stretch of land on the S side of the main - Eel extending from Scotia Bridge E at least to Brown's Mill, and S - from the river to the top of the ridge. - - kahn-so´-ti-y[)e]´, "under maple trees." A big loop of the - river 2 mi. E from Scotia Bridge. - - hah´-ting-k[=o]k. Jordan Cr., 2.2 mi. E of Scotia Bridge. - - hah´-tin cho´-be. The prairie on top of the ridge S of Jordan - Cr. An old Indian trail goes up there. [Harrow Prairie. Merriam - gives the same name for the prairie and the stretch of land above. - The stretch of land is probably a village named for the prairie.] - - ahn´-sin ken-tes´-be, "Pepperwood Flat." A flat on the S side - of the Eel, 3 mi. E of Scotia Bridge. [Pepperwood.] - - lah´-sa tal´-k[=o]k, "Buckeye Creek." Bear Cr., nearly 6 mi. E - of Scotia Bridge. "Used to be lots of salmon there." - - lah-s[=a]-se´-te. The present town of Shively. - - bis´-kahl chum´-me. A bluff on Eel R. where the river makes a - loop to the S. About 6.3 mi. from Scotia Bridge. - - s[=a]-tahs´ ch[=a]-lin´-te. An extensive gravel flat on the N - side of the Eel in the curve of a big loop in the river, 6.5 mi. - from Scotia Bridge. - - s[=a]-tahs´-be. A bluff on the N side of the Eel at the - railroad tunnel 6-3/4 or 7 mi. E from Scotia Bridge. Said to be a - rough place. - - ahn-sin´-tah´-be, "Pepperwood Flat." A flat on the S side of - the river 7.5 mi. E from Scotia Bridge. Place now called Pepperwood. - - ahn-sin-tah´-k[=o]k, "Pepperwood Creek." A small creek closely - followed by the highway, about 7.5 to 8 mi. E from Scotia Bridge. - [Evidently Chadd Cr.] - - kahs-tes´-be. Holmes' lumber camp, on S side of Eel about 7.5 - mi. E of Scotia Bridge. - - slahn´-k[=o]. Larabee Creek, entering the Eel from the E. - - kah´-li-cho´-be, "growing flat." At a place called Englewood, - a small settlement 9 mi. E of Scotia Bridge and continuing to - Englewood Roadhouse at 9.8 mi. The name is said to refer to things - "growing up" there. - - tan´-k[=o]s tah´-te (tan´-k[=o]s means _Equisitum_). A long - ford 10.5 mi. E of Scotia Bridge. It is a long gravel bar on the - N side of the river. It is named for the abundance of Horsetail - (_Equisitum_) found there. - - s[=a]´ cho´-te (sa means "rock"). A big rock projecting into - the river from the S side, 11.5 mi. from Scotia Bridge. [It appears - to be what is now called High Rock.] - - s[=a]-tah´-ting. A redwood forest and flat near the rock sa - cho-te and named for that rock. - - chin-tah´-tah. An extensive flat on the S side of the Eel from - the mouth of South Fork W, including Dyerville, 13 mi. from Scotia - Bridge. - - ts[)a]-vel´-be. An area on the S side of the Eel immediately W - of and adjoining chin-tah´-tah. - - lel´-lin teg´-o-be. The junction of South Fork with the main - Eel R. - - sin´-ke-k[=o]k. The South Fork of the Eel R. - - tah´-tung-i´-kut. South Fork railroad station. - - nahl-tsin´-kah (nahl-tsuk´-kah). Old Camp Grant. - - ·hles-yah´-kah (les-yah´-kah). Fruitland in Elk Prairie. - - s[=a]-tah´-be. Eel Rock, about 12 mi. up the Eel from its - junction with South Fork. - - tah´-cho. The main Eel R. - - nah-tah´-ting i-k[=a]. Dyerville Redwood Flat in the point - between the main Eel and South Fork. The name means "pointed out," - a descriptive term suggested by the geographical feature. - - lo-lahn´-k[=o]k. Bull Cr. - - kahs-cho´ chi-net´-tah. Schoolhouse Flat, 7 mi. up Bull Cr. - - s[=a]´-es-ch[=a]-lin´-te, "rock run out." On the E side of - South Fork 1/2 or 3/4 mi. S of Dyerville. - - sit´-se-tahl´-ko. A small creek on the W side of South Fork - about 1/2 mi. S of Bull Cr. [Evidently Decker Cr.] - - s[=a]´-es´-kuk, "on top rock." A hill on the E side of South - Fork 0.9 mi. S of Dyerville. - - lah´-s[=a]-cho´-te. A straight shoot of South Fork beginning - at s[=a]´-es´-kuk Hill 0.9 mi. S of Dyerville. Lots of eels there - in the spring. - - to-be´-ah. Schelling Camp Flat (lumber camp, garden, and - orchard) on the E side of South Fork beginning 2.2 mi. and - extending about 1/2 mi. to the S. [Evidently this is the present - town of Weott.] - - [Illustration: Map 13. Place names of the Lolangkok Sinkyone.] - - nahn´-sin-cho´-ke. The big hill to be seen on the E side of - South Fork 3 mi. S of Dyerville. - - s[=a]-ch[=o]s-te (s[=a]-cho-st[)a]), "vulva rock." A long - gravel bar along both sides of the river and including a redwood - flat 4 mi. S of Dyerville. Named for a mark on a rock resembling a - woman's vulva, cho´-s[=a]. - - che-[=o]s-cho´-te. A stretch of river 4.75 mi. S of Dyerville, - including a small but good redwood flat. The name refers to foam on - the water. - - s[=a]´-boo-i-chan´-te. A big perforated rock in the river at a - sharp bend 5.1 mi. S of Dyerville. - - kah-tah´-be. A stretch along both sides of the river 7.5 mi. - S of Dyerville. It includes the State Redwood Park office building - and adjacent redwoods. - - ken´-tes-cho´-be. Myers Flat, a little over 8 mi. S of - Dyerville, including Myers Roadhouse. The Indians say this place - was never covered with timber. - - ses-che´-is-ke. A place 8.7 mi. S of Dyerville, above - ken-tes-cho-be. - - s[=a]-bug´-gah-nah´. A place 9 mi. S of Dyerville where the - river goes around rocks. [Evidently Eagle Pt.] George Burt once - lived here and his son Guy Burt was born here. - - tub´-bel-chin´-tah ch[=a]-gel-k[=o]k. A small creek 10 mi. S - of Dyerville, entering South Fork from the E just S of a bend in - the river. [Evidently Bridge Cr.] - - s[=o]l´-te-che. A place at the mouth of Elk Cr., on the E side - of South Fork. Includes the eastern part of Bolling Grove. - - s[=o]l-te-k[=o]k. Elk Creek, entering South Fork from the E in - Bolling Grove, 10.3 mi. S of Dyerville. - - sen-t[)e]^{ch}-be. A rock in the river at a small bend 11.2 - mi. S of Dyerville. - - ni´-te´-t[)e] el-lah´-t[)e], "dog drowned" ... A place where a - new bridge is now (1923) being built across South Fork, 12 mi. S of - Dyerville. [Evidently this refers to the bridge at Blair Grove.] - - suk´-ke-ch[=o]s kah´-me, "eagle pawn." A big flat on the W - side of the river 12.5 mi. S of Dyerville. - - chah´-ni-che´. Another large flat on the W side of the river, - 13.5 mi. from Dyerville. - - sah-nah´-k[=o]k. Salmon Cr., entering South Fork from the W - nearly opposite Miranda. - - kahs´-cho-boo´-ah´-me. This was a small settlement in a flat - at Miranda, 14.5 mi. S of Dyerville. - - s[=a]-nan-sung´ (·s[=a]-nan-tsin´-kah). Bear Butte, a - conspicuous peak on the W side of South Fork, about 18 mi. S of - Dyerville. - - s[=a]´-chen-to´-te, "water against rock." A place in the river - 16 mi. S of Dyerville. - - k[)a]-kes´-k[=o]k (k[)e]-kes´-k[=o]k). Fish Cr., 16.9 mi. S of - Dyerville. - - kin´-tes-tah´-te. A big flat, probably a mile long and very - broad, on the W side of the river, 17.5 mi. S of Dyerville. Just N - of Phillipsville but on the opposite side of the river. - - ket´-tin-tel´-be. A flat (now orchard and ranch) and village - on the E side of South Fork, 18 mi. S of Dyerville, at a place now - called Phillipsville. It comprises a fine redwood grove and a good - camping place. - - s[)a]-be-y[)e]´. A flat on the E side of the river 0.7 mi. S - of Phillipsville. - -A mile south of Phillipsville there is a good view of Garberville Ridge, -s[)e]-chung´-kuk, a fine ridge, part timbered and part open grassy -hillside, which slopes west from Little Buck Mountain, n[=a]-ah-ki´-kah, -the highest point, some distance back on the east. - - to-be-y[)e], "prairie under." A small flat on the W side of - the river 1 mi. S of Phillipsville. - - yen-nes´-be. A place 1.6 mi. S of Phillipsville. - - chig-gel´-e-yes´-ke. A place 1.9 mi. S of Phillipsville. - - s[)e]´-chin-k[=o]k´. A small stream probably 1.2 mi. S of - Phillipsville. A possibility of error here. If the location is - correct, the stream is probably Ohman Cr. - - s[)e]^{hl}-ki´-k[=o]k. A creek 2.1 mi. S of Phillipsville. The - preceding location is probably an error and this is Ohman Cr. - - s[)e]-ki´-ke. The land S of s[)e]^{hl}-ki´-k[=o]k Creek, - reaching to 2.5 mi. S of Phillipsville. - - s[)e]-tes´-k[=o]k, "hard rock creek." Rocky Glen Cr., 2.5 mi. - S of Phillipsville. - - ki-tes´-be, "hard brush." A place 2.9 mi. S of Phillipsville. - There is a small ranch and orchard there now (1923). - - chan-tan-che´. A place a little more than 3 mi. S of - Phillipsville. There are two big rocks and a creek there. - - s[)e]-to´-be. A big rock facing a high bluff 4.3 mi. S of - Phillipsville. - - s[=a]-ken-nes´, "talking rock." A big rock on a creek on the W - side of the river, 5.6 mi. S of Phillipsville. - - tuk´-ke-tahk. A beautiful open and partly wooded hill on the W - side of the river 6 mi. S of Phillipsville. - - tuk´-[)a]-tah´-be. A place on the E side of the river 6 mi. S - of Phillipsville. Named from tuk´-ke-tahk hill. - - tahs-ki´-k[=o]k, "white flag creek." Dean Canyon Cr., 6.4 mi. - S of Phillipsville. - - tahs-ki´-ke. Village at the mouth of tahs-ki´-k[=o]k creek. It - belongs to the To-kub´-be tribe. - - to´-che-be. A flat on the W side of the river 7.8 mi. S of - Phillipsville. - - bus´-ken-nes´, "cliff talking." A cliff or bluff opposite - to´-che-be. - - stuk´-kan-no´-be. A big semicircular grassy flat on the E side - of the river beginning about 8 mi. S of Phillipsville. The present - town of Redway. - - ahn´-chin-tah´-k[=o]k. Redwood Cr. - - se´-ken-t[)e]^{ch}-t[)e]. A place 9.5 mi. S of Phillipsville. - - sah-nah´-che-chel´-le. A place and creek 9.7 mi. S of - Phillipsville. - - bus-ki´-cho. A white bluff on the road 10 mi. S of - Phillipsville. - - k[=o]s-kun-tes´-kah. A sloping, grassy, open flat 10.3 mi. S - of Phillipsville. There was a To-kub´-be village here. - - ko´-se-che´. The area on both sides of the river 10.6 mi. S of - Phillipsville. Just N of the Garberville bridge across Bear Canyon. - - s[=a]-g[)e]´-ch[)e], "egg rock." A bold upright rock at the - N end of the Garberville bridge across Bear Canyon; 10.6 mi. S of - Phillipsville. - - ken-tes´-che tahng-ah´-te. A beautiful deep valley on South - Fork just SW of Garberville. The bridge across the river on the way - to Briceland is in this valley. - - si-cho´-kuk. A large village of the To-kub´-be near the site - of the bridge across South Fork on the way from Garberville to - Briceland. - - nahs-lin´-che. An area and village in a loop of South Fork a - few miles S or SW of Garberville. - - ken´-nahl-lag´-gah-k[=o]k (kan´-no-lig´-ah-k[=o]k). East - Branch of the South Fork of the Eel R. - - n[=a]-yahn´-kah. A hill on the W side of South Fork near the - bridge over East Branch. - - kahs´-cho-so´-be. A place and village on South Fork about 4 - mi. S of Garberville and 3 or 4 mi. from the highway. Not in sight - from the highway. - - kahs´-cho so´-ning-i´-be. A large redwood flat (Richardson - Grove) on the W side of South Fork on the Humboldt side of the - Humboldt-Mendocino County line. - -_West of South Fork Eel_ - - Bear Buttes sa-nan-sin-kah - Bear River chahn´-k[=o]k - Briceland to-cho´-be - Elk Ridge chi-chin´-kah - Mattole River mouth tah´-che - North Fork Mattole nahn-tsin-tah´-k[=o]k - Rainbow Peak tsa-che-be, tsa-bahng´-um - Rainbow Ridge tsa-bung-ah - Taylor Peak nahn-tsin´-kah - Upper Mattole kun-sah´-ke - -_On or near the Van Duzen River_ - - Alton chen´-n[)a]-che - Bald Jesse Mt. k[=o]ng-kel-tel´-kah - Bridgeville ahn´-sin-tah´-che-be´ - Buck Mt. nahn´-tsin´-kah - Carlotta yah-hlahn´-che - Chalk Mt. s[=a]-til-bi´ - Chalk Mt. Ridge n[)e]-chin´-tuk-kah, - n[=a]-chin´-t[)a]-kah - Fort Baker s[=a]-sh[=a]-be - Iaqua region k[=o]ng-tel-kil´-k[=o]k - Iaqua Buttes s[)e]^{hl}-kus´-[)a]-kuk - ("two points") - Larabee Buttes yah-kah´-nik-kah - (t[)a]´-che-kah) - Larabee Cr. slahn´-ko - Lawrence Cr. yah-tlahn´-k[=o]k - (ye-tah´-nah-ling´-k[=o]k) - Lassik Buttes tse´-nahn-tsin´-kah - Lassik Pk. ki´-chil-kahn-kah - Little Larabee Cr. so´-k[=o]k - Metropolitan yah-hlahn´-kuk - Rohnerville to-ti´-kah - Rio Dell ken-tel-cho´ (kin-tel´-te) - Scotia kahs-cho ken-tel´-te - Showers Pass s[=a]-ch[)a]-be - Van Duzen R. chin´-ne-kok (ken´-ne-kok) - Van Duzen R. mouth kin´-ne-ke - Yager Cr. yah-'hlahn´-k[=o]k - Yagerville chis-sis´-ahn´-tah - - -ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES - -_Lolangkok Sinkyone._--The following notes on the Lolangkok Sinkyone are -taken verbatim from Merriam's notes. The informant was George Burt. - - The Lolahnkok did not fight much with other tribes but were - sometimes attacked by the Ch[)e]-teg´-ge-kah of the region north of - Round Valley [Pitch Wailaki]; and they think the Long Valley people - also used to make raids on them to steal women. - - Chief Lassik, whose name is often used in a tribal sense, - belonged to the Kittel´ tribe--a tribe reaching from Iaqua south to - Dobbyn Creek [Nongatl]. - - Chalk Mountain was only a few miles east of the boundary - between the Kittel´ and the Lolahnkok, and the Lolahnkok were - permitted to hunt there. - - _Shelter Cove Sinkyone._--Trees are felled by means of elkhorn - chisels called beh-cho, and stone mauls called s[=a]´tah--a very - tedious and laborious operation. When the tree has fallen, the logs - are cut in lengths by the same process. Planks are split off from - these logs by driving the elkhorn wedges into the ends of the logs. - After several planks have been split off, one below the other, - another set is started at right angles to the first. - - The dugout canoes are made of redwood logs dug out by means - of the elkhorn chisels. After the greater part of the inside has - been removed, fires are used to char the wood, which is then - scraped away by the chisels. This is continued until the walls of - the dugout are sufficiently thin. The fires are spread out thin in - order not to burn too deeply at any one place. - - Buckskin is tanned with deer brains, rubbed on with a stick - rolled in ashes, after which the hide is placed on warm ashes - until dried. It is then soaked and rubbed until soft. - - Wild tobacco (_Nicotiana bigelovi_) was always used by the - Bull Creek Sinkyone. It was originally found growing on burned-over - places and the people planted the seeds in ashes, usually on a - burned place. - - Buckeye nuts, called lah-s[)e]´, were cooked in a basket with - hot stones after the manner of acorns. They were then mashed and - kneaded into dough, which was buried for a while in fine sand. - - Wild Ginger (_Asarum_ sp.) is called tan-nas-bos´. It is good - medicine for pain in the stomach. The leaves are pounded and soaked - in cold water. The sick person drinks plenty of this water and - vomits. After a little while he gets well and is hungry and eats. - - A species of _Angelica_ is called s[=o]l. If a girl holds off, - rub s[=o]l on your hands, and if you get a chance rub her neck and - she will give in. S[=o]l is strong medicine. - - An aromatic _Umbellifer_ (species not identified) is called - s[=o]l´-che-but-tah´; the root, s[=o]l´-che. It is used for - purification and as a disinfectant. The root is burned and the - smoke wafted around to make the house more plentiful. It does not - grow on Bull Creek or South Fork Eel River but grows on Rainbow - Mountain and some of the other high ridges. The root is highly - prized. - - The Spotted Owl (_Strix occidentalis caurina_) is called - kah-ko´. He is a bad bird. If he flies close to a person, the - person will faint. - - The Dove (_Zenaidura_) is called bi´-yu. His grandmother was - burned to death. Bi´-yu was asked to gamble and replied, "I'll - gamble every winter; in spring and summer I'll cry." Now we always - hear the Dove cry in summer. - - The Red-shafted Flicker (_Colaptes cafer_) is called - mun´-chis-bul. He makes a rattling noise in the spring. He was told - that by doing this he would make the horns of the deer grow. He was - told also that when the deer became fat he would grow fat, but the - people fooled him for he did not grow fat. - - The Yellow-bird (_Astragalinus tristis_) is called - sin-sun-s[)e]-gahng-ti-ne tahs´-che, "to take away pain." If the - old folks were suffering, they would get him to sing to take the - pain away. - - The Kildeer (_Oxyechus vociferus_) is called ni´-til-yi´-che - from the necklace, ni-tal-yah, on its throat. In the long ago time - the water was very high and rough; big waves were coming in and - the people were afraid to cross in their canoes, so they got the - Kildeer to take them. He was a high person among the Water People - and could handle a boat better than any of the others. The people - talked about him and said he was the best and the only one to get - them across. So he took them across and saved them. - - The Coyote (_Canis latrans_), called sh[)u]´-b[)e], and the - Shrewmole (_Neürotrichus_ sp.), called ske´-cho, made the world and - the people. The Coyote had a number of children. The Shrewmole said - that when people died they should come back to live again. Coyote - said, "No, there would be too many people; when they die they had - better stay dead." The Shrewmole agreed. After a while Coyote's - children took sick and died. He wanted them to come back to life, - but the Shrewmole said, "No; you said there would be too many - people and you wanted dead people to stay dead, so your children - cannot come back." Then Coyote cried. - - The Raccoon (_Procyon lotor_) is called nah´-ke-gis´-chah. - A long time ago he was a doctor. He was able to talk to persons - suffering severe pains and could draw the pain out. He would dance - and sing and pull out the pains and fall back. One time he took a - flint out of a sick person. - - In the olden time the people tried to make the Elk (_Cervus - roosevelti_), called y[=e]s´-cho, out of the Cottontail Rabbit - (_Sylvilagus_ sp.). They put horns on his head and sent him into - the brush, but the horns stuck in the bushes and he could not move. - Then the people called him sti´-che and told him he must always - stay in the brush. - - The Bat is called nah´-t[)a]-bahn´-se. He wears a robe of bear - hide over his shoulders. A long time ago when the First People were - at war they wanted the Bat to make peace and they hired him to make - peace. The people told him to fix up good. He did so and said, "I - am the one who can talk big." He sang ho-w[=a]´-nah han´-nah. The - enemy agreed, and peace was made. - - Our people have songs for the Elk, Deer, Coon, Otter, Mink, - Bat, and some other animals. - - Slugs (_Arion columbianus_) are called nah´-tos. To prepare - [them] for eating, a slender stick is thrust through the head to - hold the animal easily. It is then cut open lengthwise on the belly - and the dark insides removed, after which it is dried. When wanted, - it is roasted in hot ashes and eaten. - - -BOTANICAL NOTES - -_Shelter Cove Sinkyone._--These notes are from Sally Bell of the -Briceland-Shelter Cove region. - - Acorns of the tanoak (_Lithocarpus densiflora_) form the - principal vegetable food. Hazel nuts also are eaten. - - Among the berries used for food are those of the Elder, - Manzanita, Blackberry, Thimbleberry, Strawberry, Huckleberry, - Salal, wild Currant and Gooseberry. - - The sprouts of a species of _Angelica_ are eaten raw in spring - and early summer. - - The bulb of the large red Tiger Lily is cooked and said to be - very good. The same is true of the handsome _Brodiaea_ sp. - - The seeds of the Manroot (_Echinocystis_) are roasted and - eaten. The seeds of _Godetia amoena_ are used for making pinole. - - Wild Tobacco does not grow along the coast and is not used. - - The Wood Sorrel (_Oxalis_) is used for poultices. - - Leaves of the narrow-leaf Iris (_Iris macrosiphon_) are used - for cord and nets and are much better than the leaves of the - broad-leaf species. - - -MATTOLE - -The Mattole occupied the drainage of the Mattole River below the mouth -of Upper North Fork and the coast from Davis Creek south to Spanish Flat. - -The village lists of Merriam and Goddard provide a complete picture of -the Mattole settlements but almost nothing is known of them aside from -this. In the Handbook Kroeber reported (1925_a_, p. 142) that "not a -single item of concrete ethnology is on record regarding the Mattole, -other than the statement that they burned their dead." Almost nothing -has been learned since that time, but Nomland (1938) has published a -monograph on the neighboring Bear River group and the culture of the two -groups was no doubt much the same. - -The territory of the Mattole lies wholly within the cold coastal -belt and consequently plant food was less abundant and no doubt less -important. The products of the rivers, when taken together with sea -mammals and other creatures caught in the ocean, provided an ample food -supply. - -When Kroeber published the Handbook (1925_a_), he lumped the Mattole -proper with the Bear River group. Nomland (1938) and Goddard (1929) -showed that these two groups were distinct. This division is supported -by Merriam's data and I have therefore retained it. - -Merriam appears to have spent a comparatively brief time among the -Mattole. The only informant mentioned for this group is a man called -Indian Joe Duncan, who is said to have lived at the mouth of the Mattole -River below Petrolia. Merriam seems to have visited the area in 1923. -His statement on these people, taken verbatim from his notes, follows. - - The Bett[=o]l´ or Pet´-t[=o]l´, as they call themselves, - (commonly called Matt[=o]l´), inhabit the coast region from Davis - Creek, about six miles south of Bear River, southerly to Spanish - Flat, which is about 12 miles below the mouth of Mattole River. - Their center of distribution appears to have been the Valley of - Mattole River, at whose mouth the four or five survivors still - reside. - - They say that before the Whites came they numbered between 300 - and 500 persons. - - Their southern boundary, Spanish Flat, is the northern - boundary of the Shelter Cove tribe, which reached thence southerly - to or beyond Bear Harbor. The Matt[=o]l´ say that the Shelter Cove - language is materially different from their own, and different also - from that of the Briceland Tribe, and that the Briceland language - is very hard to speak or understand. They declined to give the name - of either of these tribes. - - The eastern boundary of the Matt[=o]l´ I was unable to locate - exactly. They gave it as along or near the west base of Elk - Mountain Ridge, including the Valley of Upper North Fork Mattole - River. At the same time they gave the names of two 'tribes' or - bands as inhabiting the Rainbow Ridge and Elk Ridge region. The - Elk Ridge tribe they call S[)a]-bahng-kahng, the Rainbow Ridge - people S[)e]-tso´-ik (from S[)e]-tso-[=e]k, Rainbow Peak). There is - uncertainty as to the relations and geographic locations of these - bands. - - The tribe inhabiting the coast at Needle Rock they call - E´-l[)e]-tung. It is the same as the Shelter Cove tribe. - - -TRIBELETS - -According to Merriam's data, the people at Cooskie Creek in the southern -part of Mattole territory form a distinct band. This agrees with -Goddard's village data, and Goddard also assigns to this group some -of the villages on the upper Mattole. There is no evidence of further -subdivision. - - -VILLAGES - -Most of the information on villages of the Mattole is taken from -Goddard's notes. (See map 14.). In addition, there are a few data -recorded by Merriam. Below, Goddard's information is indicated by (G), -Merriam's by (M). - - 1. sitc[=i]b[=i]' (named from sand bar?) (G). On the S side of - Domingo Cr. nearly a mile from the surf. The county road leaves the - coast at this point. Plenty of signs of occupation but no definite - pits. - - 2. sesnoik[=o]', "rocks stand up creek" (G). About 1/2 mi. E - of the line of the surf, close to the hill through which the stream - in McNutt Gulch comes from the SE. A large quantity of cooking - stones and shells have been exposed by the blowing away of the - soil. Salmon run in the creek. - - 3. sesn[=o]t, "rocks stand up" (G). N of a large rock which - is 30 or 50 ft. higher than the surrounding sand. Another large - rock stands 300 yds. W, with a chain of rocks and ledge running - out into the surf. Many shells and stones mark the village site. - This village stood in the middle of a 2-mi. stretch of sandy beach, - which reaches from gotxenin to a mile N of this village. - - 4. sedjildaxdiñ (G). Close up under the hill. The wind has - carried away the soil, leaving a great pile of shells. Just S, a - stream comes down the hillside with only a gulch [La Rue Gulch], no - valley. - - 5. gotxenin (G). Known to white people as Mussel Rancheria. On - a bench with Peter B. Gulch at the southern end and La Rue Gulch in - the middle. A great quantity of shells were to be seen but no pits. - Joe said the houses were scattered along for nearly a mile. Many - rocks are in the surf. - - 6. ne'bitt'a, "earth fold" (G). On a bench 1/2 mi. long in a - cove a mile N of the mouth of Mattole R. There is a creek at the S - end, a small gulch in the middle, and a larger one at the N end. - These probably furnished water in winter. Joe said the houses were - scattered along the whole length of the bench. [It is likely that - this is part of no. 5.] Between 500 and 800 yds. from the shore is - a large flat rock (tciyatcise) occupied by sea lions. The Indians - used to swim to it and club the sea lions to death. They kept a - fire going near a rock on shore to warm themselves afterward. - - 7. seb[=i]ye (G). Perched on the steep mountainside just N of - the mouth of the Mattole R. At the southern end two pits could be - made out in the weeds. Slides had covered or taken away most of the - evidences of occupation. The trail was evident and pieces of lumber - were still lying about. The village was not burned, according to - Joe. The burying place is 100 yds. N on a separate bench of the - same mountainside. - - s[)a]-be´-ah (M). On the ocean beach 1 mi. N of the mouth of - the Mattole. - - Goddard and Merriam do not give quite the same location for - these villages but Merriam's description is vague and the names are - evidently the same. - - [Illustration: Map 14. Villages and tribelets of the Mattole.] - - 8. beken[=o]'adiñ (G). This was 300 yds. S of the mouth of - the Mattole R. and 100 yds E of the present surf line. There is an - elevation of broken shells and other refuse on the sandy beach. Joe - Duncan remembers seeing the village when it was inhabited. - - 9. lasaidûk (G). On the sand of the beach 1/3 mi. S of the - mouth of Mattole R., the second village S of there. The wind has - blown the sand and soil away exposing the shell fragments. - - 10. dzindiñ (G). By the mouth of a small stream 3/4 mi. S of - the mouth of the Mattole R. - - 11. sastecdiñ (G). On a small bench N of a little stream a - mile S of the mouth of the Mattole R. Fragments of shells were to - be seen. - - 12. senalindiñ (G). About a mile and a half S of the mouth of - the Mattole R.; on a small flat with a point of land S of it and a - rocky bluff to the E. Broken shells are to be seen. There are now a - hut and corral on this flat. The point S, a part of Punta Gorda, is - called "Windy Point"; sevinnagintcidin is the Indian name. - - 13. kailistc[=i] (G). A flat of 3 or 4 ac. immediately N of - the mouth of Four-mile Cr., about 2-1/2 mi. S of the mouth of the - Mattole R. - - 14. saitc[=i]bi^{=e=} (G). On a bench on the coast S of a bold - headland. A small stream here [Lion Gulch] has a large delta of - gravel. This was the southernmost of the villages of the Mattole R. - tribelet. A house and barn said to belong to John Mackey are on a - higher bench. - - 15. bitc[=i]b[=i]' (G). On the N side of Cooskie Cr. (called - k[=u]sk[=i]c by the Indians), 1/4 mi. from its mouth. Unlike - most such streams, this one has something of a valley behind the - bordering sea wall, through a gap in which it reaches the ocean. - Salmon enter it. This was the northernmost village of the Cooskie - tribelet. - - koos-ke (ko^{ch}kshe) (M). A very large band and village - ("hundreds of people") formerly on Cooskie Cr. on or near the coast - 2-1/2 mi. SE of Punta Gorda Lighthouse. Joe Duncan said these were - the most warlike people of the region. - - 16. dec[=i] (G). On a large flat in a cove on the coast, - immediately N of Spanish Flat. A row of shallow but evident pits - are to be seen 200 yds. S of the northern end of the flat. - - 17. y[=i]nak[=i] (y[=i]natc[=i]) (G). On a flat, called - Spanish Flat, 3/4 mi. long and 300 yds. wide between the ocean and - the terrace. It has a creek at its southern end (Spanish Cr.), - with a large deposit of gravel which has almost entirely buried a - group of buildings. Plenty of evidence of Indian occupation but no - decided pits. It is said to have been a very large village. The - men of this village were killed by a band of white men who came - down from the mouth of the Mattole R., which they had likewise - occupied. An Indian ran down the coast to give warning but arrived - too late. The women also were killed some years later. - - 18. seyetc[=i] (G). On a bench at the W end of a flat on the N - side of the Mattole R. about a mile from its mouth. - - 19. sedanadaaib[=i]^{=e=} (G). On the E end of the same flat - on which seyetc[=i] is situated. The site is now said to have been - washed away. - - 20. daxdeginkatik (G). On a rocky timbered point which is an - extension of the hills N of the Mattole R. This point is 25 ft. - higher than the main flat, called nestik. Several indistinct pits - are still to be seen. The Goff buildings are close by and occupy - part of the village site. This flat was plowed for the Indians in - 186..(?). There is water in a gulch W (Jim Goff Gulch). - - nes-te´-be (M). On the present Goff Ranch on a bench on the N - side of the Mattole R., about 3 mi. upstream from the ocean. - - The names are different but the locations are identical, so - these are no doubt the same village. - - 21. daaib[=i]^{=e=} (G). On the SW part of the large flat W of - Petrolia, on the S side of the river. It was here that the Indians - settled when they came back from the reservation. - - seb´-bin-ne bug´-gah-be (M). An acorn camp on the S side of - the Mattole R. a little below the present Hanson place, 3 mi. from - the mouth of the river. - - The locations for these two villages are the same but the - descriptions are obviously different. It may be that this was - an acorn camp in pre-white times and was subsequently used as a - village site when the preferred land had been taken by the settlers. - - 22. bisyet'ob[=i]^{=e=}, "slide place" (G). On a point on the - N side of the Mattole R. W of Petrolia, overlooking Wright's place. - Buckeye and peppernut trees are growing there. It has fine exposure - toward the S. There are pits still to be seen. - - 23. tcegiltcexb[=i]^{=e=} (G). On the E bank of the North - Fork of the Mattole R.; the site is now included in the village of - Petrolia. It is said to have been a large village. - - 24. s[=o]Lkaiye (G). On a large flat on the W side of the - North Fork of the Mattole, E of the road to Ferndale. A white man's - house, on a higher flat near the creek, has been burned. It was - here the Indian village stood. - - 25. djetxeniñ (G). On the N side of the North Fork of the - Mattole just W of a creek flowing into it from the N. It is at the - western end of a long crooked canyon. Under a point were five very - large distinct pits. There were evidences of occupation on the - point above (the creek is called Wild Goose Cr.?). - - 26. djinsibbai, "elbow" (G). In the bed of the North Fork of - McNutt Gulch. The inhabitants of sitc[=i]cb[=i] (no. 1) camped here - in summer to hunt. Timber and brush. - - 27. djibbedaxtûkkab[=i]^{=e=} (G). On a point on the S side of - North Fork of Mattole R. Opposite djetxeniñ. Joe saw people living - here when he ran away from the white man who was taking him away - for a slave. - - 28. natsinnadaat (G). At the junction of two streams which - make up the North Fork of the Mattole (North Fork Mattole and East - Branch, North Fork Mattole). The stream valleys are wide. The - northern one (North Fork Mattole) is badly washed out, as is also - the main valley of the combined streams. A group of ranch buildings - belonging to Si Minor now occupies the village site, and Billy Wood - once lived there. There was a pit on the W side of the stream from - the N and two pits on the N side of the main stream 1/4 mi. below - the junction. - - 29. sedjegûnk[=o][-l]diñ, "right angle" (?) (G). On a flat on - the N side of the Mattole R. E of the bridge. It is now occupied by - John Evarts. - - 30. djegaslinab[=i]^{=e=} (G). At the mouth of the creek - flowing into the Mattole R. from the N, 3/4 mi. W of the county - bridge SE of Petrolia (Conklin Cr.). - - 31. da[-l]oidiñ, "wild grape place" (?) (G). At the mouth of - a creek (Indian Cr.) flowing into the Mattole R. from the SE at - the northern end of a flat nearly a mile long. Saw what may have - been pits, one on each side of the road by the duck pond near the - buildings belonging to Cummings. This was the northernmost village - of the Cooskie tribelet. - - 32. djan[=o]ldin (G). On a bench 1/8 mi. long and 200 yds. - wide on the E side of Mattole R., which here flows N. It is at the - ford. - - 33. saiq[=o]tLûndiñ (G). On a long flat bordering the eastern - side of the Mattole R. Joe said the village was at the southern end - of the flat, which is now owned by Lee Minor. - - 34. g[=o]danindjaib[=i] (G). Just E of the mouth of Squaw Cr., - a large stream flowing into the Mattole R. from the S. The regular - inhabitants were joined by others, who camped here to gather acorns. - - 35. n[=o]willeneb[=i] (G). On a large flat on the E side of - Mattole R. upstream from the mouth of Squaw Cr. Exact location of - village uncertain. The name may be that of the section, not of the - particular village. - - 36. g[=o]nsakke (G). A large flat through which the Mattole R. - flows toward the NW. Roscoe lives on the N side. Exact location of - the village is uncertain. - - 37. L[=o]itsiske (G). On a flat on the E side of the Mattole - R. The river is here no distance from the road. "Joe got very angry - when I wanted to look for pits." - - 38. [=i]kediñ, "foot place" (G). On the N side of a small - stream flowing into the Mattole R. from the E, at the SE side of - a flat. There are two deep pits and several, less deep, on the E - side of the wagon road. A large group of buildings are on a higher - flat SE. There is a large flat on the W side of the river also. The - whites killed all of the inhabitants while they were fishing for - eels. - - 39. [-l][=i]gûcLûndiñ, "snakes many place" (G). Probably on - the W side of the river where there is a large flat around which - the river flows, keeping near the high bank on the E. The road runs - along the eastern side of the river and climbs a considerable grade - at the N. - - 40. [-l][=o]n[=i]tc[=i], "middle of prairie" (G). On the S - end of a flat on the E side of the Mattole R. Fifteen Indians were - killed here by white people. - - 41. n[=o]wilkediñ (gacdûlyaidiñ, "like a necktie") (G). Said - to be situated between the Upper North Fork and the Mattole R. - - 42. djegûllindiñ (G). On the W side of the stream coming into - Mattole R. from the S close to the Humboldt Meridian (Honeydew - Cr.). Indians may also have lived on the E side of this stream. The - application of this name is uncertain. - -Goddard also gives the following summer camps of the Mattole, which I -have not been able to locate. - - djindillegaxye. A flat on the S side of Mattole R., near its - mouth. - - innaslaibi. A long level bench crossed by the county road N - from Petrolia, 1-1/12 mi. from that place. Indians used to camp - here to gather tarweeds. An Indian battleground. - - kuntcegilcannebi. Sec. 32, T. 1 S., R. 2 W. On the E side - of the county road. The section lines given by Goddard are not - reliable. - - sekexge. A sloping place on one of the branches of McNutt - Gulch. - -_Upper Mattole villages._--The following village locations were given -to Goddard in 1908 by the Sinkyone named Charlie. Goddard did not -visit them so they cannot be accurately located. I am giving Goddard's -township and range locations, but these were made by guess from an -imperfect map, hence they must be used only with the greatest care. - - de'tci'. At the mouth of a big creek (de'kok) flowing into - Mattole R. at Upper Mattole. Perhaps de'kok is Squaw Cr., mentioned - in the Elk and Coyote stories. NW 1/4, sec. 30, T. 2 S., R. 1 W. - - ne'nûnyadûñ. On the E side of the river 3 mi. above de'tci'. - There are two creeks there. This may be the village, and de'tci' - the whole Upper Mattole flat. Notes say 3 mi. from Mattole, which - is Charlie's name for Petrolia. - - k'atinta'. Above ne'nûnyadûñ on the Mattole R. at the mouth of - kutsai'kok. NE 1/4, sec. 33, T. 2 S., R. 1 W. - - tcûlgûnnak'e'. Some distance above k'acinta' on Mattole R. - - tcintcûsk[=o]dûñ. On a hill on the E side of Mattole R. - - tcûst[=i]m[=i]'. On the W side of the Mattole R. on a big - flat, S of tcintcûsk[=o]dûñ. No creek empties there. - - istannaladûñ. On a large flat on the Mattole R. No creek - empties there. - - setûggûttc[=i]'. On the E side of the Mattole R. at the mouth - of setuggukkok. Sec. 14, T. 3 S., R. 1 E. - - tceliñk[=i]'. On both sides of a small creek which enters - a larger stream near the latter's junction from the E with the - Mattole R. The valley of the river is wide at this point. A large - group of buildings is now standing on this site. "I rode to this - place in July, 1908, when hunting for Jack's place. The name was - supplied by Charlie from my description." Sec. 31, T. 3 S., R. 2 E. - - Lenill[=i]mi', "flow together in." At the junction of two - streams on the W side of the Mattole R. There were formerly many - grizzlies there, and the Indians were afraid of them. This was the - last village S of the Mattole R. Sec. 7. T. 4 S., R. 2 E. - -Merriam gives a number of other village names with rather vague -locations. No doubt each of them corresponds to one of Goddard's, since -both men used the same informant, but I have been unable to identify the -villages either by location or name. - - tah-tah´-ke-ke. On a small flat on the S side of the Mattole - R. about 1/4 mi. back from the ocean. - - tahn'-hr[=a]´-lah-be. At the mouth of the Mattole R. (on a - lagoon near Indian Joe Duncan's place). - - yes-s[)a]-cheb´-be. On or near the site of an old barn S of - the junction of the North Fork with the main Mattole R., near - Petrolia. - - e-nah-sal-li´-be. On a flat on Mattole R., 1/2 or 3/4 mi. S of - Petrolia. - - choo-wil^{ch}´-kah-be. On the North Fork of the Mattole R. at - Petrolia. The name tek-ko-li-be is also given for a village on the - site of present Petrolia. - - -BEAR RIVER - -This small group, occupying the entire drainage of Bear River and the -coast near its mouth, has been fairly well documented by ethnographers. -Aside from linguistic material, our chief source, a paper by Nomland -(1938), gives as complete an account as could be obtained at such a late -date. Although some villages are noted by Goddard (1929), Nomland, and -Merriam, they do not appear to have been recorded by any of the scholars -in a systematic fashion. The village count therefore is probably not -complete. - -The resources of the Bear River group are substantially the same as -those of the Mattole, except that the salmon run is smaller. - -Merriam's information on the Bear River tribe is limited but it helps to -augment the data now in print (Nomland, 1938; Goddard, 1929). Merriam's -informant among these people was an old woman named Mrs. Prince. She -came from Bear River, but at the time Merriam spoke to her (July and -September, 1921) she was living at the Rohnerville Reservation. She used -to visit her granddaughter, Ethel Hecker, at Scotia. - -Merriam gives the following brief note about these people. - - Nek´-an-ni´ ... Athapaskan coast tribe formerly inhabiting - Cape Mendocino and adjacent region from Bear River Hills southward - to Mattole River, and reaching inland (easterly) to the headwaters - of the Bear River. [Nek´-an-ni´ was] their own name for themselves. - - -TRIBELETS - -All evidence would seem to indicate that the Bear River people -constitute a single tribelet as well as a single dialect group. Even the -village on Oil Creek (village no. 7) was evidently in the same political -division; Goddard (1929, p. 291) says: "There was, however, one village -at the mouth of Van Duzen creek which was allied to Bear river both in -its dialect and politically." - - -VILLAGES - -Some villages are given by Merriam (M), Nomland (1938) (N), and Goddard -(1929) (G), but most of the locations are not very certain. - - 1. chal-ko´-chah (M). Name of the village N of the mouth of - Bear R., used for both the place and the village. - - tc'alko´ (N). Largest and most western village in the area. It - included the flat at the mouth of Bear R. - - Goddard mentions two villages as being on the ocean N of the - mouth of Bear R. -- [-l]'adAlk'AsdAñ and goldElco'dAñ. He gives the - word tc'alko as the word for Bear R. In Nomland's personal copy - of Goddard's paper (1929) she has written the word "tchankok" as - the word for Bear R. She gives the following explanation of the - discrepancy (1938, p. 92): "In checking words given by Goddard with - my Bear River informant, Nora Coonskin, it developed that most - of his information (gotten from Nora's uncle, Peter) was not in - accordance with hers. Upon close questioning, the latter told me - that her uncle preferred to speak Mattole. I checked Peter's words - with Isaac Duncan, my Mattole informant, and found this to be true." - - 2. s[=a]-cho-tung (s[)e]-cho´-tah) (M). On the ocean on the S - side of the mouth of Bear R. - - setcodAñ, "rock big" (G). By the lighthouse, a populous place. - The present-day lighthouse stands about 2 mi. S of the mouth of - Bear R. - - 3. chil-sh[)e]ck (N). On the site of the present town of - Capetown. - - atcAnco'xEbi' (G). Said to have been where the store and hotel - are at the town of Capetown. - - 4. chil-en-ch[)e] (N). Near the present Morrison Ranch. - - chul´-l[)o]-ko (M). This was the name of the village at - Morrison's, 5 or 6 mi. above the mouth of Bear R. - - 5. sels-che'o-ch (N). About 3 or 4 mi. up the river from the - Morrison place. The site is now marked by a large red rock. It may - correspond to Goddard's sEtcixEbi, "rock stand in the water", which - is not located. - - 6. seht-lá (N). About 7 mi. up Bear R. from Capetown. - - 7. ko-stah-che´ (k[=o]s-tah-che´) (M). Name of the camp on Oil - Cr. - -Each author gives some additional villages, which cannot be located. - - esta-kana (N). On the largest flat in the upper valley, Gear's - place. - - IstE=g=nadaibi', "madrone stands place" (G). - - klaht-el-k[=o]s´-tah (M). Name of the village near the head of - Bear R. (at least 15 or 20 mi. upstream). It was a large town with - a big dance house. - - [-l]'adAlk'AsdAñ (G). Where a schoolhouse stands on Bear R. - - tlanko (N). Above chil-sheck. - - -ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES - -At low tide in the spring the Bear River people waded out to lighthouse -rock to gather the eggs of seabirds--gulls, shags, and others. They -would climb up a sort of stairs in the steep rock, wrap the eggs in -buckskin, and let them down with long ropes. - -The illustration (fig. 1, _c_) is of an old woman, about ninety years -old, from Bear River, sketched in the fall of 1921. - - -WHILKUT - -As stated earlier in the discussion of boundaries (p. 164) I have, -following Merriam's data, assigned the Whilkut different territory than -has heretofore been customary. In the present scheme they occupy the -drainage of Mad River from the mouth of North Fork Mad River to the -mouth of Bug Creek, the drainage of North Fork Mad River, and all the -drainage of Redwood Creek above the lower ten miles. The subdivisions of -the Whilkut are: Chilula Whilkut (Kroeber's Chilula) on lower Redwood -Creek, Kloki Whilkut (part of Kroeber's Whilkut) on upper Redwood Creek, -Mad River Whilkut (part of Kroeber's Whilkut) on Mad River above the -mouth of North Fork, and North Fork Whilkut (part of Kroeber's Wiyot) in -the drainage of North Fork Mad River. - -Goddard (1914_a_) and Merriam together give a fairly complete picture of -the organization of villages and subgroups of the Whilkut but aside from -this we have next to nothing in the way of ethnographic information. -They were evidently closely akin to the Hupa in both language and -culture. With the Hupa they form a dialect group as against the Tolowa -on the north and the other California Athabascan groups on the south. - -The territory of the Whilkut lies in the dense redwood forest of the -northern coast of California. Thus their economy was based primarily on -the produce of rivers, and this fact is reflected in the placement of -their villages. - -Merriam has left a relatively complete record of his visits to the group -which I am calling Whilkut and which he called Hoil´-kut or How´-wil-kut -and M[=a]´-we-n[)o]k. (Merriam uses various spellings.) His first visit -to these people was in 1910. The following account is taken from his -California Journals for September 15, 1910. - - Talked with several Indians at Blue Lake. The boundary between - the Pah-te-waht [Wiyot] of Lower Mad River, and the 'Hoil´-kut or - Ho-il-let-ha of Redwood Valley lies along North Fork of Mad River - near its mouth, between Korbel and Blue Lake. The Pah-te-waht I saw - today live on Mad River at Blue Lake (on south edge of town), while - the Hoi-let'ha live on the extreme northeast beyond the town and - cemetery. - -Merriam's second visit there was in 1918 and the following quotation is -from the California Journals for August 11, 1918. - - Sunday, August 11, 1918 was foggy and misty in the forenoon; - partly clear P.M. Took the early morning auto stage from Eureka - to Korbel, but got off between Blue Lake and Korbel and went on - an Indian hunt, landing back at Blue Lake without entering Korbel - proper at all. Returned to Eureka in afternoon. - - Went particularly to get additional material from the Redwood - Creek Indians ('How´-wil-kut´-ka or 'HWilkut tribe) who were living - in this region when I was here in September 1910 (see Calif. - Journals, Vol. 1, 90-93, Sept. 15, 1910). Tried to find O'Haniel - Bailey and John Stevens of Redwood Creek, and Stevens' daughter - Laura, from whom I got much information before. After a fruitless - search over the old ground, learned that O'Haniel Bailey died - several years ago; that John Steven is visiting in Hoopa Valley, - and that his daughter Laura is married to a white man. - - But after a while I found two old men of the same tribe, who - were born and raised at the Blue Lake rancheria 'Ko-tin´-net, the - westernmost village of the H[)a]-whil´-kut-k[=a] tribe. They call - themselves and their language by the same name, 'Ho-tin´-net [North - Fork Whilkut]. One is blind and both are old. The blind man's name - is Nelinjak; the other's Denbrook. They were eating breakfast of - fried potatoes, dried fish, and coffee in their poor old shack. - I got some good material from them and after some persuasion took - their photographs. - - The blind one said he dreamed last night that a white man with - a book was coming to see them. - - I got from them the names of some Pah-te-waht [Wiyot] villages - on lower Mad River and about Arcata. - -Merriam's third visit to this group was in 1920. The following account -is from his notes. - - About the middle of September, 1920, I visited the site of the - old Hoilkut rancheria called T'chil-kahn´-ting (or T'ch-kahn´-ting) - on the east side of Redwood Creek near the Berry ranch, about a - quarter of a mile below the highway bridge on the road from Arcata - to Willow Creek and Hoopa. It was then abandoned, the Indians - having established another village on higher ground about a mile - below, and like the old one, on the east side of the river. - - The old site is on an open sand and gravel bar or flat a - little above high water mark and very near the river. The living - houses were square--never round. The house excavations were - about two feet deep. The excavation for the ceremonial house - ("sweathouse") was sixteen or eighteen feet across and deeper than - the others, averaging about three feet below the surface. The - ground floor within was covered with large flattish pebbles. The - building had fallen but I was told that it had a low gabled roof, - with entrance toward the river (on the west side). Under the north - end and still plainly visible was a ditch or flume to supply air - and for a draft when starting the fire. The fireplace was in the - middle. - - The graveyard is on the downstream end of the same flat. - - The flat is in a forest of Douglas spruce, black and white - oaks, maples, tree alders, and dogwood, with a dense undergrowth - of hazel, spirea (_Spirea douglasii_), syringa (_Philadelphus - lewisii_), huckleberry (_Vaccinium ovatum_), and the wild lilac - (_Ceanothus integerrimus_). The "three-leaf" or "deer-foot" - also called "sweet after death" (_Achlys triphylla_) is common - throughout the shady forest. - - In the immediate neighborhood the large gray tree squirrel - (_Sciurus griseus_) was common, the big gray ground-squirrel - (_Citellus beecheyi_) was abundant, and a few red squirrels and - chipmunks were running about. - - Ruffed grouse, mountain quail, and many pigeons were seen; - also crested jays, robins, and flickers. - - A few days later I visited the modern inhabited rancheria, - nearly two miles below the bridge. It is on a rather steep slope - about 500 feet above the river. - - Among the Indians present were two very old men, the Wilson - brothers, and a half-breed named Ned Woodward from Blue Lake, and - his wife, the former widow of Nathaniel Bailey--with all of whom I - had worked in previous years. With their help I checked my former - vocabularies and added many words. - - At Blue Lake during the latter part of October of the same - year I found a number of Indians, mainly Hoilkut, and obtained - additional material, including village names from Ned Woodward. - Worked also with others, especially the Hoilkut Chief, Frank Lowry, - and his wife. She is a full blood with the characteristic chin - tattooing consisting of three broad vertical bars with a narrow one - on each side between the middle and outer ones. [See fig. 1, _a_, - _b_ for different styles.] A married daughter had three children, a - tiny girl and two boys--one of three and the other five, both big - for their age. - -Also of interest are Merriam's ideas about the position of the Whilkut -groups. The following excerpt, taken from his notes, is dated 1939, but -refers to a trip he made to Blue Lake in September, 1910. - - M[=a]´-we-n[)o]k [Mad River Whilkut] ... An Athapascan - tribe on Mad River, reaching from the junction of North Fork - with main Mad River near Korbel (where they came in contact with - the Pah´-te´waht of Lower Mad River [a Wiyot subgroup] and the - h'Whilkut of North Fork and Redwood Valley) upstream (southward) - for many miles to the ranch of a white man named John Ahlgren, - where their territory ended. This is on or near Bug Creek. - - It was told me by a h'Whilkut ('Hoilet´-hah) who stated - further that the M[=a]´-we-n[)o]k spoke a language so similar to - his own that he could understand most of their talk. - -The statement in the last paragraph comes from an informant Merriam had -in Blue Lake in 1910. Merriam returned to the region in 1920 and at that -time spoke to a member of the Mad River Whilkut group itself. Presumably -the village list given for that group is derived from the second visit. - -Merriam discusses the other Whilkut groups as follows. - - The Hoil´-kut or Redwood Creek Indians (commonly called - Chilula, Hwilkut, or Whilkut) were until recent years one of the - dominant Athapaskan tribes of Humboldt County in northwestern - California. - - Their territory consisted of the whole valley of Redwood Creek - and the adjacent mountains from a point on the creek 10 or 12 miles - above its mouth to Chaparral Mountain at the head of the creek, and - included also the North Fork of Mad River and a short stretch on - the north side of the main Mad River between Blue Lake and Korbel. - - Their proper tribal name as spoken by themselves is - Hoi^{ch}-let´-kah or Ho-[=e]^{ch}-kut-k[)a], usually slurred - to Hoil´-kut. They also call themselves Ho-[=e]^{ch}-kut - kew-yahn´-ne-ahm, meaning Redwood Acorn eaters. - - There are three divisions or subtribes, more or less distinct - according to the point of view: Upper Redwood, Lower Redwood, and - Blue Lakes or North Fork Mad River Indians. In their own language - they are: - - 1. The Ho-[=e]^{ch}-ke-e´-te (from Ho-[=e]^{ch}-kut, - "Redwood", and e´-te, "north"), the Northern or Lower Redwood - Indians [Chilula Whilkut], inhabiting the valleys and adjacent - slopes of Redwood Creek from its mouth upstream about 12 miles to - the Tom Blair Ranch at the junction of Minor Creek--a distance in - an air line of about 17.5 miles. Goddard thought this division was - the whole tribe and called it Chilula, adopting the term from the - Hoopa, Polikla [Yurok], and Nererner [Coast Yurok] Indians, who - however apply it in a wider sense to both upper and lower divisions - of the Redwood Creek tribe. - - 2. The Ho-[=e]^{ch}-ki´-e-nok (from Ho-[=e]^{ch}-kut, - "Redwood", and e´-nok, "south"), the Upper or Southern Redwoods - [Kloki Whilkut], inhabiting the valley of Redwood Creek from Minor - Creek (Tom Blair Ranch) up southerly to the head of the river, near - Chaparral Mountain--a distance in an air line of nearly 20 miles. - They also call themselves 'Klo-ke Ching´-ching-e´-nok, meaning - "Prairie place south." - - 3. The 'Ho^{ch}-tin´-net (or 'Ko-tin´-net), the Blue Lake and - North Fork Mad River Indians [North Fork Whilkut], inhabiting the - valley of North Fork Mad River from its head to Korbel and Blue - Lake, and separated from the other divisions by a continuous lofty - ridge 2,000 to 4,000 feet in altitude. At Blue Lake they had a - large village called Kaw-cho´-sish-tin-tang. - - South of the 'Ho^{ch}-tin´-net are the M[=a]´-we-nok [Mad - R. Whilkut], a related Athapaskan tribe inhabiting the valley of - Mad River from the junction of North Fork near Korbel, southerly - (upstream) to the Algrehn Ranch on Bug Creek--a distance in a - straight line of about 21 miles. The 'Ho^{ch}-tin´-net and the - M[=a]´-we-nok say that their languages are so similar that either - can understand most of the words of the other. - - The Hoilkut do not reach the coast, being separated from it by - a long mountain ridge, on the west side of which dwell two tribes - belonging to widely different linguistic stocks--the Nererner (the - southwestern division of the Polikla or Yurok) and the Pahtewaht - (the northern division of the Humboldt Bay Soolahteluk [Wiyot]). - - The Hoilkut say that the coast tribe they call Teswan (the - Nererner) owned the land fronting the ocean from Orick at the mouth - of Redwood Creek south to Trinidad and extending up Redwood Creek - for ten or twelve miles; and that farther south the Pahtewaht - of the coast and lower Mad River owned the country up to Blue - Lake--possibly to the mouth of North Fork Mad River--all of which - agrees with what I have been told by members of these tribes. - - The Hoilkut state that their lowermost (northernmost) - villages, Ha-wung´-ah-kut and No-l[)e]´-tin, were ten or twelve - miles up from the mouth of the river. Below these they claim no - territory. Above, they had twenty-three permanent villages. - - The language is uniform throughout Redwood Creek Valley except - for one or two slight differences of pronunciation. Thus the first - syllable of the tribal name as spoken by the Upper Redwoods is - Hoi´^{ch}; by the Lower Redwoods, Ho-[=e]^{ch}. - - -VILLAGES - -Most of the village names in the lists following were recorded by -Merriam or Loud; some Chilula and Kloki Whilkut data from Goddard's -works are added. - -_Mad River Whilkut villages._--All the names in this list were recorded -by either Merriam or Loud (1918), respectively designated by (M) and -(L). (See map 16.) - - 1. ti-keo-tchun´-tin (M). Village on the site of present - Riverside. - - mis-ken[=e]'huten, "bluff-?-place" (L). - - The names are quite different but the locations are identical. - One of them may be in error. - - 2. djin[=a]kh[=o]e-ten (L). Name said to refer to a prairie. - - 3. tolkai'e-ten (L). Name said to refer to shining gravel. - - 4. dj'[=e]ndj[=e]e-ten, dj'[=e]ndj[=e]-whot (L). Name said to - refer to a strong sweep of the wind at that place. - - 5. me´-kaw^{ch}-ting, me-ke´-aw^{ch}-ting (M). Village at Jim - Anderson's place about 3 mi. S of Korbel. - - 6. [=a]rtes-slandj[=e][=o]lin-tin, "grasshopper-?-place" (L). - Village at the mouth of Dry Cr. - - 7. ka-tahs-lah-ting, 'ke-ah-tahs-lah-ting (M). Village on the - S side of Cañon Cr. (in air line about 3.5 mi. S of Korbel). - - who'nt[=a], "houses" (L). Village at the mouth of Cañon Cr. - - 8. whotsdj[=o]t[=a]che-tin (L). Name said to refer to a low - prairie. The village is 3 or 4 mi. below Maple Cr., just below - Foster Cr. There were three houses there. - - 9. ts[=a]´-te-tis´-ting (M). Camp on Mad R. at Fala ranch, 10 - or 12 mi. S of Korbel. It was a camp for catching eels. - - ts[=e]-didis-ten (L). Village about 2 mi. below Maple Cr. - There were ten or more houses there. - - 10. til-chwah-hew'-a-kut, til-tchwa-h[)u]-ut (M). Village on - Maple Cr. about 14 mi. (9 in air line) S of Korbel. Large village. - - tilch[=e]h[=u]ërkut, dilchërh[=u][=e]rkut (L). Village at the - mouth of Maple Cr. - - 11. hotint[=e]lime (L). Village at the mouth of Black - Cr. The name is said to refer to a prairie near by, known as - hinukerchenditen. - - 12. yin[=a]lin[=o]whot (L). Village at the mouth of Boulder - Cr. Merriam also lists a village at this place but he does not give - its name or other information about it. - - 13. me´-m[)e]h (M). Village at Three Cabins on Mad R. about 3 - mi. above Maple Cr. On Tom Blair's Mad R. place. - - 14. Village near Mountain View, about 3.5 mi. S of Three - Cabins. - - 15. tseng-nah´-neng-ahl´-ting, tseng-nah´-neng-ah-ten, "rocks - across the river" (M). Large village at John Ahlgren's place on or - near Bug Cr. [This may be the village site shown in pl. 10, _b_.] - - 16. ituke-n[=o]le´-tin, "up-waterfall-place" (L). Village on - Foster Cr. The same name also given to a prairie half a mile up the - creek from its mouth; ituk means "up," also "east." - -_Chilula Whilkut villages._--The information on the villages and camps -of the Chilula Whilkut comes from Merriam's notes and from Goddard's -published material (1914). It appears that Merriam made a systematic -effort to check Goddard's material, thereby enhancing the value of their -combined work. (See map 15.) - -[Illustration: Map 15. Villages of the Chilula Whilkut, North Fork -Whilkut, and Kloki Whilkut (see also map 16).] - - 1. ho-wung´-ah-kut (M). In the Bald Hills N of Redwood Cr. - Northernmost and lowest village. - - x[=o]wûnnakût (G). Village probably situated about a mile - E of Redwood Cr. on a small flat S of a ridge along which the - Trinidad trail used to run. A small creek a short distance S, - entering Redwood Cr. from the E, would have furnished excellent - salmon fishing. A depression resembling those characteristic of - sweathouses was seen. Tom Hill's oldest brother used to live at - this village, which was deserted many years ago, probably because - of its nearness to the trail. - - 2. no-l[)e]h´-ting (M). Village on Redwood Cr. about 12 mi. - from the coast. The name means "falls." - - n[=o]lediñ, "waterfall place" (G). This former large village - remained occupied until 1888, when the Hill family left it and - moved to Hoopa V. The site is at the foot of a long glade which - slopes toward the creek nearly a half-mile distant. A spring N of - the village site supplies water. In the edge of the timber, which - approaches the village site within a few yards on the N, are two - large redwood trees, hollow, with large openings toward the S. In - these trees families used to spend the winter. During our visit in - 1906 we spent a rainy afternoon in one of them in which a fire was - maintained, the smoke escaping through the high opening in the side. - - The village derived its name and perhaps its existence from - a hole, or waterfall, a short distance up the stream. The creek - bed was formerly choked with huge boulders, causing a fall, which - was jumped by the salmon with difficulty. The fishing for both - salmon and lamprey eels, carried on with nets below the fall, was - excellent. Since the village has been abandoned, several of these - boulders have been displaced so a fall of only 3 ft. remains. - - 3. y[=i]tsinneakûttciñ, "down hill on" (G). Camp site W of - n[=o]lediñ, about halfway up the ridge W of Redwood Cr. The Indians - from n[=o]lediñ used to camp there to gather the acorns of the tan - oak, which are plentiful among the redwood trees. - - 4. L[=o]tsx[=o]tdawillindiñ, "prairie water flows down place" - (G). Summer camp about 1-1/2 mi. E of n[=o]lediñ and 1/2 mi. W of - the crest of the ridge. A hollow redwood tree used to be used as a - camping place. - - 5. tcitdeelyediñ, "dancing place" (G). Glade on a ridge - running toward the E near a branch of Roach Cr., a tributary of the - Klamath. This camp was pointed out from a distance and its exact - location is therefore uncertain. The Indians used to go there from - n[=o]lediñ in the summer to gather seeds and in the fall for acorns. - - 6. klo-tshim´-m[)e]y (M). Camp on Redwood Cr. 1 mi. above - no-l[)e]h´-ting. - - L[=o]tcimme, "small glade in" (G). A former village about a - mile upstream from n[=o]lediñ and 75 yds. E of Redwood Cr., where - it stood in an opening of about an acre. Obscure depressions like - house pits were seen on the N side of the glade near a stream - which provided drinking-water. A weir for lamprey eels used to be - built in Redwood Cr. near by. - - 7. ho^{ch}-tahn-ho-lah´-ting (M). On the E side of Redwood Cr. - above klo-tshim´-m[)e]y. There is some doubt as to its location. - - 8. king-keo´-'hli (king-keo´-h[)e]-l[=a]) (M). Summer camp on - top of the hill or ridge in Bald Hills about a mile E of Jonathan - Lyon's ranch house. - - kiñky[=o]lai, "big timber point" (G). Large and important - former village situated on the eastern end of a ridge above - Jonathan Lyon's ranch house and about a mile E of it. There is - timber on the northern slope of the ridge. At the edge of the - timber is a spring which supplied the village with water. Besides - the sweathouse site, seventeen house pits were counted. This - village was the home of the Socktish family, many of whom are now - living with the Hupa. The head of the family at the time of the - coming of white people was a man of influence and a noted warrior. - His name was KiLtcil, "crazy." His wife was a Hupa woman and - perhaps for that reason the family moved to Hoopa V. - - 9. senalmatsdiñ, "stone round place" (G). Summer camp for - gathering seeds in the glade on the S side of the main ridge E of - kiñky[=o]lai. - - 10. tesaikut, "projects to water" (G). Camp ground frequented - in the fall of the year for gathering tanoak acorns and hunting - deer by the Indians living at n[=o]lediñ and kiñky[=o]lai. It is on - the NE slope of the ridge W of Tully Cr. - - 11. king-y[)e]-ke´-ke-ah-mung´-ah (king´-ke-kaw´-mung´-ah) - (M). Village on the E side of Redwood Cr. at the mouth of Coyote - Cr. a little above ho^{ch}-tahn-ho-lah´-ting, and a little above - Lyon's place. - - kiñyûkky[=o]mûña, "big timber near" (G). This site was not - visited. It is said to be on the N side of Coyote Cr. below a large - rock. There are said to be house pits there. Tom Hill said this - was the village where the people who lived at kiñky[=o]lai spent - the colder months of the winter. It is unlikely that two permanent - villages were maintained by the same families. Perhaps the site of - kiñky[=o]lai is the more recent and it was formerly only a summer - camping place. - - 12. kitdiLwissakût, "fire drill on" (G). Camp used in the fall - for gathering acorns and hunting. Situated near the corner of the - Hoopa reservation in a glade sloping toward the S, near a spring. - - 13. new-wil-tso´-me-ah, "coyote camp" (M). Spring and summer - camp on Bald Hills Ridge. - - n[=u]wils[=o]lm[=i]ye, "ground in billows under" (G). - Summer camping ground near a cold spring at the head of one of - the branches of Coyote Cr. The Indians used to come here from - n[=o]lediñ. - - 14. ye-sin´-ning´-i-kut (e-tsin´-ning´-i-kut) (M). - - y[=i]sinniñ^{=e=} aikût, "down hill ridge runs on" (G). Site - of a former village 1/2 mi. E of Redwood Cr. and about 500 ft. - higher than the creek. It is S of the main ridge S of Coyote Cr., - at the western edge of a glade near a dry gulch. One pit was found. - It is said that Tom Hill's father lived at this village and that it - was not occupied at the time the white people came. - - 15. tsin´-tse-lah´-ting (M). Village below Stoffer's and below - ho´-tach-ting. - - tsinsilladiñ, "bones lie place" (G). Former village not far - from Redwood Cr. on a small flat where the ground shows signs of - having slid. Little Henry's family are said to have lived at this - village. - - 16. kittc[=u]namediñ, "its ear swimming place" (G). Summer - camp on the W side of the main ridge, about 200 ft. below its - junction with the E-W ridge N of Lacks Cr. There is a spring by a - Douglas spruce which stands by itself. - - 17. t[=o]'n-t[)e]-nahn´-ting (t[=o]n-din-nun-ting) (M). Old - village on the E side of Redwood Cr. Ned Woodward, who was born - here, tells me the village was on a side hill at or very near - Stoffer's. - - t[=o]ndinûndiñ, "water facing place" (G). Village site on the - sloping hillside about 700 yds. E of Redwood Cr. and 400 yds. N of - Lacks Cr. Seven house pits were found here. The guide, Dan Hill, - did not know of these pits, but located a village of this name - considerably nearer Redwood Cr. The Albers place, probably the - first settlement in this region, is just S of this village, on a - flat between Redwood Cr. and Lacks Cr. - - 18. tcwûñxaladiñ, "dung stands up place" (G). On the western - side of the main ridge near its crest. There is a spring in a small - flat. - - 19. ming´-kah´-te-k[)e]´ (mung-kut´-te-k[)e]) (M). At Fort - Camp at the mouth of ho-tah´^{ch}-ting Cr. (Lacks Cr.), between - Lyon's and Stoffer's. - - miñkûtdekeyimantcintciñ, "lake opposite side" (G). Summer - camp among the redwood trees across the creek from Albers' place, - opposite the mouth of Lacks Cr. - - 20. ho-tah´^{ch}-tin´-nek (ho´-nah^{ch}-tin-[)a]-k[)e] or - ho-nah^{ch}-t[)e]-n[=a]´-k[)e]h), (M). Large village or summer - camp right at Stoffer's on the ridge about a mile above (S of) - t[=o]s-kahtch-ting (Cold Spring) and approximately midway between - Bair's and Berry's. At Stoffer's, formerly Hooker's, there is - a place called koo^{ch}-mit-tah^{ch} or kew^{ch}-mit-tah^{ch}, - meaning "between the alders," but it appears to be a place name - only. - - 21. e-nok´-k[)a]-no´-mit-s[)a] (M). Former village on the - Howard place. - - y[=i]nûkan[=o]mittsediñ, "south door place" (G). Former large - and important village, often mentioned in myths and tales by both - the Hupa and the Chilula. Pits were found on a flat near the creek - about 1/8 mi. SW of the Howard ranch buildings. Other pits were - said to have been obliterated near the middle of this flat. - - 22. tl[=o]^{ch}-t[=i]'k-hah-lah´-ting (M). Camp at an old - schoolhouse 1 mi. S of e-nok´-k[)a]-no´-mit-s[)a]. - - 23. h[=o]n-t[)e]^{chl}-m[)e]´ (M). Camp on the E side of - Redwood Cr. above Lacks Cr. - - x[=o]nteLme, "flat in" (G). Former village situated on a large - flat on the E side of Redwood Cr. The village is said to have stood - where the farm buildings formerly belonging to Beaver are located. - Because this flat had been cultivated a long time no pits were - visible. - - 24. klo-ch[)e]-k[=a] (M). Village on the E side of Redwood Cr. - - L[=o]tceke (G). Village which stood midway in a flat on the E - side of Redwood Cr. near the stream. House pits were seen on the W - side of the wagon road. - - 25. klitch´-hoo-[)e]-nah´^{ch}-ting - ('hlit-choo-[=a]-nah^{ch}-ten; sit-choo-[)e]-nah^{ch}-ting) (M). - Former village about 3 mi. above Beaver's on the W side of Redwood - Cr. above Lacks Cr. - - Littc[=u][w=]innau[w=]diñ, "dust flies place" (G). Site of a - former village on a long flat on the W side of the creek. It is - surrounded by timber, but receives the sun from the S. Little Henry - was living on the E side of the creek at the time, and said it was - his father's home. - - 26. ki´-loo^{ch}-tah^{ch}-ting (M). Camp on - the E side of Redwood Cr. about 1 mi. or less S of - klitch'-hoo-[)e]-nah´^{ch}-ting, but on the opposite bank. - - kail[=u][w=]ta'diñ, "willows among place" (G). Said to have - been a large village on a small flat about 1/4 mi. S of the last - mentioned village. There were indications of 3 or 4 house pits. - Molasses' wife said there was once a round dance house in this - village, probably the same type as in the Upper Redwood and Mad - River country. - - 27. kuff-keo´-m[)e] (M). Camp on the W side of Redwood Cr. - across from k[=i]'-loo^{ch}-tah^{ch}-ting. - - 28. kail[=u][w=]tceñeLdiñ, "willows project place" (G). Former - village, which stood at the northern end of a long flat. Two plain - house pits, one of them containing stone implements, were seen. - - 29. sik´-king´-choo-ma-tah´^{ch}-ting (M). Given as about 2 - mi. below Tom Bair's place on the E side of Redwood Cr. Merriam - says he could not find anyone who knew of it. - - sikkiñtcwûñmitta'diñ (G). Village occupied in 1914. At the - time of Goddard's visit, it was the home of Tom, a famous blind - medicine man. - - 30. h[=o]s-t[)a]´-ch[)e]-m[)e] (M). Village or camp on the W - side of Redwood Cr. about 2 mi. above k[=i]´-loo^{ch}-tah^{ch}-ting. - - 31. ke´-nah´-hung-tah´^{ch}-ting (M). Former big village on - the E side of Redwood Cr. just below Minor Cr. - - kinnax[=o]nta'diñ, "Yurok village place" (G). Important former - village on a flat bordering Redwood Cr. on the E, about 1/4 mi. N - of Tom Bair's ranch house. Four shallow pits were found. A fight - with the volunteer soldiers occurred at this village, in which one - Indian was killed. - - 32. ke-tan-nah´-tah^{ch}-ting (M). Former village on the site - of Tom Bair's place. - - 33. ho-un´-kut (M). Former village on the W side of Redwood - Cr. about 1/2 mi. from ke-tan-nah´-tah^{ch}-ting but on the - opposite side of the creek. The name is nearly the same as that of - the lowermost village of the tribelet. - - 34. tah^{ch}-ch[=a]-nahl´-ting (M). Large village on the E - side of Redwood Cr. just below Tom Bair's, near the big barn and - sheep corral. - - 35. tahs-ung´-ch[=a]-kut (tah^{ch}-sahn-che-ting) (M). Former - village about 200 yds. above tah^{ch}-ch[=a]-nahl´-ting on the E - side of the creek. - -There are also a number of villages for which the locations are -uncertain. The following names are from Merriam's notes, and the -villages are situated on or near the Bald Hills Ridge between villages 9 -and 16. - - tahnch-wing-es-hon-ting. - - kahtch-wahn-to-ting. Summer camp. - - ke-wah´-ahn-tis-ting. Camp on the ridge at the line fence - between Lyon's and Stoffer's ranches. - - tos-kahtch´-ting. Camp on the ridge at Cold Spring 1/2 mi. - above ke-wah´-ahn-tis-ting. - - tah^{ch}mah-no-ah´-ting. Summer camp on Bald Hills Ridge. - -One more village is given by both Merriam and Goddard, transcribed -dah´-sun´-chah-kut by the former and dasûntcakût by the latter. They -both say that it was supposed to have been near village no. 31. Goddard -thinks that it was a separate name for a part of village 31 "as is -customary in this region." - -_Kloki Whilkut villages._--Most of the information on this group -comes from Merriam's notes. Goddard's account of the Chilula Indians -of Northeastern California (1914_a_) goes only as far as the first -two villages, which he maintains are part of the Lower Redwood group. -Merriam claims they belong to the Upper Redwood group. I have accepted -Merriam's version and these groups are rearranged on the basis of his -information. Goddard's Chilula Texts (1914_b_) mentions a few villages -of this group but no locations are given, so they have not been -included. (See maps 15 and 16.) - - 36. mis´-m[)e]h (M). Former village on the E side of Redwood - Cr. 1-1/2 mi. below kah´-kus-tah^{ch}-ting. - - misme, "slide in" (G). Former village situated near the creek - on the E side. Many Indians were killed here by the white people. - Perhaps that is why this village was not mentioned by some of the - informants. - - 37. kah´-kus-tah^{ch}-ting (M). Former village on Redwood Cr. - at the junction of Sweathouse Cr., whose name it bears. About 2 mi. - below Berry Bridge. - - kaxûsta'diñ, "Philadelphus among place" (G). Former village of - importance on a flat of about 2 ac., near the creek level on the E - side. Four house pits were found on the N side of the flat and four - others in a row about midway of the flat. Two other pits, one of - them near the creek, were probably sweathouses. The flat is called - "Sweathouse Flat" by white people. This village is considered by - the Hupa the last of the villages of the x[=o]ilkûty[=i]dexoi, - or Chilula. It was the last toward the S from which Indians were - allowed to witness the Hupa dances. The Chilula also seem to accept - this as their boundary. - - 38. t'chil-kahn´-ting (t'ch^{[-l]}-kahn´-ting; - chis-kahn´-ting) (M). Village on the E side of Redwood Cr. just - under the Berry ranch and about 1/4 mi. below the old covered - bridge near Berry's. The village is now moved to a higher point on - the high slope 1/2 mi. farther S. - - 39. e-nuk´-k[)a]-cheng´-tish-ting (M). Former village where - the Berry ranch house now stands, on the high ground E of Redwood - Cr. Bridge. - - 40. es-tish´-chem´-m[)e]h (M). Former village on the E side of - Redwood Cr. about 4 mi. above Berry Bridge. - - 41. tsin´-tes-'ki´-m[)e]h (M). Village on the E side of - Redwood Cr. a little below mes-t[)a]-tim´-teng. - - 42. mes-t[)a]-tim´-teng (M). Former village on the E side of - Redwood Cr. above es-tish´-chem´-m[)e]h. - - 43. tah-nah´-nah-kut (M). Village on the E side back from the - creek and above mes-t[)a]-tim´-teng. - - 44. chim-mah´-non´-ah-kut (M). Former village on the E side of - Redwood Cr. at Bonny Cragan's ranch. - - 45. ni´-is-'kwahl´-l[)a]-kut (M). Former village at the head - of Redwood Cr. The last and southernmost village of the group. A - view of the territory here is shown in pl. 10, _d_. - -Merriam lists for this group five other villages, which could not be -located. Presumably they are in correct sequence between village no. 44 -and village no. 45. - - ts[=a]´-nah-ti´-[)a]-kut. Village on the E side of Redwood Cr. - far up, near Chaparral Mt. - - 'klesh-mah´-kut. Former village on the ridge on the E side of - Redwood Cr. - - m[=a]´-m[=a]-[)a]-kut. Former big village on m[=a]´-ma-kut - creek. - - 'klew-taw-m[)e]-ting. Former village on the E side of Redwood - Cr. - - nahs-kah´-nah-kut. Former village high up on Redwood Cr. - -_North Fork villages._--The information on this group comes from -Merriam's notes (M) and from Loud (1918) (L). (See map 15.) - -[Illustration: Map 16. Villages of the Mad River Whilkut, the South Fork -Hupa, and Kloki Whilkut. (See also maps 15 and 17).] - - 46. klokeche (L). - - 47. kaw-cho'-sish-tin-tang (M). Large village at Blue L. - - 48. me-k[=a]´-t[)a]-met (M). Village on North Fork Mad R. - between Korbel and Riverside (nearer Riverside). - - mik[=e]time (L). Name said to refer to being behind North Fork - of Mad R. - - 49. k[=a]-tsi'-[)a]-too (M). Camp just below Big Rock at - Korbel. - - 50. hoo-tso'-e-choo'-kah (M). Village (or camp) on the site of - the present store at Korbel. - - 51. ki'loo-whit´-teng (M). Fishing camp on North Fork Mad R. - 1/4 or 1/2 mi. above Korbel (where gum trees are, just below picnic - ground). - - 52. kis-t[=a]'-[)a]-kut (M). Camp for winter fishing on North - Fork Mad R. at Korbel picnic ground (Camp Bar) about 1 mi. above - Korbel. - - gestAkAt (L). Name said to refer to a deep fishing hole. - - 53. noo-l[)e]h´-m[)e]h (M). Fishing camp at falls about 1/2 - mi. above Korbel picnic ground. Only one kind of salmon can get up - these falls. - - 54. ts[=e]-in[=a]t[=u]lwo-ten (L). tse, "sticks," which were - left there after a prayer. - - 55. khaiyame (L). Name said to refer to an eddy at the base of - a waterfall. - - -ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES - -The following note is taken verbatim from the Merriam files. - - The Nose Stick: The Redwood Hoi-let'-hah tell me that their - tribe never perforated the nose during life, but when a person died - they charred a piece of poison oak to make it strong, and sharpened - it and bored a hole with it through the septum of the dead person's - nose and then put handsome Dentalium shell money in the hole before - burying the person. - - The Tol-lo-wah of Crescent City and Karok of Upper Klamath - River (Orleans Bar to Happy Camp) were the only Indians the - Redwoods knew who dared wear the nose shell when alive--the other - tribes were afraid to do so. - - -HUPA - -The Hupa are the best known of the California Athabascan groups. They -live in the drainage area of the Trinity River from a short distance -above its mouth to a little above the mouth of South Fork Trinity and in -the drainage area of the South Fork Trinity up to the mouth of Grouse -Creek (pl. 10, _a_). - -There have been a number of papers published on a variety of aspects -of Hupa life but the main sources of general ethnography are Goddard's -paper (1903_a_) and Kroeber's Hupa section in the Handbook (1925_a_, -pp. 128-137). The Hupa are the same, in many ways, as the Yurok, so the -sizable literature on that group is also useful. - -The territory occupied by the Hupa differs in several respects from -that of the other Athabascan tribes. The elevation of their lands is -everywhere over 2,000 feet and in places rises to 4,000 or 5,000 feet. -Because of the elevation there is a good deal of snow in the mountains -surrounding the valley and this fact may have somewhat isolated the Hupa -from their Athabascan neighbors during the winter months, although it is -known that they were in close contact with some of the Whilkut. - -The fish resources of the Hupa territory also constituted an important -distinction. The Trinity is the only river in the Athabascan area in -which there is both a spring and a fall run of salmon. This resource -must have been very important to the Hupa. It is significant that in the -many intensive studies of the Hupa there is no report of any summer camp -away from the river. The Hupa were evidently even more firmly attached -to their riverine environment than were the other Athabascans, and this -fact may well have been due to the double salmon run. - -Merriam's estimate of the position of the Hupa, given below, is taken -verbatim from his notes. - - _The Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o or Hoopah._--The Hoopah proper, - who call themselves not Hoopah but Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o, occupy - the lower part of Trinity River and tributary streams from the - mouth of South Fork Trinity northerly to Bull Creek--a distance of - about 20 miles. On the west they extend to the summit of the long - high mountain range known as The Bald Hills (altitude 4,000 ft.), - which separates their territory from that of the Redwood Creek - tribe, the 'Hwilkut [Chilula]. On the east they reach to the lofty - mountain ridge culminating in Trinity Summit (altitude 6,500 ft.), - the northern part of which separates the drainage area of Mill - Creek from that of Redcap Creek; the southern part, the waters of - Horse-Linto and Cedar creeks from those of the westerly branches of - New River. - - Their territory, therefore, is difficult of access, being - protected in all directions by ranges of mountains or deep canyons, - while its western border is about 20 miles from the coast, easterly - from Trinidad. The entire region, except the beautiful Hoopa - Valley, 6 miles in length and a mile or two in breadth, where most - of the villages are located, is mountainous and most of it densely - forested. There are one or two small open stretches on other parts - of Trinity River, and a few grassy slopes on some of the ridges; - elsewhere the forest is continuous. - - The Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o are in contact with five tribes - belonging to three linguistic stocks, namely: the Po-lik´-lah - (often called "Yurok") on the north; the Kar´ok on the northeast; - the Athapaskan E´-tahk-n[)a]-lin´-n[)a]-kah on the east [I have - not been able to identify this group. According to Merriam's - map and according to his own testimony (Merriam, 1930) the Hupa - are bordered on the east by the Shastan Tlo-hom-tah-hoi; the - Athapaskan Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a] [Southern Hupa] on the south, and - the Athapaskan 'Hwilkut [Chilula] on the west.] - - _The Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a]._--(An Athapaskan tribe closely - related to the Hoopah.) The territory of the Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a] - lies directly south of the Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o or Hoopah proper, - embracing the drainage basin of South Fork Trinity River from - Grouse Creek to the junction of South Fork with the main Trinity, - and including also the rather narrow strip between South Fork - on the west and the main Trinity on the east as far up as Cedar - Flat. At the mouth of South Fork they crossed the main Trinity - and claimed a narrow strip two or three miles in length on the - north side of the canyon where two of their villages were located, - Ti´-koo-et-sil´-lah-kut on the high bench opposite the mouth of - South Fork, and Me´-m[)e]h, on the site of the present Fountain - Ranch about 1-1/2 miles east of the other. Their western boundary - was the divide between the tributaries of South Fork Trinity and - those of Redwood Creek (a little west of the courses of Madden - Creek and Mosquito Creek). The eastern boundary was the deep canyon - of Trinity River from the mouth of South Fork to Cedar Flat; the - southern boundary, Grouse Creek and a line running from its mouth - northeasterly and following Mill Creek to the main Trinity at Cedar - Flat--thus including the Burnt Ranch country. - - The land of the Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a] is mountainous and - forested, and the principal streams flow in deep canyons. It is - roughly circular in outline, and of small extent, measuring in - an air line hardly 15 miles in either direction--north-south or - east-west. Nevertheless it seems to have been rather well populated - for there were at least a dozen villages--all situated on high - benches overlooking the canyons. - - Their language differs only slightly from that of the Hoopah. - - The Tsa-nung-wha were in contact with four tribes: - the Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o or Hoopah on the north, - E´-tahk-n[)a]-lin´-n[)a]-kah [Tlo-hom-tah-hoi] and Che-ma-re´-ko - [Chimariko] on the northeast, the Che-ma-re´-ko on the east and - south, the 'Hwi´l-kut [Chilula] on the west. - -The following account of Merriam's first visit to the Hoopa Indian -Reservation is taken from his California Journal, Vol. 2, September 5, -1898. - - The present Hoopa Valley Indian Reservation Agency is built - around a hollow square, formerly old Fort Gaston. In order to reach - the agency we had to ford Trinity River, here more than a hundred - feet broad, the agency being on the west or coast side. Purchased a - number of sahah baskets. - - The night before coming down into Hoopah Valley we camped on - Trinity Mountain where we found a colony of _Aplodontia_ [Mountain - beaver], the Hoopah name of which is Nea't-saas. - - The range west of Hoopah Valley between Supply Creek canyon - and Redwood Creek is 3,400 feet in altitude; in other words, 3,000 - feet above Hoopah Valley. This range is covered with a rather dense - forest mainly of Douglas Fir, more or less mixed on the warmer - slope with Ponderosa and Sugar Pines and Black, White, and Live - Oaks, among which Madrones, Chinquapins, and Cedars occur. - - On the slope east of Hoopah Valley the splendid _Rhododendron - californicum_ occurs. Here also two species of _Cornus_, - _nuttalli_ and the black-berried _sessilis_, were seen, and in a - gulch nearby we found the rather rare Lawson Cypress. On this range - at an altitude of 3,250 feet is a stone pile around a post said to - mark the west boundary of Hoopah Reservation. - - On this same range the coast Plume Fern is common and - the ground over a considerable area is carpeted with delicate - _Vancouveria hexandra_. - - At Redwood Creek we saw the beautiful ringed tail of a - _Bassariscus_, which animal is said to be common here. - - The Redwood (_Sequoia sempervirens_) common along the coast - pushes up Redwood River to a point about two miles below the Bair - ranch. The man at the ranch, W. F. Boyce, told me that during - the previous year he had trapped in the region 32 Black Bear, 21 - Coyotes, numerous Wildcats, 3 Panthers, and one Badger, besides - killing any number of deer. Other mammals said to occur here in - addition to Deer are Gray Fox, Otter, Fisher, Marten, Mink, big - and little Skunks (_Mephitis_ and _Spilogale_) in addition to the - Ring-tail _Bassariscus_, here called kil-how'^{ch}. - - One of the commonest trees in Redwood Valley is the Tan Oak - (_Lithocarpus densiflora_), the bark of which is used for tanning. - Madrones also are common, many of them four feet or more in - diameter. - - The rare Cypress (_Chamaecyparis lawsoniana_) also occurs here - but Douglas Fir is not only the dominant tree but grows to large - size, thousands of them reaching diameters of five to seven feet. - - -VILLAGES - -Although the information on Hupa villages comes from extremely diverse -sources, there appears to be fair agreement among them. The basic -material comes from Goddard (1903), and this is for the most part -confirmed by Merriam and Curtis (1924, Vol. 13). In fact, Curtis' data -coincide so closely with Goddard's that they may have been derived from -Goddard's report. However, a few of Curtis' facts do not appear in -Goddard's work so we are probably justified in considering them primary. - -Besides these sources, there is a list of village names by Powers (1877) -and also a manuscript map prepared by Gibbs in 1852, reproduced here as -pl. 9; the original is in the Bureau of American Ethnology. Although -this map is not particularly accurate and although the village names are -given in Yurok rather than in Hupa, it still has special value since the -number of houses is given for each village and we therefore have a check -on the data presented by Goddard. - -In the following lists the sources are thus indicated: Merriam (M), -Goddard (G), and Curtis, 1924, Vol. 13, (C). - -_Natinuwhe Villages (map 17)_ - - 1. hon-sah-tung (M). Former village on the E bank of the - Trinity R. at the N end of Hoopa V. - - xonsadiñ (G), "deep water place." Near the beginning of the - canyon on the right bank at the N end of the valley. - - honsading, "deep pool place" (C). On the E bank of the Trinity - R. at the N end of Hoopa V. - - Powers (1877) gives hun-sa-tung and Gibbs gives okenope, - corresponding to oknutl, the Yurok name. Gibbs says there were 9 - houses in the village while Goddard shows 11 houses. - - [Illustration: Map 17. Villages of the Hupa and South Fork - Hupa (see also map 16).] - - 2. dakisxankût (G). On the opposite side of the Trinity R. - from xonsadiñ at the base of Bald Hill was a village, the site of - which is now entirely grown up to trees and brush. Goddard shows 7 - houses here. - - takyishankut (C). On the W bank, opposite honsading. - - 3. kin-choo-whu-kut (M). On the E side of the Trinity near the - N end of Hoopa V. and just below the mouth of Mill Cr. - - kintc[=u]whwikût, "on a nose" (G). This village occupies a - point of land on the E bank just below the mouth of Mill Cr. Eight - houses are shown at this village. - - kinchuwhikut, "its nose upon" (C). On the E bank just below - the mouth of Mill Cr. - - The Yurok name for this village is merpernertl (Kroeber, 1925). - - 4. cha-en-ta-ko-ting, "flopped out" (M). Former village on the - W bank of the Trinity R. a little above Socktish Cr. - - tceindeqotdiñ, "place where he was dug up" (G). This village - was a short distance below meskût. Its name refers to a well-known - myth (see Goddard, 1904). Goddard shows 12 houses at this village. - - cheindekhoting (C), "dug out place." On the W bank between - miskut and the mouth of Socktish Cr. - - Powers (1877) gives the name chan-ta-ko-da for this village - and its Yurok name is said to be kererwer (Kroeber, 1925). - - 5. mis-kut (M). On the E side below Hostler Cr. - - meskût (G). This village was on the E side of the river and - about a mile below takimiLdiñ. It "shows signs of once having been - occupied by many houses." Nine of them are shown. - - miskut, "bluff upon" (C). On the E bank on a bluff midway - between Mill Cr. and Hostler Cr. - - Powers (1877) gives mis-kut as the name of this village and - Gibbs gives eh-grertsh, corresponding to the Yurok ergerits, and - says that there were 6 houses here. - - 6. tah-kah-mil-ting (M). The head village of the tribe, - situated on the E bank of the Trinity a little above Hostler Cr. - Contained a large ceremonial house. - - takimiLdiñ, "place of the acorn feast" (G). A short distance - below Tsewenaldin on the E bank. It is known as the Hostler Ranch. - This is the religious center for the whole valley. Here there - still stand the xonta nikyao, "house big," and the taikuw nakyao, - "sweathouse big." These are said to have been built by the people - of long ago and to have sheltered the first dwellers in the valley; - but inasmuch as they were burned by a party of Yurok in the early - part of the last century, the statement is to be interpreted - as applying to the foundations only. At this village were held - the acorn feast and two of the important dances, and it was the - starting-point for the third (cf. Goldschmidt and Driver, 1940). - Goddard shows 14 houses in this village. - - takimilding, "cook-acorns place" (C). On the E bank a short - distance above Hostler Cr. At the beginning of the acorn season the - people of this village would gather a small quantity of nuts and - prepare a feast of mush and salmon, which all the Hupa attended. - The remnants of the feast were cast into the fire and the cooking - stones were added to the accumulated heap of previous years. This - is the present residence of the northern division of the Hupa, - known as Hostler Ranch, and the ceremonial feast is still observed. - A fishing weir was built in a long riffle near here. - - Powers (1877) gives hos-ler as the name of this village and - Gibbs gives ople-goh, corresponding to Yurok oplego (Kroeber, - 1925), and says that there are 20 houses here. - - 7. tsa-wun-al-mit-tung (M). Former village on the E side of - the Trinity in the middle of the valley. - - tseweñaldiñ (G). This was a large settlement on the E bank - about a mile below toLtsasdin. It is translated by English tongues - into Senalton. There are many traces of houses here, but the people - were all killed or scattered in the troubled times of the 'sixties. - Six houses are shown here. - - tsewenalding, "rock inverted place" (C). This was on the E - bank about 1/4 mi. above takimilding. The locality is now known as - the Senalton Ranch. - - Gibbs gives the name olle-potl for this village, corresponding - to the Yurok olepotl (Kroeber, 1925) and says there were 10 houses. - -_Tinuheneu Villages (map 17)_ - - 8. tol-skots-a-tung (M). Former village on the W side of the - Trinity S of the mouth of Supply Cr. - - t[=o]Ltsasdiñ (G). There are evidences of this village on - the left bank a little S of the mouth of Supply Cr. It has long - been deserted. A prison camp was maintained near this site by the - military. - - toltsasding (C). At the N side of the mouth of Supply Cr. It - was inhabited until about the time of the military occupancy. - - The Yurok name for this village is erlern (Kroeber, 1925). - - 9. ma-til-le-tung (M). In the upper part of Hoopa V. on the E - side of the Trinity, 2 mi. from the S end of the valley. It was the - largest village but not the head village, tah-ka-mil-ting being the - head town, ma-til-le-tung was the big boat ranch of the Hupa and - was named for ma-til, dugout canoe. - - medildiñ, "place of boats" (G). Just below xowûñkût the river - swings back to the W, meets a spur of the mountain, and then - swings back to the E, forming a peninsula. Here, cut off from the - rest of the valley, is medildiñ (Matilton Ranch). This village, - with those to the S, forms the southern division of the Hupa - people. This division manifests itself especially in religious - matters. - - medilding, "canoe place" (C). On the E bank of the Trinity R. - about midway between Supply Cr. and Campbell Cr. It is the present - settlement of the southern division and is known as the Matilton - Ranch. The southern division fish weir is built in the river near - here. - - mi-til-ti is the name attributed to this village by Powers - (1877) and Gibbs gives the name kahtetl, which is its Yurok name - (Kroeber, 1925). Gibbs says it had 28 houses whereas Goddard shows - 22. - - 10. ho-wung-kut (M). A village of the southern division, S of - ma-til-le-tung and 1 mi. from the S end of the valley on the W bank - of the river. - - xowûñkût (G). About a mile downstream from Tish-Tang-A-Tang - Cr. on the W bank of the river. Goddard shows 14 houses at this - village. The site is now called Kentuck Ranch. - - howungkut (C). On the W bank about 1 mi. below Campbell Cr. - - This place is locally known as Kentuck Ranch. This appears to - be the village called wang-kat by Powers (1877). Its Yurok name is - pia'getl (Kroeber, 1925). - - 11. tish-tahng-ah-tung (M). On the E bank of the Trinity R. at - the S end of Hoopa V. proper. - - djictañadiñ (G). At the S end of the valley where the river - emerges from the canyon is a point of land on the E side. This - village, known locally as tish-tang-a-tang, was situated on this - point. Just above this village Tish-Tang-A-Tang Cr. from the - mountains on the E empties into the Trinity. - - djishtangading, "promontory place" (C). On the E bank opposite - Campbell Cr. - - Powers (1877) calls this village Tish-tan-a-tan. According to - Merriam's notes the Yurok name for it is Peht-sau-an and this is - the name Gibbs uses for it. Gibbs says there are 9 houses here, - whereas Goddard shows 13. - - 12. 'has-lin-ting (M). On the E bank of lower Trinity R. 3 mi. - above Hoopa V. proper. This is the uppermost village classed as - Hupa. - - xaslindiñ (G). About 3 mi. S of the valley proper on the E - bank of the river at the mouth of a creek of the same name (Horse - Linto Cr.). Nine houses are shown at this village. - - haslinding, "waterfall place" (C). On the E bank about 3 mi. - above djishtangading and the same distance beyond the limits of the - valley. The name is preserved in Horse Linto Cr. - - Powers (1877) calls this village hass-lin-tung. According to - Kroeber (1925, p. 129), the Yurok name for this village is yati but - Waterman (1920, p. 188) gives wo'xtoi. This last would correspond - to Gibbs's wauch-ta, which is shown with an approximately correct - location except that it is on the wrong side of the river. This - village is said to have had six houses. - - 13. seh-ach-pe-ya (Gibbs' map, pl. 9). This is no doubt a - Yurok name, as are all those given by Gibbs, but no one else has - recorded it. There are said to have been four houses here. - - 14. wang-ulle-watl (Gibbs' map, pl. 9). Again this is probably - a Yurok name. There are said to have been three houses. - - 15. wang-ulle-wutle-kauh (Gibbs' map, pl. 9). This is probably - a Yurok name. There is said to have been one house here. Kauh is a - Yurok suffix meaning "opposite." - -Gibbs also gives a town called weitspek on the W side of the Trinity -just below the mouth of South Fork. There are said to have been three -houses here. Merriam asked about this village and its existence was -denied by his informants. - -_South Fork Hupa Villages (maps 16, 17)_ - - 16. hlah-tung (M). On both sides of the mouth of South Fork - Trinity on high bench ground. - - 17. til-tswetch-a-ki (M). On the W side of South Fork at the - mouth of Madden Cr. An old important town. About a mile below - chil^{ch}-tal-tung. - - 18. chil^{ch}-tal-tung (M). On the E side of South Fork 1-1/2 - mi. above its mouth. - - 19. os-tahn-tung (M). On the E side of South Fork 2-1/2 mi. - above its mouth. - - 20. 'hlit-choo^{ch}-tung (M). On the E side of South Fork 5 or - 6 mi. above its mouth. - - 21. klo-kum-me (M). On the E side of South Fork about 8 mi. - above its mouth (two above 'hlit-choo^{ch}-tung). - - 22. tah-choo^{ch}-tung (M). On the E side of South Fork about - 10 or 12 mi. above its mouth. - - 23. ti-koo-et-sil-la-kut (M). On the N side of the main - Trinity on a bench opposite the mouth of South Fork, about 1-1/2 - mi. below Fountain Ranch. - - 24. me-meh; me-a-meh (M). On the N side of the main Trinity on - the site of the present Fountain Ranch about 1-1/2 mi. above the - mouth of South Fork but on the opposite side of the river. - - 25. hoi-ti sah-ahn-me (M). At Hennessy Ranch, Burnt Ranch - (Post Office in 1921). - - 26. e-nuk-kut-te-nan-tung (M). At McDonnell Ranch, Burnt - Ranch. Name means "south slope place." - - 27. tin-noo^{ch}-tung (M). At Cedar Flat. Easternmost village - of the tribe, near or adjoining the territory of the Chimariko. - - -ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES - -The following ethnographic data are taken verbatim from Merriam's notes. - - According to the Hoopah, as told me by James Chesbro of Burnt - Ranch, the First People are called Kit-tung´-whi or Devil People. - They used to fight and kill and eat one another. Later they turned - into animals. After the Flood real (Indian) people came. - - In early days the Indians used to get drunk from inhaling - the fumes of Indian tobacco (Min´-t[=a] itch´-wah) which by deep - breathing they would take into the lungs. Their word for drunk is - Ho-n[=a]^{ch}-w[)i]h^{ch}. The expression for "many people drunk" - is Yah, ho-n[=a]^{ch}-w[)e]^{ch}. - - The word for an old person is Kis´-te-ahn; for an old object, - Tah´-ne. - - There are two words for good: Chung-whoom for a good or kind - person; and Noo-wh[=o]m for a good thing or object. A bad person is - To choong-k[=o]m, "not good person"; while a thing that is not good - is To noo^{ch}-k[=o]m, "not good thing." - - Chin-tahs, "slow", is said to mean also "heavy"; but the word - given me for heavy is Nit-tahs´. - - The word Ho´-chit, meaning real or genuine, occurs frequently: - Thus, deerskin tanned with the hair on is called Ho´-chit te, - te being any blanket or toga. Similarly, the ordinary woman's - apron made of pine nuts and braided grass is Ho´-che ke´-ah; the - woman's hat, H[=o]-che k[=o]s´-tahn, or real hat; moccasins, Hoch - y[=a]´-che-tahl; the bow, H[=o]-ch[)e] tsitch-ting; the stone - arrow-point, H[=o]-ch[)e] tin-ti; Indian or wild tobacco, H[=o]-che - Min´-t[=a]-itch´-wah; the elkhorn box or purse for valuables - H[=o]´-che kin´-chah. - - The Hoopah say that their people did not use the nose-bone or - nose-stick, but had a name for it, which is Hun-choo whang-i. They - say these were worn by the Indians farther north. - - The women tattooed the chin, usually in three broad vertical - bands similar to those of the Klamath River tribes. Tattoo marks - are called Wil´-tahch´. - - Place names: All place names along the rivers were at one time - the sites of villages or rancherias. The village always takes the - name of the place. - - The name for house is H[=o]n´-tah or Hun´-tow; the ceremonial - house, M[=a]´-min sin-til; the sweathouse, Tah´-'keo; the menstrual - lodge, Mintch'; the brush wickiup, M[=a]´-nah-si; the brush blind - or hut for concealing the hunter Kew´-wong wil´-min. - - They say that they never burned the dead, but buried them - in graves dug exactly knee-deep by measure. The grave was called - Hot-yung ho-sin. The body was fastened to a slab of wood of the - proper length, and when laid in the grave was covered with the - belongings of the dead person and then with earth. - - While they do not burn the bodies, they burn clothing and - other belongings. But the Chemareko of Hyampom burn their dead. - - They believed in an evil spirit or Devil called Kit-tung´ hwoi. - - A peculiar custom was practised in extending a certain - courtesy to an enemy who wanted to cross the river but had no boat. - If a person having a canoe crossed the river, and his personal - enemy found the canoe, he would go and sit down near it and await - the return of the owner. When the owner came, he would back out - into the stream and then push the bow ashore at the nearest point - to his enemy, and the enemy would step in and sit down, neither - speaking a word. The owner would then paddle across the stream to - his own side, and the enemy would jump out and proceed without - remark. - - There were two kinds of doctors: the real doctor or shaman, - sometimes known as "dance doctor," called Kit-ta tow, and the - medicine doctor, who never danced, called Kim-mow-chil^{ch}-weh. - - Gambling Game: the common gambling game, Ke-now-we, was - played with a bunch of slender sticks 7 or 8 inches long, called - Hol-che-king. One of these, Hung ("ace" or "lucky stick"), has a - black band around the middle. The game consists in guessing in - which hand the opponent holds the marked stick. There are eleven - points or guesses. One stick is given up at each wrong guess. - - Small hailstones are called Klew-hahn min-nah from Klew-hahn, - "an eel," and min-nah, "eyes," from the resemblance of small - hailstones to the white eyes of the eel. Big hailstones are - Ke´-lo-ung-hot. - - An earthquake is Nin mah-ah tin-n[)i]^{ch}-chwit, meaning - "turns over on edge of world." - - Money: The unit of value, which we call "money," consisted - of the valuable kind of dentalium shells, long specimens of which - reached from the base of the finger to the base of the terminal - joint. This was called Ho´-che naht-te-ow or "real money." Small or - broken dentalium shells, from half an inch to an inch in length, - were called Mit-tatch, and were used for beads. - - Scalps of the great pileated woodpecker or cock-of-the-woods - (_Ceophlaeus pileatus_), called Kis^{l}-t[=a]-ke-'keo, also passed - as money. - - _Names of mammals and birds._--The Grizzly Bear had two names: - M[)e]-ch[=a]-e-sahn and Me-kwo ah. - - The Mountain Lion or Cougar is called Min´-ning m[)i]^{ch} - 'hl[=a]-til-loo, meaning "kills with his face." - - They speak of a spotted Panther of large size called Kit-sah´, - which has not been seen for a number of years. It used to make a - great noise. - - They speak also of a Water Panther (mythical) called - Ho-tsi´-tow, said to live in holes close to the water of lakes and - pools, never in rivers or on land. Its head and shoulders were - heavy and covered with long shaggy hair, but the hinder parts were - nearly naked. - - The Otter is called 'Kl[=o]k-e-te-til-le, meaning "he likes - salmon." - - The Weasel--and this is particularly interesting--is called - Klew^{ch}-m[)u]-hung, meaning "snake's husband"--a term doubtless - suggested by its snake-like form and actions. - - The Mole is called Min-ni´ [)e]-ting, meaning "eyeless"; the - Bat Haht-la nah-mut, "night flyer." - - The Porcupine is 'K'yo. Its quills, usually dyed yellow, were - used to ornament basket hats; and also to pierce the ears for - earrings. When a quill was stuck lightly into the lobe of the ear, - it would slowly work its way through. - - The common gray Ground Squirrel (_Citellus beecheyi_) is - called Ts[)e] 'ket-yahng-a, meaning "rock sitting on." - - The Jack Rabbit, oddly enough, is called Nah^{ch}-ah-tah - 'hits-'hlah-hahn, meaning "dry ground deer." - - _A Hupa ceremonial gray fox skin._--The skin was _cased_ - (opened along the hind legs, the belly not slit lengthwise). The - front feet had been cut off but the skin of each leg was slit in - six or seven strands or narrow ribbons about three inches long. - - The skin had been turned inside out and decorated in places; - then turned and left with fur outside. The skin of the hind legs - was painted deep red. The tail also had been slit open on the - underside and the skin painted with the same red paint, and a tuft - of pure white feathers four inches long was sewed to its tip. - - The most surprising marking was a double ring or belt band of - red and blue painted around the inside of the skin about two inches - above the base of the tail (and therefore hidden when the skin was - fur-side out). The two bands, each about half an inch wide, were in - actual contact all the way around--the anterior one deep red, the - posterior deep blue. - - The skin itself is of interest as being unmistakably the dark - northwest form of the species _Urocyon cinereoargenteus_. The upper - parts are very dark grizzled; the dorsal stripe from neck to tip of - tail is almost pure black and the tail is about an inch broad. The - flanks, inner-sides of legs, and undersides of tail are fulvous, - palest on the belly. The specimen is an adult male. - - _Sayings about birds._--Dove (_Zenaidura_). Called Mi-yo. - Mi-yo, the Dove, was a great gambler. He always gambled all winter. - Once when gambling someone told him that his grandmother was dead. - He said there would be plenty of time to cry next summer. So he - kept on playing. When summer came he cried for his grandmother. And - every summer we hear him crying for his grandmother. - - Hummingbird. Called Ko-sos. Ko-sos, the Hummingbird, was a - war bird. His bill was like a long needle. With it he pierced his - enemies. Once he told another bird to start from one end of the - world and he would start from the other. They did this and met in - the middle where they danced. - - _Notes on adjacent tribes._--Yin´-nah´-chin ("South People," - Chemar´eko). Extended from Hyampom northerly to Cedar Flat, - easterly along main Trinity to Canyon Creek; and northerly between - the high mountains that form the divide between French Creek and - North Fork Trinity River on the west to Canyon Creek on the east, - as far north as Rattlesnake Creek. (Previously learned from the - Nor´-rel-muk of Hay Fork, a Wintoon Tribe, that the dividing line - on the west between themselves and the Chemareko, called by them - Hyembos, lay along Minor Creek.) Language wholly different from - Hoopah. The Hoopah say that the presence of this tribe on Trinity - River west of Cedar Bar, and on lower New River, is a comparatively - recent intrusion. - - Klo´-m[)e]-tah´-wha ... Salmon River Indians. Ranges south - over summit to Grizzly Creek and headwaters New River. Language - wholly different. - - Ho-ning wil-tatch (meaning "tattooed faces") ... "Yuke" of - Covelo region. Round Valley. Also called Devils, Kit-tung-whoi--a - name applied to the First People, who finally turned into animals. - Language wholly different. - - _Geography._--There used to be a great fall in Trinity River - at a huge rock which stood in the middle of the river at Burnt - Ranch. Below the fall was a big pool and eddy, which at the proper - season was full of salmon. Everybody came here to catch salmon. - - Indians from several tribes met here and feasted and had a - "big time." Finally a terrible earth slide came down the side of - the canyon and moved the rock away. This destroyed the falls. - - This occurred during the boyhood of my informant. He tells - me that besides the Hoopah the Indians who used to visit the pool - below the falls for salmon were Poliklah from Wetchpek on Klamath - River, 'Hwilkut from Redwood Creek, and Chemareko from Hyampom. - They used to camp a little below the falls. - -_Hoopa Geographic Names_ - - Hoopa V. Nah-tin-noo - Main Trinity R. Hahn - Trinity R. "up and down" Hahn-nuk-ki - Bull Cr. Mis-tes-se ah-tung - ("sliding place") - Mill Cr. Mis-kut e-ta-e-tuk ne-lin-na-kah - (correct name) and Tsol-tsah muk-kah - (nickname from rock with female - mark) - Socktish Cr. Chan-ta-kot ne-lin-na-kah - Hostler Cr. Tsa-mit-tah ("between two rocks") - Site of present settlement Toos-kahts-tung-kah - in Hoopa V. - Campbell Cr. Tish-tah-ah-tung mu-mahn-chung - ne-lin-nuk-kah - Tish Tang A Tang Cr. Tish-tahn-ah-tung ne-lin-nuk-kah - Horse Linto Cr. Hahs-lin-nak-kak - Raccoon Cr. Se^{ch}-ki-uk-kah ("white rock") - Willow Cr. Ho-whah-chal-tung - South Fork Trinity 'Hlal-tung (at junction with main - Trinity) - South Fork Trinity Ye-sin-ching-ki (whole river) - Madden Cr. Tilch-wetch uk-kah - New R. Ye-tok ne-lin-nuk-kah - Forks of New R. Tsa-nah-ning-ah-tung - Ironside Mt. (east of New Tsen-nen-kut - R. mouth) - High Rocky Ridge (northwest Ta-se-tahn-ne-kut - of New R. mouth) - Trinity Summit Ridge Mung-kin-ne-kow-a-kut - Berry Summit Ho-e^{ch}-kut mit-ta-kahn - Redwood Cr. Ho-e^{ch}-kut ne-lin-nu-kah - - - - -POPULATION - - -SOURCES - -The earliest serious effort to estimate the aboriginal population of -California was made by Powers (1877, pp. 415-416), who arrived at a -figure of 750,000 persons for the entire state. This effort was followed -in 1905 by a more sophisticated attempt on the part of C. Hart Merriam, -whose figure for the state was 260,000 persons. Merriam's figures were -based on an estimate of the population of the mission strip, from -Spanish data, and a gross extrapolation from that to the remainder of -the state. - -The first attempt at population estimates in detail and with the use of -a variety of data was made by Kroeber (1925). The figure he got for the -whole state was 133,000 persons, and he still used that figure, although -with some reservations, as late as 1939 (see Kroeber, 1939, pp. 178-179). - -The problem has recently been reopened by S. F. Cook. In 1943 he -published an evaluation of Kroeber's estimates, based on essentially -the same data, and the result was to increase the estimate by about -10 per cent. In the last two years Cook has begun a more intensive -investigation, the results thus far being new estimates for the San -Joaquin Valley (1955) and for the Northern California coast (1956). The -upshot of these last papers has been to double Kroeber's estimates in -the areas under consideration. The basis of the new estimate suggested -by Cook is a more intensive use of historical sources and readier -acceptance of the observations found there. He says, "Evidence of -misstatement should be looked for and, if found, should be discounted or -discredited. Otherwise it should be admitted at face value." - -Kroeber has recognized the discrepancy between his estimates and those -based on historical statements. He agrees that, if the extrapolations -from the latter are accepted, the Merriam figure of 260,000 persons -would probably be more accurate. The difficulty there is that "if -we accept 260,000, one-quarter of all United States Indians were in -California; and this seems unlikely enough. Shall we then assume that -Mooney and practically all American anthropologists computed far too -low?" (1939, p. 179). Kroeber leaves the question unanswered but Cook's -recent work carries the implication that the answer is decidedly -affirmative. - -The estimate in this paper of the population of the California -Athabascans agrees with Cook's results, raising Kroeber's estimates; -in fact, it goes even further than Cook in that direction. But the -estimates here, with one exception, have been based on village counts -by ethnographers rather than on historical data. The fact that the -estimates run so high tends to bear out Cook's contention that the -Kroeber estimates should be raised. - -In basing population estimates on village counts there are several -sources of error. Among these are assumptions regarding the number of -persons per house and the number of houses per village. I believe that -all the assumptions I have made in this regard have been conservative -and therefore would not result in overestimates. The number of houses -per village can sometimes be calculated rather closely from the number -of house pits seen in the sites. That is, the houses can be calculated -closely if the assumption is correct that four-fifths of the number of -house pits in a site represents the number of simultaneously occupied -houses. Admittedly, this figure is rather speculative, but the best -opinions I have been able to get grant that it is probably conservative. - -A more serious possible source of error concerns the question of which -and how many sites were simultaneously occupied. When there is a -complete village count, I have excluded from consideration known summer -villages, villages not on main salmon streams, and other villages of -doubtful status. Even so, the villages run about one per mile along the -salmon streams and the possibility presents itself of movement from site -to site, perhaps in response to varying fishing conditions. If this was -the practice, then the population estimates might have to be reduced by -half or even more. But there is no concrete evidence to support such a -theory and it is a fact that the Goddard material gives quite complete -information of this kind. Therefore, if the present calculation is an -overestimate, it is not a very great one. - - -ESTIMATES BASED ON VILLAGE COUNTS - -_Wailaki (Eel and North Fork)._--The present list gives a total of 67 -villages among the Eel River and North Fork Wailaki. For purposes of -calculating population I have excluded 13 of them (nos. 6, 9, 16, 31, -38, 40, 51, 57, 58, 59, 61, 66, 67) because they are summer camps in -the hills, rock shelters used only briefly, or specialized fish-drying -camps. These places do not seem to have been used simultaneously with -the main villages. This list appears to be a substantially complete -count from Horseshoe Bend south, but it is clear that neither Merriam -nor Goddard visited the area north of this, and the village count -suffers as a result. There are about 16 river-miles south of Horseshoe -Bend, including both the main Eel and North Fork, and there are 49 main -villages on this stretch, yielding an average of 3.1 per river-mile. If -we apply this figure to the 7 river-miles above Horseshoe Bend, we get -21.7 villages for that stretch rather than 5, as given by ethnographers. -We may reduce this figure to 15, because this stretch of the river -appears to offer a less desirable location (Goddard, 1923_a_, p. 107). - -This calculation gives a total of 69 villages for the entire group, -considerably less than Cook's total of 87 (Cook, 1956, p. 104). The -reason for the difference is that Cook bases his estimate on Goddard's -data, with the territory of the Wailaki extending above Kekawaka Creek, -whereas I have taken Kekawaka Creek as the boundary. - -The house count per site for this group must be extrapolated from -Goddard's house-pit counts (1923_a_, pp. 103, 105) on the sites of -two of the tribelets. This figure has been calculated by Cook, who -takes Goddard's house-pit count for 20 sites as "92 pits." For two -localities, however, Goddard specifies a certain number plus "several" -others. "If we allow 4 to represent 'several,' in each of these, then -the total number of pits is 100 and the average per site or village -is 5.0" (Cook, 1956, p. 104). Cook then reduces the figure by 20 per -cent to allow for the probability that not all the house pits represent -simultaneously occupied houses. His average number of houses per site is -4, which would not appear to be an overestimate. If we take this figure, -we have a total of 276 houses for the Wailaki as against Cook's figure -of 348, which was based on a greater area. - -Cook takes 6 persons per house as the average density for the Wailaki. -This figure is arrived at in several ways. The figure of 7.5 per house -is well established for the Yurok and sets an upper limit for the -Wailaki area. Goddard appears to have based his population estimate on -a mean of 4.5 persons per house, almost certainly too low, and Cook -compromised at 6 per house. This figure is supported by independent -observation by Foster on the Round Valley Yuki (Cook, 1956, p. 107). The -social organization and the habitat of the Yuki and Wailaki are nearly -identical, so the population per house should be the same for both -groups. - -Accepting the figure of 6 persons per house, we get a total population -of 1,656 for the Eel Wailaki and the North Fork Wailaki, as compared -with Cook's figure of 2,315 and Goddard's figure of between one and two -thousand. - -_Pitch Wailaki._--Goddard (1924) records 33 villages for the Pitch -Wailaki. For two of the four tribelets, the count is virtually complete. -For a third tribelet, the T'odannañkiyahañ, Goddard lists 6 villages and -indicates that there were probably more (1924, p. 225). If, to allow for -these possible villages, we add 5 to the total above, we get a total of -38 villages for three tribelets, or an average of 12.7 per tribelet. -Although the fourth tribelet, the Tchokotkiyahañ, had a poorer habitat -than the other three (Goddard, 1924, p. 222), we may assume that it had -at least 8 villages, an estimate which is probably conservative in view -of its extensive territory. We then get a total of 46 villages for the -Pitch Wailaki. - -Goddard counted house pits in 22 village sites and got an average of -5 per site. If we reduce this to 4 to account for unoccupied pits, we -have an estimate of 184 houses for the Pitch Wailaki, as against 172 -estimated by Cook. On the basis of 6 persons per house this gives a -population of 1,104 as against 1,032 by Cook and between 650 and 800 by -Goddard. - -For all Wailaki combined we get a total of 2,760. Cook's figure -is 3,350, Kroeber's is 1,000, and Goddard's is between 1,650 and -2,800--average of 2,225. The difference between the figure presented -here and Cook's figure is mostly due to the adjustment I have made in -the Wailaki boundary from the one used by Goddard. - -_Mattole._--The village lists of Merriam and Goddard give a total of 42 -villages for the Mattole. I have excluded 5 of these from calculation of -population estimates, one because it is a summer camp and four others -because the frequency appears too great, in places along the coast, to -make simultaneous occupation likely. This leaves a total of 37, very -likely a conservative estimate since Goddard gives a number of names of -villages not located and therefore not included in our calculations. - -Cook estimates 6 houses per village for the Mattole on the basis of -comparison with the Wiyot, Yurok, Tolowa, and Chilula. Goddard counted -house pits for a few sites of the Mattole and they appear to average -less than that. Not much reliance can be placed on this average, because -the sample was very small. However, the number of houses per site is -probably not as high as among the Yurok. I have compromised with a -figure of 5.4, the same as the estimate for the Sinkyone, the eastern -neighbors of the Mattole. - -Cook takes Kroeber's Yurok figure of 7.5 persons per house in -calculating Mattole population. The social organization here is more -nearly like that of the southern Athabascans, so I have used 6 per -house. This figure gives a total population of 1,200 as against 840 -figured by Cook for the Mattole exclusive of Bear River. The difference -here is due to the fact that Goddard's village lists were not available -to Cook. If they had been, he would have obtained a figure of 1,665, or -nearly double his actual estimate. - -_Lolangkok Sinkyone._--For the Sinkyone on the northern part of the -South Fork of the Eel we have a nearly complete village count. South of -Larabee Creek Goddard and Merriam give a total of 46 villages. North -of Larabee Creek on the main Eel the village count is incomplete, but -Merriam gives 8 place names. That these place names represent village -names is clear from the Merriam place names farther south which can -be checked against Goddard's data. Together, these give a total of 54 -villages but leave out the areas of Bull Creek and the upper Mattole -River. We may assume 5 villages in each of these, surely a conservative -estimate in view of the density of sites on Salmon Creek and South Fork. -We thus have an estimate of 64 villages for the Northern Sinkyone. - -Goddard counted house pits in 24 of the sites he recorded. They come to -a total of 162 or 6.7 per village. If we reduce this by 20 per cent to -account for unoccupied pits, we get an average of 5.4 houses per site -or a total estimate of 346 houses among the Lolangkok Sinkyone. At 6 -persons per house this estimate yields a total population of 2,076. - -_Hupa._--In the present village list there are 11 villages in Hoopa -Valley and 16 above the valley on the main Trinity and on South Fork. Of -these sixteen, three have been rejected as being in Chimariko territory -(nos. 25, 26, 27). Cook has argued, reasonably, it appears, that the -villages in Hoopa Valley average 11 houses, whereas the villages above -the valley average 4.5 houses each. This average gives a total of 193 -houses for the Hupa. - -Cook has estimated that there is an average of 10 persons per house -among the Hupa. This figure is arrived at by the following line of -reasoning: according to a census taken in 1870 there was a total of 601 -persons in 7 villages at that time, of which 232 were male and 359 were -female. This count indicates a disproportionate number of males and -Cook therefore calculates a population of twice the number of females, -or 718, as a more normal population. Goddard's data give the number of -houses for these villages as 92, a figure Cook takes as representing the -situation in 1850. This combination yields an average of 7.8 persons -per house. Since there had certainly been a decline in population -between 1850 and 1870, Cook proposes that the figure for the density of -population be raised to 10 persons per house. - -But Goddard does not say what period his figures represent, so I -propose to follow a line of reasoning similar to that of Cook but to -use different figures. The number of houses for 6 villages in 1851 is -reported by Gibbs (see map, pl. 9). We may compare these to the 1870 -population estimates as given by Kroeber (1925_a_, p. 131). If we -adjust for male attrition by calculating population as twice the female -population, or 640 (see table 1), we get a density per house of 7.8, -exactly the same figure that Cook gets. - - -TABLE 1 - -_Hupa Population, 1870[1]_ - - =============================================== - | | | - Village | Males | Females | Houses - _______________|_________|___________|_________ - | - Honsading | 25 30 9 - Miskut | 32 49 6 - Takimitlding | 51 74 20 - Tsewenalding | 14 31 10 - Medilding | 75 100 28 - Djishtangading | 14 36 9 - |_______________________________ - | - Total | 211 320 82 - _______________|_______________________________ - -[1] Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 131. - -That there was a decline in population between 1850 and 1870 is agreed -by all authorities. This fact makes it very attractive to accept Cook's -proposed density of 10 persons per house for the Hupa in aboriginal -times. But there are two objections to this procedure. For one thing, -the population figures for 1870 may be inaccurate. In the census of -that year, there were reported 874 Indians of all tribes on the Hoopa -Reservation (Kroeber, 1925a, p. 131). But in the same year another -agent reported only 649 Indians on the reservation. This is a 25 per -cent reduction, and if we reduce the population estimate of 640 by 25 -per cent, we get 480 as the estimate for 1870 and a density per house -of 5.9. If we raise the population of 480 to account for the 1850-1870 -reduction, we are again close to the figure 7.5 persons per house. This -calculation is presented merely to indicate that the figures are not -reliable. - -The other objection to accepting Cook's proposed figure for density is -that the established figure for the Yurok is 7.5 persons per house. -According to Cook, this figure was based on an underlying assumption -that "the social family in the usual monogamous tribe included the -father, mother, children, and occasional close relatives" (Cook, 1956, -p. 99). As a matter of fact, Kroeber's estimate is not based on this -assumption but is an empirical estimate based on population counts -and house counts (Kroeber, 1925_a_, pp. 16-19), and the figure is -accepted wholeheartedly by Cook for the Yurok (1956, p. 83). But what -is certainly clear is that the social organization, house type, and -environment of the Hupa was virtually the same as that of the Yurok and -therefore the population density per house must have been the same. It -is therefore clear that we must accept either 7.5 persons per house or -10 persons per house as the population density for both the Hupa and the -Yurok, and the question becomes one of comparing the reliability of the -figures given for the Yurok with those given for the Hupa. Yurok figures -appear to be intrinsically more reliable and are also earlier and I have -therefore taken 7.5 persons per house as the density. - -The population for the Hupa then comes to 1,475 as compared to 2,000 -estimated by Cook and to less than 1,000 estimated by Kroeber. - -_Whilkut._--The number of permanent villages among the Whilkut has -been estimated here at 69. This estimate excludes known summer camps -and other villages away from the main salmon streams. For the Chilula -Whilkut there are 23 villages. For the Kloki Whilkut there are 16 -villages, including several which are not shown on the map but which -are listed by Merriam as being on upper Redwood Creek. Ten villages -have been taken from the North Fork Whilkut. Twenty villages are taken -from the Mad River Whilkut even though only 16 are given in the village -lists. Wherever both Merriam and Goddard worked the same area the -latter has recorded substantially more villages than the former. I have -therefore added 4 to the village count to make up for the presumptive -lack, thus bringing the total up to 69. - -House-pit counts from the Chilula Whilkut are listed for six villages -by Kroeber (1925_a_, p. 138) as 17, 7, 4, 2, 4, 8, or an average of 7 -per village. Kroeber reduces this average by a third, on the basis of -his estimates for the Yurok and Hupa, to arrive at a figure of 5 houses -per village. Cook (1956, p. 84) says the reduction should be only about -10 per cent, calculated on the basis of Waterman's study of the Yurok -(Waterman, 1920), and he compromises, making a reduction of a seventh to -use 6 as an average number of houses per village. - -The sample used by Kroeber and Cook is so small that an estimate -based on it of the average number of house pits per village is liable -to considerable error. If we look at the figures for some of the -surrounding groups, we find an estimate of 11 houses per village for -the Hupa in Hoopa Valley, 4.5 for the Hupa outside the valley, 4 for -the Wailaki, 4.5 for the Wiyot (Cook, 1956, p. 102), and 5.4 for the -Lolangkok Sinkyone. The Whilkut terrain and culture is certainly more -nearly like the region outside Hoopa Valley than inside it, so we are -scarcely justified in estimating more than 5 houses per village. - -On this basis we get a total of 345 houses for the Whilkut. Both Kroeber -and Cook use the Yurok figure of 7.5 persons per house in calculating -the population of this group. This figure may well be too high, and -perhaps it should be more nearly the same as the estimate for the -southern groups, but since I have no concrete evidence to support such a -contention, I have also used the Kroeber and Cook figure. This gives a -total population of 2,588 for the Whilkut. - -Cook's figures for the groups which were formerly listed under the -Chilula and Whilkut were 800 and 1,300 making a total of 2,100. -Kroeber's figures were 600 and 400 for a total of 1,000. The difference -between Cook's figures and those given here is partly due to the fact -that Cook took the group on the North Fork of the Mad to be Wiyot, -whereas I have them as Whilkut. Also Cook made a reduction of a ninth -in his Mad River estimates because of the poor environment there. I -have not done this because the Mad River region does not seem to me -noticeably poorer than that along Redwood Creek. - - -ESTIMATES BASED ON FISH RESOURCES - -For the six tribes just discussed, the ethnographic notes at our -disposal offer a means of estimating the population, but we have also -another basis for our calculations. Fishery was the most important -single factor in the California Athabascan economy, hence the fish -resources of the region undoubtedly exerted a marked influence on -population size. Therefore, before attempting to estimate the population -of the remaining groups, for which we have scanty ethnographic -information, I would like to present some data on the fish resources of -the region. - -I have attempted to calculate the number of stream miles of fishing -available and thereby to form some estimate of the economic basis of -each of the groups. Most of my information comes from Mr. Almo J. -Cordone, Junior Aquatic Biologist of the California Department of -Fish and Game, who was kind enough to gather the relevant data from -the records of that organization. I have not included material on the -freshwater trout, which was apparently too scarce to be important, or -on the lamprey eel, on which we do not have sufficient information, -although it was of some importance, especially in the Eel River and its -tributaries. - -The available stream miles of fishing may seem insufficient material -on which to base estimates of fish resources and unquestionably it -would be desirable to have some idea of the fish population per mile of -stream in order to estimate the food value of the resources available to -the people. On the other hand, this point may not be as crucial as it -seems, for apparently the fish population was not a governing factor in -the number of fish taken by the Indians. According to Rostlund (1952, -p. 17), the aboriginal fishermen of California did not even approach -overfishing. If this is so, then there must have been fish left uncaught -even in the smaller salmon streams and it would therefore seem that -one stream was nearly as good as another, if it carried salmon at all. -An exception would be the Trinity River and its tributaries, the only -streams in the Athabascan area with both spring and fall runs of salmon. -In other streams there is only a fall run. - -The lists that follow include data, not only for the six tribes -previously discussed (Wailaki, Pitch Wailaki, Mattole, Lolangkok -Sinkyone, Hupa, and Whilkut), but also for the Nongatl, Kato, Shelter -Cove Sinkyone, Lassik, and Bear River groups. The fish species is -recorded, when it is known; when our source gives no identification of -species, however, the generic term is used. - -_Available Stream Miles for Fishing in Tribal Territory_ - -KATO 29 mi. - - South Fork Eel R.--19 mi. Quantities of steelhead and silver - salmon go up at least to Branscomb and King salmon go at least to - Ten Mile Cr. (Dept. of Fish and Game). - - Hollow Tree Cr.--5 mi. There was fishing on this stream - (Gifford, 1939, p. 304). Fish not specified, probably steelhead and - salmon. - - Ten Mile Cr.--5 mi. This stream appears to be large enough - for salmon and there were villages on it. Also the Fish and Game - information for South Fork implies fish in the stream. - -WAILAKI (Eel R. and North Fork Wailaki) 23 mi. - - Eel R.--16 mi. There are good runs of salmon as far up as Lake - Pillsbury (Dept. of Fish and Game). - - North Fork Eel--7 mi. Salmon go up North Fork farther than 7 - mi. (see Pitch Wailaki). - -PITCH WAILAKI 15 mi. - - North Fork Eel--12 mi. See below. - - Casoose and Hulls creeks--3 mi. The Dept of Fish and Game - states that salmon do not ascend North Fork above Asbill Cr. but - Goddard's informant (see Pitch Wailaki Village no. 21) said that - fish got up into Hulls and Casoose creeks, the mouths of which are - above Asbill Cr. The Dept. of Fish and Game information may refer - to a more recent situation. - -LASSIK 25 mi. - - Eel R.--17 mi. (See Wailaki.) - - Dobbyn Cr.--8 mi. There would seem to have been fish in Dobbyn - Cr., since it is a fair-sized stream and there were many villages - on it. - -SHELTER COVE SINKYONE 67 mi. - - South Fork Eel--39 mi. There were a good many fish in South - Fork as far up as Branscomb (Dept. of Fish and Game). - - Redwood Cr.--5 mi. According to Merriam the region around - Redwood Cr. was a center for the Shelter Cove Sinkyone; therefore - there must have been fish in the creek. - - Mattole R.--11 mi. There is a partial barrier to salmon at the - community of Thorn but some fish get up even beyond this (Dept. of - Fish and Game). - - East Branch, South Fork Eel--4 mi. King salmon and silver - salmon go up at least to Squaw Cr. (3 mi.) and steelhead go up at - least to Rancheria Cr. (4.5 mi., according to the Dept. of Fish and - Game). - - Sea Coast--8 mi. The Shelter Cove Sinkyone have 16 mi. of - sea coast. The only reliable data on the density of sea coast - population in relation to the riverine population are given by - Kroeber (1925a, p. 116). According to his figures, the seashore is - about half as productive as the rivers and I have therefore halved - the sea coast mileage in the calculation of available fishing miles. - -LOLANGKOK SINKYONE 63 mi. - - Eel R.--27 mi. (See Wailaki.) - - South Fork Eel R.--16 mi. (See Kato.) - - Bull Cr.--6 mi. According to Merriam, there was a large - settlement on Bull Cr. It could not have been supported without - fish. - - Salmon Cr.--5 mi. Goddard mentions fishing on at least part of - this stream. - - Mattole R.--10 mi. The fish go beyond this stretch at least as - far as Thorn (Dept. of Fish and Game). - -MATTOLE 38.5 mi. - - Mattole R.--25 mi. The fish go considerably beyond here in the - Mattole. - - North Fork Mattole--5 mi. North Fork is a sizable stream and - there were several villages along it, so it probably had fish in it. - - Sea Coast--8.5 mi. The Mattole have 17 mi. of sea coast. This - has been halved in accordance with the principle stated above. - -BEAR RIVER 21 mi. - - Bear R.--18 mi. This figure is rather arbitrary since the - information is poor for this stream. It is known that silver salmon - and steelhead are caught there and that there is a fall run of King - salmon (Dept. of Fish and Game). - - Sea Coast--3 mi. The Bear River group has 6 mi. of sea coast, - halved for present purposes. - -NONGATL 85 mi. - - Van Duzen R.--40 mi. Steelhead go up as far as Eaton Roughs - (40 mi.). Silver salmon go up as far as Grizzly Cr. (21 mi.) and - probably as far as Eaton Roughs. There are no data on King salmon - but it is known that there is a fall run of them here. Information - from Dept. of Fish and Game. - - Eel R.--5 mi. All 5 mi. of the Eel in Nongatl territory should - provide excellent fishing. - - Larabee Cr.--20 mi. There is no direct information on this - stream, but it is of considerable size and there were many villages - at least 20 mi. up. - - Yager Cr.--20 mi. Again we have no direct information but - there are many villages far up on this stream. Twenty miles of - available fishing is probably a conservative estimate. - - Mad R.--0 mi. There is a long stretch of Mad R. in Nongatl - territory but, according to the Dept. of Fish and Game, no fish go - up so far. - -WHILKUT 70 mi. - - Mad R.--27 mi. There is a 12-ft. falls at Bug Cr. which - represents a nearly complete barrier to salmon. This means that - there are salmon in nearly all the territory of the Mad R. Whilkut. - - North Fork Mad R.--8 mi. According to Merriam, there were - fishing camps nearly this far up on North Fork. - - Redwood Cr.--35 mi. There is no direct information on this - stream. I have attributed salmon to nearly its whole length because - of the size of the stream and the large number of villages along - its upper course. - -HUPA 39 mi. - - Trinity R.--27 mi. There are fish in this whole stretch (Dept. - of Fish and Game). - - South Fork Trinity--12 mi. There are known to be salmon in - South Fork, and presumably they go up as far as the border of Hupa - territory. - - -TABLE 2 - -_Area, Fishing Miles, and Population Estimates_ - - ===================================================================== - | | | | | - Tribe[2] | Pop. | Area | Ln Area | Fishing | Ln Fishing - | Estimate | | | Miles | Miles - ___________________|__________|______|_________|_________|___________ - | | | | | - Wailaki | 1,656 | 296 | 5.69 | 23 | 3.14 - Pitch Wailaki | 1,104 | 182 | 5.20 | 15 | 2.71 - Mattole | 1,200 | 170 | 5.14 | 38.5 | 3.65 - Lolangkok Sinkyone | 2,076 | 294 | 5.68 | 63 | 4.14 - Hupa | 1,475 | 424 | 6.05 | 39 | 3.66 - Whilkut | 2,588 | 461 | 6.13 | 70 | 4.25 - |__________|______|_________|_________|___________ - Average | 1,683 | | 5.65 | | 3.59 - ___________________|__________|______|_________|_________|___________ - -[2] Relatively complete village counts. - - -TABLE 3 - -_Area and Fishing Miles_ - - ============================================================= - | | | | - Tribe[3] | Area | Ln Area | Fishing | Ln Fishing - | | | Miles | Miles - ______________________|______|_________|_________|___________ - | | | | - Kato | 225 | 5.42 | 29 | 3.37 - Bear River | 121 | 4.80 | 21 | 3.04 - Lassik | 389 | 5.96 | 25 | 3.22 - Nongatl | 855 | 6.75 | 85 | 4.44 - Shelter Cove Sinkyone | 350 | 5.86 | 67 | 4.20 - ______________________|______|_________|_________|___________ - -[3] Incomplete village counts. - - -GROSS ESTIMATE - -From the preceding data we have obtained population estimates for -certain of the California Athabascan groups. If these estimates are -judged reliable, it would be desirable to use them as a basis for -estimating the population of the remaining groups. When a detailed -analysis of the ecological or demographical factors involved is lacking, -it is sometimes necessary to fall back on rather simplistic assumptions -to attain the desired end. Cook goes rather far in this direction, using -simply the average population density per square mile of the known -groups to estimate the population of the unknown groups. - -It appears to this writer that a somewhat more satisfactory method of -estimation would be based on simple linear regression theory. It is -a fact that pertinent relationships in population studies can often -be expressed in terms of simple exponential functions or in linear -combinations of logarithms. Thus we might propose a relationship such as -the following: - - population = a + b (ln area) - -or - - population = a + b (ln fishing miles) - -where a and b are constants to be determined and ln is the logarithm to -the base e. - -Of course we would not expect these relationships to be precise. -The lack of exactness might be due to the crudeness of the various -measurements involved or perhaps to the fact that population depends on -more than one such factor. To account in some way for the uncertainty, -we might make a further assumption and propose the following -relationships: - - population = a + b (ln area) + X - - population = a + b (ln fishing miles) + X - -where X has a normal probability distribution with mean = 0 and some -unknown variance = =s=^{2}. X is then, roughly speaking, the error -involved in each observation. That the error would be distributed -normally is quite reasonable under the circumstances. In situations -where the uncertainty of the observation is due to measurement error -or to a multiplicity of factors, the distribution obtained often -assumes a normal form or a form sufficiently normal so that the normal -distribution can be used as an approximation. - -One additional assumption is necessary. We must assume that the sample -used is taken in a random fashion from the population to be studied. In -the present investigation, the sample is definitely not taken at random, -since we are using all groups for which we have population estimates -based on ethnographic information. The question is, then, whether this -selection of groups would result in some bias. For instance, the groups -for which we have ethnographic data might be the most numerous in the -first place and might thus cause us overestimate the population of -the remaining groups. On the whole, it would seem to me that there is -no such bias and that the assumption of a random sample is therefore -not misleading, at least in the direction of overestimation. If we now -consider each group for which we have no ethnographic data, we can see -whether the lack of such data is due to an initially small population or -to mere luck. - - Kato: The reason Kato population is being estimated in gross - rather than from ethnographic data is that Goddard (1909, p. 67) - obtained a list of more than 50 villages which are not available - for calculation. - - Bear River: Here the lack of information is due simply to the - fact that it was not collected. There have been several informants - living until recently (see Nomland, 1938). - - Lassik: There was at least one good informant living until - recently (Essene, 1942), but Merriam worked with her only briefly. - Goddard evidently recorded a number of villages from this group, - but his notes are lost. - - Nongatl: Goddard seems to have worked with at least two - informants from this group, but he spent a very brief time in the - area and some of his notes may have been lost. - - Shelter Cove Sinkyone: Several informants from this group have - been alive until recently (see Nomland, 1935). No one saw fit to - collect the appropriate data. - -It is obvious from this summary that the main reason for our lack of -information on these groups is the loss of Goddard's notes. If those -were at hand, we would probably have complete information on the Kato, -the Lassik, and probably the Nongatl. The absence of data on the Bear -River and Shelter Cove Sinkyone is due to the ethnographers' oversight. -None of these groups, therefore, seem to have been selected because of -their small aboriginal population. If the following estimates are in -error because the sample is not a random one, then the error is probably -one of underestimate rather than overestimate. - -Given the foregoing assumptions, the least squares estimate of the -normal regression line may be obtained with the following formula. - - P: population. A: area. F: fishing miles. - -The equations of the lines are: - - P = a + b (ln A) - - P = a' + b' (ln F) - -the estimate of b is (Bennett and Franklin, 1954, p. 224) - - =S=(X_{i} - [=X])(Y_{i} - [=Y]) - [^b] = ------------------------------- - =S=(X_{i} - X)^{2} - -and of a is - - â = [=Y] - [^b][=X] - -where X_{i} = ln A for each group with known population and Y_{i} = P -for each known group. - -Similarly the estimate of b' is - - =S=(X_{i} - [=X])(Y_{i} - [=Y]) - [^b]' = ------------------------------- - =S=(X_{i} - [=X])^{2} - -and of a' is - - â' = [=Y] - [^b]'[=X] - -where X_i = ln F for each known group and Y_i = P for each known group. -These calculations are shown in table 4. - - -TABLE 4 - -_Calculation of Regression Lines Shown in Figure 2_ - - ================================================================= - - Fishing Miles - _________________________________________________________________ - - (X_i - [=X]) (Y_i - [=Y]) (X_i - [=X])(Y_i - [=Y]) (X_i - [=X])^2 - - -.452 -.027 .012 .204 - -.882 -.579 .511 .778 - .058 -.483 -.028 .003 - .548 .393 .215 .300 - .068 -.208 -.014 .005 - .658 .905 .595 .433 - ---- ---- ----- ----- - Total. 1.291 1.723 - _________________________________________________________________ - - Area - _________________________________________________________________ - - (X_i - [=X]) (Y_i - [=Y]) (X_i - [=X])(Y_i - [=Y]) (X_i - [=X])^2 - - .041 -.027 -.001 .002 - -.445 .579 .258 .198 - -.514 -.483 .248 .264 - .034 .393 .013 .001 - .400 -.208 -.083 .160 - .484 .905 .438 .234 - ---- ---- ---- ---- - Total. .873 .859 - _________________________________________________________________ - -The results are the following equations, which are shown, together with -the points from which they were calculated, on figure 2. - - P = 1.02 (ln A) - 4.06 - - P = .75 (ln F) - 1.00 - -Thus, given either the area of a group or the fishing miles of a group -habitat, we may estimate its population. From the diagram in figure 2 it -appears that the estimates based on area have greater dispersion than -those based on fishing miles and are therefore less reliable. This fact -can best be made precise by using the above assumptions to obtain the -confidence intervals for each of the estimates. The confidence intervals -for the area estimates are given by the following formula (Bennett and -Franklin, 1954, p. 229). - - _______________________ - {1 (X_o - [=X])^2 } - 1.02 X_o - 4.06 ± t_[oc]S_a × [Sqrt]{- + -----------------} - {6 =S=(X_i - [=X])^2} - -where the symbols have the following values and meanings: - - [10.6] X_o: the log of the area of the group for which the - population is being estimated. - - X_i: the log of the area of each of the groups for which the - population is already known. - - [=X]: the average of the X_i. - - t_[oc]: the upper [oc]-point of the t-distribution (Bennett - and Franklin, 1954, p. 696) where 1-[oc] is the confidence - coefficient. - - _________________________________ - {1 } - S_a = [Sqrt]{- × =S=(Y_i + 4.06 - 1.02X_i)^2} - {4 } - - where Y_i is the population of each of the groups for which - population is known. This is the estimated standard deviation of - population where the estimate is made from area. - -[Illustration: Fig. 2. Simple linear regression of population. _a_. -Regression of population on ln area. _b_. Regression of population on ln -fishing miles.] - -The confidence intervals for the fishing-mile estimates may be obtained -in similar fashion--simply substituting the words fishing mile for area -and S_{f} for S_{a}. - -For calculating the confidence intervals for area we have the following -quantities: - - [=X] = 5.56 - - t_{.2} = 1.533 - - =S=(X_i - [=X])^2 = .859 - - S_{a} = .3594 - -The calculations are shown in table 5. - -The comparable quantities in calculating the confidence intervals for -fishing-mile estimates are: - - [=X] = 3.70 - - t_{.2} = 1.533 - - =S=(X_{i} - [=X])^2 = .932 - - S_{f} = .394 - -The calculations are shown in table 6. - - -TABLE 5 - -_Calculation of Confidence Intervals for Area_ - - Column headings: - - A = X_{o} - - B = (X_{o} - [=X]) - - (X_{o} - [=X])^2 - C = --------------------- - =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2) - - ___________________________ - {1 (X_{o} - [=X])^2 } - D = [Sqrt]{- + ---------------------} - {6 =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)} - - ___________________________ - {1 (X_{o} - [=X])^2 } - E = t_{.2}S_{a} × Sqrt{- + ---------------------} - {6 =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)} - - =========================================================== - | - Tribe | [A] [B] [C] [D] [E] - ______________________|____________________________________ - | - Kato | 5.42 -.23 .0616 .4778 .263 - Bear River | 4.80 -.83 .8510 1.0088 .556 - Lassik | 5.96 .31 .1119 .5278 .291 - Nongatl | 6.75 1.10 1.4086 1.2551 .692 - Shelter Cove Sinkyone | 5.86 .21 .0513 .4669 .257 - ______________________|____________________________________ - - -TABLE 6 - -Calculation of Fishing-Mile Estimates - - Column headings: - - A = X_{o} - - B = (X_{o} - [=X]) - - - C = --------------------- - =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2) - - ___________________________ - {1 (X_{o} - [=X])^2 } - D = [Sqrt]{- + ---------------------} - {6 =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)} - - ___________________________ - {1 (X_{o} - [=X])^2 } - E = t_{.2}S_{f} × Sqrt{- + ---------------------} - {6 =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)} - - =========================================================== - | - Tribe | [A] [B] [C] [D] [E] - ______________________|____________________________________ - | - Kato | 3.37 -.22 .0281 .4414 .267 - Bear River | 3.04 -.55 .1756 .5851 .353 - Lassik | 3.22 -.37 .0795 .4962 .300 - Nongatl | 4.44 .85 .4193 .7655 .462 - Shelter Cove Sinkyone | 4.20 .67 .2160 .6186 .374 - -The results of the calculations are given in table 7. The figures are -point estimates with 80 per cent confidence intervals. This means that -under the assumptions given earlier we expect that the tabled intervals -will contain the true population 8 times out of 10. I have accepted the -estimates derived from fishing miles because their confidence intervals -are a bit shorter on the average. - - -TABLE 7 - -_Population Estimates and Confidence Intervals_ - - Fishing-mile Area - Tribe Estimate Estimate - ---------------------|-------------------|------------- - Kato |1,523 ± 267 | 1,470 ± 263 - Bear River |1,276 ± 353 | 840 ± 556 - Lassik |1,411 ± 300 | 2,020 ± 291 - Nongatl |2,325 ± 462 | 2,830 ± 692 - Shelter Cove Sinkyone|2,145 ± 374 | 1,920 ± 257 - ---------------------|-------------------|------------- - -The question of whether the fishing-mile estimates yield shorter -confidence intervals than the area estimates brings up an entire range -of problems pertaining to economy, settlement pattern, and the like. The -obvious interpretation of the shorter confidence intervals would be that -the economy of the people in question depended more on fish and fishing -than on the general produce over the whole range of their territory. The -question then becomes one of quantitative expression--we would like to -have some index of the extent of dependence on various factors in the -economy. This might best be approached from the standpoint of analysis -of covariance, where we would obtain the "components of variance." This -technique is a combination of the methods of regression used in this -paper and those of the analysis of variance. It would evidently yield -sound indices of economic components, but it involves, for myself at -least, certain problems of calculation and interpretation which will -have to be resolved in the future. - -Another problem of this kind turns on the question of which factors -are important in which area. Considering the State of California, for -instance, we might want to know about such factors as deer population, -water supply, the quantity of oak trees, etc. Any one of these factors -or any combination of them might be important in a particular area; the -problem of gathering the pertinent information then becomes crucial. -Moreover, because the situation has changed since aboriginal times, we -must combine modern information with available historic sources. S. -F. Cook has shown that energetic and imaginative use of these sources -yields very good results (e.g., Cook, 1955). - -Finally, there is the problem of the assumptions we were required to -make in order to obtain our population estimates. Although many of -the assumptions in the present paper are difficult to assess, the two -which I would like to discuss here were particularly unyielding--the -assumptions of the number of persons per house and the assumptions of -the number of houses per village. - -The question of how many persons there were per house has been dealt -with extensively by both Kroeber and Cook. There is also a great deal -of random information in the ethnographic and historical literature. I -believe there are enough data now at hand to provide realistic limits -within which we could work, at least for the State of California. This -information should be assembled and put into concise and systematic form -so that it would be available for use in each area. It would also be of -interest in itself from the standpoint of social anthropology. - -For the number of houses per village we have also a considerable body of -information, but here we are faced with a slightly different problem. -It often happens that we know, from ethnographic information or from -archaeological reconnaissance, how many house pits there are in a -village site but do not know how many of the houses which these pits -represent were occupied simultaneously. In the present paper it has -been assumed that four-fifths of the house pits represents the number -of houses in the village occupied at any one time. This, however, is -simply a guess, and one has no way of knowing how accurate a guess. The -solution to this problem is simple but laborious. From each area of the -State a random sample of villages with recorded house counts should be -taken. Each of these village sites should then be visited and the house -pits counted. A comparison of the two sets of figures would give us a -perfectly adequate estimate, which could then be used subsequently over -the entire area. - - -TABLE 8 - -_Population Estimates_ - - --------------------------------------------------------------------- - Tribe |Area |Fishing| Pop. |Area |Fishing-|Kroeber[5]| Cook[6] - | (sq | |Esti- |Den- | | mile | - | mi) | Miles | mate |sity |Density | Estimate |Estimate - -------------+-----+-------+------+-----+--------+----------+-------- - Kato[4] | 225 | 29 | 1,523| 6.77| 52.5 | 500 | 1,100 - Wailaki | 296 | 23 | 1,656| 5.59| 72.0 | 600 | 2,315 - Pitch Wailaki| 182 | 15 | 1,104| 6.07| 73.6 | 400 | 1,032 - Lassik[4] | 389 | 25 | 1,411| 3.63| 56.4 | 500 | 1,500 - Shelter Cove | 350 | 67 | 2,145| 6.13| 32.0 | 375 | 1,450 - Sinkyone[4]| | | | | | | - Lolangkok | 294 | 63 | 2,076| 7.06| 33.0 | 375 | 1,450 - Sinkyone | | | | | | | - Mattole | 170 | 38.5 | 1,200| 7.06| 31.2 | 350 | 840 - Bear River[4]| 121 | 21 | 1,276|10.55| 60.8 | 150 | 360 - Nongatl[4] | 855 | 85 | 2,325| 2.72| 27.4 | 750 | 3,300 - Whilkut | 461 | 70 | 2,588| 5.61| 37.0 | 1,000 | 2,100 - Hupa | 424 | 39 | 1,475| 3.48| 37.8 | 1,000 | 2,000 - |-----+-------+------+-----+--------+----------+-------- - Total |3,767| 475.5 |18,779| 4.99| 39.5 | 6,000 | 17,447 - --------------------------------------------------------------------- - -[4] The population figures for these groups are estimated in the gross -by the method indicated in the text. - -[5] Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 883. The breakdown has been changed somewhat to -accommodate boundary changes; the total remains the same. The population -density, according to Kroeber's figures, is 1.6 persons per sq. mi. - -[6] Cook, 1956. The breakdown has been changed somewhat to accommodate -boundary changes; the total remains the same. The population density, -according to Cook's figures, is 4.6 persons per sq. mi. - -The corpus of information provided by the methods outlined above would -be useful in two ways. First, it would clarify our definitions of the -economic factors in the lives of hunter-gatherers. Functional hypotheses -which postulate dependence of social factors on economy would be subject -to objective, quantitative tests of their validity. - -Second, the corpus of information would afford a suitable basis for -inference from archaeological data. If we can determine what were the -major economic factors in the lives of a prehistoric people, then we -can make assertions about population, settlement pattern, and the -like. Conversely, information about population and settlement pattern -would imply certain facts about the economy. This technique has -already been developed to some extent. For instance, Cook and Heizer, -depending on assumptions derived from ethnographic data (Cook and -Treganza, 1950; Heizer, 1953; Heizer and Baumhoff, 1956), have made -inferences concerning village populations. These methods have such great -possibilities for the conjunctive approach in archaeology that their use -should be extended as much as possible. - - - - -APPENDIXES - - -APPENDIX I: THE TOLOWA - -The Tolowa are an Athabascan group living on the coast from a -short distance north of the mouth of the Klamath River to the -Oregon-California boundary. Information on this group has not been -included in the main body of the paper because the Tolowa are separated -from the other California Athabascan groups and belong more properly -with the Oregon Athabascans; It was thought, however, that Merriam's -data on the Tolowa should be recorded and they have therefore been -appended in this form. The following passages are taken verbatim from -Merriam's notes. - - -HAH-WUN-KWUT NOTES - -The following notes are from information given me by Sam Lopez and wife -and Lopez' father at the Mouth of Smith River, Del Norte County, Sept. -16-17, 1923. - -_Name._--The tribe as a whole had no distinctive name for themselves -except Huss, the word for people. But they had definite names for -village areas. Those living at the mouth of Smith River call themselves -Hah´-wun-kwut; those at Burnt Ranch, about three miles south of -the mouth of Smith River, Yahnk´-tah-kut; those at Crescent City -Tah-ah´-ten--and so on. - -_Location, boundaries, and neighbors._--The territory of the tribe -as a whole extends from Winchuk River (Um-sahng´-ten) on the -California-Oregon boundary south to Wilson Creek (Tah-ges^{hl}-ten) -about eight miles north of the mouth of Klamath River. - -The coast tribe immediately north (on the Oregon side of the line) is -called Cheet or Che´-te. Their language differs materially from that of -the Hah´-wun-kwut, though most of the words could be understood. Only a -single woman survives. - -The tribe on the south, from Wilson Creek to Klamath River, is called -Tah-che-ten-ne and Tet-le-mus (Polikla). - -The tribe immediately east of the Cheet on the Oregon side of the -California-Oregon boundary is called Ka-Ka-sha. Another name, Choo-ne, -also was given but I am in doubt as to whether or not the same tribe -was meant. The Ka-ka-sha live near Waldo on the north side of the -Siskiyou Mountains and speak a language widely different from that of -the Hah´-wun-kwut. They are said to be lighter in color than the coast -Indians. - -_Dress and ornament._--The people used deer skin blankets called -Nah-hi-ne tanned with the hair on, and also blankets of rabbit skin, -called Wa-gah hahs-nis-te. Deer skins tanned with the hair on are called -Nah-ki-le. The breech cloth formerly worn by the men was called Rut-soo -and tat-es-tat. Moccasins, Kus-ki-a, of elk hide were worn by rich men. - -The women wore a front apron called Sahng; and on dress occasions an -ornamented cloak-like skirt (Chah) that extended all the way around and -lapped over in front. They also wore basket hats, called Ki´-e-traht´ -and necklaces, the general term for which is Ni-ta-kle-ah. On occasions -they wore ear pendants, Bus-shra-mes-lah, of elk or deer bone. Nose -bones or shells, Mish-mes-lah, were sometimes worn; those of rich -persons consisted of one of the long _Dentalium_ shells. The chin is -tattooed with three narrow vertical lines called Tah-ah rut^{hl}-tes. - -_Houses._--The houses (Munt) were square and were built of planks or -slabs hewn from redwood trees and stood up vertically, as in the case -of those of the Klamath River Indians. The ceremonial houses are called -N[=a]´-stahs-m[=a]´-ne. They are square and have a ridge roof. During -important dances the front side is removed. The sweat house is called -Shes´-kl[)e] and is large enough to hold twenty people. It is square or -rectangular, and the ground floor is excavated to a depth of about four -feet. The roof is of hewn planks covered with earth. - -_Money._--The ordinary medium of exchange or "money" (Trut) consisted -of shells of _Dentalium_, of which the valuable long ones are called -T[=a]´-tos, the commoner short ones Kle´-ah. Clam shell disks or buttons -are called Nah´-set. - -_Treatment of dead._--The dead are buried in a grave (Ch[)e]´-slo). The -people assert that they never burned their dead. They say that a spirit -or ghost, called Nah-who´-tlan, goes out of the body after death and -becomes a ghost. - -_Ceremonial dances._--Dances are called N[=a]´-stahs or Nesh-stahsh. A -puberty dance, Chahs´-stah w[=a]´-nish tahs, was held for the girls. -Other important dances are held. Some last 5 days; others last 10 days. - -The ceremonial drums Hah´-et-sah differ radically from those of any -other California Indians known to me. They are large cooking baskets -about two feet in diameter. Only new baskets are used in order that they -may stand the drumming. - -Rattles called Chah-p[=a]t´-chah are made of the small hoofs of deer. -Cocoon rattles were not used. - -Whistles, called Tut´-tle-nik are made of large quill feathers of birds, -not of bone. - -_The stick game._--The stick game is a feature of the people, as in most -California tribes. It consists of a number of slender sticks called -Not-tr[=a]´-le, of which one, called Chah-when´, is marked. The counters -are called Chun´; the man who keeps count, Chun-ting. A dressed buckskin -is stretched tightly on the ground between the players, and when the -game is called, the sticks are thrown down upon it. - -_Baskets._--The basketry is of twined weave called Chet-too. The big -storehouse baskets, called Hawsh-tan, are closely woven and have a -shallow saucer-shape lid. The large open work burden basket is called -Tus, the large cooking basket, Met-too´-sil^{ch}, the small mush bowl -Hah´-tsah, the large shallow meal tray Mes-chet´-te-gah´, the large -open work shallow bowl Tre-kwahs´-tuk, the small open work plate or -platter Kah´-se, the subglobular choke-mouth trinket basket Net´-tah, -the milling basket Ki´-e-sut, the baby basket Kah´-yu, its shade -Ne´-whats-tah, the women's basket hat Ki´-e-traht´. There is also a -subglobular openwork basket called I´-[)a]-loo´ with an arched handle -for carrying on the arm. - -The cooking bowls, mush baskets, and other small baskets are made -of spruce roots, 'Hre´, more or less covered with an overlay of -bear grass (_Xerophyllum_, called Too-t[)e]^{chl}) and maiden hair -fern (_Adiantum_) called Ke´-tsi-shah´-te, meaning Blue-jay knees, -because of the slender form and black color. The roots used in the -carrying baskets, baby baskets, and other coarse baskets are of hazel, -called 'Kun. The common black design in ordinary baskets consists -of Spruce roots that have been buried in dark mud and are called -Tah´-che-gut-kle-ah. They are ordinarily used in connection with the -bear grass (_Xerophyllum_). - -_Fragments of Hahwunkwut myths._--Skum, Coyote man, made the world. - -When the sun dropped down the Coon caught it up and it was hot, and -blackened the insides of his hands. - -When the world first floated there was just one big white Redwood tree -called Kus-choo´-ke. A big Eagle was sitting on the tree and was king of -the world. - -The Falcon (Tah´-tes) won the battle for the people. - -_Hahwunkwut foods._--A large variety of foods are eaten: meat -(Ch[=a]´-sun) of elk and deer, both fresh and dried, salmon and -other fish, fresh and dried, marrow, tallow, salmon eggs (usually -smoke-dried), clams of several kinds, mussels, fish milt both dried and -fresh, acorn mush and bread, and a number of roots, berries, and other -parts of plants. Among the food berries are strawberries, blackberries, -salmon-berries, huckleberries, salal berries, elder berries and -manzanita berries. - -Elder berries are mixed with blackberries and steamed in the ground -oven; manzanita berries are mashed and mixed with smoke-dried salmon -eggs. - -Two kinds of kelp are eaten. - -Root masses of the brake fern (_Pteris aquilina_, called Tah´-sohn-ki) -are cooked in the ground oven. They are said to be like milk and have a -fine flavor. - -Salt is not used. - -Wild tobacco is called Yahn-s[)e]^{ch} yah-we and S[)e]^{ch}-yu. The -pipe is straight and is called A-chah. - -_Hahwunkwut plant notes._--The Tree Maple (_Acer macrophyllum_) is -called Ch[=a]´-she. Its inner bark is used for the ordinary everyday -dress for women. - -The Tanbark Oak is the dominant species in the northwest coast region -and its acorns (Sohng´-cheng) are largely eaten by the people. Acorn -meal before leaching is called Rut-ta-gaht. If it is allowed to become -mouldy, the bitter taste disappears so that it does not have to be -leached. Acorn bread cooked on hot ashes is called Ses^{hl}-te. The -ordinary mush is called Ma-guts-kush. - -_Hahwunkwut animal notes._--The Bobcat (_Lynx rufus_) is called -Ne´-ti-us ah´-n[=a]. Its name is never mentioned in the presence of a -baby. If the mother sees one before the baby is born, the baby will have -fits and die. - -The falcon or Duck Hawk (Tah´-tes) was a high personage among the First -People. He won the first battle for the Indians, standing on the first -Redwood Tree. - -The California Condor (T[=a]-long-yi´-chah) is so big and powerful that -he can lift a whale. His name shows this as it is from the name of the -whale (T[=a]´-lah) and means "whale lifter." - -The Dove (Sroo´-e-gun´-sah) cries for his grandmother, especially in the -spring of the year. - -The Purple Finch is called Klah´-nis-me´-tit-le, meaning "many -brothers," because the birds go together in small flocks. - -The Night Heron (Nah-gah´ che yahs´-se) is known as the "sickness bird." - -_Hahwunkwut pits for catching elk and deer._--The Smith River -Hah-wun-kwut used to catch elk and deer in pits, called Song´-kit, dug -in the ground along the runways. These pits differ materially from those -of the Pit River Indians, being much shallower. No effort was made to -make them deep enough to prevent the captured animals from jumping out, -but an ingenious device was used to prevent them from jumping. The pits -were only a little deeper than the length of the legs of the elk, but -poles were placed across the top so that when the animal fell through, -the body would rest on the poles so his feet could not touch the ground. -This of course prevented him from jumping out. - -When "set," the pits were lightly covered with slender sticks and -branches and leaves, to resemble the surrounding ground, but the cover -was so frail that an animal the size of a deer would at once break -through. - -_Smelt fishery._--At Ocean Shore, Smith River, Calif., July 21, 1934. -Vast numbers of smelt, a small surf fish, are caught in nets by the -Hawungkwut Indians. During a "run" at high tide flocks of sea gulls -hover over the incoming fish, thus making their approach known. The -Indians catch them with nets. After a preliminary drying on a circular -mat of brush called the nest, the smelt are transferred to the fish bed, -a long flat rectangular and slightly elevated area built up of sand and -capped with a layer of small smooth stones. On this they are left till -thoroughly dry. - -_Massacres of Huss Indians by the whites._--There were three notable -killings by the whites. - -The first killing took place at Burnt Ranch, three miles south of -the mouth of Smith River, at the rancheria called Yahnk-tah´-kut, -a name perpetuated by the district school house name. Here a large -number of Indians were caught during a ceremonial dance and ruthlessly -slaughtered. The Indians say this was the first killing. - -The second killing was at the rancheria of [=A]´-choo-lik on the big -lagoon known as Lake Earl about three miles north of Crescent City [cf. -Drucker's etculet in Drucker, 1937, map 3]. The Indians were engaged in -gambling at the time. - -The third killing was at the large village of Hah-wun-kwut [Xawun hwut, -Drucker, 1937, map 3] at the mouth of Smith River. - -At the time of the Indian troubles in northwestern California Chief -Ki´-lis (named for Ki-o-lus the Willow tree) was chief of the -Hah´-wun-kwut tribe. - -Three young men of the tribe were active in resenting the aggressions of -the whites and were said to have killed several of the early settlers. -They were very clever and neither the settlers nor the soldiers were -able to capture them. Finally the officer in charge of the troops at -Fort Dick (a log fort on Smith River, about three miles from the present -settlement called Smith River Corners) told Chief Ki´-lis that he would -be hung by the soldiers unless he captured the three young men in -question. - -It happened that the chief had two wives, who were sisters of the three -young men. The chief was in great trouble and called a meeting of his -head men. They said that if the people would contribute enough blood -money (which consists of the long Dentalium shells) they could pay the -two sisters the price necessary to atone for the killing in accordance -with the law of the tribe. The people agreed to this and raised the -necessary money. The nearest male relatives of the young men were chosen -to do the killing, but the young men could not be found. - -One day when one of the chief's wives was getting mussels near the -mouth of Smith River one of the young men appeared and told her that he -and his brothers were hungry and wanted food. She designated a place -on the point of a nearby ridge where she said she would take food, and -it was agreed that the three brothers would come to get it in the late -afternoon or early evening. She then went home and told her husband, -Chief Ki-lis, who in turn notified the nearest relatives of the young -men; they went and concealed themselves near the spot. When the young -men came and were looking for the food their relatives fell upon them -and killed them. They were buried in the same place and the graves may -be seen there to this day. - -The officer in charge of the troops was greatly pleased. He and his -soldiers arranged "a big time," giving the Indians plenty to eat and -also some blankets. This ended the "Indian war" in that region. - -There is a small island called Stun-tahs ahn-kot (50 acres or more in -extent) in the lower part of Smith River, half or three-quarters of a -mile from its mouth. On some of the early maps it bears the name Ta´-les -after the chief. This island the officer gave to the Indians in the name -of the Government, telling them it would always be theirs, and gave the -chief a paper stating that it was given in return for killing the three -outlaw boys. Sometime afterward this paper was burned. - -After the Indians had been driven to the Hoopa Reservation and had -come back, they were not allowed to go to their former rancheria -Hah´-wun-kwut, but were told to go to this island. Later the whites -claimed the island and did not let the Indians have it. - -The present Indian settlement, a mile or two north of the mouth of -Smith River, was purchased for the Indians in or about 1908 by Agent -Kelsey of San Jose, and paid for by the Indian Office from a part of an -appropriation made by Congress for homeless California Indians. It is -occupied at present (1923) by ten or a dozen families. - - -APPENDIX II: NOTES ON UPPER EEL RIVER INDIANS - -By - -A. L. Kroeber - -YUKI "TRIBES" - -The following data were got from Eben Tillotson at Hulls Valley, north -of Round Valley, on July 12, 1938. - -A. Eben said he was a Wi·t'u·knó'm Yuki. This was a "tribe" speaking -a uniform dialect, having uniform customs, but embracing several -"tribelets." Their general territory was along main (or middle) Eel R. -where this runs from E to W, on both sides of it, and S of Round V. They -also owned Oklá·[)c] and Púnki·nipi·[t.] ("wormwood hole"), Poonkiny. -The subdivisions or tribelets were: - - [10.6] 1. U[)s]i·[)c]lAlhótno'm - ("crayfish-creek-large-people") on Salt Cr., S of Middle Eel. - - 2. Olkátno'm, at Henley or Hop ranch in S part of Round V., - where the road enters the flat of the valley. They owned S to the - Middle Eel and down it to Dos Rios confluence. - - 3. Alniuk'í·no'm, at W edge of Round V. - - 4. Ontítno'm, E of Henley ranch in Round V.; also Eden V. to S. - -B. The following were not grouped together by the informant, but agree -in having a southerly range: - - [10.6] 5. LAlkú·tno'm, around Outlet Cr. - - 6. Tí·tAmno'm, eastward, across (S of Middle) Eel R., toward - Sanhedrin Mt., W of the ridge which runs W of Gravelly V. Mountain - people, without villages of size. Dixie Duncan was half of this - group. - - 7. Ki·[)c]ilú·kam is Gravelly V. The Huchnom roamed in that. - -C. East of Hull's V., extending nearly to Hammerhorn Mt., but this was -Nomlaki. - - [10.6] 8. [vS]ipimA´lno'm, on a creek running from W into - (S-flowing) Eel R. - - 9. I·'mptí·tAmno'm, at an opening in the range--i·'mp is a - gap. They were across the Eel, on its E side. - - 10. Pi·lílno'm, beyond (farther E or SE?), at Kumpí·t, "salt - hole," where salt was got, also at Snow Mt. These were Yuki, but - "talked something like" Nomlaki Wintun (who adjoined them, across - the main Coast Range watershed). Their language was about as - different from Yuki as was Huchnom. They were "half Stony Creek" - (along which lived Salt Pomo, then Hill Patwin, then Nomlaki). - - 11. U·k'í·[)c]no'm (added later by informant), in Williams V., - "E" of Hull's V. - - 12. A Yuki group at Twin Rock Cr.--Eben had forgotten their - name. - -D. The real Yuki, centering in Round V., and coming N into the foothills -only about as far as Ebley's Flat. To the N were the Onainó'm, Pitch -Indians, Athabascans, who owned Hull V. ("here") and adjoined the -[vS]ipimAlno'm (no. 8). - - [10.6] 13. Hákno'm, in Round V., around Agency, in the N side - of the valley. - - 14. Ukomnó'm, in middle of the valley. They did not own up - into the mountains. - - 15. At TotimAl, W of Covelo, were a people whose name Eben had - forgotten. - - 16. At NW end of Round V., another group whose name he could - not recall. - -It will be seen that the informant's knowledge was fullest for the part -of Yuki territory S of Round V. - -He thought that all the groups mentioned made the Taikomol and Hulk'ilAl -initiations and performances. - -_Orthography Used_ - - A a mid-raised a, nasalized - [t.] retroflex or palatal t - [vS] sh - [)c] ch - k' etc. glottalized - · long - [-l] surd l, Athabascan only - =ê= ng Athabascan - -[Illustration: Map 18. Yuki "Tribes" according to Eben Tillotson.] - - -ATHABASCAN DATA - -DATA FROM EBEN TILLOTSON - -Onainó'm were the Pitch Indians, a people of the rugged mountains, -adjoining the [vS]ipimA´lno'm Yuki, and with Hull's Valley in their -range. They were "half Yuki and half Wailaki," and spoke both languages. - -The TA´no'm were at Spy Rock on main Eel R. They were also half Yuki and -half Wailaki and bilingual. [But other Yuki cite them as Yuki who also -knew Wailaki.] TAno'm were: Nancy Dobie, Sally Duncan, and Tip. - -These two groups did not make Taikomol or Hulk'ilAl rites [this agrees -with Handbook] but, probably knew about them from having seen them -performed. - -Between the Pitch people and the TAno'm, in the Horse Ranch country, -lived the Ko'il, the Wailaki (proper). Most of the survivors of these -spoke Yuki also. - - -DATA FROM LUCY YOUNG - -The following notes, mainly on Athabascans, were obtained at Round -Valley on July 13, 1938. Lucy Young, the informant, was born on Eel -River at Tseye[)s]ente[-l], opposite Alder Point. Though listed by the -Government as a Wailaki, she is actually what ethnologists call Lassik. -Her father was born 3 mi. from Alder Pt.; her mother, at Soldier Basin, -22 mi. NE. Her mother's first cousin was T'a·su's, known to the whites -as Lassik, from his Wintun name Lasek. He was chief for Alder Pt., -Soldier Basin, (upper) Mad River. Mary Major, informant's contemporary, -is from Soldier Basin and of the same tribe. - -The following were obtained as names of groups of people, though some of -them may be place names. - - Setelbai, "yellow rock," Alder Pt., etc. - - Nal[)s]a, "eat each other," downstream, around Fort Seward. - - Ko[)s]o-ya=ê=, "soaproot eaters," farther downstream and on - Van Duzen R. - - Tena=ê=-keya, Mad R. Indians. - - Kentet[-l]a(=ê=), Kettenchow V., a flat with roots. - - Se[)c]([-l])enden-keya, at Zenia. - - Ka·snol-keya, S of Zenia, called Kikawake in Hayfork [Wintun]. - - Tok'(a)-keya, South Fork of Eel Indians [Sinkyone]. - - Saya=ê=, "lamprey eel eaters," the Spy Rock - - Wailaki [the Ko'il of Tillotson]. - - Djeh-ya=ê=, "pinenut eaters," the Pitch Wailaki, on North Fork - Eel R. - - [The outlook seems to have been chiefly downstream and inland.] - -_Non-Athabascans_ - - [)C]iyin[)c]e, Yuki. - - Baikiha=ê=, Hayfork Wintu. - - Ya=ê=-keya, the Wintu from Weaverville to Redding; their own - name was Poibos. The same name Ya=ê=-keya was applied also to the - Cottonwood Creek Wintun, whom the Lassik met at Yolla Bolly Mt. to - trade salt. [Wintu and Wintun were treated as one language.] - - Yitá·kena, people of lowest Eel R., the Wiyot. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY - - -_Abbreviations_ - - AA American Anthropologist - BAE-B Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin - SI-MC Smithsonian Institution, Miscellaneous Collections - UC University of California Publications - -AR Anthropological Records - -IA Ibero-Americana - -PAAE American Archaeology and Ethnology - -American Anthropological Association - - 1916. Phonetic Transcription of Indian Languages, Report of - Committee of American Anthropological Association, SI-MC, Vol. 66, - No. 6. - -Barrett, S. A. - - 1908. The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians. - UC-PAAE 6:1-332. - -Bennett, C. A., and N. L. Franklin - - 1954. Statistical Analysis in Chemistry and the Chemical - Industry. John Wiley and Sons, New York. - -Cook, S. F. - - 1943. The Conflict between the California Indian and White - Civilization: I. UC-IA 21, pp. 161-194. - - 1955. The Aboriginal Population of the San Joaquin Valley, - California. UC-AR 16:31-80. - - 1956. The Aboriginal Population of the North Coast of - California. UC-AR 16:81-130. - -Cook, S. F., and A. E. Treganza - - 1950. The Quantitative Investigation of Indian Mounds. UC-PAAE - 40:223-262. - -Curtis, E. S. - - 1924. The North American Indian. Vols. 13, 14. - -Dixon, Roland B. - - 1910. The Chimariko Indians and Language. UC-PAAE 5:293-380. - -Drucker, Philip - - 1937. The Tolowa and Their Southwest Oregon Kin. UC-PAAE - 36:221-300. - -Du Bois, Cora - - 1935. Wintu Ethnography. UC-PAAE 36:1-148. - -Essene, Frank - - 1942. Culture Element Distributions: XXI. Round Valley. UC-AR - 8:1-97. - -Foster, George M. - - 1944. A Summary of Yuki Culture. UC-AR 5:155-244. - -Gifford, E. W. - - 1939. The Coast Yuki. Anthropos, 34:292-375. - -Goddard, Pliny E. - - 1903_a_. Life and Culture of the Hupa. UC-PAAE 1:1-88. - - 1903_b_. Kato Pomo not Pomo. AA 5:375-376. - - 1904. Hupa Texts. UC-PAAE 1:89-377. - - 1907. Lassik. In Handbook of American Indians. BAE-B 30. - - 1909. Kato Texts. UC-PAAE 5:65-238. - - 1914_a_. Notes on the Chilula Indians of Northwestern - California. UC-PAAE 10:265-268. - - 1914_b_. Chilula Texts. UC-PAAE 10:289-379. - - 1923_a_. The Habitat of the Wailaki. UC-PAAE 20:95-109. - - 1923_b_. Wailaki Texts. International Journal of American - Linguistics, II:77-135. - - 1924. Habitat of the Pitch Indians, a Wailaki Division. - UC-PAAE 17:217-225. - - 1929. The Bear River Dialect of Athapascan. UC-PAAE 24:291-324. - -Goldschmidt, Walter - - 1951. Nomlaki Ethnography. UC-PAAE 42:303-443. - -Goldschmidt, W. R., and H. E. Driver - - 1940. The Hupa White Deerskin Dance. UC-PAAE 35:103-142. - -Heizer, R. F., ed. - - 1953. The Archaeology of the Napa Region. UC-AR 12:225-358. - -Heizer, R. F., and M. A. Baumhoff - - 1956. California Settlement Patterns. _In_ Prehistoric - Settlement Patterns in the New World. G. R. Willey, ed. Viking Fund - Publications in Anthropology, No. 23. - -Jepson, W. L. - - 1951. A Manual of the Flowering Plants in California. Univ. - Calif. Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles. - -Kroeber, A. L. - - 1925_a_. Handbook of the Indians of California. BAE-B 78. - - 1925_b_. A Kato War. Festchrift, Publication d'Hommage Offert - au P. W. Schmidt, pp. 394-400. - - 1932. The Patwin and Their Neighbors. UC-PAAE 29:253-423. - - 1939. Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. - UC-PAAE, Vol. 38. - -Loud, Llewellyn L. - - 1918. Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory. - UC-PAAE 14:221-436. - -Merriam, C. Hart - - 1905. The Indian Population of California. AA 7:594-606. - - 1923. Application of the Athapaskan Term Nung-kahhl. AA - 25:276-277. - - 1928. An-nik-a-del, the History of the Universe. The Stratford - Company, Boston. - - 1930. The New River Indians Tlo-Hom-tah-hoi. AA 32:280-293. - - 1955. Studies of California Indians. Univ. Calif. Press, - Berkeley and Los Angeles. - -Nomland, G. A. - - 1935. Sinkyoni Notes. UC-PAAE 36:149-178. - - 1938. Bear River Ethnography. UC-AR 2:91-124. - -Nomland, G. A., and A. L. Kroeber - - 1936. Wiyot Towns. UC-PAAE 35:39-48. - -Powers, Stephen - - 1877. Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. 3. - Tribes of California. Dept. of Interior, U.S. Geographical and - Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region. - -Rostlund, Erhard - - 1952. Freshwater Fish and Fishing in Native North America. - Univ. Calif. Publ. Geog., Vol. 9. - -Waterman, T. T. - - 1920. Yurok Geography. UC-PAAE 16:177-314. - - - - -PLATES - - -EXPLANATION OF PLATES - - -PLATE 9 - -Map showing the lower Trinity River and locations of Hupa villages. The -map was made by George Gibbs, a member of the expedition of Colonel -Redick McKee in 1852. The village names shown are in the Yurok language. - - -PLATE 10 - -Views of Athabascan territory. _a_. View of Hoopa Valley looking north. -Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1901, UCMA 15-2917. _b_. Big rock on Mad River -at Big Bend "taken from village site" (UCMA catalogue). Big Bend is in -the southern part of Mad River Whilkut territory. There is no record of -the site referred to. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3166. _c_. -Fishing place on Van Duzen River between Bridgeville and Old Fort Baker. -Nongatl informant Peter is shown on the rock. This spot is somewhere -among the villages shown on map 7. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA -15-3156. _d_. Rock on ridge of Snow Camp between Mad River and Redwood -Creek. It is about halfway between Kloki Whilkut village no. 45 and Mad -River Whilkut village no. 15 on map 17. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, -UCMA 15-3165. _e_. Rock on Eel River near Blocksburg in southern Nongatl -territory. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3201. _f_. Indian house -at Blocksburg in southern Nongatl territory. Photo by P. E. Goddard, -1903, UCMA 15-3017. - - -PLATE 11 - -Views of Athabascan territory, _a_. Model house (right) and sweathouse -made for Goddard by the Wailaki Captain Jim. Photo by P. E. Goddard, -1906, UCMA 15-3281. _b_. Eel River in Wailaki territory, looking from -the west. The mouth of North Fork Eel River is shown in the lower -right-hand corner. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3264. _c_. -Picture taken from the Blue Rock stage road to Cummings. This is the -hinterland of the Eel River Wailaki west of the Eel River. Photo by P. -E. Goddard, 1902, UCMA 15-3011. _d_. A view of Usal, the southernmost -village of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1902, UCMA -15-2922. _e_. A village site near Laytonville in Kato territory. The -village is not known. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3146. - -[Illustration: Plate 9. The lower Trinity River, showing the locations -of Hupa villages. Map by George Gibbs, 1852.] - -[Illustration: Plate 10. Athabascan territory.] - -[Illustration: Plate 11. Athabascan territory.] - - * * * * * - - Transcribers Notes: - - Obvious spelling and grammar errors corrected. - - P. 23 capital L in the middle of two Indian words. Proofer - thought typo. However, I believe it was intentional. - - Greek text has been transliterated and enclosed in equal signs. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's California Athabascan Groups, by Martin A. 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