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diff --git a/43680-h/43680-h.htm b/43680-h/43680-h.htm index bcfc996..4ceea67 100644 --- a/43680-h/43680-h.htm +++ b/43680-h/43680-h.htm @@ -2,7 +2,7 @@ "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> <html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> <head> -<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" /> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=UTF-8" /> <title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Russian Turmoil, by Anton Ivanovich Denikin</title> <style type="text/css"> @@ -168,27 +168,10 @@ caption { </style> </head> <body> +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 43680 ***</div> <h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Russian Turmoil, by Anton Ivanovich Denikin</h1> -<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></p> -<p>Title: The Russian Turmoil</p> -<p> Memoirs: Military, Social, and Political</p> -<p>Author: Anton Ivanovich Denikin</p> -<p>Release Date: September 9, 2013 [eBook #43680]</p> -<p>Language: English</p> -<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> -<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RUSSIAN TURMOIL***</p> <p> </p> -<h4>E-text prepared by Charlene Taylor, Paul Clark,<br /> - and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> - (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> - from page images generously made available by<br /> - Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries<br /> - (<a href="http://archive.org/details/toronto">http://archive.org/details/toronto</a>)</h4> <p> </p> <table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> <tr> @@ -268,7 +251,7 @@ Mother Country</span></p></td> <td class="tdpn">66</td></tr> <tr><td><p class="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a></p> -<p class="hanging"><span class="smcap">The Stavka: Its Rôle and Position</span></p></td> +<p class="hanging"><span class="smcap">The Stavka: Its Rôle and Position</span></p></td> <td class="tdpn">72</td></tr> <tr><td><p class="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</a></p> @@ -359,7 +342,7 @@ of Kerensky and General Brussilov</span></p></td> <td class="tdpn">264<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></td></tr> <tr><td><p class="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVIII">CHAPTER XXVIII.</a></p> -<p class="hanging"><span class="smcap">The Russian Advance in the Summer of 1917—The Débâcle</span></p></td> +<p class="hanging"><span class="smcap">The Russian Advance in the Summer of 1917—The Débâcle</span></p></td> <td class="tdpn">271</td></tr> <tr><td><p class="center"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIX">CHAPTER XXIX.</a></p> @@ -805,7 +788,7 @@ semi-cultured masses entirely failed to realise the meaning of other forms of Government preached by Socialists of all shades of opinion. Owing to a certain innate Conservatism, to habits dating from time immemorial, and to the teaching of the Church,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> -the existing régime was considered as something quite natural and +the existing régime was considered as something quite natural and inevitable. In the mind and in the heart of the soldier the idea of a monarch was, if I may so express it, “in a potential state,” rising sometimes to a point of high exaltation when the monarch @@ -1227,7 +1210,7 @@ some time to come hang over our hapless Russian land.</p> <p>Destructive outside influences were not counteracted in the Army by a reasonable process of education. This was due partly to the political unpreparedness of the officers, partly to the instinctive -fear felt by the old régime of introducing “politics” into +fear felt by the old régime of introducing “politics” into barracks, even with a view to criticising subversive doctrines. This fear was felt not only in respect of social and internal problems but even in respect of foreign policy. Thus, for example, @@ -1367,7 +1350,7 @@ shells....</p> Supreme C.-in-C., the Grand Duke Nicholas Nicholaievitch) telegraphed to the War Minister: “The evacuation of Przemyshl is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> an accomplished fact. Brussilov alleges a shortage of ammunition, -that <i>bête noire</i>, yours and mine ... a loud cry comes +that <i>bête noire</i>, yours and mine ... a loud cry comes from all the armies: ‘Give us cartridges.’”</p> <hr class="tb" /> @@ -1403,7 +1386,7 @@ of the military organisation: its eternal, unchangeable characteristics, discipline, individual authority, and the non-political spirit of the Army, were ruthlessly assailed by the Revolutionary Democracy. These characteristics were lost. And yet it seemed -as if the downfall of the old régime opened new and immense possibilities +as if the downfall of the old régime opened new and immense possibilities for cleansing and uplifting the Russian people’s Army and its Command morally and technically. Like people, like Army. After all, the old Russian Army, albeit suffering from the deficiencies @@ -1495,7 +1478,7 @@ great or downtrodden.”</p> <p>Alexeiev sometimes did not display sufficient firmness in enforc<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span>ing his demands, but, in respect of the independence of the “Stavka” (G.H.Q.) from outside influences, he showed civic -courage which the High Officials of the old régime, who clung to +courage which the High Officials of the old régime, who clung to their offices, completely lacked.</p> <p>One day, after an official dinner at Mohilev, the Empress took @@ -1727,13 +1710,13 @@ and the Grand Duke Michael, Regent.</p> Duma, of representatives of Zemstvos and towns—well versed in the activities of the circle—held several meetings, at which the question was discussed of “the part the Duma was to play after -the <i>coup d’état</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The new Ministry was then outlined, and of +the <i>coup d’état</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> The new Ministry was then outlined, and of the two suggested candidates for the Premiership, Rodzianko and Prince Lvov, the latter was chosen.</p> <p>Fate, however, decreed otherwise.</p> -<p>Before the contemplated <i>coup d’état</i> took place, there began, +<p>Before the contemplated <i>coup d’état</i> took place, there began, in the words of Albert Thomas, “the brightest, the most festive, the most bloodless Russian Revolution.”</p> @@ -1782,7 +1765,7 @@ diametrically opposed motives.</p> began to prepare for great events which they considered inevitable, and other circles, in close touch with these organisations or sharing their views, were completing the arrangements -for a “<i>Palace coup d’état</i>” as the last means of averting the +for a “<i>Palace coup d’état</i>” as the last means of averting the impending Revolution.</p> <p>Nevertheless, the rebellion started as an elemental force and @@ -1796,7 +1779,7 @@ had not been prepared—hence the absence of a corresponding administrative organ.”</p> <p>As regards the circles of the Duma and the social organisations, -they were prepared for a <i>coup d’état</i>, but not for the +they were prepared for a <i>coup d’état</i>, but not for the Revolution. In the blazing fire of the outbreak they failed to preserve their moral balance and judgment.</p> @@ -2009,7 +1992,7 @@ of the Interior and to the Chief Censor, this appeal was twice removed from the printing press, and was prohibited.</p> <p>The question is still open for discussion and investigation as -to what proportion of the activities of the old régime in the domain +to what proportion of the activities of the old régime in the domain of economics can be attributed to individuals, what to the system, and what to the insuperable obstacles created in the country by a devastating war. But no excuse will ever be found for stifling the @@ -2554,7 +2537,7 @@ obviously forgotten.</p> Roumania, where I was commanding the Eighth Army Corps. In our remoteness from the Mother Country we felt a certain tension in the political atmosphere, but we certainly were -not prepared for the sudden <i>dénouement</i> or for the shape it +not prepared for the sudden <i>dénouement</i> or for the shape it assumed.</p> <p>On the morning of March 3rd I received a telegram from Army @@ -2611,10 +2594,10 @@ the War Ministry was criticised, and it was only the part he had taken in the Council of National Defence, and his close connection with the officers’ circles, that mitigated the unfavourable impression. A great many people have found it surprising and -incomprehensible that the collapse of a Monarchist régime several +incomprehensible that the collapse of a Monarchist régime several centuries old should not have provoked in the Army, bred in its traditions, either a struggle or even isolated outbreaks, or that the -Army should not have created its own Vendée.</p> +Army should not have created its own Vendée.</p> <p>I know of three cases only of stout resistance: The march of General Ivanov’s detachment on Czarskoe Selo, organised by @@ -2697,7 +2680,7 @@ war and during the Revolution, to join in the membership of various Unions and Societies formed for political purposes, was a menace to the very existence of the army. G.H.Q., perturbed by this situation, had recourse to a measure hitherto unknown in -the army—to a kind of plébiscite. All Commanding Officers, +the army—to a kind of plébiscite. All Commanding Officers, including Regimental Commanders, were advised to address direct telegrams to the Minister of War, expressing their views on the new orders. I do not know whether the telegraph was able @@ -2819,7 +2802,7 @@ confronted with an unorganised mob, and we had to organise.</p> <p><i>Skobelev</i>: I consider it necessary to explain the circumstances in which Order No. 1. was issued. Among the troops that overthrew -the old régime, the Commanding Officers did not join the +the old régime, the Commanding Officers did not join the rebels. In order to deprive the former of their importance, we were forced to issue Order No. 1. We had inward apprehensions as to the attitude of the front towards the Revolution. Certain @@ -2828,7 +2811,7 @@ we have ascertained that this distrust was well founded.</p> <p>A member of the Soviet, Joseph Goldenberg, Editor of <i>New Life</i>, was still more outspoken. He said to the French journalist, -Claude Anet: (Claude Anet: <i>La Révolution Russe</i>) “Order +Claude Anet: (Claude Anet: <i>La Révolution Russe</i>) “Order No. 1. was not an error, but a necessity. It was not drafted by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> Sokolov. It is the expression of the unanimous will of the Soviet. On the day we ‘made the Revolution,’ we understood that if we @@ -2948,7 +2931,7 @@ Prince Lvov President of the Council of Ministers and the Grand-Duke Nicholas Supreme Commander-in-Chief. “In view of the general attitude towards the Romanov Dynasty,” as the official Petrograd papers said, and in reality for -fear of the Soviet’s attempting a military <i>coup d’état</i>, the Grand-Duke +fear of the Soviet’s attempting a military <i>coup d’état</i>, the Grand-Duke Nicholas was informed on March 9th by the Provisional Government that it was undesirable that he should remain in supreme command. Prince Lvov wrote: “The situation makes @@ -3199,7 +3182,7 @@ Garrison. As we know, that hope was never fulfilled.</p> <p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p> <h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</a><br /> -<span class="smcap">The Stavka: Its Rôle and Position.</span></h2> +<span class="smcap">The Stavka: Its Rôle and Position.</span></h2> <p>On March 25th I arrived at the Stavka, and was immediately received by General Alexeiev. Of course he was offended. @@ -3359,7 +3342,7 @@ Alexeiev. We were both under the strain of emotion. We parted as friends, but we did not settle the question. Alexeiev said: “Do I not give you a full share of the work? I do not understand you.” Alexeiev was quite sincerely surprised because -during the war he had grown accustomed to a régime which +during the war he had grown accustomed to a régime which appeared to him perfectly normal. So we three held another conference. After a lengthy discussion, we decided that the plan of campaign for 1917 had long since been worked out, that preparations @@ -3383,7 +3366,7 @@ factor of the Revolutionary period?</p> <p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span></p> <p>The importance of the Stavka diminished. In the days of the -Imperial régime, the Stavka, from the military point of view, +Imperial régime, the Stavka, from the military point of view, occupied a predominant position. No individual or institution in the State was entitled to issue instructions or to call to account the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, and it was Alexeiev and not @@ -3781,7 +3764,7 @@ enjoyed the confidence of the country, refused, after lengthy and heated discussions, to head the Revolutionary power. Temporarily dissolved by the Imperial ukaze of February 27th, it remained loyal, and “did not attempt to hold an official sitting,” -as it “considered itself a legislative institution of the old régime, +as it “considered itself a legislative institution of the old régime, co-ordinated by fundamental law with the obviously doomed remnants of autocracy.” (Miliukov, <i>History of the Second Russian Revolution</i>.) The subsequent decrees emanated from the @@ -3792,7 +3775,7 @@ exercised supreme power in the first days of the Revolution.</p> <p>When power was transferred to the <span class="smcap">Provisional Government</span>, the Duma and the Committee retired to the background, but did not cease to exist, and endeavoured to give moral support -and a <i>raison d’être</i> to the first three Cabinets of the Government. +and a <i>raison d’être</i> to the first three Cabinets of the Government. On May 2nd, during the first Government crisis, the Committee still struggled for the right to <i>appoint</i> members of the Government; subsequently it reduced its demands to that @@ -3873,7 +3856,7 @@ systematically distorting all State functions and making them subservient to the interests of class and party.</p> <p>Kerensky, the “hostage of Democracy,” was in the Government. -In a speech delivered in the Soviet he thus defined his rôle: +In a speech delivered in the Soviet he thus defined his rôle: “I am the representative of Democracy, and the Provisional Government should look upon me as expressing the demands of Democracy, and should particularly heed the opinions which I @@ -3894,7 +3877,7 @@ Lenin, Bronstein, Apfelbaum, Uritzki, Dzerjinski, and Peters.... The other flank, defeated in March, 1917, may not yet have said its last word. The Russian Revolution was undoubtedly national in its origin, being a mode of expressing the universal -protest against the old régime. But, when the time came for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> +protest against the old régime. But, when the time came for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> reconstruction, two forces came into conflict which embodied and led two different currents of political thought, two different outlooks. According to the accepted phrase, it was a struggle @@ -3935,7 +3918,7 @@ of Government crises and of opportunities thereby provided for seizing that power and wielding it without opposition and unreservedly (the Provisional Government offered no resistance). The Revolutionary Democracy, as represented by the Soviet, -categorically declined to assume that rôle because it realised quite +categorically declined to assume that rôle because it realised quite clearly that it lacked the strength, the knowledge, and the skill to govern the country in which it had as yet no real support. Tzeretelli, one of the leaders of Revolutionary Democracy, said: @@ -3971,7 +3954,7 @@ often openly expressed, was wrongly interpreted by the Revolutionary Democracy as abhorrence of the very <i>idea of Democratic Representation</i>. In time the supremacy of the Petrograd Soviet, which ascribed to itself the exceptional merit of having destroyed -the old régime, began to wane. A vast network of Committees +the old régime, began to wane. A vast network of Committees and Soviets, which had flooded the country and the Army, claimed the right to participate in the work of the State. In April, therefore, a Congress was held of the delegates of Workmen and @@ -4076,7 +4059,7 @@ the latter “permitted.” The Government was linked with the old power by the inheritance of statesmanship and organisation, as well as the external methods of administration; whereas the Soviet, springing from mutiny and from the slums, was the direct -negation of the entire old régime. It is a delusion to think, as a +negation of the entire old régime. It is a delusion to think, as a small portion of the moderate democracy still appear to do, that the Soviet played the part of “restraining the tidal wave of the people.” <i>The Soviet did not actually destroy the Russian State, @@ -4257,7 +4240,7 @@ of the Soviets represents a minority in the population</i>, and we must make every effort in order that the Bourgeois elements, who are still willing and capable of joining us in preserving the conquests of the Revolution, shall share with us the burdens of the -inheritance left by the old régime, which we have shouldered, and +inheritance left by the old régime, which we have shouldered, and the enormous responsibility for the outcome of the Revolution which we bear in the eyes of the people.” The Soviet, and later the All-Russian Central Committee, could not, and would not, by @@ -4288,10 +4271,10 @@ and Bolshevik ideas.</p> and the Idea of a Dictatorship.</span></p> <p>In the first period—from the beginning of the Revolution until -the <i>coup d’état</i> of November—the Bolsheviks were engaged -in struggling to seize power by destroying the Bourgeois régime +the <i>coup d’état</i> of November—the Bolsheviks were engaged +in struggling to seize power by destroying the Bourgeois régime and disorganising the Army, thus paving the way for the -<i>avénement</i> of Bolshevism, as Trotsky solemnly expressed it. On +<i>avénement</i> of Bolshevism, as Trotsky solemnly expressed it. On the day after his arrival in Russia Lenin published his programme, of which I will here mention the salient points:</p> @@ -4732,7 +4715,7 @@ Revolution only in so far as it affected the conduct of the World War. I have already mentioned the duality of the Supreme Administration of the country and the incessant pressure of the Soviet upon the Provisional Government. A member of the -Duma, Mr. Shulgin, wittily remarked: “The old régime is interned +Duma, Mr. Shulgin, wittily remarked: “The old régime is interned in the fortress of Peter and Paul, and the new one is under domiciliary arrest.” The Provisional Government did not represent the people as a whole; it could not and would not forestall @@ -4847,7 +4830,7 @@ of Inspector of Police (“Ispravnik”), which were to be replaced by the presidents of the Provincial and District self-governing Councils (“Oupravas”), and for the police to be replaced by a militia organised by Social Institutions. This measure, adopted -owing to the universal dislike for the agents of the old régime,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> +owing to the universal dislike for the agents of the old régime,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> was, in fact, the only actual manifestation of the Government’s will; because the status of the Commissars was not established by law until the month of September. The instructions and orders @@ -4922,7 +4905,7 @@ because they were absent. The <i>Petite Bourgeoisie</i>, the intellectual workers, in a word, the Town Democracy in the widest sense, was the weakest party and was always defeated in that Revolutionary struggle. The mutinies, rebellions, and separations of various -Republics—the precursors of the bloody Soviet Régime—had the +Republics—the precursors of the bloody Soviet Régime—had the most painful effect on the life of that portion of the community. The “self-determination” of the soldiers caused uneasiness and even fear of unrestricted violence. Even travelling was unsafe and @@ -5157,7 +5140,7 @@ all, and they administered themselves as best they could.</p> <p>In its proclamation of April 25th the Provisional Government gave an accurate description of the condition of the country in stating that “the growth of new social ties was slower than the -process of disruption caused by the collapse of the old régime.” +process of disruption caused by the collapse of the old régime.” In every feature of the life of the people this fact was clearly to be observed.</p> @@ -5179,7 +5162,7 @@ responsible</i> in order to undermine your freedom and ours. They say that the Revolution has left the country without bread....” This simple explanation, adduced by the Revolutionary Democracy in every crisis, was, of course, one-sided. There was the -inheritance of the old régime as well as the inevitable consequences +inheritance of the old régime as well as the inevitable consequences of three years of war, during which imports of agricultural implements had come to a standstill, labourers were taken from the land, and, as a result, the area under crops was diminished. @@ -5198,7 +5181,7 @@ of food supplies was handed over to Food Supply Committees—undoubtedly democratic in character, but, with the exception of the representatives of the Co-operatives, inexperienced and devoid of a creative spirit. There are many more reasons, great and -small, which may be included in the formula: The Old Régime, +small, which may be included in the formula: The Old Régime, the War and the Revolution.</p> <p>On March 29th the Provisional Government introduced the @@ -5352,7 +5335,7 @@ moderate Democratic organisations to arrest the disruption of industry: “All for the Proletariat and through the Proletariat....” Bolshevism held up to the working class vivid and entrancing vistas of political domination and economic prosperity, -through the destruction of the Capitalist régime and the +through the destruction of the Capitalist régime and the transfer to the workmen of political power, of industries, of the means of production, and of the wealth of the country. And all this was to come at once, immediately, and not as a result of a @@ -5413,7 +5396,7 @@ specialists, that, unless the general conditions of the country changed, our railways would come to a standstill within six months. Practice has disproved theory. For over three years, under the impossible conditions of Civil War and of the Bolshevik -Régime, the railways have continued to work. It is true that they +Régime, the railways have continued to work. It is true that they did not satisfy the needs of the population even in a small measure, but they served the strategical purposes. That this situation cannot last, and that the entire network of the Russian @@ -5508,7 +5491,7 @@ counter-Revolutionary hydra.” As is well known, the All-Russian Executive Committee of the Union of Railways subsequently became a political organisation pure and simple, and betrayed Kornilov to Kerensky and Kerensky to Lenin. With a zeal -worthy of the secret police of the old régime, it hunted out +worthy of the secret police of the old régime, it hunted out Kornilov’s followers, and finally met an inglorious end in the clutches of Bolshevik Centralisation.</p> @@ -5573,7 +5556,7 @@ impotence of the Government and of powerlessness to resist. Even Nekrassov had the courage to declare at the Moscow Congress that “Never in history had any Czarist Government been as generous and prodigal as the Government of Revolutionary -Russia,” and that “the new Revolutionary régime is much more +Russia,” and that “the new Revolutionary régime is much more expensive than the old one.” Suffice it to quote a few “astronomic” figures in order to gauge the insuperable obstacles in the way of a reasonable Budget. The decline of production and @@ -5844,13 +5827,13 @@ casualties, and the remnants of the Corps retreated behind the Stokhod. The Stavka did not get an accurate list of the casualties, because it was impossible to ascertain the numbers of killed or wounded under the head of “Missing.” The German -Official Communiqué gave a list of prisoners—150 officers and +Official Communiqué gave a list of prisoners—150 officers and about 10,000 men. Owing to the conditions in that theatre of war, this tactical success was of no strategical importance, and could lead to no dangerous developments. Nevertheless, we could not but wonder at the frankness of the cautious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> <i>Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung</i>, the official organ of the -German Chancellor, which wrote: “The Communiqué of the +German Chancellor, which wrote: “The Communiqué of the Stavka of the Russian Supreme Command of March 29th is mistaken in interpreting the operations undertaken by the German troops, and dictated by a tactical necessity which had arisen @@ -6175,7 +6158,7 @@ had more than once been the channel through which false rumours had been spread. My telegram was most emphatic, and ended thus: “Posterity will stigmatise with deep contempt the weak-kneed, impotent, irresolute generation which was good enough -to destroy the rotten régime, but not good enough to preserve +to destroy the rotten régime, but not good enough to preserve the honour, the dignity, and the very existence of Russia.” The misunderstanding was painful indeed; the news was false, the Government was not thinking of a separate peace. Later, at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> @@ -6556,7 +6539,7 @@ without laying too much stress upon it and without devising a new system. Apart from the Commanding Officers who were thus removed, several Generals resigned of their own accord—such as Letchitzki and Mistchenko—who could not be reconciled to the -new régime, and many Commanders who were evicted in a +new régime, and many Commanders who were evicted in a Revolutionary fashion by the direct or indirect pressure of the Committee or of the soldiery. Admiral Koltchak was one of them. Further changes were made, prompted by varying and sometimes @@ -6630,7 +6613,7 @@ two opposing forces and two schools of thought.</p> <p>I have already said that the entire Commanding Staff of Generals was strictly loyal to the Provisional Government. General Kornilov, the would-be “rebel,” addressed the following -speech to a Meeting of Officers: “The old régime has collapsed. +speech to a Meeting of Officers: “The old régime has collapsed. The people are building a new structure of liberty, and it is the duty of the people’s Army wholeheartedly to support the new Government in its difficult, creative work.” The Commanding @@ -6712,7 +6695,7 @@ and Routine.</span></p> <p>In order to carry out the democratisation of the Army and the reform of the War Ministry in accordance with the new -régime, Gutchkov established a Commission under the Chairmanship +régime, Gutchkov established a Commission under the Chairmanship of the late War Minister, Polivanov, who died at Riga in 1920, where he was the expert of the Soviet Government in the Delegation for making peace with Poland. The Commission was @@ -6902,8 +6885,8 @@ their crimes by military service. My efforts to combat this measure were unavailing, and resulted in the formation of a special regiment of convicts—a present from Moscow—and in the formation of solid anarchist cadres in the Reserve Battalions. The -<i>naïf</i> and insincere argument of the Legislator that crimes were -committed because of the Czarist Régime, and that a free country +<i>naïf</i> and insincere argument of the Legislator that crimes were +committed because of the Czarist Régime, and that a free country would convert the criminal into a self-sacrificing hero, did not come true. In the garrisons, where amnestied criminals were for some reason or other more numerous, they became a menace to @@ -6932,7 +6915,7 @@ portion of Democracy for spheres of activity foreign to it was subsequently developed on an extensive scale. Thus, for example, many military colleges were, to a certain extent, managed by Committees of servants, most of whom were illiterate. Under -the Bolshevik Régime, University Councils numbered not only +the Bolshevik Régime, University Councils numbered not only Professors and students, but also hall-porters.</p> <p>I will not dwell upon the minor activities of the Committees, @@ -7275,7 +7258,7 @@ order was of no avail, because, in spite of all my representations, the War Ministry had not established any legal responsibility for the Committees, whose decisions were recorded by vote and occasionally by secret ballot. I will mention yet another curious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> -episode. The Committee of one of the Cavalry Depôts on my +episode. The Committee of one of the Cavalry Depôts on my Front decided that horses should be watered only once a day, so most of the horses were lost.</p> @@ -7432,7 +7415,7 @@ rate, were unaware of such laws, and this alone gave rise to all the misunderstandings and conflicts that followed. The Commissars had secret instructions to watch the Commanding Staffs and Headquarters in respect of their political reliability. From -that point of view the democratic régime went further, perhaps, +that point of view the democratic régime went further, perhaps, than the autocratic. Of this I became convinced during my command of the Western and South-Western Fronts, in reading the telegrams exchanged between the Commissariats and Petrograd. @@ -7457,7 +7440,7 @@ victory.</p> circles connected with the Government and the Soviet and enjoying their confidence. The personnel of the Commissars whom I met may be described thus: War-time officers, doctors, solicitors, -newspaper men, exiles and <i>emigrés</i> completely out of touch with +newspaper men, exiles and <i>emigrés</i> completely out of touch with Russian life, members of militant Revolutionary organisations, etc. These men had, obviously, inadequate knowledge of the Army. All these men belonged to Socialist parties, from Social-Democrat @@ -7866,7 +7849,7 @@ banner inscribed: “Peace at all costs.” The officer who tore that banner had to flee for his life. During the night men from that regiment were searching for the officer at Dvinsk, as he had been concealed by the Headquarters Staff. The dreadful expression -“Adherents of the old régime” caused the best officers to +“Adherents of the old régime” caused the best officers to be cast out of the Army. We all wanted a change, and yet many excellent officers, the pride of the Army, had to join the Reserve simply because they tried to prevent the disruption of the Army, @@ -7901,7 +7884,7 @@ officers is behaving in an undignified manner, trying to make themselves popular by bowing to the instincts of the men. The system of elections has not been introduced in its entirety, but many unpopular officers have been summarily dismissed as they -were accused of being adherents to the old régime; other Commanding +were accused of being adherents to the old régime; other Commanding Officers, who had been considered incompetent and liable to dismissal, have been made to stay. It was quite impossible not to grant the demands for their retention. With regard to excesses @@ -7915,7 +7898,7 @@ care.</p> <p><i>General Stcherbatchov.</i>—The illiteracy of the soldiery is the main reason of all these phenomena. It is not, of course, the fault -of our people that it is illiterate. For this the old régime is entirely +of our people that it is illiterate. For this the old régime is entirely responsible, as it looked upon education from the point of view of the Ministry of the Interior. Nevertheless, we have to reckon with the fact that the masses do not understand the gravity of @@ -8048,7 +8031,7 @@ we will hand over to you not Russia, but a field in which our enemies will sow and reap, and Democracy itself will curse you. It will be Democracy that will suffer if the Germans win. Democracy will be starving—while the peasants will always manage -to feed themselves on their own land. It was said of the old régime +to feed themselves on their own land. It was said of the old régime that it “played into the hands of William.” Will it be possible to level the same accusation against you? William is fortunate indeed, as both Monarchs and Democracies are playing into his @@ -8136,7 +8119,7 @@ the spirit of the Russian people whether the ultimate goal will be reached and whether we shall come out of the present difficulty with honour. I consider it necessary to explain the circumstances in which Order No. 1 was issued. In the troops which had overthrown -the old régime, the Commanding Officers had not joined +the old régime, the Commanding Officers had not joined the mutineers; we were compelled to issue that Order so as to deprive these officers of authority. We were anxious about the attitude of the front towards the Revolution and about the instructions @@ -8261,7 +8244,7 @@ of the Constitutional Democratic Party (<i>Retch</i>, May 11th) had an article which expressed great satisfaction that the Declaration “afforded every soldier the chance of taking part in the political life of the country, definitely freed him from the shackles of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> -old régime and led him from the stale atmosphere of the old +old régime and led him from the stale atmosphere of the old barracks into the fresh air of liberty.” It also said that “throughout the world all other armies are remote from politics, whilst the Russian Army will be the first to enjoy the fullness of political @@ -8328,7 +8311,7 @@ double death-blow, both at the front and in the rear,” laid it in the dust. In connection with this, history will undoubtedly note a great analogy between the parts played by the “Revolutionary Democracies” of Russia and of Germany in the destinies of these -peoples. After the <i>débâcle</i> the leader of the German Independent +peoples. After the <i>débâcle</i> the leader of the German Independent Social Democrats acquainted the country with the great and systematic work which they had carried on, from the beginning of 1918, for the breaking down of the German Army and @@ -8454,7 +8437,7 @@ might have protected the Army. The Government, especially the War Office, rushed irresistibly down the path of opportunism; the Soviets and the Socialist Press undermined the Army; the Bourgeois Press now cried “videant consules ne quid Imperio -detrimenti caparet,” now naïvely rejoiced at the “democratisation +detrimenti caparet,” now naïvely rejoiced at the “democratisation and liberation” which were taking place. Even in what might have been considered the competent spheres of the higher military bureaucracy of Petrograd there reigned such a variety of views, @@ -8497,7 +8480,7 @@ German propaganda, which was spreading rapidly.</p> <hr class="tb" /> <p>Ludendorff says frankly and with a national egotism rising to -a high degree of cynicism: “I did not doubt that the <i>débâcle</i> of +a high degree of cynicism: “I did not doubt that the <i>débâcle</i> of the Russian Army and the Russian people was fraught with great danger for Germany and Austria-Hungary.... <i>In sending Lenin to Russia</i> our Government assumed an enormous @@ -8526,9 +8509,9 @@ the Russian Secret Police, like Blum; propaganda agents—Oulianoff (Lenin), Bronstein (Trotsky), Apfelbaum (Zinovieff), Lunacharsky, Ozolin, Katz (Kamkoff), and many others. And in their wake went a whole group of shallow or unscrupulous -people, cast over the frontier and fanatically hating the <i>régime</i> +people, cast over the frontier and fanatically hating the <i>régime</i> which had rejected them—hating it to the degree of forgetfulness -of their native land, or squaring accounts with this <i>régime</i>, +of their native land, or squaring accounts with this <i>régime</i>, acting sometimes as blind tools in the hands of the German General Staff. What their motives were, what their pay, how far they went—these are details; what is important is that they sold Russia, @@ -8749,7 +8732,7 @@ the Government, expressed the fear that the “inevitable” measures to which the Government and the military authorities<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> must have recourse ... would create a basis for the demagogic agitation of the counter-Revolutionaries who, for the time being, -gathered round the flag of the Revolutionary régime, but who +gathered round the flag of the Revolutionary régime, but who might pave the way for a military Dictatorship.”</p> <p>However, the exposure of the direct criminal participation of @@ -8927,8 +8910,8 @@ radical change.</p> view of this provocationary invitation, saying in reply: “The Commander-in-Chief of the German troops on the Eastern Front offers us ‘a separate truce and secrecy of negotiations.’ But -Russia knows that the <i>débâcle</i> of the Allies will be the beginning -of the <i>débâcle</i> of her own Army, and the <i>débâcle</i> of the Revolutionary +Russia knows that the <i>débâcle</i> of the Allies will be the beginning +of the <i>débâcle</i> of her own Army, and the <i>débâcle</i> of the Revolutionary troops of Free Russia would mean not only new common graves, but the failure of the Revolution, the fall of Free Russia.”</p> @@ -9139,7 +9122,7 @@ in which defeat has fettered them.</p> have been preaching for twenty centuries, is buried for years to come.</p> -<p>To us, how childishly naïve now seem the efforts of the +<p>To us, how childishly naïve now seem the efforts of the humanists of the nineteenth century, who by prolonged, ardent propaganda sought to soften the horrors of war and to introduce the limiting norms of International Law! Yes, now, when we @@ -9249,7 +9232,7 @@ and significance.</p> <p>When the Revolution began that old veteran, beloved by both officers and soldiers, General P. I. Mishtchenko, being -unable to put up with the new régime, retired from the Army. He +unable to put up with the new régime, retired from the Army. He lived at Temir-Han Shoura, never went outside his garden fence, and always wore his General’s uniform and his crosses of St. George, even in the days of Bolshevik power. One day the @@ -9313,7 +9296,7 @@ series of new ideas, which the soldier masses were unable to digest and assimilate. New people appeared, with a new speech, so fascinating and promising, liberating the soldiers from obedience and inspiring hope that they would be saved from deadly danger -immediately. When one Regimental Commander naïvely inquired +immediately. When one Regimental Commander naïvely inquired whether these people might not be tried by Field Court-Martial and shot, his telegram, after passing through all official stages, called forth the reply from Petrograd that these people were @@ -9589,7 +9572,7 @@ really in command of the Company—I am boycotted.”</p> <p>“Just so. They have elected the 2nd Lieutenant, my subaltern, as Company Commander, and degraded me as a supporter of the -old régime, because, you see, I had drill twice a day—you know +old régime, because, you see, I had drill twice a day—you know that the marching contingents come up here absolutely untrained. Indeed, the 2nd Lieutenant was the first to vote for my removal. ‘We have been slave-driven long enough,’ said he. ‘Now we are @@ -10587,7 +10570,7 @@ of Cain on the corps of officers—I have the right to fling in their faces the words: ‘You lie! The Russian officer has never been either a mercenary or a Pretorian.’</p> -<p>“Under the old régime you were victimised, down-trodden, +<p>“Under the old régime you were victimised, down-trodden, and deprived of all that makes life worth living. In no less a degree than yourselves, leading a life of semi-beggary, our officers of the Line have managed to carry through their wretched, @@ -10681,7 +10664,7 @@ majority of the responsible leaders of the Army were perturbed by a terrible and not unfounded fear for the fate of the Russian officers. In this respect the correspondence between General Kornilov and General Doukhonin is very characteristic. After the -Bolshevist <i>coup d’état</i> on November 1 (14), 1917, General +Bolshevist <i>coup d’état</i> on November 1 (14), 1917, General Kornilov wrote to Doukhonin from his prison in Bykhov:</p> <p>“Foreseeing the further course of events, I think that it is @@ -10735,7 +10718,7 @@ century, when, after a ferocious suppression of the Pougatchov Rebellion, the free Cossacks of the South-East were dealt a final blow; they gradually lost their markedly oppositionary character, and even gained the reputation of the most conservative element -in the State, the pillars of the throne and the régime.</p> +in the State, the pillars of the throne and the régime.</p> <p>From that time onward the Government incessantly showed favour to the Cossacks by emphasising their really great merits, @@ -10782,7 +10765,7 @@ But such altruistic motives, by themselves, do not exhaust the question. Notwithstanding the grievous weight of universal military service, the Cossacks, especially those of the South, enjoyed a certain prosperity which excluded that important -stimulus which roused against the Government and the régime +stimulus which roused against the Government and the régime both the workers’ class and the peasantry of Central Russia. An extraordinarily complicated agrarian question set the caste economic interests of the Cossacks against the interests of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> @@ -11314,7 +11297,7 @@ and in the Ukraine too, with which I had been connected all my life, was impossible. And so I decided to resign.”<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> <p>And he resigned. True, it was only in October, shortly before -the Bolshevist <i>coup d’état</i>, having occupied the post of commander +the Bolshevist <i>coup d’état</i>, having occupied the post of commander of the troops in the most important district next the front for nearly five months.</p> @@ -11489,7 +11472,7 @@ whom a hostile feeling arose, heated still more by the grumbling of hundreds of Generals removed by him and of the ultra-monarchical section of the officers, who could not forgive Gutchkov his supposed share in the preparation of the Palace -<i>coup d’état</i> and of the journey to Pskov.<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> +<i>coup d’état</i> and of the journey to Pskov.<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> <p>Thus the resignation of this Minister, even if caused “by those conditions, in which the Government power was placed in the @@ -11700,7 +11683,7 @@ saying that “discipline of duty” should be introduced from the top. The Bolshevik Rosenfeldt (Kamenev) expressed satisfaction, because this decision fully coincided with the repeated demands of the Soviet. On the same day the Government -published an official communiqué to the effect that: “In spite of +published an official communiqué to the effect that: “In spite of the fact that General Alexeiev was naturally very tired and needed rest from his arduous labours, it was considered impossible to lose the services of this exceptionally experienced and talented leader, @@ -12049,7 +12032,7 @@ if the people will then follow you.”</p> <p>The same Suram Regiment, a few days later, gave a sound thrashing to Sokolov, the man who drafted Order No. 1, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> -creator of the new régime for the Army, because he demanded, +creator of the new régime for the Army, because he demanded, in the name of the Soviet, that the regiment should do its duty and join in the advance.</p> @@ -12199,7 +12182,7 @@ clearly recognising that the last hope of a miracle was gone.</p> <p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span></p> <h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVIII" id="CHAPTER_XXVIII">CHAPTER XXVIII.</a><br /> -<span class="smcap">The Russian Advance in the Summer of 1917—The Débâcle.</span></h2> +<span class="smcap">The Russian Advance in the Summer of 1917—The Débâcle.</span></h2> <p>The Russian offensive which had been planned for the month of May was being delayed. At first a simultaneous advance @@ -12384,7 +12367,7 @@ Headquarters, the Stavka and the Press, losing all perspective, blamed the 607th Mlynov Regiment as the chief cause of the catastrophe. The demoralised, worthless regiment had left the trenches of their own accord and opened the front. It was, of -course, a very sad occurrence, but it would be naïve to describe it +course, a very sad occurrence, but it would be naïve to describe it even as an excuse. For as early as on the 9th of July the Committees and Commissars of the 11th Army were telegraphing to the Provisional Government: “The truth and nothing but the @@ -12585,7 +12568,7 @@ enhanced his authority with the wide circles of Liberal Democracy and with the officers. Even the Revolutionary Democracy within the Army, stunned and depressed as it was by the tragic turn of events, saw in Kornilov, for some time after -the <i>débâcle</i>, the last resource and the only possible remedy in the +the <i>débâcle</i>, the last resource and the only possible remedy in the desperate position. It may be stated that the date of July 8th, on which Kornilov took command of the South-Western Front and addressed his first demand to the Provisional Government, sealed @@ -12828,7 +12811,7 @@ of speech being granted not only off parade, but on duty. The 3rd Commissar, who was not a Russian, and who appeared to treat the Russian soldier with contempt, in addressing the regiment used such foul language as had never -fallen from the Commanding Officers under the Czar’s régime. +fallen from the Commanding Officers under the Czar’s régime. Curiously enough the conscious and free Revolutionary warriors accept such treatment as their due and obey him. That Commissar, according to the Commanding Officers, is undoubtedly @@ -13362,7 +13345,7 @@ responsibility upon their own shoulders.</p> spoke, expressing his own views only. He agreed with the general description of the Front which we had given, and pointed out that it is not the fault of the Revolutionary Democracy that the -soldiery of the old régime is still distrustful of their Commanding +soldiery of the old régime is still distrustful of their Commanding Officers; that all is not well with the latter from the military and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> political points of view, and that the main object of the new Revolutionary institutions was to restore normal relations @@ -13372,8 +13355,8 @@ between these two elements of the Army.</p> tried to justify himself—spoke of the elemental character of the inevitable “Democratisation” of the Army. He blamed us for seeing in the Revolution, and in its influence upon the Russian -soldier, the only cause of the <i>débâcle</i> of July, and he severely -condemned the old régime. Finally, he gave us no definite +soldier, the only cause of the <i>débâcle</i> of July, and he severely +condemned the old régime. Finally, he gave us no definite directions for future work. The members of the Conference dispersed with a heavy feeling of mutual misunderstanding. I was also discouraged, but at the bottom of my heart I was pleased to @@ -13481,7 +13464,7 @@ of the Petrograd District, drew up a scheme for the organisation of the Petrograd Front, covering the approaches to the capital through Finland and the Finnish Gulf. This Front was to include the troops in Finland and Kronstadt, on the coast, of the Reval -fortified region and the Petrograd garrison, the depôt battalions of +fortified region and the Petrograd garrison, the depôt battalions of which it was proposed to expand into active regiments and form into brigades; the inclusion of the Baltic Fleet was likewise probable. Such an organisation—logical from a strategical point of @@ -13786,7 +13769,7 @@ new place of service together with him. On my way I stopped at Moghilev. The Stavka was in a very optimistic mood; everyone was animated and hopeful, but there were no signs of any “underground” conspiratory working. It should be mentioned -that in this respect the military were so naïvely inexperienced, +that in this respect the military were so naïvely inexperienced, that when they really began to “conspire” their work took such <i>obvious</i> forms that the deaf could not help hearing, nor the blind seeing, what was going on.</p> @@ -13837,7 +13820,7 @@ the running.</p> <p>After the meeting was over Kornilov asked me to stay, and, when all had left, said to me, almost in a whisper: “It is necessary to struggle, otherwise the country will perish. N. came to -see me at the Front. He is nursing his scheme of a <i>coup d’état</i> +see me at the Front. He is nursing his scheme of a <i>coup d’état</i> and of placing the Grand-Duke Dmitri on the throne. He is organising something or other, and has suggested collaboration. I told him flatly that I would take no part in any Romanov adventures. @@ -14131,11 +14114,11 @@ only the direction but even the day and the hour of the contemplated attack.</p> <p>Nevertheless, on the 19th August the Germans (Von Hutier’s -8th Army), after heavy artillery preparation, occupied the Uxküll +8th Army), after heavy artillery preparation, occupied the Uxküll bridgehead in the face of feeble opposition on our part, and crossed the Dvina. On 20th August the Germans assumed the offensive also along the Mitau road; towards evening of the same -day the enemy’s Uxküll group, having pierced our lines on the +day the enemy’s Uxküll group, having pierced our lines on the Egel, began deploying in a northerly direction, threatening the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> retreat of the Russian troops towards Wenden. The 12th Army, abandoning Riga, retired some 60-70 versts, losing touch with @@ -14155,7 +14138,7 @@ and the way to Petrograd under a constant threat.</p> Quite unexpectedly, however, it called forth from the Revolutionary Democracy, not repentance, not patriotic fervour, but, instead, a still greater bitterness towards the leaders and officers. -The Stavka in one <i>communiqué</i><a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> inserted the following sentence: +The Stavka in one <i>communiqué</i><a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> inserted the following sentence: “The disorganised masses of the soldiery are flocking in uncontrollable masses along the Pskov high road and the road to Bieder-Limburg.” This statement, undoubtedly true, and neither @@ -14173,7 +14156,7 @@ retreat, pointed out, amongst other things, a series of errors and delinquencies on the part of the Commanders. It is extremely possible that there were errors, both personal and of leadership, as well as purely objective deficiencies, caused by mutual mistrust, -slackening of obedience, and the <i>débâcle</i> of the technical +slackening of obedience, and the <i>débâcle</i> of the technical services. At the same time, it is undoubtedly a fact that the troops of the Northern Front, and especially the 12th Army, were the most disorganised of all, and, logically, could not offer the @@ -14536,7 +14519,7 @@ his signature and in his own name, that of the Revolutionary organisations and that of the Commissary of the Province, an appeal, telling, in much detail and in the usual language of proclamations, how General Denikin was planning “to restore the -old régime and deprive the Russian people of Land and +old régime and deprive the Russian people of Land and Freedom.”</p> <p>At the same time similar energetic work was being carried on @@ -14822,7 +14805,7 @@ without torturing me....</p> life in prison went on in a measured, methodical way; it was quiet and restful; after the strain of our campaigning, and in comparison with the moral suffering we had undergone, the physical inconveniences -of the prison régime were mere trifles. Our life was +of the prison régime were mere trifles. Our life was varied by little incidents. Sometimes a Bolshevist cadet standing at the door would tell the sentry loudly, so that his words might be heard in the cell, that at their last meeting the comrades of @@ -15474,7 +15457,7 @@ after the downfall of Bolshevism, and will again approach the task with naked hands and wavering mind. Only now the process will be immeasurably more difficult. For the second excuse—after “elemental forces”—for the failure of the Revolution, or rather -of its leading men—“the heritage of the Czarist régime”—has +of its leading men—“the heritage of the Czarist régime”—has paled very much on the background of the sanguinary Bolshevist mist which has enveloped the land of Russia.</p> @@ -15493,7 +15476,7 @@ the War. Many suppositions might be made as to the possibilities of a separate peace—whether that of Brest-Litovsk or one less grievous for the State and for our national self-love. But it is to be thought that such a peace in the spring of 1917 would have led -either to the dismemberment of Russia and her economic <i>débâcle</i> +either to the dismemberment of Russia and her economic <i>débâcle</i> (a general peace at the expense of Russia), or to the complete<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span> victory of the Central Powers over our Allies, which would have produced incomparably deeper convulsions in their countries than @@ -15602,7 +15585,7 @@ various liberties and decreeing the convocation of the Duma.</p></div> <div class="footnote"> -<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Chessin: <i>La Révolution Russe</i>.</p></div> +<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Chessin: <i>La Révolution Russe</i>.</p></div> <div class="footnote"> @@ -16033,8 +16016,8 @@ As life was destroying <span class="u">allusions</span>, and the implacable law< As life was destroying <span class="u">illusions</span>, and the implacable law</p> <p> -new Revolutionary régime is much more expensive <span class="u">that</span> the old one.<br /> -new Revolutionary régime is much more expensive <span class="u">than</span> the old one.</p> +new Revolutionary régime is much more expensive <span class="u">that</span> the old one.<br /> +new Revolutionary régime is much more expensive <span class="u">than</span> the old one.</p> <p> the Baltic Fleet was <span class="u">actally</span> in a state of complete insubordination.<br /> @@ -16137,8 +16120,8 @@ was subordinated, not to the Stavka, but to the Minister of <span class="u">War, was subordinated, not to the Stavka, but to the Minister of <span class="u">War.</span></p> <p> -the Petrograd garrison, the depôt <span class="u">ballations</span> of which it was proposed<br /> -the Petrograd garrison, the depôt <span class="u">battalions</span> of which it was proposed</p> +the Petrograd garrison, the depôt <span class="u">ballations</span> of which it was proposed<br /> +the Petrograd garrison, the depôt <span class="u">battalions</span> of which it was proposed</p> <p> Honest and dishonest, sincere and insincere, <span class="u">politicans</span>, soldiers<br /> @@ -16174,360 +16157,6 @@ through its representatives in the <span class="u">Constituent</span> Assembly o </div> <p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RUSSIAN TURMOIL***</p> -<p>******* This file should be named 43680-h.txt or 43680-h.zip *******</p> -<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/3/6/8/43680">http://www.gutenberg.org/4/3/6/8/43680</a></p> -<p> -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed.</p> - -<p> -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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