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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Survey, Volume XXX, Number 1, April 5,
-1913, by Various
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
-
-
-Title: The Survey, Volume XXX, Number 1, April 5, 1913
-
-Author: Various
-
-Editor: Paul Underwood Kellogg
-
-Release Date: September 2, 2013 [EBook #43625]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ASCII
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SURVEY, APRIL 5, 1913 ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Bryan Ness, Richard Tonsing and the Online
-Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
-file was produced from images generously made available
-by The Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-THE SURVEY
-
-Volume XXX, Number 1, Apr 5, 1913
-
-
-
-
-THE COMMON WELFARE
-
-
-RESPONSE TO FLOOD CALLS
-
-For the first time in the history of our great disasters, the country's
-machinery for relief has been found ready to move with that precision
-and efficiency which only careful previous organization could make
-possible. In the flood and tornado stricken regions of the Mississippi
-valley the Red Cross has given splendid evidence of the effectiveness of
-its scheme of organization and of its methods as worked out on the basis
-of experience at San Francisco, and as tested by the Minnesota and
-Michigan forest fires, the Cherry mine disaster, and the Mississippi
-Floods of last year.
-
-Utilizing the largest and ablest charity organization societies which
-serve as "institutional members," a force of executives and trained
-workers was instantly deployed. With foreknowledge of just what to do
-and how to do it, and without friction, these men and women have
-reinforced the spontaneous response to emergency of citizens and
-officials in the stricken communities.
-
-Omaha's tornado had scarcely died down when Eugene T. Lies of the
-Chicago United Charities was on his way to the city. Ernest P. Bicknell,
-director of the National Red Cross, had reached Chicago, en route to
-Omaha, when news of the Ohio floods turned him back. The same news
-summoned Edward T. Devine from New York. It was Mr. Devine who organized
-the Red Cross relief work at San Francisco, following the earthquake and
-fire of 1908. Mr. Bicknell established headquarters at Columbus, itself
-badly in the grip of the waters. At Dayton Mr. Devine, C. M. Hubbard of
-the St. Louis Provident Association and T. J. Edmonds of the Cincinnati
-Associated Charities concentrated their services.
-
-When Cincinnati and its vicinity needed help, Mr. Edmonds returned to
-his home city. The Omaha situation by this time could spare Mr. Lies for
-Dayton. To Piqua, Sidney and other Ohio and Indiana flood points went
-James F. Jackson of the Cleveland Associated Charities and other workers
-from various organizations. The news from the Ohio and other floods
-almost swamped that of an isolated disaster in Alabama where a tornado
-devastated the town of Lower Peachtree. To handle the relief at this
-point the Red Cross dispatched William M. McGrath of the Birmingham
-Associated Charities, who had seen service a year ago in the Mississippi
-floods.
-
-To work under the direction of these executives, agents have been
-drafted from the staffs of charitable organizations scattered throughout
-the entire middle West, and even as far east as New York. Close
-co-operation was at once established between this force, hastily
-organized local committees and various branches of federal and state
-government service. In Ohio the resources, equipment and staffs of the
-army, the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, the life-saving
-service, the militia, the naval militia, and state departments of public
-health, have all been applied promptly to the problem of emergency
-relief. Governor Cox of Ohio, as ex-officio chairman of the Ohio Red
-Cross State Commission, did much to assure this early co-operation.
-
-Following the first work of rescue and relief, sanitation looms up as
-one of the gravest problems of the Indiana and Ohio valleys. Immediately
-upon the arrival of the secretary of war at Dayton a sanitary officer
-was appointed, who divided the city into sixteen districts, each in
-charge of a district sanitary officer. Each of these selected his own
-staff from among local physicians and volunteer physicians from other
-cities. Red Cross nurses in considerable numbers were early supplied.
-Instructions in brief form have been sent broadcast over the city giving
-definite directions to the inhabitants for the safeguarding of health.
-The sewer and water systems are being reopened as rapidly as possible.
-
-Early this week the expectation was that, although the dead in the city
-would not total 200, it would be necessary to feed many thousands of
-people for a week and several thousand for several weeks. The Dayton
-situation, though more severe, was typical of what was to be found in
-other stricken towns.
-
-The extent of the Omaha disaster is already reported in statistics which
-are said to be complete and accurate. The summary includes: 115 lives
-lost; 322 seriously injured; at least 1,000 slightly injured; 822 houses
-destroyed: 2,100 houses partially wrecked; property loss estimated at
-$7,500,000; 733 families being fed in relief stations (March 30); 59
-dead; 150 injured and $1,000,000 property loss in surrounding towns.
-Efforts are being made by the real estate exchange to prevent the
-raising of rents. The plans suggested for rebuilding include a county
-bond issue of $1,000,000 and the securing of other money from the
-packing and railroad companies to be loaned without interest.
-
-President Wilson's call to the nation for relief, and the quick action
-of governors and mayors in rallying their states and cities, started
-emergency supplies and funds for supplementing the tents, blankets and
-rations which the army and militia had rushed into the field. The
-National Cash Register Company, whose undamaged factories in Dayton were
-of great value in providing shelter and space for relief administration,
-secured through its officers in other cities supplies and money which
-were promptly forwarded. The company officials did much to systematize
-the local relief, and department heads assumed charge of different
-divisions of the work. Organization charts and diagrams were printed at
-the factory so that the people of the city could act intelligently.
-
-Early this week the relief funds were reported to have reached $408,000
-in New York, $300,000 in Chicago, $105,000 in Boston, and varying sums
-in other cities. Most of the money was contributed through the Red
-Cross. Contributions received at its Washington headquarters totalled
-$816,000, with New York first, Massachusetts second and Illinois third
-in size of contributions.
-
-Some small gifts were as significant as the larger ones. A young man who
-appeared to be a poorly paid clerk came to the Red Cross office in New
-York at the noon hour last Friday and pulled from his pocket a five
-dollar and a one dollar bill. The person in charge asked him if he was
-not giving more than his share, and suggested that he keep the one
-dollar hill. "No," said he, "I've kept some small change for carfare and
-lunch, and tomorrow's pay day." One letter accompanying a small
-contribution read:
-
- "Just one short year ago, when the ill-fated Titanic deprived me of
- mine all, the Red Cross Society lost not a moment in coming to my
- aid. Through you I now wish to give my 'widow's mite' to help the
- stricken ones in the West, and I only wish I could make it a
- thousand times as much."
-
-Emergency supplies and funds have been prompt and abundant, but the
-extensive work ahead of lifting household and community life out of
-desolation justifies and requires a very large fund. For, as Mr. Devine,
-with the San Francisco catastrophe in the background of his experience,
-telegraphed after reaching Dayton: "The disaster is appalling even if
-the loss of life is less than it was feared."
-
-Spontaneous contributions through a variety of channels are usually
-sufficient for immediate needs, and the Red Cross is following its
-customary policy of reserving as much of its funds as possible for
-permanent rehabilitation. When a disaster comes in any part of the
-country the nearest "institutional members" of the Red Cross at once
-dispatch trained members of their staffs to the scene. Each organization
-has an "emergency box" containing, convenient for carrying, an equipment
-including detailed printed instructions, record cards, Red Cross flag,
-expense sheets, vouchers, etc. The use of this equipment, especially the
-uniform record cards, which have been carefully prepared on the basis of
-the San Francisco experience, means that help is not lost or wasted, but
-gets to the people who need it most. Even more important, it means that
-help is given not merely to keep victims of the disaster from starvation
-and exposure during the weeks immediately following, but to afford a
-reasonable lift on the road to the recovery of the standard of living
-maintained before the disaster.
-
-
-A RELIEF SURVEY BY THE SAGE FOUNDATION
-
-This emphasis on rehabilitation is the message of a report[1] which, by
-a coincidence, was on the press for the Russell Sage Foundation when
-news of tornado and flood came from the middle West. It is the first
-comprehensive review of emergent relief work following great disasters.
-It is based on the San Francisco experience and put forth as a "book of
-ready reference for use on occasions of special emergency."
-
-[1] San Francisco Relief Survey. By Charles J. O'Connor. Francis H.
-McLean and others. Survey Associates, Inc., for the Russell Sage
-Foundation. To be published April 18, the seventh anniversary of the San
-Francisco earthquake. Price postpaid $3.50. Orders for delivery on
-publication day may be sent to THE SURVEY.
-
-The volume presents a study of the organization and methods of relief
-following the San Francisco earthquake and fire, made for the Foundation
-by a group of people who held responsible positions in connection with
-the relief work. It is to appear on April 18, the seventh anniversary of
-the disaster.
-
-For the assistance of those in the middle West upon whom heavy
-responsibilities came so suddenly, the Sage Foundation sent out post
-haste advance copies of the first two sections of the report as a
-practical handbook to charity organizations in and near the stricken
-regions.
-
-The Relief Survey is divided into six parts: Organization and Emergency
-Period; Rehabilitation: Business Rehabilitation; Housing Rehabilitation;
-After Care; The Aged and Infirm. Some of the prime points emphasized for
-the "Organization and Emergency Period" are the following:
-
- 1. The recognition of the American National Red Cross, with its
- permanent organization, its governmental status, and its direct
- accountability to Congress for all expenditures, as the proper
- national agency through which relief funds for great disasters
- should be collected and administered; thus securing unity of
- effort, certainty of policy, and a center about which all local
- relief agencies may rally.
-
- 2. The importance of postponing the appointment of sub-committees
- until a strong central committee has been able to determine general
- policies and methods of procedure. The hasty organization of
- sub-committees at San Francisco resulted in much unnecessary
- overlapping effort and some friction when committees got in each
- other's way. The relief forces were not united until a whole week
- after the disaster, and after unfortunate difficulty and
- bitterness.
-
- 3. The desirability of contributions, especially those in kind,
- being sent without restrictions, as only the local organization is
- able to measure relative needs at different periods of the work. At
- San Francisco much pitifully needless restrictions imposed by those
- who sent funds or supplies from distant states. The delays in
- securing authority for the wise use of these contributions were
- well-nigh intolerable. The only safe course lies in placing
- implicit trust in an efficient and recognized director of relief
- such as the Red Cross is in a position to furnish.
-
- 4. The value of utilizing for emergency administration a body so
- highly organized and so efficient as the United States Army, to
- take charge of camps, and to bring to points of distribution the
- supplies required for those in need of food and clothing.
-
- 5. The wisdom of reducing the bread line and the camp population as
- quickly as possible after the disaster so that the relief resources
- may be conserved to meet the primary need of rehabilitation. The
- care used in emergency expenditures means much in husbanding
- resources so that permanent rehabilitation may be efficient and
- thorough.
-
- 6. The need of establishing a central bureau of information to
- serve from the beginning of the relief work as a clearing house, to
- prevent confusion and waste through duplication of effort.
-
- 7. The necessity of utilizing the centers of emergency distribution
- for the later rehabilitation work of district communities and corps
- of visitors.
-
- 8. The necessity of incorporation for any relief organization that
- has to deal with so large a disaster.
-
- 9. The possibility of a strict audit of all relief in cash sent to
- a relief organization. The impossibility of an equally strict
- accounting for relief in kind, because of the many leaks and the
- difficulties attendant upon hurried distribution. Care in this
- direction is assured if the Red Cross is fully utilized.
-
-Nothing can take the place, the editors of the Relief Survey testify, of
-the spirit and devotion of the local committees. At San Francisco the
-citizens showed splendid self-reliance and faith in the future, which
-enabled them to rebound from fortune's sudden blow, and show what
-sustained and co-operative effort can achieve. But the most important
-factor, especially for permanent rehabilitation, in so great and complex
-a relief problem is a trained staff. This the American Red Cross,
-through the co-operation of charity organization societies throughout
-the country, is constantly prepared to bring together on short notice.
-Mr. Bicknell represented the Red Cross at San Francisco after Mr.
-Devine's departure, and was thus unusually well equipped to plan the
-methods which the Red Cross has devised for emergency use.
-
-
-SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND THE EXTRA SESSION
-
-An open letter was sent to President Wilson this week with over
-forty-five signatures, urging the importance of a group of social
-measures which were neither voted down nor passed at the last session of
-Congress. In the opinion of the signers, among whom are included some of
-the Democratic leaders who have been foremost in social reform, this
-overhanging social legislation should be definitely acted upon at the
-extra session. The movement to this end was encouraged by the positions
-taken by President Wilson in his inaugural address.
-
-The letter is the outgrowth of a meeting of men and women interested in
-social legislation held last week in New York at the call of Edward T.
-Devine as associate editor of The Survey. The signatures to the document
-are those of individuals solely. The particular measures will be urged
-at the forthcoming Congress by such national organizations as the
-American Association for Labor Legislation, National Consumers League,
-National Committee for Mental Hygiene, National Child Labor Committee,
-the American Prison Labor Association and the Gloucester Fisherman's
-Institute. While each organization is committed only to the measures in
-its own field, all of them have a common interest in seeing that the
-extra session takes up social legislation in addition to the tariff and
-currency. The letter follows:
-
-
-THE PRESIDENT,
-The White House,
-Washington. D. C.
-
-_Dear Mr. President:_--
-
- On the eve of the convening of the Sixty-Third Congress in special
- session, the undersigned desire to bring to your attention certain
- bills of importance which have received the favorable consideration
- of the last Congress, but which, owing to various reasons, failed
- of affirmative action.
-
- Nothing could set more vividly before the country the urgency of
- such measures than the words of your inaugural address, in which
- you pointed out the need for perfecting the means by which the
- government may be put at the service of humanity in safeguarding
- the health of the nation, the health of its men and its women and
- its children, as well as their rights in the struggle for
- existence. The country has been stirred by your declaration:
-
- "This is no sentimental duty. The firm basis of government is
- justice, not pity. These are matters of justice. There can be no
- equality of opportunity, the first essential of justice in the
- body politic, if men and women and children be not shielded in
- their lives, their very vitality, from the consequences of great
- industrial and social processes which they cannot alter,
- control, or singly cope with. Society must see to it that it
- does not itself crush or weaken or damage its own constituent
- parts."
-
- The undersigned are aware that the time and energy of Congress will
- be largely expended upon the revision of the revenue and currency
- statutes. Without in any way meaning to minimize the importance of
- these subjects, we wish to lay emphasis upon what we believe to be
- the necessity for the passage of certain other measures directly
- affecting the health and happiness of hundreds of thousands of
- citizens. The legislative proposals which we present to you are not
- new; several of them have met with little open opposition; some
- have been passed by one house of Congress; others by both; all have
- been prepared by experts and are based upon tried principles
- already embodied either in the federal laws, in the laws of the
- various states, or in the laws of other nations. An example is the
- bill which aims to compensate workingmen employed in interstate
- commerce for accidents to life and limb. Another is the eight-hour
- bill for women in the District of Columbia, which was lost through
- an accident in the closing hours of the last Congress.
-
- The measures which had not passed when Congress adjourned and which
- are herewith advocated are as follows. It is the principles
- underlying these several bills rather than the specific provisions
- of any measure that we wish to be understood as urging upon the
- attention of the President and Congress:
-
- Providing compensation for federal employees suffering injury or
- occupational diseases in the course of their employment.
-
- Providing compensation for employees in interstate commerce
- suffering injury in the course of their employment.
-
- Harmonizing conflicting court decisions in different states by
- giving the state itself the right of appeal to the Supreme Court
- of the United States.
-
- Establishing the eight-hour day for women employed in certain
- occupations in the District of Columbia.
-
- Co-ordinating the federal health activities and strengthening
- the public health service.
-
- Providing in the immigration act for mental examination of
- immigrants by alienists; safeguarding the welfare of immigrants
- at sea by detailing American medical officers and matrons to
- immigrant-carrying ships.
-
- Providing a hospital ship for American deep-sea fishermen.
-
- Providing for the betterment of the conditions of American
- seamen.
-
- Establishing a commission to investigate jails and the
- correction of first offenders.
-
- Abolishing the contract convict labor system by restricting
- interstate commerce in prison-made goods.
-
- Legislation giving effect to the principles underlying such
- proposals as these would constitute, we believe, an important step
- in the accomplishment of the forward-looking purposes which you
- have placed before the American people.
-
-Caroline B. Alexander
-Frederic Almy
-Louise de Koven Bowen
-Louis D. Brandeis
-Howard S. Braucher
-Allen T. Burns
-Charles C. Burlingham
-Richard C. Cabot
-Richard S. Childs
-John R. Commons
-Charles R. Crane
-Edward T. Devine
-Abram J. Elkus
-H. D. W. English
-Livingston Farrand
-Homer Folks
-Ernst Freund
-John M. Glenn
-Josephine Goldmark
-T. J. Keenan
-Florence Kelley
-Howard A. Kelly
-Arthur P. Kellogg
-Paul U. Kellogg
-John A. Kingsbury
-Constance D. Leupp
-Samuel McCune Lindsay
-Charles S. Macfarland
-W. N. McNair
-Charles E. Merriam
-Adelbert Moot
-Henry Morgenthau
-Frances Perkins
-Charles R. Richards
-Margaret Drier Robins
-W. L. Russell
-Thomas W. Salmon
-Henry R. Seager
-Thomas A. Storey
-Graham Taylor
-Graham Romeyn Taylor
-Lillian D. Wald
-James R. West
-W. F. Willoughby
-Stephen S. Wise
-Robert A. Woods
-
-
-COMPULSORY MINIMUM WAGE LAW IN OREGON
-
-Oregon's minimum wage law,[2] which was recently signed by Governor
-West, is the first one in America to have a compulsory clause. Failure
-to pay the rate of wages fixed and in the method provided by the law is
-punishable by fine or imprisonment or both. In Massachusetts, the first
-state to establish minimum wage boards, the only penalty is the
-publication of the names of offending employers in four newspapers in
-the county where their industries are located.
-
-[2] See Minimum Wage Legislation by Florence Kelley, on page 9 of this
-issue.
-
-The Oregon law applies only to women and children. It prohibits their
-employment in any occupation in which the sanitary or other conditions
-are detrimental to health or morals, or for wages "which are inadequate
-to supply the necessary cost of living and maintain them in health." It
-likewise forbids the employment of minors "for unreasonable low wages."
-An Industrial Welfare Commission is created to determine minimum wages,
-maximum hours and standard conditions of labor.
-
-The commission is authorized to call a conference of representatives of
-the employers, the employees and the general public to investigate and
-make recommendations as to the minimum wage to be paid in a given
-industry. If the commission approves these recommendations they become
-obligatory. The powers of the Oregon commission to determine hours and
-conditions of health and morals are more extensive than those delegated
-to an industrial commission by the legislature of any other state. The
-members of the commission are to be appointed by the governor.
-
-The successful campaign for this law and the drafting of the bill itself
-was based upon an extensive investigation conducted by the Social Survey
-Committee of the Oregon Consumers' League. Wages, work conditions, and
-cost of living were studied in Portland and elsewhere throughout the
-state. The inquiry was directed by a trained investigator, Caroline J.
-Gleason of Minneapolis, formerly a student of the Chicago School of
-Civics and Philanthropy. The work was started in August 1912 and the
-information covered 7603 women wage earners in Portland and 1133
-throughout the rest of the state. Wage statistics were tabulated for
-4523, and are particularly valuable in the cast of the department stores
-which placed their pay rolls at the disposal of the survey committee.
-Generous co-operation from committees in twenty-five counties of the
-state was secured.
-
-In the drafting of the bill the experience of the Massachusetts Minimum
-Wage Board was studied. Legal advice was secured and the
-constitutionality of the measure is upheld in an opinion by the attorney
-general of the state.
-
-Social workers from Washington and California have been in touch with
-the investigation and the preparation of the bill. They have arranged to
-have bills drawn up on the same lines introduced as soon as the
-legislatures of their own states convene. The passage of the same
-measure by the three coast states is regarded by the social workers in
-each as a desirable and important piece of uniform legislation for an
-area in which industrial conditions and problems are similar.
-
-The Social Survey Committee in its report gives the principles and facts
-which form the basis of the demand for the legislation as follows:
-
- 1. Each industry should provide for the livelihood of the workers
- employed in it. An industry which does not do so is parasitic. The
- well-being of society demands that wage-earning women shall not be
- required to subsidize from their earnings the industry in which
- they are employed.
-
- 2. Owing to the lack of organisation among women workers and the
- secrecy with which their wage schedules are guarded, there are
- absolutely no standards of wages among them. Their wages are
- determined for the most part by the will of the employer without
- reference to efficiency or length of service on the part of the
- worker. This condition is radically unjust.
-
- 3. The wages paid to women workers in most occupations are
- miserably inadequate to meet the cost of living at the lowest
- standards consistent with the maintenance of the health and morals
- of the workers. Nearly three-fifths of the women employed in
- industries in Portland receive less than $10 a week, which is the
- minimum weekly wage that ought to be offered to any self-supporting
- woman wage-earner in this city.
-
- 4. The present conditions of labor for women in many industries are
- shown by this report to be gravely detrimental to their health; and
- since most women wage earners are potential mothers, the future
- health of the race is menaced by these unsanitary conditions.
-
-
-A NEW FEDERAL AGENCY FOR SETTLING STRIKES
-
-An important power vested in Secretary Wilson of the new federal
-Department of Labor, which has hitherto practically escaped attention,
-gives to him the right assumed by President Roosevelt, when he initiated
-the machinery for settling the coal strike of 1902. The provision
-referred to in the law creating the department reads as follows:
-
- "That the secretary of labor shall have power to act as mediator
- and to appoint commissioners of conciliation in labor disputes
- whenever in his judgment the interests of industrial peace may
- require it to be done."
-
-Speaking of this section Secretary Wilson gave this interview to the
-_Washington Post_:
-
- "The secretary of labor, by the terms of the act creating the new
- department, is empowered to act as mediator in disputes between
- labor and employers. The policy to which I shall adhere during my
- administration will be to do all I can to bring labor and capital
- together in mutual conferences, so that they may settle their own
- differences."
-
-It has been pointed out that this power can be invoked at the will of
-the secretary. In this way he can bring public attention to bear upon
-any labor dispute which he believes warrants his official notice. Mr.
-Wilson has as yet given no indication as to how frequently he expects to
-use this power. Attention has also been called to the fact that this
-section may have an important effect upon the Erdman Act for settling
-transportation strikes.
-
-
-
-
-FINGER PRINTS
-
-
-TEN CENTS
-
-KATHARINE ANTHONY
-
-It was in a small restaurant in the downtown business district. The girl
-who came in and sat down opposite me at the "table for ladies" was
-clearly "office help." She could not have been more than sixteen, and in
-the boyish-looking brown velvet hat that she wore she appeared scarcely
-that. Her manner had little of the self-assertiveness so commonly seen
-in the young girl wage-earner.
-
-"How much is the veg'tubble soup?" she asked the waiter in a confiding
-tone.
-
-"Ten cents," he said.
-
-The price appeared satisfactory and the waiter went away with his very
-brief order. While the young girl waited, she caught my eye.
-
-"It's cold today," she remarked, with a winning smile and an air of
-taking me into her confidence as she had done with the waiter.
-
-"A bit chilly, yes."
-
-"He don't let me down to dinner till so late," she continued, "sometimes
-half-past one. You get hungry, and then you get over being hungry, and
-then you don't want nothing when you do go down. You know?"
-
-Yes, I recognized the experience.
-
-"The office where I used to work, we went out to dinner right at twelve
-every day."
-
-"What keeps you so late now?"
-
-"I guess he just forgets to let me down. He forgets to go out himself, I
-think."
-
-The waiter brought the soup, a watery looking fluid in which floated a
-tomato and an onion in partial dissolution. He placed beside the plate a
-dingy blue check which bore in large print 10c.
-
-"When I'm there a month, I'm going to ask him to let me down every day
-at a regular hour," she went on. "I'm only there a week now, so I
-wouldn't ask him yet."
-
-She tasted the soup, but it was apparently not to her liking, or else,
-as she had said, her appetite had gone when the first feeling of hunger
-had passed. She glanced at the dirty blue check which committed her to
-her choice for better or worse, and then tried another spoonful of soup.
-
-"I used to take a cup of coffee and a Charlotte 'roosh' every day, but
-my mother said I'd starve. She told me I'd got to have soup, it was more
-stren'thening."
-
-"She was quite right, of course."
-
-"But what's the use of ordering it if you can't eat it after all?"
-
-She regarded the plate disconsolately. A little rallying induced her to
-make another effort. Then she gave it up entirely.
-
-"I wonder what my mother would say if she could see me now!"
-
-"I wonder!"
-
-Taking two nickels from her small rusty bag, she rose, leaving the plate
-of cold soup almost untouched. She said good-by with her peculiarly
-friendly little smile, deposited the blue check and the two nickels at
-the cash counter, and went back to her afternoon's work.
-
-
-WILLIAM, A MODERN DRAMA[3]
-
-[3] Drawn from the records of the Juvenile Protective Association,
-Chicago.
-
-The curtain is about to fall upon a human drama as full of complicating
-agencies and dramatic ironies as the most exacting either of Greeks or
-of moderns could require.
-
-The dramatis personae are: a colored youth of twenty-two years; his aged
-mother (the father disappeared while the youth was still a child in
-Kansas); a friend who failed him and then too late repented; a partner;
-a dishonest clerk; a lawyer of similar type; and a judge according to
-the letter of the law. The acts are only three and brief.
-
-Act I shows William at work for a large firm in Missouri at $9 a week.
-He manages to live on $3, sending $6 to his mother. He could not write;
-she could not read. But the weekly money order became the tryst of
-mother and son, and by it she knew that all was well with him. Among his
-fellow workmen was one, also a William, who seemed friendly and like
-William I, anxious to live economically. The two Williams shared a room,
-and all went well for about three months.
-
-One pay day, William II borrowed from William I the $6 that should go to
-the mother, but only for a day or so, to be returned surely before the
-end of the week. But the man disappeared, and with him vanished the
-money. Then William I went to the little clothes press, and not having a
-suit of his own, took one of William II's, and pawned it for $6, and
-sent the money to his mother according to his word. That night,
-repentant but penniless, William II returned. He expressed himself as
-well pleased with what had been done with his suit, satisfied to have
-the money raised by any means possible. So the two, reconciled, slept.
-But William II rising early in the morning, went for an officer, and
-charging his room-mate with theft, had him arrested.
-
-"He slep' with me all night there, and in the mawnin he don' have me
-arrested!"--thus William I mourned his false friend.
-
-So Act I closes with our hero in the penitentiary, locked in for two
-years. But William II's repentance bore a late fruit. During the two
-years, he sent out of his own money each week the $6 to the mother of
-his friend, that she might never know the truth.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Act II shows William working in different places, and for short times,
-as is the fate of "jail-birds." At last in company with George he opens
-a restaurant, and prospers, and is popular. Then his evil fate overtakes
-him. Invited to be door-keeper at a dance one night, he left George in
-charge of the restaurant. George apparently went out on business of his
-own, and presently the clerk followed his example, donning for the time
-a coat of William's. But the clerk needed money; there was none in the
-pockets of the coat; and so, at a convenient corner, he waylaid a
-Chinese, relieved him of has funds, and left William's coat by way of
-compensation. Easily identified by the coat and papers in its pockets,
-William was as easily arrested--and as easily sentenced. The trial was a
-farce. A lawyer was appointed by the court. This lawyer took his
-client's indictment papers, ignored his client, called no witnesses,
-heard the sentence, and drew his fee.
-
-William appealed to the Pardon Board. But at the time of this appeal,
-neither George nor the other door-keeper at that dance could be found to
-prove an alibi for William. The board asked: "have you ever been in
-prison before?" Alas for William! He could not say no; the board would
-not listen to his version and investigate the facts. His own
-truthfulness condemned him, and he was sent up on a five years'
-sentence.
-
- * * * * *
-
-The setting of Act III is the penitentiary. Falsely accused, without
-opportunity to prove his innocence, neglected by the lawyer paid to
-defend him, William, being only a Negro, toiled faithfully in a stone
-quarry, accumulating a reputation undesirable in the eyes of the world
-and the law. One day his foot was injured by the crusher. Then after
-months of stone dust, his lungs became infected. But at last word of his
-case reached the Juvenile Protective Association, and presently
-successful proof of his innocence of all connection with the attack on
-the Chinese was secured, and William was paroled from prison.
-
-How far he may recover from the injuries received during this
-imprisonment remains to be seen. How much of opportunity to work and
-support himself and the aged mother society will offer an injured Negro
-with two prison records is a grave question. But the matter may be
-settled by the quiet falling of the curtain upon the sad little drama of
-the life of William.--S.
-
-
-
-
-EDITORIAL GRIST
-
-
-JOHN PIERPONT MORGAN 1837-1913
-
-Mr. Morgan was for seventeen years treasurer of the Charity Organization
-Society of the City of New York which founded THE SURVEY and under which
-it was published until the fall of 1912. When, in 1907, the parent
-society launched Charities Publication Committee in order "to give
-national scope and breadth" to the magazine, Mr. Morgan was one of
-fifteen guarantors who gave $1,000 each the initial year to promote its
-educational work. Last summer he gave $250, the sum asked from him,
-toward the clearance of an overhanging deficit, in advance of the
-institution of the Survey Associates as an independent and co-operative
-under-taking.
-
-The public's chief concern in Mr. Morgan's great activities has been the
-play of his powerful individuality in the rapid reconstruction of the
-"mass of wrecked corporations which blocked the path of American
-finance" following the panic of 1893, and in "heading the forces of
-conservatism in the great business emergency" of 1907; his part as the
-"immense constructive genius" throughout the period of expansion in
-America's "large creative activities."
-
-The "economic necessity or value of the enormous industrial
-combinations" shaped at his hands will, in the words of the New York
-_Evening Post_, "be the crux of later historical controversy over the
-great career now ended"; and the same is true of the ultimate effects on
-the working life of the people of his instrumentality in extending the
-country's railroads, in improving its banking, and in projecting its
-facilities for the manufacture of large staples.
-
-Said Major Henry L. Higginson, New England's foremost philanthropist and
-financier, in commenting on Mr. Morgan's death: "To make a great fortune
-is little; to be a great citizen is much." THE SURVEY will, in an early
-issue, publish an appreciation of other phases of Mr. Morgan's trenchant
-personality by an associate in the fields of art and philanthropy.
-
-Here, one circumstance which concerns this magazine closely may be set
-down. The Pittsburgh Survey was made at a period of restlessness and
-irritation in many high quarters, following a succession of
-investigations and exposures. The period was also one of sensitiveness
-among every day people lest the organs of publicity might be controlled
-by invisible influences. _Charities and the Commons_ (as THE SURVEY was
-then called) bore Mr. Morgan's name as treasurer on its contents page
-while its staff was delving into the Pittsburgh district. The Pittsburgh
-Survey was conceived not for the purpose of internal counsel and report,
-but for the purpose of spreading before the public the facts as to life
-and labor in the region, where the two greatest individual fortunes in
-history had been made by Mr. Morgan's contemporaries, where he had in
-turn become the dominant factor, and where social tendencies observable
-everywhere had "actually, because of the high industrial development and
-the great industrial activity, had the opportunity to give tangible
-proof of their real character and their inevitable goal."
-
-It must remain for Mr. Morgan's business associates to say how much
-affirmative concern he had given or came to give to the working
-conditions in those industries in which he controlled vast holdings, or
-to such far-reaching reforms as the safety campaign. But the staff of
-the Pittsburgh Survey can bear witness that no word of admonition ever
-reached them, no trace of pressure to minimize or gloss over or reserve
-for private consumption the human outcroppings of a thousand million
-dollar corporation. The situation did not change after our first
-strictures as to the seven-day week, the twelve-hour day, work accidents
-and the like had been spread broadcast. If they reached Mr. Morgan's
-ears, he was willing to let this left hand of philanthropic inquiry take
-the exact social measure of what had been done or left undone in the
-fiscal and industrial enterprises in which he was the master
-entrepreneur.
-
-
-MR. WEST'S ARTICLE[4] PROTESTED
-
-[4] See Civil War in the West Virginia Coal Mines on page 37 of this
-issue.
-
-NIGHT LETTER
-
-
-CHARLESTON, W. VA.,
-March 30, 1912.
-
- "Owing to delayed trains, did not reach home nor receive your
- telegram of Friday until last night. West manuscript received and
- read this morning. Am directed to renew protest against its
- publication as contrary to facts in most important particulars and
- most unfair in attitude and spirit. An article published in your
- journal on a matter so important should be prepared by one of your
- own staff from facts gathered by your own investigator. Am
- authorized to place in your hands immediately five hundred dollars,
- being amount estimated by you as necessary to cover expense of
- special examination and article, and urge you in justice and
- fairness to accept and use it for the purpose. It is impossible to
- prepare an answer to the West article and have it in your hands
- tomorrow, nor is one-fifth the space given West article sufficient
- for an adequate reply thereto. If you decline to make your own
- investigation and report, it is submitted that justice requires
- that time be given so that West article and reply may appear in
- same issue and space equal to article be given for reply. If you
- refuse this I respectfully ask the publication of this protest with
- Mr. West's paper."
-
-[Signed] NEIL ROBINSON.
-
-[Secretary West Virginia Mining Association.]
-
-
-
-
- * * * * *
-
-In line with the general practice of THE SURVEY when an article makes
-major charges against an institution or industry--a copy of Mr. West's
-manuscript was sent on March 20 to the secretary of the West Virginia
-Mining Association, with a request that he indicate any points which
-"seem to you in error."
-
-On March 26 THE SURVEY received a letter from Mr. Robinson, who called
-in person the day following to protest against the publication of the
-article as unfair, and not of the calibre expected of THE SURVEY by the
-public. He also offered us every facility if we would make an
-independent staff investigation. We stated that such a staff inquiry in
-the West Virginia field was beyond our means, that we had exercised due
-care in selecting Mr. West as a non-combatant observer, and that the
-manuscript had stood the test of criticism in various quarters. Further,
-we stated that if Mr. Robinson could there and then dislodge the major
-statements of fact in the article, we would surely not publish it;
-otherwise, we would hold two pages of the same issue of THE SURVEY open
-until Monday of this week for a statement in rebuttal.
-
-In the interval a galley proof of the article was sent Mr. Robinson
-containing revisions to cover minor points of criticism made by him and
-other critics. Later issues of THE SURVEY are open to the West Virginia
-operators for a full reply; and the findings of a federal inquiry which
-would resourcefully and dispassionately cover the ground would, of
-course, be handled at length.
-
-
-Y. M. C. A. GROWTH
-
-The Young Men's Christian Association began in 1851, sixty-two years
-ago. The property value in plant and equipment, increased in the first
-ten years of the twentieth century more than in all the previous fifty
-years; the membership doubled, a tremendous growth.
-
- Y. M. C. A. 1900 1910
-
- Associations 1,439 2,017
- Buildings 359 700
- Property value $20,000,000 $70,000,000
- Membership 252,000 500,000
- Annual current outlay $2,900,000 $7,163,000
-
-Will the next decade show a like growth for organized charity with
-proper effort?
-
-
-THE TOWN CONSTABLE
-
-J. J. KELSO
-
-The town constable is one of the most important links in the chain of
-social service, and yet he is seldom taken into consideration by the
-active workers for social betterment.
-
-A town constable was recently held up to public censure at a church
-meeting for failure to wipe out certain well-known evils. When asked
-about it the next day his reply was: "The law is being enforced in this
-town just as far as the people will stand for." His idea, you see, was
-that observance of law was a matter of education, of moral backing, and
-without this strong, sustaining support, one man, even with a badge and
-a club, could not go beyond a certain point.
-
-The idea got into another constable's head once that his duty was to
-carry out the law, no matter what people thought about it, and to his
-great surprise it was not long before his resignation was insisted upon.
-He did splendid service and really frightened law-breakers, so much so
-that they got busy in bringing about his downfall. Where were the good
-people? Entirely missing. Here and there a man under his breath would
-give the official a word of faint praise, but in the council church
-members allowed themselves to be made the tools for his destruction.
-"Well meaning, but lacking in judgment" was the decision; "rash, hasty,
-ill-advised," and so he had to go in disgrace, while the law-breakers
-smiled quietly and continued on in the old way. Public meetings in that
-town still continue to denounce the well-known evils, indifferent to the
-fate of the officer who thought he had all the forces of good at his
-back.
-
-Still another constable, whom I know well, told me privately that he
-started out in the same way, but got a hint that he could not hold his
-situation and, having a young family to support, he concluded it would
-be the part of wisdom to let well enough alone, especially as the men
-who counselled him were church leaders, who ought to know the sentiment
-of the town on moral questions.
-
-Some towns have a high moral tone largely because of the good influence
-of the head of the police department. Others are on a low plane of moral
-observance because the constable is indifferent, if not indeed hostile,
-to advance measures. Lack of encouragement and appreciation is often the
-secret of this indifference.
-
-Visiting a town on one occasion to take part in a meeting on social
-reform, I asked the constable who happened to be at the station if he
-knew Rev. S. Thomas Strother. "No."
-
-"Well, do you know Rev. Milton Smoot?"
-
-Receiving another negative, I enquired in surprise, "Why surely you are
-acquainted with the preachers of your town?"
-
-"No," he said, in a surly tone, "they have no use for the likes of me."
-Here was a man, specially appointed guardian of the town and invested
-with the high dignity of safeguarding the lives, morals and property of
-the community, whose mental attitude toward the better element was
-evidently one of hostility. The explanation given me later was that he
-was a recent appointee, only there a month, and there was not sufficient
-time to get acquainted. "Well," I replied, "if I had been you people I
-would have gotten up a banquet and given him such a welcome as would
-hearten him in his great work for years to come." It is all in the way
-you look at these things.
-
-At a large church gathering on social welfare I took occasion to exalt
-the office of constable and to praise the man who held that office. He
-was at the back of the hall and I could see was greatly surprised at
-this recognition. He came to me afterwards and earnestly expressed his
-thanks. "No one has given me that much encouragement before," he said,
-"and it will help me a great deal, especially as I want the young
-fellows of the town to know I am their friend and not their enemy."
-
-Social and church workers, let the town constable know that he is
-appreciated, let him feel that good work is recognized, that if he is
-attacked because of fearless discharge of his duty, he will have behind
-him an unflinching body of men who will make his trouble theirs and
-fight for a righteous cause as well as talk at church meetings.
-
-
-MINIMUM WAGE LEGISLATION
-
-FLORENCE KELLEY
-Secretary National Consumers' League
-
-Governor West of Oregon has signed a bill creating a Minimum Wage
-Commission. Oregon thus follows Massachusetts in this new field of
-industrial legislation. Minimum wage bills have been introduced in the
-legislatures of California, Kansas, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.
-The New York Factory Investigating Commission will doubtless be
-continued and empowered to investigate wages.
-
-The Oregon law and all the pending bills have one characteristic in
-common: they are alarmingly undemocratic. They fail to afford to
-American employees in underpaid industries those democratic safeguards
-which characterize English and Australian legislation. They apply to
-women, oblivious of the fact that wives and daughters work because their
-man breadwinner does not earn enough to support the family. These laws
-and bills ignore the youth and shifting nature of the working force in
-the underpaid industries which is so largely made up of young girls.
-They need the moral support of their men fellow-workers in negotiating
-about wages.
-
-In America the governor appoints the commission, and the commission
-selects the wage board. The board determines the lowest wage and the
-women and girls take what they get. The recipients of the wages are not
-allowed to elect representatives to the boards. They are, in fact, not
-represented at all. The Kansas bill was killed by the legislature. It
-substituted "an adjuster" for commission and boards.
-
-If these other ill-considered bills become laws, it will be the work of
-years to remodel them on more democratic lines, and on wise and just
-principles in the light of the experience of Australia and England.
-
-
-"THE HAND OF THE POTTER TREMBLES"
-
-SOLON DE LEON
-
-To lead poisoning among lead smelters, white lead workers and painters,
-we have grown accustomed. Now comes the revelation of wide-spread
-plumbism, or "potters' palsy," among workers in the potteries.
-
-Trenton, New Jersey, the third largest pottery center in the country,
-has recently been the scene of a brief study conducted by the American
-Association for Labor Legislation. Brief as was the study it revealed
-many cases of this disease.
-
-One case was that of a fifteen-year-old orphan, as dipper's helper in a
-pottery. He handles cups and saucers after they have received their coat
-of glaze and before they are taken to the kiln. He gets his hands
-covered with glaze. There are no washing facilities at the plant where
-he works. When visited at home he had spots of white lead over the front
-of his shirt. After nine months as dipper's helper he began to complain
-of general ill health, with pains in the stomach. He worked
-interruptedly for another month, and finally came down with an attack of
-acute and excruciatingly painful poisoning which required a week's
-hospital treatment.
-
-A young girl, now married and a mother, worked in a tile plant for six
-years, the last three of which she was a dipper. Within three months
-after starting the latter work she suffered a typical violent lead colic
-attack, accompanied by nausea and digestive derangements. The attack
-lasted a week, and was followed by three more at intervals of several
-months.
-
-A former glost kiln-man of forty-five had worked in the Trenton
-potteries continuously for upwards of twenty years. Five years ago he
-was stricken with complete double wrist-drop and for two years was
-totally incapacitated.
-
-Another practically useless pair of hands belongs to a workman
-forty-nine years old. Lead poisoning crippled him and deprived him of
-his trade at the age of thirty-three. He used to be a "ground layer."
-That is, he rubbed lead colors with a short brush into the surfaces to
-be decorated. In the course of fifteen years he had eight or ten severe
-attacks. In the last one, sixteen years ago, both arms were paralyzed.
-For two years he had to be clothed and fed. Now his arms have recovered
-their flexibility, but his hands still hang shrivelled and powerless to
-open or straighten themselves. For a livelihood he has been forced to
-take up an unskilled job requiring no manual work, but seven days' labor
-a week.
-
-A color mixer in a tile works began after ten years to suffer from
-cramps in the stomach, nausea and biliousness. A number of physicians
-told him it was lead colic. He grew steadily worse, and four years later
-he died. The death certificate gives pulmonary tuberculosis as the
-cause, but the physicians on the case agreed in stating that lead formed
-at least a considerable complication.
-
-So run the records of a few of the cases.
-
-There are about 21,000 potters, the makers and enamelers of iron
-sanitary ware in the United States. Of these, 2,500 or over 10 per cent
-are declared by Dr. Alice Hamilton in her report to the United States
-government to be exposed in the regular course of their work to the risk
-of lead poisoning. Within two years 510 cases of poisoning were found.
-
-It is now generally accepted that the one word "cleanliness" sums up the
-requirements for the abolition of such occurrences. Yet the workshops in
-the pottery and allied industries are at present almost without
-exception run with utter disregard of this fundamental consideration.
-They are as a rule dusty, ill-ventilated and poorly lighted. Washing
-facilities are almost unknown.
-
-In New Jersey and in seven other states the legislatures have now
-pending before them the aptly christened "cleanliness bill," drafted by
-the Association for Labor Legislation after careful study to counteract
-just these conditions. The proposed measure establishes strict sanitary
-provisions in potteries and all works making or handling lead salts. It
-takes a leaf from successful English and German legislation by
-establishing "duties of employees" as well as "duties of employers," and
-by fixing a fine for failure to comply. The bill has passed the lower
-house in Missouri, and has been reported favorably by the lower house
-committee to which it was referred in Ohio and in New Jersey. A similar
-law has been in force in Illinois for two years with excellent results.
-Many progressive manufacturers admit the wisdom of these regulations and
-will not oppose them. Others are actively in favor.
-
-
-
-
-[Illustration: WHY IS THE PAUPER]
-
-SUGGESTIVE FACTS AS TO CAUSES AND PREVENTION OF DESTITUTION REVEALED BY
-A STUDY OF A MID-WESTERN ALMSHOUSE[5]
-
-[5] In taking the rather exhaustive social histories of the 200 inmates
-of the Sangamon County Poor Farm, I was assisted by Mary Humphrey and
-Mary Johnson, without whose intelligent and enthusiastic co-operation
-this preliminary study could not have been made.
-
-GEORGE THOMAS PALMER, M. D.
-
-SUPERINTENDENT HEALTH DEPARTMENT, SPRINGFIELD, ILL.
-
-Drawings by Alfred S. Harkness
-
-
-Poorhouse it was, this mid-western abode of unfortunates, regardless of
-the resolution of the Conference of Charities and Correction
-recommending that it and its host of fellows be known as "county homes."
-
-[Illustration]
-
-This particular poorhouse was comfortably perched upon a hill,
-surrounded by elms and oaks and walnuts, overlooking a land of plenty--a
-"prosperous-looking" poorhouse it was with well-bred Holstein cows
-wading knee-deep in clover on land worth $250 an acre. The verdant
-pastures, the fields of grain, the white fences, the silo and the barns,
-the splendid old brick house, might have belonged to a delightful
-country estate so apparently did they bespeak good farm management. Good
-order and spick-and-spanness also characterized broad veranda and hall,
-the living rooms of the superintendent, and almost might the same terms
-have been applied to the dwelling place of the inmates.
-
-This, seemingly, was no place to come for the ugly story of
-destitution--for the revolting facts which force us, almost against our
-wills, to paint our picture in glaring yellow. But the destitution was
-there. You could see it in the expression, the gait and the posture of
-the inmates; you could smell it in the unmistakable smell of poverty and
-you could feel it in the indefinable something which grips you and
-oppresses you in an institution of this kind.
-
-It was a poorhouse and nothing but a poorhouse--a good poorhouse, if
-there is such a thing, but a poorhouse none the less. Like thousands of
-similar institutions, it stood ready to receive the individual when he
-strikes the very bottom of the toboggan slide of life, to house him and
-to feed him humanely enough, but with the saving of dimes and nickels
-regarded as the cardinal virtue of efficient management. It was an
-"asylum of poverty"--no more what such an institution might be than the
-lunatic asylum of twenty years ago is like the hospital for the insane
-of the present day. Like thousands of others, it was one of those places
-where we receive the unfortunate; where we label him a pauper; where we
-tolerate his presence until death reduces the county expense or until he
-goes out into the world again not a whit better off, physically,
-mentally or morally, on account of his association with us.
-
-We had come to the place for the purpose of ascertaining to what extent
-tuberculosis prevailed among the two hundred inmates and to ascertain
-the degree of protection afforded these unfortunates against infection
-from the disease. As our work progressed this question came to me more
-and more insistently: "Why are these men and women dependents? What, if
-anything, could be learned if they were permitted to tell their own
-stories of misfortune?"
-
-[Illustration]
-
-Social history blanks were prepared, and two intelligent young women
-were set at the task of supplementing physical examinations with a
-series of questions relative to the past lives of the inmates. Due
-allowance was made for natural exaggeration when a person told of the
-glories of his past, and like allowance was made for the faulty memory
-which had lost its record of personal faults, vices and dissipations. As
-far as possible the reliability of the story was determined by checking
-up with certain definite and obtainable facts.
-
-At the outset of the work, a wave of fear spread over the place born of
-the belief that we were cataloging the inmates to send them to an
-"asylum"; but when this was quieted, the history taking was uneventful.
-
-Eliminating those who were mentally incapable of being interviewed, we
-were able to prepare 137 quite complete records. Of those interviewed,
-32 were women and 105 men. Practically all the women, incidentally, were
-there on account of insanity, drug addiction or actual illness. There
-were 131 white inmates, 5 Negroes and one who claimed to be an Indian.
-Sixty-nine were single, that is 60 per cent of the males and but 27 per
-cent of the females. Nineteen had living husbands or wives and 47 were
-widowed. Of those who had married, 42 had married once only; 13 stated
-that they had married twice and 4 that they had married three times or
-more.
-
-[Illustration]
-
-To the penny-wise county official it is of practical interest to note
-that 34 of the inmates, or about 25 per cent, had living children and
-that even casual inquiry showed many instances in which the children
-were financially able to take care of these unfortunates, as the laws of
-Illinois provide that they shall do.
-
-Thirty of the inmates were born in Illinois; 36 in the United States
-outside of Illinois; while Ireland and Germany came next with 21
-representatives each. There was no Jew in the almshouse.
-
-Three of the inmates admitted that their parents had been dependent upon
-public charity; 24 admitted alcoholism or drug addiction on the part of
-their parents; 4 were the children of the insane and one was the
-daughter of a criminal. The fathers of 106 came from laboring and
-agricultural classes, while the fathers of 6 were professional men.
-
-[Illustration]
-
-Nineteen of the inmates had had no education whatever; 12 claimed to be
-able to read and write but had never gone to school; 4 had attended
-school less than one year; 15 had attended less than five years; 71
-claimed a complete "common school" education and 7 had gone to high
-school or college. Four had been compelled to earn a living under ten
-years of age; 12 from ten to twelve years; 41 from twelve to fifteen
-years and 31 had begun work between the ages of fifteen and twenty-one
-years.
-
-With this showing, the question naturally arises: Is there any
-connection between lack of education, child labor and the poorhouse?
-
-One of the male inmates had been a pharmacist, one a civil engineer; 28
-had learned trades and 53 were laborers. Of the females, 17 were house
-servants and one a teacher.
-
-To ascertain something of the past financial condition, we inquired as
-to the highest wage each had made, the amount he had inherited and the
-greatest amount he had ever accumulated. Six had never made more than
-$10 to $20 per month; 21 had made from $20 to $50 per month and 28
-claimed to have made over $100 per month. Fourteen had inherited
-property worth less than $500; 11 had inherited from $500 to $1,000; 5
-from $1,000 to $5,000, and one had inherited from $5,000 to $10,000.
-Thirty-five of the inmates had never accumulated as much as $500 at any
-one time; 22 had possessed from $500 to $1,000; 20 had owned from $1,000
-to $5,000; 7 from $5,000 to $10,000, and four had had over $10,000.
-
-[Illustration]
-
-As to their habits, vices and dependence, 88 were users of alcohol and
-35 of these had been heavy drinkers. Four females and one male were
-addicted to drugs. Thirty-nine had been arrested once, and four more
-than once. The causes of arrest were drunkenness and disorderly conduct
-22; vagrancy 10; theft 1; assault 4 and participation in a strike 1. Two
-of the inmates had been in other almshouses; 7 had occupied beds in
-charity hospitals; 2 had grown up from orphan asylums and 4 had been
-helped by lodges and unions. Many had received county orders before
-coming to the almshouse.
-
-What light such data as the foregoing, if collected in large numbers of
-similar institutions, would throw upon the underlying causes of
-destitution, is, of course, speculative. It seems to me, however, that
-they might give us a more intelligent idea of the connection between
-pauperism and the marriage of the unfit; lack of education; child labor;
-lack of trade or definite vocation; poor mentality; lack of religious
-influence; divorce or failure to marry; alcohol and drugs; vice and
-preventable disease.
-
-If these remote influences lie beyond the imaginative possibilities of
-the average almshouse superintendent and county official, there were
-certain other facts brought out in this study which should appeal to the
-most practical and hard-headed. These facts seem to point the way to the
-rehabilitation of the unfortunate; the way of placing him on his feet
-again. They also point directly to the reduction in the almshouse
-population and the consequent decrease in public expense.
-
-Getting at the direct causes of dependence, it was found that old age
-was the chief factor, 47 of the inmates being over 70 years of age. This
-number of dependents, incidentally, could be materially reduced by
-tracing out near relatives legally responsible for their care.
-
-[Illustration]
-
-Drugs and alcohol were responsible for 25 dependencies--a less
-encouraging group until we have intelligent public treatment for these
-cases. Twenty-five of the inmates were crippled while 18 were there on
-account of general illness. Doubtless many of these cases would be
-amenable to treatment if properly studied and diagnosed.
-
-Six were victims of advanced tuberculosis, and it may be assumed that
-the nature of the illness was unrecognized as the patients were housed
-in dormitories with the uninfected. There were unquestionably other
-tuberculosis cases undiagnosed who were not only losing their chance of
-cure; but were exposing and infecting others. I am impressed,
-incidentally, that almshouses, with their armies of transients going to
-the crowded, unventilated quarters of the poor, are very considerable
-spreaders of tuberculosis.
-
-The insane, feeble-minded and epileptic aggregated perhaps 50--an
-almshouse population which should be and must be decreased by more
-adequate state provision for these afflicted.
-
-Syphilis was responsible for 3 dependencies, and probably many more
-would respond to the Wassermann test and could be restored to health by
-specific treatment.
-
-The 4 blind and aged inmates might be made to see by simple cataract
-operations.
-
-Many of the inmates expressed the wish that they might be restored to
-health that they could go out into the world again upon their own
-resources. But 58 replied, when asked what they wanted to do in the
-future, that they wanted to stay where they were, under the friendly
-roof of the poorhouse.
-
-This does not imply hopeless pauperism, however. Sick, neglected, weak
-and despondent--of course, they want to stay in some place, even in the
-poorhouse, where they are not eternally ordered to move on by the
-police; viewed with suspicion or fear by self-respecting citizens or in
-constant danger of arrest for vagrancy. Such forlorn men not
-infrequently commit petty crimes to guarantee their being housed in jail
-during a cold winter.
-
-I am optimistic enough to believe that if the physical conditions of
-each inmate were studied; if his ills were cured and he was made
-stronger in body, he would be given courage, more ambition and more
-purpose in life. To this extent pauperism is directly curable.
-
-True, there are among the destitute those who are hopelessly
-marked--branded by heredity; cursed by environment; wrecked by disease;
-deficient in body and in mind, with little or nothing to work upon. By
-the same token there are those in other branches of medicine who are
-hopelessly sick--those who are beyond the reach of the surgeon's knife
-or the physician's prescription. There are those among the insane who
-give no ray of hope to the most enthusiastic alienist.
-
-But when we progress to the point of classifying our paupers; of
-studying intelligently the various causes of destitution; of endeavoring
-to make our almshouses places of cure rather than mere asylums for the
-victims of poverty, our percentage of "recoveries" will be surprisingly
-high.
-
-[Illustration]
-
-The difference in methods between the modern insane hospital and the
-almshouse is striking. A man is admitted to an institution for the
-insane in a thoroughly irrational and excitable condition. His case is
-studied and it is found that he has cerebral syphilis. Proper treatment
-is instituted and, in all probability, the patient is returned to his
-family cured and a useful member of society.
-
-In another case, syphilis has rendered a man physically inefficient,
-dissipated and despondent. He drifts to the poorhouse where he is
-catalogued simply as a "pauper." The chances are that the cause of his
-pauperism is not detected. If he announces it himself, he may receive
-the hurried, occasional visit of a contract doctor. Even the drugs that
-are given him may be crude and impure, bought by contract from the
-lowest bidder. Little or no provision is made for his intelligent and
-systematic treatment. He may be drugged with mercury until he is
-salivated; he may be neglected until his open sores cause him to be
-housed in the basement away from the other inmates. He is merely a
-syphilitic pauper and the rough fare of the poorhouse is looked upon as
-better than he deserves.
-
-As a matter of fact, he is a sick man; sick of a curable disease and his
-cure may restore him to useful citizenship and remove him from the
-county expense.
-
-Or again, there comes to the almshouse a man who is tired--a man who
-will not work. Perhaps he is losing a little weight and he is known to
-have been drinking more whiskey than he did when he worked harder. You
-are tempted to compel him to work; to drive him to earn his meager board
-and bed. The superintendent has no time to note that he has a little
-fever at night or to see that he clears his throat from time to time.
-Without physical examination, we have no way of knowing that we are
-dealing with an incipient consumptive. The average superintendent knows
-nothing of the deadly weariness of this disease; the weariness that
-invades every muscle of the body; which makes work impossible; which
-prompts men of higher moral fiber to drink whiskey or seek other
-stimulation.
-
-This "lazy devil" is begrudged our poorhouse food, when, as a matter of
-fact, he ought to have, and at public expense, better food than we have
-ever thought of giving him. With fresh air, milk, eggs, nourishing food,
-intelligent treatment and perfect rest, this man can get well and resume
-a place in the world. With ordinary almshouse care and almshouse fare,
-we are signing his death warrant while we are guaranteeing his prolonged
-dependence upon public charity.
-
-We receive old men who have worked hard and who have made an honest
-living before their eyesight failed and they became almost blind. We
-label these men as paupers and do not stop to question if a simple
-operation for cataract would not restore them to useful occupation.
-
-The spirit of the average almshouse is illustrated in this--one Illinois
-county has a contract with a dentist to pull the teeth of poor farm
-inmates. There is no provision for saving teeth. If the inmate is
-writhing with toothache, he must take his choice; lose a good tooth on
-contract, or grin and bear the pain. The supervisors can see no reason
-why a pauper should want to save his teeth or why he should be permitted
-to do so. And yet a cheap filling would cost little more than the
-primitive and mutilating operation of extraction.
-
-These are mere instances of the obvious curative possibilities in the
-almshouse--instances where the county's duties are so apparent, in which
-the right and humane way is so clearly the cheap and economical way that
-the matter should require no discussion. It is the line of direct cure
-which the county, as a matter of sound administration, should make it
-possible to carry out. It means first the careful physical examination
-of every inmate of every almshouse, not by the medical man who bids
-lowest to get the contract, but by the most capable diagnostician
-available.
-
-[Illustration]
-
-But this is only the beginning. The big possibility is what the
-almshouses of the nation can do to ascertain the more remote causes of
-poverty and destitution, for, as in the case of the insane, when we know
-the causes of destitution, we can carry out our most effective work
-before the pauper becomes a pauper--before he comes slinking, wretched
-and despondent, to the door of the county farm.
-
-Tuberculosis will never be eradicated by merely treating the sick;
-yellow fever could not have been stamped out by simply caring for the
-afflicted; pauperism will never be materially affected by what we do
-when the pauper has reached his last ditch. We must fight tuberculosis
-by striking at its causes; we have already eliminated yellow fever by
-the same sane process. We would have gone further in our battle against
-pauperism, perhaps, were it not that pauperism is the only disease that
-has never invaded the home of the rich. No multi-millionaire has ever
-endowed a research laboratory for the study of destitution in memory of
-a petted child struck dead by its poisonous fangs.
-
-But every almshouse has its clinic in poverty and I am convinced that if
-every inmate in every poorhouse throughout the nation could be made to
-tell the story of how he came to be there; if every one could be
-examined for physical and mental causes, and if all these data could be
-gathered together in systematic form, a great stride would have been
-made in formulating an intelligent campaign against dependence.
-
-
-
-
-COMPENSATION FOR OCCUPATIONAL DISEASES
-
-JOHN B. ANDREWS
-
-SECRETARY AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR LABOR LEGISLATION
-
-
-The introduction in Congress of a bill which extends the workmen's
-compensation principle to embrace occupational diseases places before
-the American people an entirely new range of problems in the field of
-social insurance.
-
-The federal government since 1908, and fifteen states during the past
-two years, have recognized the wisdom and justice of the compensation
-principle in dealing with the victims of industrial accidents. Now comes
-the demand that the American people, through Congress, adopt exactly the
-same principle in dealing with federal employees who are incapacitated
-for work by occupational diseases.
-
-What is the present situation?
-
- "The government gives no compensation for lead poisoning because,
- technically, it is not an accident, which is true, for under the
- circumstances it is a dead certainty."
-
---This quotation from the report of an investigator for the New York
-State Factory Investigating Commission is neither a playful nor an
-exaggerated statement. On the contrary, we now have complete
-confirmation of its truth in the official report and in the sober legal
-phrase of the solicitor for the Department of Commerce and Labor.[6]
-
-[6] Opinions of the Solicitor for the Department of Commerce and Labor
-dealing with Workmen's Compensation. 1912.
-
-It all came about in this way. A man named Schroeder went to work in the
-federal navy yard at Brooklyn. One of our big war ships, the Ohio, came
-to the dock and Schroeder was sent down into the water-tight
-compartments called "coffer-dams" to burn off the old coat of paint in
-preparation for a new. As a result of breathing the fumes of the lead
-paint, Schroeder was incapacitated for work by acute lead poisoning. He
-lost thirty-seven days on this account, and he applied to the government
-for the payment of compensation equal to the wages he had lost.
-
-This statement was made by the attorney for the United States
-government:
-
- "The question in this case is whether acute lead poisoning
- contracted in the course of employment is an injury within the
- meaning of the compensation act. If the inhalation of noxious gases
- is a necessary incident to the workman's employment, there can be
- nothing accidental in the injury resulting therefrom. This latter
- consideration disposes of the present case....
-
- "It cannot be said that these fumes were inhaled by accident. The
- fumes were necessarily produced by the work he was engaged upon.
- The inhalation of such fumes was to have been expected and probably
- could not have been avoided. Lead poisoning, under the
- circumstances, was the natural, if not the inevitable, result."
-
-Schroeder got not one penny.
-
-Aside from the fact that lead poisoning in this case was really
-preventable; aside from the fact that several enlightened nations have
-absolutely prohibited the use of poisonous lead paints for the interior
-of their war ships, and aside from the fact that there was no one to
-warn Schroeder of the dangerous nature of his occupation, there is one
-big final reason why this decision of Uncle Sam's Attorney was even more
-unfortunate than it was necessary. The financial cost of this
-unnecessary case of acute lead poisoning, in addition to the personal
-suffering, fell upon poor Schroeder. Most men will agree that such
-financial losses should fall upon the employer. In this case the
-employer was the nation, which means all of us, you and me.
-
-We owe Schroeder something more than an apology. While the federal
-government is publishing excellent reports on lead poisoning in the
-factories of private employers and is translating and distributing in
-fat volumes the workmen's compensation laws of European countries, can
-the United States afford to do less than make provision for reasonably
-safe work places in the government service? And can this country afford
-to ignore the good example of these European laws which provide
-compensation for such victims of occupational diseases?
-
-A few months after the unfortunate Schroeder case a man named Hill was
-employed at placing floor plates in the engine room of the war ship St.
-Louis in the Puget Sound Navy Yard. Meantime, red and white lead paint
-was being applied in the bilges of the vessel.
-
- "As a result of this exposure to lead fumes, a sufficient amount of
- lead was taken into claimant's system to produce 'toxic amblyopia,
- both eyes,'"
-
-which means
-
- "disease of vision from imperfect sensation of the retina, without
- organic lesion of the eye."
-
-This disease incapacitated Hill on the thirteenth day after his first
-exposure to the poison. The exposure lasted only seven days. Said the
-solicitor:
-
- "It is accordingly possible to refer the claimant's injury to an
- event capable of being fixed in point of time. In the second place,
- the injury to the claimant's eyes was neither reasonably to be
- expected, nor the natural or inevitable consequence of the work he
- personally was engaged upon. The injury must therefore be ascribed
- to accident. The claimant's particular work had nothing to do with
- the painting operations going on about him. His work as a ship
- fitter related to the laying of places in the boiler room; the
- painting was being done by others."
-
-And this claim was approved.
-
-But if, instead of Hill, one of the painters had been poisoned and
-incapacitated by the fumes of lead paint, a similar claim would not have
-been allowed by the solicitor. This is made perfectly clear by his
-decision in the John Freiman case.
-
-John was a laborer in the Boston Navy Yard, and it was his duty to scale
-off lead-painted compartments on ships. He became incapacitated by "lead
-poisoning contracted in the course of his employment," and his superior
-officer certified that the injury was not due to negligence or
-misconduct. After John had suffered several weeks as a result of
-"painter's colic" and chronic lead poisoning, his claim was submitted.
-It was necessary to decide whether the law applies to disease due to the
-occupation. The solicitor declared:
-
- "There is no such special provision made, and I can find nothing
- which would, in my judgment, justify its application to a case of
- lead poisoning or 'painter's colic.'"
-
-The difficulties involved in legal technicalities become apparent. The
-following story, verbatim from the government report (page 201), about
-William Murray, who suffered with compressed air illness, strikingly
-illustrates the point:
-
- "The claimant in this case is a laborer employed by the Reclamation
- Service, at Arizona shaft, Colorado River siphon. The claimant's
- duties required him to work in compressed air. In consequence, he
- was attacked with 'a severe case of bends,' which 'settled in
- nearly all parts of the body.' When originally presented the claim
- was disallowed on the ground that the bends is a disease, and
- diseases contracted in the course of employment as distinguished
- from injuries of an accidental nature are not within the operation
- of the compensation act. A reconsideration of this action 'with a
- view to the allowance of the claim, if the same is deemed to come
- within the letter of the statute as it seems to come within its
- spirit,' is now requested by the secretary of the interior, who
- writes that a refusal to approve this claim may cause a number of
- men to leave the work, as, on account of the bends, it is generally
- regarded as very hazardous."
-
-And the former decision was reversed!
-
-The solicitor has passed upon other cases of occupational disease, with
-some decidedly interesting results.
-
-Mary A. Crellin was a folder of heavy paper at the Government Printing
-Office. Continuous strain upon her fingers and wrist caused a
-degeneration of the tendon sheath. A tumor or cystic growth developed.
-Mary was obliged to have it surgically removed. Then she thought the
-government, and not she, ought to stand the loss of wages due to her
-incapacity. This attracted attention. Said the medical officer of the
-Government Printing Office:
-
- "This is the first case that I ever observed or noticed among
- folders, until I examined a number of skilled female laborers
- employed in this office upon the same vocation--that of folding
- sheets of paper--of which five presented a similar condition, but
- of such size as not to interfere with the manipulation of the
- hand."
-
-The solicitor decided that in this tendon degeneration there was "no
-accidental element." It was "not due to injury." It was "due to
-excessive use" in the service of Uncle Sam. Mary's claim was denied.
-
-Another case--a plate printer, J. B. Irving, who was on the night force
-in the Bureau of Engraving and Printing. In the course of a night he
-printed 900 sheets, and as he handled each sheet he looked for a few
-seconds at a bright engraved plate which reflected into his eyes. One
-night last March the bureau tried out some new electric lights, and
-their use was continued three successive nights. Irving thereupon
-stopped work, and the doctor diagnosed his case as "Retinitis
-conjunctivitis, both eyes." He was unable to keep his eyes open in a
-bright light. After investigation, the solicitor decided that in this
-case compensation should be granted on the ground that the injury was
-not anticipated, nor was it the result of any slow accumulation of
-trifling injuries.
-
-Sunstroke, which is known as a disease, is compensated under the act.
-The straining of the ligaments about the wrist, known as "synovitis of
-the wrist" and scheduled as a disease under the British act, has been
-compensated. "Vaccinia" from vaccination is compensated. A long-standing
-case of flat-foot was compensated, even though the use of a simple wedge
-made the injured one better than before.
-
-John Sheeran, who contracted pneumonia due to exposure at the Soo Canal,
-was denied compensation. But J. B. Atkinson, who fell from a ladder and
-continued to work 181 days thereafter, until typhoid fever took him off
-within a week, "died by reason of his injury," because the fall "lowered
-his vitality, ... which rendered him peculiarly susceptible to typhoid
-infection, ... which resulted in his death."
-
-The question may fairly be raised as to whether it is not a bit unfair
-to an administrative official to place him under the embarrassment of
-interpreting a statute so as to cover, for example, some but not all
-cases of industrial lead poisoning. Would it not be much better plainly
-to include occupational diseases in the law?
-
-After more than four years of experience under the present law the
-government recently published the first official report upon its
-operation. Sixty-six closely printed pages of this report are devoted to
-embarrassing questions which have arisen because of claims arising out
-of occupational diseases. The administration in its awards has been as
-liberal as could be expected under the unfortunate legislative
-restrictions. The solicitor for the department has taken a keen interest
-in its operation. He has been faithful and alert. One of his most urgent
-recommendations for a change in the law is that it be extended to
-embrace occupational diseases.
-
-The present federal law is known as the Workmen's Compensation Act of
-May 30, 1908, and is America's pioneer compensation law. It was a step
-forward, but only a step. Fortunately, state legislatures have not
-copied its main provisions, for they are totally inadequate. This
-federal law applies to only about one-third of our 350,000 civilian
-employees. It grants no relief for incapacity lasting less than fifteen
-days, it makes no provision for medical treatment, and one year's wages
-is the maximum benefit even for total blindness or death. In fact, the
-present law is so deficient that its original sponsors now waste no
-words in its defense, but frankly apologize for its shortcomings. "Not a
-revision," says one in a position to know, "but a new law is needed."
-
-The draft of a new law, prepared after months of careful investigation
-of experience of this and all other compensation acts, and drafted with
-infinite care at the instigation of the Association for Labor
-Legislation, has been introduced in Congress by Senator Kern. Surely the
-United States should now provide for its own government employees
-incapacitated by industrial accidents and occupational diseases a system
-of safety and sanitation coupled with compensation at least equivalent
-to that furnished by the most progressive nations of the world. The bill
-now before Congress offers this immediate opportunity.
-
-Nor can the state legislatures longer ignore the injustice of this
-arbitrary distinction between accidents and diseases due to the peculiar
-conditions of employment.
-
-In a pamphlet on Industrial Diseases and Occupational Standards,
-published in May, 1910, the writer urged immediate consideration of this
-problem, and said:
-
- "No intelligent person can go far in the study of compensation for
- industrial accidents without realizing that a logical consideration
- of the facts must lead likewise to compensation for industrial
- diseases."
-
-Since then three momentous years have passed. One state after another is
-preparing to meet this problem, which becomes steadily more pressing.
-One of the three great national political parties now pledges itself to
-work unceasingly in state and nation for trade disease compensation.
-Wisconsin has the promise of relief in the political platform of the
-present administration; Ohio, by recent constitutional amendment, is
-prepared for action; Pennsylvania is following this example; several
-states, including Massachusetts and Michigan, by a liberal
-interpretation of present laws, are coquetting with the issue; New
-Hampshire has boldly introduced specific legislation on the subject.[7]
-
-[7] In 1912 the Association for Labor Legislation prepared, in
-co-operation with the United States Bureau of Labor and the Library of
-Congress, a critical bibliography on industrial diseases. Fifty printed
-pages of titles were thus made available on this important subject.
-European countries have published volumes on compensation for industrial
-diseases, but, as far as can be learned, this is the first American
-article under this title.
-
-Leading countries of Europe have already taken this step. Great Britain
-in her Workmen's Compensation Act of 1906, in addition to accidents,
-included in the first schedule six diseases of occupation. That schedule
-has been extended until it now includes no less than twenty-four
-distinct maladies due to peculiar conditions of employment. Germany, as
-a result of the experience of a quarter of a century, in her new
-imperial code expressly has declared for similar action. Switzerland, in
-her system accepted by referendum vote in February, 1912, makes like
-provision for insurance against occupational diseases. The government of
-Holland, in November, 1912, laid before Parliament a bill to regulate
-the insurance of workmen against industrial diseases in connection with
-the proposed sickness insurance.
-
-[Illustration: DOUBLE WRIST-DROP
-
-Hands of workman paralyzed for sixteen years as result of lead
-poisoning. Five of his fellow workmen were killed by lead poisoning
-before they were forty. Victims of lead poisoning are not compensated
-under American laws because technically an occupational disease is "not
-an injury."]
-
-The arguments used so effectively by advocates of compensation for
-accidents, and now so generally accepted by all men, apply with even
-greater force in the consideration of relief for the victims of
-occupational diseases. No one will doubt, for example, that placing the
-financial cost of lead poisoning upon the lead industry will promote
-greater cleanliness in the lead trades. It will pay to clean up. A
-considerable part of the money now paid to employers' liability
-companies and to ambulance chasers could, under a just system of
-compensation, go where it belongs--to the injured workman or his family.
-Expensive, annoying, and unsatisfactory litigation could be reduced to a
-minimum. Information concerning special danger points in industry would
-be automatically pointed out to the factory inspectors in a manner both
-prompt and sure. Unnecessary occupational diseases would then be
-prevented, and that is the real problem.
-
-The principle is admitted that workmen should be compensated for
-injuries by accident arising out of their employment. It is only
-consistent that incapacity caused by diseases due to the employment
-should also be included. Some diseases are, in the ordinary use of the
-term, accidental. But many people work where trade diseases of an
-insidious nature are contracted and where there is constant risk of
-illness on that account. These diseases are as serious as accidents.
-There is no social justification for drawing an arbitrary line of
-distinction--the principle of compensation is no longer in an
-experimental stage. A compensation law should include, says Sir Thomas
-Oliver, the leading English authority on the subject, "industrial
-diseases, the consequences of which may be immediate or remote, and
-which are often more severe than accidents."
-
-It must be admitted that even our discredited system of employers'
-liability has afforded occasional relief to the victims of accidents.
-But even this uncertain and irregular protection, poor as it is, has in
-most instances been denied to workers exposed to the creeping horror of
-industrial disease. The exact occupational cause of the affliction is,
-of course, more difficult to prove. The employee is thus placed at still
-greater disadvantage in dealing with his employer. American judges,
-basing their opinions on outgrown decisions of the British House of
-Lords, have declared that "industrial injuries" include only those
-afflictions of an accidental nature whose cause can be ascribed to a
-definite point of time, and have thus almost universally barred even
-from the occasional and expensive relief of employers' liability the
-victims of such typical maladies as the match maker's "phossy jaw," the
-lead worker's "wrist-drop" and painter's colic, the boiler maker's
-deafness, the glass worker's cataract, the potter's palsy, the hatter's
-shakes, and the compressed air worker's bends.
-
-The public has not yet forgotten pitiful cases where match
-manufacturers, through the work of their attorneys, were able to deny
-all financial relief to their victims of "phossy jaw." And there are
-cases now pending in the courts where men totally blinded by the fumes
-of wood alcohol have year after year sued in vain for some financial
-relief from brewery companies which employed them to varnish the inside
-of beer vats.
-
-Occasionally, however, large awards have been made. But they, as in the
-case of damage suits arising out of accidents, encourage further
-expensive litigation. One case of wood alcohol poisoning in Ohio (Joseph
-Frank _vs._ The Herancourt Brewing Co., 82 O. S., 424) is now a matter
-of record. The Supreme Court compelled the employer to pay $12,500, with
-interest and costs, aggregating over $15,000.
-
- "After five years of litigation, six hearings in three different
- courts, including two trips to the Supreme Court, printing of
- several thousand pages of record testimony and briefs, taking
- voluminous depositions in different parts of the country involving
- great expense, during which the injured workman--in this instance
- rendered blind--was totally unable to support his wife and family,
- the wife being obliged to work at nights in downtown cafes,
- scrubbing floors after midnight, in order to provide scant food for
- herself and babies while the latter slept."
-
-This verdict is of peculiar interest, according to the well-known
-Cincinnati law firm which prosecuted the case, because it is the first
-instance so far as they have been able to ascertain in which there has
-been a recovery from injuries resulting from the poisonous influence of
-wood alcohol.
-
-But do not be misled by this rare case. And do not hastily conclude that
-the new state insurance law in Ohio has rendered justice in such cases
-more certain, for the contrary is true. A victim of industrial lead
-poisoning appealed to the state board under that law, and the attorney
-general, on October 26, 1912, ruled that disability due to lead
-poisoning was an occupational disease and "not an injury" under the act.
-Similar decisions have been made by the Washington State Insurance
-Department.
-
-In fact, with the exception of occasional instances in two or three
-states, where claims have been paid by employers without protest, the
-victims of occupational diseases in America are still practically
-without relief.
-
-
-
-
-THE SOCIAL AIM IN GOVERNMENT
-
-SAMUEL McCUNE LINDSAY
-
-PROFESSOR OF SOCIAL LEGISLATION, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
-
-
- "This not a day of triumph; it is a day of dedication. Here muster,
- not the forces of party, but the forces of humanity. Men's hearts
- wait upon us; men's lives hang in the balance; men's hopes call
- upon us to say what we will do. Who shall live up to the great
- trust? Who dares fail to try? I summon all honest men, all
- patriotic, all forward-looking men to my side. God helping me, I
- will not fail them, if they will but counsel and sustain me!"
-
---Thus spoke the President of the United States in his inaugural
-address. Legislation in nation and state, giving expression to the will
-of the people and often to their aspirations, is supposed, in theory at
-least, to emanate from the representatives of the people. In European
-governments there is usually a privileged initiative on the part of the
-executive branch of the government or the administrative officers who
-represent the electoral majority, that is, "the government of the day."
-Thus the government bills in the British Parliament are the only ones
-sure of full consideration. In American legislatures a somewhat similar
-role is played by the President and the governors of the states in their
-legislative programs as outlined in the messages they send in accordance
-with constitutional prerogative or command. As party leaders they voice
-the dominant wishes of the voters and interpret public opinion; as chief
-executives they exercise great power over the legislatures in compelling
-compliance with the people's mandates.
-
-A comparison and study of the subject-matter of President Wilson's
-inaugural and the inaugurals or messages of thirty-five governors
-opening legislative sessions since January 1 of this year, shows the
-great influence of the progressive forces of the nation which were
-victorious in all parties and in all of the states at the polls in
-November. A more confident note, new in most cases, is struck in all
-these pronouncements. It is the social spirit and the social conscience
-in every community that seeks and demands a new adjustment of law and
-government to human needs, and for the people, a new freedom.
-
-President Wilson voices this new feeling best.
-
- "Nor have we studied and perfected the means by which government
- may be put at the service of humanity, in safeguarding the health
- of the nation, the health of its men and its women and its
- children, as well as their rights in the struggle for existence.
- This no sentimental duty. The firm basis of government is justice,
- not pity. These are matters of justice. There can be no equality of
- opportunity, the first essential of justice in the body politic, if
- men and women and children be not shielded in their lives, their
- very vitality, from the consequences of great industrial and social
- processes which they cannot alter, control, or singly cope with.
- Society must see to it that it does not itself crush or weaken or
- damage its own constituent parts. The first duty of law is to keep
- sound the society it serves. Sanitary laws, pure food laws, and
- laws determining conditions of labor which individuals are
- powerless to determine for themselves are intimate parts of the
- very business of justice and legal efficiency.
-
- "These are some of the things we ought to do, and not leave the
- others undone, the old-fashioned, never-to-be-neglected,
- fundamental safeguarding of property and of individual right. This
- is the high enterprise of the new day; to lift everything that
- concerns our life as a nation to the light that shines from the
- hearth-fire of every man's conscience and vision of the right. It
- is inconceivable that we should do this as partisans; it is
- inconceivable that we should do it in ignorance of the facts as
- they are or in blind haste. We shall restore, not destroy. We shall
- deal with our economic system as it is and as it may be modified,
- not as it might be if we had a clean sheet of paper to write upon;
- and step by step we shall make it what it should be, in the spirit
- of those who question their own wisdom and seek counsel and
- knowledge, not shallow self-satisfaction or the excitement of
- excursions whither they cannot tell. Justice, and only justice,
- shall always be our motto.
-
- "And yet it will be no cool process of mere science. The nation has
- been deeply stirred, stirred by a solemn passion, stirred by the
- knowledge of wrong, of ideals lost, of government too often
- debauched and made an instrument of evil. The feelings with which
- we face this new age of right and opportunity sweep across our
- heartstrings like some air out of God's own presence, where justice
- and mercy are reconciled and the judge and the brother are one. We
- know our task to be no mere task of politics, but a task which
- shall search us through and through, whether we be able to
- understand our time and the need of our people, whether we be
- indeed their spokesmen and interpreters, whether we have the pure
- heart to comprehend and the rectified will to choose our high
- course of action."
-
-Governor Cox of Ohio, speaking for a state that had just made many
-fundamental changes in its organic law by adopting the recommendations,
-almost in their entirety, of a constitutional convention, says:
-
- "Progressive government, so called, which means in its correct
- understanding, constructive work, along the lines pointed out by
- the lamps of experience and the higher moral vision of advanced
- civilization, is now on trial in our state. Every constitutional
- facility has been provided for an upward step and Ohio, because of
- the useful part it has played in the affairs of the country, is at
- this hour in the eye of the nation.
-
- "The state has the resources, human and material, to make a
- thorough test of the principle of an enlarged social justice,
- through government, and the results of our labors will extend
- beyond state borders. A thorough appreciation, therefore, of the
- stupendous responsibility before you, and full recognition of the
- probable insidious resistance to be encountered, will add
- immeasurably to your equipment to meet the emergency. If I sense
- with any degree of accuracy the state of public mind, I am correct
- in the belief that a vast preponderance of the people of all
- classes have faith both in the wisdom and the certain results of a
- constructive progressive program of government. Let us in full
- understanding of the consequences of our acts maintain this measure
- of public confidence and encourage the faith of those who are
- honestly skeptical because of the apprehension generated in their
- minds by a third class, which may be unconsciously prompted by
- sordid impulses developed by unbroken preferences of government.
-
- "No fair-minded person will dispute the logic nor question the
- equity of any plan which contemplates legislative action entirely
- within the limitations of suffrage endorsement. If the legislature,
- in the passage of a single law, runs counter to public desire or
- interest, the people through the referendum have the means to undo
- it. No greater safeguard can be devised by the genius of man, and
- to question either the moral or practical phase of this
- arrangement, is to admit unsoundness in the theory of a republic.
- In other days changes in government such as are made necessary
- everywhere by our industrial and social conditions, would have been
- wrought by riot and revolution. Now they are accomplished through
- peaceful evolution. He must be indeed a man of unfortunate
- temperamental qualities who does not find in this a circumstance
- that thrills every patriotic fiber in his being."
-
-Governor Sulzer of New York, in similar vein, says, speaking of the
-proposed amendment to the constitution of the United States, providing
-for the popular election of senators:
-
- "I favor this change in the federal constitution, as I shall every
- other change that will restore the government to the control of the
- people. I want the people, in fact as well as in theory, to rule
- this great republic and the government at all times to be
- responsive to their just demands."
-
-Again, in speaking of the value of human life and its conservation,
-Governor Sulzer says:
-
- "If Americans would excel other nations in commerce, in
- manufacture, in science, in intellectual growth, and in all other
- humane attainments, we must first possess a people physically and
- mentally sound. Any achievement that is purchased at the continued
- sacrifice of human life does not advance our material resources,
- but detracts from the wealth of the state. The leaders of our
- civilization now realize these fundamental truths, and the
- statesmen, the scientists, and the humanitarians are endeavoring
- more and more to protect human life and to secure to each
- individual not only the right to life, but the right to decent
- standards of living.
-
- "We have had to change old customs and repeal antiquated laws. We
- must now convince employers that any industry that saps the
- vitality and destroys the initiative of the workers is detrimental
- to the interests of the state and menaces the general welfare of
- the government. We must try to work out practical legislation that
- will apply our social ideals and our views of industrial progress
- to secure for our men, women and children the greatest possible
- reserve of physical and mental force.
-
- "I hold it to be self-evident that no industry has the right to
- sacrifice human life for its profit, but that just as each industry
- must reckon in its cost of production the material waste, so it
- should also count as a part of the cost of production the human
- waste which it employs.... No business has an inalienable right to
- child labor. No industry has a right to rob the state of that which
- constitutes its greatest wealth. No commerce that depends on child
- labor for its success has a right to exist. Let us do what we can
- to protect the children of the state and preserve their fundamental
- rights.... Human life is infinitely more valuable than the profit
- of material things. The state for its own preservation has the
- right to demand the use of safer and more hygienic methods, even if
- at greater cost of production to the employer. Occupational
- diseases should be studied, and the results of careful
- investigation embodied in laws to safeguard the health and lives of
- the workers."
-
-Governor Craig of North Carolina, another Democrat, but from the more
-conservative southland, strikes the same note, when he says:
-
- "We have not realized the moral benefits that should have resulted
- from modern progress. Avarice has been stimulated; hope and
- opportunity have been denied; antagonism and resentment have been
- generated. All classes have suffered. We realize the conditions;
- the injustice has been uncovered. It cannot stand in the clear,
- calm and resolute gaze of the American people. They are determined
- that our law shall be based upon a higher conception of social
- obligation and that our civilization shall mean a higher social
- life. They have put their hands to the plow and will not look
- back."
-
-Let me quote from one more Democratic governor, this time a voice from
-the far West. Governor Hunt of Arizona says:
-
- "Recent political events of national magnitude and world-wide
- importance clearly prove the people's awakening to their
- necessities, their duties and responsibilities. The overwhelming
- triumph of militant progressive democracy and the simultaneous
- springing into prominent existence of another great party founded
- upon and professing the championship of those cardinal principles
- of popular government which have long been synonymous with
- progressive democracy, discloses a miraculous growth of progressive
- conviction, a well-nigh unanimous determination on the part of the
- people to assume full control of the government which, while over
- them, is rightfully of and for them, marks a leading epoch in the
- history of the world's advancement."
-
-The National Progressive Party could scarcely have hoped to accomplish
-more than to bring such sentiments and these high aims to the fore, in
-the officially announced purposes of their late antagonists who were the
-victors in the recent elections. When we remember, however, the
-initiative and responsibility in legislation which the chief executive
-in nation and state has come to have in our system, the fact that the
-above quoted passages are typical of all the governors' messages is
-doubly significant. It warrants us in believing that the hour has struck
-when the things for which the social workers of the country have striven
-will become vital in the organization of American society.
-
-More detailed examination of the recommendations of the governors shows
-some interesting tendencies. If the advice of the governors is followed
-some system of workmen's compensation will supplement or supersede our
-antiquated and unsocial system of employers' liability. This is the
-subject upon which public opinion seems to have most definitely
-crystallized. No less than twenty-one governors make definite favorable
-recommendations, and in three cases (Arizona, California and Oregon) a
-state system of insurance is advocated. If all of these states were
-added to those that already have passed adequate compensation laws, the
-system of workmen's compensation would be extended practically over all
-of the industrial area of the United States. This result seems
-inevitable, although the work may not be completed in this legislative
-year.
-
-Next to workmen's compensation in point of popularity seems to be the
-necessity for a public utilities law, or a public service commission, or
-the extension of the powers of state supervisory authorities over public
-service corporations. This is a subject of positive recommendation on
-the part of fourteen governors. In an equal number of states the pending
-amendment to the United States constitution providing for the popular or
-direct election of Senators receives a favorable recommendation, while
-in the other states the governors transmit the amendment without comment
-for appropriate action by the legislature. The Kentucky Blue Sky Law, or
-some similar provision for state supervision of investment proposals and
-securities offered for public subscription, is the subject of comment
-and positive recommendation in eleven states.
-
-In an equal number of commonwealths important recommendations are made
-with respect to increasing the powers of their labor departments,
-including factory inspection and other provisions for the enforcement of
-the labor laws. Several governors express a desire for a much more
-serious recognition of the state's duties in its relations to labor,
-especially that of women and children. In some instances--notably Ohio,
-where an industrial commission is proposed, Wisconsin, whose industrial
-commission, already the model for several other states, is to have
-increased powers, and New York, for which an industrial commission is
-also proposed--such recommendations are far-reaching and would mean a
-practical reorganization of this department of state activity. The
-governor of Rhode Island recommends the adoption of a fifty-four hour
-law to harmonize with recent legislation in New York and Massachusetts.
-In North Carolina a stronger child labor law is urged, and in Wyoming
-the prohibition of the employment of boys under sixteen in mines. This
-would bring Wyoming up to the standard already adopted in the leading
-mining states.
-
-Popular government still has need of better agencies for expression, and
-numerous reforms in the organization of state governments are proposed.
-Restlessness under antiquated constitutional limitations is manifest
-everywhere. President Wilson in his last message as governor of New
-Jersey, voiced this feeling in strong language. He said:
-
- "I urge upon you very earnestly indeed the need and demand for a
- Constitutional Convention. The powers of corrupt control have a
- numerous and abiding advantage under our constitutional
- arrangements as they stand. We shall not be free from them until we
- get a different system of representation and a different system of
- official responsibility. I hope that this question will be taken up
- by the legislature at once and a constitutional convention arranged
- for without delay, in which the new forces of our day may speak and
- may have a chance to establish their ascendancy over the rule of
- machines and bosses."
-
-Similarly a constitutional convention is urged or numerous
-constitutional amendments are proposed in six other states. The short
-ballot is advocated in six; the initiative, referendum and recall as a
-means of extending the control of the people over their legislation is
-recommended in nine states, in most of which a constitutional amendment
-would be necessary; and the adoption of rules to carry out a
-constitutional amendment already passed is recommended in Idaho. A
-larger measure of home rule for cities is urged by the governors of six
-states (New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan and
-Missouri). The United States constitutional amendment providing for the
-income tax is urged for favorable adoption in three states. An amendment
-to the state constitution providing for woman suffrage is favorably
-recommended in five states (New York, Pennsylvania, Montana, Nevada and
-Iowa), and the immediate extension of suffrage to women in municipal
-affairs by the governor of Connecticut. Direct Primaries are still an
-issue in two states (New York and Tennessee). The need for stronger
-corrupt practices acts is presented in three states. Three governors
-also declare for a direct presidential preference primary (Iowa,
-Minnesota and Wyoming), while ballot reform is advocated in three states
-(Maine, Michigan and Wyoming).
-
-Better legislative methods and the establishment of a legislative
-reference, research and drafting bureau are proposed in four states
-(Arizona, Minnesota, Ohio and Oklahoma). The governor of Arizona asks
-for an anti-lobbying statute. The fiscal policy of the state is a matter
-of some comment in practically every message, and in five states
-measures for taxation reform are proposed. In five states, including one
-of the previous group, the governors recommend an increase of
-inheritance taxes or the establishment of an inheritance tax where it
-does not already exist.
-
-Constructive and far-reaching measures are suggested pertaining to
-public health. A decided awakening is noticeable in this field. Eight
-governors recommend more or less definite reorganization of the public
-health service and an extension of the powers of the public health
-authorities, state and local. In one additional state (New York) the
-governor has appointed an important commission. The results of its
-labors will probably be enacted into law at this session of the
-legislature. Pure food legislation and better protection of weights and
-measures receive attention in two states each, as does the greater
-restriction of the liquor traffic in two states. Special provision for
-the care of tuberculous persons is mentioned in five states.
-
-Another important and popular subject of recommendation, in which the
-results of the last annual conference of governors are noticeable,
-concerns the better care of prisoners--their employment in outdoor work
-and opportunities for earning wages, part of which shall go to reimburse
-the state for the cost of their maintenance and part to the support of
-their dependent families. These matters are subjects of favorable
-recommendation in nine states. The general reform of the criminal law,
-especially the shortening of legal processes and the restriction of the
-right to appeal, is urged in four states, including Iowa, in which the
-governor recommends the abolition of grand juries.
-
-A direct tax in support of higher education is urged in three states,
-and provision for the wider use of school buildings as social centers in
-the same number. Even more significant, the governors of two states
-(North Carolina and Tennessee) urge state-wide compulsory education. In
-four commonwealths co-operation with other states is proposed in
-accordance with the recent recommendation of President Taft addressed to
-the governors of several states. This urged an extension of rural
-credits and the provision of some plan similar to the land banks in
-foreign countries, to help the farmer get the necessary capital for a
-better system of agriculture. Minimum wage laws are proposed in five
-states. In two of these and one additional state public aid to dependent
-widows and mothers with children is recommended.
-
-Curiously enough, the reform of marriage laws and of those providing a
-remedy for desertion and non-support, a subject reported upon by the
-Uniform Law Commissioners, does not figure so largely in the governors'
-recommendations as would be supposed. The uniform law commissioners have
-proposed an excellent and very carefully worked out statute for uniform
-marriage and marriage license laws. This receives only partial
-endorsement at the hands of three governors, while stricter desertion
-and non-support laws also have the endorsement of three governors.
-
-Guarantee of bank deposits is proposed in three states and three of the
-western states (Arizona, Missouri and Tennessee) have recommendations
-for an extension of state authority, or the establishment of a state
-department, to induce immigrants to settle within their borders. A
-better regulation of prize-fighting is being agitated in Nevada. Its
-prohibition, along with that of gambling, is strongly urged by the
-governors of New Mexico and Oklahoma. The governor of Arizona asks for a
-statute prohibiting the carrying of concealed weapons, while the
-governor of South Carolina asks the legislature to repeal the present
-statute on this subject in that state.
-
-Non-partisan election of judges is recommended in Idaho and
-Pennsylvania, and the Kansas legislature is asked to petition for an
-amendment to the constitution of the United States to provide for the
-election of federal judges.
-
-Better care of juvenile delinquents, state-wide supervision of moving
-picture shows, stricter regulation of loan sharks, better inspection of
-mines, and compulsory arbitration of labor disputes are each recommended
-in at least one state.
-
-Thirty-nine legislatures have already met this year, and some of them
-have completed their legislative sessions. Two more will convene within
-the next three months, making forty-one in all which will play a part
-this year in the formulation of the statute law of the country. Our
-statute law is already increasing in volume at a rate that has caused
-some alarm. It is sorely in need of revision in many important
-particulars. Statesmen and reformers alike desire earnestly that it be
-undertaken with greater care and more painstaking labor in order that
-our state laws may give better expression to the present standards of
-conduct and to the needs of our own times.
-
-
-
-
-THE SAND BED
-
-CHARLES W. JEROME
-
-
- I have a sand bed, and I play
- There in the sand for half the day.
-
- And mother comes, and sits by me;
- And little sister likes to see
-
- The many things I make of sand.
- But she's too young to understand
-
- About the houses and the hills
- The mines and stores and flouring mills
-
- And then I make believe, and say
- My sand bed is the sunny bay;
-
- These blocks are boats, and far away
- They sail all night and sail all day,
-
- And carry iron. When they return
- They bring us coal that we may burn.
-
- And now my sand bed is a farm.
- This is the barn. Here, safe from harm,
-
- My horses and my cows I keep.
- These sheds are for the wooly sheep.
-
- And there you see my piggies's pens.
- This yard holds in the lively hens.
-
- This is the garden, where I hoe
- My plants; and here the flowers grow.
-
- These sticks are pines, so straight, so tall
- And dark. But these aren't half of all
-
- The things I make each pleasant day
- Out in the sand bed where I play.
-
-[Illustration: MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA, IN 1842
-
-A view of the town as it was before the "Gringo" came. Four years later
-during the Mexican War Commodore Stockton captured Monterey and left
-Walter Colton, a naval chaplain, in charge as Alcalde.]
-
-
-
-
-A JUDGE LINDSEY OF THE "IDLE FORTIES"
-
-LAURA B. EVERETT
-
-
-Under the colorless title Three Years in California was published in
-1850 the diary of Walter Colton, elected Alcalde of Monterey in 1846,
-who, during his term of office presented what was, for that day, a
-singular spectacle of tolerance, humanity and purity of administration.
-He can, indeed, be reasonably compared with Judge Lindsey in the courage
-and originality displayed in his dealings with the criminal cases
-brought before him.
-
-Colton's work in Monterey succeeded a period spent as editor of the
-Philadelphia _North American_, and he established later _The
-Californian_, the first newspaper published in California.
-
-The office of the Alcalde combined administrative and judicial functions
-and, not seldom, even legislative ones. Colton was oppressed by his
-power and its responsibility. "Such absolute disposal of questions
-affecting property and personal liberty," he observes, "never ought to
-be confided to one man. There is not a judge on any bench in England or
-the United States whose power is so absolute as that of the Alcalde of
-Monterey." But he brought to his work in all its details an unflagging
-zeal and constant personal attention which made his administration
-unique in the history of the time.
-
-In minor matters, where, as he says, "the Alcalde is himself the law,"
-Colton devised methods of appealing to the better instincts of the
-wrongdoer. "There is a string in every man's breast," he writes, "which,
-if you can rightly touch, will 'discourse music.'" Colton, we see from
-his diary, put a sensitive finger on this string in many a heart.
-
-His ideas of punishment belong to the present. "It is difficult," he
-says, "to discriminate between offences which flow from moral hardihood
-and those which result in a measure from untoward circumstances. There
-is a wide difference between the two; and an Alcalde under the Mexican
-law has a large scope in which to exercise his sense of moral justice.
-Better to err a furlong with mercy than a fathom with cruelty. Unmerited
-punishment never yet reformed its subject; to suppose it is a libel on
-the human soul."
-
-The following extracts from his account of cases brought before him are
-representative:
-
- "A lad of fourteen years was brought before me today charged with
- stealing a horse. The evidence of the larceny was conclusive, but
- what punishment to inflict was the question. We have no house of
- correction, and to sentence him to the ball and chain on the public
- works, among hardened culprits, was to cut off all hope of
- amendment and inflict an indelible stigma on the youth; so I sent
- for the father, who had no good reputation himself, and placing a
- riata in his hand, directed him to inflict twenty-four lashes on
- his thieving boy. He proceeded as far as twelve, when I stopped
- him; they were enough. They seemed inflicted by one attempting to
- atone in this form for his own transgressions. 'Inflict the rest,
- Soto, on your own evil example; if you had been upright yourself,
- you might expect truth and honesty in your boy. You are more
- responsible than this lad for his crime; you can never chastise him
- into the right path, and continue yourself to travel in the
- wrong.'"
-
- "Today I remitted the sentence of my prison cook. He is a Mulatto,
- a native of San Domingo; had drifted into California, was attached
- in a subordinate capacity to Colonel Fremont's battalion; and while
- the troops were quartered in town had robbed the drawer of a liquor
- shop of two hundred dollars. For this offence I had sentenced him
- to two years on the public works. Discovering early some reliable
- traits about the fellow, ... I soon made him cook to the rest of
- the prisoners, and allowed him the privilege of the town, so far as
- his duties in that capacity were required.... I have trusted him
- with money to purchase provisions, and he has faithfully accounted
- for every shilling. He has always been kind and attentive to the
- sick. For these faithful services I have remitted the remainder of
- his sentence, which would have confined him nine months longer, and
- have put him on a pay of thirty dollars per month as cook."
-
-The Alcalde settled family difficulties of all varieties, from the case
-of the grown son who struck his mother to that of the man who wanted a
-divorce because of suspicions he entertained of his wife's conduct
-during his absence in Mexico. The judge questioned the plaintiff
-severely as to his own behavior during the stay in Mexico, and convinced
-him that the wife, though indiscreet, was too good for him.
-
-[Illustration: From "_Sea and Shore_"
-
-WALTER COLTON
-
-Alcalde of Monterey in 1846. The position combined administrative,
-judicial and even legislative duties.]
-
-After nearly six months as Alcalde, Colton writes:
-
- "Of the women I have had to deal with here the washerwomen are the
- most unmanageable. Two of them entered my office today as full of
- fight as the feline antagonists of Kilkenny. It seems they had been
- washing in one of the pools created by the recent showers, when one
- had taken that part of the margin previously occupied by the other.
- War offensive and defensive immediately commenced. One drew a knife
- which had a blade two mortal inches in length, and the other a
- sharp ivory bodkin. But what their weapons wanted in terror, their
- ungentle anger supplied.
-
- "At last one cried out: 'The Alcalde'; the other echoed it, and
- both rushed to the office to have their difficulties settled. Their
- stories ran together like two conflicting rivulets forced into the
- same channel. When the tumult and bubble had a little subsided, I
- began cautiously to angle for the truth--a difficult trout to catch
- in such waters. But one darter after another was captured, till I
- had enough to form some opinion of those that had escaped. These we
- discussed till bitter feeling, like biting hunger, became appeased.
- Both went away declaring either margin of the pool good enough, and
- each urging on the other the first choice."
-
-One deficiency which Colton had to supply was the absence of a
-penitentiary system. To quote:
-
- "There are no workhouses here, no buildings adapted to the purpose,
- no tools and no trades. The custom has been to fine Spaniards and
- whip Indians. The discrimination is unjust, and the punishment
- ill-suited to the ends proposed. I have substituted labor, and now
- have eight Indians, three Californians, and one Englishman at work
- making adobes [sun-dried bricks]. They have all been sentenced for
- stealing horses or bullocks. I have given them their task; each is
- to make fifty adobes a day, and for all over this they are paid.
- They make seventy-five, and for the additional twenty-five each one
- gets as many cents. This is paid to them every Saturday night, and
- they are allowed to get with it anything but rum. They are
- comfortably lodged and fed by the government. I have appointed one
- of their number captain. They work in the field; require no other
- guard; not one of them has attempted to run away."
-
-Later, Colton had to deal with runaways; two Mexicans each telling him
-that the devil incited their flight, while one fellow who stayed behind
-in a jail delivery explained that he would not be seen running from
-Tophet in such company.
-
-Of a convict who escaped and was brought back Colton says:
-
- "If he will only stop stealing he may run to earth's utmost verge.
- He is rather a hardened character, but if he has a good vein in him
- I will try to find it. I always like to see a fellow get out of
- trouble, and sometimes I half forget his crimes in his misfortunes.
- This is not right, perhaps, in one situated as I am; but I cannot
- help it."
-
-[Illustration: THE FIRST PAPER PUBLISHED IN CALIFORNIA
-
-It measured only about 8x12 inches. The paper was established by Walter
-Colton who had had journalistic experience as editor of the Philadelphia
-_North American_. This issue was published scarcely a month after the
-American occupation.]
-
-Colton decided that a new school house was necessary--"to be sixty feet
-by thirty, two stories, with a handsome portico. The labor of the
-convicts, the taxes on rum, and the banks of the gamblers must put it
-up," he writes. "Some think my project impracticable; we shall
-see,"--and he gives the following account of how some gamblers were made
-to contribute to this enterprise:
-
- "A nest of gamblers arrived in town yesterday, and last evening,
- opened a Monte at the hotel."
-
-After stationing a file of soldiers at the outer doors, Colton entered
-to find no one, "save one Sonoranian, composedly smoking his cigarito. I
-desired the honor of an introduction to his companions. At this moment a
-feigned snore broke on my ear from a bed in the corner of the
-apartment."
-
- "'Ha! Dutre, is that you? Come, tumble up, and aid me in stirring
- out the rest.' He pointed under the bed, where I discovered a
- multitude of feet and legs radiating as from a common center."
-
- "'Hallo there, friends--turn out.'... Their plight and discovery
- threw them into a laugh at each other." He and his secretary found
- others "in every imaginable position--some in the beds, some under
- them, several in the closets, two in a hogshead, and one up a
- chimney. Mr. R---- from Missouri--known here as the
- 'prairie-wolf'--I found between two bed-ticks, half smothered with
- the feathers. He was the ringleader, and raises a Monte table
- wherever he goes, as regularly as a whale comes to the surface to
- blow. All shouted as he tumbled out from his ticks. Among the rest
- I found the Alcalde of San Francisco, a gentleman of education and
- refinement, who never plays himself, but who, on this occasion, had
- come to witness the excitement. I gathered them all, some fifty in
- number, into the large saloon, and told them the only speech I had
- to make was in the shape of a fine of twenty dollars each. The more
- astute began to demur on the plea of not guilty, as no cards and no
- money had been discovered, and as for beds, a man had as good a
- right to sleep under one as in it. I told them that was a matter of
- taste, misfortune often made strange bedfellows, and the only way
- to get out of the scrape was to pay up. Dr. W---- was the first to
- plank down.
-
- "'Come, my good fellows,' said the doctor, 'pay up, and no
- grumbling: this money goes to build a school house, where I hope
- our children will be taught better principles than they gather from
- the examples of their fathers.'"
-
-Of how the labor of the prisoners united with the money of gamblers to
-build the needed school, he writes:
-
- "One of the prisoners, an Englishman, ventured a criticism of the
- stonework of another prisoner, which revealed the fact of his being
- a stonecutter himself. I immediately set him at work at his old
- trade. But he feigned utter ignorance of it, and spoiled several
- blocks in making his feint good. I then ordered him into a deep
- well where the water had given out, to drill and blast rocks....
- Finding that the well was to be sunk some twenty feet deeper, ...
- he requested that he might be permitted to try his chisel again.
- Permission was given, and he is now shaping stones fit to be laid
- in the walls of a cathedral. He was taken up for disorderly
- conduct, and he is now at work on a school house, where the
- principles of good order are the first things to be taught."
-
-Colton gives an instance of trust justified on an occasion when, pressed
-for funds, he created a "trusty."
-
- "The most faithful and reliable guard that I have ever had over the
- prisoners is himself a prisoner. He had been a lieutenant in the
- Mexican army, and was sentenced, for a flagrant breach of the
- peace, to the public works for one year. I determined to make an
- experiment with this lieutenant; had him brought before me; ordered
- the ball and chain to be taken from his leg, and placed a
- double-barrelled gun, loaded and primed, in his hands.
-
- "'Take that musket and proceed with the prisoners to the stone
- quarry; return them to their cells before sunset, and report to
- me.'
-
- "'Your order, Senor Alcalde, shall be faithfully obeyed.'
-
- "A constable reconnoitered and found all well. At sunset the
- lieutenant entered the office, and reported the prisoners in their
- cells, and all safe.
-
- "'Very well, Jose, now make yourself safe, and that will do.' He
- accordingly returned to his prison, and from that day to this has
- been my most faithful and reliable guard."
-
- "If there is anything on earth besides religion for which I would
- die," Colton declares, "it is the right of trial by jury." And he
- impanelled the first jury ever summoned in California. One-third
- were Mexicans, one-third Californians, and the other third
- Americans. The plaintiff spoke in English, the defendant in French,
- the jury, save the Americans, Spanish--"and the witnesses all the
- languages known to California."
-
- "The inhabitants said it was what they liked--that there could be
- no bribery in it--that the opinion of twelve honest men should set
- the case forever at rest. And so it did, though neither party
- completely triumphed." He gives the credit for the satisfactory
- termination of this polyglot case to "the tact of Mr. Hartnell, the
- interpreter, and the absence of young lawyers."
-
-When Colton Hall, the first state capitol and the pride to this hour of
-Old Monterey, was completed, Colton writes:
-
- "The town hall on which I have been at work for more than a year is
- at last finished. It is built of a white stone"--now a beautiful
- deep cream--"quarried from a neighboring hill, and easily shaped.
- The lower apartments are for schools, the hall over them--seventy
- feet by thirty--is for public assemblies. It is not an edifice that
- would attract any attention among public buildings in the United
- States; but in California it is without a rival. It has been
- erected out of the slender proceeds of town lots, the labor of
- convicts, taxes on liquor shops, and fines on gamblers. The scheme
- was regarded with incredulity by many; but the building is
- finished, and the citizens have assembled in it and christened it
- with my name, which will go down to posterity with the odor of
- gamblers, convicts and tipplers. I leave it as an humble evidence
- of what may be accomplished by rigidly adhering to one purpose, and
- shrinking from no personal efforts necessary to its achievements. A
- prison has also been built, and mainly through the labor of
- convicts. Many a joke the rogues have cracked while constructing
- their own cage; but have worked so diligently I shall feel
- constrained to pardon out the less incorrigible."
-
-[Illustration: COLTON HALL
-
-The Capitol of California in 1849.]
-
-[Illustration: THE RIVER ROAD, KEENE VALLEY, NEW YORK]
-
-
-
-
-NEIGHBORLINESS AND A COUNTRY COMMUNITY
-
-SARAH LOWRIE
-
-
-With the growth of large cities in our country and the desertion of the
-farms for the town, there has been a less observable but quite as
-remarkable desertion of the city in favor of the country.
-
-One would suppose that these two migrations would so balance each other
-that neither the town nor the country would suffer by the exchange of
-citizens. It would be reasonable to hope that going to the country would
-bring just the right impetus needed by the stay-at-homes of each
-community to brace them into new life.
-
-But the thing has not worked out that way.
-
-However much the shops and offices of the cities may have benefited by
-the advent of the farmers' sons and daughters, and however much the real
-estate agents and provision merchants of the country may have benefited
-by the advent of the well-to-do towns-folk, the morale of the country
-town, the ideals of the country people and the amalgamation of the
-native men with their new neighbors into a better citizenship have not
-prospered. Nor have the city institutions been able to replace the men
-of affairs who, having ceased to use the city except as a means for
-carrying on their business, have transferred their family and their
-leisure interests into the country.
-
-The city churches, the city philanthropies, and the civic improvement
-organizations all tell the same tale: the rich men, the special
-executive men, the professional men, once their actual business
-engagements are over, turn their backs on the city with a sigh of relief
-and depart country-wards for rest and enjoyment for the night, for the
-week-end, and for the summer vacation. The city loses them, and they
-gain the country. But it must not be supposed that the country in any
-vital sense gains them. A man who has professedly moved from the town to
-the country for rest and pleasure, and who observably needs both, feels
-as free as a debutante to enjoy what is set before him in the way of
-diversion, with no moral obligation toward his neighbors but that of
-paying with a wry grin the outrageous prices levied upon all outsiders
-by the genial natives.
-
-Without quite meaning to, without indeed quite realizing it, the richer
-men and women of this country, especially in our eastern states, have so
-shifted the obligation of neighborliness that they have the air of being
-transients everywhere and neighbors nowhere. Even their country places
-are not theirs year in and year out for as long as a single generation.
-We Americans like to change our minds and there is no telling what kind
-of scenery or what style of architecture we may fancy next.
-
-One hears a great deal about the unfaithfulness of the Irish cook who
-may "up and leave" any day that she hears of a chance of "bettering
-herself" elsewhere; but the mistress's unrest is nothing to the plight
-of the farmer when one considers the lottery of the city folks. The
-gamble of his crops and the weather is nothing to this other gamble. For
-the farmer knows that no power under heaven can keep the city man
-satisfied with his site, his house with five bathrooms, his fancy
-chicken run, and his concrete garage if the whim should take his wife
-that the environment was no longer a suitable one for the children.
-There is no romance, therefore, to the farmer about either his potato
-crop or his city neighbor. He knows it is not philanthropy that led the
-city man to buy five acres of poor farm land at the highest notch price,
-and that no desire for his company has urged the new comer to plant his
-house on the other side of the back pasture. Being a sensible farmer he
-makes what profit he can out of his potatoes and his city neighbor
-before either crop has time to depreciate in value.
-
-[Illustration: QUARTERS OF VISITING NURSE]
-
-"What are you city people for, but to be skinned?" was the frank remark
-of one of my nearest country neighbors one day, apropos of an outrageous
-bit of sharp dealing on his part as property appraiser for that
-district. It was not a flattering summing up of a relationship, nor did
-its grim humor hide any more indulgent version of our economic value as
-neighbors. In fact we were not, nor ever had been accepted by him and
-his kind as neighbors. We were a crop. A crop more lucrative than his
-potatoes, but from our arbitrary and unexpected demands, and the
-shortness of our seasons, and the variation of our types a much more
-"pernickery" crop to deal with. Perhaps I should have been flattered by
-his frankness, but I was not! For the moment indeed, I even resolved to
-deal no more with him or his, but on second thought I concluded that,
-although he would be the loser of some $200, I would be out a
-wash-woman, a chore boy, many dozens of fresh eggs, many quarts of milk,
-a care-taker for the house during the winter, and an immunity from his
-cows in my garden in the summer. In fact, I stood to lose double as much
-as he, if peace of mind and leisure to enjoy my home could be computed
-in hard cash. I concluded therefore that it would not pay to get mad.
-
-But the remark rankled and in the end set this and that motive to work
-in my mind until my brain and heart became fallow ground for the
-cultivation of another sort of relationship than that of city folk and
-native, buyer and seller, employer and employed, or even giver and
-receiver. In the end we learned to be neighbors--he and I--not because
-his ground adjoined mine, but because we both began to feel a common
-civic interest in the same village and in the same country side, and
-because in a very particular and picturesque sense we both shared in an
-enterprise from which we both derived comfort and pleasure. The change
-in me was greater than the change in him for he had always been
-interested in the village life apart from his property, and apart from
-his comfort, and during all the year. The bond that brought us together
-was not the church, nor the library, nor the base-ball field--all
-donations in times past of the summer people to the natives, but it was
-the Neighborhood House, a donation from the country people and the
-summer people alike, not to any particular class but to all the dwellers
-in that mountain valley.
-
-Of course, I realize that the particular Neighborhood House, which fits
-so well the need of our valley, might not do for just any valley. For
-instance, our valley in the Adirondacks has a scattered population of
-nearly a thousand people with two villages about five miles apart, and
-several little settlements here and there among the hills. In the larger
-village there are perhaps one hundred children in the school. The
-nearest hospital lies twenty-four miles across a mountain road, and
-several hours by boat across Lake Champlain at Burlington, Vt. An
-infirmary that could be used by the natives for long illnesses, and by
-the city cottagers for emergency operations was vitally needed; so our
-Neighborhood House has a sunny airy infirmary and a perfectly equipped
-little operating room.
-
-Our village and the country people and the lumber camps back in the
-mountains can only depend on the services of two physicians, one of them
-an old and feeble man. To supplement their visits and for emergency
-calls for the summer visitors a district nurse was needed, so a
-bed-room, bath-room, and pleasant sitting-room for such a nurse were
-planned in the Neighborhood house to connect with the infirmary. To
-supplement the somewhat limited primary grades in the village schools
-and to provide occupation for restless little city children, a summer
-kindergarten had been established and proved most successful, so on the
-lower floor of the Neighborhood House a large, many-windowed room was
-set apart to be used, not only for this purpose, but for adult classes
-in domestic science, sewing, embroidery and dancing. There was no proper
-room in the village for fairs, church suppers, glee clubs, rehearsals,
-informal village meetings, etc. There was added, therefore, to this
-large room a kitchen to be used in connection with it for such
-entertainments and for cooking classes. There had been a successful
-men's club in the village for years, but the women and girls had no
-common meeting place and indeed no real center of interest outside their
-homes. A woman's club room therefore was made an important part of our
-Neighborhood House. It has an open fireplace, a store closet and
-cupboards, a writing table, tea and game tables, comfortable chairs, and
-a pretty color scheme, with prints and water colors on the wall,
-oriental rugs on the hardwood floors, pleasant chintzes, books, and
-flower bowls.
-
-[Illustration: CORNER OF WOMEN'S CLUB]
-
-Though the village women had been long accustomed to make extra
-pin-money by selling eggs, maple sugar, balsam pillows, bread and cake,
-and rag-carpet rugs, there has been no store where these things could be
-ordered. We set apart one room in our Neighborhood House, therefore, for
-a Village Exchange, which was open for three months in the summer.
-During the winter months this pleasant little room was used by the boys
-for a game room. There was no hotel or even boarding house in the
-village for transient guests, which remained open throughout the winter;
-so two guest rooms were set aside in our Neighborhood House to be used
-by the strangers, lecturers, clergymen, visiting surgeons, and city
-visitors who might pass that way during the late autumn and the winter
-months.
-
-Neither the village people nor the summer cottagers were well supplied
-with sick room appliances, and among the poorer citizens of the valley
-there was even a lack of necessary articles for confinement cases, while
-crutches, invalid chairs, and wheel chairs were difficult to procure in
-an emergency by rich and poor alike. So an emergency closet, stocked
-with such things was set aside for general use in the Neighborhood
-House. The rooms in the rest of the house were the house dining-room and
-kitchen, the pantry, cool room, linen and store closet, the stewardess's
-bed-room, and an up-stairs sleeping porch for the infirmary, and a
-splendid attic. Outside the house were the wood shed, earth closet, tool
-shed and ice house, an ample vegetable and fruit garden, a lawn space
-for croquet and tether ball, a small flower and shrub garden, and wide
-verandas.
-
-The house was originally a boarding house, and the only additions which
-had to be made to the original structure were the cellar, summer kitchen
-and the sleeping porch. The total cost of these additions and of the
-equipment and alterations including all gifts came to about $3,000. The
-original purchase price of the property was $2500. The cost of
-maintaining the house including the salary of the visiting nurse, the
-wages of the stewardess, and all household expenses, as well as the
-expenses of the summer school, extra service, etc., amount to about
-$2,500 yearly. The income derived from patients in the infirmary,
-transients boarding in the house, and out-patients' fees, exchange dues,
-etc., amount to about $700 a year.
-
-I suppose in different localities expenses of such an enterprise as the
-Neighborhood House would be dealt with in a variety of ways. In our
-valley a number of men and women bought the property and made the
-fundamental improvements. An association was then formed comprising as
-many of the citizens of the valley as cared to join. The annual dues for
-each associate member were fixed at one dollar. To this association the
-owners of the property leased the house and grounds for a period of
-several years. The duties of the association were to pay the taxes and
-maintain the property in good condition, and their privileges were to
-use the property for the benefit of the members of the association and,
-as they saw fit, for the general good of the community.
-
-There were three kinds of memberships in the association:
-
- Active members $ 1
- Contributing members 10
- Sustaining members 50
-
-Through this means the annual income of the Neighborhood House
-Association amounts to about $1,800, irrespective of the income derived
-from the fees, etc., mentioned above. Without any great strain on any
-one's purse, therefore, the house has been maintained by the association
-without a deficit.
-
-[Illustration: A HOMELIKE CORNER]
-
-[Illustration: LOOKING INTO THE SCHOOL ROOM]
-
-Towards the equipment of the house gifts were received to the amount of
-$2,635.82. But besides these gifts of money, the village people
-themselves donated both labor and building materials and furniture and
-rugs. The summer kitchen, so far as labor was concerned, was the gift of
-the village carpenters. The infirmary was furnished principally by the
-women and the girls of the village who raised the money among
-themselves. The farmers of the neighborhood donated wood, potatoes,
-apples, etc., to the store closet. One man donated his weekly Sunday
-paper, another the vines for the porches. One New York physician, whose
-child had profited by the care of the visiting nurse, gave the sleeping
-porch, three or four of the other physicians who had summer cottages
-gave the surgical instruments for the operating room, the children of
-the village brought plants for the garden, one old lady knitted
-washcloths for the bath-room, the village house painter helped hang all
-the pictures and the bracket-lamps, and the village artist helped raise
-the money for the emergency closet by painting the scenery for the
-benefit play. There was really a chance for every one to give to that
-house, and with but few exceptions, every one did give, not only
-willingly and generously, but eagerly and joyfully.
-
-And because each in his or her way had had a share in making that house
-a Neighborhood House, the valley people, natives and cottagers alike,
-promptly and without any self-consciousness turned heartily in and used
-the house. It had never occurred to most of us that the village had
-needed such a house, indeed the woman whose beautiful thought it was,
-had died a year before the Neighborhood House Association was so much as
-spoken of; but once it stood there, warm and glowing with its happy life
-that winter night of its opening, there was no question as to its
-usefulness all day long, summer and winter, in most of our minds.
-
-During the past year the visiting nurse has been occupied in and out of
-the House over 2,600 hours and has treated fifty-four cases; the
-infirmary has had seven patients with 160 hospital days; from the
-emergency cupboard 300 loans have been made. The Women's Club has
-eighty-two members and has met weekly for lectures and socials. The
-Girls' Club with twenty-seven members has met once and sometimes twice
-weekly. The Glee Club has held many rehearsals and gave a concert in
-May. The sales from the exchange, open only in the summer, in two years
-have amounted to about $900.00. The Village Improvement Committee has
-held two farmers' institutes, has made progress in securing good side
-walks, has planned for improved roads and tree planting, and has
-arranged for a prize essay and oratorical contest by pupils of the
-public school. During the past year there were about 5400 visits to the
-house; the largest number of visits in one month was 1064 in December.
-
-The question may well be asked, however: Who guides these clubs and
-classes, who arranges for these parties, who welcomes these guests, who
-sees to it that the house is clean and orderly, that the meals are
-properly served, that the patients are well looked after, that the
-stewardess is up to her work? Who is the hostess, and who, at the close
-of the house's festivities, speeds the parting guest? It would have to
-be a woman of tact and gentle blood, for the village people would not
-brook so much power lodged in any one who was less or even quite one of
-themselves. It would have to be a person who lived in the valley both
-winter and summer and who thus understood the conditions of both the
-summer and winter life. It would also require one who understood the
-care of an infirmary, as well as the care of the house, who could devise
-sick room diet, as well as substantial meals for transient guests.
-Fortunately for our Neighborhood House we found such a woman in our
-visiting nurse and after some experimenting on other lines, she was made
-the head of the house. She is a social worker when she is not required
-in the infirmary or for out-patients, and when these last demand all or
-more than all of one nurse's time, an emergency nurse is procured who
-works under the head of the house.
-
-The fact that this head is a nurse has made our social worker the
-confidant of many families to which another outsider would find but a
-coolly polite welcome. The fact that she is a social worker makes her
-interest in her cases widen to their families and remain after her
-professional duties are no longer needed. Being the head of the house,
-she can dictate as to the time of meals and the activities of the house
-for the good of the infirmary patients, yet being the social worker, the
-interest of the clubs and classes in the house are not needlessly
-sacrificed to the whims of her patients. Her training as a nurse and her
-experience has made her more executive than the ordinary young social
-worker, but her authority as head of a house of so many interests and as
-executive for so active and powerful an association, gives her prestige,
-and with that prestige a power for self-development which utilizes the
-best qualities she possesses. Moreover, in a country district such as
-our valley, where sickness is the exception, a nurse who was confined to
-her profession would have much idle time on her hands, and a social
-worker who was solely a social worker might be discouraged as to the
-slowness of the growth of her ideals in the minds of those about her.
-For where people live twenty-five miles from the railroad, tomorrow is
-always as good as today for beginning a new work. The women are, to say
-the least, conservative, and the girls are shy about showing enthusiasm
-for a new idea. The audiences for lectures arrive with sublime
-dilatoriness, and the boys stay outside until they are quite sure that
-what is going on inside is a roaring success.
-
-Of course, the head of the house has a comprehending executive committee
-behind her. Of course, too, each department of the Neighborhood House,
-infirmary, summer school, exchange, clubs, etc., has its own committee
-and chairman. Her responsibilities, also, are only those of a trusted
-agent and all her reports are filed for the benefit of the Association,
-so that while each department depends practically upon her, she in her
-turn depends upon each committee and upon the executive committee and
-above all upon the able president of that committee for her inspiration
-and encouragement in carrying out her share of the usefulness of the
-house. All these good things did not come the first night the house was
-open. They are fruits of a happy growth. There have been many minor
-difficulties and prejudices and some evils to overcome. The prejudices
-died easiest, one of them, the fear that Neighborhood House provided for
-needs that did not exist, went most quickly of all.
-
-Last summer when an army officer from West Point lay convalescing in one
-room, sharing his nurse with a little blind pauper baby, there was no
-doubt as to the need of an infirmary for rich and poor. When the
-exchange, which sold impartially the rag rug made by a guide's wife, the
-oil painting of an artist, and the home-made candy of a school child,
-and turned in $500 profits to its members, there was no doubt as to the
-democratic practicability of the exchange. When the women came from the
-Adirondack Club, and from the summer cottages to debate with the women
-of the village on domestic science, there was no question as to the
-success of the Woman's Club. And when the women of the church sewing
-society came to count their gains from the country supper, and the
-village Glee Club met to rehearse for its great concert, and the boys
-invited the girls to their birthday suppers and the girls invited the
-boys to their dancing classes, and the young married people of the
-village invited last year's debutantes of far away cities to teach them
-new figures and steps, and the clergymen who supplied the village church
-and the lecturers sent by the government to answer the farmers'
-questions about agriculture, all shared the hospitality of the house,
-there remained no doubt in any one's mind as to its great usefulness to
-the entire community.
-
-As to whether it has made neighbors of us all in the spiritual sense--as
-loving one another as we love ourselves--that has not become noticeable
-to a degree which has affected the price of eggs! And yet I noticed with
-a pleasant thrill at my heart last summer that when a woman, quite two
-miles away from my cottage, came down from her porch with a loaf of
-bread which she insisted upon my taking as a gift from her baking
-because she knew the bakery was shut and that I was in a sudden stress,
-she called me: "Neighbor!" "For goodness' sake!" said she. "Don't you
-dare to pay me. You'd do the same for me, I just guess! Aren't we
-neighbors?"
-
-Yes, surely we are neighbors--we city folk and country folk! But it took
-the Neighborhood House to teach us as a community the beginnings of the
-art of neighborliness.
-
-[Illustration: THE NEIGHBORHOOD HOUSE IN WINTER]
-
-
-
-
-A NEW MINISTER TO MINDS DISEASED
-
-MICHAEL M. DAVIS, Jr.
-
-DIRECTOR BOSTON DISPENSARY
-
-AND
-
-MABEL R. WILSON
-
-SOCIAL WORKER, MENTAL CLINIC, BOSTON DISPENSARY
-
-
-Early last June Mrs. R., a rosy-cheeked, attractive Irish-American woman
-of thirty years, came to the mental clinic of the Boston Dispensary in a
-depressed and emotional condition. She was obsessed by the idea that
-every one in the world had syphilis, and that she in particular was a
-menace to her husband and their three young children. So firm was this
-conviction that she had seriously contemplated suicide.
-
-Four years previously Mrs. R. had shown distinct manifestations of
-syphilis, and had received medical treatment. The infection the
-physicians believed was accidental, and the husband and children had
-proved, upon examination, to be free from any symptoms. For over a year
-in Mrs. R.'s case Wassermann tests had indicated that the disease had
-been cured; but the doctor's assurances were of no avail.
-
-The blackness of this patient's depression had almost wrecked her home.
-For months she had not prepared a single meal. The patience of her
-relatives and friends and of the priest of her church--who considered
-her what she looked, the picture of health--was entirely exhausted.
-
-Ordinarily the income of the family was sufficient for self-support. Mr.
-R., a bright, clean-looking young bar-tender, who was well thought of by
-his employers, earned $18 a week. He had been making a desperate effort
-to meet the extra expenses due to his wife's illness. The strain was
-beginning to tell upon him, however, and the health of the children was
-also falling below normal. The family lived in a five-room tenement in a
-congested and undesirable neighborhood. Mrs. R. for this reason worried
-constantly about the possible bad influences upon her two elder
-children, who were just beginning to go to school.
-
-Thus the mental clinic faced an acute situation. If it were not
-effectively dealt with it would, at worst, terminate in suicide, and, at
-best, in breaking up a promising family.
-
-The facts just recited were, of course, not secured at the physician's
-first interview with Mrs. R., but were in part gained by the social
-worker in the clinic and at the home. It was apparent that the home
-situation must be considered as well as the medical problem. There was
-clearly a joint task for the social worker and the mental specialist.
-Consultation led to the conclusion that the home arrangements would have
-to be changed until Mrs. R. was able to undertake housekeeping again. A
-long month of explanation and persuasion passed before the family,
-friends, and priest were converted to a plan which involved the
-temporary dissolution of the home. Consent was finally obtained, and the
-children were placed by a children's agency. Probably most important of
-all, the earnest co-operation of the patient herself was won. For four
-months she reported at the clinic two or three times a week. After the
-many interviews held with her by doctor and social worker, her
-depression gradually cleared up, and she became ready to take up the
-battle of life again.
-
-As improvement grew more marked, the doctor advised that she should work
-three hours each day outside her home. Three hours' work every day in a
-good restaurant was secured. The benefit was so marked that after a
-month the doctor suggested that the working time be doubled.
-
-Mrs. R. now reports weekly to the clinic, but her depression has
-disappeared. She is cheerful, interested in life, and is looking forward
-to the re-establishment of her home this spring.
-
-Recent conferences on mental hygiene have emphasized the fact that the
-traditional conception of mental disease, raving insanity, is far behind
-the times. We recognize today that there are in the community all
-classes of mental disorders, from the maniac or imbecile to persons who
-are "just a little queer," or who, like Mrs. R., have a definite and
-curable obsession.
-
-The time has also gone by when we associated the treatment of mental
-disease with the straight-jacket. The hopelessly defective and insane
-must indeed be segregated in institutions. But it is public economy to
-diagnose and treat the great mass of incipient and curable cases of
-mental disorder, since these, if uncared for, mean the wrecking of
-lives, the breaking up of families, and material loss to the community.
-The psychopathic clinic, or clinic for mental diseases, is an agency the
-importance of which is now recognized by all who have given attention to
-this field. Such clinics have usually been conducted in hospitals or
-institutions which specialized in mental disorders. They have rarely
-been managed as adjuncts of general hospitals or dispensaries. There is
-a distinct place for them in this connection, however, for in this way
-they catch patients who do not know that their troubles are really
-symptoms of mental disease.
-
-Mrs. R.'s case illustrates not only the service of such a mental clinic,
-but also the two chief agents in achieving the service, the
-physician--specialist in mental diseases--and his aide, the social
-worker. Mrs. R.'s case belongs to one of three classes of mental disease
-which such a clinic can benefit--the incipient type. The second class
-comprises cases of mental defect which require diagnosis and
-institutional care.
-
-For example. Mrs. B., a middle-aged Irish woman, came to the clinic much
-excited, fancying that people were locking her into her rooms. Among
-other delusions she feared that she might injure her two children.
-
- The doctor diagnosed her case as involutional insanity, and thought
- that immediate arrangements were desirable for her entrance into an
- insane hospital as a voluntary patient. Mrs. B. did not remember
- her street number, and undoubtedly she would have been a "lost"
- patient if the social worker had not taken her home. Arrangements
- were made and carried out for a transfer to the insane hospital
- that same afternoon, and a children's agency agreed to assume
- supervision of the children during Mrs. B.'s absence. The help of a
- friendly landlady was also enlisted.
-
- Within three months Mrs. B. was discharged from the insane hospital
- in excellent condition, with the understanding that she should
- report regularly at the clinic. Her improvement continues. She is
- at present earning good wages as a housekeeper and looks forward in
- the future to a little store and the re-establishment of a home for
- her children.
-
- Another illustration of this type is Mr. D., a German forty-eight
- years old, who has been in the United States twenty years.
-
- * * * * *
-
- Mr. D. became known at the dispensary through his wife, who had
- been a patient. The man went on periodic "sprees" at this time,
- apparently because his work as an order clerk had occasioned
- considerable nervous strain. Temporary financial assistance and a
- new job outside of Boston, seemed to put the man on his feet again;
- and, with a happier home life, his wife's health improved.
-
- In a short time, however, distinct symptoms of mental disorder
- began to manifest themselves. Mr. D. talked much to himself, and
- was haunted by doubt in everything that he did. If he put on his
- hat he was forced to step in front of the mirror several times to
- be sure that the hat was really on his head. After completing a
- piece of work, he returned many times to make sure that it was
- really done. Occasionally he remained at home in bed, because his
- fellow workmen, noting his peculiar actions, had laughed at him.
- Upon this basis a fear of meeting people grew up, and he shunned
- every one. Once or twice he approached his wife threateningly. The
- superintendent feared to keep him at the factory any longer, and
- discharged him. After a careful medical examination, the prognosis
- for the patient was not very favorable. A possible outcome was an
- active and incurable form of insanity. It seemed necessary, in
- order to have a reasonable hope of cure, that a radical change of
- life be made.
-
- Therefore, Mr. D. was induced to go as a volunteer patient to a
- hospital for the insane. There he remained six months, during which
- time, with the assistance of the Associated Charities, suitable
- quarters and light work were found for his wife. Mr. D. was allowed
- to visit her weekly, until she became ill with an attack of
- Bright's disease, which, complicated by cardiac symptoms,
- occasioned her death. This loss retarded Mr. D's. recovery; but, at
- the end of six months the hospital considered him sufficiently
- improved to be discharged to the dispensary for continued
- observation.
-
- At present, six months after his discharge, the situation is very
- encouraging. Mr. D. is working most satisfactorily as a porter for
- a large department store. He has secured an excellent room with
- some old friends, has given up drinking, and, from his twelve
- dollars a week, is paying back the advances made by the Associated
- Charities. His "insanity of doubt" seems to have vanished, and his
- outlook upon life is once more interested and hopeful.
-
-Still another case is that of R., a boy of eleven years. He was born in
-Russia, of Russian Jewish parentage and has been in the United States
-six years:--
-
- R.'s own story of his first visit to the mental clinic, was in a
- manic condition and talked incoherently. A week before his
- appearance at the dispensary the child had returned from school in
- a much disturbed state. Since that day he had not been able to
- sleep, and had manifested great nervous depression with
- hallucinations and had attempted several times to jump from the
- window.
-
- R.'s own story to the physician was broken and confused. He talked
- much of having been forced by his teacher to go down on his knees,
- and insisted that his hair was on fire. He appeared a sensitive and
- intelligent child.
-
- Investigation revealed no history of mental disease throughout the
- families of both father and mother. A home visit by the social
- worker showed that the family of seven lived in a four room
- tenement in a congested and noisy Jewish section. The father was a
- tailor with an irregular income.
-
- The boy was immediately sent to the psychopathic ward of the Boston
- State Hospital, where the diagnosis of acute insanity was confirmed
- and a week later R. was committed to the Danvers State Hospital. A
- co-operative connection was established between the social worker
- and the hospital physicians at Danvers who were in charge of the
- case. After he had sufficiently recovered, the plan was made that
- R. was to be placed in the country under the supervision of one of
- the children's societies for a period of at least six months. Dr.
- Mitchell, superintendent of the Danvers State Hospital, wrote in
- approval of this arrangement.
-
- The plan was carried out with most successful results. At the end
- of six months he was released from the parole of Danvers State
- Hospital and returned to his home to report once a month to the
- mental clinic at the dispensary.
-
- The social work in this case was not confined entirely to
- arrangements for the boy, but extended to the preparation of the
- family for his return, which involved moving to a less congested
- neighborhood in a Jewish section of a Boston suburb. It was also
- necessary to arrange for his attendance in an open air class, win
- his teacher's interest and co-operation, and educate the father to
- a realization of the need of discipline, the value of regular hours
- for eating and sleeping, the desirability that the boy should sleep
- alone, and the danger of exciting recreations.
-
- R. has now been at his own home for twelve months. A recent entry
- on the medical record states: "Patient in excellent physical and
- mental condition."
-
-The third class includes patients who have been discharged from insane
-hospitals as cured, or as so much improved that they should be able to
-maintain themselves and take part in family life again.
-
-This work of after-care is extremely important. Many cases of mental
-disease can be safely discharged from an insane hospital if there is
-assurance that they will be properly followed up in their homes. Such
-supervision requires the joint efforts of the physician and the social
-worker.
-
-Miss C., for instance, a woman of thirty-three years, was sent to the
-clinic for after-care, by arrangement with the superintendent of the
-insane hospital to which she had twice been sent for maniac-depressive
-insanity. Her mother had also been a patient for years in the same
-hospital. During the first weeks of her treatment at the clinic, she was
-still nervous, complained of gnawing sensations in the back of her head,
-and dreaded to ride in the street cars. When sitting, she constantly
-pulled and twitched different parts of her clothing, beat upon the floor
-with one foot, and kept one hand on her head, using the other one alone.
-She lived with a married sister who was in comfortable circumstances,
-and worked for her brother in an unprofitable little plumber's shop,
-which he apparently kept mainly to afford employment for Miss C. and a
-younger brother.
-
-With this history it was plain that careful oversight and regular
-clinical visits were necessary to prevent future attacks. Advice and
-encouragement were given with the object of stimulating Miss C.'s normal
-interests and of persuading her to return to wholesome companionship.
-During the summer of 1912 it was decided to remove Miss C. entirely from
-home associations, and a desirable position as housekeeper was secured
-in the country. There she gained in weight and spirits, and acquired
-valuable experience. She still comes regularly to the clinic, and the
-medical and social prognosis seems favorable.
-
-The value of organized social service in connection with the clinic for
-mental diseases has been strikingly shown since its recent establishment
-at the Boston Dispensary. In the department for mental diseases in this
-institution, which is a large and long-established dispensary taking all
-classes of diseases, a trained social worker was set at work in January,
-1912. At the expiration of a year an efficiency test was made, comparing
-the clinic during 1911, when the medical staff had no social worker to
-assist them, with 1912, when she was at their service. The following
-table summarizes this test:
-
- Increase
- 1911 1912 Per Cent
-
- New Patients 125 213 70
- Old Patients no record 100 --
- Visits by New Patients 388 909 134
- Visits by All Patients 516 1568 203
- Cured or Substantially
- Improved 19% 22% 16
- Cases Pending at End of
- Year[8] 2% 22% 1000
- Transferred to Other
- Agencies 16% 49% 206
- Patients Lost 27% 5.6% 90[9]
- Relative Efficiency 43% 94% 118
-
-[8] The increase of "cases pending" is due to the organized medical and
-social follow-up work, whereby the patients are held at the clinic until
-the physician feels that they may safely be discharged. Without this
-service the cases do not "pend" because they are lost.
-
-[9] Decrease.
-
-The gist of these statistics is that, with the aid of a trained social
-worker, it is possible to treat certain forms of mental disease
-effectively in an out-patient clinic. The physician becomes able to keep
-a grip upon all patients that he wants to hold. There is practically a
-closed circle, and the results of treatment bear favorable comparison
-with private work. It is not too much to say that such a clinic,
-provided with a staff of interested mental specialists and with trained
-social workers, can perform an important function in treating mental
-disease and preventing its spread in the community.[10]
-
-[10] The preventive work of the clinic takes place in two ways: first, by
-diagnosing cases of mental defect that ought to have institutional care,
-and in securing this care for them by placing them or inducing their
-families to consent to place them in the proper Institution; second, by
-the education of patients and their families in habits of life and
-principles of mental hygiene which establish a home environment
-favorable to the preservation of mental health.
-
-The social worker at the Boston Dispensary works actually in the clinic.
-Here she meets each new patient and takes a careful social history,
-usually before the patient sees the physician. Often she is present when
-the doctor interviews the patient, and always, after this interview, the
-physician consults with the social worker. Then a plan of treatment is
-made which includes the social as well as the medical factors of the
-case. In a certain proportion of cases, home visits are not necessary.
-The efforts of the social worker in the clinic itself are sufficient to
-secure adequate treatment. Thus there appears a very important
-classification of the kinds of social work required:
-
- 1. Patients presenting acute family problems of poverty, ignorance,
- or undesirable home conditions and associations. These patients
- require home visits and intensive social work. In the mental clinic
- of the dispensary they constituted 48 per cent of the 141 patients.
-
- 2. Patients requiring a home visit simply for the purpose of
- insuring the patient's return to the clinic--that is, cases in
- which there were no complex home problems but in which it was
- necessary to go to the home once in order to persuade the patient
- to come back for treatment. This class at the Dispensary
- constituted 20 per cent.
-
- 3. Patients to whom it was possible to give effective treatment by
- clinical interviews only, without home visits. This class
- constituted 32 per cent.
-
-Inasmuch as the cost of the service per patient (estimating the time
-taken by the social worker) is enormously greater in class one than it
-is in class three, it is highly important to make this classification,
-and to keep a close watch upon the proportion of the different types, so
-that the cost of the work as a whole, with reference to its efficiency,
-can be accurately estimated.
-
-An efficiency study from this standpoint during 1912 leads to the
-conclusion that the average cost per patient (the complete treatment of
-a case) in class three is sixty cents; in class two, a dollar; in class
-one, four dollars. The medical service is given gratuitously by the
-physician. More extended studies in this and in other mental clinics
-should be made in order to work out the cost figures more accurately.
-
-There can be no doubt, however, that even if the cost of medical service
-were added, it is cheaper to treat mental diseases in the early stages,
-when patients can retain their places in the community, wholly or partly
-self-supporting, than to let the disease reach a point where permanent
-damage is done, and the insane hospital is the only resource.
-
-That out-patient clinics should fill an important place in the new
-nation-wide campaign for mental hygiene, there can be no doubt in the
-mind of any one who has given attention to the matter. That organized
-social service is not only a desirable accompaniment of such clinics,
-but an essential condition of their efficiency, is a demonstrable and
-measurable fact.
-
-
-
-
-CIVIL WAR IN THE WEST VIRGINIA COAL MINES
-
-HAROLD E. WEST
-
-[_The Survey has not had staff or means to send a special representative
-to the West Virginia coal fields to make an intensive investigation of
-the conditions in the strike area. That is the sort of social
-interpretation we shall hope to perform with the growth of the slender
-resources of the Survey Associates. We have done the next best
-thing--viz., turned to the most promising newspaper source._
-
-_It has been current gossip among journalists that the press of West
-Virginia could not be relied upon to tell the truth about the situation
-in the Kanawha Valley. Of the metropolitan newspapers which up to March
-had had staff representatives in the field, the accounts of the
-Baltimore Sun stood out. They did not mince matters in telling of the
-brutal murder by the strikers of the mine guard Stringer; nor did they
-hedge in publishing what was done by the Cabin Creek and Paint Creek
-Colliery Companies. Mr. West was the representative the Sun had sent
-into the field, and from him The Survey requested an article, only
-stipulating that it be fair to both sides and tell not only the events
-of the strike but the conditions back of them._
-
-_"The article may seem unduly to favor the miners," wrote the Baltimore
-Sun man in sending it in. "I went to West Virginia absolutely
-unprejudiced, with the idea of telling the truth about the situation. I
-found conditions I did not believe could exist in America, and I am no
-novice in the newspaper game, having seen some pretty raw things in my
-time. I told the truth about them, and am afraid I have gotten myself
-disliked."_
-
-_The fairness of the article is disputed by Neil Robinson, secretary of
-the West Virginia Mining Association. His protest is published in the
-forepart of the magazine._--Ed.]
-
-
-For nearly a year a state of turmoil amounting in practical effects to a
-civil war has existed in the coal fields of West Virginia. The situation
-centers in the Kanawha Valley, hardly more than twenty miles from
-Charleston, the capital of the state.
-
-The military power of the state has been used with only temporary
-effect; martial law has been declared and continues in force; the
-governor of the state has been defied and denounced from the state house
-steps and within his hearing; men and women have been thrown into prison
-and are still there for espousing the cause of the miners, and the grim
-hillsides of the canyons in which the mines are situated are dotted with
-the graves of men who have been arrayed against one another in this
-conflict between capital and labor.
-
-Of course, there have been errors and excesses on both sides. The men in
-the mines are not angels by any means, and neither are the men for whose
-profit they work. But there has been no profit on either side for the
-last year and it looks as if there would be none for a long time to
-come. The men of both sides are pretty good fellows away from the mines
-and the subject of mining; on the matter of mining, they show the
-obstinacy of men who look at a proposition from but one point of view,
-who see no justification of the position of those who oppose them and
-who seem to have lost absolutely the sense of proportion.
-
-If the efforts made by William B. Wilson, former Congressman from
-Pennsylvania and former secretary-treasurer of the United Mine Workers
-of America, to have a federal investigation of the situation early in
-the struggle, had been successful, the whole matter might have been
-settled long since. But his resolution calling for a congressional
-investigation was buried at the last session of Congress and was never
-resurrected.
-
-Wilson charged that a condition of peonage existed in the mines and that
-men were held there by force and compelled to work against their will.
-The coal operators denied this vehemently, at the same time fighting
-bitterly a federal inquiry. Evidence I was able to gather on a trip of
-investigation to the mines convinced me that a form of peonage does, or
-did, exist; that the miners were oppressed; that the rights guaranteed
-under the constitution were denied them; that the protection of the law
-of the state was withheld from them and the law openly defied and
-ignored by the coal operators. These things were done, apparently, not
-because the operators were cruel, but--the old story of
-dividends--because they thought it necessary that a balance be shown on
-the right side of the ledger, and because competitive conditions in the
-coal fields were such that more of this balance had to be produced from
-the men themselves than from the bleak hills in which they toil.
-
-The investigation is bound to come. Wilson is a cabinet member in the
-new administration, and could of his own volition carry it on under the
-broad terms of the act creating the new federal Department of Labor. But
-there is another agency which may look into the situation. When fellow
-members of the lower house balked Congressman Wilson's proposal, he
-interested Senator Borah of Idaho and the latter promised to introduce
-into the Senate, at the coming special session, a resolution calling for
-a full and complete investigation, by a committee of the Senate, of the
-whole situation in the West Virginia coal mines, including the question
-of peonage, the use of mine guards and other means of oppression. This
-would be a Senate resolution, it would not have to be concurred in by
-the House of Representatives, and it is understood that Secretary Wilson
-has votes enough pledged to pass it.
-
-Even the close of the strike which has been rumored the past fortnight
-would not make such a fundamental inquiry during the spring and summer
-inopportune, but rather a measure of precaution in anticipation of
-future labor conflicts in the region. The fact that such an inquiry has
-been actively contemplated is not generally known; information about it
-has not been published in the newspapers, but has been given me for use
-in THE SURVEY.
-
-
-_Backward View of the Trouble_
-
-The Kanawha trouble dates back about ten years. At that time the miners'
-condition was good, as things go for men in the coal fields, and the
-miners along Cabin Creek were organized. An ill-advised strike was
-called then, and it resulted in a disastrous defeat for the miners. This
-strike was ordered by officials of the union against the desire of the
-miners directly affected and it is charged by Cabin Creek miners that it
-was declared in the interest of the Ohio operators who desired to
-cripple their West Virginia competitors. Some of these operators have
-since admitted that they helped finance the strike. As long as the
-trouble lasted, operators in competitive fields could gobble the
-business of operators whose plants were shut down. Of course, after the
-men had been beaten and the strike broken and non-union conditions and
-wage scales went into effect, the competition was more bitter than it
-had been before, yet the pickings were good while they lasted. That,
-however, is all ancient history.
-
-Ever since the strike of a decade ago the men on Cabin Creek have been
-restless. Conditions were burdensome although they were not so bad on
-Paint Creek which was organized. The operators were out after business
-and they cut prices on coal to the limit in order to meet the
-competition of Illinois, Ohio and western Pennsylvania operators and get
-a share of the "lake trade." For the driving force behind this civil war
-in the hills of West Virginia is to be found in the coal bins of 10,000
-factories of the Middle West and beyond whose managers and workmen know
-little or nothing of the struggle.
-
-By "lake trade" is meant the coal that goes to ports on Lake Erie for
-transportation by steamer and barge to Detroit and as far as Duluth and
-Superior for distribution throughout the Northwest. All the trade that
-passes over the lakes, no matter what its ultimate destination, is known
-as the "lake trade." The Pittsburgh operators have held that the opening
-of the West Virginia fields was an economic blunder, that the lake
-demand was no greater than Pittsburgh and Ohio could supply, and that it
-was a mistake for the West Virginia operators to enter that field. The
-latter took the position that they had the coal, and did not propose to
-let it remain undeveloped because it would interfere with the market of
-the operators of other fields. They would mine their coal and would sell
-it wherever they could, and if they could grab a big share of the lake
-trade they proposed to do it. It has been a battle of millions.
-
-To strengthen their position the Pennsylvania operators have bought
-large blocks of West Virginia coal lands. The Lackawanna Coal Company
-has, for example, secured control of the principal operations on Paint
-Creek.
-
-The operators in the Ohio, Illinois, and most of the Pennsylvania
-fields, get out their coal under terms as to hours and wages imposed by
-their agreements with the United Mine Workers. In order to be in a
-position to meet the growing competition of the West Virginia fields on
-an even footing in the matter of labor, it is an open secret, that they
-have given aid and comfort to the union in the effort to organize the
-West Virginia field. They have been fighting on the other hand for a
-reduction in their own freight rates or an increase in those of their
-West Virginia competitors, they did not care which, as the consumer
-finally pays the bill. Until a comparatively recent time, the rate from
-the Pittsburgh district to Ashtabula and Cleveland has been 88 cents a
-ton, while to Toledo and Sandusky, the rates from the West Virginia
-field have been 97 cents and $1.12 a ton.
-
-Something more than a year ago the pressure on the railroads became so
-great that a meeting of the officers of the coal carrying roads and the
-operators from the Pittsburgh and the West Virginia districts was held
-in New York in an effort to settle the difficulty. No agreement could be
-reached and the roads, unable to resist the pressure of the Pittsburgh
-operators advanced the rate from the West Virginia fields 9-1/4 cents,
-making the differential in favor of the Pittsburgh field 18-1/4 instead
-of 9 cents.
-
-[Illustration: _Copyright by Underwood and Underwood._
-
-CONFISCATED ARMS AND AMMUNITION
-
-The revolvers and rifles were taken from both mine guards and strikers]
-
-The West Virginia operators appealed to the Interstate Commerce
-Commission for an investigation, and an order suspending the rate was
-granted. Then John W. Boilleau, a big operator in Pennsylvania, demanded
-a reduction of 50 or 55 cents a ton from the Pittsburgh district,
-further complicating the situation. Early last year, the Interstate
-Commerce Commission handed down a decision reducing the rate from the
-Pittsburgh district 10 cents and held that the Chesapeake and Ohio and
-the Kanawha and Michigan rates should remain as they had been but that
-the Norfolk and Western rate might be increased. This decision resulted
-in increasing the differential in favor of Pittsburgh to 19 cents.
-
-With this handicap in freight rates, the operators on Paint and Cabin
-creeks say that it is impossible for them to pay the union scale and
-submit to union conditions and keep going. It is a fact that although
-the average price of coal in West Virginia for 1911 was a cent above the
-price in 1910, many coal companies failed. Some mines have been operated
-by receivers while others have been closed down on the ground that coal
-cannot be produced at the mouth of the mines and put on the cars at the
-price it brings in the market. Others are just about coming out even
-while some are making money.
-
-
-_Profits from Mine or Men?_
-
-The strikers answer by charging that the losses and difficulties
-incident to competition are many of them paper losses and paper
-difficulties, that the mines would pay well under union conditions and
-rates of pay if the mines were not working on an inflated capitalization
-and were not endeavoring to earn money on a lot of watered stock.
-
-In one of the talks which I had with Neil Robinson, secretary of the
-West Virginia Mining Association, he went into the cost of production
-and told of the efforts of the Pittsburgh operators to shut the West
-Virginia coals out of the lake trade. He produced the calculations of G.
-W. Schleuderberg, general manager of the Pittsburgh Coal Company, which
-were given in the lake rate cases before the Interstate Commerce
-Commission, showing that the average cost of production in 52 mines,
-including general office expenses, depreciation, royalty, fuel,
-supplies, and labor, was 99.09 cents per ton of coal on cars.
-
-As against this, he showed a generalized statement, which he said was
-based on actual working conditions in the Kanawha splint coal mines
-indicating a cost of 99.11 cents on cars, a difference of two hundredths
-of a cent in favor of the Pittsburgh operators.
-
-The Schleuderberg figures showed a total labor cost of 72.16 cents a
-ton while Mr. Robinson's figures showed for the Kanawha fields a labor
-cost of 65.66 cents a ton, a difference in favor of the Kanawha fields
-of 6.5 cents, and if superintendence and certain other costs be
-included, a cost of 63.78 cents, which is a per ton difference in favor
-of the Kanawha fields of 3.38 cents. This would more than cover the
-increase asked by the miners which is half of the Cleveland compromise
-scale or approximately 2-1/2 cents a ton.
-
-[Illustration: _Courtesy of the Coal Age_
-
-ON GUARD
-
-A Cabin Creek rifle-woman before her tent.]
-
-Of course, there is the railroad differential in favor of Pittsburgh to
-be considered. In spite of the differential of 9 cents against the West
-Virginia field, which existed up to the time of the settlement of the
-lake trade cases by the Interstate Commerce Commission, the West
-Virginia operators shipped in 1910 to lake ports more than six million
-tons of coal, a growth of over four million tons since 1906; or 125 per
-cent and even with the differential spread to 19 cents, they are
-shipping coal as rapidly as they can mine it.
-
-The explanation of the Kanawa Valley miners is that in their efforts to
-capture the Lake Trade the West Virginia operators in competing with the
-Pittsburgh district operators have been selling coal at less than cost
-and making their profits out of their men.
-
-The miners told me that ever since the fight began their condition has
-been becoming harder and harder to bear. One of the men, answering my
-statement that the operators said they were barely meeting expenses
-said: "Damn it, I know there is no money in coal at 80 cents at the
-tipple; any fool knows that, but by God, they've got no right to take it
-out of us."
-
-And that in my judgment is about the truth of the situation. Or, as Neil
-Robinson explained to me in all seriousness: "Labor is simply a pawn in
-the game."
-
-Yet the game has cost the state, the operators and the miners millions
-of dollars and many lives, has caused untold hardship to women and their
-children, has engendered a bitterness that a generation in time will not
-heal and hatreds that will last a lifetime.
-
-In making that statement, I am convinced that Mr. Robinson did not know
-how it would sound to one who puts the well-being of men, women and
-children above the necessity of capital for dividends. He was simply
-stating a business fact. I had several talks with him in the course of
-my stay in the mine region and found him a cultivated, courteous man. I
-think I got his point of view which coincides with that of the operators
-generally. They seem to look upon labor as material, to be bought as
-cheaply as possible and to be utilized in the manner which will be most
-profitable to the mine investments.
-
-Whenever I went in to see him to discuss the situation he immediately
-produced account books, and books of statistics and began giving me
-figures. The whole case of the operators, he seemed to think, could be
-shown by the books and the balance sheet. He told me of tonnage, cost of
-production, railroad freight rates, yield on investment, the yield of
-competitive fields and the cost of operation in those fields,
-capitalization and rates of dividends. But of the human side, he had
-substantially nothing to say. Of the outrages of the miners--and they
-have been numerous--he spoke with bitterness, but of the outrages
-committed upon them he was silent.
-
-Of course, figures such as Mr. Robinson produced are important but they
-are not everything. The trouble is that the operators do not seem to be
-able to see beyond them into those desolate little cabins under the
-everlasting hills, to the rights of men, to the causes that make for
-anarchy--that have made for anarchy, in this very region.
-
-
-_The State at Stake_
-
-It is hard to tell just how many men have been out in recent months.
-Five thousand would be a fair estimate. And remarkable as it is, these
-men have been able to hold out through a winter--and winters are severe
-in those West Virginia mountains--and they enter the spring and the long
-season, when cold does not fight them from the ranks of their opponents,
-full of cheer and determined to continue the industrial war in which
-they have engaged.
-
-It must be remembered that this fight is not simply one between miners
-and operators on Paint and Cabin Creeks. It is localized there, but
-every miner and every operator in the state is involved more or less
-directly. It is really a fight for the unionizing of the entire coal
-fields of West Virginia, now largely non union.
-
-If the operators stamp out the effort to restore unionism on Paint and
-Cabin Creeks and prevent its going further than it has already gone on
-Coal River it will mean the checkmating of unionism in the coal fields
-of the state. Fights will be made, one after another, in places where
-the United Mine Workers have organizations and they will be broken up as
-they were broken up on Cabin Creek ten years ago. Once broken, they will
-not be permitted to be formed again.
-
-If, on the other hand, the miners win, their organization will be pushed
-first into one field, then into another, until the whole state shall
-have been unionized. It will take them years to do this. This explains
-the extreme bitterness of the present fight, each side practically
-staking its all on this one throw. Of course, the operators do not admit
-that they are battling to crush out unionism in the state and the
-officials of the mine workers' organization do not talk much about
-extending the fight to other fields if they win in this. That is their
-purpose, nevertheless.
-
-The miners are receiving assistance from other operators in non-union
-parts of the state. All the resources of the United Mine Workers of
-America are being thrown behind the miners. As explained to me by
-perhaps the most prominent man in the organization a few days ago, there
-is now no big fight on hand anywhere else in the country, and there has
-been none for a year. This has enabled the mine workers to collect a big
-fund and they are still collecting. The organization's war chest is kept
-in good shape by contributions from every mining district in the nation
-and all this will be poured into the Kanawha field if necessary. In
-addition to this, the miners again have the sympathy, if not the active
-co-operation, of the operators in the Pennsylvania, Illinois and Ohio
-fields where the union scale is paid.
-
-In fact, the operators in the fields which are organized look upon their
-brothers who have been able to prevent the union getting a hold in their
-operations very much as the union laborer looks upon the non-union
-laborer, although the operator is not so frank in expressing his
-opinion. He is perfectly willing to upset the labor conditions in his
-competitors' operations and aid the laborers in making their fights. And
-the operator in the unorganized field is perfectly willing to see his
-competitors' fields organized to the limit.
-
-The country in which this war between the miners and the coal companies
-is taking place is as wild as any that lies out of doors. Cabin Creek
-Junction is sixteen miles east of Charleston and Paint Creek Junction is
-seven miles further east. On Cabin Creek the railroad runs south along
-the bed of the creek sixteen miles to Kayford while on Paint Creek the
-road extends for twenty-two miles. These creeks are little streams,
-ordinarily, which sometimes reach the proportions of torrents, flowing
-along the bases of the mountains. The elevation of the creek beds above
-tide ranges from 800 to 1,000 feet, while the tops of the hills which
-rise abruptly on both sides of each creek are from 1,000 to 1,500 feet
-higher. The sides of these hills are so steep that only an experienced
-mountaineer can climb them, yet here and there near the creek beds the
-miners have raised little patches of corn and vegetables.
-
-[Illustration: MOTHER JONES]
-
-The workable veins of coal lie high up on the sides of these hills, and
-from each mine mouth a track leads to the coal tipple below from which
-the coal is dumped from the mine cars to the cars of the railroad which
-runs beneath the tipple. Here and there at the base of either of these
-ravines is a narrow strip of flat land, and on these flats, the mining
-villages are located. At places the bottom of the ravine is so narrow
-that there is not room for the railroad track, the creek bed and the
-county road, so the road runs along the bed of the creek and is
-impassable at times of high water and oftentimes in the winter.
-
-It is estimated that before the strike began, there were approximately
-10,000 men, women and children living along Cabin Creek and somewhat
-more than half that number along Paint Creek. A train runs up each creek
-in the morning and there is another in the afternoon and if you happen
-to miss the afternoon train out there is no way out except to walk, and
-walking is very difficult in that country.
-
-[Illustration: MINERS' HOMES LEASED FROM MINE OWNERS
-
-_Courtesy of the New York Sun_]
-
-For that reason little real news of the exact condition of affairs has
-reached the outside world. Newspaper men are decidedly unwelcome along
-the creeks; that is, their presence is distasteful to the mine owners.
-Few strangers had been allowed to enter the creeks for a long time prior
-to the entry of the militia last summer, without explaining their
-business to some man, and usually a man with a gun. Ordinarily a
-stranger would not get beyond the junction of the main line and the
-branch road. If the explanation of his business did not happen to be
-satisfactory, he was told to get out. If he demurred or showed a
-disposition to argue he was frequently beaten up. If he got up the line,
-his chances of getting beaten up were largely increased. One labor
-organizer told me that a couple of years ago he was pulled off a train
-and kicked into insensibility by the mine guards and when he recovered
-was made to "walk the creek" in water up to his waist because he had
-gone up Cabin Creek to see what the labor conditions were.
-
-
-_The Mine Guards_
-
-These mine guards are an institution all along the creeks in the
-non-union sections of the state. They are as a rule supplied by the
-Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency of Roanoke and Bluefield. It is said the
-total number in the mining regions of West Virginia reaches well up to
-2,500. Ordinarily they are recruited from the country towns of Virginia
-and West Virginia, preferably the towns in the hill country, and
-frequently have been the "bad men" of the towns from which they came.
-And these towns have produced some pretty hard characters. The ruffian
-of the West Virginia town would not take off his hat to the desperado of
-the wildest town of the wildest west.
-
-These Baldwin guards who are engaged by the mining companies to do their
-"rough work" take the place of the Pinkertons who formerly were used for
-such work by the coal companies. Since the Homestead strike in the steel
-mills years ago when the Pinkertons fired into the strikers and killed a
-number of them, this class of business has gradually drifted away from
-the Pinkertons and much of it has been acquired by the Baldwin-Felts
-agency.
-
-In explanation of the employment of these guards, the operators say that
-their property must be guarded, that the state does not give them
-sufficient protection. Men who do service as mine guards cannot be
-expected to be "ladylike." They deal with desperate characters and are
-constantly in peril. The guards act on the principle that they must
-strike first if they are to strike at all, and evidence shows that they
-have not the slightest hesitancy about striking first. The operators
-also say that it is necessary to require explanations of strangers in
-order to keep out labor agitators and to prevent the miners from being
-annoyed and threatened by them.
-
-No class of men on earth are more cordially hated by the miners than
-these same mine guards who are engaged to "protect" them from annoyance
-by outsiders. Before the state troops went into the region and took
-their rifles away from them, the mine guards went about everywhere, gun
-in hand, searching trains, halting strangers, ejecting undesirables,
-turning miners out of their houses and doing whatever "rough work" the
-companies felt they needed to have done. Stories of their brutality are
-told on every hand along the creeks. Some are unquestionably
-exaggerated, but the truth of many can be proved and has been proved.
-
-In spite of the work they do some of these Baldwin men seem to be decent
-enough chaps to those who are not "undesirable," and they are, for the
-most part, intelligent. But they are in the mines for a definite
-purpose. They understand what that purpose is and they have no hesitancy
-about "delivering the goods." They seem to have no illusions about their
-work. It pays well and if brutality is required, why, brutality "goes."
-Whenever possible they are clothed with some semblance of the authority
-of the law, either by being sworn in as railroad detectives, as
-constables or deputy sheriffs.
-
-But for all that a number have been indicted for offenses ranging from
-common assault to murder. In every case, however, bail has been ready
-and it is rare that charges against them have been brought to trial.
-Some of the assault cases in which they have figured have been of great
-brutality, yet rarely has any serious trouble resulted for the guards.
-They go about their work in a purely impersonal way. If a worker becomes
-too inquisitive, if he shows too much independence, or complains too
-much about his condition, he is beaten up some night as he passes under
-a coal tipple, but the man who does the beating has no feeling against
-him personally; it is simply a matter of business to him.
-
-Just what the services of the guards cost the coal companies is
-difficult to learn. The companies contract with the Baldwin-Felts agency
-for them and the sum they pay is kept a secret. It is generally
-understood that the guards get about $5 a day, or between $100 and $125
-a month. A man in the mines who knows one of them intimately told me he
-"picked up his gun" for $105 a month. When a man joins the Baldwins he
-"picks up his gun," and that stamps him forevermore with his former
-associates if they were of the laboring class as an enemy and a man who
-has turned his back on his class and his kind.
-
-[Illustration: _Courtesy of the United Mine Workers' Journal_
-
-A GROUP OF STRIKERS' CHILDREN]
-
-Unless the miners are beaten in this fight, and utterly and completely
-beaten, there will never be a settlement of the difficulty here until
-the mine guards are driven from the region. "The mine guards must go,"
-is the slogan of the striking miner everywhere. His going is of more
-importance than an increase in pay. There will be no lasting peace in
-the region until they are gone. All over the state when the situation in
-the Kanawha valley comes up for discussion you are told that the mine
-guards are at the bottom of the trouble. They are the Ishmaelites of the
-coal regions for their hands are supposed to be against every miner, and
-every miner's hand is raised against them. They go about in constant
-peril--they are paid to face danger and they face it all the time. But
-they are afraid, for they never know when they may get a charge of
-buckshot or a bullet from an old Springfield army rifle that will make a
-hole in a man's body big enough for you to put your fist in. A number of
-guards have been killed since the trouble began, and it is generally
-understood that some of these were buried by their fellows and nothing
-said about it, there being a disposition down in the mines not to let
-the other side know when either side scores and gets a man.
-
-
-_Beginning of Hostilities_
-
-Preparations for the warfare, which began in April of last year, had
-been going on for months before the actual opening of hostilities. The
-miners on Paint Creek began buying old Springfield rifles which the
-government had discarded and which were offered in quantities by junk
-dealers and department stores in Charleston. There had been rumors of
-trouble, and the Paint Creek miners who were organized had received
-intimations that Cabin Creek conditions would be established in their
-operations. There had been no mine guards on Paint Creek for they are
-seldom seen in union operations. The miners had received information
-that the operators would not sign the scale for the new year but would
-repudiate the union and bring in the guards.
-
-Their information proved correct. When the Kanawha Operators'
-Association met to consider the scale, the Paint Creek operators
-declined to sign it and withdrew from the association. The miners struck
-and the guards appeared over night. A big fight took place at Mucklow
-when the first blood was spilled in the trouble. It has been spilled in
-quantities since with more or less regularity.
-
-The companies immediately prepared for a long fight. Miners were evicted
-from their homes and many of them have since been living in tents
-furnished by the United Mine Workers. Machine guns were imported and
-mounted in concrete fortifications that were hurriedly built on the
-roofs of the company stores and mounted in positions of vantage in the
-hills. Whisky, cartridges, rifles and machine gun ammunition were
-brought in in large quantities.
-
-The strike spread at once to Cabin Creek and from the beginning the
-warfare has been more serious on Cabin Creek than it has been on Paint
-Creek. More machine guns were established on Cabin Creek than had been
-planted in Paint Creek. The situation grew so threatening that Governor
-Glasscock ordered out the militia early last August at the solicitation
-of the mine owners. By that time almost every man on Cabin Creek had his
-rifle and ammunition, hidden but where he could get at it without
-trouble. For the most part the arms were smuggled in over the hills. The
-mine owners informed Governor Glasscock that the miners were armed and
-were threatening to wipe out the mine guards, one of the guards, William
-Stringer, having been slain in a most brutal manner. The miners did not
-ask for protection, saying they could protect themselves. It is
-generally believed that they were waiting for some particularly bad move
-on the part of the guards, when they proposed to exterminate them if
-possible. The mine owners expected that when the troops came they would
-disarm the miners but allow the guards to retain their rifles, in other
-words, and to put it very plainly, they expected that the militia would
-be used as an additional force against the miners. But when the troops
-began disarming the guards as well as the miners they protested most
-vigorously. But for every rifle taken away from a guard in the early
-days of the trouble, dozens of new ones were brought in.
-
-[Illustration: _Courtesy of the United Mine Workers' Journal_
-
-A TENT VILLAGE OF STRIKERS
-
-The deserted town is in the background]
-
-
-_Martial Law_
-
-Governor Glasscock's attitude pleased neither the operators nor the
-strikers. The miners at the outset wanted him to proclaim martial law,
-to search the whole place, run out the guards, take their arms away from
-them and take the machine guns out of the improvised forts. They
-received the soldiers with open arms--no set of soldiers ever went into
-a strike region and received a heartier welcome. In the presence of the
-troops, the guards had no terrors for the miners, and even the children
-were unafraid.
-
-When martial law was really proclaimed, however, the strikers did not
-like it. The law was enforced with vigor and a number of the strikers
-were put in prison for violating the law against unlawful assemblages.
-The shoe had begun to pinch and it pinched pretty hard before the
-soldiers were withdrawn. It was a mistake to take away the troops before
-the strike had been definitely settled. It would have cost the state a
-good deal to have retained them after things quieted down, but if a
-comparatively small force had been kept, it is hardly likely that the
-recent trouble would have occurred, and it would not have been necessary
-to send the soldiers back and proclaim martial law a second time. Then
-many lives would have been saved.
-
-The trouble that followed the withdrawal of the troops could have been,
-it seems, foreseen by almost any one. One of the miners said when I was
-in the mines:
-
- "Hell is going to break loose here as soon as the troops are
- recalled unless the mine guards go out at the same time. They have
- it in for us and we have it in for them. As soon as the troops go
- out, we fellows who have been working to unionize this region are
- going to catch it. But when they start something the fun will
- begin.
-
- "If you want to see some hot doings just wait around until the
- troops go. Conditions such as prevail here are a disgrace. The like
- of them does not prevail in any civilized country on the globe. And
- we are not going to stand them any longer. I have never had to kill
- a man and hope never to be compelled to kill one, but I would kill
- a dozen of these guards as I would kill so many rats if they should
- attempt to lord it over us as they have been accustomed to do. And
- I would do it with a perfectly clear conscience."
-
-The man who made this statement was killed in one of the recent fights
-in the valley. I saw his name in the list of the dead.
-
-One of the things that give the coal operators such complete control of
-the men who work for them is the ownership of great tracts of land.
-Everywhere you are confronted with a notice that you are on private
-property.
-
-
-_Landlordism_
-
-Because the West Virginia mining villages are nearly all on private
-property, the operators owning the highways as well as the houses of the
-miners, they can control their going and coming and determine who may or
-may not visit them and talk with them. It is idle to say that the men
-can come and go as they please, as the operators claim. Each individual
-among them has the right to go from his home to the mine and back again
-and to travel on the county road, which is merely an excuse for a
-highway. But he has not the _right_ to go from his own home to that of a
-fellow workman nor has his wife and children. When they do so, it is by
-the sufferance of the mine owner, unless they go by the county road and
-then half the houses cannot be reached. It is idle to say that this
-power is not exercised by the operators. It is. I have seen it
-exercised, and this very fact contains a serious menace to the country.
-I talked it over one day with Governor Glasscock in the early days of
-the trouble.
-
-"How can it be remedied?" he asked. "The whole situation bristles with
-problems like this. In this case you are up against a man's
-constitutional right to control his property as he sees fit and to keep
-trespassers off it."
-
-Such a situation offers a serious problem in government. Take Cabin
-Creek alone, with its branches to Kayford and Decota. There are more
-than twenty square miles of territory in which live ordinarily about
-12,000 persons. In all that territory there is scarcely a place in which
-a man may go without being under surveillance, and except at the little
-"free" or incorporated town of Eskdale, hardly a house into which a
-friend may be invited for a drink of water except by the grace of the
-coal companies.
-
-The miners say that such a condition is un-American. They want it solved
-and they do not care how it is to be solved. While this matter is not
-put in the list of their demands, it is one of their serious grievances.
-Here are the things they are demanding:
-
- Abolition of the mine guard system.
-
- A reform in the system of docking.
-
- The employment of check-weighmen on the tipples to represent the
- miners and to be paid by the miners. The law provides for these
- check-weighmen, but this law is ignored by the coal companies.
-
- Permission for the men to trade where they please without
- discrimination against them for so doing.
-
- The payment of wages in cash every two weeks and not in script or
- credit cards.
-
- Improved sanitary conditions, with the requirement that the
- companies remove garbage and keep the houses in condition.
-
- Payment for mining coal on the basis of the short ton on which the
- coal is sold and not on the basis of the long ton, on which it is
- at present mined.
-
- Rentals of houses based on a fair return on their cost with
- allowance for upkeep and electric lights on the same basis.
-
- The nine hour day--the men now work ten hours.
-
- Recognition of the union. This implies, in the bituminous districts
- of the middle West, the check-off system by which the companies
- deduct from the pay envelopes of individual miners not only the
- charges for powder, rent, medical attention, store accounts, etc.,
- but also for union dues which are turned over to the union
- treasuries direct. This method of recognizing the union has been
- most vigorously opposed by the operators in the anthracite
- district.
-
- An increase in pay. This last the miners regard as the least vital
- of all their demands as a present issue.
-
-
-_Charges as to Peonage_
-
-It has been charged that a condition of peonage exists in some of the
-mining districts of the state. This is a subject on which the operators
-are very sensitive. They deny vehemently that such a thing is possible.
-
-Peonage, as it is usually understood, means compelling men to work under
-duress until debts they may owe are paid. It is a violation of state and
-federal laws.
-
-Men who come into the mines usually have little or no money. Sometimes
-their transportation into the mines is paid and they are charged with
-the cost of it on the books of the companies employing them. They are
-given a cabin to live in and if they have no money when they start and
-seem to want to go to work in good faith they are given credit for small
-amounts at the company stores. Accordingly, unless the miner is an
-unusually thrifty fellow, he is usually in debt at the start.
-
-Miners have told me that in the Cabin Creek region they are paid only
-once a month, but when they start in, they are not paid any cash for
-sixty days, the first month's pay being held back. In the meantime,
-however, after they have earned sufficient money to pay the rent and
-other charges in connection with their cabins, their school tax, burial
-tax of twenty-five cents a month, their assessment for the maintenance
-of the mine physician, and sometimes an item for "protection" which is
-an assessment for the pay of the mine guards they will, "on
-application" be given a "script card" entitling them to purchase from
-the company store goods to the amount indicated on the card. On the
-edges of the card are figures and the amounts purchased are punched out
-very much as the waiters in a quick lunch restaurant punch out the
-amount of a customers order on his check.
-
-[Illustration: _Courtesy of the New York Sun_
-
-SOLDIERS IN CAMP AT CABIN CREEK JUNCTION]
-
-These script cards will not, it is said, be given to a miner for the
-total amount which stands to his credit on the books of the mine
-company, but is usually for $2 or $3 if the man has that amount due him
-after deductions are made for rent in advance and other charges. If a
-man is very anxious however, to have some cash, a clerk in the store,
-will, it is said, discount his script card, charging him 25 per cent.
-
-For the first two months, then, the miner, who starts out in debt, has
-to get everything he needs from the company stores. The prices at these
-stores are high, much higher than the miner would have to pay elsewhere
-for exactly the same grade of stuff. For the most part, the grade of
-goods sold at the company stores is much higher than is usually
-purchased by laboring men and their wives when they buy where they
-please. Here are some of the prices I found prevailing at stores along
-Cabin Creek:
-
- Eggs 35 cents a dozen; "white bacon," pure fat and popularly known
- as "sow belly" 18 cents a pound; smoked bacon 22 cents a pound;
- white sugar 20 cents for a two pound bag; lard 15 cents a pound;
- brown sugar 15 cents a pound; coffee 30 cents a pound; tomatoes 15
- cents a can; peas 15 cents a can; corn two cans for 25 cents;
- cheese 30 cents a pound; bread 5 cents a loaf; flour $7 a barrel,
- and salt 5 cents for a two pound bag. Salt is not sold in bulk.
-
-Compelled to buy at high prices, it can be readily seen that a man
-cannot save much money, although it is a fact that a few of the very
-thrifty ones have rather respectable bank accounts. So when the average
-fellow starts out in debt, he usually stays in debt. His work is hard
-and he eats heartily when he can. Then the miners' wives have never been
-taught how to make much out of little or to conserve their resources, so
-there is naturally much waste in cooking, much is spoiled and much is
-poorly prepared.
-
-All this tends to keep the man in debt. At the end of his two month's
-work he may have couple of dollars coming to him or he may be still in
-debt and if he is in his house a day over the first of the month, rent
-in advance is charged against the first money he earns even though he
-and his family may be in need of food. Sometimes he does not get any
-cash for months, and you have to have cash to get out of the mines for
-the railroads will not permit the miners and their families to travel
-without paying fare.
-
-Most of these people have no one outside on whom they may call for help
-in leaving the district, and without money, they must stay in the mines
-and work. Heretofore their best means of getting out was to develop
-strong union tendencies and to talk about the necessity of organizing.
-Then, if they were not beaten up, their fare was sometimes paid, and
-their furniture and families moved to some other point. Once out,
-however, it would be unpleasant for them to try to get back.
-
-A point is made by the operators that they have offered to pay the fares
-of any of their men and of their families, including transportation
-charges on their household goods, to Charleston or to fields operating
-under union conditions. It is a fact that such offers have been made and
-because the miners did not avail themselves of the offer, it is cited
-against them as unreasonable, and that they did not care so much about
-bettering their condition as about harassing the operators.
-
-As a matter of fact the men do not care to leave the region. They are
-engaged in a fight to unionize it and are as anxious to succeed as are
-the operators to prevent them from doing so. "Stay where you are and
-unionize your district but do not crowd into organized operations," is
-the advice given by the union organizers. That is why the unions in the
-other districts are supporting the strikers and have been doing so for a
-year.
-
-
-_The Glasscock Commission_
-
-Last summer after the mine companies refused point blank to be a party
-to the appointment of a commission by the governor for the investigation
-of the situation in the mines, Governor Glasscock appointed one anyway.
-Bishop Donahue, the Catholic bishop of Wheeling, S. L. Walker, and Fred
-O. Blue were appointed as commissioners. Extracts from the report of
-this commission are interesting:
-
- "From the cloud of witnesses and mass of testimony figuring in the
- hearings, there emerges clearly and unmistakably the fact that
- these guards [the mine guards referred to heretofore] recklessly
- and flagrantly violated in respect to the miners on Paint Creek and
- Cabin Creek, the rights guaranteed by natural justice and the
- constitution to every citizen howsoever lowly his condition and
- state.... Many crimes and outrages laid to their charge were found
- upon careful sifting to have no foundation in fact, but the denial
- of the right of peaceable assembly and of freedom of speech, many
- and grievous assaults on unarmed miners show that their main
- purpose was to overawe the miners and their adherents and, if
- necessary to beat and cudgel them into submission. We find that the
- system employed was vicious, strife prompting and un-American. No
- man, worthy of the name, likes to be guarded by others, armed with
- black jacks, revolvers and Winchesters whilst he is endeavoring to
- earn his daily bread.... We are unanimously of the opinion that the
- guard system as at present constituted should be abolished
- forthwith."
-
-The commission also found that the company stores overcharged the
-miners, that the system of docking was unfair to the miner, and that a
-system of blacklisting of miners prevailed.
-
-On the other hand the commission found that in a general way, the miners
-in the Paint and Cabin Creek districts were fairly well off, that their
-wages were above the average prevailing in the organized fields, that
-their cabins were above the average, and that the rent, while "slightly
-excessive" was not exorbitant, and that the sanitation was "as good as
-can be expected." On the question of wages, the commission found that
-the annual wage of miners in West Virginia for the years 1905-1911 was
-$554.26 while the average annual wage of miners on Paint and Cabin
-Creeks "is from $600 to $700." It will be noticed that in the first
-instance a definite, fixed figure is given for the average. In the other
-the statement is a general one "between $600 and $700."
-
-The statement is also made that "a minute examination of the pay rolls
-discloses the fact that 16 or 17 days' work a month constitutes a high
-average and that many engaged in the mines _decline_ (the italics are
-mine) to labor more than 12 or 14 days."
-
-There are two sides to this. The "unwillingness" of the miners to work
-more than a certain number of days a month is proved to the satisfaction
-of the commission by an "examination of the pay roll." As a matter of
-fact in most instances the reason the men do not work more days in a
-month is due to the system of "crowding" which prevails all over the
-non-union districts of West Virginia. This is one of the things the
-miner complains about most bitterly. It is worked in this way: An
-operation has, say a capacity of 200 men. On the pay roll of that
-operation may be anywhere from 300 to 400 men. All these men cannot work
-in the mine at one time, but the company always wants to have plenty of
-men on hand. So the men are allowed to make but little more than half
-time. The advantage to the operators is that the more men they have the
-more cottages they will rent, the more mouths there will be to feed from
-the company stores, and the more money collected for physicians' fees,
-insurance and other things for which the miners have to pay. It is
-absolutely true that the men do not work more than from 12 to 17 days a
-month, but the pay roll will never tell you the real reason. The men
-want to work, but they are not permitted to do so.
-
-As to the cabins being above the average--they may be. I went into some
-of them. I would want a more comfortable stable for my horses. The
-greater number of the cabins contain four rooms each and are absolutely
-without any sanitary or other arrangements for the convenience of the
-occupants. Some few are larger and some are smaller but the four room
-cabin is the type. They are nearly all alike, built of rough lumber and
-roofed with a composition roofing such as is bought by the roll. The
-rental is on the basis of $1.50 per room per month. A four room cabin
-costs $6 a month, a six room cabin costs $8 or $9. But take the average
-four room cabin at $6, the yearly rate is $72. That is interest at 6 per
-cent on $1,200. The labor cost on these houses was not more than $40
-each on the average. Including the land on which the houses stand they
-did not cost the companies more than $300 each. Six per cent on $300 is
-$18.
-
-Now, the houses are put up as much for the convenience of the companies
-as for the miners. There would be no coal mined unless the miners had
-houses in which to live, so a 6 per cent rate on the houses would seem
-fair. But even allowing 10 per cent, the rate would be $30 instead of
-$72. At the rentals charged these houses have paid for themselves over
-and over again and everything the companies get out of them now is pure
-"velvet." I would call the rental charges exorbitant rather than
-"slightly excessive" as the commission finds.
-
-As a matter of fact, that Glasscock commission report will not bear
-close analysis. It is a straddle, made so perhaps in order to protect
-"the good name of the state." I do not believe that it is accurate in a
-number of particulars. I do not believe that the average wage of the
-miners on Paint and Cabin Creeks is between $600 and $700. A good miner
-will average $2.50 to $3 a day for the days he works. The impression is
-sought to be created that many of the miners have money in bank. Some of
-them have, undoubtedly, but they form an exceedingly small percentage of
-the whole number. I know that as soon as the strike was called the vast
-majority of the miners and their families had to be supported by the
-union. I saw wagon loads of provisions sent up to the head of Cabin
-Creek to feed those who were hungry and who had nothing coming to them
-according to the books of the companies and who could get nothing at the
-stores.
-
-As a matter of fact the whole truth has never been told of the real
-conditions existing in the mines of West Virginia. One of the most
-illuminating pieces of testimony available to the non-partisan
-investigator is that of former Governor W. M. O. Dawson. Governor Dawson
-sent a special message--a rare document and hard to find now--to the
-legislature of 1907. Three cases of peonage in lumber camps had been
-called to his attention by Secretary of State Elihu Root at the request
-of the Italian ambassador. In his message Governor Dawson declared
-without equivocation that a system of peonage existed under the guard
-system. One of these cases resulted in what he called a "wanton murder"
-as a result of a controversy as to whether the murdered man owed $1.50
-for the railway fare of his son. The man was killed by a guard. The
-governor goes on:
-
- "The use of guards in this state is not restricted to cases like
- these under investigation. They are used at some of the collieries
- to protect the property of owners, to prevent trespassing, and
- especially to prevent labor agitators and organizers of the miners'
- union from gaining access to the miners.... Many outrages have been
- committed by these guards, many of whom appear to be vicious and
- dare devil men who seem to aim to add to their viciousness by
- bulldozing and terrorizing people. It is submitted in all candor
- that it is not to the best interests of the owners of these
- collieries to employ such lawless men or to justify the outrageous
- acts committed by them.
-
- "In certain parts of the state miners are oppressed and wronged.
- They are compelled to work in ill-ventilated and otherwise unfit
- mines. They are cheated in the payment of the compensation for
- their labor. They work on the condition that they receive so much
- per ton for the coal mined by them, the coal is not weighed but is
- calculated by the mine car. These cars, at least in some of the
- collieries, are rated at a capacity of two and one half tons,
- whereas they often have a capacity of four tons and in some cases
- even up to six tons, but the miner is paid for only two and a half
- tons, for all above that he mines, he gets no pay whatever. This is
- robbery of the poor and oppression of the weak. At some of the
- stores conducted by the collieries the miners are charged
- extortionate prices for merchandise. This is likewise robbery of
- the poor and oppression of the weak."
-
-
-_Mother Jones_
-
-The developments of the winter have been under the regime of a third
-governor, who came to the state house at a season when part of the
-commonwealth was under martial law. In March came the trials of a number
-of the strikers and their sympathizers--approximately fifty--by a
-military court on charges of inciting to riot, conspiracy to murder and
-conspiracy to destroy property. Among those in prison is Mother Jones,
-the "Stormy Petrel of Labor" who is always present in big labor
-disturbances, especially those of the miners and the railroad men. She
-has given the best part of her life to the cause of laboring men and
-they adore her.
-
-This old woman, more than 80 years of age, was in the mines when I went
-there and I got to know her well. She passed the word along to the men
-that I was "all right" and reticent as they are to strangers, they told
-me their side of the case without reservation.
-
-I have been with Mother Jones when she was compelled "to walk the
-creek," having been forbidden to go upon the footpaths that happened to
-be upon the property of the companies and denied even the privilege of
-walking along the railroad track although hundreds of miners and others
-were walking on it at the time. She was compelled to keep to the county
-road although it was in the bed of the creek and the water was over her
-ankles. I protested to the chief of the guards saying that no matter
-what her attitude might be, no matter how much she might be hated, that
-she was an old woman and common humanity would dictate that she be not
-ill treated. I was told that she was an old "she-devil" and that she
-would receive no "courtesies" there, that she was responsible for all
-the trouble that had occurred and that she would receive no
-consideration from the companies.
-
-I was with her when she was denied "the privilege" of going up the
-foot-way to the house of one of the miners in order to get a cup of tea.
-It was then afternoon, she had walked several miles and was faint,
-having had nothing to eat since an early breakfast. But that did not
-shut her mouth. She made the speech she had arranged to make to the men
-who had gathered to hear her although they had to line up on each side
-of the roadway to avoid "obstructing the highway," a highway that was
-almost impassable to a wheeled vehicle and on which there was no travel.
-And in that speech she counseled moderation, told the men to keep
-strictly within the law and to protect the company's property instead of
-doing anything to injure it.
-
-I had several long talks with her. When she speaks to the miners she
-talks in their own vernacular and occasionally swears. She was a normal
-school teacher in her early days, and in her talks with me in the home
-of one of her friends in the "free town" of Eskdale, she used the
-language of the cultured woman. And this is the old woman whom nearly
-all the operators in the non-union fields fear, and whose coming among
-their workers they dread more than the coming of a pestilence. They now
-have her safely in jail.
-
-When I left the field[11] the conflict was still on. It seemed likely to
-continue until one side or the other gave in. The presence of the
-military could only bring about a peace that is temporary. Having held
-out through the winter, the miners were preparing to hold out through
-the spring and summer and autumn if necessary, and the United Mine
-Workers of America were preparing to back them up with all the resources
-of the national organization.
-
-[11] Since the writer left the district an unavailing effort was made to
-secure from the civil courts an order restraining the military
-commission from conducting the trials of those held on charges of
-participation in various deeds of violence in connection with the
-strike. Later, however, Governor Hatfield who, as head of the military
-forces of the state, has the power to review the acts of the military
-commission, discharged from custody a majority of those held.
-
-Recently negotiations have been carried on between the miners' union and
-one of the large companies involved in the strike with the result that
-there is a possibility of a settlement being effected in that quarter,
-though the matter remains _in statu quo_ until the return from the
-tropics of the president of the company. Recently some of the troops
-have been withdrawn from the strike zone, though martial law is still in
-force.
-
-[Illustration: _Courtesy of the Coal Age_
-
-MILITIAMEN ESCORTING PRISONERS TO COURT MARTIAL]
-
-
-
-
-SOCIAL FORCES
-
-By EDWARD T. DEVINE
-
-
-CONSTRUCTIVE RELIGION
-
-Greed, selfishness, privilege, injustice, exploitation, ignorance, and
-neglect are the seven deadly sins of modern civilization. These evils
-are alike in this, that they all have their roots in defective or
-abnormally developed character. Weakness and pathological strength are
-their opposite but closely related and interdependent poles.
-
-Revolution will not exterminate them, except that revolution within the
-soul of man which transforms weakness and moral disease into health and
-normal vigor; which eats away the abnormal excrescence of harmful
-qualities and transforms the monster into a sane and self-controlled
-individual.
-
-Laws will not of themselves exterminate the least of the social evils,
-save as they correspond to a previous clear recognition of their wisdom
-and justice in the free minds of citizens. If graft and privilege
-express the habitual manner of doing business, the natural mental
-reaction of the average man of the community, then it will be true, as
-an investigating committee has said, that there is no virtue in the
-legislative printing press.
-
-Philanthropy is no cure for the evils which cause crime, poverty,
-squalor, and degeneracy. It is a necessary means of dealing with certain
-definite conditions, but those conditions are symptoms of ulterior
-maladies which the charitable relation does not reach. Neither
-alms-giving nor preventive measures touch the real sources of
-regeneration and health.
-
-Education, in the specific sense of preparation for efficient work and
-the development of the mental powers, such education as by mutual
-consent we expect from our public schools, does not begin early enough,
-or last long enough, or go far enough into the fields of personal
-habits, ideals, and motives to guard even against ignorance, at least
-that kind of wilful and appalling ignorance which prevents half the
-world from knowing how the other half lives, even when the facts are
-spread abroad equally in official reports and in popular literature;
-that kind of ignorance which blinds the eyes of the more favored of
-fortune and blasts the tender shoots of altruism which their hearts here
-and there put forth. If education cannot prevent even ignorance of this
-kind how much less can it be regarded as a remedy for deliberate
-exploitation and conscienceless greed.
-
-If neither revolution nor laws nor yet formal education can cure these
-root evils, is there no cure? There is one potent, wholly efficacious
-cure, and that is such teaching and such an experience as will supplant
-selfishness and greed by generosity and compassion, the desire for
-privilege by the desire for equal opportunity, the instinct of injustice
-by the passion for justice, the tendency to exploit by the tendency to
-nobly serve, ignorance and neglect by a clear-eyed and persistent
-determination to know and understand and to act on that knowledge and
-understanding. This teaching, wherever it is carried on and in whatever
-name, is essentially religious teaching, and this experience, seizing
-upon the individual, is nothing else than a religious conversion. This
-is not to distort words from their established and usual meaning but
-only to apply them as they must be applied.
-
-No rich and educated Jew can justly claim a share in the glorious
-traditions of his religious faith if he oppresses the poor and crushes
-the needy; if, lying upon beds of ivory, inventing instruments of music,
-drinking wine in bowls, and anointing himself with the chief ointments,
-he is not grieved for the afflictions of Joseph, if he afflicts the
-just, or takes a bribe, or turns aside the poor in the gate from their
-right. The afflictions of Joseph are different in these days, the form
-of bribery has changed, the rights of the poor from which they are
-turned aside are not precisely those which the prophet Amos had in mind;
-but the teachings remain, and the curse upon those who "rejoice in a
-thing of nought" may not unprofitably ring in the ears of Jews and
-Christians with all the old time authority and effect.
-
-But how about the position of the prosperous and influential Christians
-professing a law of love, the son-ship of all men to a common Father, a
-gospel of good will embracing justice and implying obligations
-stretching in all directions infinitely beyond justice, but never
-denying it in the least iota? If this profession is not arrant hypocrisy
-or pure self-delusion, the faith which he holds will instantly expel
-the very evils from which we suffer, and nothing else except such faith
-will expel them. Religion goes to the very roots of character, cleansing
-the evil nature, revealing new motives, illuminating the mind,
-trans-valuing values, strengthening the will, lessening the power of
-temptations, setting the feet on safe paths, giving a new meaning to
-common experiences and a new zest to life.
-
-The question remains whether this kind of constructive religion, this
-vital, living and vibrant faith, is to be found today in the churches
-and synagogues, or whether it has departed from its ancient altars,
-perhaps to reappear in strange disguises in the labor movement, in art
-or poetry or philosophy, or among humble people who do not have the
-means as yet of expressing the new impulses.
-
-It is a grave question--for the churches. One interesting indication
-that it is to be answered in favor of the continued claim of the
-existing religious bodies to represent the main current of flowing
-religious faith, work, and thought is to be found in a new journal which
-appeared on the news-stands in March with the captivating title _The
-Constructive Quarterly_. Silas McBee, former editor of the _Churchman_,
-is its editor, but it is to have no "editorial pronouncements."
-
-What is distinctive about this new periodical is that it is to work for
-a better understanding among the various communions of Christendom,
-building on what the churches are actually believing, doing, and
-thinking. It is not seeking neutral territory where courtesy and
-diplomacy would tend to avoid issues and round off the sharp edges of
-truth and conviction, but rather common ground where loyalty to
-conviction will be secure from the tendency to mere compromise and to
-superficial and artificial comprehension. In the first number there is a
-striking array of able articles from Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox,
-Evangelical Protestants, from Europeans and Americans, clergymen and
-laymen. It will be difficult to maintain so high a standard; but the
-idea is an inspiring one and deserves to succeed.
-
-The tragedy of ecclesiastical history in all ages is the spilling of
-blood and treasure by the churches in warfare against other forms of
-faith. It is true that the decay of religious controversy has usually
-meant a decay of interest in religion. A writer in the _Quarterly_
-quotes Tennyson as having said, "You must choose in religion between
-bigotry and flabbiness." What the present venture is in some measure to
-test is the possibility of laying aside hostility while yet maintaining
-_esprit de corps_, to act in the spirit of Von Moltke's dictum, "March
-apart, strike together!"
-
-The success of the effort will depend on the clear perception of the
-enemies against which the allied forces of religion are to strike, or
-dropping the figure, on the concentration of effort on the positive
-results which the forces of organized religion are to seek to secure in
-the social order. These lie partly at least, avoiding dogmatic
-exaggeration, in those social relations in which the evil tendencies to
-which we have referred are so apparent. The religion which is
-constructive is one which makes men unwilling to exploit the vices or
-weaknesses of their fellow men, and at the same time makes the other men
-unexploitable, which destroys privilege through just laws, impartially
-enforced, and upheld by enlightened public opinion, which dispels
-ignorance by full and exact knowledge bearing fruit in sound measures of
-social reform, which protects the sub-normal and emancipates the
-handicapped from their limitations, which permeates education, business,
-politics, and eventually the entire social life.
-
-There may be other tests of true religion, but these are concrete, easy
-to understand and to apply. They have ancient and sufficient sanction.
-They are unsectarian and non-controversial.
-
-
-
-
-STRANGE INCENSE
-
-CARY F. JACOB
-
-
- _A tiny, tangled head bent down
- Within a city's gutter--
- A laughing face of tan and brown
- Amid the rubbish of the town._
-
- _Mud-pies and broken glass all day
- Bring fairyland from far away
- To thee, sweet innocence, at play._
-
- _But mud-pies blacken; glass gives pain,
- And laughing eyes are turned to gain
- 'Mid cold and hunger, snow and rain._
-
- _God shield thee, tangled head bent down
- Within a city's gutter!
- Poor lily of the noisome town!
- Strange incense, shed o'er stranger ground!_
-
- * * * * *
-
- Transcriber's Notes:
-
- Simple typographical and spelling errors were corrected.
-
- Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant
- preference was found in this work; otherwise they were not changed.
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Survey, Volume XXX, Number 1,
-April 5, 1913, by Various
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