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diff --git a/43607-8.txt b/43607-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 6b5a72e..0000000 --- a/43607-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8229 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Builders of United Italy, by Rupert Sargent Holland - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Builders of United Italy - -Author: Rupert Sargent Holland - -Release Date: August 31, 2013 [EBook #43607] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BUILDERS OF UNITED ITALY *** - - - - -Produced by Norbert Müller, Greg Bergquist and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - -[Illustration: VICTOR EMMANUEL] - - - - - BUILDERS OF - UNITED ITALY - - - BY - RUPERT SARGENT HOLLAND - - - WITH EIGHT PORTRAITS - - - [Illustration printer's imprint] - - - NEW YORK - HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY - 1908 - - - - - Copyright, 1908, - BY - HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY - - Published, August, 1908 - - - THE QUINN & BODEN CO. PRESS - RAHWAY, N. J. - - - - - _To - That Spirit of Italy - Which Calls to Men in All Lands - Like the Charmed Voice of - Their Own History_ - - - - -There is no history more alternately desperate and hopeful than that of -the scattered Italian states in their efforts to form a united nation. -Many forces fuse in the progress of such a popular movement, and each -force has its own particular spokesman or leader. The prophet and the -soldier, the poet and the statesman, each gives his share of genius. -Those men who seemed to represent the most potent forces in this history -are included here. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - ALFIERI, THE POET 1 - - MANZONI, THE MAN OF LETTERS 40 - - GIOBERTI, THE PHILOSOPHER 63 - - MANIN, THE "FATHER OF VENICE" 87 - - MAZZINI, THE PROPHET 125 - - CAVOUR, THE STATESMAN 165 - - GARIBALDI, THE CRUSADER 223 - - VICTOR EMMANUEL, THE KING 283 - - - - -[Illustration: ALFIERI] - - - - -ALFIERI, THE POET - - -Alfieri was more than a great poet, he was the discoverer of a -new national life in the scattered states of Italy. Putting aside -consideration of his tragedies as literature, no student of the -eighteenth century can fail to appreciate his influence over Italian -thought. It was as though a people who had forgotten their nationality -suddenly heard anew the stories of their common folk-lore. The race of -Dante, of Petrarch, and of Tasso spoke again in the words of Alfieri. - -It was high time that disunited Italy should find a poet's voice. There -was no vigor, no resolution, no originality from Turin to Naples, people -of all classes were sunk in apathy. No wonder that foreign lovers of -mediæval Italy turned their eyes away from the seats of so much former -glory; there seemed little hope in a people given over to trivial -personal enjoyment. There was no liberty of speech or action--sentiment, -reason, passion were all measured by the grand-ducal yard-stick. - -At about the middle of this artificial eighteenth century, in 1749, -Vittorio Alfieri was born at Asti, in Piedmont. His parents were of the -upper rank in the close social order of the small kingdom, his father -Antonio Alfieri, a man of independent means, who, as one biographer -has it, "had never soiled his mind with ambition or his hands with -labor." His mother was the widow of the Marquis of Cacherano, and had -two daughters and a son before she married Antonio Alfieri. After the -latter's death, which occurred when Vittorio was scarcely a year old, -she married again, and it was this stepfather, the Chevalier Giacinto -Alfieri di Magliano, who stood in place of father to Vittorio and his -sister, as well as to their older half-brother and sisters. Although -these other children were near his own age the boy Vittorio seems to -have passed a lonely childhood, driven into unusual solitude by the -waywardness of his nature. - -While still a child, Alfieri was sent away to the Academy of Turin, the -first of those journeys in which he was later to take such delight. -He cared little for books or study of any sort, he was over-critical, -and yet without the ambition to perfect himself. He spent his time, as -he says, in his famous memoirs, in acquiring a profound ignorance of -whatever he was meant to learn; and he left the Academy not only with -no knowledge of what were termed the humanities, but with no interest -in any language, speaking a mixed jargon of French and Piedmontese, -and reading practically nothing. Knowledge was held in small esteem by -all classes at that particular time, and the priests, who formed the -teaching class, were at small pains to spread a zeal for learning which -they did not share. Alfieri says, "We translated the Lives of Cornelius -Nepos; but none of us, perhaps not even the masters, knew who these men -were whose lives we translated, nor where was their country, nor in what -times they lived, nor under what government, nor what any government -was!" - -In spite of the extraordinary incapacity of his teachers, Alfieri did -succeed in learning something, although he was always at great pains to -decry his early education. He learned sufficient Latin to translate the -Georgics of Virgil into his Italian dialect, and he was fond of reading -Goldoni and Metastasio. A little later he passed into a more advanced -grade, where he met many foreign youths who had been sent to Turin to -study, and where he was allowed some liberty in choosing his own course. -He found as much fault with these new conditions as with the old. "The -reading of many French romances," he says, "the constant association -with foreigners, and the want of all occasion to speak Italian, or -to hear it spoken, drove from my head that small amount of wretched -Tuscan which I had contrived to put there in those two or three years of -burlesque study of the humanities and asinine rhetoric." In place of it -he learned and read much French, then the language of polite society. - -In such aimless desultory fashion Alfieri passed his boyhood. He hated -all restraint, and was continually getting into difficulties with the -officers of the Academy. He had more money than was good for him, and -spent it in the wildest extravagances whenever the opportunity offered. -He bade fair to become a more or less typical member of the Piedmont -nobility, perhaps a little more of a free-thinker than most, and -considerably more restive. He chafed at the lack of freedom allowed him -at the Academy, and on the marriage of his sister to the Count Giacinto -Cumiana besought her and the Count to use their influence to have his -scholar's bonds loosened. They succeeded, and Alfieri promptly took -advantage of his liberty to join in all the dissipations of the capital, -and to gratify his passion for riding. In about a year he became the -owner of a stable of eight horses. When his older friends cautioned the -boy against his extravagance he answered that he was his own master and -intended to do as he chose. - -While still at the Academy the youth had sought a position in the -army, but very short service as ensign in a militia regiment proved to -him that he was as little fond of military restraint as of scholastic. -He traveled to Genoa with two boy friends and fell in love with their -sister-in-law, a vivacious brunette. He worshiped her from a distance, -becoming, as he writes in his ardent Italian, "a victim to all the -feelings which Petrarch has so inimitably depicted ... feelings which -few can comprehend, and which fewer still ever experienced." On his -return from Genoa he considered himself a great traveler, and spoke as -such, only to be laughed at by the English, French, and German boys who -had been his classmates. Immediately he was seized with a passion for -travel. He was only seventeen years old, and knew that he would not be -permitted to travel alone. Fortunately an English teacher was about to -set out with two scholars on a journey through Italy, and was willing to -have Alfieri join his party. So strict was the court of that day that -the King's consent had to be obtained before the youth could leave the -country. Through his brother-in-law's influence Alfieri obtained the -royal permission to go abroad. - -The travels had been looked forward to with the greatest excitement. -When they were begun Alfieri professed himself utterly bored by almost -everything he saw. As one of his biographers says, "He was driven -from place to place by a demon of unrest, and was mainly concerned, -after reaching a city, in getting away from it as soon as he could. He -gives anecdotes enough in proof of this, and he forgets nothing that -can enhance the surprise of his future literary greatness." Whether -this desire to surprise his readers is really the keynote of the first -years in his memoirs or not, it would appear that the youth was about -as restless and turbulent-minded a creature as could be met with. -The further he traveled in Italy the less he liked it; he would not -speak the language or read the literature, he looked at an autograph -manuscript of Petrarch with supreme indifference, and wished to be -mistaken for a Frenchman. Yet this boy was to become, in time, the real -reviver of Italian letters. - -After a fortnight in Milan the party traveled to Florence by way of -Parma, Modena, and Bologna. Neither people, buildings, views, pictures, -nor sculpture interested Vittorio; he no sooner reached a city than he -was eager to be posting on. Even Florence, later to be his home, did not -attract him; the only object he found to admire in the city was Michael -Angelo's tomb at Santa Croce. He must have been the worst traveling -companion possible; he hurried his friends from Florence to Rome, and -finding nothing there to interest him except St. Peter's, went on to -Naples. Naples was in the midst of a carnival, and Alfieri plunged into -its extravagances as though to distract his thoughts from some brooding -melancholy. He was presented to the King, went to all the balls and -operas, rode, gamed, made one of the fastest set, and yet in the midst -of it all was discontented. He wanted to be alone, and finally applied -to the King of Piedmont through his minister at Naples for permission -to travel by himself. His request was granted, and at nineteen he set -out to make what was then the fashionable grand tour. He traveled in -state, with plenty of money, and a body servant, and with letters of -introduction to the various courts. - -It so happened that Alfieri had met certain French actors during a -summer holiday, and from talking with them he felt a desire to see -something of the French stage. He had no wish to try his own skill -at dramatic compositions--indeed his only thought of an occupation -at this time was that he should some day enter the diplomatic -service--but he was anxious to see something different from the -absurdly conventional Italian plays produced by the school which took -its name from Metastasio. He went first to Marseilles, where he spent -his time between the theater and solitary musing on the seashore. -Thence, after a short stay, he journeyed to Paris, full of the keenest -anticipations of finding pleasure in that famous city. His memoirs tell -us his feelings there. He writes: "The mean and wretched buildings, the -contemptible ostentation displayed in a few houses dignified with the -pompous appellation of hotels and palaces, the filthiness of the Gothic -churches, the truly vandal-like construction of the public theaters at -that time, besides innumerable other disagreeable objects, of which not -the least disgusting to me was the painted countenances of many very -ugly women, far outweighed in my mind the beauty and elegance of the -public walks and gardens, the infinite variety of the carriages, the -lofty façade of the Louvre, as well as the number of spectacles and -entertainments of every kind." Verily the young Alfieri was either the -hardest of all travelers to suit, or the older man, looking back, wished -to emphasize the perverseness of his youth. - -The Piedmontese Minister presented the young traveler to Louis XV., -concerning whom Alfieri wrote, "He received with a cold and supercilious -air those who were presented to him, surveying them from head to foot. -It seemed as if on presenting a dwarf to a giant he should view him -smiling, or perhaps say, 'Ah! the little animal!' or if he remained -silent his air and manner would express the same derision." He was -not at all attracted by the French court, which he considered very -pompous, and was anxious to be out on the highroads again, driving his -post-horses. In January, 1768, he crossed the channel and landed at -Dover. - -England delighted him, he found London far more to his taste than Paris, -he was charmed with the country, the large estates, the inns, the roads, -the horses, the people, all pleased him. He was particularly struck -with the absence of poverty. For a time he even thought of settling -there permanently, and years afterwards when he had seen much of all -the European countries he said that Italy and England were the two he -infinitely preferred as residences. - -But of the pleasures of London's fashionable life the young wanderer -soon tired, and for variety turned coachman, and drove a friend with -whom he was staying through all the city streets, leaving him wherever -he wished, and waiting patiently on the box for his return. "My -amusements through the course of the winter," he wrote, "consisted in -being on horseback during five or six hours every morning, and in being -seated on the coach-box for two or three hours every evening, whatever -might be the state of the weather." His tastes at this time were -closely akin to those of many of his English friends. - -Finally he left London and went to Holland. There he met Don Joseph -d'Acunha, the Portuguese Ambassador, a man of considerable literary -taste, who induced him to read Machiavelli, and first led him to think -of trying his literary skill. At The Hague he also fell deeply in love, -and, quite according to the fashionable custom of the time, with a young -married woman. For the moment his fits of morbidness and continual -unrest left him, he contrived constantly to be with the woman he loved, -and even followed her and her husband to Spa. A short time afterwards -the husband started for Switzerland, and the young wife returned to The -Hague. For ten days Alfieri was constantly in her society, then came -a message from her husband bidding her follow him. She wrote Alfieri -a note saying farewell and sent it to him through D'Acunha after she -had left the city. The youth was prostrated and with the violence of -his nature planned to kill himself. He complained of illness and had -himself bled. When he was alone he tore off the bandages with the idea -of bleeding to death. His faithful valet, however, knew the peculiar -nature of his master, and entered Alfieri's room. The bandages were -replaced, and the incident ended, although it was long before the young -man could recover from the parting with his fair lady. He passed through -Belgium to Switzerland, and so on back to Piedmont, still wrapped in -recollections, and unable to awaken any lasting interest. - -Living with his sister, first in the country, and later in Turin, a -short term of peace succeeded in Alfieri's life. He set himself to -reading, and studied with considerable care the popular French authors, -Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Voltaire. Plutarch, however, became his chief -companion. In one of the most characteristic pages of his memoirs we -find him writing, "The book of all others which gave me most delight and -beguiled many of the tedious hours of winter, was Plutarch. I perused -five or six times the lives of Timoleon, Cæsar, Brutus, Pelopidas, and -some others. I wept, raved, and fell into such a transport of fury, that -if any one had been in the adjoining chamber they must have pronounced -me out of my senses. Every time I came to any of the great actions of -those celebrated individuals, my agitation was so extreme that I could -not remain seated. I was like one beside himself, and shed tears of -mingled grief and rage at having been born in Piedmont and at a period -and under a government where it was impossible to conceive or execute -any great design." Plutarch first set before him vividly the contrast -between the Italy of the past and of his own day. As a result he became -dissatisfied with his own inability to win any high distinction. - -The winter of his twentieth year found Alfieri still without any -definite plans, now studying astronomy, now considering a diplomatic -career. With spring he determined again to travel, and in May set -off for Vienna. The spirit of unrest had given place to a brooding -melancholy. In this sense of the times being out of joint and himself -without work to do was born the gradual desire to write something -different from and in a more heroic strain than the rigorously -conservative dramas of the day. He traveled with Montaigne's Essays in -his pockets, and Montaigne, he says, first taught him to think. He still -found difficulty in reading Italian and much preferred foreign authors -to those of his own land. - -In Vienna Alfieri had a chance to meet the most eminent of then living -Italian authors, a man much admired in his generation. The opportunity -he declined. "I had seen Metastasio," he says, "in the gardens of -Schönbrunn, perform the customary genuflection to Maria Theresa in such -a servile and adulatory manner, that I, who had my head stuffed with -Plutarch, and who embellished every theory, could not think of binding -myself, either by the ties of familiarity or friendship, with a poet -who had sold himself to a despotism which I so cordially detested." -In Berlin he was presented to Frederick the Great, and as he writes -"mentally thanked Heaven I was not born his slave. Towards the middle of -November I departed from this Prussian encampment, which I regarded with -detestation and horror." - -From Berlin the young man went to Denmark, thence to Sweden, thence to -Russia. He says, "I approached Petersburg with a mind wound up to an -extraordinary pitch of anxiety and expectation. But alas! no sooner had -I reached this Asiatic assemblage of wooden huts, than Rome, Genoa, -Venice, and Florence rose to my recollections, and I could not refrain -from laughing. What I afterwards saw of this country tended still more -strongly to confirm my first impression that it merited not to be seen. -Everything but their beards and their horses disgusted me so much, that -during the six weeks I remained among these savages I wished not to -become acquainted with any one, nor even to see the two or three youths -with whom I had associated at Turin, and who were descended from the -first families of the country. I took no measure to be presented to -the celebrated Autocratrix Catherine II., nor did I even behold the -countenance of a sovereign who in our days has out-stripped fame." - -A little later he was back in England, and now again he fell in -love, this time also with a married woman of rank. With a truly -Byronic audacity he defied all the conventions, accompanied the woman -everywhere, and became a subject of town scandal. Finally confronted by -the husband, he fought a duel with swords in a field near St. James's -Park, his left arm being in a sling at the time as the result of a -bit of too daring horsemanship. Alfieri was slightly wounded, and the -husband declared himself satisfied. Shortly after the latter sued for -divorce, bringing the Italian's name into the case. The newspapers took -up the scandal, and the matter became a cause celèbre. Alfieri was on -the point of proposing marriage, when the woman, by her own confessions, -told him that such a result was impossible. With his ardor completely -cooled and his mind given to the bitterest thoughts he left London, and -after short stays in The Hague and Paris journeyed into Spain. - -In Paris he had bought the best known Italian authors and at this time -commenced to read them, although it was not until much later that he -began to appreciate them at their real worth. He did, however, carry -them with him on his travels, and gradually learned something at first -hand of that great galaxy, Dante, Tasso, Petrarch, Ariosto, Boccaccio, -and Machiavelli. His mind was not yet ripe for any study, even as he -traveled in Spain he was still subject to those wild outbreaks of -despondency and passion which alternately seemed to seize upon him. -He became a creature of chance whims, now he was ready to yield to -the quiet contentment of a suitable marriage, now burning with rage -against all the customs of society. Morbid ideas continually pressed his -footsteps. The atmosphere of a malevolent passion seems almost always -surrounding the great tragedies he later penned, and that atmosphere was -generated by a nature which from earliest youth had been extraordinarily -violent. His temper was wholly ungovernable. One evening in Madrid, as -Alfieri's faithful valet, the companion of all his travels, was curling -his hair, he accidentally pulled it so sharply with the tongs that -Alfieri winced. Instantly he sprang from his chair, and seizing a heavy -candlestick, hurled it at the servant. It struck the man on the temple, -and instantly his face was covered with blood. He rushed at his master, -but fortunately a young Spaniard who was present came to the rescue, -and separated them. Immediately Alfieri was covered with shame. "Had -you killed me," he said to the man, "you would have acted rightly. If -you wish, kill me while I sleep to-night, for I deserve it." The valet -took no such reprisal, he had been with his young master long enough to -understand the sudden outbursts of his temper, and was content to keep -the two blood-stained handkerchiefs that had bandaged his head and show -them occasionally to Alfieri as a reminder. - -In Lisbon the traveler formed a close friendship with the Abbot of -Caluso, whom he called a "true, living Montaigne." The Abbot tried to -interest the young man in literature, induced him to write some verses, -and gave him the benefit of his criticism. For a short time the interest -in poetry lasted, then it flagged, and again Alfieri felt himself -without any purpose. He decided to return home, and in May, 1772, -arrived at Turin. - -Now he took a house for himself, furnished it elaborately, and made -it the headquarters of a youthful society that sought amusement in -various forms. Some of them wrote, and Alfieri tried his pen for their -amusement, but soon tired of writing as a sport, and gave himself up -to other occupations. Continually searching for something to still -his restlessness he again fell in love, this time with a woman of -rank, some ten years his senior, and of a most unenviable reputation. -He became absolutely her slave, worked himself into frenzies on her -account, would consider nothing but the happiness of being with her. He -fell very ill, but when he recovered found himself as much in love as -ever. For two years he lived in this state of obsession, tormented by -self-reproach, but unable to rid himself of his own yoke. - -Finally he decided to quit Turin and break his fetters. When he was -only a short distance on the road to Rome his resolution failed and -he returned. Again he resolved to leave the city for a year. The year -lasted eight days. He was thoroughly ashamed, disliked being seen in -Turin, but could not keep away. He felt finally that he must take -one last stand or lose all self-respect and control forever. He had -his hair cut so short that he dared not appear in society, and shut -himself into his house to read. He could not keep his thoughts on the -books, and tried composition. He wrote a sonnet, and sent it to a -friend, and received a reply highly praising it. Then he remembered -that a year before as he sat watching by the sick bed of the woman who -had so charmed him he had lightly outlined a tragedy on the life of -Cleopatra, taking his subject from tapestries that hung in the room. -He threw himself into the work of writing that tragedy now, and found -that interest in it drove all other thoughts away. He wrote rapidly, -continually, only stopping when he was completely tired. When those -times came, still frightened with the possibility of leaving the house, -he had himself tied into a chair. He only allowed himself freedom when -he knew he had won self-control. By that time he had finished his -tragedy in blank verse called "Cleopatra," and a short farce called "The -Poets," the latter ridiculing the former. He sent them to a theater in -Turin, where they were produced on June 16, 1775, and met with success. -The author did not value either play highly himself, and sought to have -them withdrawn. He wrote later, comparing these works with those of his -contemporaries, "The sole difference which existed between their pieces -and mine was that the former were productions of learned incapacity, -whereas mine was the premature offspring of ignorance, which promised -one day to become something." - -His battle against what he considered a highly unworthy infatuation had -restored Alfieri's self-respect and health, and out of this curious -struggle sprang his first real and lasting ambition. "A devouring fire -took possession of my soul," he says, "I thirsted one day to become -a deserving candidate for theatrical fame." The date of that first -performance marked a turning point, not only for Alfieri, but for his -country's literature. It was, said the Italian critic, Paravia, "a day -and a year of eternal memory not only for the Turinese, but for all -Italians; because it was, so to speak, the dawn of the magnificent day -which, thanks to Alfieri, was to rise upon Italian tragedy." - -The restless energy which had driven Alfieri across the various European -countries now concentrated in an all-pervading determination to become -a tragic poet. He launched into that effort with the same unbounded -ardor with which he had so frequently before launched into love. He -was twenty-seven years of age when he seriously set himself to work to -acquire command of Italian so that he might think in the language of his -native land rather than in that of France. He described his resources -as "a resolute, obstinate, and ungovernable character, susceptible of -the warmest affections, among which, by an odd kind of a combination, -predominated the most ardent love, and hatred approaching to madness -against every species of tyranny; an imperfect and vague recollection -of several French tragedies which I had seen represented several years -before, but which I had then neither read nor studied; a total ignorance -of dramatic rules, and an incapability of expressing myself with -elegance and precision in my own language." - -To accomplish his purpose Alfieri now began at the very beginning and -took up the study of Italian grammar, and thence made a first-hand -acquaintance with all the best of the early Italian writers. He would -not allow himself any longer to read French, and tried to break himself -of the habit of thinking in that tongue. He moved from town into a small -country village in order that nothing might distract him. There he -re-wrote for the third time his tragedy of "Cleopatra," and practised -turning into Italian verses the outlines of two tragedies which he had -recently written in French. He pored over Tasso, Ariosto, Petrarch, and -Dante until he felt that he at last really caught the full spirit of -each author's style, then he tried writing poetry of his own. - -His ignorance of Latin continually vexed him, and now he employed a -teacher to begin over those lessons he had so thoroughly disliked at -school. It was very hard work at first, but he would learn what he now -considered essential to his purpose, and after three months' study of -Horace he found that he could read Latin. He took up the other classics -and translated some of them into modern Italian for practice in their -varied styles. - -Turin was too near France to satisfy his new passion for only the purest -Italian and so he went to Pisa, and thence to Florence. In the latter -city he found that his ideas were at last shaping themselves in the -rich and clear Italian he was seeking, he wrote verses which critical -friends pronounced at last worthy of the name of poetry, and planned -several poetic tragedies. He had worked hard and felt that he needed a -little rest. For this purpose he returned to Turin and had the pleasure -of entertaining his old friend the Abbot of Caluso there. He, as well as -other friends, urged Alfieri to make literature his field. He decided -that it was best for him to live in Tuscany, and as he hated to have -to ask royal permission each year to allow him to remain away from -Piedmont--as was the custom with the nobility--he gave his estates at -Asti to his sister, and contented himself with half his former income. -Then he moved to Florence, which, except for intervals spent at Rome and -Naples, was for a considerable time to be his home. - -On his way to Florence Alfieri was obliged to stop at Sarzana, where -he chanced upon a copy of Livy, and was so impressed with the story -of Virginia and Icilius that he immediately planned a tragedy on the -subject. Soon after he reached Pisa, but there he did not dare stay, -fearful that he might be involved in a marriage with a young girl whom -he had met there before and with whom he says that he had almost fallen -in love. He himself contrasts his feelings at that time with those he -had entertained when he had first thought of marriage. "Eight years -afterwards, my travels through Europe, the love of glory, a passion for -study, the necessity for preserving my freedom, in order to speak and -write the truth without restraint--all these reasons powerfully warned -me that under a despotic government it is sufficiently difficult even to -live single, and that no one who reflects deeply will either become a -husband or a father; thus I crossed the Arno and arrived at Siena." - -In Siena he met a company of strongly intellectual people, and from one -of these, a friend who became a close confidant, he gained the idea of -writing a tragedy founded upon the conspiracy of the Pazzi. Here he also -wrote the first two books of an essay upon Tyranny, which was printed -several years later. Thoroughly absorbed in his literary work Alfieri -moved to Florence at the beginning of the winter, and took up his -residence there. - -At that time there were living in Florence, under the titles of Count -and Countess of Albany, Charles Edward, "the Young Pretender" to the -English throne, and his wife. The latter, who had been Louisa, Princess -of Stolbergh, had been married when nineteen to the Stuart prince, who -was considerably her elder. Charles Edward had an unsavory reputation -and knew more drunk than sober moments. As a result the young Countess, -who was very beautiful and extremely fond of the fine arts and of -society, was the object of much romantic pity. When Alfieri came to -Florence he found the entire city at the feet of the Countess. Every -one condemned the Count's quarrelsome, tyrannical, libertine nature, -every one praised the Countess's sweet and sunny disposition. Friends -offered to introduce Alfieri to the star of Florence, but he declined -on the ground that he always shunned women who were the most beautiful -and most admired. He could not avoid, however, seeing her in the park -and at the theater, and the first sight of her was destined never to be -effaced. Thus he writes of her: "The first impression she made on me -was infinitely agreeable. Large black eyes full of fire and gentleness, -joined to a fair complexion and flaxen hair, gave to her beauty a -brilliancy difficult to withstand. Twenty-five years of age, possessing -a taste for letters and the fine arts, an amiable character, an immense -fortune, and placed in domestic circumstances of a very painful nature, -how was it possible to escape where so many reasons existed for loving?" - -De Stendhal gives an account of their first meeting, which if inaccurate -(it does not appear in Alfieri's memoirs) is at least characteristic of -the man. According to this story Alfieri was presented to the Countess -in one of the galleries of Florence, and noticed at the time that the -lady was much interested in a portrait on the walls of Charles XII. She -told the poet that she admired the costume exceedingly. Two days later -Alfieri appeared in Florence dressed exactly like the portrait of the -Swedish King, and so presented himself before the Countess. The act was -quite in keeping with the poet's nature. - -Alfieri made a determined effort to fight against the passion he had -cause to fear, and made a hurried journey to Rome. He could not stay -there, and returned to Florence, stopping at Siena to see his friend -Gandellini, to whom he spoke of the Countess, and who did not counsel -him against giving way to the fascination. - -On his return to Florence he acknowledged that he was deeply in love. -This love, however, he felt ennobled him, and instead of causing him -to give up his work, continually inspired him to new literary heights. -He wrote, "I soon perceived that the object of my present attachment, -far from impeding my progress in the pursuit of useful knowledge, or -deranging my studies, like the frivolous woman with whom I was formerly -enamoured, urged me on by her example to everything dignified and -praiseworthy. Having once learned to know and appreciate so rare and -valuable a friend, I yielded myself up entirely to her influence." From -the commencement of this new affection, the best and most lasting of his -life, date the finest works of his genius. - -There had been long delays in settling Alfieri's estate in Piedmont, -and arranging that he might live in Tuscany, but the presence of the -Countess urged him imperatively to remain in Florence. When the business -arrangements were finally at an end he found it would be necessary -for him to curtail his former expensive style of living. This he did, -giving up his horses, all his servants, except a valet and cook, and -most of his personal luxuries. Books were the only expense he indulged -in, he acquired gradually a very large and choice library. He took a -small house, and devoted himself to his dramas, seeing as much as he -could in leisure moments of the beautiful Countess. During these three -quiet years he wrote his tragedies "Virginia," "Agemennone," "Don -Garzia," "Maria Stuarda," and "Oreste," a poem on the death of Duke -Alexander, killed by Lorenzino de' Medici, had rewritten his drama of -"Filippo," and partly prepared the tragedies "Timoleone," "Ottavia," -and "Rosmunda." All of these works are built on the classic Grecian -model, and flame with hatred of tyranny, and burn with civic virtue. -In that they show their kinship to the author's times. De Sanctis, -always a brilliant critic, says: "The situations that Alfieri has chosen -in his tragedies have a visible relation to the social state, to the -fears, and to the hopes of his own time. It is always resistance to -oppression, of man against man, of people against tyrant.... In the -classicism of Alfieri there is no positive side. It is an ideal Rome and -Greece, outside of time and space, floating in the vague ... which his -contemporaries filled up with their own life." - -At about the end of the dramatist's third year of residence in Florence, -the ill-treatment of the Countess of Albany by her husband caused her -friends, and chief among them Alfieri, to plan for her release from such -servitude. To this end they secured her entrance first into a convent at -Florence, and then, with the consent of the Grand Duke of Tuscany and -the Count's own brother the Cardinal of York, her removal to Rome. So -afraid were her friends lest the Count should effect a rescue that they -surrounded her carriage with a body of horsemen as she left Florence, -and Alfieri rode on the coach box until she was well on her road. - -While the Countess had been in Florence, Alfieri had worked assiduously -there; now that she was gone he found composition impossible, and after -a very short interval went to Naples, planning to wait there until -he should learn what the Countess would do. It was not long before -it became apparent that the courts of Europe had taken up the wife's -cause against her husband. The Pope gave her a pension and approved of -her taking apartments in the house of her brother-in-law. The court of -France gave her the pension which the Count had previously indignantly -declined as being insufficient for his position. Alfieri learned at last -that the Countess was living in entire independence of her husband, and -after a further stay of a month in Naples in order to avoid possible -scandal he moved to Rome, and took up his residence there. - -With this new settled existence he began to write again, and produced -at this time "Saul," his fourteenth tragedy, and one of his finest -works. He took infinite pains with all his dramas, planned them again -and again, wrote version after version, and then selected the forms he -preferred after careful judgment, polished them line by line and word -by word until he was satisfied. He wished to try the effect of his -characters upon an audience, and had himself acted, together with some -of his friends, his play of "Antigone." He found he had not mistaken his -ability as a dramatist. At about the same time he published part of his -works, sending four dramas to the printer. Their publication excited -immediate and flattering attention. His life in Rome was the most -delightful he had yet known. His house was a pleasant villa near the -Baths of Diocletian. Here he wrote and studied in the morning. Later in -the day he went for long rides through the neighboring country, and the -evenings he spent with the woman who had become his chief inspiration. - -In time, however, the poet's visits to the Countess became the subject -of unfavorable comment, and the Cardinal, her brother-in-law, brought -the matter to the attention of the Papal Court. Realizing the delicacy -of the situation, Alfieri reluctantly decided that he must quit Rome, -and in May, 1783, he set out again as a wanderer, his ambition lost, his -life offering him no further interests. - -As in early youth he now took to rapid traveling for solace, carrying on -at the same time a continual correspondence with the Countess. He wrote -a few sonnets, but found that his mind was too unsettled to allow him -to engage in any more lengthy labors. He went to France, and then to -England, and in each country visited scenes which the impetuosity of his -youth had neglected. Horses again made their appeal to him in London, -and he bought fourteen, "as many horses as he had written tragedies," -he states. With these horses he soon returned to Turin, and made a short -visit to his mother, whom he had not seen for a long time. When he left -her he went to Piacenza, and here he heard that the Countess had at last -been released from the restraint under which she had lived at Rome, and -that as her health was delicate she had gone to Baden. He was in two -minds as to his course, the thought of possible calumny to her bade him -refrain from going to Baden at once, and he tried to content himself -in Siena with his old friend Gandellini. The continual interchange of -letters gradually wore away his resolution, and at last the time came -when he could keep from her no longer. August 4, 1784, he set out to -join her and within a fortnight felt his old joy return. Immediately his -thoughts grew fertile, he began to write again as he had not done since -he had quitted her in Rome. There was no question but that her presence -acted as a continual inspiration to his genius. - -To this period of new happiness belonged the dramas of "Agide," -"Sofonisba," and "Mirra." The plot of the latter came to him as he was -reading the speech of Mirra to her nurse in the "Metamorphoses" of Ovid, -and was written in the first heat of his emotion at the woman's words. -He was somewhat in doubt as to the success of a play written on such -a subject, but it was hailed as a triumph at its first presentation -some years later, and made a remarkable impression on Byron and on -Madame de Staël, and was considered by most critics as Ristori's finest -impersonation. - -After two months the Countess had to return to Italy, and Alfieri's -gloom at the separation was further increased by the news of the death -of his friend Gandellini. He went to Siena, but found that city lonely -without his friend, and passed the winter in Pisa. He did a great amount -of reading, repolished his later dramas, and prepared new volumes of -them for the press. When winter ended he spent another two months of -summer with the Countess at Colmar, and then again they separated. This -time he resolved to work unremittingly, and did so until his health -failed and he had to rest. At about the same time the Countess decided -to leave Italy permanently, and at length Alfieri, towards the close of -1786, joined her and went with her to Paris. He writes in his memoirs -of this journey into France, "This country which had always proved -extremely disagreeable to me, as much on account of my own character, -as the manners of the people, now appeared a perfect elysium." There -are many glimpses to be had of this new life in the French capital. -Montanari recounts how the Marquis Pindemonte, himself a dramatist, -used each evening to take an omelette soufflé in the Countess's room, -while Alfieri sat in the chimney corner sipping his chocolate. Under -such peaceful auspices the poet spent many months in a critical -preparation of all his works for new publication. - -In February, 1788, word reached the Countess that her husband had died -in Rome, and it would appear that she was soon afterwards married to -Alfieri, although in the will of the latter she is referred to as the -Countess of Albany and not as his wife. His memoirs do not once speak -of her as his wife, but from the date of her husband's death their life -together was uninterrupted. It is now generally assumed that they were -privately married about this time. - -For three years the two lived quietly in Paris, spending their summers -and autumns at a new home Alfieri had acquired in Alsace. During these -years he printed two editions of his works, supervised their sales, and -wrote his remarkably entertaining memoirs, which were finished up to -May, 1790. The end of the three years found Paris on the brink of the -great Revolution. - -Alfieri saw the black clouds gathering on the French horizon, but -stayed on in the desire to complete the printing of his works. He was -in turn amazed, alarmed, and disgusted at the succeeding events in -the establishment of a republic. The principles proclaimed by these -so-called destroyers of tyrants were not the principles of his own -freedom-loving heart, nor those of any of his heroic characters. He -writes, "My heart was torn asunder on beholding the holy and sublime -cause of liberty betrayed by self-called philosophers,--so much did I -revolt at witnessing their ignorance, their folly, and their crimes; -at beholding the military power, and the insolence and licentiousness -of the civilians stupidly made the basis of what they termed political -liberty, that I henceforth desired nothing more ardently than to leave -a country which, like a lunatic hospital, contained only fools or -incurables." - -Circumstances, however, conspired to keep them in Paris, the Countess -was dependent upon France for two-thirds of her income, Alfieri was -finishing the printing of his dramas. The hour came when Alfieri -determined that further delay would be more than foolhardy, and so, on -August 18, 1792, having obtained passports with great difficulty, he -drove with the Countess to the city barrier. A dramatic scene followed. -The National Guards found the passports correct, and would have let the -travelers pass, but at the same moment a crowd of drunken revelers broke -from a neighboring cabaret, and attracted by the well-laden carriage, -proceeded to stop its passage, while they debated whether they should -stone it or set it on fire. The Guards remonstrated, but the revelers -complained bitterly that people of wealth should leave the city. Alfieri -lost all prudence, and jumping from his carriage, seized the passports -from the man who held them and, as he himself tells the incident, "Full -of disgust and rage, and not knowing at the moment, or in my passion -despising the immense peril that attended us, I thrice shook my passport -in my hand and shouted at the top of my voice, 'Look! Listen! Alfieri -is my name; Italian and not French; tall, lean, pale, red hair; I am -he; look at me; I have my passport, and I have had it legitimately from -those who could give it; we wish to pass, and by Heaven, we _will_ -pass!'" - -The crowd was surprised, and before they had recovered Alfieri and the -Countess had driven past the barriers and were safely on their way. They -had left Paris none too soon. Two days later the same authorities that -had granted the passports confiscated the horses, furniture, and books -that Alfieri had left behind in Paris and declared both the Countess and -Alfieri refugee aristocrats. The fact that they were both foreigners -appeared to be of no importance. It was well that they had gone. The -Countess was too illustrious a personage to have escaped for long the -fury of the fast-gathering mob, and had she been lost Alfieri would -have shared her fate. - -Florence thenceforth became the home of the Countess and of Alfieri. -He wrote desultorily, commenting upon what he had seen in France, -but for the most part devoted himself to a study of the classics. In -1795, when he was forty-six years of age, he started to learn Greek, -and was so fired with the desire that in a short time he had added an -intimate knowledge of Homer, Æschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides to that -he already had of the Latin authors. He was so much interested in the -"Alcestis" of Euripides that he wrote an original drama based on the -same theme. He was described at this time as of a tall and commanding -figure, with a face of intelligence, and the look of one born to -command, rather than obey. His forehead was broad and lofty; his red -hair fell in thick masses around it. - -The restless youth had changed to a methodical, studious man, he -arranged his day by rule, and followed that rule exactly. Only one -event disturbed him, and that was the occupation of Florence by French -troops. He had distrusted the French while he lived among them, now when -they came to hold Florence in subjection his hatred of tyranny bade him -despise them. He refused to receive the call of the French general who, -having read his works, was anxious to meet him. On the correspondence -which passed between them in reference to this matter Alfieri wrote, -"Dialogue between a lion in a cage, and his crocodile guardian." - -When he had fled from France he had been compelled to leave some -of his printed works behind him, and he was now in fear lest their -appearance and eager appeal for liberty should seem to ally him with -the Revolutionary cause. Above all things he condemned the French -Revolution. To avoid this possibility he now advertised in the Italian -papers a disclaimer, warning the public against any edition of his -writings except such as he himself issued. With this formal announcement -he had to be content. - -Alfieri had determined to write no more tragedies, and turned to -composition of comedies, of which he had six nearly completed when his -health failed. He rested for a time and then resumed his methodical life -of study and work. He was advised to give himself more recreation, but -was too obstinate to adopt any plan but his own. His health gave way -again, and neglecting the physician's advice, he tried to minister to -his own illness. Gradually he grew weaker, and on October 3, 1803, he -died. He was buried in the Florentine church of Santa Croce, and his -monument, carved by Canova, rises between the tombs of Michael Angelo -and Machiavelli. An inscription states by whom the memorial was erected. -"Louisa, Princess of Stolbergh, Countess of Albany, to Vittorio Alfieri -of Asti, 1810." In 1824 she was buried in Santa Croce. - -In his will Alfieri left everything to the Countess. Their love had -grown deeper with time. She wrote to a friend, "You know, by experience, -what it is to lose a person with whom we have lived for twenty-six -years, who has never given us a moment of displeasure, whom we have -always adored, respected, and venerated." Each, tormented alone, had -found happiness finally in their united life. - -What was Alfieri's part in the growth of that spirit which was preparing -to set Italy free? Why did Mazzini later point him out as one of the -great sources of inspiration for his "Young Italy"? We must remember -that literature and the drama are more closely related to Italian public -opinion than they are with us, that the appearance of a new book or play -is often a vital subject to a ministry. What the people read they felt, -and it was Alfieri who first showed them the immorality of national -servitude. One of his best critics has said that when Alfieri first -turned his glance toward the Italian stage, it presented anything but a -hopeful aspect. "The degradation of a people enslaved under a foreign -yoke, and without political life, could not fail to make itself felt -in the theater as in the more extended arena of public affairs. No high -effort of mind could be born amid such circumstances. A stage without -authors soon ceases to have actors. When actors and authors both are -wanting an audience will not easily be found. Thus it was, thus it had -been in Italy through many troubled years. The opera,--the seductive, -but enervating opera,--carried to great perfection by Metastasio, was -almost alone in possession of the popular taste.... Alfieri's first -thought was to improve the taste of his countrymen, by blending the -amusement they were accustomed to with something better.... Instead of -attempting reform by easy stages, he determined to attempt everything at -once.... It was something more than an improvement of the stage that he -attempted; it was the improvement of his countrymen; the regeneration of -his country!... Throughout nearly all his tragedies and his prose works, -the leading idea by which he was animated stood plainly out. Several -pieces he specially calls tragedies of liberty. They well deserve the -name. He never tired in his denunciations of tyranny, in his invectives -against oppression. These were themes upon which the more he spoke, the -more eloquent he became." - -The dramas themselves, built in strict accordance with the three -unities of classic taste, may seem strangely stiff and unemotional -to us, but they carried an immense appeal to the Italian of the last -century. They spoke a new voice and stirred a new spirit in their -hearers. The voice once heard, the spirit once born, the new idea grew -rapidly. Within a few years after Alfieri's death eighteen editions of -his works had passed through the press. Two great theaters, one at Milan -and one at Bologna, were built by men eager to present his tragedies. -The influence of his writings was tremendous; the minds of Italians from -Piedmont to Sicily were stirred to a higher pitch than they had been for -many centuries. - -Alfieri's character had many defects, at best his life was unmoral, -but having regard to the society into which he was born and the -early training he received, more was scarcely to be looked for. He -was passionate, reckless, and untutored in all self-control, yet he -harnessed himself to a work which possessed his fancy and in its service -became the devotee of study and control. Like his life his writings -lack peace and broad philosophy, but on the other hand they gain from -his peculiar nature a certain domineering force. Giuseppe Arnaud in his -criticism on the patriotic poets of Italy says, "Whoever should say that -Alfieri's tragedies, in spite of many eminent merits, were constructed -on a theory opposed to grand scenic effects and to one of the two bases -of tragedy, namely, compassion, would certainly not say what was far -from the truth. And yet, with all this, Alfieri will still remain the -dry, harsh blast which swept away the noxious miasmas with which the -Italian air was infected. He will still remain that poet who aroused -his country from its dishonorable slumber, and inspired its heart with -intolerance of servile conditions and with regard for its dignity. Up to -this time we had bleated and he roared." - -Let me only add the striking words of his fellow countryman, the gifted -poet-statesman Massimo d'Azeglio. "In fact," he wrote, "one of the -merits of that proud heart was to have found Italy Metastasian and left -it Alfierian; and his first and greatest merit was, to my thinking, that -he discovered Italy, so to speak, as Columbus discovered America, and -initiated the idea of Italy as a nation. I place this merit far beyond -that of his verses and his tragedies." - -Alfieri reminded Italians that they had a native voice. - - - - -[Illustration: MANZONI] - - - - -MANZONI, THE MAN OF LETTERS - - -The position of Manzoni in modern Italian life and literature is -doubly interesting, both because his work in poetry and the drama -marks the vital turning point in the historic battle of Classicism -with Romanticism, and because his romance "I Promessi Sposi" is the -greatest achievement in all Italian letters in the field of the novel. -Walter Scott gave the country north of Tweed a history in the "Waverley -Novels," and Alessandro Manzoni's writing a little later, at a time -when Scott's work was a great factor in European literature, gave Italy -a history in the same sense. The inestimable service that the Waverley -Novels did Scotland "I Promessi Sposi" did the disrupted states of Italy. - -The spirit of the French Revolution was all-engrossing, as subversive of -the old religions, philosophies, and literatures, as it was of the old -politics. It represented the actual thoughts of the men of that era, but -it developed so rapidly and fell into such excesses that its downfall -was sudden and complete. Then the reaction set in, which, as De Sanctis -in his history of the movement says, was "as rapid and violent as the -revolution.... The white terror succeeded to the red." - -The same critic goes on to show that there were at this period two -great philosophic principles, materialism and skepticism, and that -in opposition to them there rose a spirituality which was carried to -the heights of idealism. This spirituality approached the mysticism -of mediæval days. "To the right of nature," he says, "was opposed the -divine right, to popular sovereignty legitimacy, to individual rights -the State, to liberty authority and order. The middle ages returned in -triumph.... Christianity, hitherto the target of all offense, became the -center of every philosophical investigation, the banner of all social -and religious progress.... The criterions of art were changed. There was -a pagan art and a Christian art, where highest expression was sought in -the Gothic, in the glooms, the mysteries, the vague, the indefinite, -in a beyond which was called the ideal, in an inspiration towards the -infinite, incapable of fruition and therefore melancholy.... To Voltaire -and Rousseau succeeded Chateaubriand, De Staël, Lamartine, Victor Hugo, -Lamennais. And in 1815 appeared the Sacred Hymns of the young Manzoni." - -This spirit of idealism became the incentive for the new school -of Romance in literature and the drama, in contrast to the drab -materialism of the Revolutionary age. This school of Romance is not, -however, to be considered as diametrically opposed to the Classical -School, for they had much in common, and the contrast between them -lay not so much in the spirit which animated them as in the strict -regard of Classicism for the time-hallowed unities of time, place, and -action, and the willingness of the Romantic School to sacrifice all -these for freedom of movement and effect. The new school wished to find -its poems in the experiences of men of that day, to write its dramas -about any comedy or tragedy without regard to their classic form, it -wished freedom to grow as its own spirit might dictate. In Germany and -England great Romanticists were ripening into power, Goethe and Burger, -Scott and Byron were being widely read in Italy, and the dramas of both -Schiller and Shakespeare were continually translated and reproduced -in Italian verse. The restoration of the Austrians and Bourbons after -the Napoleonic downfall made any chance to speak political truths -impossible, even in the half-veiled militant form used earlier by -Alfieri. The Romantic School therefore, confined in its modern scope, -turned backward, became retrospective, and sought its outlet in the -glories of that mediæval world which had been so nearly akin in spirit -to the modern sentiment. It turned from recent atheistic tendencies to -a mood of great devotion, from lax morality to a high degree of upright -conduct, from the regard of liberty as the greatest good to that of -responsibility to mankind as the goal. Only distantly and secondarily -political, this Romantic movement was first of all moral, and taught -Italians that in order to be good citizens they must be good men first. -As in all literary history the movement had a deep philosophic meaning, -and this sense of moral responsibility was at the base of all Manzoni's -great creative efforts. - -First of all, then, the literary movement which succeeded the -Revolutionary era in Italy was idealistic as compared with the -materialism of the days of the Napoleonic occupation, and secondly, -it was Romantic in contradistinction to the Classicism of the earlier -times. Greek and Roman themes for artistic expression were abandoned -for the stories of national mediævalism, the Papacy became the center -of its poetic aspiration, and its spirit, though highly ardent, was far -more truly modern than that of Classicism had been. Our former critic, -De Sanctis, says that in this new movement religion "is no longer a -creed, it is an artistic motive.... It is not enough that there are -saints, they must be beautiful: the Christian idea returns as art.... -Providence comes back to the world, the miracle reappears in story, -hope and prayer revive, the heart softens, it opens itself to gentle -influences.... Manzoni reconstructs the ideal of the Christian Paradise -and reconciles it with the modern spirit. Mythology goes, the classic -remains; the eighteenth century is denied, its ideas prevail." - -Manzoni stood first for that new movement which opposed morality to -license in national development, secondly for the temper which derided -the classic limits of the three unities and held that a purely national -event was as suitable for the purpose of artistic representation as -the stories of classic history. In addition to this he first adopted -that form of the Romantic spirit which was rising so rapidly into use -in England in the novels of Walter Scott, in France in the writings -of Victor Hugo and Lamennais, and in Germany in those of Goethe and -Schiller, and gave Italy the result in his great novel of Italian life -and history. For each of these reasons Manzoni represents a force potent -in upbuilding Italian character and strengthening it at the time of its -great crisis. Though he drew suggestions from abroad, he made his work -Italian, and thoroughly Italian. "If," says De Sanctis, "the Romantic -School, by its name, its ties, its studies, its impressions, was allied -to German traditions and French fashions, it was at bottom Italian -in accent, aspiration, form, and motive.... Every one felt our hopes -palpitating under the mediæval robe; the least allusion, the remotest -meanings, were caught by the public, which was in the closest accord -with the writers. The middle ages were no longer treated with historical -and positive intention; they became the garments of our ideals, the -transparent expression of our hopes." - -Alessandro Manzoni was born in Milan, March 7, 1785, at about the time -when Alfieri was accomplishing his greatest work. His father, Pietro -Manzoni, belonged to the nobility, and bore the title of Count, a title -which Alessandro, when he inherited it at an early age, refused to -adopt, and continued to refuse to use during his whole life. His mother -was the daughter of Beccaria, a man well known throughout Europe for -his studies of political economy and criminology, and whose treatise -entitled "Crimes and Punishments" was greatly admired in the Voltairean -circles of France. Alessandro's mother was a remarkably intelligent -woman, with a fineness of nature which was inherited by her son, and -which kept him unspoiled and simple through a life unusually acclaimed -and applauded. - -His earliest youth was spent among the hills of Galbiate, according to -the custom of wealthy Lombard families, to send their children to the -mountains in order to give them rugged health. The boy was in care of -a woman who was successively his nurse and governess, and who taught -him to read and stirred his interest in the legends and history of the -neighboring countryside. When still a small boy he was sent to the -church college of the Frati Lomaschi, education being then entirely -in charge of ecclesiastics. He seems to have been in no wise an apt -student, the close confinement, the strict discipline, and the dry -manner of teaching subjects which were all of an eminently classical -nature combining to dull his spirits and interest. Stories are current -in Milan of Manzoni's inability to learn, almost bordering on stupidity, -but such stories are popular of men who have later shown great ability, -and deserve little credence. Suffice it that he showed no great aptitude -for learning at the school of the Frati Lomaschi, nor even later at -the Collegio dei Nobili. At the latter he did, however, meet the poet -Vincenzo Monti, a man well known throughout Italy, who had had for -patrons the Cardinals Borghese and Braschi, a poet and dramatist whose -pen was too apt to serve the political party in power, but who had -achieved wide popularity, and whose poems were praised by critics as -diverse-minded as Byron and Napoleon Bonaparte. Monti met the young -Manzoni when he was on a visit to the college, and took an interest in -him. Alessandro admired the poet, and it was perhaps this acquaintance -which first actively interested him in literature as a pursuit. The -meeting of the boy Walter Scott with Robert Burns is a parallel in -Scottish literary annals. - -In 1805, when he was twenty, Alessandro's father died and the youth -left the Collegio dei Nobili, and returned for a time to his mother. -After a period of home life he was sent to the University of Pavia, -the best-known of Lombard universities. His stay here was short. His -mother, now a widow for several years, was advised to go to France for -her health, and the close bonds which united mother and son would not -allow of such a distant separation. Alessandro left the University and -went with his mother to Auteuil, which was then a fashionable watering -place where the _beau monde_ of French art and letters gathered. Here -and at Paris he met the leading thinkers of the time, Volney, Cabanis, -De Tracy, Fauriel, and Condorcet, all of whom were interested in the -young man as the grandson of Beccaria and because of his own originality -of thought. These men called themselves idealogues, and claimed to -have shaken off all the conventions of the previous centuries. As a -student Manzoni had been an extremely liberal Catholic, and was usually -considered by strict critics a follower of Voltaire. At Paris and -Auteuil, however, he met so many men of the then prevalent atheistic -mode of thought that his own interest in his family religion was -quickened and he emerged from his friendship with such men as Cabanis -and Condorcet a more pronounced churchman than he had been before. It -was characteristic of him to cling tenaciously to those precedents and -standards which had so long survived in his own country. His religion, -however, was soon to become more to him than a field for philosophic -speculation, for in 1810 he married Louise Henriette Blondel, daughter -of a banker of Geneva, who, herself a convert from Protestantism to the -Church of Rome, became most ardent in the church of her adoption. She -soon brought Alessandro to her own enthusiastic view, and from the date -of his marriage his philosophy never varied. Henriette Manzoni possessed -rare beauty, and was long remembered in Milan "for her fresh blond head, -and her blue eyes, her lovely eyes," and the young husband was ideally -happy with his bride. He had by now determined to try his skill at -composition, and set himself as models the three men whose fame was then -at its height in Italy, Alfieri, Vincenzo Monti, and Ugo Foscolo. - -His bride had brought Manzoni a country seat as well as considerable -property, and so he settled in the country and studied to perfect his -style in writing. His first works were a series of Sacred Hymns, written -directly under the influence of the renewed religious faith attendant -on his marriage. These were published in 1815, and were at once noticed -as poems alike remarkable for deep religious feeling and great beauty -of expression. Appearing as they did at a time when religion was being -bitterly assailed, churchmen looked upon the young poet as a distinct -acquisition to their forces. Manzoni was not, however, even then a -believer in the temporal power of the Pope. He said to Madame Colet, the -author of "L'Italie des Italiens," "I bow humbly to the Pope, and the -Church has no more respectful son; but why confound the interests of -earth and those of heaven? The Roman people are right in asking their -freedom--there are hours for nations, as for governments, in which they -must occupy themselves, not with what is convenient, but with what is -just. Let us lay hands boldly upon the temporal power, but let us not -touch the doctrine of the Church. The one is as distinct from the other -as the immortal soul from the frail and mortal body. To believe that -the Church is attacked in taking away its earthly possessions is a real -heresy to every true Christian." - -This was the same view which Manzoni held throughout his life, and -which, stated in his quoted words, gives the position taken by the most -enlightened men of the Nationalist party in those later days when the -question of the temporal power of the Pope became vital for Italy. What -the Sacred Hymns showed was that Manzoni looked to the Church as the -center of all true aspiration and religion rather than to philosophic -theories as the safeguard of morals. - -His next production carried him a step further in advance of his -contemporaries, and marked him as the leader of the Romantic School. -In 1819 he wrote his first tragedy, published the following year under -the title "Il Conte di Carmagnola." The subject-matter was the career -of Carmagnola, a celebrated condottiere of the Middle Ages, and the -dramatic form was entirely distinct from that classic construction which -had so long tyrannized over the drama. In an introduction he explains -his departure from the classic unities of time, place, and action, and -gives his reasons for believing that the dramatist should be free to -choose his own subject and to treat it in such fashion as shall seem to -him best to express his idea. The Elizabethan dramatists had long before -discarded the law of the unities in England, and had carried their plots -over such courses of time and place as they pleased, and so had Schiller -in Germany, but in Italy the law had been absolute from the time of -Tasso to that of Alfieri. Eight years after Manzoni's "Carmagnola" -appeared, Victor Hugo brought on the great dramatic war in France with -his "Cromwell," and from the date of his ultimate triumph in Paris dates -the downfall of the Classicists and the full glory of the Romanticists. - -In Italy Manzoni's step was violently attacked and defended. -Conservatives opposed him, but the younger element immediately acclaimed -him as their leader. The following year, 1821, he wrote his great ode on -the death of Napoleon, which had occurred on May 5th, at St. Helena, and -the news of which had greatly affected all Europe. The ode, entitled "Il -Cinque Maggio," was remarkable for great dignity, a deep and profound -estimate of Napoleon's genius, and a tribute to his colossal fame which -even the French recognized as the fittest expression of poetic power. -The ode was at once translated into German by Goethe, and into English -by Gladstone and the Earl of Derby. It immediately placed him at the -head of the new school of continental poets. - -Very soon afterwards, in 1822, Manzoni wrote his second tragedy, -"Adelchi," a drama of the war between the Lombards and Charlemagne. It -followed the lines of the Carmagnola, repeating the break from classical -precedents, and establishing the value of the Romantic School. Both -dramas were acted, but without success. The Carmagnola, when it was -given at Florence in 1828, had the open support of the court to offset -the attacks of the old school, and yet did not win even a mildly -enthusiastic hearing. The Adelchi was tried with a similar result at -Turin. - -In spite of their ill reception on the stage, both of Manzoni's dramas -were immensely popular with readers, and, although based on incidents -remote in point of time, both thrilled with a patriotism that stirred -the hearts of all Italians. Mr. Howells says of the tragedies in his -"Modern Italian Poets," "The time of the Carmagnola is the fifteenth -century; that of the Adelchi the eighth century; and however strongly -marked are the characters,--and they are very strongly marked, and -differ widely from most persons of Italian classic tragedy in this -respect,--one still feels that they are subordinate to the great -contests of elements and principles for which the tragedy furnishes a -scene. In the Carmagnola the pathos is chiefly in the feeling embodied -by the magnificent chorus lamenting the slaughter of Italians by -Italians at the battle of Maclodio; in the Adelchi we are conscious of -no emotion so strong as that we experience when we hear the wail of the -Italian people, to whom the overthrow of their Longobard oppressors by -the Franks is but the signal of a new enslavement. This chorus is almost -as fine as the more famous one in the Carmagnola, both are incomparably -finer than anything else in the tragedies and are much more dramatic -than the dialogue. It is in the emotion of a spectator belonging to our -own time rather than in that of an actor of those past times that the -poet shows his dramatic strength, and whenever he speaks abstractly for -country and humanity he moves us in a way that permits no doubt of his -greatness." - -Manzoni's greatest work, however, was yet to appear, for admirable as -were his poems and inspiring as were his heroic dramas it was as a -novelist that he was to reach his pinnacle of fame. It was also as a -novelist that he was to become one of the men who directly created that -national spirit which made modern Italy. Italy had had many poets, but -no great novelist since Boccaccio. Fortunately Manzoni had not been -confined to the literature of his own land, but had studied Goethe, -Shakespeare, Voltaire, and Scott, and drew his inspiration largely from -them. He owed much to the English novel, and especially to the author -of "Waverley," a man whom he much admired, and who fully returned his -admiration. - -"I Promessi Sposi" appeared in 1825 and created a tremendous -impression. Scott said that it was the greatest historical novel ever -written, and Goethe said, "It satisfies us like perfectly ripe fruit." -It was the first and greatest Italian romance, and it awakened an -interest throughout Europe in Italian history. The scene is laid in -Milan under the harsh Spanish rule of the Seventeenth Century, and -the reader is carried through the story of war and famine, and the -great plague. Its merits are hard to exaggerate, the beauty of its -descriptions and the accuracy of its history, the intense interest of -its characters, a galaxy that embraces every walk of life, the truth -of its philosophy are equally remarkable. The universal feelings of -humanity pulse through its pages; as Dr. Garnett says of it, "as a -picture of human nature the book is above criticism; it is just the -fact, neither more nor less." - -Victor Hugo in "Les Miserables" wrote a book which appealed to the -innate democracy of man, but Manzoni in "I Promessi Sposi" made the same -appeal without having recourse to the Frenchman's use of the grotesque -and gigantic. Through the whole of the latter novel runs the note of -a profound sympathy with the poor and the unfortunate, a note which -is perhaps stronger in this book than in any romance ever written. It -is the work of a great mind, fully alive to every sensibility and -sympathy, accurate in its judgments, and to which, in the ancient words, -nothing human is foreign. - -Cardinal and priest, brigand and simple hero, grande dame and the lovely -girl whose hand promised in marriage gives part title to the book, are -each perfect in their way, and bring the characteristics of a past -century vividly before the present. Goethe pointed out the too great -prominence of the historical element, but the very careful attention -paid by Manzoni to the accuracy of his setting must add to the sense of -reality which he so completely gains. The novel was rapidly translated -into all modern languages, and at once created a school of historical -novelists in Italy. - -To us who have seen the romantic movement give place in turn to that of -realism, it is difficult to understand what Scott and Hugo, Goethe and -Manzoni did for the men of the first quarter of the Nineteenth Century. -They made people feel as they had not felt before the wide scope of -existence and the importance of the individual. Literature had been a -matter of form and convention, of classic model, of purely aristocratic -vision. The new movement was part of that same impulse which was -demanding constitutions of kings and bringing the middle classes into -political prominence. It was an awakening of public spirit which had -slept soundly through several centuries. Voltaire and Rousseau, -Alfieri and Foscolo had sounded the first notes of a new intellectual -renaissance, and now Hugo and Manzoni went further and stepped boldly -out from all classic restraints. - -Although "I Promessi Sposi" is more widely known and more highly -regarded than any Italian book, except the Divine Comedy of Dante, -Manzoni's personality impressed itself but little upon his age. He -had not the fighting nature of Victor Hugo, nor the mental unrest of -Byron, two of his great contemporaries. He preferred the retirement of -his farm to the excitements of Milan, and although he was always an -ardent advocate of Italian unity and freedom he took but small part in -the great events that soon delivered Lombardy from Austria. After the -appearance of "I Promessi Sposi" he wrote little more. "Formerly," he -said, "the muse came after me, now I should have to go after her." His -quiet life laid him open to the charge of an indifferent patriotism, but -those who knew him best understood that such an accusation was bitterly -untrue. - -When the Austrian government returned to Milan the members of the -Lombard nobility were required to write their names in an official -register or forfeit their titles. Manzoni preferred to lose his claim -as a patrician, and later refused a decoration, saying that he had -made a vow never to wear any order of knighthood. He afterwards offered -the same excuse to Victor Emmanuel when the latter wished to decorate -him. He was elected a Senator in 1860, when the first National Assembly -met, and went to Turin to take his seat, but soon after retired to the -privacy of his own home on Lake Maggiore. Here he entertained many great -guests, among them Cavour and D'Azeglio, to whom he was warmly attached. -His life flowed on an even current, the existence of a philosophic -spirit interested as an observer rather than as an actor. - -Henriette Manzoni died in 1833, and in 1837 he married Teresa Borri, -widow of Count Stampa. He saw his children grow up about him and go to -take their places in the world. Gradually he saw the cause of national -freedom win its way, and the King to whom he was so devoted unite the -scattered states under one crown. He saw the fall of the temporal power -of the Pope, and with it the consummation of his hopes. In 1873, at -the age of eighty-eight, he died, universally mourned and revered. A -Milanese journal said: "After the confessor left the room Manzoni called -his friends and said to them, 'When I am dead, do what I did every day; -pray for Italy--pray for the king and his family--so good to me!' His -country was the last thought of this great man dying, as in his whole -long life it had been his most vivid and constant affection." - -It was nearly fifty years since his last important work had appeared, -but during that long half century of inactivity Manzoni's fame had -grown steadily. His romance had passed through one hundred and eighteen -editions in Italian alone. Milan decreed him a state funeral, and -representatives of all European countries appeared at the old Lombard -capital with addresses from their sovereigns. It has been said that -Manzoni's death evoked a greater unanimity of sentiment than has been -called forth by that of any other great author of modern times, except -possibly by that of Sir Walter Scott. Even those who had criticised -Manzoni had always spoken their opinions in a spirit of reverence. -He was regarded as the great guiding figure in the course of the new -national literature. - -A singularly uneventful life for one of the great builders of a nation, -uneventful even for that of a scholar or poet. Moreover the roll of -his works is small numerically, comprising his Sacred Hymns, the two -dramas, the Ode on Napoleon, the single novel, and in addition only a -few essays, the "Innominata" or Column of Infamy, an historical note to -"I Promessi Sposi," an essay on the Romantic School, called "Letters -on Romanticism," and one entitled "Letters on the Unity of Time and -Place," the purpose of which was to show that the unity of action is the -only unity of importance to the dramatist. The bulk of his work was not -great, but each expression of it was masterful in its way, the Hymns -true poetry as well as deep religious sentiment, the Ode considered -the finest ode in all Italian poetry, the dramas pulsing with life and -feeling, the novel unsurpassed. These were the literary values of his -work, but these in themselves would not account for Manzoni's influence -on his times. He was a moral and political force, showing the men of his -day that nations can only hope for liberty and peace when the citizens -respect the law and virtue. A generation that had lived through the -French Revolution and the Napoleonic era needed some one to lead them -back to moral sanity, and this was the greatest of Manzoni's works. - -Like Gioberti, like D'Azeglio, like Victor Emmanuel, Manzoni was a -staunch Catholic as well as a true Italian. A close friend, Signor -Bonghi, said of him: "He had two faiths, one in the future of -Catholicism, another in the future of Italy, and the one, whatever was -said, whatever happened, never disturbed the other. In anxious moments, -when the harmony between the two was least visible, he expected it the -most, and never allowed his faith in one or the other to be shaken. Rome -he wished to be the abode of the King; Rome he wished also to be the -abode of the Pope. Obedient to the Divine Authority of the Pontificate, -no one passed a more correct judgment upon its civil character, or -defended with more firmness, when speaking upon the subject, the right -of the State." - -That he was the poet of resignation, as Monnier declared, is disproved -by his dramas and his novel. The martial lyrics of the plays burn with a -spirit only too evidently fired by the contemporary subjection of Italy -to Austria and France. Take for example the first and last verses of one -of the lyrics in the Adelchi, as rendered into English by Miss Ellen -Clarke: - - "From moss-covered ruin of edifice nameless, - From forests, from furnaces idle and flameless, - From furrows bedewed with the sweat of the slave, - A people dispersed doth arouse and awaken, - With senses all straining and pulses all shaken, - At a sound of strange clamor that swells like a wave. - - In visages pallid, and eyes dim and shrouded, - As blinks the pale sun through a welkin beclouded, - The might of their fathers a moment is seen; - In eye and in countenance doubtfully blending; - The shame of the present seems dumbly contending - With pride in the thought of a past that hath been. - - * * * * * - - And deem ye, poor fools! that the need and the guerdon - That lured from afar were to lighten your burden, - Your wrongs to abolish, your fate to reverse? - Go! back to the wrecks of your palaces stately, - To the forges whose glow ye extinguished so lately, - To the field ye have tilled in the sweat of your curse! - - The victor and vanquished in amity knitted, - Have doubled the yoke to your shoulders refitted; - One tyrant had quelled you, and now ye have twain: - They cast forth the lot for the serf and the cattle, - They throne on the sods that yet bleed from their battle, - And the soil and the hind are their servants again." - -Could Manzoni have meant such words to speak other than of the Austrians -and Bourbons who were grinding Italians into servitude? Could his -marvelous meter, which has been said in its "plunging" to suggest a -charge of horses, have been meant other than to drive his countrymen -to self assertion? Manzoni was patriot as well as artist, and read -his times with no unskilful eye. When Victor Emmanuel visited Milan -in 1859 he said that he should like to meet the poet, and, when told -that the latter was ill, declared that he would go to him. Manzoni, -however, would not hear of this, and as soon as he was able called -upon the King. The sovereign's marks of regard and respect overwhelmed -the poet. Later he said of the meeting, "I see in the character of the -King the intervention of Providence. He is exactly the sovereign that -circumstances require to accomplish the resurrection of Italy. He has -rectitude, courage, incorruptible honesty, and disinterestedness; he -seeks not glory or fortune for himself, but for his country. He is -so simple, never caring to appear great, that he does not meet the -admiration of those who seek to find in princes and heroes theatrical -actions and grandiloquent words. He is natural because he is true, and -this makes his enemies say that he is wanting in regal majesty. To found -Italian unity he has risked his throne, and his life." - -Manzoni's prophecies came true and he himself had no small part in -accomplishing that great end towards which so many men of diverse forces -worked. As well as king and statesman, warrior and prophet, the man of -letters taught his people how to find their independence. - - - - -[Illustration: GIOBERTI] - - - - -GIOBERTI, THE PHILOSOPHER - - -Gioberti's signal gift to his countrymen was his great book, "II Primato -d'Italia," a statement of the causes of Italy's early primacy among -European nations, and a philosophic theory for her regeneration. Like -Savonarola he flayed the vices of his time and preached redemption -through Christian living, but, unlike the great Fra, he undertook to -teach that the Church was no less fitted to be the seat of statecraft -than of religion. It was this that gained him the ear of Rome as well as -that of Piedmont, and made it seem for a moment as though he had found -the solution of Italy's troubles. - -The effect of the "Primato" was felt from Turin to Naples. "The book," -said Minghetti, the statesman of a later decade, "seemed to some an -extravagance, to others a revelation. The truth is, that while many of -its ideas were peculiar to the author, and partook of his character, -his studies, and his profession, the substance of it responded to a -sentiment still undefined, but which had been slowly developing in the -minds of Italians. The idea of nationality had, in the previous years, -spread far and wide through many channels, open and secret, and the -desire of a great and free country had taken possession of the majority -of the younger men; but the methods hitherto employed had proved so -inefficient that weariness and disgust had followed. Experience had -proved that conspiracies, secret societies, and partial insurrections -were of no utility--that they made the governments more severe, retarded -civil progress, arrested the increase of public prosperity, plunged many -families into misery, and did not even win the approbation of civilized -nations. - -"The rumors of wars and of European insurrections which were circulated -every spring time, the mystic declamations of Mazzini in the name of -God and the people, ... all these things showed that the time had come -to try another method, more serious, more practical, and surer.... -Gioberti, a Piedmontese exile for the sake of liberty, had taken part -in the earliest phases of the "Giovine Italia" or had been in relation -with its chiefs, but had wearied of that pompous and impotent society. -His intellect had anticipated that change which had been imperceptibly -operating and now began to appear widely ... but obscurely in the -consciousness of many men. This opportuneness and coincidence of -the ideas of the author with the spirit of the day gave his book -a special importance.... The purpose of the book was to prove that -Italy, although it had lost all political value for the outside world, -contained all the conditions of moral and political revival, and that -to effect this change there was no need of revolutions, invasions, or -imitations of the foreigner, since political revival is limited to three -heads--unity, independence, and liberty--the first two of which might be -obtained by a confederation of the various states under the presidency -of the Pope, and the last by means of internal reforms in each state, -effected by their respective Princes without danger or diminution of -their real power." - -Vincenzo Gioberti was born in Turin April 5, 1801, and was the only -child of parents of very moderate means. At an early age it was decided -that he should prepare for the priesthood, and his education was -entrusted to the fathers of the Oratory in Turin. His nature was more -conformable to the teaching of churchmen than was that of Alfieri or -Manzoni, and whereas both the latter had chafed under the discipline -and mental training of the Church schools the young Gioberti became a -thoughtful student. He differed from Mazzini, a contemporary studying -at Genoa, in that although he early learned that the condition of his -country was wretched, his mind could only conceive of improvement by -orderly and temperate steps. He was a brilliant scholar, and during the -years of his training for the priesthood he delved deep into the history -of philosophy, and studied closely the writings of the fathers and -doctors of the Roman Church. In 1825 he was ordained a priest. - -The young priest, a man of a serious and reflective mind, turned his -attention to the affairs of his country, and gradually entered upon a -careful study of the literature of the day, and the political theories -that were then agitating men's minds. He took part in scholastic -discussions of religious and political subjects, and in time widened his -acquaintance in Turin so that he came in contact with the leaders of -thought in the Sardinian capital. As he met men and spoke his thoughts -more freely it came to be seen that he was occupied above everything -else with the problem of freeing Italy from the foreign overlords, and -this gradually marked him as a free-thinking priest. At first, however, -he did not incur the enmity of the clerical party, for, although his -conception of Italian freedom consisted in emancipation not alone from -the arms of foreign masters, but from all modes of thought which were -alien to the nation's genius, and detrimental to its national authority, -this authority was always associated in his mind with the idea of Papal -supremacy, but a supremacy intellectual rather than political. - -The reign of Charles Albert of Piedmont was a continual battle between -the conservative party and the enlightened liberals. The leaders of the -conservatives were clerics, in large measure Jesuits, who kept in close -touch with the Court of Vienna, realizing to the full that their aims -and those of Austria were to all intents identical, the maintenance of -the _status quo_ in Italy. The young priest Gioberti was not long in -incurring the hostility of the Jesuits, because, although he sought -the ultimate supremacy of the Papal See, he desired it as a moral -rather than as a physical supremacy, and he most ardently hoped for the -expulsion of the Austrians from Lombardy and the absolute independence -of Piedmont from Viennese influence. His was, however, too brilliant a -mind to be denied, and, despite the efforts of the Court party, Charles -Albert, who was always cognizant of the abilities of other men, soon -after his accession to the throne in 1831 nominated the young priest to -be one of the royal chaplains. - -As chaplain of the court Gioberti quickly assumed prominence. His nature -was open and frank, he made friends easily, he wrote on ecclesiastical -and political subjects, and his patriotism was known to be unbounded. -He soon had gathered a party about him, and his influence over the -King grew rapidly. Charles Albert's own views on Italian policy were at -that time almost identical with Gioberti's, he would have been glad to -acknowledge a confederation of Italian states under the presidency of -the Pope, provided the foreign princelings could be disposed of without -bloodshed. This, however, the clerical party did not approve of, any -change being to their view revolutionary, and the realization that the -chaplain was gaining the private ear of the King finally compelled them -to mark him for exile. - -Aware of this disaffection in the Church party at Turin, Gioberti in -1833 asked permission of Charles Albert to resign his chaplaincy, but, -before his request was granted he was suddenly arrested one day while -walking with a friend in the public gardens of the city, and placed -in prison. The influence of the clerical party was so all-powerful in -the Piedmont of that day that no attempt to secure Gioberti's release -was effective, and no popular demonstration at such an outrage could -take place. He was given no trial, and his case was the subject of -no apparent judicial process. After four months' imprisonment he was -informed that his banishment had been decreed, and he was at once -conducted to the frontier in charge of a carabineer. At the same time -his name was stricken off the roll of the theological doctors of the -College of Turin. - -Driven into exile because of his political opinions, even as Mazzini -was exiled as a suspect rather than because of any proof against him, -Gioberti reached Paris in October, 1833. Like so many other great -Italians of that day he was destined to spend many years away from -his beloved country. Without friends, family, or money, his career -apparently ruined, his hopes shattered, Gioberti was to sound the depths -of a courageous man's despair. Mazzini took himself to London to eke -out a meager living as a teacher of Italian, and with the same thought -Gioberti went to Brussels. Here he undertook to teach philosophy, and -finally obtained employment in assisting his friend Gaggia in the -management of a small college. All his leisure time he devoted to -studying and writing on philosophy, rising early, and working the better -part of the night, and producing work after work of great value in -philosophic inquiry, all of which bore especially upon the needs of his -own countrymen. - -His stay in Brussels, which lasted from 1834 to 1845, saw the production -of his greatest books, all deeply earnest, and each one causing in -turn the greatest interest and emotion in Italy. The volume of his -work was most remarkable, treatises appearing at short intervals, -each one of which would have sufficed to represent a lifetime's study. -His first work was the result of a friendship formed in Brussels with -a young fellow-exile, Paolo Pallia, who on one occasion expressed -to Gioberti certain doubts as to the reality of revelations and a -future life. Gioberti at once commenced work upon his "La Teorica del -Sovran-naturale," which was finished and published in 1838. This was -followed in 1839 and 1840 by his three volumes called "Introduzione -allo Studio della Filosofia." In all these writings he stands apart -from his contemporary European philosophers. Method of speculation -is with him subjective and psychological. He adopts much from Plato. -Throughout all his writings religion is synonomous with civilization, -and he repeatedly states that religion is the true and only expression -of the _idea_ in this life, and is one with the real civilization of -history. Civilization is the means to perfection, of which religion is -the essence. - -These strictly philosophic works were followed by the essays "Del Bello" -and "Del Buono," and after a short interval by a magnificent exposure -of the Jesuit Order, "Il Gesuita Moderno," and his "Del Primato Morale e -Civile degli Italiani," and "Prolegomeni." - -It was the "Primato" which gave the exiled Gioberti his place as a -great factor in the struggle for Italian independence. His ideas seem -strangely archaic now, but they were compelling in 1846. He himself -says: "I intend to show ... that Italy alone has the qualities required -to become the chief of nations, and that although to-day she has almost -completely lost that chiefship, it is in her power to recover it, and -I will state the most important conditions of that renovation.... As -infant civilization was born between two rivers, so renewed and adult -civilization arose between two seas; the former in fertile Mesopotamia, -whence it easily spread over Asia, Africa and the west; the latter -in Italy, which divides the Tyrrhene and Adriatic seas, thus forming -the central promontory of Europe and placed in a position to dominate -the rest of the hemisphere.... In the Church there is neither Greek -nor Barbarian, and all nations form a cosmopolitan society, as all -the tribes of Israel a single nation. But as, in the Jewish nation, -genealogy determined the tenure of the hierarchy, and the sons of Levi -received the custody of the Law and the service of the Temple, so in -the Christian commonwealth the division of the nations is in a manner -involved in the order of the Catholic Church. And, the Church having a -supreme head, we must recognize a moral pre-eminence where Heaven has -established its seat, and where nearer, quicker, more immediate and -more uninterrupted are the in-breathings of its voice. This preeminence -certainly does not transgress the natural order of divine intentions, -real and efficient in their working and in the obligations they impose. -So that the Italians, humanly speaking, are the Levites of Christianity, -having been chosen by Providence to keep the Christian Pontificate, and -to protect with love, with veneration, and if necessary by arms, the -ark of the new covenant.... Let the nations, then, turn their eyes to -Italy, their ancient and loving mother, who holds the seeds of their -regeneration. Italy is the organ of the supreme reason and the royal and -ideal word; the fountain, rule and guardian of every other reason and -eloquence; for there resides the Head that rules, the Arm that moves, -the Tongue that commands and the Heart that animates Christianity at -large.... As Rome is the seat of Christian wisdom, Piedmont is to-day -the principal home of Italian military strength. Seated on the slopes of -the Alps, as a wedge between Austria and France, and as a guard to the -peninsula, of which it is the vestibule and peristyle, it is destined -to watch from its mountains, and crush in its ravines, every foreign -aggressor, compelling its powerful neighbors to respect the common -independence of Italy." - -Such expression will suffice to show that Gioberti was in no sense a -reliable prophet, but a philosopher of deeply religious strain who was -seeking to reconcile the political freedom of Italy with the suzerainty -of the Pope. He discountenanced all plotting and conspiracy, both of -which were being advocated by Mazzini's appeals to "Young Italy," and -built his country out of a confederation of states. Mazzini, impractical -as he was in many respects, did at least realize that no such loosely -joined federation could stand six months, and insisted above all in -actual political hegemony of the states. - -Gioberti's "Primato," deeply suggestive in itself to intellectual -Italy, was given a remarkable impetus by the election at about the -same time as its appearance of a new Pope. Pius IX., elected to the -papal chair in June, 1846, seemed the very man to bring about the -realization of Gioberti's hopes. As Cardinal Mastai Ferreti he had been -immensely popular, and he was known as a man of great amiability, keenly -interested in new ideas, and ardent in the cause of Italian unity of -action. His first act was to proclaim a general amnesty for political -offenses, by which thousands of prisoners who had spent years in Roman -prisons, or abroad in exile, many ignorant of the charges brought -against them, were allowed to return to family and friends. He visited -the poor and superintended the relief of the sick, even working among -the Jewish quarters of Rome. He favored the construction of railroads, -modified the restrictions of the press, and organized an advisory -council of leading citizens. Small wonder that a world which had been -used to the infinitely narrow-minded reactionaries Leo XII. and Gregory -XVI. hailed Pius IX. as the regenerator of both church and state. - -To a large degree Pius and Gioberti had both felt the same enthusiasms, -and believed in the same principles, the cardinal one being that society -was to be reformed by the Roman Church, and the government of society -vested in the Church as a court of highest appeal. Different desires led -the two men to this conclusion, Gioberti hoping that reform would come -by means of concessions by arbitrary powers to the rights of the people, -and the Pope believing that humanizing the form of church government -would strengthen its actual power and increase the devotion of all -nations to the Holy See. History proved that neither Gioberti nor Pius -IX. was correct, but the seeming coincidence of their views increased -the power of each. Gioberti gained the support of the liberal element -in the Church, and the Pope gained the adhesion of intellectual men -throughout Italy. - -The new Pope had read Gioberti's political writings, and had been deeply -influenced by them. The "Primato," issued at Brussels in 1842, had been -prohibited in all the Italian states except Piedmont, and this fact -added immensely to its weight with patriots. Charles Albert read it -and admired it greatly; with the advent of Pius, he as well as men so -diverse as Mazzini, Garibaldi, and D'Azeglio, looked for regeneration. -Under the influence of this new spirit Charles Albert declared an -amnesty for all exiles in 1846, and the philosopher-priest, after -thirteen years of exile, was free to return home. - -Long exile had somewhat crushed the ardent nature of the churchman, -and he waited in Brussels until he was assured by friends that his -return to Turin would be popular. Learning that his works, especially -the "Primato" and the "Gesuita Moderno," had made him a hero in the -eyes of patriots, he finally returned to Turin in 1848. His entrance -into the capital on April 29 of that year was the occasion for the -greatest outburst of enthusiasm, a welcome intensified by the thought -that this man had been banished for no other cause than the resentment -of the hated Jesuits. The city was decorated and illuminated in his -honor, deputations waited upon him, the King appointed him a Senator, -but, as he had been elected as deputy by both Turin and Genoa to the -Assembly of Representatives now to meet for the first time under the new -constitution, he chose to sit in the lower house for Turin. - -Invitations now poured in upon him from other cities, and before the -Assembly met he made a tour of the states, commencing with Milan, and -finally reaching Rome. He had three interviews with the Pope, and these -meetings led him still further to believe that Pius was the man who -should put his political philosophy into practice. He found the Romans, -who of all Italians had most cause to hate the Jesuits, overjoyed with -his work describing the modern abuses of that order, and anxious at -all hazards that their new Pontiff should follow the new spirit of -liberality. - -While he was traveling and speaking publicly to all the peoples the -Assembly met in Turin, and elected him its president. Count Balbo was -Prime Minister, and in the same Parliament sat many of the younger -element, including Cavour, and a large liberal section headed by -D'Azeglio. - -Meanwhile there had occurred the memorable battle-days of 1848, when -the February revolution in Paris set fire to the tinder that had been -preparing throughout Europe. The Milanese arose and drove out the -Austrian garrison, Venice proclaimed the republic under Daniel Manin, -and the cry of "a free Italy" rang from the Alps to Sicily. Pius IX., -who had already made serious protest to Austria when in the preceding -year that Power had garrisoned Ferrara, prepared to place himself -actively at the head of the national movement, and in Piedmont Charles -Albert took the field and went to the aid of Lombardy. At the close -of 1848 Count Balbo resigned, and a new ministry was formed, in which -Gioberti held a seat. - -Unfortunately Pius IX. lacked the courage of his convictions, and -when he heard that the Austrians were winning back their lost fields -in Lombardy, his desire to send his troops to the aid of Piedmont -cooled. The conservative elements about him gained his ear, and he -replaced Mamiani, his Prime Minister, a man who wished him to give -Rome a constitution, with Count Rossi, the French Ambassador, a man of -great ability, but ultra conservative. In November, 1848, Rossi was -assassinated, and shortly afterward the violence of the demands of the -people convinced Pius that his best course was temporary flight. Acting -upon this impulse on November 24, 1848, he escaped from Rome to Gaeta. -Italy was beginning to see to what manner of man it had looked for -deliverance. - -From Gaeta the self-exiled Pontiff issued a formal protest against -the violence to which he stated his people had subjected him, and by -which means alone his latest enactments had been extorted from him, and -declared all measures passed in Rome during his absence null and void. - -In Rome the brief Republic of Mazzini held sway, and at Gaeta France and -Austria sought to cheer the Pope. Charles Albert, his hope of Papal aid -fading rapidly, attempted for a few months to stem the tide of French -and Austrian influence over Pius. He tried to effect a reconciliation -between the Holy Father and the Romans, and Gioberti wrote to the Pope, -saying: "I hope the Court of Gaeta is about to return to sentiments -more evangelical, more worthy of Pius IX. I am sorry to have to say -that the Court of Gaeta, repudiating the doctrine of conciliation, and -adopting that of vengeance and blood, does not seem to know that it -is repudiating the maxims of Christ, and putting in their stead those -of Mahomet." In addition Gioberti did his best to gain the Pope's -concurrence in a plan for the formation of an Italian federation of -princes, but without success. The bolt was shot, Pius had had his day -as popular idol, and having proven that Italy had nothing to hope -politically from the Pope, quickly retroceded to the plane of the -Bourbon Princes and Grand Dukes. To Gioberti, who had hoped so much -from the spiritual and temporal power of Rome, the disillusionment was -terrific. - -That he was a theorist rather than a practical statesman he now showed -conclusively by advocating as minister at Turin that Piedmont should -anticipate the inevitable restoration of the rulers of central Italy -by the governments of Austria and France by restoring them itself. Had -this plan been adopted the House of Savoy would have been irretrievably -ruined in the eyes of patriotic Italy, and the country left without any -champion of freedom. Fortunately his proposal met with small favor. - -The battle of Novara ended the struggles of Charles Albert, and Victor -Emmanuel, a man of sterner make, came into control. A new ministry was -formed for the new King by General Delaunay, who included Gioberti again -in the cabinet, although he held no portfolio. He was not in touch, -however, with the new elements of government, he could not appreciate a -statecraft that was in essence radical, and after several disagreements -he was appointed on a nominal mission to Paris, which in reality removed -him from any part in the government at Turin. His best work had been -done in the service of Charles Albert, he was not in touch with the -coming policies of the adroit Cavour. - -The stirring years of 1848 and 1849 passed, the dream of the Pope's -leadership vanished, and the yoke of the foreigner seemed to have -settled as heavily as ever upon the states of Italy. Again exiles -gathered in London and Paris, Mazzini returned to his English -fogs, and we find Gioberti the confidant in Paris of many banished -fellow-countrymen. The Marquis Pallavicino, friend of Manin and many -other patriots, became his bosom friend. He was offered a pension by -his government, but declined it, and devoted himself to writing. In -1851 he published his great work, the "Rinnovamento Civile d'Italia," -in which he pointed out the mistakes made by Italians in 1848 and 1849, -acknowledged his own blunders in political sagacity, and designated -Piedmont as the leader of a great national movement, which should -ultimately end in a regenerated Italy, with its capital in a lay and -constitutional Rome. He had met and talked with Cavour in Paris during -the preparation of this book, and he had had the perspicacity to predict -that Cavour was the man who should unite his land. The statesman -was half amused, half impressed by Gioberti's words, he had always -considered him a man who just failed of being a great statesman because -he was a visionary, but he was profoundly impressed by the grasp and -depth of his new work. - -The "Rinnovamento" was indeed true prophecy, the philosopher had at -last seen the futility of a political confederation of peoples under a -religious head, he realized that Princes supported by foreign Powers -would never unite for any common end. "Except the young sovereign -who rules Piedmont," he says in the "Rinnovamento," "I see no one in -Italy who could undertake our emancipation. Instead of imitating Pius, -Ferdinand, and Leopold, who violated their sworn compacts, he maintains -his with religious observance--vulgar praise in other times, but to-day -not small, being contrary to example." Victor Emmanuel, reading the -book, was as much impressed by it as Cavour had been, and time and again -repeated, "I will do what Gioberti says." - -Pius IX., still amiable, still suave, was kept in Rome by French arms, -and was solely occupied in proving his own insufficiency as a temporal -ruler of any sort whatever. He had retracted all his liberal acts, -made friends with all his old foes, and placed entire charge of state -affairs in the hands of that most unsavory of men, Cardinal Antonelli. -Under him the Jesuits resumed their former activity, and soon had closed -completely about the Pope. Then it was that the works of Gioberti, the -"Primato" and the "Prolegomeni," which had once so greatly delighted the -Pope, were placed upon the Index Expurgatorius and publicly condemned -by the Church. The action had no other effect than to amuse the -world; Italy and all friends of Italy had read and pondered the great -treatises, and drawn their own conclusions from them irrespective of the -wishes of the Roman See. - -Gioberti died in Paris October 16, 1852, just as the new era in Italian -affairs which he had predicted in his last book was actually commencing -with the advent of Cavour as Prime Minister of Piedmont. - -When we review Gioberti's work we find that it was chiefly important as -a stimulus to Italian patriotic thought, as a threshing out of theories -and principles in preparation for a true realization of national needs -and hopes. That the philosophy, in so far as it was political, of his -"Primato" failed to prove true when attempted in practice, and must -inevitably so have failed as we see now, did not affect his influence -over his own generation. That influence was one which contrasted -sharply with Mazzini's, Gioberti always preaching orderly organization, -Mazzini daring attempts of many sorts, both alike in the ardor of their -enthusiasm. - -While Mazzini appealed to the mass, Gioberti appealed to the scholars, -the clergy, the thinking classes, and his appeal was patriotic as well -as intellectual. In his "Primato" he stirs his countrymen to consider -their country's place among the nations. "While to the north," he says, -"there is a people numbering only twenty-four millions who rule the -sea, make Europe tremble, own India, vanquish China and occupy the best -parts of Asia, Africa, America and Oceania, what great things have we -Italians done? What are our manual and intellectual exploits? Where -are our fleets and our colonies? What rank do our legates hold; what -force do they wield; what wise or authoritative influence do they exert -in foreign courts? What weight attaches to the Italian name in the -balance of European power? Foreigners, indeed, know and still visit our -country, but only for the purpose of enjoying the changeless beauty of -our skies and of looking upon the ruins of our past. But what profits -it to speak of glory, riches, and power? Can Italy say she has a place -in the world? Can she boast of a life of her own and of a political -autonomy, when she is awed by the first insolent and ambitious upstart -who tramples her under foot and galls her with his yoke? Who is there -who shudders not when he reflects that, disunited as we are, we must be -the prey of any assailant whatever, and that we owe even that wretched -fraction of independence which charters and protocols still allow us to -the compassion of our neighbors?" Then he concludes, "Although all this -has come upon us through our own fault; nevertheless, by the exercise -of a little strength of will and determination, without upheavals or -revolutions and without perpetrating injustice, we can still be one of -the first races in the world." - -With consummate skill he arranged a national program in which the Pope, -the Princes, the people, even Austria, should have a part, and it was -scarcely to be wondered that inasmuch as each interest was flattered -each thought well of the program. The clergy were no less delighted with -the eloquence of one of their own number than with his teaching that -religion and patriotism should go hand in hand, those high in power felt -that their power would be left them under his theory, and the people -were stirred by his eloquence and dreams of what Italy should become. As -a result there arose what was known as the "Neo-Guelph" party, which, -harking back to the Middle Ages, sought to place the Pope at the head of -the national movement. And, by a beautiful coincidence of history, just -at that moment a new Pontiff, one of that clergy which had so greatly -admired Gioberti's writings, ascended St. Peter's throne. In these facts -you have the cause of Gioberti's commanding position in the early years -of the great struggle. - -Unfortunately Gioberti's theories were dreams, not even so practical -as the aspirations of Mazzini's "Young Italy." He had failed utterly -to grasp the need of absolute administrative concentration and did not -accurately estimate the jealousies and prides of the petty Princes and -the churchmen. He believed that those forces which had so long destroyed -Italian unity could be made to unite to restore it, he believed that the -Roman Church could exercise a wise temporal authority. He looked back to -the Middle Ages, and spoke with some of Savonarola's words. He appealed -to his people's ancient love of art and letters, to the glories of the -mediæval cities, to the world-wide authority of Rome and St. Peter's. -The appeal stirred the imagination of the intellectual classes, and -drew the attention of other countries to the fallen estate of Italy. -Beyond that it could not be effective; the needs of State and Church, of -Princes and people, had grown too unalterably opposed. Mazzini was far -nearer right, a truer teacher, a surer guide. - -The time came when Gioberti recognized that Italy's salvation lay in -the strong hand, and this he acknowledged in his last book. It is the -truest of all his political philosophies because he had then understood -that the future belonged to men of such abilities as were possessed by -Cavour and Victor Emmanuel, and to a well-knit nation rather than to a -confraternity of ill-assorted states. - -Yet for all its fallacies Gioberti's "Primato" woke intellectual Italy -from a sleep which had lasted centuries, and made it consider the -problem of its regeneration. - - - - -[Illustration: MANIN] - - - - -MANIN, THE "FATHER OF VENICE" - - -The story of Venetian glory seemed closed with the last years of the -Eighteenth Century. The proud Queen of the Adriatic had seen her jewels -stolen one by one, and had finally become the toy of wanton powers. -Venice was no longer self-reliant, no longer coldly virtuous, her -grandeur had sunk into a memory, her civic honor been bedimmed by gross -corruption. "Venice was," said the world, and France, parceling out the -conquests of the young Napoleon, handed Venetia and the City of the -Doges to Austria. There was no opportunity for self-defense, Napoleon -had removed all military stores and confiscated the Venetian fleet, the -citizens buried the lion-banners of Saint Mark beneath their churches, -and silently watched the Austrians enter. The last Doge, aged and bent -with years, fell senseless as he opened his lips to swear allegiance to -the House of Hapsburg. Europe considered the fate of Venice sealed. - -Napoleon came and went, and men as well as maps experienced gigantic -changes, but still Venice slept. She had become a part of the Austrian -Empire, a new generation grew up who had never known Venice free, who -only learned their city's history by stealth. Among this new generation -was Daniel Manin, son of a Jew who had embraced Christianity and who -had adopted the surname of his noble patron the last Doge, according to -Venetian custom. So it happened that the last free ruler of Venice and -the man who was to raise her from sleep bore the same name. There was -also transmitted to the boy the ancient hate of Austria. - -Born in 1804 Daniel Manin early showed a strong love of learning, which -was eagerly tended by his father, a lawyer of some note. The father -taught his son the history of his city, he brought him up to see the -unjust practices of Napoleon and of Austria, he kindled in him the -passion for liberty. The boy studied jurisprudence and the growth of -Venetian dialects, at fifteen he translated the apocryphal book of -Enoch from the Hebrew, at seventeen he became a Doctor of Laws, and -had translated Pothier's great French work on Roman law before he was -twenty-one. The year he came of age he married, and a little later -settled in the small town of Maestra, which lies at the entrance to the -Lagoons, and started to practise his profession of advocate, which under -Austrian rule allowed him only to act in civil cases, and then merely -in a consulting capacity and never as a pleader in the courts. - -Even in early youth his health was poor; although his mind was unusually -active and well-balanced he was subject to frequent visitations of -great physical weariness which at times made it impossible for him to -accomplish anything. Later in life he wrote, "The act of living, in a -healthy person, considered in itself, ought to be a pleasure; but to me -from my very childhood, it has always been a painful effort. I always -feel weary." He was frequently morbid just at the time when his growing -family required all his energy for support. - -In person the young lawyer was rather striking, not tall, but spare, -with unusually animated blue eyes, thick chestnut hair, and features -full of changing expression, quick to show the temper of his mind. For -all his underlying weariness and continued depression he often appeared -gay and cheerful on the surface; it was his nature to be unselfish, and -to turn a brave face towards the world. - -Working as an advocate Manin gave up his spare hours to studying -Venetian _patois_ and to planning how in time his city might loosen -the bonds of Austrian tyranny. As early as 1830, when he was only -twenty-six, he joined with three close friends in a plot to seize the -Venetian arsenal, and drew up a proclamation intended to excite the -citizens. The movement throughout northern Italy on which the friends -relied failed to materialize, and the plan fell through. Fortunately the -authors of the proclamation were not discovered, and Manin was permitted -to continue his profession. He did not believe in secret societies, and -would not join them; he devoted himself to studying Austria's colonial -weaknesses. - -The first step which brought him seriously to the notice of the -government was his work on behalf of the Italian bankers who were -associated with some Germans in building a railway between Venice and -Milan. There had been a disagreement as to the route of the railway, and -the Austrian viceroy had sided with the Germans. Manin was engaged to -represent the Italian bankers, and conducted his side of the case with -great skill. The Austrian government finally concluded the matter by -arbitrarily dissolving the Italian Railways Association. The case had -however shown Manin a possible mode of attacking the foreign despotism, -finding flaws in its laws and concentrating on such weaknesses until -eventually its whole fabric was loosened. He did not believe that -any sudden local revolution could succeed, he saw only the loss of -valuable lives thereby, but he did believe that the way for some later -far-sweeping rising might be paved by consecutive breaches in the -enemy's legal walls. This opinion was the result of his evenly-balanced, -deliberate judgment; he could at times, as he was to show later, throw -himself passionately into a cause, without regard to consequences, but -his nature was not that of the ardent revolutionary; he relied on cool, -sober judgments, and was not readily led from them by illusions. In his -notes we find him writing, "Against disorder I feel a repulsion not -only of reason but of instinct, the same as I feel against everything -contrary to the laws of harmony, a deformed face, a discordant sound." - -His advocacy of the Italian bankers brought Manin before the Venetian -public, he was recognized as an able speaker with a deep knowledge -of law. He spoke before the Venetian Athenæum on the obligation of -thinkers to inspire and stimulate men of action. The subject gave him -a chance to draw attention to the present lethargy of Venice and to -urge consideration of new ideas affecting trade and commerce. He hoped -to unite northern Italians through the new principle of free trade. -Fortunately Cobden, the great English advocate of free trade, was -traveling in Italy; he visited Venice and met Manin and some of the -other Venetian leaders of opinion just as he had met Cavour at Turin -and Massimo d'Azeglio at Genoa. - -Various small events gave the lawyer a chance to speak publicly to his -fellow-citizens. At the Scientific Congress which met in September, -1847, he was appointed a commissioner to investigate the charitable -institutions of Venice, and in doing this work he came upon the case -of a poor infirm workman who had placed a placard upon a public wall -complaining that the government had left him to starve, and for which -action had been placed in a lunatic asylum. Manin reported the case -and wrote, "The physicians acknowledge the man is sane; but they dare -not set him at liberty, fearing it would be contrary to the views of -the police and government. For my part, I have a better opinion of the -government and the police. I do not admit that they create madmen by -decrees. If Padovini is culpable there are the laws." Count Palffy, -the Governor, was very much vexed. "We must release Padovini from the -madhouse," he said, "and put Manin in his place." - -About the same time Count Jablonski, a relation of the Venetian -Governor, wrote a paper urging the Italians to become resigned. In reply -Manin set down his thoughts in a page which seems to sum up his whole -purpose, a wonderful expression of his philosophy. It was not published -at that time, but was later found among his papers. It read: - -"It is the fashion to preach resignation. - -"I distinguish two kinds of resignation; the one virtuous and manly; the -other cowardly, and worthy only of fools. - -"The strong man, when overcome by misfortune, seeks the means of -remedying it. Does he find any? In spite of difficulties, he applies -himself to the task, excited, cheerful, and vigorous, full of energy and -pertinacity. It is only when he is certain that no remedy exists, that -he becomes resigned. This is manly resignation. - -"The coward, when misfortune overtakes him, allows himself to be cast -down, and seeks no means of remedying it. However spontaneous and easy -relief may present itself to his mind, he attempts nothing, he wishes -neither to trouble nor expose himself--he is resigned: this is the -resignation of the fool. - -"Therefore, resignation is virtuous and manly under evils manifestly -without remedy; it is cowardly and stupid when we can in any way free -ourselves from these evils. - -"In the individual, resignation may often be virtuous; in a nation -it is perhaps never so, for the misfortunes of a nation are seldom -irremediable. - -"To overcome the misfortunes of a nation, we can employ the whole -intellectual, moral, and physical power of all its citizens; and if -the generation which commences the generous task does not succeed in -accomplishing it, other generations follow, who will attain success; for -nations never die. - -"This is the reason why those who advise resignation to nations, advise -cowardice, and the nations which become resigned are cowards." - -Therein lies the whole wisdom of Manin's political philosophy, and also -that of many of the earlier Italian patriots. How could Austria hope to -keep such men forever in subjection? - -Manin's avowed purpose was to show again and again that the Austrians -were not obeying the laws which they had themselves given to the -subject provinces. One of the methods of Austrian administrative rule -was the use of supposedly representative councils called the Central -and Provincial Congregations, which were designed to communicate the -wishes of the people of Venice and Lombardy in the form of petitions -to the Imperial council, and which had failed lamentably to use even -that meager power. On December 9, 1847, Nazari, a deputy to the Lombard -Congregation, moved that the grievances of the country be represented to -the Imperial government. Not a single Venetian deputy followed his lead, -but Manin, as a private individual, signed a petition to the Venetian -Congregation calling upon them to speak for the people. His comments -were brief but vigorous. "The Congregations," he said, "have never been -the interpreters of our wants or wishes--their silence has arisen from -a fear of displeasing the government; but this fear is unjust, and -injurious: for it is unjust and injurious to suppose that the government -has granted to this kingdom a derisory national representation, that it -deceived, and still deceives, this country and Europe, in making laws -which it does not wish to be observed, and in prosecuting and punishing -those who intend observing them." The Venetians were delighted with -the petition, they were beginning to feel the first thrills of a new -civic life. On December 30, Manin and Tommaseo, a brilliant poet and -public-spirited citizen, drew up another address which in bold terms -denounced the Austrian censorship of the press contrary to a specific -clause in the law of 1815. All the members of the Ateneo, the literary -club of Venice, signed the petition that went with the address. - -The Austrians failed to see in the unrest that appeared throughout Italy -at the close of 1847 more than a series of local and widely-separated -disturbances, and made small effort to appease any of the leaders. For -their part in preparing the Venetian petition Manin and Tommaseo were -arrested and thrown into prison on January 18, 1848, charged with high -treason. The temper of the newly-aroused people was uncertain, on the -morning after the arrest the streets of Venice were seen blossoming with -signs ominous to peace and Austrian supremacy, "Viva l'Italia!" "Viva -Manin e Tommaseo!" and "Morte ai Tedeschi!" - -From the date of his imprisonment Manin underwent many sufferings, one -of the chief being his inability longer to help in nursing a daughter to -whom he was passionately devoted and who was suffering from a tedious -and most painful nervous disease. At almost the same time his younger -sister, who was ill in Trevisa, died from the shock of hearing of his -imprisonment. He had been able to save very little for dark days, now -that they were come he could do nothing to tide his little household -through them. Outwardly he was calm and strong of will, inwardly he was -tormented by a hundred fears. Yet he could write from prison to his -brave wife, saying, "If you continue to be strong and courageous, these -will be the happiest days of my life.... You will find a few pieces of -gold in one drawer, a little silver in another.... If this affair lasts -long, we must think of providing for you in some way. Love one another, -my angels: be resigned, that is sufficient." - -A valiant attempt was made by Teresa Manin to secure her husband's -release on bail, the authorities put her off continually, and finally -the Director-General replied that he did not believe himself authorized -to accede to her request. This final reply caused an outburst of popular -indignation. The Venetians dressed themselves in mourning, and with -heads bared filed slowly before the windows of the prison on the Riva -dei Schiavoni, where Manin and Tommaseo were confined. As long as he -remained in prison the other advocates united in caring for Manin's -legal practice, and high-spirited friends among all classes insisted -on providing his family with all necessities. He himself hoped to -be able to support them by reprinting a small treatise on Venetian -jurisprudence, but permission to advertise its sale was denied him by -the government. A little later, however, Austrian permissions became no -longer necessary, and Manin's family lived on the proceeds of the sale -of this work and on the small legacy left to him by his sister. He had -little time to think of self-support when he became dictator. - -The ancient spirit of Venice was slowly rising as day after day news -came that men throughout Italy were turning on their despots. The -Nicoletti and the Castellani, the two historic factions of the people, -the blacks and the reds, renounced their ancient feud and took a common -secret oath to war only with Austria until Venice was free. The young -nobles resigned their Austrian offices and ranks, they had heard what -the nobility of Milan were accomplishing. The examination into the -charges against Manin and Tommaseo continued, although nothing illegal -could be proved against them there was a prospect of their arbitrary -removal out of Venice and to that prison of Spielberg where the careers -of so many gifted Italian patriots had ended. Manin heard that the -French had driven their King from his throne, he wondered what effect -the growing tumult of that revolution year would have on Venice. He did -not have to wait long to learn. The flames of revolt had spread across -Europe even to Vienna, Metternich had fled from the city in peril of -his life, the Austrian throne was tottering. Manin saw what was coming, -and made his plans even while he was in prison to secure Venice against -anarchy. - -On the morning of March 17, 1848, the Venetians hastened to the dock -to learn the latest news of Vienna from the Trieste packet. A French -merchant on board called to the gondoliers the news, "A Constitution -at Vienna! The Recognition of Italian Independence! A Free Press! A -National Guard!" The words were sufficient, the people rushed to the -Governor's palace and demanded the immediate release of Manin and -Tommaseo. The Governor wavered, declaimed, finally yielded, saying, "I -do what I ought not to do." The people swept to the prison, and beating -down the doors, discovered the two captives. "You are free!" the leaders -shouted. Manin still chose to follow the usage of law, and asked to see -the warrant for his release. It was produced, and then he and his fellow -captive were led forth from the dreary cells with loud acclaims of joy. -Manin was raised in a chair, and so carried to the great Square of St. -Mark's, the scene of so many triumphs in Venetian history. The yellow -and black flag of Austria had in some mysterious fashion fluttered down -from the ancient flag-staves that guard the square and in its place -floated the red, white, and green emblem. "Speak!" cried the people, -and Manin, pale, infirm, and gaunt from prison life, rose and spoke -with his remarkably persuasive voice. He said he did not know to what -great events he owed his freedom, but could see clearly that nationality -and patriotic fire had grown wonderfully during the past few months. -"But forget not, I beg," he implored, "that true and lasting liberty -can only rest on order, and that you must make yourselves the emulous -guardians of order if you would show that you are worthy to be free." He -paused a moment, then added, "Yet there are times pointed out to us by -Providence when insurrection becomes not only a right, but a duty." - -Manin returned home, already intent on plans to regulate the new order -of things. Towards night the great bell in the Ducal Chapel sounded -the warning note, the people rushed to the Piazza to find a battalion -of Croats tearing down the Italian tricolor, the people resisted, the -soldiers cleared the square with a bayonet charge, but the Venetians -had tasted triumph too fully to be dismayed. Some of them went to Manin -and asked him to lead them against the Croats. "This is not the way," -he answered, "we must have a civic guard." He sent a messenger to the -Governor. "Tell him that to-day his life was in my hands, and that I -preached order, not vengeance; and now, in the interest of his own life -as well as of order, he must at once organize a civic guard." - -Again Count Palffy hesitated and put off the demand from day to day. He -sent messengers to the Viceroy at Verona, and the latter telegraphed him -permission to enroll two hundred citizens. Three thousand at once took -arms and called on Manin to give them his commands. "Let all who will -not absolutely obey me depart," he said, but no one left. At last Venice -again had an army of her own. - -There was no immediate bloodshed. The leading citizens conferred as to -what course Venice should take if the revolution in Vienna succeeded. -Some were for joining the kingdom of Charles Albert, some for uniting -with Lombardy, some for an Austrian ruler under a constitution. Manin -scattered their diverse views, he told them that their immediate need -was freedom, that their city must actually be in their own charge -before considering her destiny. Rumors came that the city was about -to be bombarded, there was danger both from the arsenal and from the -sea, and on the night of March 21 Manin laid his plans before the chief -patriots and told them that they must seize the arsenal. "The people -of Venice," he said, "can only understand one cry, 'Let the Republic -live!'" Still the others hesitated; one said, "The people are incapable -of sacrifices!" "You do not know them," cried Manin. "I know them; that -is my sole merit, you will see!" - -Newcomers arrived, and still Manin, worn with argument, pressed his -opinion. He finished, saying, "We must have the Republic, and join with -it Saint Mark. The Republic and Saint Mark will echo in Dalmatia." - -"Viva San Marco!" came an answering cry. "It is the only one, the -rallying cry of Venice!" - -The conference agreed; Manin sent for the commander-in-chief of -the civic guard. "The city is threatened with bombardment," he -said. "I wish to take the arsenal at all hazards. You must make me -commander-in-chief for a day. Form the six battalions into two brigades, -and give me their captains for eight hours." The general, astounded -at the advocate's demand, left without making a reply. Manin sent to -the other commanders making the same demand. One by one they refused, -claiming that the project was too wild. - -Meanwhile the soldiers at the arsenal were in mutiny and had killed the -second officer in command; there was danger of the spirit of anarchy -spreading. At the same time the last of the commanders, Major Olivieri, -placed his single battalion at Manin's command. The advocate seized -his sword, called his son, a boy of sixteen, to follow him, and put -himself at the head of the two hundred guards. The little band marched -on the arsenal and forced the commander to surrender; almost before the -Austrian officers knew what had happened the Venetians were distributing -the military stores among the people. At the moment of taking the -arsenal Manin had sent word to call the whole people into St. Mark's -Square. He found the ancient banner, the wingéd lion, and raising it -from the dust where it had lain for fifty years he unfurled it before -his company and led them back across the Piazzetta into the great -square. He had told the people he would meet them there at noon; now -he stood before them, bearing the emblem that proclaimed that Venice -had risen from her lengthy slumbers. He spoke to the assembled city. -"Venetians, we are free! And we are so without the shedding of blood, -either our own, or our brothers', for to me all men are brothers. But -when the old government is overturned, the new must take its place; the -best now seems to me to be the Republic which speaks of our past glory -and adds the liberty of modern times. But by this we shall not separate -from our Italian brothers, but rather form one of those centers destined -to aid in fusing our Italy into one people. Live the Republic! Live -liberty! Live Saint Mark!" - -The civic guards swore to defend with their lives the new Republic and -its founder, the aged wept, the young embraced, all raised their hands -in gratitude to heaven. The people reveled in noble delirium of joy. -Venice looked upon Manin as its deliverer; the citizens did not know the -physical anguish he had undergone. Pathetic are the words of his little -daughter Emilia as she heard her father proclaimed. "I ought," she -wrote, "to be filled with ineffable gladness, but a weight continually -presses my heart." - -Manin had scarcely closed his eyes for five days and nights. As soon as -the people would release him now he went home utterly exhausted: he said -to his friends, "Leave me at least this night to rest, or I shall die." - -The Austrian authorities saw that resistance would be of little avail, -their own forces were too small and too much in sympathy with the -people's cause to give them a sense of any real power on which to rely, -and accordingly the Governor acceded to the terms imposed upon him. All -foreign troops were to be removed, the forts and all military stores -surrendered, the government transferred to the charge of a Committee of -Venetian citizens. The demands were sweeping, the Austrian government -later regarded the Venetian capitulation as the most humiliating they -suffered in the revolutionary year of 1848. - -That same night the provisional government announced to the people the -terms of the Austrian capitulation, and the citizens were amazed to find -that neither the name of Manin nor of Tommaseo was included in the new -government. They made their dissatisfaction so apparent that friends -went to see Manin to beg him to send some message to the people. He -dictated the following lines from his bed: "Venetians! I know that you -love me, and, in the name of that love, I ask you to conduct yourselves, -during the legitimate manifestation of your joy, with that dignity -which belongs to men worthy of being free. Your friend, Manin." - -The people heard the message and quietly dispersed. Next day the -provisional government found that the new Republic would only have the -one man at its head, and so they asked Manin to form a government. He -did so immediately, taking for himself the Presidency of the Council -and Foreign Affairs. He composed his government of men of different -classes and different religions, all Venetians were assured of perfect -equality in their new state. The patriarch blessed the standard of the -Republic, and the commander of the fleet read the list of the ministry -to the people. The reading was broken by constant cries of "Viva Manin! -President of the Republic!" - -Thus Venice became free after fifty years of bondage. It was now -Manin's concern to see that she was kept free. He recognized how slight -were her resources, and he became at once an eager adherent of French -intervention in northern Italy. Charles Albert of Piedmont and Mazzini -were both acclaiming an Italy won by the Italians, but Manin foresaw, -what Cavour was later to recognize, that foreign allies were absolutely -essential. - -France, however, was in a most unsettled condition, her ministers -did not wish to see a strong state of upper Italy on their southern -borders; they were already longing to annex Savoy, and yet as good -republicans they felt themselves bound to aid the revolted states -against Austrian tyranny. Manin made overtures for an alliance, at first -merely feeling his way, but as the summer progressed, and the need -grew more and more apparent, by definite overtures. The French Consul -at Venice was most hopeful. He said to Manin, "It is well known that -the sympathy of France, when she possesses liberty of action, is never -without results." In reply Manin said that he hoped "that the united -efforts of the different Italian states, the ardor which animates the -people of the Peninsula, will suffice to expel the enemy; if not, we -shall have recourse to the generosity of France. Meanwhile, we should -be glad to see at once some French vessels in the Adriatic, and I beg -that you will lose no time in communicating our wishes to the foreign -ministry." - -Manin wished to convene a popular assembly as soon after he assumed -office as possible, and on June 3 such a deliberative body met, its -members having been elected by universal suffrage from Venice and the -free districts of the Dogado. Their first important task was to decide -whether they would join with Lombardy in union under Piedmont's King. -Manin believed that the decision as to such a step ought to be deferred -until the war was ended, but a strong party opposed his opinion. His -partisans entered into a bitter fight with the opposition, for a time -it looked as though the split in the Assembly would lead to civil war. -Manin rose and implored those who were his friends to place no further -obstacles in the path of fusion. Moved by his passionate appeal for -harmony the Assembly passed the act of fusion with few negative votes, -and at the same time resolved that "Daniel Manin had deserved well of -his country." He spoke again, saying, "While the foreigner is still in -Italy, for God's sake let there be no more talk of parties. When we are -rid of him we will discuss these matters among ourselves as brothers. -This is the only recompense I ask of you." - -The Assembly elected Manin head of the new ministry, but he declined on -the ground that he had always been a republican and would feel out of -place as a royal minister. In addition his health demanded that he seek -some rest. - -The new Venetian ministry lasted until August 7, when the Royal -Commissioners assumed office. Unfortunately Charles Albert was already -being beaten back in Lombardy, and on August 9 signed the armistice of -Salasco, by which all claims to Venice were renounced. When word came -to the city the Venetians were dumbfounded, then mad with indignation. -Finally they rushed to Manin's house, calling for him and denouncing -the Royal Commissioners. Manin told the excited people that he would -stake his head upon the Commissioners' patriotism. He went to see them -and then addressed the citizens again. "The day after tomorrow," he -said, "the Assembly will meet to appoint a new government. For these -forty-eight hours I govern." The people dispersed, satisfied now that -their idol was at their head again. The Assembly when it met wished to -make Manin dictator, but he pleaded his ignorance of military matters, -and a triumvirate was formed, made up of Admiral Graziani, Colonel -Cavedalis, and himself. - -Just when it seemed as though France was finally deciding to come to the -aid of northern Italy, England intervened and proposed a plan of joint -mediation. To add to this obstacle Charles Albert declared that Italy -would act for herself, and the chances of Venice winning a foreign ally -were reduced to practically nothing. Italians from Naples to Piedmont -were showing themselves to be individual heroes, but their efforts were -ineffectual without a general leader. The Romans were hampered by the -inaction of the Pope. Pius IX. had promised great things in the cause of -national independence, but when the German Cardinals told him that in -case he declared war against Austria he would forfeit their allegiance -his enthusiasm waned. The Austrian general, Radetzky, was slowly -winning back the fields lost in Lombardy, Vicenza fell, then Milan, and -Austria felt herself strong enough to declare a blockade of Venice. As -the summer of 1848 ended it became clear that Venice would be left to -herself, that the tide of revolution in the other states was already -ebbing, and that Piedmont had shot her bolt. Manin still hoped that some -ally would succor the small city in her war against the great empire, -but whether an ally should come or not he was determined that Venice -should set an example of resistance that would show Europe how well -freedom was deserved. - -The city, in its state of siege, stood in the greatest need of money. -Manin had only to ask, and all classes brought forth their savings, -their heirlooms, whatever they had of value, to give to the cause. The -old aristocracy, the boys in the street, every one who loved Venice, -made their sacrifices gladly, reverently. Private citizens clothed many -of the soldiers, palaces were given for public uses, Manin gave all -his family plate and would accept no salary; General Pepe, the aged -commander-in-chief, gave a picture by Leonardo da Vinci that was his -dearest possession. No one thought of his own need, all thought solely -of keeping Venice free. If she returned to bondage they cared little -what became of them. - -Ugo Bassi, the heroic priest who was later to fight with Mazzini on -the walls of Rome, and still later to die at the hands of Austrian -executioners, preached daily to the Venetians. There was no lack of -noble spirits who recalled to them the great glories of the past. But -above and beyond all the others the people loved Manin, they had come to -link his name indissolubly with that of their city, he was their father, -they his devoted children. If ever a man merited such devotion it was -Manin. With the cares of his city weighing perpetually on his mind, -planning, advising, encouraging, he fought the ravages of disease that -crippled his resources, and spent the nights watching by the bedside of -his sick child. At one time, in November, there was fear for his life, -and Venice shook with apprehension. He recovered and took up the burden -of government with his marvelous stoic calm. - -In spite of the fact that the city was besieged and money scarce, Venice -was characteristically buoyant. The theater, the Fenice, was crowded; -fêtes and carnivals, always patriotically fervent, were of daily -occurrence; processions, music, all that appealed to the eye and the ear -and the imagination fed the Venetian love of glory. Their city was free, -and the people awakened the echoes of that great life which had been -theirs before captivity, they forgot so far as they could that they -had ever slumbered. On the morning of November 17 Mass was celebrated -in memory of all the martyrs to Italian liberty, and that same night -the entire city was thrilled by a wonderful display of the Aurora -Borealis which set the snow-caps of the Alps vividly before their eyes. -They lived on faith, and hope, and trust in Daniel Manin, and found -propitious omens with sea-dwellers' skill. - -In December some Roman volunteers left Venice to join their fellow -citizens, and with them went Ugo Bassi. He bade Manin a touching -farewell, foreseeing what lay before both his own city and Venice. -He had venerated the Pope who had held out such noble hopes to all -Italians, but he could do so no more, and in his place put the hero of -Venice. As he left the city he kissed the stone plate on Manin's door, -saying, "Next to God and Italy, before the Pope--Manin." - -The Assembly which had voted for fusion with Piedmont was dissolved, -and a new one elected. Manin was determined that his government should -have the fullest power over the city. He deemed this essential to any -hopes of ultimate success. Some members of the Assembly disagreed with -him, and advocated restriction. "It is not a question of power," replied -Manin, "but of saving the country. If we are to be hampered on every -turn by forms and limitations, we cannot act with the promptitude and -vigor needful for the preservation of public order (I beg pardon of -whoever the expression may offend), and our defense depends more upon -that than upon the force of arms." - -The people got wind of the fact that certain of the Assembly were -jealous of Manin's power, and they marched to the Ducal Palace. Manin -spoke and dispersed them, but again and again they gathered, making -various demonstrations of their trust in him. At length he heard that -they had devised a plan to march into the Council Hall and coerce the -Deputies who wanted to fetter their "caro Manin." Fearful of civic -strife Manin called his son, and standing alone with him, sword in hand, -at the door of the Palace, told the people that they could only enter -after killing father and son. He bade them go quietly home, and they -obeyed. That night he issued a proclamation. "Brothers, you have caused -me great pain to-day. To show your affection for me you have risen in -tumult, yet you know how I hate tumult ... as you say you love me, I -entreat you to show it by your actions.... To-morrow let there be no -shouting, no meetings. Remain at home. Trust in the government and the -Assembly, who regard your welfare as dearer to them than life." He was -always the father speaking to his children. - -The Assembly listened to the advice of its wisest members, and -abandoning all dissension, chose Manin as President of the Republic, -giving him complete power both as to internal administration and as -to relations with foreign states. Manin spoke in reply: "In accepting -the charge which this Assembly has entrusted to me, I am conscious of -committing an act of insensate boldness. I accept it. But in order that -my good name, and, what is of more importance, your good name and that -of Venice, may not be tarnished through this transaction, it behooves -that I should be seconded and sustained in my arduous undertaking by -your co-operation, confidence, and affection. We have been strong, -respected, eulogized, up till now, because we have been united. I ask of -you virtues which, if they are not romantic, are at all events of great -practical utility. I ask of you patience, prudence, perseverance. With -these, and with concord, love, and faith, all things are overcome." - -Charles Albert again took the field and for a brief interval the -Austrians were repulsed. Brescia made a heroic stand, and the Venetians -heard the news of the little city's courage with shouts of acclamation -and an added determination to fight Austria to the uttermost. The -Venetian fleet was kept in constant readiness, the troops slept with -their arms, there was only the one thought, to keep the lion-flag of St. -Mark flying from the _pili_. - -Then on March 28, 1849, came letters from Turin telling of the utter -defeat of Novara and of Charles Albert's abdication in favor of his son. - -The first effect of the news on Venice was absolute stupefaction, then -a wild rush to the Square of St. Mark's. A tremendous crowd called, -as usual in its troubles, for its "father, Manin!" Said a foreigner -who was a witness of the scene, "The faith of Venice in this man was -inconceivable, complete, and absolute. He had never deceived, never -abused it. The people seemed to attribute to him omnipotence and -omniscience, and believed him capable of guarding Venice from every -peril, and of rescuing her from every calamity." - -The President appeared on the Palace balcony. He said that he had not -yet received official confirmation of the news from Turin, but his sad -expression and his few words showed his belief that the news might prove -only too true. Venice passed a night of bitterest gloom, more hopeless -even than in the later days when Austrian bombs exploded in the streets. -Three similar days followed, and then came official confirmation of the -news. Lombardy was Austrian once more. - -The city withstood the shock, and took up its life of outward cheer and -hope. On April 25, St. Mark's Day, there was a grand _festa_, and Manin -spoke. "Who holds out wins," he declared. "We have held out, and we -shall win. Long live St. Mark! This cry, that the seas rang with in old -days, we must raise again. Europe looks on, and will praise. We must, we -ought to win. To the Sea! To the Sea! To the Sea!" There was tremendous -thrill in his magnetic voice, in his deep blue eyes, in the glow of his -pallid face; Venice cried aloud with eager hope. - -With this spring of 1849 came the great days. When the Assembly had -voted to resist Austria at all costs, the people adopted a red ribbon -as their emblem. A historian of that time says: "From the top of the -_Campanile_ of St. Mark, far above the domes, the roofs, and the spires -of the palace and the basilica, beside the golden angel that seemed -to watch over the city, they planted a huge red banner, which stood -out like a spot of blood against the azure sky, which was seen by the -enemy's fleet afar off in the Adriatic, and by their army on the distant -mainland. It defied them both, and announced to them that Venice would -fight to the last drop of blood." - -Placards were fixed to every wall, at the corner of every street. -They read: "Venice resists! Church plate, women's golden ornaments, -bronze bells, copper cooking utensils, the iron of the enemy's cannon -balls--all will be useful. Anything rather than the Croats!" - -Night and day workmen had been building ships, now the little fleet -fought through the lagunes as had the great fleets of the olden days. -The land forces held the shore batteries, and these forces were composed -of all the city. One artillery company, famous as the Bandiera-Moro, -was made up of the patrician youth of Venice, who, with their ancient -love of splendor, wore velvet tunics, gray scarves, and caps with -plumes. When the bitter fight came at Fort Malghera they held their guns -heroically, fresh men leaping to replace the dead, cheering for Venice -as the bombs fell among them, firing and eating and carrying off the -wounded under a devastating fusillade. Venice thirsted for glory, and -she won it; there are no more stirring tales in history than that of the -brief defense of the new-born Republic. - -In July came continual bombardment, and with it cholera, and the seeds -of sedition spread by Austrian spies. Manin feared civil dissension, he -heard grumblers in the streets. No one dared accuse the man, whom the -Assembly had chosen absolute dictator, of any wavering or treasonable -thought, but some raised cries beneath his windows in the Piazzetta. -The Dictator appeared suddenly before them. "Venetians," he cried, -"is this worthy of you? You are not the people, you are only an -insignificant faction. Never will I accede to the caprices of a mob! -My acts shall be guided solely by the representatives of the people, -assembled in their Congress. I will always speak the truth to you, even -should muskets be leveled at my breast, and daggers be pointed at my -heart. And now go home, all of you--go home!" - -His words swayed even that rebellious crowd, and they cheered him. For -the time sedition was silent, but the people were losing hope. They were -a mere handful battling with the forces of an empire. Manin saw that all -he could do was to insure that his people died as heroes. - -The city was the prey of famine, pestilence, and fire when on August -13 she held her last _festa_. The Dictator spoke to the troops in the -Square of St. Mark's. His words rang like a clarion call. "A people that -have done and suffered as our people have done and suffered cannot die. -The day shall come when a splendid destiny will be your guerdon. What -time will bring that day? This rests with God. We have sown the good -seed: it will take root in good soil.... If it be not ours to ward off -these calamities, it is ours to maintain inviolate the honor of the -city.... One single day that sees Venice not worthy of herself, and all -that she has done will be lost and forgotten." He asked them if they had -still their confidence in him, if not he would resign the leadership to -another. The Square shook with the thunder of the soldiers' "Yes!" He -went on: "Your indomitable love saddens me, and makes me feel yet more -how this people suffer! On my mental and bodily faculties you must not -count, but count always on my great, tender, undying affection. And come -what may, say, 'This man was misled:' but do not ever say, 'This man -misled us.' I have deceived no one. I have never spread illusions which -were not my own. I have never said I hoped when I had no hope." - -As he finished speaking he staggered, and was barely able to get to -the Council Chamber. There his physical weakness overmastered him. -"Such a people," he cried brokenly, "for such a people to be obliged to -surrender!" - -Nevertheless each hour now brought home the conviction that the strength -of Venice was ebbing rapidly. Flames and the plague and the unremitting -Austrian attack were bringing the proud city to her knees. Manin could -only hope that he might at the last make honorable terms of surrender, -he would not sacrifice all their heroic efforts to the desire for -instant peace. On August 18 the people gathered in St. Mark's Square, -begging for some word of their President's plans. He came out before -them. "Venetians," he said, "I have already told you frankly that our -situation is a grave one, but if it be grave it is not desperate to the -degree of reducing us to cowardice ... it is an infamy to suppose that -Venice would ask of me to do what was infamous; and if she should ask it -this one sacrifice I would not make--even for Venice." - -Some one in the throng cried, "We are hungry!" - -"Let him who is hungry stand forth!" answered Manin. - -"None of us," cried the devoted people. "We are Italians! Long live -Manin!" - -Five days later the city was torn by conflicting rumors of mutiny and -surrender. Manin had not yet succeeded in winning the terms he wanted -from the Austrians. When the people called for him he came out on the -balcony as he had so often done before. He spoke a few words, and then a -sudden pain seized him and he fell fainting into a chair. A little later -he reappeared and cried to the cheering people, "Let those who are true -Venetians patrol the city to-night with me." Then he took his sword, -and at the head of a great concourse, marched to the section of the -city where the mutineers had gathered. Shots were fired. Manin stepped -forward. "If you wish my life, take it!" he said. The mutineers were -silenced. - -The following day, August 24, 1849, the city capitulated, the stock of -provisions having been absolutely exhausted that same day. The terms -were honorable, such Venetian soldiers as had been in the Austrian -service were to leave Venice. Forty civilians, headed by Manin, were -to leave. The powers of government were temporarily lodged in the -municipality. - -That same day Manin left the Doge's Palace for his own small house. All -day the people passed before the door, saying, "Here lives our poor -father! How much he has suffered for us!" He was too absolutely worn out -to see any one. At midnight he with his wife and son and invalid small -daughter went on board the French steamer _Pluton_. All but one of them -were taking their last farewell of Venice. - -The municipality, knowing that their great leader was penniless, had -gathered a small sum of money and forced him to accept it before he -left. He felt that the other exiles were in as great need of it as he, -and so quietly distributed it among them through friends on the various -ships that were bearing the exiles away. He had thought of the people as -his children for so long a time that he had still to take the care of -them upon himself. - -The little family of four felt that it was farewell as they watched the -palaces and churches, towers and pillars of the City of the Lagunes -drop beneath the horizon. The view of Venice from the sea, incomparably -beautiful, must have been unspeakably sad to Manin's eyes. - -When they arrived at Marseilles the devoted wife fell ill of cholera, -and, worn out with the long siege, was powerless to resist. She had -written on leaving Venice, "All is over, all is lost save honor! I am -going to a foreign land, where I shall hear a language not my own. My -beautiful language, I shall never hear it again; never more!" She died -soon after reaching Marseilles. - -Manin took his two children with him to Paris, and gave himself up to -nursing the little girl, who was the victim of a continual nervous -disorder. The daughter and father were united by a bond of love that was -wonderfully strong and spiritual, they seemed to understand each other -always without words. He kept a little note-book record of her illness -as an aid to the physicians, and after his death the book was found -with the touching inscription on the cover, "Alla mia Santa Martire." -Her desire to comfort her father sustained her for some years, she knew -that she had become to him in a spiritual manner the living image of -his unhappy country. She struggled with all the heroism of a remarkable -character to hide her sufferings from him even as he sought to hide from -her the anguish her illness caused him. Daniel and Emilia Manin were -worthy to be father and daughter, both were heroic souls. In 1854 Emilia -died, her last words, "My darling Venice, I shall never see you again!" - -Manin and his son stayed on in the French capital, the father giving -lessons in Italian for support. He had harbored no resentment against -France for her failure to come to the aid of Venice, he felt that -the French people were near kin to his own. He welcomed all Italians -or sympathizers with Italy, he predicted that eventually the entire -peninsula would be one in freedom. He met Cavour in Paris and talked -long about Venice with him, he was gradually becoming convinced that -Piedmont could and would lead the other states to victory. His study -was hung with portraits of the most dissimilar characters, all one in -interest for his country, Charles Albert opposite to Mazzini, Garibaldi -opposite Gioberti, Montanelli near D'Azeglio. He wrote articles on Italy -for the papers and traveled in England to arouse British interest in -his cause. It was a great day when he saw the Italian tri-color flying -beside the French and English flags to show that Piedmont had joined -the allies in the Crimean war. "In serving under the tri-colored flag -of Italian redemption," he wrote, "the soldiers who fight in the Crimea -are not the soldiers of the Piedmontese province, but the soldiers of -Italy." He understood the boldness of Cavour's great diplomatic stroke -and gave Piedmont the credit she deserved in becoming the first envoy of -a great nation. - -While his strength lasted Manin worked in the cause, but finally he -was overcome by physical sufferings. He wrote in June, 1857, to his -friend the Marquis Pallavicino, "A month's rest in the country has not -calmed the fever of my poor brain. All work, all meditation, is utterly -impossible to me. Not only cannot I think about serious things, but I -am not able to give my mind to the most unimportant matters. This will -explain my silence. I lose patience and hope. My painful and useless -life becomes intolerable. I ardently desire the end. Farewell." The -physical weariness with which he had battled all his life was at last -overpowering him. He still believed that his principles would ultimately -conquer, but knew that he should not see Venice freed. September 22, -1857, he died, at the age of fifty-three years. - -August 30, 1849, Radetzky and the Austrians had entered Venice, replaced -the Lion banner of St. Mark with the yellow and black flag of Austria, -and had expected to see the pleasure-loving city sink back into its -former quiescent indolence. What they expected did not come to pass. -Instead for seventeen years Venice mourned its lost liberty and lived -only in the thought of that day when it should rise again and finally. -There was no shame in this subjection, no happy compromise. This was -Manin's achievement, he had made his people worthy to be free. That was -the purpose of his heroic struggle, the lesson of his life. - -July 5, 1866, the yellow and black flag of Austria fell from the _pili_, -and October 18 of that same year the red, white, and green flag of -united Italy greeted a free Venice. There was one wish in the people's -heart, that only their "dear father Manin" might have lived to see that -glorious day. - -The remains of Manin, his wife and daughter, lie now close to the Church -of St. Mark, his statue looks down upon the people in the square before -his house even as he so often stood on the Palace balcony to speak to -them in the days of 1849. All through Venice there are reminders of -him, and he has taken his place among the great heroes of that historic -city--himself her greatest hero, her sincerest patriot. The simple -advocate, the great President, the "dear father" of the Venetian people. - - - - -[Illustration: MAZZINI] - - - - -MAZZINI, THE PROPHET - - -Some men become legendary during their own lives. Their personalities -have a certain detachment from the rest of the world so that common -standards have no value as applied to them. They are poets or seers or -philosophers, and often their mystic quality is of little use to the -great mass of men, and is only to be appreciated by the few. Sometimes -the whole world understands them. Mazzini had become a legend to the -people of Europe long before his death, but a legend that carried the -strongest personal appeal to every republican heart. You have only to -dip into letters of the time to realize how close he came to millions of -thinkers throughout Europe. - -It would be interesting to consider the force of popular legend in a -national movement, to weigh sentiment against statesmanship and military -prowess. The land of Dante and of Savonarola would be an especially -fertile field for such inquiry, among no people has the prophet been -held of higher value than with the Italians. To-day we find them turning -to their dramatists and novelists for help in the solution of new social -problems just as Mazzini and the youth of his day looked to Alfieri -for political guidance. There is no doubt that Mazzini believed it was -his destiny to be a poet, and that throughout his whole life he looked -forward to the day when Italy should be united and free, and he could -turn to the work of writing her dramas. - -Literary feuds play so little part in Anglo-Saxon history that we find -it difficult to understand the importance of their place in Latin -countries. Italy a century ago was the battle-ground of the Romanticists -and Classicists. The Classicists believed in a certain smug cloistered -virtue, a policy of non-resistance, and the contemplation of past -glories. It was the ambition of the Romanticists "to give Italians an -original national literature, not one that is as a sound of passing -music to tickle the ear and die, but one that will interpret to them -their aspirations, their ideas, their needs, their social movement." -Alfieri had been preaching resistance to Austrian tyranny through his -dramas, the boy Mazzini first looked to him as a political saviour of -Italy. He wrote, "these literary disputes are bound up with all that -is important in social and civil life," and again "the legislation and -literature of a people always advance on parallel lines." "Young Italy" -first hoped to win freedom through its literature. - -The ill-fated Carbonari rebellion of 1821 sent many Piedmontese patriots -flying through Genoa to Spain. Giuseppe Mazzini, then sixteen years of -age, walking from church one Sunday morning in Genoa in company with -his mother, was stopped by a tall, gaunt-featured, black-eyed man who -held out his hat asking alms for "the refugees of Italy." The scene -made a tremendous impression on the youth's mind, for the first time he -felt that the cause of freedom was not a scholastic subject, but one -demanding the height of sacrifice. He set himself to study the causes of -the failure of past uprisings, and at the same time dedicated himself to -the work of teaching his countrymen how they might succeed. - -The French Revolution had failed because it had taught men only a -knowledge of their rights, without any conception of their duties. Men -had not learned the law of self-restraint, and their ideal was the -greatest personal liberty rather than the greatest personal obligation -to their fellow-men. The revolutionists of Europe had a philosophy, -but no religion. The first great discovery that Mazzini made was that -if Italy were ever to be united, his countrymen must be fired with -faith in their own God-given destinies. They must make of their cause -a religion, they must learn, in his words, that Italy "had a strength -within her, that was arbiter of facts, mightier than destiny itself." -At the start he offered his countrymen two arguments for action, the one -that this land of theirs had twice ruled the world, that she who had -given Christianity and the Renaissance to Europe had yet to send forth -"the gospel of humanity." He wrote: "Italy has been called a graveyard; -but a graveyard peopled by our mighty dead is nearer life than a land -that teems with living weaklings and braggarts;" he showed Italians "the -vision of their country, radiant, purified by suffering, moving as an -angel of light among the nations that thought her dead." Such words rang -like an inspiration, but Mazzini, studying the men with whom he had to -work, knew that such inspiration was not enough. They struck the note of -glory, but all revolutionists had heard that note; what was needed was -the call to self-sacrifice. - -With this fundamental need firmly fixed in his mind Mazzini gave what -spare hours fell to the lot of a young Italian lawyer to the work of -writing to the independent journals. At first he leaned to the side of -caution, realizing how strict was the censorship of the Italian press, -but gradually he contrived to slip bolder and more inflammatory messages -into circulation under the censor's nose. He spoke of a new party that -should arise in a short time, and called it "Young Italy," he expressed -deep sympathy with political exiles, he turned his literary criticisms -into studies of national development. Ultimately one of the papers for -which he wrote, the "Indicatore Livornese," became too daring, and was -ended by the authorities. Mazzini then aimed higher, and gained credit -with the "Antologia," the Edinburgh Review of Italy, by a series of -articles on the historical drama. - -Meanwhile he was still studying the problem of giving a new religion -to the youth of Italy. He had joined the Society of the Carbonari, and -was learning that the plots and counter-plots of an unwieldy secret -society would accomplish no good end. There was too much ritual, too -little effort. The Carbonari had no definite plan, they were entirely -at the mercy of any chance leader of disaffection, each member only -knew one or two other members. Of a sudden the Revolution of July in -France fired liberals throughout Europe, Mazzini and his young friends -in Genoa immediately began active preparations for a military uprising. -Lead was being cast into bullets when the police of Genoa intervened and -Mazzini was placed under arrest. He had been suspected of revolutionary -sentiments for some time. The Governor of Genoa told Giuseppe's father -that he considered the son "was gifted with some talent, and too fond -of walking by himself at night absorbed in thought. What on earth -has he at his age to think about? We don't like young people thinking -without our knowing the subject of their thoughts." - -Mazzini was taken to the fortress of Savona, and there imprisoned -to await his trial. The commander of the fortress allowed the young -prisoner to keep his Bible, Tacitus, and Byron. From these hours of -solitary confinement sprang the youth's passionate regard for the -English poet, a man whose writings he later vehemently held were only to -be classed with Dante as an inspiration to Italians. - -The government could prove nothing definite against him, but he was -thought too dangerous a man to be at large, and so was finally given -his choice between nominal imprisonment in a small town and exile. -France was throbbing with a new democracy, Paris was the center of -revolutionary propaganda, and so Mazzini chose exile there. Early in -1831 he parted from his family at Savona and started north. He felt that -he had come to the parting of the ways, and that henceforth his life -was to be absolutely given to the cause. For the first time he saw the -Alps, and his nature, always strongly susceptible to heroic scenery, -was deeply stirred. He watched the sunrise from Mont Cenis and wrote, -"The first ray of light trembling on the horizon, vague and pale, like -a timid, uncertain hope, then the long line of fire cutting the blue -heaven, firm and decided as a promise;" here was the poet soul free at -last to speak its message. - -With the date of this first exile begins Mazzini's call to "Young -Italy." He had recognized that his countrymen must waken to a new -religion, that their souls must be touched rather than their ambitions. -The youth of Italy would feel the call more strongly than the -middle-aged. "Place," he said, "the young at the head of the insurgent -masses; you do not know what strength is latent in those young bands, -what magic influence the voice of the young has on the crowd; you will -find in them a host of apostles for the new religion. But youth lives -on movement, grows great in enthusiasm and faith. Consecrate them with -a lofty mission, inflame them with emulation and praise; spread through -their ranks the word of fire, the word of inspiration; speak to them of -country, of glory, of power, of great memories." "All great national -movements," he wrote later, "begin with the unknown men of the people, -without influence except for the faith and will that counts not time or -difficulties." Mazzini was not diffident with regard to his own youthful -powers, nor was Cavour, five years Mazzini's junior, who wrote to a -friend at this time prophesying that he would one morning wake up Prime -Minister of Italy. - -The most important feature of "Young Italy" was its religion, the -Carbonari had had none. Men were now told that they had a mission given -them by God, and that what had been before a mere personal right had -become a sacred duty. The second feature was the liberation of the poor, -a need which all former revolutionists had seemed to overlook. The -French Revolution had had no such substructure, the poets and dramatists -had idealized national rather than social liberty, but Mazzini saw that -the time had come for a further step, that Austria was not the only -enemy his people had to fear. He wrote, "I see the people pass before my -eyes in the livery of wretchedness and political subjection, ragged and -hungry, painfully gathering the crumbs that wealth tosses insultingly -to it, or lost and wandering in riot and the intoxication of a brutish, -angry, savage joy; and I remember that these brutalized faces bear the -finger-print of God, the mark of the same mission as my own. I lift -myself to the vision of the future and behold the people rising in its -majesty, brothers in one faith, one bond of equality and love, one ideal -of citizen virtue that ever grows in beauty and might; the people of -the future, unspoilt by luxury, ungoaded by wretchedness, awed by the -consciousness of its rights and duties, and in the presence of that -vision my heart beats with anguish for the present and glorying for -the future." Mazzini gave "Young Italy" as its watchword "God and the -People." - -There can be no question but that "Young Italy" was strong where the -Carbonari had been weak, but both movements had of necessity many of -the same defects. Government espionage forced the new movement like -its predecessors to choose the devious courses of a secret society. -The restlessness of the age caused the new movement to take each -fitful start as a momentous signal. The strength of Austria was not -underestimated, but the weakness of the disunited Italian states was. -Diplomacy was disregarded; it was only many years later that Mazzini -the prophet learned the value of Cavour the statesman. "Young Italy" -was launched in a troublous sea, destined to encounter many storms, but -fated ultimately to spread abroad the seeds of the hope that was to -awaken republicans throughout all European countries. - -Mazzini no sooner arrived in Lyons than he found himself in the center -of plots. The French government, still fresh from the days of July, was -in two minds; first they aided a band of Italian refugees who were -planning a raid into Savoy, then they faced about and scattered the -conspirators. Another plan was for a trip to Corsica, there to gather -arms to aid the insurgents in Romagna, but the funds for this attempt -were lacking. Mazzini gave up immediate action for the moment, and -locating at Marseilles started with a few youthful friends to organize -his great concerted movement. They had nothing but youth and audacity. A -contemporary (probably Enrico Mayer) described Mazzini at this time as -"about 5 feet 8 inches high, and slightly made; he was dressed in black -Genoa velvet, with a large 'republican' hat; his long, curling black -hair, which fell upon his shoulders, the extreme freshness of his clear -olive complexion, the chiseled delicacy of his regular and beautiful -features, aided by his very youthful look and sweetness and openness of -expression, would have made his appearance almost too feminine, if it -had not been for his noble forehead, the power of firmness and decision -that was mingled with their gaiety and sweetness in the bright flashes -of his dark eyes and in the varying expression of his mouth, together -with his small and beautiful mustachios and beard. Altogether he was -at that time the most beautiful being, male or female, that I had ever -seen, and I have not since seen his equal." - -Mazzini was proud of these early days when he looked back upon them -later. He wrote, "We had no office, no helpers. All day, and a great -part of the night, we were buried in our work, writing articles and -letters, getting information from travelers, enlisting seamen, folding -papers, fastening envelopes, dividing our time between literary and -manual work. La Cecilia was compositor; Lamberti corrected the proofs; -another of us made himself literally porter, to save the expense of -distributing papers. We lived as equals and brothers; we had but one -thought, one hope, one ideal to reverence. The foreign republicans loved -and admired us for our tenacity and unflagging industry; we were often -in real want, but we were light-hearted in a way, and smiling because we -believed in the future." It was Mazzini's period of boundless hope. - -Much of this hope throbbed through the literature that the small -Marseilles press scattered throughout Europe, men were in such a -state of unrest that the burning words became to them a prophetic -writing on the wall. In a hundred ways the contraband pamphlets were -smuggled across frontiers, all classes sent assurances of support -and aid to the young men in Marseilles, everywhere lodges of "Young -Italy" were started, and local editors scattered Mazzini's doctrines -through their immediate territories. Priests, attracted by the strong -religious tenor, professional and business men, many of the nobility -even joined the new movement. Garibaldi, a young officer in the Genoese -merchant service, Gioberti, then a teacher at Vercelli, Ruffini, and -his fellow-conspirators working under the very shadow of destruction -at Genoa, enrolled under the new standard of "God and the People." The -old members of the Carbonari, the followers of Buonarotti and his "veri -Italiani" joined the ranks, within two years "Young Italy" counted -its members by the tens of thousands. Not since the era of the great -Crusades had there been any simultaneous rising to compare with it. - -All men who hoped for the coming of a united Italy looked towards -Piedmont as the state by which the first step must be taken. Piedmont -had great military traditions. It supported an efficient army, it was -so situated that it held the key of entrance into Lombardy, and had -the Alps and the Apennines as a base of retreat. In Piedmont there was -moreover an intense national feeling, the House of Savoy was deeply -rooted in the affections of the people, and almost alone among the -Italian sovereignties that House was practically indigenous to the -soil. In Charles Albert Piedmont had just received a king who was an -intense nationalist, to whom the name of "Italia" was sacred, and who, -at certain times, seems to have felt that he was destined to drive the -foreigner beyond the Alps. He was no liberal, both his nature and his -priestly advisers counseled him against revolutionary measures, he -had not the sanguine temper of the leader, he was more the theorist -than the actor. Yet with all his temperamental defects the men of -the new generation looked on him as a possible saviour, he had given -countenance to the Carbonari in his youth, and had led the conspirators -of 1821 to believe that he would side with them in any war for Lombard -independence. He had not given such aid as they expected, but he was -still the one sovereign to whom "Young Italy" could look with any -measure of hope. Mazzini was never an ardent believer in monarchies, -but now, when his new party was growing with tremendous leaps and -bounds, he felt that even the leadership of a king was better than no -leadership at all. He was ready at this time to sacrifice republicanism -for nationalism; how far he would then have followed a monarchy, if -successful, is a difficult question to decide. He was so much in earnest -that he could not always critically balance the means and the end. - -Early in 1831 Mazzini published his famous letter to Charles Albert. It -was the cry of a prophet to a later generation. He pointed out that the -King of Piedmont needed no aid from Austria or France. "There is a crown -more brilliant and sublime than that of Piedmont, a crown that waits the -man who dares to think of it, who dedicates his life to winning it, and -scorns to dull the splendor with thoughts of petty tyranny. Sire, have -you ever cast an eagle glance upon this Italy, so fair with nature's -smile, crowned by twenty centuries of noble memory, the land of genius, -strong in the infinite resources that only want a common purpose, girt -round with barriers so impregnable, that it needs but a firm will and -a few brave breasts to shelter it from foreign insult? Place yourself -at the head of the nation, write on your flag, 'Union, Liberty, -Independence.' Free Italy from the barbarian, build up the future, be -the Napoleon of Italian freedom. Do this and we will gather round you, -we will give our lives for you, we will bring the little states of Italy -under your flag. Your safety lies on the sword's point, draw it and -throw away the scabbard. But remember, if you do it not, others will do -it without you and against you." - -Charles Albert had moments of heroism, but they were only too often -followed by moments of overwhelming caution. If he ever read Mazzini's -letter he must have thrilled at the call to save a country he loved -with the whole ardor of his nature. After that first thrill had passed -he must have realized that the time to take such a supreme step had not -come, or that he had not the will to lead it. Once harboring such a -doubt the King became a battle-ground for advisers, and when the short -fight for control of the King's mind was won, the reactionaries proved -themselves the victors. The unfortunate King allowed others to act -against his better judgment; when the fire of revolt next blazed up in -Piedmont the government turned a savage face towards the conspirators. -The little band of revolutionists was hounded without mercy, terror -reigned in Genoa, and the only choice offered the rebels was between -betrayal of their friends and execution. Jacopo Ruffini, one of -Mazzini's dearest boyhood friends, killed himself in prison when offered -such an alternative. The pendulum swung back, gaining momentum thereby -for its coming flight. "Ideas," wrote Mazzini, "ripen quickly when -nourished by the blood of martyrs." - -At twenty-eight Mazzini found himself an outcast, hunted at last -from France as he had been before from Italy, living in the closest -concealment in Switzerland, all his hopes tumbling about him. He -tried to organize a band of raiders who should enter Savoy from the -Swiss frontier; they were disrupted by treachery and distrust before -the first shot was fired. Mazzini's health broke under the endless -strain, there were nights when he never went to bed, days when he had -to lie concealed in a goatherd's hut. At times he seemed to find his -only consolation in the white-capped mountains, them he passionately -worshiped, the Alps were always nearest to him after Italy. He had very -few friends, almost no books; there were no presses now to speak his -words to the young hearts of Europe, only occasionally word came to him -that his great idea was growing in the outer world. - -In those dark days in Switzerland Mazzini suffered most from the thought -that he had entailed all his family and friends in his vain sacrifice. -His boyhood confidants were dead or in exile, families he loved were -scattered over many countries, the few women he knew well were left -solitary in their homes. The woman he loved he felt he could not ask to -marry him, he had no home to give her, and scarcely knew whether his -next day's food would be forthcoming. He wrote to a friend, "I wanted to -do good, but I have always done harm to everybody, and the thought grows -and grows until I think I shall go mad. Sometimes I fancy I am hated -by those I love most." In all his letters of this period we catch the -note of a spirit torn between pity for sufferings he thinks himself to -have caused, and the stern sense of a duty given him by God. They are -wonderful letters, the thoughts of a man who could put no limits to his -own self-sacrifice nor value too highly the sacrifices of others. In one -letter he wrote: "I think over it from morning to night, and ask pardon -of my God for having been a conspirator; not that I in the least repent -the reasons for it, or recant a single one of my beliefs, which were and -are and will be a religion to me, but because I ought to have seen that -there are times when a believer should only sacrifice himself to his -belief. I have sacrificed everybody." - -A great heroic spirit was trying to justify, not its own aims, but the -sorrows it had brought upon others. Mazzini could never have seemed hard -and cold, but in those dark days in Switzerland, and in those later to -come in London, the gentle, humble spirit of him was pre-eminent. He -loved friendship, home life, the arts; he had met his ideal woman; and -yet each and every joy life had to offer him he gave up on the altar of -his duty. "Duty," he said, "an arid, bare religion, which does not save -my heart a single atom of unhappiness, but still the only one that can -save me from suicide;" and again he wrote, "When a man has once said to -himself in all seriousness of thought and feeling, I believe in liberty -and country and humanity, he is bound to fight for liberty and country -and humanity--fight while life lasts, fight always, fight with every -weapon, face all from death to ridicule, face hatred and contempt, work -on because it is his duty, and for no other reason." - -In 1837 Mazzini gave up the heights of Switzerland for the fogs of -London, moved largely to this change by the fact that in England -he need no longer live in hiding. He did not look forward with any -eagerness to life in England; if the English cared little what political -beliefs refugees brought with them, they were not the people to flame -with interest in a cause. Byron, Mazzini considered more Italian than -English; he could not conceive of poetry as stirring the British blood. -He took cheap lodgings, and set himself to writing for support, finding -time to keep up his correspondence with members of "Young Italy" -scattered over Europe, and also time to look after such Italians in -London as were in greater straits than he. The Ruffini family were with -him for a time, then misunderstandings separated them, and the last -tie that bound him to Genoa was gone. He lived the pathetic life of a -literary hack, spending his days working in the British Museum, and his -nights writing in his own small room. The one charm he found about -London was its fog. "The whole city," he wrote, "seems under a kind of -spell, and reminds me of the witches' scene in Macbeth or the Brocksberg -or the Witch of Endor. The passers-by look like ghosts--one feels almost -a ghost oneself." - -The lack of money oppressed him sorely; he would give to every Italian -who begged of him on the score of universal brotherhood, gradually his -few possessions went their way to the pawnshop. He said that he needed -only a place to write and a few pennies to buy cigars. Then by one of -those curious chances of fate he met the Carlyles, and his life became -a little less cramped and lonely, although perhaps more tempestuous. -There are a score of accounts of evenings Mazzini spent with these new -friends, the one of whom he admired as a great thinker, the other as a -truly noble woman. In time Carlyle tried the gentle Italian sorely; the -story goes that the philosopher would rage at all human institutions -with the violence of a hurricane and then turn to his guest with the -words, "You have not succeeded yet because you have talked too much." We -can picture the boisterous, stormy Englishman thundering at those ideals -which the sensitive, passionate Italian was trying to defend. It speaks -well for Mazzini that he said of Carlyle, "He is good, good, good; and -still, I think in spite of his great reputation, unhappy." Carlyle's -estimate of Mazzini was that he was "by nature a little lyrical poet." -This opposition of ideas did not, however, keep him from defending his -Italian friend when others attacked him. The London _Times_ saw fit to -speak slightingly of Mazzini, and Carlyle wrote the editors in noble -indignation. "Whatever I may think of his practical insight and skill -in worldly affairs," he said, "I can with great freedom testify to all -men that he, if I have ever seen such, is a man of genius and virtue, a -man of sterling veracity, humanity, and nobleness of mind, one of those -rare men, numerable, unfortunately, but as units in this world, who are -worthy to be called martyr souls; who in silence, piously in their daily -life, understand and practise what is meant by that." These were glowing -words, and thrilled Mazzini as he read them. They were a tribute to -Carlyle's justice, but it is doubtful if he ever really understood the -Italian. He would have found it difficult to discover a prophet living -in lodgings so near to his own house. - -Gradually Mazzini made other English friends, and he worked his way into -the pages of the best reviews. In time also his political efforts were -revived; he never let any temporary interest dim his goal. He started a -society of Italian workmen in London, and edited a paper for them, and -opened an evening school where poor Italian boys were taught to read and -write and learn something of Italian history. This school was very near -his heart, he was always devoted to children. - -During Mazzini's exiled years in London, "Young Italy" had spread over -Europe, and through countless secret channels was gradually making its -strength felt. Outside circumstances were needed to bring its forces -to a head, but there was no doubt that Mazzini's words had called a -power into being that must in time inevitably come to a life and death -struggle with the Austrians. It is difficult to point out the exact -minor causes of each fluctuation in Italian opinion, it is certain -that the new popular literature called readers to take account of the -words of Dante, and that the more they read the great poet the more -they longed for liberty from the foreigner. Charles Albert, it was -felt, was again dreaming of heroic measures, and something of the old, -almost legendary faith in the house of Savoy as a national deliverer, -re-awakened. Manzoni and Gioberti were prophesying a great Catholic -revival, and the election of Pius the Ninth seemed for the moment to -justify the hope. The half-pitiful words of Pius, "They want to make a -Napoleon of me who am only a poor country parson," was a more correct -estimate of the Pontiff than the glowing words of his contemporaries; he -was no more in accord with the spirit of his time than was Metternich. -Still his election marked the swing of the pendulum in the liberal -direction, and "Young Italy" was quick to take notice of such a fact. - -The year 1848 was remarkable for concerted social movements throughout -Europe. In France the Second Republic overthrew the monarchy, and -throughout the Italian states an electric current shocked the people -into revolution. Leghorn revolted and made Guerrazzi its chief, Milan -fell easy victim to the Tobacco rioters, Sicily sent its Bourbon king -flying, and Naples wrested a popular constitution from the greedy hand -of Ferdinand. Piedmont and Tuscany followed soon, demanded and obtained -constitutions, and the Pope, alarmed at the sudden spread of liberalism, -granted a constitution to Rome. The moment seemed ripe to throw off the -Austrian overlords. - -There are few more tangled histories than the record of the next few -months in Italy. It is a drama filled with heroic figures, but one -through which runs the current of continual misunderstandings. Was -Italy to be a kingdom or a republic? Was the Pope a menace or a help? -Was French aid to be courted or rejected? These were only a few of the -questions on which men split. The one glorious fact was the burning -patriotic ardor of Italians in each state from Sicily to Savoy, their -actual belief in the religion of duty Mazzini had been preaching to them. - -Word came to Milan that there was revolution in Vienna, and the -Five Days drove the Austrian garrison from their stronghold. Como, -Brescia, Venice, all the northern cities that had so long loathed the -white-coated overlords, won freedom; Metternich's puppet-princes of -Modena and Parma fled. Piedmont declared war, Tuscany declared war, -volunteers of all ranks and ages poured from Umbria to help the northern -armies. Mazzini, hearing the news in London, sped to Milan, and was -received as the prophet of the new day. Italy had its prophet, but the -statesman and the soldier were not yet recognized. - -The new provisional government in Milan had no fixed policy, Charles -Albert's advisers still clogged his steps, the volunteers were ready, -but they had neither the arms nor the training to compete with the -war-worn Austrians. While there was discussion and dissension in -Lombardy, the enemy recuperated and returned to besiege the cities they -had lost. By July the Italian army was driven into Milan, there the -spirit of the earlier Five Days revived, but victory appeared hopeless, -and finally Charles Albert, torn and distracted, surrendered the city. -Mazzini passed to Lugano, thence to Leghorn, thence to Florence; in each -city the situation was practically the same, the people were aflame with -devotion to Italy, the leaders had as many plans as there were men. - -Rome had driven out the Pope and proclaimed the Republic. The call of -Rome was the call direct to Mazzini's soul, he turned there to find a -solution of all difficulties. Simultaneously the newly formed Roman -Assembly turned to him, and bade him welcome as a citizen of Rome. He -believed that Dante's vision and his own were coming true, and hurried -to the Eternal City. His first work there was to raise ten thousand -troops and send them north. They had scarcely started when the crushing -news of the defeat at Novara stunned all patriots. Rome had to look to -herself, and made Mazzini Triumvir and practically dictator of the city. - -The little Roman Republic of 1849 had an inspiring history. Mazzini had -written and spoken, now it became his turn to act. He was set at the -head of a city from which its spiritual as well as its temporal head had -fled. Priests and protesting laymen were all about him, it would have -been easy for him to scorn the power that scoffed at him. He did not, -he himself doubted the strength of the Catholic Church to survive, he -dreamed of a new church which should speak to the world from the seven -hills of Rome, but he would not take a single step to destroy one man's -religion. More than that he made it his special duty to see that the -priests were not disturbed in their work. He wanted the Republic to be -based on the love of God. He hoped that the Church would aid the Italian -cause for the love of man. He would allow the Pope to reign as spiritual -Prince, if he would only be content with his own noble sphere. - -Rome won back something of its historic ardor under Mazzini's call. The -Republic was planned on lines of great proportions, steps were actually -taken to make it a republic wherein each man had a worthy share. The -foundations were laid with the greatest patience and zeal, the Triumvir -gave the last ounce of his strength to building truly, he lived as he -had always lived, for others, and took nothing for himself. Margaret -Fuller said that at this time his face, haggard and worn, seemed to her -"more divine than ever." The poorest citizen could find him as readily -as the richest, he was the same to all, he gave away his small salary of -office as entirely as in his London days he had dispersed his earnings. -If ever man's rule was noble, if ever it was spiritual, that of Rome's -Triumvir was, in the weeks when he faced treachery both from without and -within. - -It is scarcely possible that Mazzini could have expected his city to -stand against the armies that were marching towards it. At most he could -only hope to show the Romans of what great self-sacrifice they were -capable. He probably hoped that the Republic would convince Italians -that the spirit of "Young Italy" was not a mere prophet's dream. That he -did; he could not fight Austria and France single-handed. - -Louis Napoleon had evolved one of his great ideas, he would win both the -French army and the French clergy by a strategic move. He sent Oudinot -into Italy, blinding the Romans with various subtleties, waiting until -the propitious hour to strike. The Romans understood, the Assembly -voted to resist to the end, and Garibaldi led the troops to their first -victory. De Lesseps was appointed peace negotiator for the French, and -he and Mazzini met, and for a time it seemed as though there might be a -reconciliation. Mazzini strove with the greatest tact and patience to -win the French, but De Lesseps was nothing more than Napoleon's dupe, -and as soon as Garibaldi had advanced to meet the Neapolitan king's -army, Napoleon removed his envoy and showed his hand. - -The truce had been virtually agreed on when Oudinot suddenly attacked -and placed Rome in a state of siege. For almost a month the citizens -fought with unfailing courage. Mazzini, Garibaldi, Mameli, the martyr -war-poet, Bassi, the great preacher, republicans and royalists, princes -and peasants, all within Rome's walls fought for freedom from the -foreigner. There could be but one end, and it came when starvation and -losses had weakened the defenders so that they could no longer hold -their posts. Mazzini would have fought hand-to-hand in the streets, the -army was with him, but the Assembly voted to surrender. The besiegers -entered, Garibaldi led his Three Thousand in their great retreat, -Mazzini stayed on in Rome uttering such protest as he could, unharmed -by the French troops who dared not touch him, through knowledge of the -people's love for him. - -The downfall of the Republic must have been a terrible blow to Mazzini, -probable as it is that he foresaw the city could not long last by -itself. Physical force and treachery had overwhelmed the noblest -concepts of government. Temporary disappointment, however, could not -dull his spirit, the prophet of United Italy proved himself a true -prophet. He went on with his work, at first in Switzerland, then again -driven away by foreign influence, in London. - -He took up his life there, much older, much more worn and scarred, -but with the same indomitable spirit. "His face in repose," wrote a -contemporary of this time, "was grave, even sad, but it lit up with a -smile of wonderful sweetness as he greeted a friend with a pressure -rather than a shake of the thin hand," and again his piercing black -eyes were described as "of luminous depth, full of sadness, tenderness -and courage, of purity and fire, readily flashing into indignation or -humor, always with the latent expression of exhaustless resolution." His -pictures are familiar, the high straight forehead, the strong nose, the -curving lips, the scant gray, then almost white, mustache and beard, the -high-buttoned frock coat and the silk handkerchief wound like a stock -about his throat. - -London had grown kinder to him than at first, he had many good friends, -and he could understand better the English point of view. He lodged as -humbly as before, and again took up his writing, his correspondence, and -his ceaseless care for his poor countrymen. One of his best biographers -gives us this sketch of him, a picture that portrays the man, "in his -small room, every piece of furniture littered with books and papers, -the air thick with smoke of cheap Swiss cigars (except when friends sent -Havanas), brightened only by his tame canaries and carefully-tended -plants, he was generally writing at his desk until evening, always with -more work in hand than he could cope with, carrying on the usual mass -of correspondence, writing articles for his Italian papers, raising -public funds with infinite labor, stirring his English friends to help -the cause, finding money and work for the poor refugees, or organizing -concerts in their interest." With what infinite reverence must the men -he helped have looked on him! - -The prophet is not a statesman; he can show the road, but rarely -follow it. Mazzini's life had reached its climax when as Triumvir he -had started to practise his own precepts, his work had been to scatter -seed for the crop which other men should reap at harvest. He could -not understand the dissimulations of diplomacy, he could not tolerate -compromise, he could not now sacrifice his dreams of a republic for -liberty and union. These qualities were not in his character; if they -had been he could not have led men's minds by his words and actions; he -could not be both a prophet and an opportunist; the need of the former -was passing, and that of the latter at hand. - -Few men understood the twists and turns of Cavour's policy as Prime -Minister of Piedmont, and Mazzini not at all. After the battle of Novara -Charles Albert had abdicated in favor of his son Victor Emmanuel, and -a new order had come to pass in Piedmont. Cavour had a definite goal, -the unity of Italy under the leadership of his king; and he never -forgot that goal. To win it, he realized that he needed more than the -raw volunteer forces of 1848, more than mere enthusiasm, no matter how -heroic; he needed efficient troops, he needed a foreign ally, he needed -a moment when Austria should be at a disadvantage, above all he needed -one leader instead of a dozen to determine on any action. To accomplish -these ends he gave republicans little sympathy, and centered the -national movement about his king, he treated with Louis Napoleon, and -did his utmost to win his favor, he discountenanced secret half-prepared -revolts against the Austrians, he drilled and multiplied the troops, -and harbored the finances. At all these measures Mazzini instinctively -revolted; he wanted a republic, he loathed Napoleon as the betrayer of -Rome, he was ever eager for any sincere demonstration against Austria. -He only learned half-truths in London, but those half-truths did not -inspire him to trust Cavour. Neither of these men understood the other; -to Cavour Mazzini was the fanatic who would destroy any cause by lack -of temperance, to Mazzini Cavour was the aristocrat who would inflict -upon the poor of Italy simply a new yoke in place of the old. They could -not work together, and so Mazzini publicly denounced Cavour, and the -latter declared Mazzini an exile from his home. - -Meantime, while Piedmont was playing a wary game, and all the Italian -states were making ready for the next great attempt, Mazzini took part -in two small insurrections, one near Como, and the other at Genoa, both -of which failed disastrously. The latter was the more serious, the -government was tired of these perennial conspiracies, and denounced the -revolt as anarchistic. Mazzini and five other leaders were sentenced to -death, and many to long terms of imprisonment. Mazzini hid in the house -of the Marquis Pareto, and was undiscovered, although the police made a -prolonged search for him. It is said that Mazzini himself, dressed as a -footman, opened the door to the officer, who recognized him as an old -schoolmate, and had mercy. Some days later he escaped from the house, -undisguised, walking arm-in-arm with a lady of Genoa, and reaching -a carriage, was driven to Quarto, and thence went to England. There -were many curious turns and twists in this conspiracy in which both -conspirators and government were working for the same great end, but -with widely different means, and with avowed enmity between them. - -It was not long until Cavour and Napoleon met at Plombières and made -their famous compact, after that events hastened forward. By the spring -of 1859 Cavour had prepared both royalists and republicans for war. -With his ally he felt that the Italian cause must now triumph, and at a -given signal the conflict began. The Princes were driven from Tuscany, -Romagna, Parma, and Modena, and all those states declared for Victor -Emmanuel. Much as Mazzini hated Cavour's French ally, he could no longer -stay his enthusiasm. He saw unity at last almost come, after Solferino -he declared that the Austrian domination was at an end. Without warning -Napoleon met the Emperor Francis Joseph at Villafranca and betrayed the -cause. He abandoned Venetia to Austria, and central Italy to the Bourbon -Princes. Cavour, wild with indignation, spoke his feelings and resigned, -the Italians were again left to their own divided efforts. - -Mazzini, his fears of Napoleon now justified, went to Florence and -declared that the people of central Italy must stake all for their -briefly-won freedom, he gave up his republican protests, and advocated -annexation with Piedmont so they might have unity. He wrote to friends -in Sicily and Rome, he begged Garibaldi to lead his troops into Umbria. -All this time he had to live virtually in hiding, the ban against him -had not been raised, and the thought that he, whose every emotion was -for Italy, should not be trusted at all among his countrymen galled him -to the quick. He wrote: "To be a prisoner among our own people is too -much to bear." - -Gradually the troubled situation cleared, Cavour returned to power, -and by temporizing held both the French support and the enthusiasm of -the native troops. Mazzini still advocated immediate warfare, Cavour -waited, and in the end the latter's policy was proved correct. In the -interval the disheartened Mazzini had gone back to England, and again, -on hearing that Garibaldi and his famous legion had started for Sicily, -returned in haste to Genoa. There followed Garibaldi's victories, then -the Piedmontese declaration of war against the Pope, then only Rome -and Venice were lacking to the cause. Mazzini went to Naples to be -nearer the heart of the struggle; he urged the Neapolitans to demand a -constitution, and they, filled with the one thought of unity, berated -him as a republican. His friends urged him to leave the city. "Even -against your wish," said one of them, "you divide us." He could not -leave Italy at that hour of her fate, but he felt that he was cruelly -misunderstood. He wrote, "I am worn out morally and physically; for -myself the only really good thing would be to have unity achieved -quickly through Garibaldi, and one year, before dying, of Walham Green -or Eastbourne, long silences, a few affectionate words to smooth the -ways, plenty of sea-gulls, and sad dozing." - -Some of those things he was to know, for during the next few years -he lived again in England, writing and reading, and continually -engaged in plans for the final capture of Venetia and Rome. Victor -Emmanuel, Garibaldi, and Mazzini were each devising means to gain this -long-hoped-for end, but the position and peculiar characteristics of -each made co-operation almost impossible. The wise Cavour had been -succeeded by vacillating ministers who were a continual drag upon -the King, Garibaldi would not consent to adopting any of Mazzini's -suggestions (the latter once said that "if Garibaldi has to choose -between two proposals, he is sure to accept the one that isn't mine"), -and Mazzini found it ever difficult to sacrifice his republican ideals -to the needs of the moment. Ultimately, however, the Italian troops, -this time with the aid of Prussia, recommenced war with Austria to win -Venetia, Istria, and the Tyrol. The spirit of 1866 was not the spirit -of 1860, the mythical valor of the Garibaldian army seemed to have -evaporated in the passes of the Tyrol. Prussia won, but Italy met defeat -at Custozza. Again Napoleon took a hand in the country's destiny. To the -surprise of Europe, he intervened and stated that Austria had offered to -cede Venetia to him, and that he would give it to Italy if the latter -would come to an immediate agreement for peace. There seemed little else -to be done, and Mazzini saw the campaign, that had begun in the highest -hopes of complete national independence, end in the acceptance of the -gift of a single province from the foreigner. - -Thenceforth Mazzini's work lost all accord with that of the monarchy. -He had not lost his faith in the great destiny of Italy, but he -despaired of seeing that destiny fulfilled as he might wish within his -lifetime. Forty thousand persons signed the petition for his amnesty, -he was elected again and again by Messina as its deputy, but the -party of the Moderates would not have him in the Chamber. Continued -opposition made his fame only the greater among the people, he assumed -the proportions of a national myth, to many he had become an actual -demi-god. Secretly he traveled about Italy, working, with an energy -altogether disproportionate to his strength, in the cause of a republic. -He had many followers in Genoa, and one of them has left a picture of -Mazzini's entrance to a meeting. "A low knock was heard at the door, -and there he was in body and soul, the great magician, who struck the -fancy of the people like a mythical hero. Our hearts leaped, and we -went reverently to meet that great soul. He advanced with a child's -frank courtesy and a divine smile, shaking hands like an Englishman, -and addressing each of us by name, as if our names were written on our -foreheads. He was not disguised; he wore cloth shoes, and a capote, and -with his middle, upright stature, he looked like a philosopher straight -from his study, who never dreamed of troubling any police in the world." - -He found time to write his remarkable treatise on religion, "From the -Council to God," while he prepared plans for a new revolution. This -time he intended to land in Sicily. The attempt was foolhardy, he was -arrested at Palermo, and confined at Gaeta, where the Bourbons had -not long before made their last stand. Almost forty years before, at -the outset of his career, he had watched the Mediterranean from his -prison at Savona, now he watched the same deep blue sea from Gaeta. -He wrote here, "The nights are very beautiful; the stars shine with a -luster one sees only in Italy. I love them like sisters, and link them -to the future in a thousand ways. If I could choose I should like to -live in almost absolute solitude, working at my historical book or at -some other, just from a feeling of duty, and only wishing to see for a -moment, now and then, some one I did not know, some poor woman that I -could help, some workingmen I could advise, the doves of Zurich, and -nothing else." - -Rome fell, and Mazzini's captivity came to an end. He passed through the -city where twenty-one years before he had been Triumvir, and, seeking -to avoid all popular demonstrations, went to Genoa. There he fell ill, -and his failing strength made successive attacks more and more frequent. -He traveled a little more, and then in March, 1872, died at a friend's -house in Pisa. He had lived to see Italy united, but in a very different -manner from that of which he had dreamed. - -To the republicans of Europe, Mazzini's voice was that of a great -prophet for half the Nineteenth Century, to the Italians he was the -voice of Italy itself. He was the precursor of unity, of independence, -of courageous self-denial, without him Cavour might have planned in -vain, and Garibaldi been no more than an inconspicuous lieutenant. He -had the two greatest of gifts, an ideal and the faith that knows no -defeat, yet he was not simply the idealist nor the devotee, for he could -stir other men to action through his own belief. A friend, comparing -him with Kossuth, said: "Now I write of him who seems to my judgment to -be, like Saul, above all his fellows ... the one man needed excitement -to stir his spirit ... the soul of the other was as an inner lamp -shining through him always. The strength of Mazzini's personal influence -lay here. You could not doubt his glance." - -There was a certain kinship between Mazzini and Lincoln, simplicity and -a boundless love of the weak and the oppressed was the keynote of both -lives. Both were emancipators, but both were infinitely more, men whose -whole lives bore eloquent testimony of their noble spirits. Lincoln -loved men as Mazzini loved them, Mazzini and Lincoln both knew the -suffering that comes from being continually misunderstood. When Lincoln -was assassinated, the great Italian envied the man who had died knowing -that his life's cause had been accomplished. - -Throughout one of the most tangled and turbulent epochs of history, -Mazzini's ideals never changed; the principles of "Young Italy" were the -principles of his Triumvirate and of his prison life at Gaeta. He was -for a United Italy and a republic. At times he could postpone the latter -aim for the former, but never disregard it. And what he was for Italy, -he was for the whole world. He insisted on the brotherhood of nations, -on the paramount duty of all nations toward humanity. Whosoever, he -believed, separates families from families, and nations from nations, -divides what God meant to be indissoluble. He looked to Italy to show -the other nations how to live in freedom and equality, and to Rome to -pronounce a new and greater religion of majestic tolerance. Had Italy -been freed early in his career, he must have become a great religious -teacher; even as it was, his power was that of an apostle, and his -appeal to the soul as well as to the mind. Men who knew him loved him -as something finer than themselves, a man closer to God, one of His -disciples. - -His personal life was one long record of self-sacrifice, his home, his -family, his love, his comfort, even the most meager necessities of life -were given to the cause, nothing was too much for him to do, nothing too -trivial for him to undertake, could he help his country or one of his -countrymen an iota thereby. He could appreciate other men's happiness -and in a way share it with them; he knew little or nothing of envy, -vanity, or malice; he would let any leader have the glory of helping -Italy, so long as the result was gained. More than that, he could -bear the continual undervaluation of the English among whom he lived, -he could read what Carlyle wrote, "Of Italian democracies and Young -Italy's sorrows, of extraneous Austrian emperors in Milan, or poor old -chimerical Popes in Bologna, I know nothing and desire to know nothing," -and yet continue Carlyle's friend; he could bear the sting of having -his name coupled with every attempt at assassination, when there were -few things he abhorred more than secret violence. His idea of duty was -so high, and had so absorbed all the petty spirits of his nature, that -he could endure anything for that cause, and indeed embraced eagerly -whatever came to him under that banner. - -The great authority on heroes says of the hero as prophet: "The great -man was always as lightning out of Heaven; the rest of men waited for -him like fuel, and then they too would flame." So the world had waited -for Giuseppe Mazzini. Other men bore much and labored much for the sake -of a united fatherland, but none other gave such lightning to their -world. The prophet may not actually lay the stones of history, but he -breathes the spirit of life into the builders. He is mankind's greatest -friend and hope, who points out the road human souls would take. Mazzini -stands with Dante and Savonarola as the third great prophet of Italian -history who spoke with a world voice. - - - - -[Illustration: CAVOUR] - - - - -CAVOUR, THE STATESMAN - - -Cavour planned united Italy; his career is a shining example of what may -be done by a man with one definite purpose to which he adheres without -digression. Just as Disraeli seems from his early manhood to have aimed -at becoming Prime Minister of England so Cavour appears to have aimed -at the union of Italy under the leadership of Piedmont. There were a -thousand and one points at which he could have turned aside, a dozen -times when a brilliant temporary success was held before him, but he -preferred to sacrifice no atom of energy or influence which might in -time help in his fundamental purpose. He preferred obscurity to the -danger of being too well known, and the coldness of contemporaries -to the burden of relations with them which might tend to shackle his -own independence. He read his time and countrymen with extraordinary -accuracy, and foresaw that what was left of the old régime was tottering -and that to attempt to bolster it up was absurd. He preferred to let -the old conventions of a departed feudalism go their way in peace while -he prepared himself for the day when the new statecraft should be -recognized. - -The Piedmont of 1810, the year of Cavour's birth, was singularly -mediæval. The militant strength and daring of the small states of -the Middle Ages had departed, but the point of view remained. The -aristocracy was narrow, bigoted, and overbearing, they were intolerant -of the new discoveries of science and the useful arts, they devoted -themselves exclusively to the trivial entertainments of the Eighteenth -Century. Napoleon spread above them like a storm cloud; they wrapped -themselves as well as they could in their ancestral cloaks and waited, -confident that the gale could not last long. The majority of them could -not believe that the French Revolution was more than an accident, but -there were a few, and those almost entirely men and women who had lived -abroad, who saw further. One of these latter was Cavour's grandmother, -the Marquise Philippine di Cavour, from whom he seems to have inherited -his breadth of view. - -The family of Benso belonged to the old nobility of Piedmont, and in -time came into possession of the fief of Santena and the fastness -of Cavour in the province of Pignerolo. A member of the family who -became distinguished for military services was made Marquis of Cavour -by Charles Emmanuel III., and the eldest son of Marquis Benso di -Cavour married Philippine, daughter of the Marquis de Sales, a girl -brought up in a château on the Lake of Annecy. The Marquise Philippine -immediately became the controlling factor in the Cavour household; -she strove to lighten the heavy somberness of her husband's family in -Turin, and at the trying time of the French occupation sold much of the -family plate and furnishings, and finally certain priceless religious -relics, in order to provide for her son, a boy of sixteen, when he was -ordered to join General Berthier's corps of the French army. Later she -was commanded to become one of the household of the Princess Camillo -Borghese, sister of Napoleon, and wife of his governor of Piedmont, -who, better known as Pauline Bonaparte, figures as one of the most -beautiful as well as one of the liveliest women of that age. The -Marquise Philippine acquitted herself so well and so graciously that -the Princess became one of her staunchest friends, and with the Prince -acted as sponsor at the christening of the Marquise's second grandchild, -Camille di Cavour. The Marquise's son, Michele Benso, had married Adèle, -daughter of the Count de Sellon of Geneva, and had two sons, Gustave -and Camille. Michele Benso had profited greatly by his mother's tact, -but he was still the unbending reactionary in nature. So was his eldest -son Gustave. It was the younger boy who received the adaptable genius -of the Marquise Philippine, and who seems to have been best able to -appreciate her. On one occasion he said to her, "Marina" (a Piedmontese -term for grandmother), "we get on capitally, you and I; you were always -a little bit of a Jacobin." When, as the boy grew older, his family and -friends reproached him with being a fanatical liberal, he turned to the -Marquise, confident that she understood him. Cavour had few confidants -during his whole life, few friends from whom he drew inspiration, but -his grandmother had so trained him in the light of her own self-reliant -spirit that he rarely seems to have felt the need of any outside aid. - -The feudal system had scant respect for younger sons. Gustave was -carefully educated for his proud position, Camille was largely left to -grow up by chance. He was sent to the Military Academy at Turin, and -became a page at the court of Charles Albert. With both the social and -military life about him he found himself out of temper, his views were -too liberal for the narrowness he met on every hand, he was hoping for -events which most of his companions could only have regarded at that -time as tragedies. His restlessness was noted, and he was sent to the -lonely Alpine fortress of Bard. There the soul-wearying inertia of the -military life of a small state grew to typify to him the condition of -his land. At the age of twenty-one, he wrote to the Count de Sellon, -"The Italians need regeneration; their morale, which was completely -corrupted under the ignoble dominion of Spaniards and Austrians, -regained a little energy under the French régime, and the ardent youth -of the country sighs for a nationality, but to break entirely with the -past, to be born anew to a better state, great efforts are necessary and -sacrifices of all kinds must remould the Italian character. An Italian -war would be a sure pledge that we were going to become again a nation, -that we were rising from the mud in which we have been trampled for so -many centuries." - -Such ideas found no sympathy at the court of Piedmont, and Cavour, -confident that the army could offer him no opportunity to use his -talents, resigned his commission, and induced his father to buy him -a small estate at Leri. There, in the middle of the rice-fields of -Piedmont, Cavour settled down to the life of a farmer, experimenting -with new steam machinery, canal irrigation, artificial fertilizers, -studying books on government and agriculture, seeing something of his -country neighbors, waiting for the gradual breakdown of the old régime. -His family were quite content to let him vegetate on his far-off estate, -he had no position in the family household in Turin, his father and -brother were busy with details of court life, and after the death of -his grandmother his combined family regarded him as lacking in normal -balance. Without becoming actually melancholy the youth was continually -dejected, he saw no place waiting to be filled by him, he wished that -he had been born into another nation, and sighed, "Ah! if I were an -Englishman, by this time I should be something, and my name would not be -wholly unknown!" Yet, indifferent as he seemed to comradeship, he had -at this time one strong friend, a woman of high birth, "L'Inconnue," -as he called her in his journal. She summoned him to her at Turin, and -he obeyed her call; she was unhappy and ardently patriotic, with the -visions of Mazzini, he admired her and was filled with remorse at the -thought of a love so constant and disinterested. They corresponded for -over a year, and then Cavour's ardor faded. He had never been in love -with her, but she had loved him devotedly. A few years later she died, -and left him a last letter ending, "the woman who loved you is dead.... -No one ever loved you as she did, no one! For, O Camille, you never -fathomed the extent of her love." She had at least succeeded in drawing -him out of his lonely despair; platonic as his regard for her seems to -have been, it was the nearest approach to love that entered his life. - -For fifteen years Cavour lived as a farmer at Leri, breaking the -monotony of that existence by occasional visits to England and -France. The former country always exerted great influence over him; -he considered the life of the English country gentleman the ideal -existence; he was a great admirer of Pitt and Sir Robert Peel (and said -of Peel that he was "the statesman who more than any other had the -instinct of the necessity of the moment," words prophetic of his own -career!), and was always a reader of Shakespeare, who among all writers -he held had the deepest insight into the human heart. In Paris Cavour -saw much of society through the influence of his French relations, -and made the most of his opportunity to study the young rising men. -He was frequently blamed by the men and women he met for leading such -an aimless life, and was urged to enter the fields of literature or -diplomacy. For the former he said he had no taste, for the latter he was -too much out of sympathy with the government of his own country, and -he could not enter the service of any other. He had the reputation of -being a man of great wit and intelligence, gifted with gay and winning -manners, interested to a certain extent in all concerns of the day, -but unwilling to sacrifice himself to a constant devotion to any one -pursuit. The women of the leading salons found his light hair, blue -eyes, and happy temper charming, the men of the time valued his keen -insight into contemporary questions. He played cards frequently for -high stakes, but never allowed himself to become an habitual gambler. -Later in life it is said that he indulged in playing for high stakes -with politicians in order to gain an insight into their characters. His -visits to Paris undoubtedly taught him much concerning the men with whom -he was later to have so much to do, and his stays in England showed him -the strength of Parliamentary government. He took vivid impressions back -with him to Leri, and used his mental energy in adapting English ideas -on agriculture to the needs of his farm. - -With the governing world of Piedmont Cavour was undeniably unpopular. -The antiquated leaders of public life considered him perilously liberal, -and no party or clique found him really in accord with its views. He had -written some articles for foreign newspapers, and had openly advocated -the need of railways in Italy, but such of his countrymen as undertook -to learn his views held him a dangerous fanatic. Singularly enough, -without having made any attempt to place himself before the public, -he was an object of popular distrust. He counted this rather an item -in his favor, he was in no wise indebted to any man or any cause. He -preferred to wait until the day of petty reactionaries should give place -to serious popular movements, and by 1847 he saw that such a crisis -was not far distant. Charles Albert, by nature always an enigma, was -moving forward faster than his government, and was suspected of strong -independent tendencies. - -Charles Albert would have loomed larger in history if he had been -born into either an earlier or a later age. He was not the man to -direct a political crisis, he would have done well as the magnanimous -sovereign of an Eighteenth Century state or as the intellectual head -of a constitutional nation, but it was his misfortune to lack those -vigorous robust qualities which Italians later found in his son. He was -an ardent patriot, he earnestly desired to free the Italian states from -foreign rule, he was zealous that Piedmont should lead in such a cause, -but he was continually afraid that independence would lead directly to -popular liberty under a constitution. "I desire as much as you do," he -said to Roberto d'Azeglio, "the enfranchisement of Italy, and it is -for that reason, remember well, that I will never give a constitution -to my people." His advisers, who were largely clericals, and almost -always reactionaries, lost no chance to impress upon his mind the -impossibility of the consummation he desired. Start the new order, they -said, and no man knows how far it will go. He was in fear of loosing a -spirit which he could never cage. Yet his honest desire for national -independence made him hearken at times to more liberal voices. In one of -these moments he revoked the censorship of the press. - -Cavour, primed with the history of England, saw what a free press -meant, and instantly left his retirement at Leri to seize the golden -opportunity. He founded a newspaper and gave it a name destined to stand -for the whole movement towards nationalism, "_Il Risorgimento_." The -prospectus of the paper stated its aims as independence, union between -the Princes and the people, and reforms. Cavour was now prepared to -speak his mind. - -He did not have long to wait. The people of Genoa announced that they -were preparing to send a committee to the capital to ask for the -expulsion of the Jesuits and the organization of a national guard. The -principal editors of Turin met to consider what stand they should take -in reference to these demands. The suggestion to support the Genoese -petitions was meeting with general approval when Cavour rose to speak. -His words fell like a bomb, he said that the demands were far too -small, that the only prudence lay in asking for much more. The statement -was the keynote to all his later statecraft. "Of what use," he asked, -"are reforms which have nothing definite, and lead to nothing? Where -is the good of asking for that which, whether granted or not, equally -disturbs the State, and weakens the moral authority of the government? -Since the government can no longer be maintained on its former basis, -let us ask for a constitution, and substitute for that basis another -more conformable to the spirit of the times, and to the progress of -civilization. Let us do this before it is too late, and before the -authority which keeps society together is dissolved by popular clamor." - -Cavour's proposal precipitated a violent contest. Both moderates and -liberals thought that he was asking far too much; Valerio, the leader -of the better element, declared that in asking for a constitution the -meeting went far beyond the wishes of the people. The meeting broke -up without reaching a decision, but the reports of it scattered with -lightning-like rapidity. Valerio ridiculed the proposal to his friends -and called Cavour an aper of English customs. He said, "Don't you know -my Lord Camille?--the greatest reactionist of the kingdom; the greatest -enemy of the revolution, an Anglomane of the purest breed." Cavour was -nicknamed "Milord Camillo" and "Milord Risorgimento," he was continually -asked if he desired to erect an English House of Lords. - -The ridicule passed, but the suggestion remained. Charles Albert heard -of Cavour's speech to the editors, and he had already lived through the -first two months of that electrifying year of 1848. Constitution-making -was in the air, Louis Philippe was falling, the little Italian Princes -were throwing promises to their waking people. He hesitated, he was -under a secret pledge to continue the government of his country in -the same form in which it had come to him, he thought seriously of -abdicating, but his son, Victor Emmanuel, opposed the idea vigorously. -Finally, after much anxious thought and many family consultations, he -decided to grant a constitution, and the famous Statute was given to the -Sardinian kingdom. It is interesting to note that fifty years later the -King's grandson celebrated the date of the promulgation of what was to -become the charter of Italian independence. - -Raised temporarily to a pinnacle of popular applause, the fickle gusts -of an excitable public opinion soon blew Cavour down to his former -standing. No one really agreed with his opinions, to the moderates -he was still alarmingly audacious, to the liberals too deeply imbued -with the spirit of English aristocracy. He stood for election under -the new constitution at Turin, and was defeated; shortly afterwards, -however, he was elected to fill an unexpected vacancy. Count Balbo, the -first Prime Minister under the constitution, and Cavour's co-editor of -the _Risorgimento_, did not ask him to join the cabinet, and openly -expressed his disapproval of his fellow-journalist's ideas. The truth -of the matter was that men were afraid of Cavour, they distrusted him -partly because they did not understand him, and partly because it was -only too evident that if he were given the chance he would drive the car -of state to suit himself. - -The new cabinet had no sooner assumed office than Milan revolted against -the Austrians. Charles Albert hesitated, he was heart and soul with -the Milanese, but England and Russia both warned him against war with -Austria. His cabinet was divided, half feared to stake too much, half -were for wagering all. Cavour printed hot words in the _Risorgimento_: -"We, men of calm minds, accustomed to listen more to the dictates of -reason than to the impulses of the heart, after deliberately weighing -each word we utter, are bound in conscience to declare that only one -path is open to the nation, the government, the King: war, immediate -war!" The evening of the day of publication the King decided on war, -and Piedmont rushed to the aid of newly-arisen Lombardy. - -The story of that campaign is briefly told, great confidence, heroic -sacrifices, a few victorious battles, and then the re-enforcement of -Radetsky's army and the retreat to Milan. Sardinia had brave soldiers, -but no great generals, the victories were not followed up as Napoleon -had done on the same fields. At the battle of Goito Cavour's nephew, -Augusto di Cavour, a boy of twenty, was killed. On his body was found -a last letter from his uncle encouraging him to do his duty; the blow -was a terrible one for Cavour; he had predicted the noblest future for -Augusto. It is said that he ever afterward kept the shot-riddled uniform -of the boy in a glass case in his bedroom, a relic and reminder of -heroism. - -The war soon came to the tragic climax of Novara, the ministers -were perpetually undecided, men were thinking more of the possible -results of independence than of the fact itself. There were a thousand -theorists, a thousand phrase-makers, and in the midst of them all the -King, alternately hopeful and despairing, heroic in his devotion, but -confident that he should never weld Italy together. Cavour had not been -re-elected to the Parliament of this crucial time, he was outside the -battle proper, striving to direct public sentiment through his paper, -and watching and studying the strength and weakness of the cause. The -battle of Novara ended the war, Charles Albert abdicated, and Victor -Emmanuel came to the Sardinian throne. The natures of father and son -were almost diametrically opposed, the new King was the born leader, his -people could not doubt the temper of his resolution, and it was upon -that implicit trust that Cavour, determined on one and only one adviser, -was to build a state that should be firm and enduring. In a sense -failure had cleared the field for greater achievement as success could -never have done. - -The new King, having sworn allegiance to the constitution, cast about -him for a prime minister who could bring order out of seeming chaos, -and chose Massimo d'Azeglio, then and for long afterwards the best -beloved man in Piedmont. D'Azeglio was a painter, a poet, a warrior, -and an accomplished man of the world, devoted to his country, liberal -without being radical. He was the one man to restore popular confidence -in the Sardinian kingdom, Cavour was glad that the King's favor had -fallen on such a man, and, knowing that his own assistance at that -time would only serve to embarrass the new Premier, he retired to the -leisure he enjoyed so thoroughly on his farm at Leri. Here he rested -and recovered some of the confidence which had been shaken by the -unfortunate trend of events. He was by nature optimistic, and knew -the value of gradual development, the hours he spent in farming he -considered most valuably employed. A friend described him about this -time as having a very fresh-colored complexion, and blue eyes, which -although still exceedingly bright, had a changeful expression. He was -stout, but not ungainly as he became later. He stooped slightly, but -when he stopped to speak to any one held himself erect in an attentive -attitude. His forehead, large and solid, gave strength to a face which -was not distinguished by striking features; on either side of his mouth, -which was rather cold and contained, were two lines which, by trembling -or contracting, gave the only sign of any emotion to an observer. His -voice was low, and not remarkably inspiring, he never had the orator's -fluent tongue with which to sway his auditors. He was always courteous -and at his ease, easily approachable and interested in whatever might be -said to him. He belonged to the class of statesmen who tell very little -of their thoughts. When he visited Manzoni on Lake Maggiore, and the -latter poured out to him his dreams of a united Italy, which as he said -he usually kept to himself for secret fear of being thought a madman, -Cavour answered simply by rubbing his hands, and with a slow smile -saying, "We shall do something." The act and the words bespoke his -character. - -Cavour's holiday in the country was not to last long, the King dissolved -his first Parliament, and in the second Cavour was re-elected to his -former seat. Now for the first time he made his real power felt in the -Chamber, on the question of the abolition of those special courts which -had formerly existed for the trial of ecclesiastic offenders against the -common law. The struggle between the clericals and liberals was bitter. -Cavour spoke on March 7, 1850, and advocated strong measures. He was not -anxious to force the Church into a position hostile to the State, but he -feared peace purchased at a heavy sacrifice. He knew that reforms must -be full and sweeping if they were to stem the rising tide of European -discontent. The wisest statesmen were those who, like Lord Grey and -Sir Robert Peel in England, had granted fully when they recognized the -temper of the time. Revolutions were only to be stayed by real reforms. -If real reforms were granted, the government of Piedmont, he concluded, -would not only be strong among its own people, but "gathering to itself -all the living forces in Italy, it would be in a position to lead our -mother-country to those high destinies whereunto she is called." - -It was the first speech which had thrilled with hope since the -lamentable downfall of Novara. The audience in the galleries caught the -prophetic note and cheered it to the echo. The ministers were eager to -shake hands with the speaker. The people were stirred, although not -yet convinced that Cavour was what he seemed to be, but public men -throughout Italy recognized that here was a strong man with potent -forces soon to be considered. - -Soon after the passage of the bill Cavour had advocated, one of -D'Azeglio's ministers, Count Pietro di Santa Rosa, died. Immediate -pressure was brought to bear to make Cavour his successor, but for a -long time D'Azeglio, although friendly to Cavour, hesitated to take such -an extremist into his cabinet. Finally he offered Cavour the post of -Minister of Agriculture and Commerce. Cavour accepted, but only after -making certain terms, one of which was that a certain minister whom he -considered over-timorous should be asked to resign. D'Azeglio agreed, -though with ill grace, and in consequence was shortly after told by the -King, "Don't you see that this man will turn you all out?" - -On taking office Cavour gave up his connection with the _Risorgimento_, -a paper which he considered had helped the liberal projects -immeasurably. As Minister of Commerce he negotiated trade treaties -with England, France, and Belgium. He took to work so readily that very -shortly he was made Minister of Marine in addition to his original post. -Gradually he won his way to the leadership in Parliament, speaking -for himself rather than for the cabinet, and having small regard for -the professed opinions of his own or any other party. When a deputy -would ask him for information in the Chamber he would state his own -opinion, and where that differed from opinions already expressed by his -colleagues he would make his favorite reply, that he spoke "less as a -minister than as a politician." - -Cavour's many-sided nature rapidly showed itself in his stand on -religious and educational measures, on trade and commerce, on theories -of government and practical applications. There seemed to be no field -with which he was not conversant, and which he could not straighten of -tangles less thoughtful ministers had made. In April, 1851, he became -Minister of Finance, having insisted that Nigra, his predecessor, should -resign if he were to remain. The Minister of Public Instruction had -a disagreement with Cavour, and was replaced by one of the latter's -friends, Farini, the Romagnol exile, a strong nationalist writer. These -changes greatly strengthened Cavour's position and were all in line -with his policy of making Piedmont a strong constitutional state, its -people imbued with the thought of leadership in any struggle for Italian -unity. Abroad he was endeavoring in every way to excite interest in -Italian conditions, he was an enthusiastic admirer of Mr. Gladstone, he -studied Louis Napoleon's giant strides to power, not for their effect -upon liberty, but in search of indications that the new French régime -would listen to the voice of Victor Emmanuel. He had come to realize -that foreign aid was essential to ultimate victory, and looked to -France as the most probable ally. That this ally was likely to appear -in the garb of a political adventurer did not disturb him; as he said, -"Franklin sought the help of the most despotic monarch in Europe." - -To insure that when Piedmont should succeed in enlisting foreign aid -the country might be consolidated and ready, Cavour planned a great -stroke, to combine his own party in Parliament with that of the Moderate -Liberals, or Left Center, as it was called. None of the four parties was -sufficiently strong in itself to insure any permanent success, but a -combination of the two Center parties would allow for plans of certain -durability. Rattazzi, probably the most brilliant speaker in the House, -and a man of much popularity, was leader of the Left Center, and to -him Cavour broached his plans. The alliance was concluded in January, -1852, and kept a secret for some time. Finally, in a debate on a bill -aimed to moderate newspaper attacks on foreign sovereigns, the ministry -was violently attacked, and Rattazzi announced his compact with Cavour -by stating that he intended generally to support the ministry in the -present session unless there should be some decided change in its -policy. Cavour, speaking in reply, acknowledged the alliance between the -two parties. - -D'Azeglio and the other ministers had been kept in the dark, and were -as much surprised as was the general public. Cavour had feared that -a discussion of the wisdom of such an alliance might have ended in -disagreement, and he was determined that the plan should be put through. -That seems to have been the only excuse for keeping the plan secret -from his colleagues. The Prime Minister was highly indignant, but would -not disown Cavour's act; he merely intimated to him that he would never -sit in the same cabinet with Rattazzi. Shortly afterward Cavour lent -his support to electing Rattazzi President of the Chamber. D'Azeglio -was again indignant, and Cavour felt that it was best that he should -leave the ministry. He resigned, and was followed by all the other -ministers. Their act, however, was purely a matter of sentiment, and -the King commanded them to remain at their posts. Cavour endorsed this -command, he saw no reason why D'Azeglio's ministry should not continue -for a time without him. He parted on the best of terms with the Premier, -and in order that his presence might cause no embarrassment to the -reconstructed ministry started on a journey to France and England. - -This trip abroad came at a most opportune time. It gave Cavour a chance -to meet French and English statesmen and learn their views of his policy -of allying Rattazzi's party with his own in order to obtain a working -majority. He knew that Rattazzi was generally regarded as a reckless -revolutionary, but he found that the necessity of using his aid was -generally acknowledged. Cavour talked with the leaders of each party -in England; he found Lord Palmerston then as always his ardent friend -and admirer. Palmerston saw that the overthrow of the Italian tyrannies -must depend upon the home strength of the Sardinian government, and that -if that government were once firmly established on a constitutional -basis it could not be long before Austria would be driven out of Italy. -Palmerston promised Cavour the moral support of England, and the Italian -left London delighted at what he had learned there. - -In Paris Cavour met Thiers, who bade him be of good courage, and the -Prince President. To the latter he devoted much time, and succeeded in -making a deep impression upon the astute Napoleon. "Whether we like it -or not," the Italian wrote from Paris, "our destinies depend on France; -we must be her partner in the great game which will be played sooner or -later in Europe." In the French capital Cavour found several leaders -of Italian life who were living in exile; he visited Daniel Manin, the -great Venetian, the idol of his city, and learned from him something of -Venetian hopes. He also saw the many-sided Gioberti, "the same child of -genius, who would have been a great man had he had common-sense," said -Cavour, the man who had once dreamt of a free Italy under the leadership -of a great liberal Pope, and who was now in a book about to be published -to show his gift of prescience by fixing on Cavour as the one man who -understood the essentials of the new Italian civilization. - -D'Azeglio was facing a ministerial crisis when Cavour returned to -his home, and, ill with the wound he had received in the last war, -besought the King to let him retire from office. He suggested that -Victor Emmanuel summon Cavour, "who," he wrote at this time, "you know -is diabolically active, and fit in body and soul, and then, he enjoys -it so much!" The King asked Cavour to form a ministry, naming certain -restrictions, the chief one being to come to a friendly agreement with -the Pope on the matter of civil marriage, but Cavour felt that to do -this would be to start his work under a handicap. He suggested Count -Balbo as Premier, but the latter had too small a following, and the -King, judging that his country needed the strong hand of Cavour at the -helm more than the friendship of Rome, asked him to form his cabinet -without imposing any conditions whatever. - -So came into existence what was to be known in Italian history as the -"_Gran Ministero_," the first in which Cavour was openly to proclaim -his plans. It is curious to note that even now, when he had become the -most considerable figure in Piedmont, he was not generally popular. -The King did not altogether like him, the public men could not even -now understand him, the people scarcely knew the real man at all. What -King, public men, and people did know was that Cavour was a man of -tremendous force, and a man destined to lead other men. At this time -there commenced to grow up in Piedmont that blind faith in Cavour which -later assumed such great proportions that the people felt that he must -have his own way no matter what they might think of it, because Cavour's -way meant victory, no matter how little they might anticipate it. - -Cavour chose to be President of the Council and Minister of Finance, -and at once set to work to increase the resources of the country. The -history of his work at this time is that of an administrator preparing -with scrupulous care each detail against a coming need. He strengthened -fortifications, he allowed La Marmora a free hand in the development of -the army, he completed the railway system, he used all possible means -to stimulate industry and increase agricultural output. He instituted -new taxes, cut down the salt tax, and introduced certain free-trade -measures. He followed a definite plan of preparation, regardless of -popular opinion, which at one time turned so fiercely against him on the -ground that he was a monopolist who was robbing the poor of bread, that -his life was in danger at the hands of a mob. - -Cavour had one concern, to strengthen the central government of his -country, and he labored for that with little regard for other things. -He was accused, particularly after Rattazzi had joined his cabinet, of -seeking to win certain constituencies by promises of local aid if they -would return his candidate. He understood too well the uncertain temper -of the people to take any unnecessary risks, he knew that the work he -was doing was essential for Italian independence, and he was willing to -obtain his support as best he could. What concerned him was the fact of -support, not the reason. His ultimate purpose required that the country -be kept at peace until it should have reached full strength, and for -this end Cavour tried to make friends with Austria, dissembling his real -feelings as cleverly as he could, and sought confidence and friendly -offices. To this end he discountenanced Mazzini's attempt at revolution -in Milan in February, 1853; he knew that conditions were not ready for -success; he regarded Mazzini's faith in blind outbreaks of the people as -a deterrent factor in his preparation for ultimate success. - -Western Europe was making ready for war in the Crimea, England and -France were aligning themselves against Russia. Cavour felt what -was coming, and conceived a step of marvelous daring. With his old -belief in the prudence of audacity he determined to join Sardinia to -France and England, to stake the future of his little kingdom on an -alliance with the two great western Powers. He felt that Sardinia must -now step forward as a nation or retire to the great group of little -principalities. He could not tell what position Austria would take, but -he resolved no matter how that country might side, to cast his lot with -the west. When one recalls the size of Victor Emmanuel's kingdom and -its resources Cavour's audacity becomes well-nigh inconceivable. When -his intention was made known to the people they gaped in amazement, -after these years of preparation why should they hazard all on a purely -foreign war, why leave their borders unguarded to the Austrians? Cavour -stood firm and unshaken, Victor Emmanuel, trusting to his minister's -star of destiny, stood by him, the people stormed, protested, besought, -but all without avail. Cavour had decided that it was time to act, and -so it must be time, the people had learned that there was no use in -arguing with him, what he must do he must, they became fatalists under -his colossal will. A demand of a guarantee of certain restrictions -against Austria was sought by Cavour's ministry, but the western -Powers would not give it. England and France would both be glad to -have Sardinia as an ally, but would make no promises of future help. -The Sardinian Foreign Minister resigned when the attempt to obtain a -guarantee failed. Cavour offered the position to D'Azeglio, but he -declined it, and so, on January 10, 1855, Cavour assumed the portfolio -of Foreign Affairs himself, and on the same day signed the agreement -binding Sardinia to an offensive and defensive alliance with France and -England. It was the first step towards making Italy again a world power. - -Cavour had decided to show Europe that an Italian government could live -under a liberal constitution, and that an Italian army could fight. He -believed that both Lord Palmerston and the French Emperor were convinced -of the former fact; he was now anxious to convince them of the latter. -As matters fell out Austria remained neutral, and the allies opposed -Russia alone. Napoleon, thirsting for glory for French arms, was little -disposed to give the Sardinian forces a chance, and wished to keep them -as a reserve at Constantinople. It required the greatest diplomacy on -Cavour's part to obtain opportunities for his troops, but when he did -they more than justified him. Their spirit and powers of endurance were -admirable, they seemed consciously to feel that they were being made -ready for a greater and more sacred combat. In August the Piedmontese -troops won a victory on the Tchernaia, Turin was delighted, and Cavour -felt that his great step was being justified. The King wrote to General -La Marmora, "Next year we shall have war where we had it before." - -It was at this time that Victor Emmanuel visited England and France. -Cavour accompanied him, and, as always, made a close study of opinions -in both those countries. He found Queen Victoria and Prince Albert -deeply interested in Italian affairs, and strongly favorable to -Piedmont's hopes. Napoleon, he found, was determined to end the war in -the Crimea. - -In February, 1856, peace was declared. Austria, which had remained -neutral, was apparently the greatest gainer by the war. At home the -Sardinian government had been seriously disturbed over the question -of suppression of the religious houses, a measure which Cavour and -a majority of the people favored, but which the King was very loath -to accept. After the Chamber of Deputies had passed the measure by -an overwhelming majority, and it was being considered by the Senate, -two ecclesiastics wrote to the King, promising to pay into the -national treasury the sum the government expected to realize from the -suppressions. Victor Emmanuel, who was an ardent Churchman, conceived -that this would be a most satisfactory settlement of the whole matter, -and suggested to Cavour that he agree. Cavour saw the impossibility of -compromise at that hour, and declined, offering at the same time his -resignation. The King, who was never quite at his ease with Cavour, and -who thought he was now in a position to dispense with his services, -accepted the resignation. - -When the people heard of the proposed compromise they were brought to -an angry crisis, and for a moment it looked as though all the past -careful efforts to establish a stable government might go for nothing. -Then D'Azeglio, with rare courage, wrote to the King, and pointed out -the dangers that lay in his new course. He entreated him not to align -himself with the reactionaries, he pointed out how such a step had -caused the downfall of both Stuart and Bourbon thrones. The people -desired the measure, it was too late now to withdraw it from the Senate. -Victor Emmanuel heeded the words of his old counselor, recalled Cavour -to office, and allowed the bill, practically as at first presented, -to become law. This was the next great step in the progress towards a -united Italy. - -At the time of his last visit to Paris Cavour had been asked by Napoleon -to submit a note of what France could do for Italy. This Cavour now -prepared, asking little at this time, the main object being the Austrian -evacuation of Bologna. Cavour found himself in a very difficult -position, the war had closed before Austria had been drawn into it, -and Sardinia was not in a sufficiently strong position to make many -requests. Both the King and Cavour had confidently hoped that Austria -would be forced to side with Russia. Now it was extremely doubtful what -decisions the coming Congress of Paris would make, and Cavour had been -privately given to understand that the Sardinian envoy to the Congress -would only be allowed to attend those sessions which concerned Sardinia, -and not to take his place with the envoys of the great Powers. He was -exceedingly anxious that D'Azeglio should attend, but the latter refused -point-blank when he learned of the subservient position he would in -all probability have to take. Under these circumstances Cavour saw no -alternative but to go himself, and so with considerable misgiving he set -out for Paris, intent on observing and planning rather than on asking -favors that might be unceremoniously refused. - -The Congress of Paris of 1856 produced results far different from -those the various plenipotentiaries intended. Austria came to Paris in -the enviable position of the great European peace-maker, she left as -tyrannical upholder of the old régime. Cavour came as the representative -of a small state with interests far inferior to those of the other -nations, he left as the moral champion of the much abused peninsula of -Italy. Austria actually conceded no territory and Sardinia gained none, -but Austria was discredited in the eyes of England and France, and -Sardinia more than justified. Cavour achieved a great moral victory, -perhaps the greatest result any statesman can gain from a treaty of -peace. He did not take a very prominent part in the actual meetings, -he was very reserved, a good listener, a courteous and always affable -companion. He was loyal to both his English and his French allies, he -won over the Russian Count Orloff, and contrived to keep on good terms -with the Austrian Count Buol, whom he had formerly known at Turin. He -waited with indomitable patience until the major matters of the Congress -had been discussed and disposed of, then he addressed a note to the -English and French envoys inquiring into the rights of Austria to remain -in occupation of the Roman Legations. The question was most important, -it struck at the discussion of the temporal power of the Pope, inasmuch -as that power in Romagna was dependent upon Austrian support. Moreover -it gave notice that Sardinia was concerning itself with the affairs of -the other Italian states. - -Cavour had other projects, he was anxious to reunite Parma and Modena -with Piedmont, he was eager to have their Lombard estates returned -to those Italians concerned in the last revolt against Austria. He -planned and plotted to accomplish both these ends, and waited. The -treaty of peace was signed on March 30, and then the French President -of the Congress, Count Walewski, called another session by order of -the Emperor. This session was to deal with the Austrian and French -occupation of Naples. The difficulty with regard to Cavour's original -note was that in questioning Austria's right to uphold the Pope in -Romagna it also questioned France's right to occupy Rome for the same -purpose. Cavour spoke on the Austrian occupation, but passed over the -French. It seems, however, that Napoleon, who had originally taken Rome -to please the clerical party, was now willing to withdraw from Rome -if he could do so without offending that party, and at the same time -cause Austria to withdraw. Lord Clarendon, the British plenipotentiary, -urged the withdrawal of both Powers, which he claimed stood on the same -footing. He objected to both occupations as disturbing to the balance -of power, he denounced the government of the King of Naples, he found -occasion to say what the most ardent Italian would have liked to say, -and his unreserved ardor gained added force from the caution of Cavour. -The effect of the Englishman's speech was striking, he put into words -all Cavour's contentions, and left the Italian in the enviable position -of having demanded nothing, but of having all the claims of justice on -his side. The Austrian envoy was indignant, and the session adjourned -without tangible result. The impression left upon every one's mind, -however, was that Sardinia had championed Italy against Austria, and -that it intended to prepare to make its championship more definite than -by diplomatic notes. - -Cavour returned to Turin with the satisfaction of having placed Italy's -wrongs openly before the world. The redress of these wrongs was now -matter for European consideration, no longer the mere object of secret -society plots. Patriots in all the Italian states were quick to realize -this, they saw that at last their national rights had been forced into -attention, Cavour's note had cemented all their local causes. There were -still many in Piedmont who did not understand his policy, and many who -would have preferred his winning of a single duchy to Sardinia rather -than urging the withdrawal of Austria from the Papal States, but in -spite of these doubters the great majority acclaimed his cause, and -felt that, whether they understood him or not, he was the one man who -could lead them to deliverance. On his return his policy became more -clear, he was aiming at an Italian nation under one king, he was looking -far ahead, and the other great nationalists who had been puzzled by -his conflicting declarations in the past saw that his goal was theirs. -The goal had unquestionably been in his thoughts throughout all his -political career, now he came out frankly, no longer simply Prime -Minister of Sardinia, but spokesman for Italy. - -War must come as the next step. Cavour now for the first time took -account of the practical use to be made of those great waves of popular -feeling that were continually recurring, those heroic forces Mazzini had -been calling into being. He met Garibaldi, and found that he was a great -practical man, likely to be of infinite value to the country. He went -among the people and studied how their enthusiasms could be turned to -best account, he planned with leaders of earlier revolts and convinced -them that he was simply patient until the time came to strike, no more a -reactionary than they. - -In addition to the Foreign Office Cavour assumed the Ministry of -Finance. He was unwilling to trust too much to other men, he was anxious -to know exactly how all the affairs of the nation stood. The army -he knew was rapidly improving, he studied how he might increase the -finances without imposing too heavy taxes. He moved the arsenal from -Genoa to Spezia, he insisted on completing the tunneling of Mont Cenis, -and all these steps showed that he was concerned now with the affairs of -the whole peninsula rather than with the guidance of one small state. As -one of his political opponents said of him in detraction at this time, -"the Prime Minister had all Italy in view, and was preparing for the -future kingdom." He had made himself practically the entire government, -from King to peasant all classes followed him with a blind faith in his -triumphant destiny as a leader. Still he waited, preparing for the hour -to strike. - -On the evening of January 14, 1858, Felice Orsini, a Romagnol -revolutionist, attempted to assassinate the French Emperor with a bomb -as he was driving to the opera. It was expected that this act would -cause a bitter estrangement between France and Italy, but, although for -a short time there was a considerable diplomatic interchange of notes, -the ultimate result was quite the reverse. We must remember that the -wrongs under which Italy labored were in reality always on Napoleon's -mind, that he sincerely desired to free and reunite the Italian nation, -although at times his ideas of expediency made him appear more of an -enemy than a friend. As a young man he had himself been a revolutionary, -probably at one time a member of the Carbonari, he had thrilled long -ago at Mazzini's call, and he was an ardent nationalist. When he heard -Orsini's last words to him, "Free my country, and the blessings of -twenty-five million Italians will go with you!" he knew that it was -not hatred of himself, but the desire in some way to bring about -Italian independence that had inspired the assassin. The words and acts -of Napoleon wind in and out of this story of Italian liberation in a -manner only too often difficult to reconcile, but it would seem that his -interest was in reality sincere, and that he wished to help Italy as -much as he could without jeopardizing the interests of France. - -Events began to march, certain ideas were exchanged between influential -persons at Paris and Turin; in June Dr. Conneau, an intimate of the -Emperor, happened to visit Turin, and saw Victor Emmanuel and Cavour. It -was stated that Napoleon intended to make a private visit to Plombières. -Shortly after Cavour announced that his health required a change of -scene and that he should go away into the mountains. By a strange -coincidence he also went to Plombières. Napoleon saw him, they spent two -days closeted together; when Cavour left the two men understood each -other. The details of what was known as the Pact of Plombières are not -positive, the understanding appears to have been that a rising in Massa -and Carrara should give a pretext for a war to expel the Austrians. -After such expulsion the country in the valley of the Po, the Roman -Legations, and the Ancona Marches were to be united in a kingdom of -Upper Italy. Savoy was to be given to France, possession of Nice was -left unsettled, Victor Emmanuel's daughter, the Princess Clotilde, was -to be given in marriage to Prince Napoleon. - -Napoleon had shown his interest in Italy, but Cavour left Plombières -fully alive to the fact that actual help was still far distant. Austria -would be hard to defeat, and Cavour did not wish France to provide all -the forces for war. He already foresaw that it might be difficult to -insure France's withdrawal after victory. Furthermore he realized that -England, to which he was always looking, was well content with the -present peaceful situation of affairs, and would regard any offensive -step by France or Sardinia as unwarrantable. He saw that Prussia and -Russia held the same view. No country wanted war except his own, and -possibly France, provided it could be made to appear that Austria -and not France was the attacking party. It seemed very certain that -Austria would stand much before putting herself in the false position -of wantonly opening war. Again Cavour had to be patient and plan how -Austria might be made to take that step. - -While he waited Cavour organized a volunteer Italian army under the -name of the Hunters of the Alps, he laid campaign plans with Garibaldi, -he knit all the patriots of Italy into one common cause. Even the old -conservative leaders came over to him, D'Azeglio wrote him, "To-day -it is no longer a question of discussing your policy, but of making -it succeed." The King supported him magnificently, Cavour found that -his hardest work now was to hold King and people back. Still he would -not open war, he knew too well that he must have the support of other -countries than his own. - -At the New Year's Day reception in Paris, 1859, Napoleon made his famous -comment to the Austrian Ambassador, "I regret that relations between -us are so strained; tell your sovereign, however, that my sentiments -for him are still the same." The words created a sensation, no one was -certain what lay back of them in the French Emperor's mind. Cavour heard -them and they gave him hope. When the time came for Victor Emmanuel to -open Parliament Cavour prepared the speech from the Throne with the -greatest care and had a copy submitted in advance to Napoleon. Napoleon -strengthened it, and Victor Emmanuel changed it still further for the -better. When the King read it the effect upon his hearers was that of -a call to arms in an heroic cause. "If Piedmont, small in territory, -yet counts for something in the councils of Europe, it is because -it is great by reason of the ideas it represents and the sympathies -it inspires. This position doubtless creates for us many dangers; -nevertheless, while respecting treaties, we cannot remain insensible -to the cry of grief that reaches us from so many parts of Italy." The -European Powers saw that the old treaties of 1815 were in imminent -danger. None of them realized who had in reality penned these words. - -Cavour was now at one of the great crises of his life work, and bending -every effort to secure Napoleon's consent to a definite treaty. He -succeeded in that the Emperor, delighted at the marriage of Prince -Napoleon to a princess of one of the oldest houses in Europe, directed -the bridegroom to sign an agreement obligating France to come to -Piedmont's aid should the latter nation be subjected to any overt act -of aggression on the part of Austria. This agreement was intended to be -kept altogether secret, but rumors that a treaty had been signed crept -abroad. Cavour now waited for Austria's aggressive act, and sought to -gain national loans at home, and to arouse interest on Piedmont's behalf -abroad. The English government would not enthuse over Italian wrongs, -they were zealous to maintain the present footing, but Cavour maintained -his diplomatic suavity and kept the English friendship against the day -when he might need it against France. - -The spring of 1859 saw the natural crisis rapidly approaching, -Mazzini's world forces again ready to break loose. Into Piedmont swarmed -the youth of all northern Italy, girt with sword and gun, palpitant -for strife. The government could not hold the rising tide much longer. -Cavour exclaimed, "They may throw me into the Po, but I will not stop -it!" And yet he had to wait. Austria must first act on the offensive. -The last week of Lent came and Cavour stood face to face with the climax -that was to make or mar his plans. - -The story of those two weeks is tremendously dramatic. The Russian -government proposed a Congress of the Powers at Paris to adjust the -disordered state of Italy. England and Prussia agreed, Austria accepted -subject to the two conditions that Piedmont should disarm and that -she should be excluded from the Congress. The French Minister, Count -Walewski, said for Napoleon that France could not plunge into war on -Piedmont's account, and that Piedmont was not entitled to a voice in -the Congress. Napoleon seemed to have listened to the counsels of the -Empress and his ministers, who were opposed to war, and Cavour found -himself without a spokesman. It was a black hour when he wrote to the -Emperor that Italy was desperate; in reply he was called to Paris. He -saw Napoleon, but obtained no promise of help. He threatened that Victor -Emmanuel would abdicate, he himself go to America and publish all the -correspondence between Napoleon and himself. He used every entreaty, but -to no effect. He returned to Turin, where he was met with the wildest -demonstrations of regard. - -Now England made a suggestion, the government proposed that all the -Italian states should be admitted to the proposed Congress, and that -Austria as well as Piedmont should disarm. The French government -considered this a happy proposal, and wrote to Cavour strongly -recommending consent. The Minister understood what the disbanding of -all his volunteers, the reduction of his army, would mean to Italy, but -he saw no choice but to submit. All the Powers were against him, either -course seemed to presage absolute defeat. On April 17 he sent a note -agreeing to the disarming, and gave himself up to despair. History says -that he was on the point of committing suicide, and was only saved by a -devoted friend who pleaded with him. At the end of a long stormy scene -Cavour controlled himself. "Be tranquil; we will face it together," he -said. - -Fortune changed; the very day on which Cavour submitted, the Austrian -government replied slightingly to the English proposal and stated that -Austria would itself call upon Piedmont to disarm. It was an error of -the first magnitude, the act of aggression for which Cavour had so long -waited. At the time Austria was probably ignorant of Napoleon's secret -agreement with Piedmont, and also that Cavour had consented to disarm. -The fact of Piedmont's submission to the wishes of France and England, -and Austria's arbitrary note, revolutionized the situation. Piedmont was -saved by a marvelous turn of fortune. - -April 25, while the Piedmont Chamber was conferring absolute powers on -the King, Cavour was handed a note, on which was written: "They are -here. I have seen them." "They" meant the Austrian envoys. Cavour left -the Chamber, saying, "It is the last Piedmontese parliament which has -just ended; next year we will open the first Italian parliament." He met -the envoys and read their message, the Sardinian army to be put on a -peace footing, the Italian volunteers to be disbanded; an answer, yes or -no, to be given within three days. If that answer is unsatisfactory to -Austria a resort to arms. - -Cavour accepted the three days allowed him in order to push his -preparations, then he replied to the Austrian note, saying that Piedmont -had agreed to the English proposals with the assent of Prussia, Russia, -and France, and that he had nothing further to add. He took leave of -the Austrian envoys courteously, and then, radiantly happy, joined his -colleagues, saying, "The die is cast." Fortune had stood by him and had -placed Piedmont in the most enviable position he could have wished. He -had staked everything on his acquiescing, with scarcely one chance of -success, but that chance had come and he had won. - -The war opened with the victory of the allies at Magenta, Milan was -free, and at Solferino the Italians and French gained Lombardy. The -Sardinian army won its spurs gloriously. Cavour, who had sent La Marmora -to lead the troops, and had himself become Minister of War, showed the -greatest skill in attending to his army's commissariat. At the same time -he was watching the rest of Italy, Parma and Modena returned to the -old alliance of 1848, and Cavour sent special commissioners to control -them. He was anxious that all the states should unite. He was constantly -afraid that one of the Powers would step in and seize Tuscany. He kept -his eye on Florence and supported the efficient dictatorship of Ricasoli. - -Mazzini had prophesied to Cavour some months earlier: "You will be -in the camp in some corner of Lombardy when the peace which betrays -Venice will be signed without your knowledge." That was exactly what -happened. On July 6 Napoleon opened negotiations at Villafranca with -Austria for peace. Perhaps he had learned that the French people were -no longer enthusiastic over the war and wished to devote himself to his -own defense, perhaps he saw that victories were building up a stronger -Italy than he cared to have, perhaps he feared a possible intervention -by Prussia. His whole conduct towards Italy was one of most perplexing -changes, certain it is that he now deliberately threw away all the -advantages of victory and made every loyal Italian his enemy. Had he -been more of a statesman he would have foreseen the consequences of his -acts. The terms of the peace were that Venice should be left to Austria, -Modena, Tuscany, and Romagna given back to their petty Princes, the Pope -made president of a league in which Austria was to be a party. It was -the basest betrayal of Italian hopes. Cavour was absolutely prostrated, -he saw all his wonderful plans shattered beyond redemption, he saw -himself totally dishonored in the sight of the people he had led into -war. He rushed to the camp of Victor Emmanuel and advised him either to -abdicate or fight on alone. In that moment the King rose superior to -his great Minister, he decided to sign the treaty and to wait. Victor -Emmanuel, more bitterly disappointed than on the battlefield of Novara, -showed that he was as great a statesman as he was a leader of his people. - -Cavour thought of plunging into battle in the hope of being killed, -he thought of joining Mazzini in extreme revolutionary measures, but -meanwhile until a new ministry could be formed he was compelled to -continue his government at Turin. It became his duty to notify the -commissioners he had appointed for Florence, Parma, and Modena to -abandon those charges, and he did so, but wrote them privately to stay -where they were. Farini wrote him from Modena that he should treat the -returning Duke as an enemy of Italy, and Cavour replied, "The Minister -is dead; the friend applauds your decision." He had thrown off his old -mask of diplomacy and become for the moment one with the revolutionaries. - -Succeeded by Rattazzi as Prime Minister, Cavour went to stay for a short -period of rest with his relatives in Switzerland. He expected to see -Napoleon seize Savoy and Nice, although he had not performed his part -in the Pact of Plombières. Again Napoleon surprised him, he returned to -Paris without pressing any claim to new territory. Meanwhile the people -of central Italy were asking for union with Piedmont, and all the Powers -were much concerned with their disposition, particularly England, which -under the ministry of Lord Palmerston, an old and warm friend of Cavour, -was now commencing openly to champion Italian independence. Palmerston -did not trust Napoleon and regretted that the only Italian statesman -whom he considered able to cope with the French was out of office. The -British Premier wrote at this time, "They talk a great deal in Paris -of Cavour's intrigues. This seems to me unjust. If they mean that he -has worked for the aggrandisement and for the emancipation of Italy -from foreign yoke and Austrian domination, this is true, and he will be -called a patriot in history. The means he has employed may be good or -bad. I do not know what they have been, but the object in view is, I am -sure, the good of Italy. The people of the Duchies have as much right -to change their sovereigns as the English people, or the French, or the -Belgian, or the Swedish." - -Napoleon still had five divisions of his army in Lombardy and his -attitude toward the annexation of the central states was most important. -No one knew exactly what that attitude was. He told the Piedmontese -that he could not allow the union of Tuscany, but at the same time he -told Austrian and Papal sympathizers that he was too deeply attached to -the principle of Italian independence to allow him to make war on the -nationalists. Rattazzi did not know which course to adopt, although the -King was quite willing to risk everything in succoring Tuscany. Then -Napoleon suddenly proposed another of his Paris Congresses to settle -the difficulty, and Piedmont turned to Cavour to speak its claims. - -The Congress never met, but Cavour's appointment as envoy and the -zealous support of the English government caused the downfall of the -ministry, and in January, 1860, Cavour again took command of the state. -His policy now was plain, "Let the people of central Italy declare -themselves what they want," he said, "and we will stand by their -decisions, come what may." The people of central Italy wanted union and -Cavour turned again to see what Napoleon would do. What he would do -was gradually becoming plainer. He would only sell his assent to the -annexation of the states in return for Savoy and Nice. They were the old -stakes of the Pact of Plombières, and Cavour had to decide whether they -should go. - -His decision to sacrifice Savoy and Nice for the peaceful annexation -of central Italy has been the most bitterly criticised act in Cavour's -life. It can never be determined whether the sacrifice was absolutely -essential, or whether in time Italy might not have been united without -that step. In that day the judgment of the best-informed was that -Napoleon would have sent his army into Tuscany unless his desire was -met. Cavour had only agreed to consider the sacrifice at Plombières -because he was willing to go to any length to secure Italy from -foreign domination. He was willing to pay the same price now although -he realized what the cost would be to his name. The King had given his -daughter as the price of the French alliance. He sadly agreed to the -further sacrifice. Both Victor Emmanuel and Cavour were looking towards -their ultimate goal. - -It was a tremendous responsibility. Napoleon insisted that the treaty -should be secret and should not be submitted to the Piedmont Parliament. -He knew that England would be indignant when the news became known. So -Cavour was forced to keep the decision secret and to prepare to shoulder -by himself all the wrath of his people. On March 24, 1860, after hours -of consideration, Cavour signed. Then he prepared to summon a Parliament -which might as he foresaw indict him on a charge of high treason for his -unconstitutional act. - -The Parliament which for the first time represented Piedmont, Lombardy, -Parma, Modena, and Romagna, met on April 2. Guerrazzi made a most bitter -attack on the ministry, in which he likened Cavour to the Earl of -Clarendon under Charles the Second, "hard towards the King, truculent to -Parliament, who thought in his pride that he could do anything." Cavour -replied with a stinging description of the men with whom he had had to -contend, and avowed his complete responsibility for the treaty. A large -majority of the Parliament voted with him, but it was a severe test of -his power and popularity. Garibaldi, born in Nice, never forgave him, -many of his countrymen considered his act absolutely unwarrantable, a -monstrous piece of base ingratitude; he himself knew the price he had -paid only too well, but he believed that it was a price he was forced to -pay if Italy were ever to be free. - -The next step in the dramatic history followed almost immediately, and -although it took place without the open approval of Cavour there is no -question but that he was secretly hoping for its success. The King of -Naples and Sicily was in hard straits, his people were now continually -fomenting revolutions, Austria no longer came to his aid as she had -formerly. The feeling throughout Europe was so general that Francis II. -stood on the edge of the precipice that on April 15 Victor Emmanuel -wrote him and told him that his only hope of safety lay in granting -his subjects an immediate constitution. Francis, like a true Bourbon, -postponed action until it was too late. Meantime northern revolutionists -were waking to the idea of sending an expedition south to free Sicily, -and Garibaldi's name was on every tongue. Cavour did not wish Garibaldi -to go, he knew the tremendous odds against his succeeding, and he -realized that in case of success serious difficulties must at once -arise. He was tempted to keep Garibaldi at home by force, but the King -would not listen to such action. On May 5 Garibaldi and his famous -Legion sailed from Quarto, and with their sailing an accomplished fact -Cavour gave them such help as he could. - -Good fortune tended on Garibaldi and the Thousand, they made their -landing on the Sicilian coast and swept the royal troops before them. -The English fleet did not actually aid them, but were not sorry for -their happy progress. The rest of the world looked on and wondered if -this sudden attack on southern Italy was another of Cavour's coups. Most -observers considered that it was. The King of Naples said that Garibaldi -was a blind; behind him was ranged Piedmont, intent on the fall of his -dynasty. - -Garibaldi was hailed at Palermo as dictator and his victory over Sicily -was complete. He had always acted in Victor Emmanuel's name, but -Cavour feared that his followers were too deeply imbued with Mazzini's -republican ideas to be eager to join with Piedmont. He was mistaken, he -did not then altogether understand Garibaldi, and he never did entire -justice to Mazzini's principles. - -If the European Powers had protested, Garibaldi could not have crossed -to the mainland, but England would not accept Napoleon's proposal -to intervene, and Naples was left to itself. Cavour understood that -the Kingdom of Francis must fall, and only hoped that it might be by -diplomacy rather than at the hands of Garibaldi's troops. His plans to -this end failed, Garibaldi reached Calabria and began his triumphal -march to Naples. He had become a name with which to conjure all classes -of the people, victory over every evil must follow his footsteps, the -Kingdom of Naples, wretchedly weak, fell before him. Garibaldi became a -hero throughout Europe, it was now Cavour's task to treat diplomatically -with such a victorious force. - -In order that Garibaldi might not attempt to sweep north through Papal -territory Cavour determined to send the army of northern Italy down -into Umbria and the Marches of Ancona. It was a direct defiance of the -temporal power of the Pope, but all discerning men had seen that the -step must soon come. Moreover it was the desire now of practically -all Italy to be united, the flood had swept so far that they would be -content with nothing but the whole peninsula. Again Europe made no -effectual protest, Napoleon was as usual undetermined, Lord Palmerston -eager for Italy's success. Ancona fell, and Victor Emmanuel marched on -into Neapolitan territory, delivering the last central provinces from -Austrian influence. The Austrian government did not declare war, perhaps -they realized at last that the world was moving forward, not backward, -and that they had had their day. - -Garibaldi's last victory occurred on the Volturno on October 1. The -royal forces and the victorious Legion had practically met. Cavour was -strongly tempted to declare Victor Emmanuel dictator, but his belief -in constitutional methods triumphed. He would not bedim one ray of -Garibaldi's glory, but he wanted to cement the constitutional monarchy. -Disputes arose between the royal generals and the revolutionists, Cavour -insisted that the Garibaldian troops should be honorably treated. He -knew that Garibaldi had not forgiven him for the sacrifice of Nice, but -he could place higher his own admiration for the hero. "Garibaldi," he -wrote to the King, "has become my most violent enemy, but I desire for -the good of Italy, and the honor of your Majesty, that he should retire -entirely satisfied." - -Tremendous popular influences were at work to have a dictator appointed -to govern southern Italy for at least a year. Cavour might have -consented to the popular acclaim for Garibaldi, or have compelled -the appointment of one of his own party. He did neither, instead -he appealed to the Parliament. He introduced a bill authorizing the -Government to accept the immediate annexation of such provinces of -central and southern Italy as expressed by universal suffrage their -desire to become a part of the constitutional Kingdom of Victor -Emmanuel. Parliament passed this bill on October 11. It was still in -doubt whether the Garibaldians would agree. On October 13 Garibaldi -called his followers together, and declared that if the people voted -for annexation they should have it. Then he issued the order that "the -two Sicilies form an integral part of Italy, one and indivisible under -the constitutional King, Victor Emmanuel, and his successors." He had -made the King a present of his conquests. It is probable that Cavour had -truly estimated Garibaldi's depths of patriotism. - -Napoleon still kept his troops at Gaeta, but was finally brought to -see that the conflict could only end in the one way. The French fleet -withdrew, and the city surrendered February 13, 1861. Francis II. went -into exile. Rome still held out, but Cavour was determined that the -Pope's temporal power must end and that city become the capital of the -new kingdom. A general election to the new Parliament took place, and -the returns showed a large majority pledged to Cavour's views. When the -new Chamber met their first act was to vote Victor Emmanuel's assumption -of the title of King of Italy. It had been proposed by some that the -title be King of the Italians, but Cavour insisted that only King of -Italy spoke of the accomplished fact of the new nation. - -On March 25, 1861, Cavour stated in Parliament that Italy must have -Rome as its capital, but on the distinct understanding that this act -should in no sense denote the servitude of the Church. He proclaimed a -free church in a free state as the solution of the historic problem, -events had shown that a power which could only be sustained by means of -foreign support was not destined to last. Parliament voted for Rome as -the capital, and Cavour opened negotiations with the Vatican. He found -argument there vain, and turned to France in the hope of securing an -ally who could conciliate the Pope. Meanwhile he was busied with the -disposition of Garibaldi's troops, which were persistently disregarded -by the regular army. Garibaldi was indignant and stated in Parliament -that Cavour was "driving the country into civil war." Cavour, stung by -the words, nevertheless held his peace and replied calmly. The breach -between the two men was made up, they met as friends a little later at -the King's desire. - -In May, 1861, it was seen that Cavour was ailing, he had worked too -hard and given himself no chance to rest. The last day he sat in -Parliament he fell ill with fever, and from that he never recovered. -Unto the very end he was deep in plans for the new nation; on June 6 he -died. - -The tale of the birth of the Italian nation reads like a romance, -barrier after barrier, seemingly insurmountable, fell at the touch of -a wand, and the wand was ever in Cavour's hand. Mazzini had breathed a -new hope into Italy, Victor Emmanuel had given a noble leader to the -cause, Garibaldi had fought and conquered, but it was Cavour who had so -fused their efforts that they led to the single goal. He was always the -Italian first, the Minister of Piedmont afterwards. In history he will -figure as a great patriot, in his lifetime he was recognized throughout -Europe as the great statesman. - -It is reported that Metternich in his old age said, "There is only -one diplomatist in Europe, but he is against us; it is M. de Cavour." -Palmerston always recognized him as the one man who could unite his -country and foil Napoleon, Bismarck studied him as a pattern for his -own later efforts, and Napoleon, his lifelong ally and opponent, -conceded that Cavour alone impressed him as a genius of the first rank -in statecraft. His contemporaries could not always understand him, he -had so often to give up the immediate advantage for the future gain, he -had to wear his mask so frequently even among his own people that men -grew to believe he preferred the circuitous to the straight path. From -the vantage point of a later day it is possible to see how frail was -the skiff he navigated and how perilous the seas. It was so easy for -the Powers of Europe, secure themselves, to prefer peace to any fresh -disturbance. What did the welfare of a few small states matter to them? -Italy was chronically misgoverned. Cavour had to take each forward step -in fear that he might call down upon Piedmont the avalanche of Europe; -his one ally, the French Emperor, was as stable as quicksilver, never -two days the same. It almost passes belief that Cavour did manage to -sail his skiff into port, he could only have done it by alternate -patience and audacity. - -Cavour did not live to see Rome or Venice become part of the Kingdom, -but it was his work that made those later triumphs possible. He had -foreseen their coming, he had a genius for foresight, even in the early -days when he seemed speaking only for Piedmont he was planning for -Italy. But in his planning for the great goal he never forgot to make -certain of each step, his diplomacy was a logical sequence of accepted -opportunities, he believed in taking the straight path if that were -possible, if not in circling the obstacle that blocked his way. - -The story is told that when the wife of the Russian Minister at Turin -was shopping in that city the clerk suddenly left her and ran to the -door. When he returned he said, "I saw Count Cavour passing, and wishing -to know how our affairs are going on, I wanted to see how he looked. -He looks in good spirits, so everything is going right." The story -illustrates how, after Cavour had once taken the helm, the people of -Piedmont trusted him, growing more and more confident that he would lead -them aright although they could not always see the logic of his steps. -Few statesmen have received more complete allegiance from a people than -Cavour ultimately won, but no statesman ever deserved the gratitude of -his countrymen more unreservedly. - - - - -[Illustration: GARIBALDI] - - - - -GARIBALDI, THE CRUSADER - - -When Mazzini had stirred men's minds to fever-heat in the great cause -of Italian liberty, and Cavour had so manipulated events that political -progress was possible, came Garibaldi, to lead with all the fire of a -crusader the new race of Italian patriots. He was a hero of legends as -soon as he took the field. He cannot be compared to any modern general, -nor his army to any other army of recent centuries; he was the personal -hero whose red shirt and slouch hat became symbols of liberty, and whose -name was sufficient to work miracles of faith. Many a Calabrian peasant -confidently expected the millennium to follow in Garibaldi's footsteps, -and this faith, spreading as all great popular emotions do, swept him -and his ragged volunteers to victory after victory that a less legendary -but vastly more experienced general never would have known. He was -always the pure-hearted crusader with the single goal. - -Giuseppe Garibaldi was born in Nice in the year 1807, two years the -junior of Mazzini, three years the senior of Cavour. His parents, who -were in very modest circumstances, wished him to enter the priesthood, -but his nature was too adventurous to suit him for the religious life. -Even as a boy he craved action and wanted to share his father's life on -the sea. Father and grandfather had been sailors, and the boy Giuseppe -could not be kept from boats. Realizing this inheritance, the father -took him with him on his voyages. His second voyage was made to Rome, -and the sight of that city stirred the boy to the foundations of his -nature. Years later he wrote of this first boyhood impression, "Rome, -which I had before admired and thought of frequently, I ever since have -loved. It has been dear to me beyond all things. I not only admired her -for her former power and the remains of antiquity, but even the smallest -thing connected with her was precious to me." - -Very early, on a voyage to Russia, a young Ligurian mate told the youth -something of the plans of the scattered Italian patriots, and, once -conscious that there was a movement on foot to liberate his beloved -country, Garibaldi sought all people and writings which could enlighten -him on that score. Thus he came almost immediately under the influence -of Mazzini's work and joined his new movement of "Young Italy." From -the moment of this association his life held the single purpose, he was -ready to make any sacrifice in this cause. In 1834 he joined in the -ill-fated expedition to Savoy, and as a consequence found himself on -February 5, of that year, flying from Genoa as a proscript. A few days -later he learned from a newspaper that he had been condemned to death by -the government. Shortly afterwards he sailed from Marseilles for Brazil. - -For the next fourteen years Garibaldi led the life of a guerilla -leader, fighting the battles of Montevideo, and taking a chief part in -the innumerable wars for independence which served to keep the South -American states in constant upheaval during the first half of the -Nineteenth Century. The various states were full of French, Spanish, -and Italian adventurers, and Garibaldi contrived, with that intuitive -insight into character which was one of the chief characteristics of -his genius, to choose certain of the Italians who were as intense -partisans of liberty as he, and form them into a legion, destined to be -the nucleus of that famous Italian "Legion" which was later to win its -victories on the other side of the world. The South American adventures -of the young general read like a story from the romantic pages of a -novelist, they are a perpetual record of battles, sieges, and alarms. -Through their turbulent course Garibaldi learned experience of rough, -irregular fighting, which was later to prove invaluable. To add to the -romance of these years Garibaldi met at a small town in the district of -Laguna, in Brazil, the woman who so charmed him at first sight that he -immediately wooed her and won her for his wife, the dearly beloved Anita -who accompanied him afterwards on all his military expeditions, both by -land and sea, and proved herself the equal of any of his men in devotion -and the most intrepid courage in the face of extreme peril. - -In 1847 Pius IX., the new Pontiff, stirred all Italian patriots with the -brave words he uttered in behalf of a new and free Italy. To men who -had waited long for a leader who should unite all the small states the -Pope appeared as a real deliverer, and for a few short months he did -indeed stand at the head of a movement closely allied to the Guelphic -policies of the Middle Ages. The news of the Pope's call to all Italians -reached Garibaldi and his friends in Montevideo, and immediately the -former and his friend, Colonel Anzani, wrote to Pius IX. tendering -him their allegiance, and offering the assistance of their swords. -Lines throughout the letter show the self-abnegating, single-hearted -devotion of Garibaldi to Italy's cause, the one sacred service of his -life. "If then to-day our arms, which are not strangers to fighting, -are acceptable to your Holiness, we need not say how willingly we shall -offer them in the service of one who has done so much for our country -and our church. We shall count ourselves happy if we can but come to -aid Pius IX. in his work of redemption.... We shall consider ourselves -privileged if we are allowed to show our devotedness by offering our -blood." Unfortunately the Pope was not made of the same heroic fiber -as the South American soldier. No answer was made to the letter, but -Garibaldi was so eager to be on the scene of action and learn conditions -for himself that he immediately sailed, although still under sentence of -death, for Italy with fifty members of his Legion. - -They landed at Nice on June 24, 1848. Already they had learned at -Alicante the stirring events of that memorable spring, and were burning -to take the field against the Austrians. The leader and his handful -of men hastened to Lombardy to offer their services to the Sardinian -King, Charles Albert. The King received the offer very coldly, but, -his ardor undaunted, Garibaldi pushed on to Milan. The latter city had -learned of his many battles in South America and hailed him with great -enthusiasm. From the country volunteers came pouring to his standard, -and in an incredibly short time at least 30,000 men had joined the -remnant of the legion. They were most of them wild with the desire to -drive the Austrians from Lombardy. Charles Albert was defeated and -signed an armistice by which Milan was given back to the Empire, but -the Garibaldian army paid no heed to the formal terms of peace, and -continued a guerilla warfare wherever white-coated Austrians were to be -found. - -An eye-witness, Giulio Dandolo, thus describes the appearance of -Garibaldi's troops: "Picture to yourself," he says, "an incongruous -assemblage of individuals of all descriptions, boys of twelve or -fourteen, veteran soldiers attracted by the fame of the celebrated -chieftain of Montevideo, some stimulated by ambition, others seeking -for impunity and license in the confusion of war, yet so restrained by -the inflexible severity of their leader that courage and daring alone -could find a vent, whilst more lawless passions were curbed beneath -his will. The general and his staff all rode on American saddles, wore -scarlet blouses, with hats of every possible form, without distinction -of any kind, or pretension to military ornament.... Garibaldi, if the -encampment was far from the scene of danger, would stretch himself -under his tent; if on the contrary the enemy were near at hand he -remained constantly on horseback giving orders and visiting the -outposts. Often disguised as a peasant, he risked his own safety in -daring reconnaissances, but most frequently, seated on some commanding -elevation, he would pass whole hours examining the surrounding country -with his telescope. When the general's trumpet gave the signal to -prepare for departure lassoes secured the horses which had been left -to graze in the meadows. The order of march was always arranged on the -preceding day, and the corps set out without so much as knowing where -the evening would find them. Owing to this patriarchal simplicity, -pushed sometimes too far, Garibaldi appeared more like the chief of a -tribe of Indians than a general, but at the approach of danger and in -the heat of combat, his presence of mind was admirable; and then by the -astonishing rapidity of his movements he made up in a great measure for -his deficiency in those qualities which are generally supposed to be -absolutely essential to a military commander." - -Speed and audacity constituted the two main elements of the leader's -tactics. One day when on Lake Maggiore Garibaldi managed to take two -Austrian steamers by surprise, and placing 1500 men upon them, suddenly -appeared at Luino. From there he planned an attack on 10,000 Austrians -encamped nearby, but news of his intentions reached the enemy, and he -was obliged to scatter his small force in a skilfully contrived retreat. -The actual result of such a campaign was small, but the extreme skill -of his sudden advances and retreats won him a European prestige as -a master of light warfare, and continually brought soldiers to his -standard. When the regular armies ceased fighting ardent patriots turned -to Garibaldi as the last remaining hope. - -While in Switzerland he was seized with marsh fever and became -dangerously ill. When he recovered he joined his family at Nice and -there spent the autumn. Charles Albert had by now repented his cold -treatment of the young man's offer of service and tendered him a high -rank in the Sardinian army. Garibaldi, however, wished more immediate -action than such a position offered, and had moreover been fired with -hope at the reports of Daniel Manin's heroic defense of Venice against -the Austrians. He determined to go to Venice, and started with two -hundred and fifty volunteer companions. At Ravenna he learned of the -revolution at Rome, and then, as always in his life, could not resist -the call of the Eternal City. He changed his course towards Rome, and -as he traveled his followers increased to 1500 men. With this band he -approached the city, which had been deserted by that Pope of noble -impulses but timid resolution to whom Garibaldi had written offering his -services the previous year. - -Pius IX. executed a complete volte-face. Terrified at the assassination -of his Prime Minister Rossi, and worked on by his clerical ministers of -State and foreign diplomatists, he withdrew the liberal concessions he -had just granted his Roman subjects, declared the notoriously vicious -King Bomba of Naples a model monarch and fled to Gaeta, leaving Rome to -the revolutionists. At the same time Mazzini the arch idealist appeared -among them, and he and Garibaldi, both hailed as pre-eminent leaders in -their respective fields, were elected members of the new Roman Assembly. -Mazzini was in charge of the civil government, Garibaldi of the army now -rapidly gathering from all parts of Italy. He took his position on the -frontier menaced by the Neapolitan army, and fortified the stronghold of -Rieti. - -Meanwhile in northern Italy Charles Albert had again taken the field, -had lost the battle of Novara, and had abdicated. The Roman Republic -immediately found itself beset by great European Powers, Austria, -Spain, and Naples, eager to restore the Pontiff and teach his audacious -subjects a salutary lesson. As Manin in Venice, so Mazzini in Rome -looked to France for succor, or at least to uphold the policy of -non-intervention. Did not the constitution of the then existing French -Republic specifically state that that nation "would never employ her -arms against the liberty of any people"? Acting on this assumption -the Roman Assembly voted for the perpetual abolition of the temporal -power of the Pope, and on April 18, 1849, addressed a manifesto to the -governments of England and France, setting forth "that the Roman people -had the right to give themselves the form of government which pleased -them, that they had sanctioned the independence and free exercise of -the spiritual authority of the Pope, and that they trusted that England -and France would not assist in restoring a government irreconcilable by -its nature with liberty and civilization, and morally destitute of all -authority for many years past, and materially so during the previous -five months." - -Nevertheless, Louis Napoleon, president of the French Republic, sent -an army under General Oudinot to Civita Vecchia, declaring that his -purpose was simply to maintain order. The Triumvirs, Mazzini, Armellini, -and Saffi, thought it wisest to prepare Rome for possible defense, -and called Garibaldi from the Neapolitan frontier. The Roman Republic -hailed him as its defender. "This mysterious conqueror," says Miraglia, -"surrounded by a brilliant halo of glory, who entered Rome on the eve -of the very day on which the Republic was about to be attacked, was in -the minds of the Roman people the only man capable of maintaining the -'decree of resistance;' therefore the multitudes on the very instant -united themselves with the man who personified the wants of the moment -and who was the hope of all." - -April 30 was the date of the first French attack, an assault so -violently resisted that 7000 picked troops were disastrously routed by -a much smaller number of Garibaldi's volunteers. Oudinot was amazed, -and sought an armistice, while Louis Napoleon, in order to hurry -re-enforcements to Civita Vecchia, sent De Lesseps to open negotiations -for peace. Garibaldi desired no armistice, he feared delay, but the -Triumvirs still hoped to obtain France's assistance ultimately and so -checked his pursuing the first advantage. It was a contest between the -principles of diplomacy and warfare. - -The negotiations with the French envoy dragged, but meanwhile Garibaldi -was not idle. On May 4, with 4000 light troops, he secretly left Rome. -On the 8th they reached Palestrina, and on the following day met the -Neapolitan army, some 7000 strong. Three hours of fighting put the -latter troops to ignominious flight. Later their general attributed the -overwhelming defeat to the superstitious terror inspired in his men -by the very name of Garibaldi, and the remarkable appearance of his -red-shirted troops. They were convinced that Garibaldi was the devil, -for they found that even holy silver bullets failed to strike him down. - -Fearing lest the French might attack Rome in his absence Garibaldi now -returned there, making a rapid retreat and passing within two miles of -the enemy. De Lesseps and the Triumvirs were still conferring. Then for -some unaccountable reason a Colonel Roselli was placed over Garibaldi's -head, and the famous commander, probably the victim of malicious envy, -was only second in command. He did not complain. "Some of my friends," -he wrote characteristically, "urged me not to accept a secondary -position, under a man who, only the day before, was my inferior, but -I confess these questions of self-love never yet troubled me; whoever -gives me a chance of fighting, if only as a common soldier, against the -enemy of my country, him will I thank." - -The army of King Bomba now rallied, and took certain strongholds on -the road to Rome. Garibaldi was sent out to dislodge them, and met and -put to flight a large Neapolitan column near Velletri. The latter took -refuge in that city, but when the Roman volunteers made a reconnaissance -of the place in the morning they found the army had fled panic-stricken -during the night. Again the name of Garibaldi and the magic of his red -shirt, or famous "camicia rossa," had been too much for them. The only -credit the Neapolitan general could contrive to take to himself was -a statement in the official report of the extraordinary rapidity and -safety of his retreat. - -A few days later General Roselli ordered Garibaldi to carry the war into -Neapolitan territory, and he had proceeded along the ancient Samnite -road as far as the banks of the Volturno when messengers called him in -all haste back to Rome to be present at the final negotiations with -the French. He returned to Rome on May 24, to be hailed again as the -invincible defender of the Republic. - -The French Commissioner De Lesseps signed certain agreements with the -Roman Assembly and then referred these agreements to General Oudinot -for ratification. The General, however, had by this time received his -long-desired re-enforcements, and, stating that De Lesseps had exceeded -his authority, prepared for an immediate attack. He said, however, that -he would postpone the actual assault until Monday, June 4, but did -actually commence operations on Sunday the 3d, taking the Romans off -their guard and capturing the outposts and the Ponte Molle. - -So soon as the treacherous attack was known the bells of the Capitol -gave the alarm, and Garibaldi's Legion, together with the Lombard -volunteers, rushed to the defense. The fighting in the entire circuit -of the city's walls was desperate, but the soldiers of the Legion were -no longer opposed to Austrians or superstitious Neapolitans, but to -veteran French troops, so numerous that losses meant little to them. -Nevertheless the city held out while De Lesseps pleaded for the terms -of his agreement at Paris. Garibaldi tried every device to dislodge the -French batteries which were shattering the Roman walls, but all to no -avail. It was clear that the siege would be only a matter of days before -news came that the French government disavowed any part in the agreement -signed by De Lesseps. Mazzini still urged resistance to the end, but the -disparity in forces was so overwhelming that Garibaldi could not agree -with him. This difference of opinion tended to widen still further the -gulf which already existed between the theorist and the soldier. - -On June 21 the French succeeded in planting a battery within the city -walls, and from that time the work of destruction progressed more -rapidly. The defense was intensely dramatic, demagogues mixing with -the purest natured patriots, the popular orator Ciceruacchio, with -bloody shirt and sword, pouring forth his burning words on the spirit -of ancient Roman independence, Ugo Bassi, the monk, going about among -the dying, holding the crucifix before their eyes, utterly regardless -of the storm of bullets all around him. It was a noble defense, but it -could have only one end, and so finally on June 30, at the advice of -Garibaldi, who appeared before the Triumvirs, his clothing shot into -ribbons, the Government issued the order that "The Roman Republic in -the name of God and the people gives up a defense which has become -impossible." - -On that same day the Triumvirs resigned, and the Assembly appointed -Garibaldi dictator. For a few days negotiations looking to an armistice -were conducted between the French and the Roman lines. Finally, on July -3, the negotiations came to an end. Garibaldi called the troops into -the great square before St. Peter's. "Soldiers!" he declared, "that -which I have to offer you is this; hunger, thirst, cold, heat; no pay, -no barracks, no rations, but frequent alarms, forced marches, charges -at the point of the bayonet. Whoever loves our country and glory may -follow me!" About four thousand men instantly volunteered, and at almost -the same hour when the French entered the city the little Legion left, -taking the road to Tivoli, with the purpose of gaining the broken Tuscan -mountain country. The leader's devoted wife Anita went with him, as -patiently his companion in adventures in Italy as in her native South -America. - -The Papal banner was flung from the Castle of St. Angelo, and the Roman -Republic came to an end. Its story is almost as eventful, almost as -heroic as Manin's defense of the Venetian Republic during practically -the same time. In both cases the cities fell, but as Manin at Venice so -Mazzini and Garibaldi at Rome had taught their people that they were -capable of the greatest sacrifices in the cause of that liberty of which -all Italy was dreaming. - -Long pages would be needed to tell of the excitements and dangers which -befell Garibaldi and his army as they threaded their way northward, -their ultimate destination Venice, which had not yet surrendered. -The French and Austrians were always at their heels, and the troop -must inevitably have been captured but for the masterly skill of the -general in such guerilla warfare. Swift night marches, daytime lying -in wait, sudden attacks and equally sudden retreats, served to carry -them gradually away from Rome. They left Orvieto one hour before the -French troops entered. Thence the route lay by Arezzo and Montepulciano -to the little republic of San Marino, close to Rimini. By this time -the army was sadly reduced in size and strength, the Austrians were -pressing close upon their heels, and Garibaldi saw that escape could -only lie in scattering his men. He released all the volunteers, bidding -them farewell, reminding them that it was better to die than to live as -slaves to the foreigner. - -The Austrians threatened an immediate attack on San Marino, and -Garibaldi with a few companions fled secretly at night. Anita, although -utterly worn out by illness, would not leave him. The little band -reached the port of Cesenatico and embarked on the Adriatic in thirteen -small boats. The Austrian fire forced nine of the boats to surrender, -the remaining four, in one of which was the general, his wife, -Ciceruacchio, the Roman orator, and the priest Ugo Bassi, succeeded in -escaping and landing near the mouth of the Po. - -The fugitives had barely landed when they were surrounded by Austrian -scouts. Anita became desperately ill, and was forced to hide with her -husband in a cornfield, an old comrade of Garibaldi's in South America -keeping watch over them. The general was beside himself with grief as -he tended his rapidly failing wife. Ugo Bassi, afraid to stay with them -lest his presence should lead to their discovery, was shortly captured -by Austrians, and Ciceruacchio and the nine others were soon after -taken prisoners. All but the orator and the priest were immediately -shot. Bassi and Ciceruacchio were taken to Bologna, and there ordered -executed by Bedini, the Papal Legate, a man of infamous memory, who -commanded that Bassi be tortured before execution. The heroic priest -must always stand forth as one of the rarest martyr-spirits produced by -the great struggle for Italian liberty. - -Garibaldi succeeded in finding some kind-hearted peasants who carried -Anita to a cottage. Not long after she reached its shelter she died. The -general, broken-hearted, was forced by the approach of Austrian soldiers -to go to Ravenna, thence in disguise he went to Florence and finally -to Genoa. Here he visited his mother and his three children, who had -been left by Anita with their grandmother. His presence in Genoa was an -embarrassment to the Government at Turin, and they courteously asked him -to leave Italy. Instead of doing so he went to Sardinia, much to the -uneasiness of the French, who wished him farther away. In this mountain -island he lived a life, half that of a hermit, and half of a bandit, -continually hunted as an outlaw, and finding entire safety only on the -small island rock of Caprera. This tiny island, destined to become -famous as his home, abounded in natural beauty of a wild and desolate -type, and made a deep impression on the refugee, whose mind was always -peculiarly open to the spell of majestic scenery. - -Finally, to the great relief of both France and Piedmont, Garibaldi was -induced to leave Sardinian territory. He went to Gibraltar, but was only -allowed to stay twenty-four hours. No European country was anxious to -harbor a man whose name had become a watchword for revolutionary zeal. -Finding this to be the case the general sailed for New York, and spent -about a year and a half engaged in making tallow candles in a small back -street. He was not alone in his exile, the disturbing years of 1848 and -1849 had sent many a revolutionary exile across the seas, and at one -time in New York Lamartine, Louis Blanc, Ledru Rollin, and three or four -others almost equally prominent were supporting themselves there by -manual labor. - -When he left New York Garibaldi went again to South America, and became -captain of a merchant vessel trading between Peru and Hong Kong. Again -he returned to New York and commanded a trader flying the American flag -but sailed by Italians, who like himself were awaiting a new tide in -affairs before returning home. The many ups and downs of these roving -years abounded with adventures, but even here Garibaldi's life was no -more thrilling than when he was at the head of his irregular troops in -Italy. - -After four years of wandering he returned to Genoa, stopping for a -short stay at Newcastle-on-Tyne, where he was enthusiastically greeted -by English admirers, and given a presentation sword. When he reached -Genoa he found that his mother had died, and that his three children -were living with his cousins. A few short trips at sea succeeded in -earning him sufficient money to buy part of the little island of -Caprera, of which he was so fond. Here he established himself to await -events. Europe had grown more peaceful, but Garibaldi, hot-headed as -he was, could see that Piedmont was slowly but surely widening the -breach between herself and Austria. He began to look to Piedmont as the -hope of Italy, and little by little to understand, especially when the -small kingdom allied itself with France and England against Russia, -that Piedmont meant Cavour, and that the latter was the match of any -diplomatic strategist in Europe. - -Garibaldi purchased half of the island of Caprera in 1855, and -immediately took possession. Working with his own hands he built first a -log hut and then a more pretentious villa, to which in time he brought -his cousins, the Deideris, and his children, Theresita, who was rapidly -becoming a very beautiful girl, and the boys Menotti and Ricciotti. -The general called himself the "recluse of Caprera," and worked hard -to cultivate a soil naturally barren and difficult. He was glad of the -opportunity to rest after so many years of stirring action, and day by -day grew more enamoured of the wild vegetation of his island home and -the steep cliffs that bordered it against the sea. Often he had visitors -from nearby Sardinia, simple enthusiastic folk who were delighted to -look upon him as a national hero, and confidently expected that some -day he would lead an Italian army to the greatest victories. In such -patriarchal simplicity he spent the years until 1859, hearing from time -to time news of Cavour's policies at Turin, always eager in hope that -his sword might soon be drawn in conjunction with that of a national -army. - -Ten years of patient waiting and subtle diplomacy mark the decade -between the siege of Rome and 1859. In that time Cavour, by the -successive steps of the Crimean War, the Congress of Paris, and the -secret Pact of Plombières, had succeeded in isolating Austria from the -other Powers, and in allying Louis Napoleon with Piedmont. His next -step was to prepare actively for war, and with this purpose he called -Garibaldi to see him at Turin. Garibaldi went to the Minister's house, -dressed in his usual campaign clothes, wearing a loose red blouse -and broad-brimmed hat, and refused to give his name to the servant. -On Cavour's hearing of the presence of such a disreputable appearing -stranger, he said, "Let the poor devil in, he probably has some petition -to ask of me." - -The meeting was most amicable, Cavour asked Garibaldi to command the new -volunteer army known as the "Hunters of the Alps," and Garibaldi was -delighted to accept. Immediately he began recruiting his forces, and so -spontaneous was the rising throughout northern and central Italy that -by May of that year he was at the head of three regiments of infantry -well-equipped for instant service. Austria was dismayed, and demanded -that Cavour dismiss the men, but by what was probably the most fortunate -coup in his whole career Cavour was able to appear willing to have -peace, and yet force Austria to war. Napoleon stood by Piedmont, and -in May, 1859, the campaign that was to redeem the inglorious field of -Novara commenced. - -Garibaldi's great reputation caused friction between him and the -officers of the regular army, and he who had been used to the greatest -freedom of action found himself seriously hampered by directions from -headquarters. He hailed with delight King Victor Emmanuel's permission -to separate from the regular army and fight as he pleased, accompanied -as it was with the King's remark, "Go where you like, do what you like; -I feel only one regret, that I am not able to follow you." - -The resulting campaign showed the great guerilla warrior at his best. -As with the Neapolitans in 1849, so with the Croats in 1859, Garibaldi -was credited with superhuman powers. At times the success attending his -sheer effrontery seemed almost to justify such a conclusion. Time and -again he placed himself in positions so desperate that it was only his -quickness of wit in seizing at a possible chance that saved him. Had he -failed he would have been rated as a bungler, but as he succeeded the -desperation of each chance served only to magnify his strategy. He was -a remarkable mathematician, able to estimate all possible combinations -adroitly and quickly, he never despaired, and never hesitated when -he had decided on a plan. As a result the "Hunters of the Alps," or -_Garibaldini_, as the volunteers were called, hung on the Austrian -troops all through Lombardy and the Lake country, driving them from town -after town by sudden assaults, continually tricking much larger forces -by clever misrepresentations of their own strength. Garibaldi entered -Lombard territory and took Varese. After defeating the Austrians near -there in the battle of Malnate he swept up to Cavallesca, near Como, -and, attacking a much larger force than his own, drove the enemy through -Como towards Monza. Como received the Hunters with open arms, Garibaldi -telegraphed to Milan, using the Austrian General's name, and so gained -information of the Allies. Soon afterwards he stationed his advance -guard at the Villa Medici, looking down over lake after lake, and with a -panoramic view of the Alps. Here the Austrians thought to surround him, -but by means of sending false messages planned to fall into the enemy's -hands, and by taking advantage of a heavy storm at night, he succeeded -in escaping them and regaining Como. - -Meanwhile the regular army was winning victories, Montebello, Magenta, -Solferino, and San Martino were falling to the glory of French and -Italian arms. The Austrians were steadily being driven back, Garibaldi -left Como and took Bergamo, then Brescia. As he advanced the men of -the land he crossed joined his army, Brescia set to work to fortify -its walls at his command. He was ordered to follow the Austrians, and -pursued them to Tre Ponti, which he won, although at such a cost he was -obliged to fall back on the main army. - -Napoleon the Third had no intention of winning too many victories for -Italy, nor of allowing the Garibaldian troops to gain unseemly power. -The plans of the general were therefore interfered with, his recruits -diverted into other channels, and the Hunters sent into the passes of -the Stelvio on the pretext of preventing an attack from Germany, but -in reality to prevent Garibaldi from crossing Lake Garda and gaining -the valley of the Adige and the Veronese mountains. The general obeyed, -and conducted a markedly successful campaign near Sondrio and Bormio, -finding himself in his true element among the Alps. - -Then came the stupefying news that Napoleon had made the peace of -Villafranca. The rage of the _Garibaldini_ knew no bounds, their general -hurried to Victor Emmanuel's camp to tender his resignation. The King -would not accept it. "Italy still requires the legions you command," he -said, "you must remain!" Garibaldi returned to his troops, his hatred -for Louis Napoleon more intense than ever, but convinced that the peace -only marked a short pause in the great forward movement. - -Too much credit cannot be given Victor Emmanuel for his resolution at -this time. Bitterly disappointed as he must have been at such an abrupt -end to a campaign that had promised to open Italy from the Alps to the -Adriatic, he yet managed to hide his chagrin, and held Garibaldi, even -as he a little later induced Cavour to resume the post which he had -in a burst of rage resigned. Fortunately also the formal statement of -the peace-makers that the Princes should be restored to their thrones -in Florence, Modena, and Parma, and the Pope's legates at Bologna, -Ferrara, Forli, and Ravenna was simply a statement, the people of those -cities had quite different views. They had tasted of liberty and of the -victories of a national army, and one city after another announced that -it would have no more of its foreign rulers, that its people wished to -become citizens of Italy and subjects of Victor Emmanuel. Garibaldi -heard this and was convinced that it no longer lay in the power of his -arch enemy, Louis Napoleon, to keep Italians separated. "Whatever may -be the march of existing circumstances," he said to his men, "Italians -must neither lay aside their arms, nor be discouraged. They ought on -the contrary to increase in number in their ranks, to testify to Europe -that, guided by their King, Victor Emmanuel, they are ready to face -again the vicissitudes of war, whatever they may be. Perhaps at the -moment we least expect it the signal of alarm may again be sounded!" - -He was sent into central Italy, and at Florence, at Bologna, at -Rimini, he had only to appear to have volunteers crowd about him. -Napoleon learned of this and remonstrated to the government at Turin, -which attempted to check the ardor of its great general, and yet keep -him for further use. It was a time when Cavour's skill was taxed to -the uttermost to avoid a break either with the French or with the -Garibaldians. - -The news of Cavour's decision to cede Savoy and Nice to France, a -decision only reached when it became evident that it was the price -Napoleon demanded for allowing central Italy to unite with Piedmont, -came like a thunder clap to Garibaldi. Born in Nice he declared that -the act made him "a stranger in his own country." He was immediately -returned to Parliament for Nice and bitterly attacked Cavour's policy -in the Chamber. He spoke at length, claiming that the cession was -both an infraction of the original charter by which Nice had become -a part of the Sardinian kingdom, and a violation of the fundamental -law of nationality. Cavour, however, carried the Parliament with him, -and Garibaldi left for Nice to take farewell of it, for he refused to -remain there and become a citizen of France. He was disgusted with the -compromises of diplomacy. "I have nothing to do with men or political -parties," he declared, "my country, and nothing but my country, is my -object." - -Two other incidents of the campaign of 1859 must be mentioned, the one -Garibaldi's visit to Anita's grave near Ravenna, the scene of those -bitter days immediately after the fall of Rome, to which he now returned -as a conqueror. The other was his marriage at Como during his fighting -in the Lakes to Giuseppina Raymondi, the adventurous daughter of the -Marquis Raymondi, who persuaded the general that she was deeply in love -with him, in order that marriage might shield her sadly tarnished name. -Garibaldi would not hear of the marriage at first, and declared that -since Anita's death his heart was withered. The Marquis answered, "It -is with freedom, and with Italian unity that my daughter is enamoured, -and with you as the embodiment of it in Italy." The general could not -withstand that appeal, and consented to the marriage. The depths of the -treachery were revealed to him immediately afterwards, and he left his -new wife at once. It was years, however, before he was granted a divorce -from her. - -Mazzini, Cavour, and Garibaldi each played an important part in the next -act of the great drama of Italy, but Garibaldi unquestionably held the -center of the stage. The act was the famous expedition of the Thousand -to Sicily, a performance foolhardy and rash in the extreme, which was, -however, destined to bring to a speedy fruition the long-deferred hopes -of all Italians patriots. Mazzini's part was to prepare the field, he -had early chosen Sicily as a most favorable scene for revolutionary -action, and had sent agents to smuggle arms into the island, to hold -meetings and generally to arouse the people. Cavour's part was to play -the double game of protesting against the expedition in the eyes of -the Powers, and of aiding it as best he could secretly. He foresaw the -risks that would beset it, and the even greater risk to his King of -having such a dictator as Garibaldi win many victories, yet he could -not absolutely prevent a scheme devised in all patriotic fervor. He -gave public orders to the Sardinian admiral to capture Garibaldi and -bring him back, but with a secret message which the admiral rightly -understood as meaning that Cavour wished no such event to happen. In -much the same manner the British ambassador at Turin, Sir James Hudson, -and the British fleet in the Mediterranean, although ostensibly strictly -neutral, contrived not to embarrass Garibaldi, and the fleet even went -so far as to appear inadvertently between the Neapolitan ships and -those that bore the Thousand, thereby preventing what might have been -an untimely cannonade. Though few in official places therefore openly -countenanced the expedition, many hoped that it would succeed. Under -such circumstances the general sailed from Genoa on May 5, 1860, with -some 1067 picked men, many recruited from the "Hunters of the Alps," -henceforth to be known as the "Mille," and destined to make one of the -greatest expeditions in history, and eventually to give two crowns to -the house of Savoy. - -It was an historic day when the "great filibuster," as Garibaldi was -called, sailed from Genoa. Parents, wives, and children bade the -Thousand a tearful farewell in the rocky bay of Quarto, where to-day -a marble star upon the cliff commemorates the event. At Talamone they -landed to seize some arms and to send a force of one hundred men into -the Papal States to incite rebellion. Then they set sail fairly out -to sea, and Garibaldi and his chiefs planned the Sicilian campaign. -May 11 the two shiploads reached Marsala, hotly pursued by Neapolitan -cruisers. The Thousand took possession of the town, the general issued -glowing proclamations to the citizens, and quickly recruited a corps -of over a thousand Sicilian scouts. From Marsala they went to Salemi, -a march triumphantly acclaimed by monks, priests, women, and children -who lined the roads, and with Sicilian impetuosity were carried away by -the sudden appearance of an Italian army. At Salemi Garibaldi issued -this pronunciamento: "Garibaldi, commander-in-chief of the national -forces in Sicily, on the invitation of the principal citizens, and on -the deliberation of the free communes of the island, considering that in -time of war it is necessary that the civil and military power should be -united in one person, assumes, in the name of Victor Emmanuel, King of -Italy, the Dictatorship in Sicily." - -The first battle was fought in the heart of the mountains, at -Calatafimi, where numbers of ancient ruins gave Garibaldi opportunity -to use his skill in irregular fighting. The battle lasted three hours, -both Garibaldi's son Menotti, and the son of Daniel Manin of Venice, -were wounded; in the end the conflict was a victory for the Thousand. -The Neapolitans fell back on Palermo, and Garibaldi planned to take the -Sicilian capital. - -Throughout the campaign the officers of the King of Naples showed the -same sublime incompetence which characterized their sovereign. Palermo -should have been easy to defend, and with this knowledge, and misled -by Garibaldi's tactics into believing him in retreat, the Neapolitan -general gave a great dinner at the capital and proceeded to forget the -war altogether. As a result, by a remarkably swift march, Garibaldi -appeared at the gates of Palermo, carried them, swept through street -after street of the city, and drove the enemy into the castle and -palace. For a few days the city was laid waste by bombs from the two -latter positions, and from the fleet in the harbor, then the Neapolitan -general asked for an armistice, which eventually ended in the evacuation -of Sicily, except at Messina and a few forts, by the army of the King -of Naples. As most of the soldiers were Austrians, they left without -any deep regret, in fact with almost as much rejoicing as though they -had been victors. Free from the foreigners, Palermo gave itself up to -rejoicing, men and women donned red shirts and acclaimed Garibaldi as a -second Cincinnatus and new Washington. All relics of the former rulers -were destroyed, Sicily felt itself at last free to join the other states -of Italy. Immediately Cavour sent agents to urge annexation to Piedmont, -but Garibaldi was not yet ready for that step. He planned to win Naples -and Rome before he gave over his independent dictatorship. - -The scene now changes to Milazzo. Thither Garibaldi's army, composed -of the Thousand, of many Palermitans, of an English brigade, and of -Hungarians, Frenchmen, Italians of all ranks, all drawn to the great -general whose fame had now spread from end to end of Europe, proceeded. -There was hard fighting at Milazzo, but in time the city fell, and -Messina lay practically open to the invaders. A few more days and -Garibaldi was encamped there, resting and recuperating after the entire -liberation of Sicily. - -It is no exaggeration to say that fortune had showered her richest gifts -on Garibaldi during this campaign. In a few short weeks he had driven -all the Neapolitan forces out of the island with little loss of life to -his own men, had come into possession of money, arms, boats, stores of -all kinds, had increased his army to some 25,000 men, had become the -idol of all Sicily, to whom the red shirt became the proudest badge of -man or woman, had so thoroughly frightened King Francis II. that he was -unwilling to join his own army of defense, and had so completely aroused -Italy that from each town young and old poured forth to make their -way to his invincible standard. Through it all, he, whom fortune was -doing everything to spoil, remained as simple, as unmindful of personal -comfort or aggrandizement, as in his early days. He was at his best when -he won Sicily and planned his march on Naples, it was unfortunate that -the warrior should ever have attempted to become the statesman. - -Garibaldi's army remained at Messina for twenty-three days. During -part of that time the general was engaged in assuring the Sardinian -government that he had no interest in a revolutionary expedition which -was attempting to march into the Papal States. The rest of the time was -given to perfecting his plans for a descent on Calabria. - -August 19 the first detachment of the army sailed from Taormina in the -_Torino_ and the _Franklin_. The Neapolitan fleet was led into the -belief that the embarkation would be at Messina, and by this ruse the -ships succeeded in crossing to the mainland unmolested. They landed -at Melito, and early the next morning Garibaldi prepared to march on -Reggio. Again speed stood him in good stead. The new Army of the South, -as the Thousand with its recruits was now called, took the Neapolitan -general by surprise. At two in the morning Garibaldi's army marched -into the city to find the garrison asleep. The Neapolitan soldiers, -thoroughly alarmed at the appearance of the devil, as they named -Garibaldi, so suddenly among them, paid no heed to their officers and -rushed to a nearby fortress. There severe fighting occurred during -the afternoon and night, but finally the stronghold capitulated, and -the Garibaldians had won an important base on the mainland. He sent -to Messina for the remainder of his troops, and on August 22 began -that celebrated "promenade militaire" from Reggio to Naples, which -bore little resemblance to warfare, as the enemy fled as fast as he -approached, and the countrymen, as well as deserters from the army of -Naples, flocked to join his march. - -Matters had now come to such a pass that it was only necessary for -Garibaldi to appear before a town for it to capitulate; at Villa -San Giovanni, Garibaldi with a few hundred men back of him, ordered -12,000 Neapolitans to surrender, and they immediately did so. Again -at Soveria he ordered 1500 of the enemy to surrender and was obeyed. -It was enough for a red shirt to appear to cause the enemy to fly or -surrender, at certain parts of the march the Neapolitan soldiers walked -side by side with the Garibaldians. Town after town welcomed the great -general as the Liberator, as a second John the Baptist. Both natives -and Austrians looked upon him with religious awe. He had only to appear -to be surrounded with ecstatic multitudes, his scouts had merely to say -that Garibaldi was coming to send the enemy flying in all haste. In one -case it was enough to telegraph he was near the town of Salerno, the -defenders immediately decamped. - -The road to Naples lay open, the citizens of that easily-excited capital -were fairly beside themselves in eagerness to welcome the Liberator. -The general left Salerno by train on September 7, but as far as speed -was concerned he might almost as well have walked. The people of all -the towns on the route, Torre del Greco, Resina, Portici, turned out, -covered the railroad tracks, boarded the train, climbed on the engine, -shouting with joy, singing the Garibaldi hymn, frantic with enthusiasm -as they hailed the man who they believed brought with him the millennium. - -In Naples it was the same, there was no end to the uproar, to the -enthusiasm, to the adulation. Every one wore red, every one cheered, -even the troops of King Francis, who had retired to the castle and -fortress, could not resist the enthusiasm, and flung up their caps and -cheered for Garibaldi. - -Naples had no government, Garibaldi appointed a temporary governor, and -issued a proclamation glowing with patriotic fervor. - -"People of Naples-- - -"It is with feelings of the profoundest respect and love that I present -myself before you in this center of a noble and long-suffering people, -whom four centuries of tyranny have not been able to humiliate, and -whose spirit could never be broken by a ruthless despotism. The first -necessity of Italy is harmony and social order, without which the unity -of Italy is impossible. This day Providence has conferred that blessing -upon you, and has made me its minister. The same Providence has also -given you Victor Emmanuel, whom from this moment I will designate the -father of our country. - -"The model of all sovereigns, he will impress upon his posterity the -duty that they owe to a people, who have with so much enthusiasm chosen -him for their king. You are supported by the clergy, who, conscious -of their true mission, have with patriotic ardor and truly Christian -conduct, braved the gravest dangers of battle at the head of our Italian -soldiers. The good Monks of La Gancia, and the noble-hearted priests of -the Neapolitan continent have one and all assisted us in the good fight. - -"I repeat that harmony is the one essential thing for Italy, and let us -freely forgive those who, having disagreed with us, are now repentant, -and are willing to contribute their mite to build up the monument of our -national glory. - -"Lastly, we must make it apparent to all that, while we respect the -houses of other people, we are determined to be masters in our own -house, whether the powers of the earth like it or not.--G. Garibaldi." - -No sooner was the need for actual warfare at an end than countless -difficulties arose in the liberated city. Garibaldi was no -disciplinarian, he had always entrusted all harsh measures to others, -he refused to harbor suspicion or ill-will, his nature was patient and -simple and confiding. His sole concern was to drive the foreigners -out of Italy, beyond that he had few plans. But as soon as Naples was -free scores of theorists in government arose. Mazzini appeared, and -his followers tried to win Garibaldi over to their ideal republic, the -clerical party had another plan, the secret societies still another, -and the brigands who infested the country about Naples were already -intriguing for the return of the Bourbons, who had allowed them free -sway. Cavour sent his agents hurrying to Naples to keep the people quiet -and to urge them to advocate immediate annexation with Piedmont. He had, -however, a more difficult task on his hands at the same time. He feared -that Garibaldi would immediately march on Rome, and Cavour knew that -the Papal question could not be settled in any such summary fashion. -Napoleon would immediately intervene, and the Army of the South would -find itself fighting France. That was his great fear, and to prevent -the event if possible he sent the Army of Piedmont, of Lombardy, of -Tuscany south at the double quick. Victor Emmanuel must meet Garibaldi -before the latter crossed the Volturno if trouble with France were to be -avoided. - -Garibaldi, however, cared very little for diplomacy, his object was -to take Rome with all speed, and he refused to heed Cavour's agents. -Fortunately Francis II. of Naples finally decided to make a stand, and -so detained Garibaldi until the northern army could arrive. Mazzini had -said to Garibaldi, "If you are not on your way towards Rome or Venice -before three weeks are over, your initiative will be at an end." The -prophecy, like so many of Mazzini's, proved true. Garibaldi had to fight -several battles on the Volturno and besiege Capua before he could turn -towards Rome, and by that time Victor Emmanuel had reached the scene of -action. - -The last battles were the hardest fought of the campaign, but were -ultimately won by the Army of the South. Capua held out a little longer, -but finally fell, and Francis II. took himself safely to Gaeta. - -On October 10 Garibaldi had called for a popular vote in the Two -Sicilies for or against their annexation to Piedmont. The vote was -overwhelmingly for annexation. Garibaldi issued a final proclamation, -ending, "Italy one (as the metropolis has wisely determined she -shall be), under the King, _galantuomo_, who is the symbol of our -regeneration, and the prosperity of our country." He met the King, -and handed over to him his dictatorship of the kingdom of Naples and -Sicily. This moment, which was the climax of his great expedition, was -the proudest of his career. - -The general was still eager for an immediate march on Rome, but the King -would not have it. It was arranged that the Army of the South should be -incorporated with the royal army, and Garibaldi left Naples for Caprera. -He borrowed $100 to pay certain debts, and in the same meager state in -which he had set out he returned to his rock of Caprera to wait until he -should be needed. - -At Caprera the general, now become the most romantic figure in Europe, -received countless deputations of admirers from all nations. For a short -time he was content to resume his farm labors, but the thought of Rome -loomed ever larger in his mind. He had not the gift of patience now, he -was convinced that his army of volunteers could fight and overcome both -France and Austria. The delays of Cavour's policy irritated him, and -finally he went in April, 1861, to the Parliament at Turin to speak his -mind. He made a violent attack on Cavour, to which the latter would not -reply in kind. A few days later the two men met at the King's request -and pretended a reconciliation. Garibaldi could not appreciate Cavour's -temperate statecraft, Cavour realized that Garibaldi was becoming the -most difficult problem Italy had to face. Unfortunately for Garibaldi, -and doubly unfortunately for Italy, Cavour was failing in strength, and -only a short time after the scene in Turin the great Minister died. If -he had lived Italy would have been spared much that followed. - -Garibaldi returned to Caprera and watched from afar the policies of -the new premiers, first Ricasoli, then Rattazzi. The latter was always -suspected of French leanings, and the extremists were bitterly opposed -to him. He was a brilliant man, fated to meet disasters, as day after -day passed he found that the Garibaldian problem called ever louder -for solution. He saw that Genoa, Sicily, and Naples were hotbeds of -turbulence, he knew that the people of the last-named city had made -a god of Garibaldi, had built altars to him, and were imploring him -to lead them against the Pope, he knew that even in the Eternal City -hundreds were calling to him to deliver them. Yet Rattazzi also knew -that the problem of the temporal power of the Pope was one of concern -to all Europe, and that Italy was not ready to fight both France and -Austria. His final solution was this, one which must not be judged -too harshly when all the circumstances are considered, to encourage -Garibaldi to start a popular campaign against the Pope, and then send -the royal army to arrest him as fomenting civil strife. The plan -succeeded. In the spring of 1862 Garibaldi could restrain his eagerness -no longer. He announced to his delighted followers that he would lead -them to Rome. He was given to understand the government would not -actively interfere. So, two years after his first expedition, we find -him again arriving triumphantly in Sicily, again we find men of all -classes flocking to him, again by strategy he crossed the straits to -Calabria and took up his northward march. He had not gone far when he -found that the royal army was marching against him. He became convinced -of this when he bivouacked on the famous hill of Aspromonte and saw the -royal general, Pallavicini, camped opposite him. The next day he tried -to lead his soldiers past the other army, but they were stopped by the -regular troops. Both generals affirmed that they gave no orders to fire, -but nevertheless shots were exchanged, and both Garibaldi and his son -Menotti were wounded. A truce was agreed upon, and the volunteers were -placed under the charge of the royal army. Garibaldi became a state -prisoner, perhaps the most difficult prisoner any government ever had -to take upon its hands. All Italy was devoted to him, but found that -it could not control him. The government had been placed in the most -embarrassing situation conceivable, it had been obliged to disarm the -man who had just given the King two crowns. Aspromonte remains one of -the most unfortunate events in the great battle for Italian unity, but -it was in a large measure inevitable. Cavour might have contrived an -escape from it, but Garibaldi was too big a problem for his successors -to handle diplomatically. - -The wounded general was taken by slow conveyances to Scylla, and thence -to the fort of Varignano in the Gulf of Spezia. The wound was painful, -it was difficult to locate the bullet, for a long time he was obliged -to keep to his bed and postpone further political action. His illness, -however, gave his friends a golden opportunity to show their devotion; -women of all ranks fought for the chance to nurse the hero, delegations -from England, from Germany, from all parts of Italy made pilgrimages to -his prison, the hotels at Spezia, the nearest town to the fortress, were -continually crowded by Garibaldi worshipers. It seemed that what he had -suffered at Aspromonte had actually canonized him in the eyes of the -world. - -His imprisonment could not last long; October 5, 1862, the government -declared an amnesty covering all participators in the late expedition -against Rome except those soldiers who had left the regular army to -join the volunteers. Garibaldi was now moved to Spezia, thence after a -time to Pisa. Each city he passed greeted him tumultuously; in Pisa, the -night of his arrival, the Garibaldi hymn was cheered so loudly at the -theater that the manager abandoned the play and had nothing but the hymn -rendered all the evening, which pleased the audience greatly. At Pisa -the bullet was extracted from Garibaldi's foot, and his recovery became -more rapid. On December 20 he started for Caprera, giving a chance for -Leghorn to welcome him as he embarked for his island home. Once there -he found the rest of which he was so much in need, although visitors -continually besieged his little farm. The kindly instincts of his nature -showed in full flower, he gave whatever his children or his friends -asked of him, sacrificing his own comforts continually for their sake, -and continually being imposed upon. He wrote to the patriots suffering -in Poland and Denmark, and wished that he might go to aid them. Wherever -men were in trouble he sympathized, he could even find it in his heart -to contribute to the poor of Austria. - -There were friends of the national cause who feared that the affair -of Aspromonte had injured Garibaldi's prestige, and to revive it -in full glory they planned his triumphal visit to England in the -spring of 1863. Garibaldi had always admired the English, and there -was no question but that the people of England had always zealously -sided with Italy against France and Austria, no matter how strongly -their government might feel that diplomacy required a middle course. -The general went from Caprera to Southampton, and thence to London, -acclaimed by thousands, who rivaled the warm-spirited Neapolitans in -their heights of enthusiasm. The modest, benign-faced warrior was -fêted as a national deliverer, the streets of London rang with his -hymn, women adopted the famous red Garibaldi shirt as the latest -fashion, aristocrats and working people fought for the opportunity of -entertaining him. Before he could take up his northern tour, however, it -was announced that he was overtired and would have to leave the country -for rest. His physicians denied this, and it appears as most probable -that Louis Napoleon was so much displeased and even alarmed at the -popular acclaim given the general that he made his wish known to Lord -Palmerston that the guest leave English shores. Again Garibaldi proved a -serious burden to diplomacy, his very fame made him the more difficult -to deal with. So rather than cause further international trouble the -general bade England an affectionate farewell and returned to Caprera. - -The campaign of 1866, which won Venetia for the kingdom of Victor -Emmanuel, is not a glorious page in Italian history. Venice was freed -from Austria's rule because the Prussians won the battles of Sadowa and -Königgratz. What victories Italy won fell to the score of the volunteers -fighting with Garibaldi in the Lakes rather than to the regular army of -the new nation. From the date of the Liberator's return from England up -to the spring of 1866 he lived in comparative quiet, spending most of -his time at Caprera, and only making occasional visits to the mainland. -Meanwhile events were rapidly showing that Prussia and Austria must -soon fight for the supremacy in Germany, and Victor Emmanuel concluded -an alliance with Berlin. Then, in May, 1866, Garibaldi was asked by the -Italian Minister of War to take command of the volunteer forces. He -accepted gladly, and, as so often before, the news that he was about to -take the field was sufficient to gather innumerable patriots about him. -Unfortunately the generals of the regular army were again jealous of -Garibaldi, and continual obstacles were placed in his way, even his own -officers speedily formed cliques and wrought dissension in his command. -He was ordered to attack Austria from Como, and so through the Lakes -rather than from Hungary as he would have preferred. - -Yet, with all these obstacles the campaign started at Como with much -of the old spirit. Again the veterans of 1859 and 1860, many of the -famous Thousand, many who had fought at Messala and on the Volturno, -gathered, clad in red shirts, on the banks of Lake Como, and raised the -Garibaldi hymn. Scores of enthusiastic Englishmen could not keep away -from the Lakes, an Englishwoman and her husband followed the general all -through the campaign, carrying a cooking-stove and store of provisions -for their idol. But notwithstanding all the enthusiasm the efforts to -dislodge the enemy were not very successful. The Austrians were not as -easily frightened or defeated as had been the soldiers of the King of -Naples, and the people of the Tyrol did not rise and join Garibaldi's -ranks as had the Sicilians and Calabrians. The commissariat service -was wretched, time and again the troops bivouacked without shelter -or food, conflicting orders were given, and but for their remarkable -light-heartedness and faith in their general the men would have been -in very bad shape for any manner of combat. On the first day of real -fighting, at Rocca d'Anfo, Garibaldi was wounded in the thigh, and after -that had to direct operations from a carriage. Nevertheless, he lost -nothing of his confidence, and planned his successive moves through -the mountains and lakes with his old skill in this form of irregular -warfare. - -The actual military operations were of no permanent importance, -the volunteers were sent down the beautiful Lake of Como to Lecco -accompanied by a fleet of private boats filled with admiring friends. -From Lecco they went to Bergamo and thence to Brescia, and then for -a time their headquarters were at Salò, on the Lake of Garda. An -eye-witness contrasts their informal style of marching with that of the -regulars: "Some of them were lying at full length on bullock wagons, -with their rifles decorated with roses at their sides, others were -trudging sturdily along in the loosest manner, smoking, with their -shirts open, and their rugs rolled across their bodies." - -When Garibaldi had completed his plans for marching north he received -word from General La Marmora to take Lonato, and turned there from -Salò. The Austrians withdrew before the Italian advance, and the -latter army was free to enter the Trentino. Their first step in this -direction was to take the rocky fort of Rocca d'Anfo, and after that -they marched on Darzo, which was the scene of much fighting, and then -on to the fort of Ampola. On July 16 the volunteers dragged their -cannon into position on the mountains, and on the 17th the real attack -began. Ampola capitulated, and the march to Riva began through the -Ledro valley. At a village near Bizecca they were attacked early in the -morning. The Austrians opened fire from the village houses. Chiassi, -one of Garibaldi's veterans, was killed, and for a time the volunteers -made little headway. Garibaldi's two sons and his son-in-law Canzio -did their utmost to encourage the men behind them, and gradually what -had threatened to be a rout was turned into a victory. Bizecca was -immediately captured, and the troops had started their march to Lardaro -when news came that an armistice was being arranged, and orders were -brought to Garibaldi bidding him leave the Trentino. - -The Italian army had met with a reverse at the battle of Custozza, -but fortunately their Prussian allies had already won the two great -victories of Königgratz and Sadowa and were in a position to dictate -terms to Austria. The oft-fought-over Venetian provinces became at last -part of the kingdom of Italy. Venice was added to her sister cities, -which now only lacked Rome. The Tyrol, however, was left with Austria, -and so Garibaldi viewed the peace with disappointment. He was confident -that his volunteers could have won it, and found this another instance -of the mistakes of statesmanship. - -As after the expedition of the Thousand, so after the campaign in the -Lakes, Garibaldi found that he could not rest quietly with Rome in Papal -hands. Italy was bound by agreement with France to leave Pius IX. in -temporary possession of the Eternal City, but Garibaldi cared little -or nothing for his country's obligations. He showed in a hundred ways -that he was unwilling that the kingdom should have rest or a chance to -recuperate until the city on the Tiber was won, and so again in 1867, as -in 1862, he became a tremendously difficult problem to the government, -the seat of which had been moved from Turin to Florence, and of which -Rattazzi was again the head. - -As soon as the French left Rome a number of revolutionary societies -commenced operations in that city, and Garibaldi was asked to act in -conjunction with them. He made an electioneering tour in the spring -of 1867, and was received at Venice, at Verona, and at Legnano with a -veneration that partook of religious awe. He was elected deputy in the -new Parliament from four districts. He next appeared at the meeting -of the Universal Peace Congress at Geneva, and spoke against the -priesthood, denouncing the Papacy with his accustomed ardor. He then -returned to Italy and in a fiery speech at the Villa Cairoli called on -his countrymen to march on Rome. He started for the Papal frontier, -and the volunteers collected about him so rapidly that Rattazzi was -again obliged to arrange for his arrest. At Sinalunga he was taken -prisoner, and conveyed to Alessandria, and there arrangements were made -to take him to his home at Caprera and keep him virtually imprisoned -there. Unfortunately Garibaldi could not be kept quiet; even when his -island was guarded by four steamers and a frigate he managed to send -appeals to the mainland and keep the revolutionary party alert. Other -leaders were attacking Rome by now, Nicotera was advancing from Naples, -Menotti Garibaldi was waging guerilla warfare near Tivoli, the brothers -Cairoli--name famous in Italian annals--made their daring attack at the -Vigna Glori. Pius IX. and his Secretary of State, Cardinal Antonelli, -were not having a pleasant time in Rome. Barracks were blown up, bombs -were discovered, petitions were presented from his subjects urging him -to call in the army of Victor Emmanuel. - -Meanwhile Garibaldi planned and executed his daring escape from Caprera. -He pretended to be ill, and then one dark night set off in a small boat -for Sardinia. He lay hidden until he could get horses to take him to -Porta Prudenza, and from there sailed with his son-in-law Canzio to -the mainland. A day or two later he was brazenly haranguing the people -from the Loggia dei Lanzi in Florence. The government learned that -they could not control him, and now concluded to repeat the tactics of -Aspromonte, and allow him to bring about his own destruction. - -At Terni Garibaldi began active campaigning. He met his troops, and -planned an immediate attack on the town of Monte Rotondo, which crowns -a hill overlooking the Tiber and the roads to Rome. The hill town was -hotly defended, but the volunteers finally took it. From there, after -a short stay, Garibaldi moved his army, now numbering 15,000 men, on -towards the Ponte della Mentana, some four and a half miles from Rome. -It is said that an agreement had been made by which the Papal governor -of the castle of St. Angelo was to surrender his post for a sum of -money, and that this sum was raised by Garibaldi's English friends, but -through treachery was not properly used. This occasioned some delay, and -by that time French troops had been landed and were marching to the aid -of their allies, the Papal guards. - -The general was obliged to retreat temporarily to Monte Rotondo, and -there he issued a public address. He relied on the fact that the Roman -Republic of 1849 had made him a Roman general. After rehearsing the -facts of the Italian government's position he said, "Then will I let -the world know that I alone, a Roman general, with full power, elected -by the universal suffrage of the only legal government in Rome, the -Republic, have the right to maintain myself armed in this, the territory -under my jurisdiction; and then if these my volunteers, champions of -liberty and Italian unity, wish to have Rome as the capital of Italy, -fulfilling the vote of Parliament and of the nation, they must not put -down their arms until Italy shall have acquired liberty of conscience -and worship, built upon the ruin of Jesuitism, and until the soldiers of -tyrants shall be banished from our land." - -The French had now joined the Papal army, and the Italian troops were -massing in Garibaldi's rear. On November 3 he started towards Tivoli, -but had to fall back on Mentana, and there occurred the battle which -decided the fate of the expedition. The volunteers fought with the -greatest courage and enthusiasm, but their arms were no match for the -new chassepots of the French. Garibaldi had to fall back on Monte -Rotondo, and there, on discovering that his men had scarcely a cartridge -left, he was forced to order a further retreat. The expedition was at -an end, the volunteers were disbanded, and Garibaldi took train to -Florence. There he was arrested and conveyed a prisoner to the fort of -Varignano. - -The battle of Mentana had cost many Italian lives. Victor Emmanuel -was deeply grieved and had a message sent to the French Emperor: "The -last events have suffocated every remembrance of gratitude in the heart -of Italy. It is no longer in the power of the government to maintain -an alliance with France, the chassepot gun at Mentana has given it a -fatal blow." The battle therefore had the result of severing the tacit -alliance between Italy and France, and henceforth the problem of Roman -occupation became simpler to the King's government. - -In 1870 the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war compelled Napoleon to -defend his own borders, and no longer to support a Papal government in -a foreign land. When the French and Germans were fighting the question -of the temporal power of the Church was quietly settled, with almost no -fighting and little outside attention, by the entrance of the King of -Italy into Rome. At last Italy was united. Garibaldi had nothing to do -with this final occupation, for which he had laid plans since his early -South American days. - -When Napoleon was eliminated from French politics Garibaldi could -no longer restrain his ardor for the republican government. He took -sword, and left Caprera to volunteer for service with France. He was -given command of the army of the Vosges, and his campaign against the -Prussians at Autun and Dijon was at least as successful as that of the -regular French generals. The Prussians were too strong, the Army of the -East gave way before them, and Garibaldi's brief campaign was at an -end. After the peace he was elected deputy from Paris, Dijon, and Nice, -but was not allowed to sit in the Assembly on the ground that he was a -foreigner. He received the official thanks of the French government and -returned home. - -There remained a somewhat turbulent old age for Garibaldi. Italy was -united and rapidly growing stronger under the happy influence of -continued peace. Garibaldi, however, could not remain quiet, and when -he appeared in public he was publicly worshiped and privately feared. -He became more and more ardently a republican as time went on, and his -republicanism was only too apt to take the color of the last man with -whom he had talked. He was not an able original thinker, and except in -military manoeuvers had always been too much inclined to lean on the -advice of others. - -In the elections of 1874 the general was chosen by several districts, -among others the city of Rome, to sit in the Senate. He made a triumphal -progress from Caprera to the capital, and when he was sworn in as a -Senator the members forgot all past and present difficulties and -cheered to the echo the man who had led the Thousand from Genoa to -Naples. He went to the Quirinal to see the King, a sovereign whom he had -ardently admired since the time when he had first seen him in battle. -A little later we find him a member of a committee with the King and -Prince Torlonia to divert the course of the Tiber and improve the -Campagna. - -Meanwhile at Caprera Francesca, the devoted woman who had first gone -there to nurse Garibaldi's daughter, had taken Anita's position, and -become the mother of the general's youngest children, Manlio and Clelia. -In 1880 the Court of Appeal at Rome declared Garibaldi's marriage to -Giuseppina Raymondi, the adventuress who had taken advantage of him long -before, null and void. Fortunately the marriage had been contracted -under Austrian and not Italian jurisdiction. Had it been otherwise the -annulment would not have been allowed. Immediately on receipt of the -news Garibaldi and Francesca were married. At Caprera Garibaldi lived -like an island prince, continually receiving visits and presents from -admirers of all nations. - -Yet, for all his domestic happiness, the old warrior would mix in public -affairs, and almost always as an opponent of the existing government. -Even when his old friend and comrade-in-arms, Benedetto Cairoli, fourth -of the famous brothers, became Prime Minister, he was not content with -his policies. He embarrassed the government by continually writing -ultra-radical letters to the newspapers. Two or three times more he -appeared in public, became again an active figure when his son-in-law -Canzio was arrested at a turbulent meeting in Genoa, and resigned his -seat in the National Chambers. He was, however, too worn out physically -to make further dangerous expeditions, and was persuaded to leave the -more active part to younger men. In 1882 he died at Caprera. - -Neither the character nor the achievements of Garibaldi are difficult -to estimate. His character was simple, he was ingenuously frank and -open-minded, absolutely sincere, warm-hearted, and forgiving to a fault. -His whole career is filled with instances in which his generosity was -traded on, notably the case of his second marriage. He was always -frugal, unostentatious, unselfish, never did a breath of public scandal -sully his name. Although he had many opportunities to gain wealth he -was always poor. During the last days of his life he enjoyed a pension -from the government, but the most of that was given to his children or -dispensed in charity. - -Given this true, straightforward nature, we find that from his boyhood -he had above everything desired a free united Italy, with Rome as -its capital. The name Rome never failed to thrill him. So long as -the master-hand of Cavour was ready to guide him Garibaldi proceeded -gloriously forward, the crusader who could lead men into battle and fill -them with a great enthusiasm. Cavour could fight against the Mazzinian -theories of a republic, he had to fight hard to keep the soldier in -the straight path, particularly in those early days in Naples, but he -succeeded, and saw Garibaldi proudly deliver Naples and Sicily into the -care of his King. How great was Cavour's steering hand we find in later -years; without that powerful mind to control him, Garibaldi fell under -the influence of many different types of men, and his simple confiding -nature found it easy to trust each seeming friend in turn. The very -virtue of his nature acted against him then, he became a tool for men -to use, his great name a flag for any new quixotic idea. It was only -when he was fighting that he was his own commander, at other times he -was ever ready to sink his own opinions in those of others. The latter -part of his life was therefore continually stormy, he had not the art to -weather varying changes in national sentiment. - -Almost as easy to estimate as his character were his achievements. They -were superlatively great for Italy. Nobody can tell whether Cavour's -diplomacy alone would ever have won the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. -Garibaldi started from Genoa on an expedition that seemed doomed -to disaster, but which, successfully begun, carried all opposition -before it. It is true that the army of Francis II. was poor, and that -the battles, with the exception of Calatafimi in Sicily, are not to -be classed as great conflicts, but Garibaldi did much more than win -battles, he roused the people to a pitch of fighting spirit they had -never known before. The fame of the Thousand spread across Europe, and -with it rose European admiration and interest in the Italian cause. -Foreigners joined his army, and when the great general met Victor -Emmanuel and gave over the two crowns he had won the eyes of the whole -world were focused on the sovereign and the hero. The glory of that -expedition could not fade, whatever Garibaldi did later could not efface -the memory of those great days; even the governments that found him -rebelling against the laws and treaties they had made could not but -thrill at the recollection of the days of 1860 and 1861. The red shirt -became an oriflamme to lovers of liberty in all lands, the Garibaldian -hymn set hearts to dancing with pride and exultation, the simple soldier -with his dramatic effects of life and bearing became an Italian national -hero with all the mythical charm of a Cid Campeador or a William Tell. -He will take a place in Italian legendary history that was empty until -his day. - -This atmosphere of romance that surrounded him was of his nature. He -wrote two books, one, "The Rule of the Monk," which appeared after his -imprisonment at Varignano, the other, "The Thousand," after the Vosges -campaign. They were both extravagant, artificial, as wildly eventful -as any novels ever penned. Yet in a sense they catch the flavor of -his own career. When he describes the monks he pictures them as they -actually seemed to him, agents of the power which had so hounded him -after the siege of Rome, and which had executed his friend Ugo Bassi. -When he writes of "The Thousand" he shows his followers as men capable -of any heroism, and the expedition becomes one series of marvellous -adventures. He saw that intensely dramatic side of the struggle, and he -became the symbol of that dramatic element in the eyes of the world. His -country needed that symbol, the glory of a crusader was as essential to -Italian redemption as the soul-stirring fanaticism of a Mazzini, the -statecraft of a Cavour, or the kingship of a Victor Emmanuel. He was -the living personification of the great fight for liberty; that was his -contribution to the cause. - - - - -VICTOR EMMANUEL, THE KING - - -Few royal families in Europe possess as proud a record as the House -of Savoy. Legend carries their race as Princes back to 998, when an -exiled noble of Saxon birth settled in Burgundy, and ultimately built -a family stronghold at the pass of Moriana on the frontier of Savoy. -This prince was known as Humbert of the White Hand. He was followed by -a series of fighting, ambitious, able descendants, who gradually carved -for themselves the Dukedom of Savoy, and married into the most powerful -of contemporary royal families. Their small state was so centrally -placed that it early became a storm-center, and for centuries the Dukes -were famous as warrior-adventurers, fighting now under the banner of -the Empire, now under that of Spain or of France. Happily the Dukes of -Savoy shared little of the tyrannical natures of their neighbors, they -were not altogether saintly, but they were surprisingly merciful and -just in an age famous for cruel bigotry. Emmanuel Philibert, better -known as "Testa di Ferro," or "Head of Iron," one of the most popular of -Piedmont's heroes, became a great favorite with the Emperor Charles V., -was a general of renown, and secured firm possession of his Savoy lands. -From his time the position of the family became more assured. - -In 1703, Victor Amadeus, fifteenth Duke of Savoy, assumed the title -of King of Sicily, as a result of a treaty following his defense of -Turin and overturning of the Bourbon power in Italy. Shortly thereafter -Sicily was exchanged for Sardinia and certain territories adjoining his -frontiers, and the title of the head of the house of Savoy became King -of Sardinia. - -Victor Emmanuel I. of Sardinia, who succeeded his brother Charles -Emmanuel IV., was a brave, thoroughly good-hearted man, whose nature -was, however, absolutely mediæval. He was much under the influence of -Austria, to whose Emperor he had given a promise that he would never -grant his people a free constitution. He finally abdicated in favor of -his brother Charles Felix, a man of a much narrower nature, who did all -in his power to check the free-thinking sentiments rapidly spreading -through his people as a result of the Revolution in France. When he -died in 1831 the elder branch of the House of Savoy came to an end, -but fortunately there was a distantly related younger branch, known as -the Princes of Carignano and Savoy. The seventh Prince of this line, -Charles Albert, born in 1798, had married a daughter of the Grand Duke -of Tuscany, and had been a great favorite with Victor Emmanuel I. On the -death of that King he had acted for a short time as regent for Charles -Felix, and had then served in the war between France and Spain, winning -a great reputation for bravery. When Charles Felix died he succeeded him -as King of Sardinia in 1831. - -Charles Albert was one of the most interesting characters of the early -Nineteenth Century, a man of the noblest character, burning with the -desire to free Italy from the foreigner, but always suspicious that he -was not the man to do it. This suspicion was continually played upon by -the clerical party at the court of Turin, and with the result that the -King, as firm a Roman Catholic as his ancestors, and by nature devout -almost to mysticism, was the continual battle-field of the warring -sentiments of love of liberty and love of the Church. During the reign -of Victor Emmanuel I. the liberal party in Piedmont looked upon Charles -Albert as their natural leader. He often spoke of his desire to see -Italy united, and made little concealment of his hostility to Austria -and the Bourbon princes. Yet, when he was actually invited to lead the -Piedmont "Federates" as they were called, whose object was simply the -confederation of Italy, he could not make up his mind to accept. As -Santa Rosa, the leader of the party, said, "He both would, and would -not." - -Victor Emmanuel I., bound by his promise to the house of Austria, had -yet seen that his people were bent on reforms, and rather than break -his word and grant a constitution he had abdicated in favor of Charles -Felix. Immediately the liberals had besieged the regent, Charles Albert, -with petitions and a show of force which could not be denied. He had -then proclaimed the constitution, accompanying it with this declaration: -"Our respect and submission to his majesty Charles Felix, to whom the -throne belongs, would have hindered us making any fundamental change in -the laws of the realm until the sovereign's intentions were known; but -as the force of circumstances is manifest, and we desire to render to -the new King his people safe, uninjured, and happy, and not in a civil -war, having maturely considered everything, and with the advice of our -council, we have decided, in the hope that his majesty, moved by the -same considerations, will give his approval, that the constitution of -Spain shall be promulgated." - -But Charles Felix, when he came to Turin, would have none of this -constitution, and Charles Albert left Piedmont under the shadow of his -kinsman's displeasure. When a few years later he himself ascended the -throne the popular idea of him as an advocate of liberalism was still -current, and it was this idea which led Mazzini to write to the new -sovereign that remarkable letter on behalf of "Young Italy," commencing, -"All Italy waits for one word--one only--to make herself yours." But -Charles Albert was at that crucial moment under priestly influence, -and he paid no heed to the letter, as a result of which the growing -Mazzinian party, which might have been attached to the interests of the -House of Savoy, became strongly republican. - -The Jesuits at Turin, secret agents of the Austrian government, did -their utmost to frighten the King with gross misrepresentations as to -the liberals. When new conspiracies broke out in 1833 Charles Albert -was influenced to punish the rebels severely. Gradually the popular -idea concerning the King changed, and those who had thought to find -in him an emancipator became slowly convinced that he was as rigid a -reactionary as any of his predecessors. So the poor King, really ardent -in his country's cause, played upon by his courtiers and the insidious -clericals, watched his chances of leading Italy against Austria -gradually dwindle. - -Some men, however, still believed that Charles Albert was the only -present hope for Italy, and chief among these men was Massimo -d'Azeglio. He was a man of keen insight and high character, and had -traveled through all the states of Italy studying the forces making -towards nationality. At the end of his travels he had an audience of -Charles Albert at Turin, and reported what he had found. His estimate -of the King was justified by the reply Charles Albert made to him. "Let -those gentlemen know," said the King, "that for the present they must -remain quiet; but when the time comes, let them be certain that my life, -the lives of my sons, my arms, my treasures--all shall be freely spent -in the Italian cause." - -Then came the election of Pius IX. to the throne of Saint Peter, and -a great wave of enthusiasm swept through the liberal party throughout -Italy. Pius was a great advance on the narrow, mediæval-minded Leo XII. -and Gregory XVI., who had preceded him. The Romans felt new hope, and -with each month the great enthusiasm spread until it culminated in the -sudden Lombard expulsion of the Austrians from Milan. Charles Albert -must have seen the signs that preceded the eventful years of 1848 and -1849. He had decided to grant a constitution to his people, whether -Austria liked it or not, and on February 7, 1848, proclaimed the famous -_Statuto_. Events hurried, a short time and Lombardy and Venice were -in arms and Piedmont determined on supporting them. Charles Albert, -and his eldest son, Victor Emmanuel, threw themselves utterly into the -national cause. - -On March 14, 1820, the Prince Victor Emmanuel was born in the -Carignano Palace at Turin, his father being then simply the Prince of -Savoy-Carignano. With the accession of Charles Felix the family moved -to a villa near Florence, and there the young Prince spent his early -boyhood. His younger brother, Ferdinand, Duke of Genoa, was born in -1822. After the reconciliation between Charles Felix and the Prince of -Carignano the latter took up his residence in the castle of Racconigi, -in Piedmont. When Prince Victor was eleven years old his father came -to the throne, and thenceforth the young Prince lived in Turin. He and -his brother were inseparable, although widely different in temperament, -Victor enthusiastic, impulsive, overflowing with animal spirits, -Ferdinand more prudent, calm, and thoughtful, strongly resembling his -father. - -Charles Albert devoted the greatest care to the education and military -training of his sons, and both fully repaid his care. Victor Emmanuel, -Duke of Savoy, was not a great student, but he was keenly interested in -everything that pertained to government, sympathetic, observant, deeply -imbued with the desire to see Italy free and Piedmont the leader in -that cause. His manners were essentially frank and cordial, his whole -bearing inspired confidence. At twenty-one he was of middle height, -powerfully built, with features strong, rather than handsome, a curling -mustache adding to the military aspect of his face. At twenty-two he -sought the hand of his first cousin, Maria Adelaide, daughter of the -Austrian Archduke Ranieri, Viceroy of Lombardy-Venice, and of Charles -Albert's only sister. The chief objection to the marriage was the fact -that the Princess Adelaide was partly Austrian, but Victor overcame this -objection, and the marriage took place in 1842. It was not long before -the young Princess had become the idol of Piedmont through her many -gifts of charm. - -When the news of the rising of Milan on March 18, 1848, came to Turin -the Duke of Savoy was filled with joy. The King and his ministers were -deliberating with deep concern the position that Piedmont should adopt, -but the young Prince was concerned only with taking the field against -Austria. He had that pure love for the dangers of war which had been -such a marked characteristic of his ancestors, and which had made the -House of Savoy famous during the Middle Ages. The biographer Massari -wrote of him later, "Without using a profusion of words, it is enough -to say that under the canvas or in the battle-field he showed himself -worthy of his race. He who knows the story of the Savoy dynasty knows -that there is no higher eulogium than this." - -He was given a command in the troops that were hurried to the aid of -Lombardy, and fought his first battle at Santa Lucia on May 6th. He -was conspicuous for courage, and in addition to his personal power -of inspiring his soldiers with enthusiasm, proved himself a careful -general. At Goito, where the Austrians took the troops of Piedmont by -surprise, the Duke of Savoy converted a retreat into a desperate attack -by throwing himself before the troops and calling on them to save the -honor of Savoy. He was wounded in the thigh, but fought on, and at -length had the satisfaction of reporting to his father that Piedmont had -won the day. He was awarded a medal for valor on the field of action, -but he valued more the wound which he had won in fighting for Italy. - -The fortunes of war soon brought a change. The other states of Italy -did not come to the aid of Lombardy as Charles Albert had been given -assurances that they would. Pius IX. had placed an army in the field -to prevent Austrian outrages on his frontiers, but had given them -orders not to attack the enemy. The King of Naples had declared his -intention of siding with the other Italian states, but by deceit and -treachery kept his army too far from the scene of action to be of any -use. The Venetians were fully occupied with their revolution at home, -the Lombards had already begun to determine what they would do when they -were free, and Piedmont was left practically alone to fight the rapidly -reviving army of Austria. - -One more victory was won at Staffola, but the next day the Piedmontese -were attacked again and defeated at Custozza. The King was advised to -retreat across the Po to Piacenza, but instead felt that his duty called -him to Milan. He entered that city, but his army, worn out, and attacked -by a much superior force, could not defend the Lombard capital, and he -was forced to capitulate. The Milanese were not grateful, they bitterly -assailed the King for what they called his treachery, and he escaped -from the city through the aid of a young officer, later the General La -Marmora. - -Still the unfortunate King would not abandon the war, although he -saw the hopelessness of the situation, left as he was to fight -single-handed. March 20, 1849, the fighting recommenced, and lasted for -three days. At Martara the pick of the Piedmontese army were destroyed. -When Charles Albert heard the news he realized that he was destined to -utter defeat. Yet he took up the march to Novara, stoical as became his -race. The battle of Novara, fought March 23, 1849, marked the end. The -Piedmontese fought heroically, the Duke of Savoy led his men time and -again to the attack, his younger brother, the Duke of Genoa, had three -horses killed under him, but bravery could not overcome the disparity in -strength. An armistice was asked for, but the terms of Marshal Radetsky -were too hard to accept. The King said to his generals, "Gentlemen, -we cannot accept these conditions. Is it possible that we can resume -hostilities?" The answer was a unanimous "no." Then the unfortunate King -laid down the burdens of his too heavy office in these touching words: -"From eighteen years till now I have always made every effort possible -for the benefit of the people. I am deeply afflicted to see that my -hopes have failed, not so much for my own sake as for the country's. -I have not been able to find death on the field of battle, as I had -desired; perhaps my existence is now the only obstacle to obtaining from -the enemy reasonable terms, and since there remains no further means -of continuing hostilities, I abdicate this moment, in favor of my son -Vittorio, in the hope that, renewing negotiations with Radetsky, the -new King may obtain better conditions, and procure for the country an -advantageous peace. Behold your King!" - -The entreaties of the son and the generals were useless, Charles Albert -was determined. He knew that his dream of liberating Italy was over, -that he was not the man for the great work. That night he set out with -one companion for Oporto in Portugal, there to live obscurely while his -son took up the heavy burden of rebuilding Piedmont's hopes. - -Victor Emmanuel came to the throne at a distressing moment, but from -the first he showed the true metal of his nature. His father had been a -dreamer, a theorist, alternating between eagerness to press forward and -the desire to retain what he already had. His character, although fine, -was not robust. The young King, however, was essentially robust-natured, -the very type of man above all others needed at this particular crisis. -He faced Marshal Radetsky fearlessly, and, when the Austrian general -insisted on the same terms demanded of his father, including the -immediate expulsion of all Italian exiles from the state of Piedmont, -replied, "Sooner than subscribe to such conditions I would lose a -hundred crowns. What my father has sworn I will maintain. If you wish a -war to the death, be it so! I will call my nation to arms once more, and -you will see what Piedmont is capable of in a general rising. If I must -fall, it shall be without shame. My house knows the road of exile, but -not of dishonor." - -Finally an armistice was concluded. The King of Sardinia was to disband -all the military corps composed of Lombards, Poles, Hungarians, and -other foreign peoples, retaining only those who chose to remain his -subjects permanently; a heavy war indemnity was to be paid to Austria, -half the fortress of Alessandria was to be given up to Austria, and her -troops were to be allowed to occupy Piedmontese territory between the -rivers Po, Sesia, and Ticino. It was a hard bargain that Austria drove. - -Victor Emmanuel returned to his capital to find many of its citizens -disaffected by the appeals of the republican party. All Turin was in -despair over the sad termination of a campaign that had promised so -much. The King, the Queen, and their two sons, Humbert, aged five, -and Amadeus, aged four, were received with the coldest regard as they -appeared in public. The King issued this proclamation to his people: -"Citizens,--Untoward events and the will of my most venerated parent -have called me, long before my time, to the throne of my ancestors. -The circumstances under which I hold the reins of government are such -that nothing but the most perfect concord in all will enable me, and -then with difficulty, to fulfil my only desire, the salvation of our -common country. The destines of nations are matured in the designs of -Providence, but man owes to his country all the service he is capable -of, and in this debt we have not failed. Now all our efforts must be -to maintain our honor untarnished, to heal the wounds of our country, -to consolidate our constitutional institutions. To this undertaking I -conjure all my people, to it I will pledge myself by a solemn oath, -and I await from the nation the exchange of help, affection, and -confidence.--Victor Emmanuel." - -On March 29 the new King took the oath to the constitution which had so -recently been granted by his father. General Delaunay formed the new -ministry, which almost immediately decided to dissolve Parliament and -call a general election. Meanwhile Victor Emmanuel was wholly engaged -with the peace negotiations, and tried to enlist the influence of -England and France in Sardinia's behalf. The Delaunay ministry divided -on the terms of peace, and the King was in despair as to whom he -should call upon as steersman in such troubled seas. He finally turned -to Massimo d'Azeglio, who was suffering from a wound he had received -at Vicenza, and who had little taste at any time for the burdens of -premiership. He found it impossible, however, to refuse his young -sovereign at this hour. He accepted the post, although reluctantly. -Fortunately the views of the King and those of D'Azeglio coincided on -almost all matters. The King was charmed with D'Azeglio's polish and -talents in so many diverse lines; the Minister, much older than the -King, was delighted with Victor Emmanuel's frank enthusiasms. It was he -who gave the King his proudest title. One day he remarked, "There have -been so few honest kings in the world that it would be a splendid thing -to begin the series." "And am I to play the part of that honest king?" -asked Victor Emmanuel. "Your majesty has sworn to the constitution," was -the answer, "and has taken thought not alone of Piedmont, but of all -Italy. Let us continue in this path, and hold that a king as well as a -private individual has only one word, and must stand by that." - -"That," replied the King, "seems easy to me." - -"Behold then," said D'Azeglio, "we have the Rè galantuomo!" - -And "Rè galantuomo" was the name Victor Emmanuel wrote in the register -of the Turin census, and the title his people were most glad to give him. - -The first months were very troubled, the second Assembly was captious, -and continually in opposition to the King and his ministers. There were -too many hot-headed representatives of Mazzini's "Young Italy," which, -as D'Azeglio said, "Being young cannot be expected to have much sense, -and certainly has little." The King fell ill of a fever, and for a time -it seemed possible he might not recover and that the country would have -to endure a regency during his son's minority. Most providentially for -Italy he did recover, and shortly after the National Assembly was again -dissolved, and a popular appeal made to the people. The King issued a -royal proclamation which was heeded by the electors, and as a result of -which more moderate men were sent to the succeeding Parliament. - -The new government boldly took up the question of whether the clergy -were entitled to special ecclesiastical tribunals under the constitution -to which Victor Emmanuel had just sworn. The ministers proposed to do -away with such courts as unconstitutional. Immediately the bishops were -up in arms, and a conflict between State and Church began. The King -was besought by his mother not to oppose the Church, to be a true son -of the Church as his ancestors had been, but Victor Emmanuel, although -always grieved at the need to oppose the clergy, stood by his ministers. -The Church courts were abolished, and the people, long tired of -ecclesiastical overlorddom, acclaimed King and ministry as true lovers -of liberty. - -This firm stand of the new government immediately caused the greatest -ill-will on the part of the Catholic Church, an ill-will which was shown -in a multitude of ways. A member of the ministry, the Cavalier Santa -Rosa, a devout Roman Catholic, became very ill, and asked his confessor -to administer the sacrament to him. The priest was forbidden to do this -at the express command of the bishop, and although every effort was -made by Santa Rosa's friends to obtain for him what he wished, not only -did the bishop remain obdurate, but the curate in attendance actually -insulted the dying man until he was forced to leave the house. Santa -Rosa died without having received the sacrament, and the history of -the event inflamed the minds of Piedmont more than ever against the -narrowness of the Church. The offending bishop was imprisoned, and an -exchange of notes followed between Victor Emmanuel and the Pope. The -latter complained of the freedom of speech allowed by the Sardinian -King to his people, and in reply D'Azeglio issued a pamphlet setting -forth his views of the unwarranted assumption of civil authority by -the Church. The death of Santa Rosa left a vacancy in the ministry -which D'Azeglio filled by inviting the Count Camille Cavour to take the -portfolio of Agriculture and Commerce. It was known that the new man was -bold and original, but not even D'Azeglio realized what a commanding -spirit he had invited into his official family. The King alone seems to -have gauged Cavour correctly. "Take care," he said to D'Azeglio, "this -Cavour will rule you all, he will dispose of you; he must become Prime -Minister." Fortunate it was for Italy that the King's prediction was to -be fulfilled. - -Meanwhile Victor Emmanuel, the only constitutional sovereign in Italy, -was bitterly assailed by the Bourbon rulers. Ferdinand, King of Naples, -once more secure upon his throne, lost no opportunity to express his -disapproval of a king who was both a nationalist and a liberal. There -was continual friction between Turin and Vienna, largely because of the -outspoken views of the Piedmontese press with regard to the Austrian -treatment of Lombardy. The European Powers, with the exception of -England, looked upon Piedmont as an unruly child continually making -trouble. England alone was sincerely friendly to the House of Savoy, and -keenly interested in Victor Emmanuel's hopes for a united country. - -New troubles arose between the Papacy and Piedmont over the latter's -advocacy of a civil marriage law. D'Azeglio and Cavour disagreed, and -the ministry resigned. The King asked D'Azeglio to form a new Cabinet, -leaving out Cavour, whom, he said, "we will want later, but not yet." -The new ministry was formed, but only a few months later D'Azeglio, -harassed by the trouble with Rome, and still suffering from his old -wound, resigned, and advised the King to summon Cavour. Victor Emmanuel -hesitated, fearing that Cavour would push matters forward too fast. When -finally approached, Cavour said that he could not take office in view of -the Church's exorbitant demands, but he at last consented. The King had -relegated his personal desire not to antagonize the clergy farther, to -his conviction that his country needed a strong hand at the helm, and, -the decision once made, trusted his new minister completely. - -There were many difficulties to be met. Austria accused Piedmont of -fostering the small revolts which were continually breaking out in -Lombardy, the war indemnity--eighty million francs--was heavy and had -to be raised by new taxation which was of course universally unpopular. -Both at home and abroad the time was trying, but Victor Emmanuel found -that in Cavour he had a man who was not afraid of unpopularity, who -knew the art of steering between the radicals and the conservatives, -and who could make use of the politicians of all the different schools. -In Parliament he could more than hold his own with any opponent, in his -management of foreign affairs he already showed that extraordinary -diplomatic skill which at no late day was to win him the reputation of -the first statesman in Europe. Both King and Minister were imperious by -nature, but both also wise enough to sink their individual wills when -they realized that the cause which they had so much at heart required it -of them. So events led to the outbreak of the Crimean War. - -The steps which led up to Sardinia's alliance with England and France -against Russia belong to the story of Cavour's diplomacy. Sufficient -it is to say here that Victor Emmanuel was heartily in favor of the -alliance, and would, if he could, have proceeded to it by more direct -means than Cavour deemed essential. The King was anxious to redeem the -glory of Piedmont's arms, but the Minister, with his cabinet opposed -to him on the ground that the war was a purely foreign one, had to -consider popular sentiment. Finally, however, Cavour gave the word that -the treaty might be signed in safety, and the King, his mind made up -long in advance, set his name to the important document that was to send -his army to foreign battle-fields. The instance was one in which Victor -Emmanuel's firmness of purpose aided and abetted Cavour's diplomacy. -Dabormida resigned as Foreign Minister, and Cavour immediately took his -post. - -At the same time the King had heavy burdens to bear in his immediate -family. His mother, to whom he was devoted, died, bidding him stand fast -by the conservative traditions of his father. His wife, the beautiful -Queen Adelaide, died shortly afterwards, and the King lost an adviser -who had always counseled him wisely and helpfully, and whom he had -worshiped as an ideal wife and mother of his sons. Less than a month -later his brother Ferdinand, Duke of Genoa, died, a man intensely -high-spirited and brave, the constant companion of Victor Emmanuel's -youth. No wonder that the King felt that he was left solitary. He -had small time to give to his feelings, however. "They tell me," he -said, "that God has struck me with a judgment, and has torn from me my -mother, my wife, and my brother, because I consented to those laws, and -they threaten me with greater punishments. But do they not know that -a sovereign who wishes to secure his own happiness in the other world -ought to labor for the happiness of his people on this earth?" - -There were more trials immediately in store. The Church owned more than -a tenth part of the landed property of Piedmont, and the religious -houses were extravagantly wealthy. The government, planning reforms, -decided that some modification of this condition must be made, and so -Rattazzi, then Minister of Grace and Justice, introduced his bill for -the suppression of certain of the religious houses and other similar -reforms. Immediately the bishops and the conservatives were up in arms, -and Victor Emmanuel had to bear the brunt of an attack which proclaimed -him an infidel, an enemy of religion, and which predicted the direst -punishments to him should he persist in his course. The ministry were -firm, however, and the people were with them. Certain bishops offered to -pay over the amount which would be derived from the suppression of the -religious houses, and the offer was tempting to the King, who could not -forget his mother's wishes, and the close ties that bound his house to -Rome. A breach with his ministers followed, and the King sought counsel -of his own subjects and of the French and English envoys. All advised -him to trust the decision to Cavour. Finally he did so, and the Rattazzi -measure, somewhat modified, became law. - -The Sardinian army meantime was winning victories in the Crimea, and -La Marmora was proving himself a match for the great generals of the -allied Powers. The thought of his troops was the King's one solace at -this time, which was so trying to him both personally and politically. -He was passionately fond of military glory, and would have preferred -the opportunity to lead his soldiers to any gift fortune could have -bestowed. The soldiers knew this, the people were growing more and more -attached to their "Rè galantuomo," and the King, always quickly touched -by the affection of his people, grew stronger in his resolve never to -dim their hopes of him. He said of his uncle, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, -who was ruling according to the accepted code of an Austrian Prince, -"How could he, by his own act, sacrifice the affections of his people? -If I reigned over not a little state like Piedmont, but over an empire -vast as America, and had to do what he has done to preserve the little -throne of Tuscany, I would not hesitate a moment, I would renounce the -empire." - -In order that France and England might learn to know the true Victor -Emmanuel from the false one created by the slanders of the clerical -party, the King, accompanied by Cavour and D'Azeglio, in December, 1855, -visited Paris and London. In both cities he was warmly greeted, and made -much of, and as he was about to leave the French capital Napoleon asked -the significant question, "What can I do for Italy?" England gave the -King the welcome she has always in store for the hero who is fighting -despotic claims, and the brief visit gave the statesmen and people -the opportunity to show openly the warmth of their regard for Italy. -Victor Emmanuel and Cavour were both known to have great admiration -for the English government, and a liking for English characteristics -which was common to most leading Italians of the time. December 11 the -King returned to Turin, to be welcomed by his people with the warmest -expressions of affectionate regard. - -The fall of Sebastopol brought the war in the Crimea to a close, and -led to the Congress at Paris in 1856. The result of that Congress was -one of the signal triumphs of Cavour. He succeeded in introducing a -general discussion of Italian affairs, and in placing Victor Emmanuel in -the position of champion of all the subject Italian states, a position -which, once so publicly assumed, he never afterwards gave over. The -King showed the deepest gratitude to his great Minister on the latter's -return from the Congress, and realized that through his diplomacy -affairs were rapidly being shaped towards a new conclusion of strength -with Austria. Soon afterwards the Sardinian army returned from the -Crimea, and the King welcomed them home as heroes who had yet greater -triumphs in store for them, and linked the general who had led them, -Alfonzo La Marmora, with Cavour as the two chief agents in his rising -hopes. - -King and Minister had many obstacles to overcome during those years -of waiting that were more difficult to surmount successfully than -actual battles of armies or statesmen. Austria and the Church lost -no opportunity to direct public sentiment against Sardinia, the -revolutionary element, led by men whose fiery ardor never cooled, were -continually urging the government at Turin to attack the Austrians in -Lombardy, the other states were turbulent and continually in trouble -with their Princes, and the people looked to Victor Emmanuel as their -preserver and the Princes upon him as their arch enemy. Moreover at this -time England, doubtful of French sincerity, entered into an alliance -with Austria, and shortly after the Italian, Felice Orsini, made an -attempt on the life of Louis Napoleon. Fortunately neither event had -as disastrous results to Piedmont's hopes as many predicted, the -Anglo-Austrian alliance proved lukewarm, and Orsini's appeal to Napoleon -to succor Italy touched a responsive chord in the French Emperor's heart. - -As the ten years' armistice with Austria drew to a close, Victor -Emmanuel found reason to believe that the day was not far distant when -he should have his chance to redeem Novara. Napoleon and Cavour had -reached a tacit agreement in July, 1858, at Plombières. When Parliament -opened in 1859 the King made his memorable speech from the throne, -including in it the words long and carefully considered by Cavour, -"While we respect treaties, we are not insensible to the cry of anguish -that comes up to us from many parts of Italy." The words "_grido di -dolore_," cry of anguish, became famous forthwith. An eye-witness of the -scene, the Neapolitan Massari, thus describes it: "At every period the -speech was interrupted by clamorous applause, and cries of 'Viva il Rè!' -But when he came to the words _grido di dolore_, there was an enthusiasm -quite indescribable. Senators, deputies, spectators, all sprang to their -feet with a bound, and broke into passionate acclamations. The ministers -of France, Russia, Prussia, and England were utterly astonished and -carried away by the marvelous spectacle. The face of the Ambassador of -Naples was covered with a gloomy pallor. We poor exiles did not even -attempt to wipe away the tears that flowed copiously, unrestrainedly -from our eyes, as we frantically clapped our hands in applause of that -King who had remembered our sorrows, who had promised us a country. -Before the victories, the plebiscites, and the annexations conferred on -him the crown of Italy, he reigned in our hearts; he was our King!" - -The speech was like a war-cry to patriots throughout Italy, and no -sooner were its tidings known than men of all ranks flocked to -Piedmont, weapons in hand, in order to be ready when the great hour -should strike. Meantime Victor Emmanuel had to make two sacrifices as -the price of French alliance in case of an Austrian war, he had to -consent to the marriage of his daughter Clotilde, then about sixteen, -with the French Emperor's cousin, Prince Napoleon Jerome, a man more -than twice her age. The King was very loath to agree to the marriage, it -required the strongest of Cavour's arguments to induce him to consent. -Finally, however, he did. "You have convinced me of the political -reasons which render this marriage useful and necessary to our cause. I -yield to your arguments, but I make a sacrifice in so doing. My consent -is subject to the condition that my daughter gives hers freely." Having -won over the father, Cavour succeeded in winning over the daughter, and -the marriage was solemnized on January 29, 1859. - -The second sacrifice to France, one which was considered at this time -but not made until later, was the cession of Nice and Savoy. This was -a hard concession for the King to make, for Savoy was the first home -of his family, and linked by the closest ties to the traditions of his -house. He was willing, however, to make even this sacrifice for the -liberation of northern Italy, all he wanted now was the chance to -loose his soldiers and place himself at their head. Still his advisers -counseled patience. "We must wait, sire," said General Neil. "I have -been waiting for ten years, general," was the King's reply. - -Fortunately for the King's spirits, he was not to be forced to wait much -longer. A European Congress for the adjustment of Italian difficulties -was planned, and the notes of the various governments in reference -thereto gave Cavour the chance he wanted. He insisted that Sardinia -should be admitted to the Congress on an equal footing with the Powers, -but this Austria opposed. The Court of Vienna insisted that Sardinia -should only be allowed to treat of the question of disarmament. Then -Austria insisted that Sardinia be made to disarm immediately. This would -have caused the gravest setback to Piedmont's hopes, but when England -came forward with the suggestion that Austria as well as Sardinia -disarm, the King at Turin and his minister felt that they must consent. -Fortune favored them, they had no sooner agreed to the English proposals -than Austrian envoys arrived at Turin with an ultimatum, immediate -disarmament or war, a decision to be given in three days. Thus Austria -became the aggressor, and Napoleon's promise to aid Piedmont in such -case fell due. - -A refusal to accept the Austrian terms was given to the envoys, and on -April 23 the Sardinian Parliament ordered that the troops start for -Lombardy and confided the supreme command to Victor Emmanuel. He issued -a royal proclamation, commencing, "Austria assails us with a powerful -army, which, while simulating a desire for peace, she had collected -for our injury in the unhappy provinces subject to her domination," -and concluding, "We confide in God and in our concord; we confide in -the valor of the Italian soldiers, in the alliance of the noble French -nation; we confide in the justice of public opinion. I have no other -ambition than to be the first soldier of Italian Independence. Viva l' -Italia!--Victor Emmanuel." - -"Italy shall be!" Victor Emmanuel had sworn on the field of Novara ten -years before; now, with all the ardor restrained during those long -years of waiting, he flamed to make his promise true. He was an heroic -figure as he reviewed his troops at Alessandria, he was some king of -the Middle Ages to whom horse and arms were incomparably dearer than -pomp and ease at home. He said that he should lead his troops in battle, -and he did, proving himself so absolutely reckless of safety that both -generals and soldiers were constantly alarmed. Yet it was that same wild -recklessness of his which made his soldiers fight as they did; they saw -that their King was never afraid to face what he commanded them to face. - -The French Emperor landed at Genoa May 13, 1859, amid loud Italian -plaudits, and the two sovereigns set out together for the field of war. -Napoleon the Third had many shortcomings, and Italians scarcely knew -whether to bless or curse him in those years when he played so large a -part in their history, but he did have the art of inspiring warm and -lasting friendships, and Victor Emmanuel, whose nature was always open -to admiration for those about him, had known him but a short time before -he gave him the deepest and sincerest personal trust. - -The war opened auspiciously for Piedmont, the people of Lombardy were -all in arms, Garibaldi was waging irregular warfare through the Lakes -with his band of volunteers called the "Hunters of the Alps," and the -allied Italian and French armies carried off their first battles with -the Austrians. May 20 was fought the battle of Montebello, and shortly -afterwards the battle of Palestro, long drawn out, but ultimately -victorious for the allies. On the last day of the battle it seemed -that the Austrians must win; the Italian troops, fighting desperately -and falling in numbers, were almost outflanked and surrounded when the -French Zouaves suddenly appeared, and with terrific fire drove the -Austrians back and seized their cannon. Victor Emmanuel led the furious -charge that followed, and was so impetuous that both Italians and -Zouaves were continually alarmed lest he should be cut off from them. -When the battle ended the Zouaves elected King Victor their captain, -declaring that he was the first of all true Zouaves because he would not -listen to reason. - -On June 4 the great battle of Magenta was won by the allies, and the -memory of Novara was obliterated in this overwhelming triumph which -freed Lombardy from Austria. Immediately a Lombard delegation came to -the King of Sardinia and offered him the fealty of their state and asked -for its union with Piedmont. Thus came the first new state into united -Italy. - -On June 8 the allies entered Milan, the Lombard capital, and celebrated -their victories with a splendid service at the cathedral. Meanwhile news -arrived of a French victory at Melegnano, and of Garibaldi's daring -movements among the Alps. The Lombards were beside themselves with -delight, the Austrians, so long their overlords, had at last withdrawn -across the Mincio into Venetia. Victor Emmanuel issued a proclamation -in Milan on June 9 in which occurred the stirring words of praise for -his ally so often quoted, "The Emperor of the French, our generous -ally, worthy of the name and genius of Napoleon, putting himself at the -head of the heroic army of that great nation, wishes _to liberate Italy -from the Alps to the Adriatic_. In a rivalry of sacrifices you will -second these magnanimous proposals on the field of battle, you will show -yourselves worthy of the destinies to which Italy is now called after so -many centuries of suffering." - -In Milan the King first met Garibaldi, whose reputation for striking -audacity and no less remarkable simplicity had made a strong appeal to -a sovereign who could appreciate those qualities. Here their friendship -began, a mutual admiration which was to be the strongest link to bind -the general, growing yearly more and more a republican, to the future -Kingdom of Italy. - -Austria was now ready for a new attack, and appeared suddenly in front -of the allied armies. The latter met them, and fought on June 24 the -great battle called Solferino by the French, and San Martino by the -Italians. San Martino is the name of a hill which commands the roads -to the Lake of Garda. The Piedmontese had held it at first, but were -dislodged by the Austrians. Then re-enforcements arrived, and the -height was retaken, but at great cost. The King sent an officer to the -general in command, saying, "Our allies are winning a great battle at -Solferino; it is the King's wish that his soldiers should win one at San -Martino." "Say to the King that his orders shall be executed," replied -General Mollard. The King succeeded in capturing Sonato, and then -went to the defense of San Martino, which was finally won after most -desperate fighting. The Italians had equaled the proud record of their -allies on that day. Between them the two armies had driven the Austrians -completely out of Lombardy. That night it did not seem unlikely that -a few more weeks would indeed see Italy free from the Alps to the -Adriatic, and Venice united to her sister cities of the north. - -Napoleon, having met with the most unqualified success in Italy, -suddenly stopped short, and proceeded, almost as though panic-stricken, -to ask Austria for an armistice, as though he were the vanquished, not -the victor. Both Italians and Frenchmen heard of this determination -of the Emperor first with incredulity, then with amazement, then with -indignation. Victor Emmanuel did his utmost to induce his ally to change -his intention, but Napoleon was obdurate. Then the King, who realized to -the full what a crushing blow this step would be to the soaring hopes -of the Italian cities, resigned himself to the situation as best he -could. "Poor Italy!" he said to the French Emperor. "Whatever shall be -your Majesty's decision I shall always feel grateful for what you have -done for Italian independence, and you may count on me as a friend." It -must have been hard for a king who saw his victorious army checked in -mid-career to have spoken such dignified words. - -Other men did not take Napoleon's action with any such restraint. -The men of the provinces who had seen themselves almost free of the -yoke they so deeply hated were indescribably bitter at this outcome, -Garibaldi and his volunteers felt themselves confirmed in that antipathy -to Napoleon they had been at small pains to conceal, and the general was -only calmed by the personal appeal of his King. But the effect was most -disastrous upon Cavour, who had labored to bring about this war as no -other man in Italy had done, and who now believed that the tremendous -efforts of his life had gone for nothing. He had shouldered tremendous -responsibility, now he felt the disaster overwhelmingly. He hurried to -the King's camp, and making small effort to conceal his anger, denounced -the Emperor and counseled the King to refuse to accept Lombardy under -the terms of peace. Positions were reversed, for the moment Victor -Emmanuel was the calm statesman looking to the future, Cavour the man -of fiery impulse who would accept no compromise. The meeting was long -and difficult, and when Cavour left, having placed his resignation in -the King's hands, there was a deep breach between the two men. Cavour -returned to Turin, "in the space of three days grown older by many -years." - -The Treaty of Villafranca was signed July 12, 1859, and by it Lombardy -was joined to Piedmont. The Cavour ministry only held office until their -successors could be appointed. Rattazzi at last agreed to accept the -helm. - -The high contracting parties to the treaty had thought that they could -dispose of the small Italian states as they pleased, and return them to -the dominion of their Grand Dukes and Princes by a stroke of the pen. -It proved, however, quite otherwise. Modena, Parma, the provinces of -Bologna, Ferrara, Umbria, Perugia, and the Marches, had been too near -freedom to suffer the peaceful return of their old overlords. State -after state had sent deputations to the Sardinian King during the war -asking for annexation to Piedmont, and some of them had provisional -governments with Piedmontese deputies at their head. The ministry -at Turin gave orders in pursuance of the terms of peace withdrawing -the royal commissioners, but the men in charge felt that they could -not abandon their posts and leave the people in a state bordering on -anarchy, and the people stated decisively that they would not allow -their fugitive Princes to return. So the Treaty of Villafranca was not -as effective as its makers had intended it to be. - -The central Italian states proceeded to take affairs into their own -hands, and sent envoys to the different courts of Europe to represent -the true conditions in their respective cities and their ardent desire -for annexation to Piedmont. In Florence Ricasoli, in Modena Farini -took positive stands, and led in the calling of an Assembly of all the -smaller states, which resolved that they would become subjects of the -Sardinian King. Deputation after deputation came to the King at Turin, -composed of the best known men of the states, and besought him to accept -their allegiance. It was a difficult position for the King. He could not -refuse requests so ardently made, and which represented the dearest wish -of people he had so often declared he would protect, yet he could not -easily accept in view of the position of Austria and France. He welcomed -the envoys warmly, entertained them at his capital, and spoke to them -freely, assuring them of the warmth of his desires and asking them to -be patient only a little time longer. In November, 1859, the Powers saw -that a conference must meet to consider this problem of Italy. Piedmont -looked about for the man to speak her voice, and only one man was -thought of. The King had felt Cavour's anger deeply, and could hardly -find it in him to call him out of his retirement. He saw, however, that -any Congress would be useless without the great statesman, and so he -finally consented, and nominated him as first Sardinian plenipotentiary. - -Although the King could bring himself to appoint Cavour, the Rattazzi -ministry were unwilling to have him act, and it seemed as though no -compromise could be effected. Cavour was asked to put his conditions of -acceptance in writing, and by chance happened to dictate them to Sir -James Hudson, the British Minister at Turin, with whom he was staying. -When the conditions were received by the cabinet the ministers did -not favor them, and La Marmora, discovering them to be in Sir James -Hudson's handwriting, was offended at what he chose to consider foreign -interference, and resigned. The cabinet, never very strong, could not -stand, and the King at once pocketed his last dislike, and summoned -Cavour to form a new ministry. This the Count consented to do. - -The Pope was much alarmed at the condition of the Papal States and -began publicly to denounce Victor Emmanuel for encouraging both those -and the other states in their desire for annexation. The correspondence -between Pope and King was most remarkable, always dignified, and on the -King's part breathing the desire for reconciliation, but on the Pope's -indignant and alarming. The proposed European Congress did not meet, and -as month after month passed events showed that the central states would -have their way. At length these states took a formal vote in popular -assemblies, and declared unanimously for annexation with Piedmont. The -King could withstand them no longer, and the annexation was agreed to. -Immediately Pius IX. issued a bull of excommunication against Victor -Emmanuel, his ministers, soldiers, and subjects, and proclaimed him no -better than a sacrilegious robber. This act, formerly so terrifying, had -no effect, the people had made up their minds, and in the spring of 1860 -the King received Farini, Dictator of Emilia, and Ricasoli, Dictator of -Tuscany, and accepted from them the allegiance of central Italy. - -That France might take no untoward step at sight of a kingdom growing so -rapidly on her southern border Victor Emmanuel had to make the second -concession to Napoleon, and cede Savoy and Nice. It was a bitter step -for the head of the House of Savoy to take, but he felt that the need of -Italy required it of him, and, as with every other sacrifice that need -required of him, he met it resolutely. Not so Garibaldi, who saw his -birthplace given to a foreign Power; he never forgave Cavour that act, -and it widened the gulf already separating them. - -The new Parliament met on April 2, 1860, numbering among its members the -greatest names of Piedmont, Lombardy, Tuscany, and Emilia. Ricasoli, -Farini, Capponi, Manzoni, Mamiani, Poerio, all had seats. The King, in -his speech from the throne, dwelt upon the accession of central Italy, -and briefly but with infinite pathos stated that he had made a treaty -for the reunion of Savoy and Nice to France. Then he called his hearers' -minds to the work that lay before them. "In turning our attention," he -concluded, "to the new ordering of affairs, not seeking in old parties -other than the memory of the services rendered to the common cause, we -invite all sincere opinions to a noble emulation that we may attain the -grand end of the greatness of the country. It is no longer the Italy -of the Romans, nor that of the Middle Ages; it must no longer be the -battle-field of ambitious foreigners, but it must be rather the Italy of -the Italians." - -How many patriots had voiced that cry "the Italy of the Italians" -through the long centuries when Goth and Vandal, Guelph and Ghibelline, -Pope and Emperor, France and Austria, had striven to gain the upper hand -in the Peninsula! - -Soon after Parliament opened the King made a tour of his new -possessions, and was hailed in each city as deliverer. The joy of the -people in the thought that at last they had an Italian prince in place -of the fickle, foreign-bred Bourbons, was wonderful to behold: "At last -we are eleven million Italians!" was their proud cry. Florence received -the King with decorations of every fashion, arches of triumph, houses -draped with the tricolor and rich brocades, streets carpeted with -laurels, a rain of roses as he rode from the railway station to the -Palazzo Vecchio. The greatest men of Tuscany, poets, artists, musicians, -scholars, came to greet him, and with one accord proclaimed him the hero -who had brought to fruition the dreams of their lives. His visit to -Florence was a memorable one. - -We must now glance for a moment at the remarkable events which General -Garibaldi was bringing to pass in Sicily and Calabria. The expedition -of the Thousand had started from Genoa, openly disavowed by that astute -diplomat Cavour, secretly encouraged by him. The hero of the magic Red -Shirt had swept over Sicily and crossed thence to the mainland. Men -of all classes were speeding from every part of Italy to fight under -such a glorious leader, the triumphal march from Reggio to Naples had -begun, and the troops of Francis II. of Naples were proving how very -little they had the interest of their sovereign's cause at heart. But -with Garibaldi in possession of Naples serious questions arose. The -victorious general wished to march immediately on Rome, and to hold the -dictatorship of southern Italy until he could unite it in one gift to -Victor Emmanuel. It was an heroic desire, worthy of its great inventor, -but Victor Emmanuel and Cavour both realized that a march on Rome at -that time meant the active intervention of French troops, and that a -prolonged dictatorship might give the republican element an opportunity -to change Garibaldi's plans and destroy the hope of national unity. -There were numbers of Mazzinians in Naples and Cavour feared their -influence over the great crusader. He appealed to Parliament, and it -voted for the immediate annexation of Naples and Sicily. Then the royal -army was sent at the double quick to meet Garibaldi before he should -start for Rome. When the army was well on its march Cavour gave this -note to the foreign ambassadors in explanation: "If we do not arrive -on the Volturno before Garibaldi arrives at Cattolica, the monarchy is -lost--Italy remains a prey to revolution." - -The King led the royal army south and the progress through the Papal -States was one continual triumph; General Cialdini met the Papal army at -Castelfidardo and defeated them, soon after he took Ancona, and Victor -Emmanuel was in possession of Umbria, the Marches, and Perugia, all -taken as Cavour diplomatically explained, to save Italy from revolution. - -Garibaldi generously acquiesced in the decision of the Parliament at -Turin, and prepared to surrender his conquests to the King. As Victor -Emmanuel started from Ancona on the last stage of his progress to Naples -he issued an address to the people of southern Italy, which concluded, -"My troops advance among you to maintain order; I do not come to impose -my will upon you, but to see that yours is respected. You will be able -to manifest it freely. That Providence which protects just causes will -guide the vote which you will place upon the urn. Whatever be the -gravity of the events which may arise, I await tranquilly the judgment -of civilized Europe and of history, because I have the consciousness of -having fulfilled my duty as King and as an Italian. In Europe my policy -perhaps will not be without effect in helping to reconcile the progress -of the people with the stability of the monarchy. In Italy I know that I -close the era of revolutions." - -Outside of Naples the King at the head of his troops was met by -Garibaldi, riding with some of his red-shirted officers. Garibaldi -saluted Victor Emmanuel as "King of Italy," and the King thanked him -with simple words. Then they clasped hands and rode side by side towards -the capital, which the general was giving to the King. Each of the men -was then and always, even in the dismal days of Aspromonte and Mentana, -a warm admirer of the other. November 7, 1860, Victor Emmanuel entered -Naples, which was given over to triumphal acclamations of King and -general. They reigned side by side as popular idols for some days, and -then Garibaldi, refusing all gifts and honors, returned to his island of -Caprera, and Victor Emmanuel soon afterwards returned to his capital of -Turin. - -The last strongholds of the Bourbons in Italy fell early in the new -year, and the nation lacked only Rome and Venetia for completion. A new -Parliament was called at Turin to mark the transition from the Kingdom -of Sardinia to the Kingdom of Italy. Representatives of all the new -provinces appeared, and Parliament was opened on February 18, 1861. The -King, in his speech from the throne, reviewed the great events of the -past year, and declared that the valor of the great mediæval cities of -Italy had been shown to survive in the sons of the modern kingdom. He -was proclaimed the sovereign by the title of Victor Emmanuel II., by the -Grace of God and by the will of the nation, King of Italy. He chose that -his predecessor of the same name should bear the title of the first -Victor Emmanuel, but he was only King of Sardinia, and this sovereign -was in fact Victor Emmanuel the First of Italy. - -Cavour decided to resign and so allow the new King the opportunity to -appoint a new Premier. The will of the King had occasionally clashed -with the will of the statesman, and the former now hesitated in the -matter of choosing his new Prime Minister. He conferred with the leaders -of the various provinces, and found them all in one accord, Cavour must -be the first minister of Italy. He was invited to form a new ministry, -and agreed to do so. Attacked at home by Garibaldi and those who wished -to take Rome by the sword, and vilified abroad by Papal emissaries, the -great Minister heeded neither party, but proceeded quietly to lay his -plans for the ultimate acquisition of Rome as the national capital. As -always, he believed in alternating audacity with patience, and believed -that this was the time for the exercise of the latter virtue. - -Unfortunately for the course of Italian history, Cavour's labors to -induce the Catholic world to have faith in his belief that a free church -in a free state was best for civilization were brought to a close that -spring. He died June 6, 1861, having worked so hard in Parliament that -he had brought upon himself a violent fever. The King had visited him -on June 5, and the sick man had roused sufficiently to speak to him. -"Ah, Maestà!" murmured the man, to whom Victor Emmanuel represented the -central figure of his career. At Cavour's death Victor Emmanuel was -prostrated. "Better for Italy if it were I who had died!" he exclaimed, -with full consciousness that it had been Cavour who alone of all -Italians had possessed the greatness of intellect to raise the throne of -Piedmont to an equality among the Powers. - -All Italians felt that their greatest guide was lost to them in Cavour's -death. Only at this time did they fully realize how monumental had been -his force of character, how simple and endearing his nature. For years -he had silently shouldered burdens of inestimable weight, and followed -his course in the face of attack both at home and abroad. Massimo -d'Azeglio wrote to Farini, "Poor Cavour. It is only now I know how much -I loved him. I am no longer good for anything, but I have prayed to -heaven for our country, and a gleam of comfort has come to me. If God -_will_ He _can_ save Italy even without Cavour." There were many men -in Italy who felt that only by miracle now could their fragile ship be -brought safely into port. - -From the date of Cavour's death Victor Emmanuel gave more personal -concern to the foreign affairs of his country, he felt that his -responsibilities had tremendously increased. Ricasoli, who had been -dictator of Florence, became Prime Minister. England and France had -acknowledged the new Kingdom of Italy, and now Prussia and Russia did -likewise. A marriage was arranged between Victor Emmanuel's youngest -daughter Maria Pia and the King of Portugal, and the various countries -of Europe all turned with a new interest to the romantic history of the -fast-spreading House of Savoy. - -The burdens that Cavour had borne so long soon proved too heavy for -his successor Ricasoli, and after nine months' service he resigned -his office. Rattazzi, Cavour's old ally in the early days of Victor -Emmanuel's reign, succeeded him as Prime Minister. He it was who now -had to face the increasing complications of the Roman question brought -about by the determination of Garibaldi and the ardent spirits of "Young -Italy" to take the Papal capital by storm. Cavour had been able, in -part at least, to prevent friction between the regular army and the -Garibaldians, and to guide the impulsive general. Whether he could have -prevented Garibaldi from embarking again from Sicily, this time headed -for Rome, no one can say. Rattazzi found the task beyond him. - -In midsummer of 1862 Garibaldi and his volunteers crossed from Sicily -and took up their march through Calabria with the motto of their -endeavor, "Rome or death." The Italian government felt that the advance -must be stopped at all costs, or they would be involved in foreign -warfare. General Cialdini was sent to oppose Garibaldi, and did so -at Aspromonte, where, after a very short resistance, the volunteers -surrendered. Unfortunately Garibaldi was wounded in the foot, and the -illness that followed was long and trying both to the general and to -the Italian government. The wounded hero was lionized and acclaimed, -and treated more like a martyr than an insurgent. The King was bitterly -grieved at the tragedy of Aspromonte, and the necessity of taking -prisoner a man who had labored so valiantly for Italian freedom. - -The Rattazzi Ministry could not withstand the loss of popular support -after Aspromonte, and resigned. Farini, who had been dictator of Emilia -in the days following the last Austrian war, succeeded Rattazzi as -Premier, but he in turn was soon forced by ill-health to surrender -the control. Minghetti then became Prime Minister. Meantime the Roman -question was as far from being settled as ever; Napoleon, protesting -that he was the friend of Italian independence, yet in the same -breath insisting on the temporal dominion of the Pope, proving an -insurmountable obstacle. Fortunately for Italy the time was to come -when Napoleon's attention would be wholly directed elsewhere. In these -days of indecision and waiting Victor Emmanuel traveled extensively -through all parts of the kingdom, and was everywhere greeted with the -warmest evidence of gratitude and affection. Italians were not used to a -sovereign who was glad to meet all classes of his people, and not afraid -to hear their views of his government. His fearlessness, his devotion, -his bonhomie all endeared him to the people, and the Rè Galantuomo -became indeed a very honest king to all men who had only known Austrian -and clerical governors. - -Victor Emmanuel expected that Venice would be added to the Kingdom of -Italy before Rome was, but the immediate annexation of neither seemed -probable. The French government became gradually more conciliatory, -but the changes were very gradual. Napoleon foresaw that Rome must -inevitably become Italy's capital, and the French minister, Druyn de -Lhuys, said, "Of course in the end you will go to Rome. But it is -important that between our evacuation and your going there, such an -interval of time elapse as to prevent people establishing any connection -between the two facts; France must not have any responsibility." -Napoleon proposed that the Italian capital be moved from Turin to a -southern and more central city, and the Minghetti Ministry accepted -the suggestion and proposed to the King that the seat of government -be transferred to Florence. The thought of leaving Turin, for so many -centuries the home of his family, caused Victor Emmanuel the greatest -distress. "You know I am a true Turinese," he said, "and no one can -understand what a wrench it is to my heart to think that I must abandon -this city where I have so many affections, where there is such a feeling -of fidelity to my family, where the bones of my fathers and all my dear -ones repose." It appeared, however, that the change must be made if the -advantages of the new agreement with France, according to which the -French troops were to evacuate Rome in two years, were to be obtained. -"Since the cession of Savoy and Nice," said the King, "no public event -has cost me such bitter regret. If I were not persuaded that this -sacrifice is necessary to the unity of Italy I would refuse." - -Turin, when it heard of the determination of the government, gave itself -over to consternation of the wildest type. The Minghetti Ministry had -to resign, and even the beloved King was not spared open demonstration -of his people's disapproval. He summoned General La Marmora to become -Premier, and the new minister carried the change through in spite of -Turinese disapproval. The change was made early in 1865, and Florence -welcomed the King with every tribute of honor. It was some time, -however, before Victor Emmanuel could forget the injustice done him by -the people of his own city, although they later proved their regret for -their unkind treatment by asking forgiveness and celebrating his visits -to them with unwonted joy. - -Early in 1866 the King's third son, Otto, Duke of Monferrat, who had -long been an invalid, died, and at very nearly the same time died that -remarkable man, Massimo d'Azeglio. From the days of his early youth the -King had relied on the counsels and wise judgment of this man, who was -alternately artist, poet, statesman, soldier, and who had the gift of -making friends to a greater degree than any Italian in public life. He -had sacrificed his own interests time and again at the request of his -King or of Cavour, he had traveled throughout Italy studying conditions -in the days of Charles Albert, and recording them in his books, he had -been honored by almost all the sovereigns of Europe as a man of the -noblest character and highest talents. His death was a great loss to -Italy. - -The clouds of war were gathering abroad in that same year. Prussia -and Austria were quarreling, and the Italian government concluded an -alliance with Prussia on April 8, 1866. Austria, realizing that she -would have sufficient difficulty in holding her own against Prussia -without having to guard against her southern neighbor also, made -overtures through Napoleon agreeing to cede Venetia to Italy if that -country would dissolve its alliance with Prussia. The temptation was -strong, but the King and his Prime Minister refused to break their -engagements, and on June 20, 1866, declared war against Austria. Victor -Emmanuel appointed his cousin Regent, and took command of his troops. -The two young Princes, Humbert and Amadeus, went with him. - -On that same field of Custozza, where the Italians had lost in 1849, -the armies met, and after a long and bloody battle the army of Italy -was again worsted. At the same time the Italian fleet was beaten at -Lissa in the Adriatic. Even Garibaldi's volunteers in the Lakes were not -meeting with their former successes, and the campaign would have been -disastrous to Italian hopes had not their ally, Prussia, forced Austria -to immediate terms by the two great victories of Königgratz and Sadowa. -An armistice followed, and Napoleon, to whom Austria ceded Venetia, gave -that province to Italy with the approval of Prussia. The Italians were -dejected by their losses, but at least Venice was finally free from the -foreigner. - -The beautiful city of the Adriatic was no sooner free than she sent her -foremost citizens to Victor Emmanuel to ask for immediate annexation -to the Italian kingdom. It was a glorious day when the red, white, and -green flag was raised in Saint Mark's Square, and the Venetian heroes, -exiled with their great leader, Daniel Manin, almost two decades -earlier, could return to breathe the air of their beloved home. Victor -Emmanuel received the citizens of Venice at Turin, and answered their -eager desire with stirring words. "Citizens of Venice," so ran his -answer, "this is the most beautiful day of my life. It is now nineteen -years since my father proclaimed from this city the war of national -independence. To-day, his birthday, you, gentlemen, bring me the -evidence of the popular will of the Venetian provinces, which we now -unite to the great Italian nation, declaring as an accomplished fact -the desire of my august parent. You confirm by this solemn act that -which Venetia did in 1848, and which she maintained with such admirable -constancy and self-abnegation. Let me here pay a tribute to those brave -men who with their blood, and with sacrifices of every sort, kept -undiminished faith to their country and to her destinies. With this day -shall disappear from the Peninsula every vestige of foreign domination. -Italy is made, if not completed; it now rests with the Italians to make -her great and prosperous. - -"Gentlemen, the Iron Crown is also restored in this solemn day to Italy. -But above this crown I place that which to me is dearer--the crown of my -people's love." - -November 7, 1866, the King made his formal entry into that most -beautiful of the rare group of Italy's cities, and the one which had -belonged most absolutely to the foreigner. - -Rome alone now remained outside the nation, and it was plainly only -a matter of time before Pius IX. would have to submit to his evident -destiny. The French had kept their agreement, and were leaving Rome, the -call of the Romans to Victor Emmanuel to come and free them grew ever -louder, and the wish of the Italian people grew daily more pronounced. -It was Victor Emmanuel himself who would not force the Church's hand, he -was content to wait, knowing how events were gradually shaping, and this -patience of his in the end proved its wisdom. - -There were others, however, who would not wait, and these were the -Garibaldians. When the Romans found that the King would not draw sword -to free them, they turned to the crusader whose hand was always on his -sword hilt at the call of Rome. He heard the call now, took the field -again, and placed his King a second time in the same unenviable position. - -One ministry resigned, no statesman seemed competent to cope with the -situation which Garibaldi was bringing on his country, the King saw -Italy on the brink of civil war, and was at the same time fearful lest -the French troops return and destroy the volunteers. It was the most -trying time in his career as King of Italy. - -Garibaldi was arrested, imprisoned at Caprera, escaped, and joined the -now rapidly increasing volunteers in the country about Rome. He met with -success at the battle of Monte Rotondo, but a few days later found his -army opposed at Mentana by French troops which Napoleon had hurriedly -sent to protect the Papal temporal power. The French were armed with -the new chassepot gun, and the Garibaldians were defeated with terrible -loss. They could not renew the unequal struggle, and the brief campaign -came to an untimely end. - -Victor Emmanuel was heart-broken at the news of the frightful havoc -at Mentana and the Garibaldian losses. "Ah, those chassepots!" he -exclaimed. "They have mortally wounded my heart as father and king. I -feel as if the balls had torn my flesh. It is one of the greatest griefs -that I have ever known in all my life." - -After the short campaign the reckless patriot Garibaldi was again -imprisoned, but soon released. He had proved a tremendous problem to -all the successors of Cavour. He returned to Caprera, and gradually -the agitation of the Roman question subsided into its former slow and -diplomatic course. - -The Crown Prince Humbert, who was twenty-four years old, was now married -to his first cousin the Princess Margherita, daughter of the Duke of -Genoa, and the marriage proved immensely popular, for the Princess -possessed unusual charm, and as soon as she was known, was beloved by -the people. The King's second son, Amadeus, soon to be offered the crown -of Spain, had already married the daughter of the Prince della Cisterna, -the head of an old and devotedly loyal Piedmont family. In the year 1869 -Victor Emmanuel, who had been seized with a severe fever in his villa -near Pisa, married the Countess Mirafiore, according to the rites of the -Church. - -The year 1870 saw Napoleon drawn into the war with Prussia which was -to cost him his crown. The French troops could no longer remain abroad -to support the Pope and were withdrawn from Italy. Although Napoleon -had sacrificed his alliance with Victor Emmanuel the latter would even -now have gone to his aid, but his ministers would not permit him to -take such a step. The rapid disasters that befell French arms and the -surrender of the Emperor at Sedan caused the Romans to make another -appeal to Victor Emmanuel to come to their aid before they should be -altogether abandoned. The time was now ripe when the appeal could be -answered. A message containing the King's resolution was sent to the -provisional government at Paris, which replied that it had no power now -to oppose Italy. Yet, even now, before sending his troops to Rome, the -King tried again to effect some pacific adjustment with the Pope, and -it was only when the latter showed again his unaltered determination to -insist on the temporal power of the Church that the Italian army crossed -the Papal frontier. - -September 20, 1870, is the date on which the temporal power of the -Roman Church, after many centuries of vicissitudes, came to an end. The -Pope, although eighty years old, determined on final resistance, and -the invading army was met at the Leonine Gate with fire from the city -bastions. The fight did not last long, the foreign ambassadors in Rome -entreated the Pope to capitulate, but he would not do so until he heard -that the royal army was actually within the city. Then a white flag was -raised on Saint Peter's, and an hour later the last Papal Zouaves were -surrendering their arms. All Rome rushed to the Capitol and burst into -ecstatic acclaim as the Italian tri-color was flung out to the breezes -from the palace. The fortress of Saint Angelo was opened and scores -of political prisoners released. Meanwhile the Pope and the Cardinals -withdrew into the Vatican, and proclaimed to the world that they were -kept there as prisoners against their will. A popular vote of the Romans -was taken and resulted overwhelmingly in favor of union with the Kingdom. - -The long struggle which had begun for Victor Emmanuel on that far-off -day of Novara, was ended. To Piedmont had been added Lombardy, Tuscany, -Emilia, the Papal States, Sicily, Naples, Venetia, and now Rome. The vow -of the King was accomplished, Italy was complete. The last Parliament in -Florence met December 5, 1870, and the King in opening it said, "With -Rome the capital of Italy I have fulfilled my promise, and crowned the -undertaking which twenty-three years ago was initiated by my great -father. As a king and as a son, I feel in my heart a solemn joy in -saluting here assembled the representatives of our beloved country, and -in pronouncing these words--Italy is free and one. Now it depends on us -to make her free and happy." - -Florence had rejoiced at being the capital of Italy, but now she -surrendered that proud position to Rome, which all Italians felt must -be the capital of the new nation. The King had no wish to offend the -Pope, indeed he and his ministers were untiring in their efforts to -effect a reconciliation with the head of the Church, and the public -entry into Rome was delayed for almost nine months. Meanwhile the King -had entered the city privately at a time when the Tiber had flooded -its banks and caused much distress, and had done all that he could to -relieve the needs of the poor and homeless. On June 2, 1871, Victor -Emmanuel made his formal entry into his new capital, and took possession -of the Quirinal. On November 27 of that same year the first Parliament -representing united Italy met. - -A little earlier Spain, rid of Isabella, and in the hands of a -provisional government, sought a king from Italy, and found one in -Victor Emmanuel's son, Amadeus, who went to Madrid, and reigned there -for a few troubled years, until another revolution released him from a -position which he had never sought or desired. - -For seven years Victor Emmanuel reigned in Rome, and they were years of -great strides in progress and in national unity. He visited foreign -sovereigns, and they in turn visited him; in 1873 he went to Vienna -as the guest of the Austrian Emperor Francis Joseph, and in 1876 the -latter visited him at Venice. The King of Italy, always open-hearted and -simple by nature, was glad to forget the days when Austria had ruled in -Italy, and to form ties of friendship between the Houses of Savoy and of -Hapsburg, ties which Francis Joseph was equally glad to make. - -The Pope continued publicly to resent the presence of the King in Rome, -but privately he stated his admiration for him. Pius IX. was two men -in one, delightful as a private character, but narrow and bigoted in -his public views. He still held to his claim to temporal power over the -States of the Church, but gradually the claim ceased to be other than an -echo of history. - -In those seven years between 1871 and 1878 the King knit his people -together, met Garibaldi, now the arch republican, and brought him to -terms of reason, concerned himself with scores of plans for bettering -the material welfare of his people, draining the Campagna, tunneling -Mont Cenis and the St. Gothard, and building up commerce with the East. -He was always the idol of his people, the Rè Galantuomo, in whatever -part of the country he visited. On January 9, 1878, he died, being -fifty-eight years of age, and having reigned twenty-nine years. - -Thousands of stories are told of Victor Emmanuel's frankness and -independence, of his love of mixing with his people, and doing little -acts of kindness and charity. He was a great hunter, never happier than -when in the Alps, free as the meanest goatherd, and forgetful of all -his cares. He had a most magnetic personality, a certain ruggedness of -character that led men to trust him implicitly and follow him without -debate. He was the very man for his time, a leader who could accomplish -what Charles Albert could never have done, because he was first and -foremost a fighter and never the scholastic theorist. Grouped about -him were men of the greatest ability and devotion, such patriots as -D'Azeglio, Cavour, La Marmora, who could do for him what they could -never have done for his father, because Victor Emmanuel knew when to -give others a free rein, and having once given them that rein, did not -immediately jerk them back. He understood the delicate position of a -constitutional sovereign almost by instinct, time and again he might -have forced his wish upon his country, but he understood that it was -Parliament and not he that should be supreme. Yet, on the other hand, he -did not shirk responsibility, he was ready to assume any burden which -would aid in delivering Italy from foreign domination. - -Events in the lives of nations, such as the union of the disordered -states of Italy, are greater than any man, but often such events seem -to await the coming of a certain man who shall collect within himself -the spirit of his time, and personify its impulse in his nature. Reading -this history, one feels as though the men of the Peninsula had waited -the coming of a King of Piedmont who should throw everything he had -into the common cause, and, without counting any cost or pain, fight to -the goal. When such a man came, then and then only, could the forces -that were preparing reach their full growth and opportunity, then and -then only could Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Cavour put into operation the -energies for which they severally stood. - -In Italy to-day the memory of Victor Emmanuel meets one on every hand, -it was his fortunate fate to rise to every opportunity, and to grow in -his people's affection with each step he took. - - - - -INDEX - - - "Adelchi," appearance of, 51; - stanzas from, 60, 61 - - Albany, Count and Countess of, 22 - - Alfieri, Vittorio, 1-39; - birth and parentage, 1, 2; - education, 2, 3; - early travels, 5-7; - opinion of Paris, 8; - travels in England, 9, 14; - travels in Holland, 10; - in Vienna and Berlin, 12, 13; - travels in Russia, 13; - in Spain, 14, 15; - first plays, 17, 18; - moves to Florence, 20-22; - meeting with the Countess of Albany, 23, 24; - "Virginia," "Agemennone," "Don Garzia," "Maria Stuarda," "Oreste," - "Filippo," "Timoleone," "Ottavia," "Rosmunda," 25; - in Rome, 27, 28; - "Saul," "Antigone," 27; - later travels, 28; - "Agide," "Sofonisba," "Mirra," 29; - life in Paris, 30, 31; - memoirs, 31; - French Revolution, 31-33; - French occupation of Florence, 34; - comedies, 35; - death, 35; - influence on Italy, 36-39 - - Amadeus, King of Spain, 340 - - America, Garibaldi in, 225, 241 - - Arnaud, Giuseppe, quoted (of Alfieri), 38 - - Aspromonte, 264, 329 - - - Balbo, Count, 177 - - Bandiera-Moro, The, 116 - - Bassi, Ugo, in Venice, 110, 111; - tribute to Manin, 111; - at siege of Rome, 237; - death of, 240 - - Beccaria, treatise on "Crimes and Punishments," 45 - - Benso, family of, 166 - - Bonghi, quoted (of Manzoni), 59 - - - Caprera, Island of, 240, 242 - - Carbonari, The, 127, 129, 133 - - Carlyle, Thomas, and Mazzini, 143, 144 - - Castellani, The Nicoletti and, 97 - - Cavour, Camille di, 165-222; - birth, youth, and education, 167-169; - life as a farmer at Leri, 169; - travels in England and France, 171, 172; - founds "Il Risorgimento," 174; - speech to the editors, 174, 175; - election to Parliament, 177; - campaign of 1848-49, 177-179; - personal appearance, 180; - member of D'Azeglio's cabinet, 182; - the "Connubio" with Rattazzi, 184, 185; - the "Gran Ministero," 188; - policies, 189; - alliance with England and France, 190, 191; - resignation as Premier and recall, 193, 194; - Congress of Paris of 1856, 195-198; - Pact of Plombières, 201; - crisis of 1859, 204-208; - war of 1859, 208; - treaty of Villafranca, 208, 209; - cession of Savoy and Nice, 212-214; - views on Garibaldi's expedition, 214; - sends Royal army south, 216; - "A Free Church in a Free State," 219; - death, 220; - his statesmanship, 220-222; - reliance of the people, 222; - relations with Mazzini, 154, 155, 215 - - Cavour, Marquise Philippine di, 166-168 - - Charles Albert, character of, 136-139, 173-174, 285; - as regent, 286; - reign of, 67, 286-288; - abdication of, 293, 294; - and Gioberti, 67, 68; - Mazzini's letter to, 137, 138 - - Charles Felix, King of Sardinia, 284, 286 - - Ciceruacchio, 236, 239, 240 - - Clarendon, Lord, at Congress of Paris, 197 - - Classicists and Romanticists, 41-44, 126 - - Cobden, visit to Venice, 91 - - Congregations, Central and Provincial, 94 - - "Connubio," The, 184, 185 - - Crimean War, 190-192 - - - Dandolo, Giulio, quoted (of Garibaldi's troops), 228, 229 - - D'Azeglio, Massimo, 179; - and Charles Albert, 287, 288; - ministry of, 182, 185, 187, 296; - character of, 332; - death of, 332; - quoted (of Alfieri), 39 - - De Lesseps, Ferdinand, at Rome, 150, 235 - - De Sanctis, quoted (of Alfieri), 26; - (of the reaction from the French Revolution), 40; - (of the Romantic movement), 41, 43, 44 - - - Emmanuel Philibert, of Savoy, 283 - - - Farini, 183, 318, 320, 329 - - "Father of Venice, The," 87-124 - - "Five Days of Milan, The," 147 - - French Revolution, failure of, 40, 127; - Alfieri and the, 31-33 - - - Gaeta, Mazzini at, 160 - - Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 223-282; - birth and boyhood, 223, 224; - life in South America, 225, 226; - offer to serve Pius IX., 226, 227; - campaign of 1848, 227-230; - defense of Rome, 231-237; - retreat of the Legion, 237-239; - death of Anita, 240; - leaves Italy, 241; - purchase of Caprera, 242; - commands the "Hunters of the Alps," 244; - campaign of 1859, 244-247; - attacks Cavour, 249; - expedition to Sicily, 214-216, 250-255; - victories in Calabria, 256; - capture of Naples, 257, 258; - returns to Caprera, 262; - march on Rome, and Aspromonte, 264; - triumphal visit to England, 266, 267; - campaign of 1866, 267-271; - plans to take Rome, Mentana, 273-275; - serves France against Prussia, 276; - old age and death, 277-279; - estimate of character and achievements, 279-282 - - Garibaldi, Anita, 226, 239, 240 - - Garibaldi, Francesca, 278 - - Garibaldi, Menotti, 253, 264, 273 - - Garibaldian army, description of, 228, 229, 270 - - Gioberti, Vincenzo, 63-86; - birth and education, 65, 66; - priesthood, 66; - chaplain to Charles Albert, 67; - arrest and exile, 68, 69; - life in Brussels, 69, 70; - "La Teorica del Sovran-naturale," 70; - "Introduzione della Filosofia," 70; - other writings, 70; - "Il Gesuita Moderno," 70; - "Il Primato d'Italia," 70-73, 83, 84; - returns to Piedmont, 75; - revolutions of 1848, 76, 77; - letter to Pius IX., 78; - "Rinnovamento Civile d'Italia," 80, 81; - death, 82; - comparison of, with Mazzini, 82 - - "Gran Ministero," The, 188 - - Guerrazzi, attack on Cavour, 213 - - - Howells, William Dean, quoted (of Manzoni's dramas), 52, 53 - - Hugo, Victor, and the Romantic movement, 54 - - Humbert, Prince, marriage of, 337 - - "Hunters of the Alps," The, 202, 244 - - - "I Promessi Sposi," appearance of, 53; - opinions of, 54; - compared with "Les Miserables," 54 - - "Il Risorgimento," the newspaper, 174, 182 - - - Kossuth, Mazzini compared with, 161 - - - La Marmora, Alfonso, 292, 304, 332 - - Lincoln, Mazzini compared with, 162 - - - Magenta, battle of, 313 - - Manin, Daniel, 87-124; - birth and education, 88; - professional work, 90, 91; - views on national resignation, 92-94; - arrest and imprisonment, 95-99; - triumphal release, 98, 99; - forms a Venetian government, 105; - member of the Triumvirate, 108; - president of the Republic, 113; - Dictator, 116; - departure from Venice, 120; - life in Paris, 121, 122; - death, 123; - results of his work, 124 - - Manin, Emilia, 103, 121, 122 - - Manzoni, Alessandro, 40-62; - birth and parentage, 45; - youth and education, 45-47; - stay in France, 47; - religious views, 48, 49; - marriage, 48; - "Sacred Hymns," 49; - view of Pope's temporal power, 49; - "Il Conte di Carmagnola," 50; - "Il Cinque Maggio," 51; - "Adelchi," 51; - "I Promessi Sposi," 53-55; - personality, 56; - old age and death, 57; - position, 44, 59; - miscellaneous writings, 58, 59 - - Manzoni, Henriette, 48 - - Mazzini, Giuseppe, 125-164; - youth, 127; - early writings, 128, 129; - arrest and imprisonment, 129, 130; - "Young Italy," 131-133; - life in Switzerland and London, 139-145; - returns to Italy, 147; - Triumvir of Rome, 148-151; - in London, 152, 153; - personal appearance, 152; - in Italy, 155; - disagreement with the monarchy, 155-157; - appearance in Genoa, 159; - plans to take Sicily, 160; - confinement at Gaeta, 160, 161; - death, 161; - position in his century, 161; - spirit of self-sacrifice, 163 - - Mentana, 275, 336 - - "Mille," expedition of the, 250-256 - - Minghetti, 329; - quoted (of Gioberti), 63-65 - - Monti, Vincenzo, 46 - - - Naples, welcome to Garibaldi, 258 - - Napoleon, Manzoni's Ode on Death of, 51 - - Napoleon III, 150, 200, 312, 315 - - Nazari, 94 - - Neo-Guelph party, 84 - - Nice, cession of, 212-214, 249, 309, 320 - - Nicoletti and Castellani, The, 97 - - Novara, battle of, 292, 293 - - - Orsini, Felice, 200 - - - Palermo, capture of, 253, 254 - - Palffy, Count, 92, 99, 100 - - Palmerston, Lord, views on Italy, 186, 210, 211 - - Paravia, quoted (of Alfieri), 18, 19 - - Paris, Congress of, in 1856, 195-198 - - Piedmont, its mediævalism, 166 - - Pius IX., accession of, 73, 145; - Garibaldi's letter to, 226, 227; - flight from Rome of, 77 - - Plombières, Pact of, 201 - - "Primato d'Italia, II," 70-73, 83, 84; - quoted from, 71-73, 83, 84 - - "Promessi Sposi, I," 53, 54 - - - Rattazzi, 184, 185, 210, 263,317, 328 - - Raymondi, Giuseppina, 250 - - Ricasoli, 318, 320, 328 - - "Risorgimento, Il," the newspaper, 174, 182 - - Roman Republic, The, 148-151, 233-237; - Garibaldi's part in, 231-237; - manifesto of, 232 - - Romanticists and Classicists, 41-44, 126 - - Rome, taken by Victor Emmanuel, 338, 339; - capital moved to, 340 - - - Salasco, armistice of, 107 - - San Martino, battle of, 314, 315 - - Santa Rosa, 299 - - Sardinia, Kingdom of, 284 - - Savoy, history of house of, 283, 284; - cession of, 212-214, 309, 320 - - Sicily, Garibaldi's campaign in, 252-255 - - Solferino, battle of, 314, 315 - - Statute, the Sardinian, 176 - - - Tommaseo, 95 - - Turin, removal of capital from, 331, 332 - - - Unities, law of the three, 50 - - - Valerio, attacks on Cavour, 175 - - Venice, the "Father of Venice," 87-124; - under Austrian rule, 87; - siege of, 109-120; - capitulation of, 120; - union with Italian kingdom, 334, 335 - - Victor Amadeus, Duke of Savoy, 284 - - Victor Emmanuel I., of Italy, 283-343; - ancestry, 283, 284; - birth, youth, and education, 289; - marriage, 290; - first battles, 291; - becomes king, 293, 294; - difficulties with the Church, 298, 299; - marriage of his daughter, 309; - speech from the throne in 1859, 203; - war with Austria in 1859, 311-315; - treaty of Villafranca, 315-317; - union of northern and central states, 318-321; - marches to meet Garibaldi, 323-325; - Naples and Sicily united to his crown, 324, 325; - proclaimed King of Italy, 325; - moves his capital to Florence, 331; - campaign of 1866, 333, 334; - Venetia united to the kingdom, 334, 335; - entry into Rome, 338-340; - King of United Italy, 341; - death, 342; - fitness for his work, 342-343; - Gioberti's opinion of, 81; - Manzoni's opinion of, 61, 62 - - Villafranca, treaty of, 208, 317 - - - "Young Italy," 126, 128, 131-133, 135, 136, 145, 146 - - - - - _A Great Italian Romance_ - - THE GADFLY - - By E. 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