diff options
Diffstat (limited to '43412-8.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | 43412-8.txt | 21773 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 21773 deletions
diff --git a/43412-8.txt b/43412-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 5cfd9db..0000000 --- a/43412-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,21773 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Life Of Mozart, Vol. 2 (of 3), by Otto Jahn - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Life Of Mozart, Vol. 2 (of 3) - -Author: Otto Jahn - -Commentator: George Grove - -Translator: Pauline D. Townsend - -Release Date: August 7, 2013 [EBook #43412] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF MOZART, VOL. 2 (OF 3) *** - - - - -Produced by David Widger - - - - - - -LIFE OF MOZART - -By Otto Jahn. - -Translated from The German by Pauline D. Townsend. - -With A Preface by George Grove, Esq., D.C.L. - -In Three Volumes Vol. II. - -London Novello, Ewer & Co. - -1881. - - - - -CONTENTS: - -XVIII.--French Opera.................. 1 - -XIX.--Paris, 1778.....................34 - -XX.--The Return Home.................. 71 - -XXI.--Court Service in Salzburg............84 - -XXII.--" Idomeneo ".....................126 - -XXIII.--Release .....................170 - -XXIV.--First Attempts in Vienna............186 - -XXV.--" Die Entpühruno aus dbm Serail ".........216 - -XXVI.--Courtship.....................249 - -XXVII.--Married Life..................264 - -XXVIII.--Mozart's Family and Friends............312 - -XXIX.--Social Intercourse...............352 - -XXX.--Van Swieten and Classical Music.........374 - -XXXI.--Mozart and Freemasonry...............400 - -XXXII.--Mozart as an Artist...............410 - -XXXIII.--Mozart's Pianoforte Music............441 - - - - - -VOL. II. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. FRENCH OPERA. - -MOZART and his mother left Mannheim on March 14, and arrived in Paris on -the 23rd, after a journey of nine days and a-half. "We thought we should -never get through it," writes Wolfgang (March 24, 1778),[1] "and I never -in my life was so tired. You can imagine what it was to leave Mannheim -and all our dear, good friends there, and to be obliged to exist for ten -days without a single soul even to speak to. God be praised, however, -we are now at our journey's end. I am in hopes that, with His help, all -will go well. To-day we mean to take a fiacre and go to call on Grimm -and Wendling. Early to-morrow I shall go to the Electoral Minister Herr -von Sickingen, who is a great connoisseur and lover of music, and to -whom I have letters of introduction from Herr von Gemmingen and Herr -Cannabich." L. Mozart was full of hope concerning this visit to Paris, -and believed that Wolfgang could not fail to gain fame and, as a -consequence, money in the French capital. He remembered the brilliant -reception which had been given to him and his children fourteen years -before, and he was convinced that a like support would be accorded to -the youth who had fulfilled his early promise to a degree that to an -intelligent observer must appear even more wonderful than his precocious -performances as a child. He counted upon the support and assistance -of many distinguished and influential persons, whose favour they had -already experienced, and more especially on the tried friendship of -Grimm, who had formerly given them the benefit of all his knowledge and -power, and with whom they had continued in connection ever since. Grimm -had lately passed through Salzburg with two - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(2) - -friends, and was pleased to hear his "Amadeo," as he called Wolfgang. -He chanced to arrive at Augsburg on the evening of Wolfgang's concert -there, and was present at it without making himself known, since he -was in haste, and had heard that Wolfgang was on his way to Paris. -L. Mozart, who placed great confidence in Grimm's friendship and -experience, had made no secret to him of his precarious position -in Salzburg, and of how greatly Wolfgang was in need of support; he -commended his son entirely to Grimm's favour (April 6, 1778):-- - -I recommend you most emphatically to endeavour by childlike confidence -to merit, or rather to preserve, the favour, love, and friendship of -the Baron von Grimm; to take counsel with him on every point, and to do -nothing hastily or from impulse; in all things be careful of your own -interests, which are those of us all. Life in Paris is very different -from life in Germany, and the French ways of expressing oneself -politely, of introducing oneself, of craving patronage, &c., are quite -peculiar; so much so, that Baron von Grimm used always to instruct me as -to what I should say, and how I should express myself. Be sure you tell -him, with my best compliments, that I have reminded you of this, and he -will tell you that I am right. - -But, clever as he was, L. Mozart had miscalculated on several points. -He did not reflect that Grimm had grown older, more indolent, and more -stately, and that even formerly a tact and obsequiousness had been -required in order to turn the great man's friendship to account, which, -natural as they were to himself, his son never did and never would -acquire. He had not sufficiently realised that the attention of the -public is far more easily attracted by what is strange and wonderful, -than by the greatest intellectual and artistic endowments. This was -peculiarly the case in Paris, where interest in musical performances -only mounted to enthusiasm when some unusual circumstance accompanied -them. True, such enthusiasm was at its height at the time of Mozart's -visit, but his father could not see that this very fact was against -a young man who had so little of the art of ingratiating himself with -others. To us it must ever appear as an extraordinary coincidence that -Mozart, fresh from Mannheim, and the efforts there being made for the -establishment of a national German opera, should have come to Paris at - -{LULLY, 1652-1687.} - -(3) - -the very height of the struggle between Italian opera and the French -opera, as reformed by Gluck, a struggle which appeared to be on the -point of being fought out. In neither case did his strong feelings on -the subject tempt him to take an active part; he maintained the attitude -of a neutral observer, in preparation for the tasks to which he might be -appointed. - -If we are clearly to apprehend the musical situation, we must remind -ourselves in order of the circumstances which had brought it about. - -Jean Baptiste de Lully (1633-1687), a native of Florence, had gained -such distinction by his violin-playing and ballet music, that in 1652 he -was appointed kapellmeister by Louis XIV., and in 1672 he received full -power to establish and direct the Académie Royale de Musique. Not -only was he the founder of this still existing institution,* but he -established by its means the grand opera in France. Faithful to the -traditions of his birthplace, Florence, he kept in view the first -attempts which had been made in Italy to revive ancient tragedy in -opera (Vol. I., p. 154 et seq.). As in Italy, so in Paris, operatic -performances were originally designed for court festivals; Lully's -privilege consisted in his being allowed to give public representations -of operas, "even of those which had been produced at court" ("même -celles qui auront été représentés devant Nous "). They were preceded by -ballets, in which the connection of the action was indicated by vocal -scenes; but the singing was quite subordinate to the long succession of -dances, in which the distinguished part of the audience, and even -the king himself, took part. Dances, therefore, became an essential -ingredient of the opera, and it was the task of the poet and the -composers to give them appropriate connection with the plot; to this -day, as is well known, the ballet is the special prerogative of -the Grand-Opéra at Paris. It was not less important to maintain the -reputation of the most brilliant court in the - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(4) - -world by means of variety and magnificence of scenery, costumes, -machinery, &c.; in this respect, also, the Grand-Opéra has kept true to -its traditions.[2] - -But whilst in Italy the musical, and especially the vocal, element of -the opera had always the upper hand, in Paris the dramatic element held -its ground with good success. It was the easier for Lully to found -a national opera in Paris, since he found a poet ready to hand in -Quinault, who had the genius to clothe his mythological subjects in -the dramatic and poetical dress of his own day. To us, indeed, his -productions seem far apart from the spirit of ancient tragedy, and more -rhetorical and epigrammatic than poetical in their conception. But his -operas (or rather tragedies) expressed truly the spirit of the age, and -they became more distinctively national in proportion as the reign of -Louis XIV. came to be considered as the golden age of France. It was -Lully's task to give musical expression to the national spirit, and -in this he succeeded to the admiration of his contemporaries and of -posterity. His music is closely connected' with those first attempts -in Italy. We find none of the set forms of the later opera seria, no -regular arie, no duets, no ensembles. The words are for the most -part simply rendered in recitative. There is sometimes a figured bass -accompaniment; but even then it is not the free movement of Italian -recitative, but is much more precisely apportioned, and the harmonies -of the accompaniment change more frequently. When the sentiment -becomes rather more elevated, a sort of compromise is effected between -recitative and song. The words are rendered with a declamatory spoken -accent; and not only are they strictly in time, but the harmonies are -so arranged that a full orchestral chord is given to every note of the -song. The melodies are therefore limited in every respect; the phrases -are generally too small in compass to be well carried out, and hang -loosely together without any proper design; it was difficult to develop -an elaborate musical form out of such elements as these. Independent -songs occur seldom, and then only in the most precise of forms, tending -generally to dance melodies (airs). When several voices unite they -alternate with each other; or if they - - -{LULLY'S OPERAS.} - -(5) - -sing together note follows note, with only exceptionally real ensemble -passages. The choruses are formed by a simple harmony in several -parts, the soprano not being always appointed to give the melody. -The orchestra, except in the dance music, has seldom any independent -significance, but simply gives the full harmony to every note of -the bass. Instrumental effect is seldom aimed at, and the different -instruments are only occasionally employed singly. Lully's merit chiefly -consists in his having accentuated his music in a manner which suited -the French language, and also in his having succeeded in throwing a -certain amount of characteristic pathos into some of his passages. It is -comprehensible that at first, musical cultivation being in its infancy, -this quality should be most readily felt and acknowledged; but in -every art, and especially in music, it is the fate of individual -characteristics to become the soonest incomprehensible, and, therefore, -unpleasing. For this reason, the reaction against Lully's music attacked -just this mode of treating the text. It was considered monotonous, -tiresome, and heavy; and the isolated significant phrases having lost -their power to please, were compared with the plain-song (plain-chant) -of church psalmody.[3] - -The delivery of the vocalists, male and female, is described as -dreadful; monotonous droning alternating with violent shrieks and -exaggerated accent (_urlo francese_).[4] - -Notwithstanding all this, Lully's operas held undisputed possession of -the stage during his life,[5] and even after his death, a sure proof -that his success was not merely the result of the favour personally -accorded to him. The composers whose operas found favour after his (such -as Campra, Colasse, Desmarets, Blamont, and Mouret) are of less - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(6) - -importance historically, because they all copied his manner. Any part of -their works which pointed to the influence of the opera seria, as it -was being formed in the Neapolitan school, was rejected by the national -vanity.[6] - -Jean Phil. Rameau (1683-1764) came to Paris from the provinces as an -established musician in 1721. He succeeded by his force of character, -and the powerful protection of the Farmer-General, La Popelinière, -in placing his operas on a level with those of Lully in the public -estimation. When he produced his "Hippolyte et Aricie" in 1732, he was -met by the most determined opposition on the part of Lully's supporters; -but the very decided success of his acknowledged masterpiece, "Castor -et Pollux," in 1737,[7] placed him, if not above Lully, certainly on -an equality with him during the remainder of his career. His opponents -became gradually reconciled to his supremacy, and acknowledged that -French music had not been essentially altered by Rameau, only developed -and perfected.[8] And there can be no question that this was the case. -Before Rameau had produced any operas he had made his reputation as an -organist and instrumental composer, and more especially as the founder -of a theory of harmony. On this latter point his operas also show -considerable progress--the harmonic treatment is rich and varied, though -sometimes the straining after novelty and effect - - -{RAMEAU, 1732-1764.} - -(7) - -leads to affectation and over-elaboration. Rameau's accompaniments are -free and independent; the orchestra is used with striking effect by -means of variety of tone-colour-ing in the instruments as well as -of independent subjects, which serve to accent the details. Rameau's -employment of the orchestra shows a marked improvement, not only on -Lully, but even on Italian opera as then existing. In the same way we -find the choruses released from the fetters of strict thorough-bass, and -the parts moving freely and expressively. In the lyrical portions of the -opera, much is evidently due to the advance in the art of solo singing, -both rhythm and melody move more freely, and embellishment is not wholly -wanting. But Rameau has not avowedly adopted the Italian style, although -he spent a short part of his youth in Italy. The accepted forms of -Italian opera are entirely disregarded, both in the choruses and solos. -The slow, uniform progress of Lully's operas becomes freer and more -animated in Rameau's, the dramatic expression has more energy and life, -and the music has more of individual colouring; but the foundation -remains. The same is the case with the treatment of the dialogue. It is -still severe, stately, recitative-like singing in varied measure, but -Rameau's harmonic art is displayed in his incomparably greater power of -expression. Rameau's opera, notwithstanding its independent invention -and advance in artistic feeling, is the natural development of Lully's -principles, not a revolution against them. It was debated at the time -with much warmth whether Rameau's peculiarities were to be accepted as -improvements, or to be looked upon as injudicious attempts at novelty. -The points which then excited the liveliest interest now seem to us -most trivial. But the main fact is not to be denied, that Rameau, by the -efforts of his own genius, constructed a national French opera upon the -foundations laid by Lully, and that the further development of the grand -opera proceeded along, the lines laid down by him. Not only can the -framework and design of these early operas be recognised in the grand -opera of the present day, but French dramatic music, spite of many -transformations, betrays its relationship with the early masters in many - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(8) - -peculiarities of melody, rhythm and harmony; a sure proof that national -feeling lies at the root of the traditions. - -The well-wishers of the national French opera were right in settling -their disputes about Lully and Rameau by the recognition of them both; -for both alike were threatened by a formidable irruption of Italian -taste, which now so completely governed the remainder of Europe that -France could not fail to be in some measure affected by it. In August, -1752, a company of Italian singers came to Paris under the direction -of a certain Bambini, and having received permission to represent comic -operas (intermezzi) in the hall of the Grand Opéra, were called "Les -Bouffons."[9] Their first representation of Pergolese's "Serva Padrona" -was a failure, but subsequently it was applauded with enthusiasm. The -chief singers of the company, Manelli and Anna Tonelli, were highly -esteemed both for their singing and acting, although they did not reach -to the highest level of Italian opera; the others were indifferent.[10] -But they were Italian throats, Italian ways of singing and acting which -lent all their powers to the interpretation of opera buffa, with its -polished, pleasing form, simply and easily grasped harmonies, and -sustained melodies. They found in Paris an appreciative audience, and -very soon even the Parisian orchestra, where the conductor beat time -audibly,[11] while the Italian conductor only directed from the clavier, -was described, in comparison to the Italian, as a company of uneducated -musicians whose great aim was to make as much noise as possible. The -supporters of the national school of music naturally took up arms -against the - - -{LES BOUFFONS, 1752.} - -(9) - -Italian enthusiasts, and so arose the well-known struggle between the -"coin du roi" (nationalists) and the "coin de la reine" (Italians).[12] - -Grimm, who always manifested great interest in musical matters, had -become acquainted with Italian opera in Germany, and afterwards in -Paris, where he took up his abode in 1749; his intercourse with Rousseau -and other sympathetic friends increased his partiality for it. His -burlesque of "Le Petit Prophète de Boehmischbroda" (1753), which -foretold in the biblical prophetic style the downfall of good taste if -Paris were not converted to Italian music,[13] proved a powerful ally -to Italian music; he was joined by Diderot, who, like all the -encyclopedists, was personally antagonistic to Rameau on account of his -attack on the "Encyclopédie."[14] Jean Jacques Rousseau, who in his "Devin -du Village" had shown the delighted public how far the treasures of the -Italian opera could be turned to good account in the French (Vol. I., p. -87 et seq.), threw all the weight of his influence into the scale of the -Bouffonists; not content with mercilessly exposing the shortcomings of -the French opera, he undertook to prove that the French language -was unfitted for composition, and French music altogether an -impossibility.[15] The enraged musicians threatened to punish this -daring outrage on the nation[16] with horsewhipping, assassination, or -even the Bastille; but a flood of angry discussion was all that actually -resulted.[17] Those, however, whose interests were - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(10) - -attacked, especially the proprietors and singers of the opera-house, -took such measures as obliged the Italian singers to quit Paris in -March, 1754.[18] - -It may well be wondered at that men like Rousseau[19] and Diderot,[20] -who upheld simplicity and nature as the true canons of art, should have -evinced a preference for Italian music. For though doubtless the Italian -style was grounded originally on the nature of music, it had already -become conventional, and far removed from what the philosophers called -natural. At the same time it must be remembered that their partiality -always turned in the direction of opera buffa, which sought from its -commencement to free itself from the conventional restraint of -opera seria (Vol. I., p. 203). Then, too, the musical element, as -distinguished from the poetical or dramatic, had always been the -foundation of Italian opera, and an opposition directed against the -French opera, with its poetical and dramatic proclivities, would be sure -to uphold the purely musical development of the Italians, even though -the exaggerations into which it was carried might be displeasing to the -philosophers. - -The influence of the Bouffons survived their departure. The Comédie -Italienne (aux Italiens) produced Italian comedies in masquerade, French -comedies, and parodies of qperas, the charm of which consisted mainly -in their vocal parts, on which account they were called opéras -comiques.[21] A dangerous rival to the Comédie Italienne was the Théätre -de la Foire, whose representations took place originally on - - -{OPÉRA COMIQUE--DUNI, 1757-1775.} - -(11) - -the Feasts of St. Germain, St. Laurent, and St. Ovide. The two companies -were always inimical, and the "Comédiens de la Foire" were from time to -time suppressed by their stronger rival,[22] but always revived, until -at last in 1762 the two companies were amalgamated.[23] In this soil -was planted opera buffa, and, favoured by circumstances, it grew into -a great national institution.[24] Translations and adaptations of -favourite Italian operas satisfied the public at first, and were decried -by the Bouffonists as travesties of the original.[25] But very soon, -especially after the brilliant success of Vade's "Les Troqueurs" in -1753, a new school of composers sought to reconcile the excellencies -of the Italian music, especially in singing, with the exigencies of -the national taste. It was difficult at first to break loose from the -defined outline and simple design of the intermezzi, but gradually the -French taste became apparent in the greater connection and interest -of the plot, and the delicacy and wit of the composition. The lively -interest of the public induced poets of talent, such as Favart, Sedaine, -and Marmontel, to devote themselves to operatic writing, and the French -comic opera soon surpassed the opera buffa, from a dramatic as well as a -musical point of view. These various impulses were all the more lasting -since they were founded on the national character.[26] - -Egidio Romoaldo Duni (1709-1775), born and educated in Naples, having -made his reputation on the Italian stage, was led by his connection with -the court at Parma, which was French in manners and in taste, to compose -French operettas, as, for instance, "Ninette ä la Cour." The applause -with which they were received induced him to go to Paris in 1757, where -he made an exceptionally favourable début with the "Peintre Amoureux," -and during the next - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(12) - -thirteen years produced a succession of comic operas, the easy style and -simple form of which secured them both the favour of the public and the -imitation of untrained French composers.[27] - -Duni was followed by Pierre Alex. Monsigny (1729-1817),[28] a -dilettante, who was so excited by the performances of the Bouffons that -he applied himself to the study of music, and at once began to compose -operas. In 1759 he put his first opera, "Les Aveux Indiscrets," on -the stage, and this was rapidly succeeded by others. Sedaine was so -interested in Monsigny that he intrusted all his operatic librettos to -him.[29] A wider sphere was opened to him with the three-act opera, "Le -Roi et le Fermier," which was the commencement of the most brilliant -success. It must be allowed that the co-operation of a poet to whom even -Grimm allows all the qualities of a good librettist[30] was an important -element in this success; but Monsigny's work was quite on a level with -that of his collaborateur. His music expresses with instinctive truth -the most amiable side of the French character. Monsigny not only had at -his command a wealth of pleasing sympathetic melodies, but possessed as -decided a talent for pathos as for light comedy, and a sure perception -of dramatic effect, combined with life, delicacy, and grace. His natural -feeling for beauty of form concealed the want of thorough artistic -training,[31] and his operas were universally admired, some of them, -such as "Le Déserteur,"[32] acquiring more extended fame. - - -{PHILIDOR, 1759-1795--GRÉTRY, 1768-1813.} - -(13) - -A better theoretical musician was Franç. André (Danican) Philidor -(1727-1795), who enjoyed the reputation of extraordinary genius as -a chess-player before appearing as a composer with his first opera, -"Blaise le Savetier," in 1759.[33] His fame as a musician was soon -established, and he ruled the comic stage with Duni and Monsigny until -Grétry took possession of it. He was reproached with justice for -too great a display of musical scholarship, and for making his -accompaniments too prominent.[34] He had more force and energy than -Monsigny, with greater power of passionate expression, but his fun -is coarser, and he is inferior in grace and tenderness. He finally -abandoned music, partly from disinclination to enter into rivalry with -Grétry, and partly from his passion for chess. - -It was characteristic that comic opera, the outcome of vaudeville and -chanson, should have been nursed in its infancy by composers like -Duni, who had no pretensions to great genius, Monsigny, who was half a -dilettante, and Philidor, who only composed music as a pastime. André -Ern. Grétry, on the contrary (1741-1813), threw himself into the pursuit -with all his powers, and with zealous ardour. He it was who perfected -the comic opera, making it, what it still remains, the representative -of the French national character in the province of dramatic music. As -a boy, he had delighted in the performances of Italian opera singers in -his native town of Liège, and as a youth he had been in Rome during the -most brilliant part of Piccinni's career, had studied there for several -years, and at last produced an intermezzo, "Le Vin-demiatrici," which -was well received, and gained even Pic-cinni's approval. In Paris, -although Monsigny and Philidor received him kindly, he had to contend -with difficulties; but - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(14) - -after the complete success of his opera "Le Huron," in 1768,[35] even -his remarkable fertility in production could hardly satisfy the demands -of the public for his works. Marmontel, Sedaine, and other poets offered -him libretti which were in themselves pledges of success. The idea that -dramatic poetry should represent human nature in its naked reality, -which had emanated from the encyclopedists, found its realisation in the -drama of common life, and had considerable influence on the development -of the comic opera. - -The strict line of demarcation between opera seria and buffa did not -exist in Paris. The effort to give more dramatic interest and freer -scope to operatic music led to the portrayal of the deeper and noble -emotions, and opera approached more and more nearly to serious comedy -in plot, situations, and psychological intention. Merriment gradually -ceased to be the predominating element, and became nothing more than a -flavouring thrown in; it was replaced by that mixture of seriousness -and playfulness which, in opposition to the former prohibition of -any amalgamation of different styles, was now considered as the true -expression of music.[36] A characteristic distinction between comic -and serious opera in France was the adoption by the former of spoken -dialogue instead of recitative.[37] Any attempt to imitate the free, -declamatory recitative of the Italians would have been thought too -daring, and was perhaps actually prohibited by the privileges of the -Grand-Opéra. But in renouncing recitative, the dialogue gained the -freedom of witty and sparkling conversation, without which the French -cannot exist; and this note, once struck, soon regulated the whole -character of - - -{GRÊTRY.} - -(15) - -operatic music, which, elevated as it may be, nevertheless starts from -the idea of a conversation. - -No one could be better fitted than Grétry for the development of such a -style as this.[38] His was a pliant and amiable nature, but not a great -one. He was excitable and susceptible to any emotion, but without depth; -his wit was delicate and versatile, and he possessed the power of giving -it the most striking and appropriate expression. He was determined that -his music should always faithfully render some definite emotion, even -to the minutest detail of the dramatic situation and characters. He held -that a composer could only attain this end by working himself up into -a pitch of intense excitement,[39] and living for the time in the drama -that was under his hands.[40] The actual means which he employed was -song, that is, melody. He learnt the art of tuneful song from the -Italians,[41] and made its expressiveness depend upon intonation in -delivery, which it is the composer's part to suggest and control.[42] -He laid great stress upon true and strongly accentuated declamation,[43] -which he had studied under good actors.[44] This lent a liveliness -and piquancy to his musical style,[45] and rendered it essentially -French.[46] - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(16) - -Grétry accomplished wonders for musical form, as far as grace and -freshness, lively emotion and wit go, but his powers did not attain -to anything truly great or important to art. The art of melodious -expression was developed by him almost to the exclusion of other means, -such as rich and well-chosen härmonies,[47] artistic accompaniments, -and instrumental effects, all of which he treated as subordinate and -unimportant. - -He inveighs against the misuse of the instruments, especially of the -wind instruments, which Gluck's example had introduced, even if he were -not personally responsible for it;[48] but he recommends the moderate -use of them for characterisation,[49] and prides himself on his -very questionable invention in his "Andromaque" of assigning special -instruments to the recitatives of each principal character--Andromache, -for instance, having always three flutes.[50] A saying of Grétry's, that -in opera song is the statue, and the orchestra the pedestal, and that -Mozart sometimes put the pedestal on the stage, has often been repeated. -Whether this is authentic or not, the fact remains that Grétry's neglect -of the orchestra was not altogether of set purpose, but that this branch -of artistic education was unknown to him and interested him as little -as did the minute elaboration and hard study which are dear to all -first-rate musicians. His idea that a musician of genius may spoil his -inventive powers by too much study is truly comical; what he tells of -his own studies shows how shallow they were, and his productions are -all of a piece. On the other hand he lays great weight upon reflection, -which does not properly concern music at all; but his simplicity, which -almost amounted to barrenness, served to heighten his truly excellent -qualities, and to make him the popular idol he was. It is quite -conceivable that the encyclopedists, who were the champions of Italian -music, should have seen in him the man who united beauty and melody with -Italian truth and characteristic expression. Diderot wrote under - - -{GLUCK.} - -(17) - -Grétry's portrait the motto: "Irritat, mulcet, falsis terroribus implet, -ut magus";[51] Rousseau thanked him for having reopened his heart to -emotion by his music;[52] Grimm, who had received him with approbation -from the first,[53] declared during the heat of the struggle between -Gluckists and Piccinnists that connoisseurs and others were all agreed -that no composer had succeeded like Grétry in fitting Italian melody to -the French language, and in satisfying the national taste for wit and -delicacy.[54] Suard and Arnaud, Gluck's supporters, stood by Grétry,[55] -as well as Marmontel, who was opposed to Gluck.[56] And with what -enthusiasm the public received his operas! Many of them--to mention -only "Zemire and Azor"--made their way throughout Europe, and had -unquestionably much influence on the formation of musical taste. - -While comic opera was thus flourishing more and more richly and -abundantly, the grand opera was confined almost exclusively to Lully and -Rameau; it might almost seem that it had reached its limits, and -that the interest of the public was henceforth to be centred on comic -opera.[57] But fresh trials awaited the grand opera. Doubtless the light -breezes which sprang from the reformed comic opera were precursors of -the coming storm; but the actual impulse to it was not given in Paris -itself. - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(18) - -Christ. Wilh. Gluck (1714-1787), after doing good service to Italian -opera in Italy and London, went to Vienna in 1748, and there wrote, -partly for the Prince of Hildburg-hausen, partly and chiefly for the -imperial court, a succession of Italian operas of no very striking -originality. It was precisely the time when the traditional forms were -becoming more and more conventional formulas, and when the vocal art was -demanding the sacrifice of simplicity, nature, and truth to the whim -of each virtuoso. The decadence of operatic music, which Metastasio -bitterly laments (Vol. I., p. 163), inspired Gluck with the desire to -lead it back to its first principles. He was a man of earnest thought -and strong will. The tendency of German literature to give dignity and -importance to poetry did not pass by him unnoticed, and he was a warm -admirer of Klopstock, whose odes he set to music.[58] The efforts then -being made to raise the German stage in Vienna had an influence on -him, and his own first attempts at reformation were greeted with loud -applause by Sonnenfels. - -Gluck has professed his principles of dramatic composition in the -well-known dedication to his "Alceste." He declares his opposition to -the abuses introduced by the vanity of singers and the servility of -composers, by which the most beautiful and stately drama becomes the -most tiresome; he refused to interrupt the action at a wrong time by a -ritornello, to sacrifice expression to a run or a cadenza, to neglect -the second part of a song when the situation demands that peculiar -stress shall be laid on it, in obedience to the custom which requires -the fourfold repetition of the words of the first part, or to give an -ending to the song against the sense of the text; his overtures were to -be characteristic of the drama which was to follow, and to prepare the -minds of the spectators for it. His fundamental law of operatic music -was its due subordination to the words, so that every turn in the action -should be suitably expressed, without any superfluous adornment, just as -colour gives life and expression to a - - -{CALSABIGI'S LIBRETTI.} - -(19) - -sketch. He professed his highest aim to be simple beauty;[59] he -condemned all difficulties which hinder clearness, all novelties which -do not proceed from the necessities of the situation; he set aside all -rule in order to obtain true effects. - -There can hardly be a doubt as to the justice of these principles in -general, and we are only concerned with the result of their adoption on -musical progress.[60] Our remarks on a style of music which professes -itself the handmaid of poetry, and is content with giving the fittest -expression to verse, must be prefaced by some notice of the poets who -supplied the verse. - -Ranieri de' Calsabigi came to Vienna in 1761, after making himself known -by an edition of Metastasio's works, with an aesthetic introduction -proving their perfection as tragedies and operas; he had also written -several libretti for operas and cantatas. He had formed an idea that -music fitted for dramatic poetry must approach as nearly as possible -to natural, energetic declamation; for since declamation was only -unperfected music, dramatic song could only be elaborated declamation -enriched by the harmonies of the accompaniment. The poetry for such -music must be intense, forcible, passionate, moving, and harmonious, and -it could not fail of its result. Full of this idea he wrote "Orfeo," -and submitted it to Count Durazzo; the latter wished it to be put on the -stage, and recommended Gluck as the composer who could best carry out -the intentions of the poet. Calsabigi declaimed his "Orfeo" repeatedly -before Gluck, and noted his declamation in the text-book with signs -which he illustrated by remarks.[61] Gluck, while giving full justice to -the impulse - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(20) - -which he had received from his poet,[62] could only partially yield to -his whimsical exaggeration of declamatory music. But Calsabigi's ideas -accorded with his own so far as to aid him in giving them clearness and -precision. - -Gluck's demands on the musical drama went farther and deeper than -Calsabigi's comprehension and powers could reach.[63] But in the -meantime he accepted what was offered to him, and so were produced -"Orfeo ed Euridice" (1762), "Alceste" (1767), and "Paride ed Elena" -(1769). - -Not one of these works betrays any apprehension of true tragedy, any -trace of the antique mind; when the poet seeks to escape from the -rhetoric of Italian poetry, he draws not from the Greek but from the -French tragedy. Nor do the operas possess any proper dramatic interest. -Instead of having a well-connected, symmetrical plot, they consist of a -succession of detached situations closely resembling each other, -which are too often repeated, while in details they are too broad and -rhetorical. Gluck's principle of making music the simple exponent of the -poet's words was calculated to give them dignity and influence. -Gluck possessed not only boldness and energy united with intellectual -acuteness; he had, what is a rare quality at all times, a deep -perception of true grandeur. But although Calsabigi strove to simplify -his plots and to excite the deeper and more powerful emotions of his -audience, of _greatness_ there was no trace in his librettos. Gluck, -perceiving the latent capabilities which the poet had failed to develop, -brought them out, as it were, instinctively, and while he believed -himself to be following the poet, he was in reality himself creating all -that was great and new in the work. His fame will be immortal, and rests -upon the stately breadth of his designs, upon the simple truth of his -representations--in short, upon the greatness of his artistic genius. -His weakness consisted in his one-sided tendency - - -{GLUCK'S OPERAS.} - -(21) - -to characterisation, a tendency in no way identical with those qualities -which made his reputation. - -Gluck does not abandon any of the accepted forms in his Italian operas; -he rather, in many respects, revives older traditions. His strict -treatment of the aria, the simplicity of his melodies, and the -moderation of his adornments, together with his careful recitative, and -especially his correct expression, were certainly variations on the -then ruling taste, but not innovations on the earlier method. But in -his desire to replace by accurate musical characterisation the -ear-flattering artificial degeneration of operatic singing, he made -use of stronger means than had hitherto been known. His harmonies in -especial are not only more important and interesting in themselves, but -they are used of set purpose for dramatic characterisation. In a similar -manner the orchestra is made of higher use. The instruments are treated -according to their individualities, not as combining to a purely musical -effect, but as giving by their tone-colouring definite expression to -a variety of moods; light and shade are carefully adjusted, and much -lively execution is allotted to the orchestra. The effect is still -further heightened by the frequent use of the chorus, which is -intricately treated, and so becomes a powerful factor in the musical -characterisation. - -Gluck extended his care to the details of scenery, to marches and -dances; everything was to be in accordance with and characteristic -of the situation. Here he had been preceded by Jean George Noverre -(1727-1810) who, in his "Lettres sur la Danse et sur les Ballets" in -1760, strove for a reformation in the ballet on the same principles -which Gluck employed for the opera. He condemned stereotyped forms of -set dances, and demanded a plot for the ballet; expression should be -the task of the dancer, with nature for his model, and the ballet-master -should be both poet and painter. The ballets which he produced upon -these principles at Stuttgart until 1764, then at Vienna, and after 1776 -at Paris, were finished productions of a very pure taste, and effected a -complete revolution in the art of dancing. - -Gluck laid great stress upon recitative. He almost entirely abandoned -the customary plain recitative, and used - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(22) - -accompanied recitative as most fitting for the dignified language of -musical drama. Truth and power of expression are combined with a wealth -of delicate and characteristic detail, and Gluck rarely falls into the -error of destroying the impression of the whole by over-elaboration of -detail; his nature was averse to all forms of triviality. - -But here again the one-sided application of Gluck's principle becomes a -weakness. As, according to his view, music is to be subservient to the -words, he follows with his strongly marked recitative every turn of the -dialogue, rhetorical and inflated as it might be, so that he not only -employs all the resources of his art on an unworthy object, but fritters -away the interest, on which he makes claims at once too extensive -and too rapidly succeeding one another. Musical representation works -immediately upon the mind and the emotions, and can do this so much -more strongly and vividly than verse, which, however forcibly declaimed, -appeals primarily to the intellect and the imagination, that a painful -incongruity occurs when music, with all her resources of accurate -characterisation, follows step by step the words of the poet. It is -therefore an error to suppose that the music must always yield to the -words; "as in a correct and well-composed picture," adds Gluck, "the -animation of the colouring and of well-disposed light and shade vivifies -the forms without distorting the outlines." But the true painter does -not colour or illumine the naked outline; he considers the form in its -total effect as a piece of colouring, and it exists for him only in this -totality, which it is his object to represent. The distinction between -form and colour is only technically important, and does not affect -artistic perception and production. In the same way the musician has -something more to do with respect to the words of his text than to -colour given outlines. The conceptions which the poet has formed, with -the consciousness that they could only attain complete independence -by their combination with music, must be absorbed by the musician, and -reproduced in the forms appointed by the nature of his art. - -The exaggerations attending on all forms of opposition and attempted -reformation will not suffice to explain this - -{GLUCK'S MUSIC.} - -(23) - -important error.[64] In dealing with so great and powerful a mind -as Gluck's we must go deeper, and seek for the cause in his artistic -organisation alone. An ardent admirer of Gluck has pronounced[65] that -he was "more intellectually than musically great"; and certainly his -musical productions do not correspond to the energy of his feelings -and his will. His organisation fitted him for a reformer; as a creative -artist his weakness became apparent. Gluck's works are not exactly -one-sided; he expressed every variety of passion with equal skill, and -he is never wanting in grace and charm; but he cannot be said to be -rich or spontaneous. The lofty sentiment which he expresses in firm and -comprehensive melodies is natural to him, but his exact and confined -mode of composition is in part the result of his limited power of -invention. The final cause of his desire to deprive music of her rights -as an independent art in favour of verse lies in this weakness of his -musical organisation. Closely connected with this is another -phenomenon. It has been justly remarked[66] that Gluck's powers of -characterisation extend only to soliloquies, that he failed to give -proper expression to the dialogue proper, the contrast of voices and -characters which, either in opposition or agreement, demonstrate their -different natures; the polyphonal power of music, in its intellectual -sense, remained undeveloped by Gluck. Failing in this, he failed in the -highest object of music, by virtue of which alone she can make any claim -to dramatic force. The fact that Gluck did not feel himself impelled to -express his dramatic situations after this fashion is a proof that -his imagination was more easily stirred poetically than musically. The -narrow limits within which he occasionally confines even the music whose -expression is intended to be purely lyrical may be traced to the same -source. For Gluck did not think it necessary that action on the musical -stage should maintain the same uninterrupted - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(24) - -flow as in real life. He thought it far more important to give a -well-sustained musical representation of some one mood or disposition; -and the more broadly such moods were indicated by the poet the better he -was pleased. It is true that even then he keeps within the limits of -the strictest form, but he is fond of employing frequent repetition, -particularly when the chorus and a solo voice are set in opposition to -each other. This way of rendering a dramatic idea is often of powerful -effect; but, considered from an artistic point of view, it should be -subordinated to the design of a grandly conceived composition expanding -into a living organism. - -It cannot be denied, therefore, that Gluck failed in the working out of -his subjects, and that he sometimes betrays a certain amount of weakness -as well in the structure of his compositions as in their details. It -was not for want of industry or care; it was that he did not feel the -necessity for mastering this important side of musical representation, -and the fact affords fresh testimony of the singularity of his musical -organisation. - -Gluck's first opera, "Orfeo ed Euridice," adheres most closely to the -usual Italian style, and was indeed successfully performed in Italy.[67] -Of action in this opera there is hardly any; the introduction of Cupid -at the beginning and the end gives it the cold allegorical character -of the then customary festival entertainments. The broadly represented -situations in which Orpheus mourns for Eurydice, and charms by his music -the demons of the lower world, form the main portions of the opera; and -they are expressed with striking fidelity and fervour of sentiment, -as well as with great force and beauty. The use which is made of -the chorus, and the cultivation of the orchestra, betoken great and -important advances on the older style. The opera was well received by -connoisseurs, both in Vienna and Paris,[68] but it does not appear to -have been regarded as the inauguration of a reformation - - -{"ALCESTE," 1767.} - -(25) - -in music; indeed, during the next few years Gluck composed several -Italian operas quite after the old fashion. - -"Alceste," however, is an avowed attempt towards a reformation of -dramatic music, and it manifests the settled purpose and the complete -individuality of the master. The poet offers nothing but a succession -of situations without any progressive action; the situations turn -exclusively on the decision of Alceste, and are employed less as -psychological developments of character than as opportunities for a -rhetorical representation of certain frames of mind. The character of -Hercules is omitted, and the task of deliverance is entrusted to Apollo -as an apparition in the clouds; this destroys an effective contrast; and -the two confidants retain a suspicious likeness to the _parte seconde_ -of Italian opera. But Gluck considered the separate scenes not only with -regard to their fitness for musical treatment; he felt firm ground in -which he might strike root. It testifies to his marvellous energy of -mind that no weakness was discernible in the repetition of such closely -allied situations, and that he had always new shades of expression and -climacteric effects at his command. The connection with the forms of -Italian opera is not by any means completely severed; an unprejudiced -survey discovers numerous traces of this, and many of the main features -of the composition are the results of the particular way in which Gluck -made use of these forms. - -The Vienna public received the opera with indifference, but the critics -welcomed it eagerly as the inauguration of a new era. Unhappily the -critics were not by any means competent judges; Sonnenfels and Riedel -were not cultivated musical connoisseurs.[69] The opera scarcely -reached a more extended circle; in Italy little notice was taken of -it; Frederick the Great had several portions of it performed before him -without finding any enjoyment in them;[70] North German - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(26) - -critics, while doing full justice to the new work, raised objections to -some of the essential points of Gluck's principles, as carried out in -it.[71] Gluck remarks with some resentment, in his dedication to "Paride -ed Elena," on the lukewarmness of the public, and the want of insight -and justice on the part of the critics; he goes on to blame the -cowardice and stupidity of musicians, none of whom had ventured to -follow his lead, and proudly declares his intention of maintaining his -principles, to the correctness of which this new opera was to testify on -altogether new grounds. This was an unlucky announcement, for "Paride -ed Elena" gave no proof of Gluck's exceptional powers. The subject, a -sufficiently poor one, is deprived of every vestige of interest by the -interposition of Cupid in disguise between the lovers--a fiction which -turns the whole drama into an absurdity. The meagre story is spun out -into five acts, while to the love scenes, which are wanting in any -true passion, independent choruses and dances are attached, calling for -nothing beyond outward display. Gluck's genius for depicting the -wider and deeper emotions found no task fitted to its powers, and the -inclination to mere grace and superficiality was one altogether foreign -to his nature. Beauties of detail do not suffice in the consideration of -a work of art. The opera was a failure, however, and it does not appear -to have been reproduced. - -Perhaps Gluck would now have paused in his endeavours,[72] had not new -prospects opened which seemed to promise good results. A Frenchman named -Du Rollet, attached to the embassy at Vienna, and an enthusiast for -poetry and music, asserted that the tendency of Gluck's principles -was in essentials the same as that of French opera style. He therefore -assured him that in Paris only would his - - -{"IPHIGÉNIE EN AULIDE."} - -(27) - -reformation meet with approval, and urged that a true tragedy ought -always to be the foundation of an opera. As an example, he suggested -Racine's "Iphigénie en Aulide," and commissioned him to arrange it as -an opera, and to take the preliminary steps for its production in Paris. -Gluck accepted the proposal without hesitation., - -The circumstances were, in fact, very favourable. The principal -difficulty against which Gluck had hitherto to contend, viz., the -deep-rooted partiality for Italian music and its accepted forms, did not -exist in Paris; for opera seria in its developed form had made as little -way there as the display of fine execution, and even lovers of Italian -music would have been loth to introduce its abuses and exaggerations -of set purpose. French opera, on the contrary, in accordance with -the genius of the nation, made its first principle dramatic and -characteristic expression, which could only be attained by correct yet -free treatment of musical forms, and by well-considered treatment of -recitative. Choruses, too, which were for Gluck an important aid to -climax and dramatic effect, were indispensable in French opera; and -since Rameau's time the orchestra had been successfully employed as a -means of characteristic expression. But the French school had hitherto -failed to combine dignity and beauty with their dramatic force and -expression; and here Gluck's Italian training enabled him to supply the -deficiency. As far as comic opera was concerned, Grétry had preceded him -with similar efforts, and had accustomed the ear of the Parisians to -the mingling of French and Italian music. But to carry out such a -reformation in the grand opera required a man of commanding qualities; -and such an one Gluck had proved himself to be. - -The choice of subjects was a happy one. Racine's tragedy was known as -a masterpiece to the whole nation, and unless the adaptation were very -clumsily made, success for the poetic share of the opera was assured. -The advance on earlier operas is a very decided one. An important -event forms the centre of the plot, dramatic contrasts, passions, and -characters, are effectively portrayed. It is true that the spirit of the -age of Louis XIV. runs - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(28) - -through it all;[73] we have Greeks in patches and powder, Monseigneur -Achille and Princesse Iphigénie behave with becoming courtesy and -gallantry, and even the artistic representation is made subordinate to -the ceremonial. But Gluck had been trained among these impressions, -the forms were not irksome to him, and the greatness of his artistic -individuality is nowhere more plainly seen than in his power of -exhibiting at momentous crises the purely human and poetic emotions -stripped of their outward disguise, and reflecting the ideal spirit -of antique art by means of music in a way of which the poet had never -dreamed. Gluck did not venture to depart from the national form of the -versification; he was well aware that he must yield to the demands of -French taste if he wished to influence the French on his main points. He -not only strove to conform to external conditions, as, for instance, to -the great extension of the ballet,[74] endeavouring to turn them to his -own ends; he carefully studied the language, in order to declaim it and -treat it musically in a way suitable to its character; he also eagerly -studied the operas of his predecessors, Lully and Rameau, that he might -adopt all that was truly and genuinely national in them. The influence -of these studies may be recognised even in details; but Gluck turned to -account whatever he adopted in a perfectly free and independent manner, -and developed it still further. His most important innovation was the -substitution of free Italian recitative, with the grand capabilities -for characteristic expression given to it by Gluck himself, for the -old "psalmodie." He changed throughout the fundamental character of -the musical representation, and here he had no predecessors; for the -treatment of the several parts of the composition after the Italian -style, comic opera had, as we have seen, in some degree prepared the -way. A - - -{PERFORMANCE OF "IPHIGÉNIE," 1774.} - -(29) - -further advance, brought about by the greater vividness of the dramatic -impersonations, was the cultivation of ensemble pieces; but this, as has -been already remarked, is the weakest side of Gluck's performances. - -Although Gluck's "Iphigénie" might rightfully claim to have perfected -the French grand opera in its national sense, yet it was a difficult -undertaking to gain recognition for this fact in Paris, and to produce -there the work of a foreign, if not of an unknown composer. Du -Rollet published a letter to D'Auvergne, one of the directors of the -Grand-Opéra, in the "Mercure de France" (October, 1772), in which he -acquaints him of Gluck's wish to produce his "Iphigénie" in Paris. He -laid stress on Gluck's having preferred the French language and music to -the Italian, and declared that his composition of Racine's masterpiece -was altogether after the French taste; he hoped in this way to gain the -favour of the public and the theatre management. As this met with no -response, Gluck himself published a letter in the "Mercure" (February, -1773), in which, without undue submission, he reiterates the wish; he -wastes great praise on J. J. Rousseau, who was destined to be the most -determined opponent of the French language and music. At last Gluck -succeeded in gaining the interest of the Dauphiness, Marie Antoinette, -all difficulties were overcome, and in the autumn of 1773 Gluck went to -Paris to put his opera in rehearsal.[75] Again hindrances were thrown in -his way which it required all the force and vigour of his character to -overcome. The hardest struggle was with the vocalists, male and female, -and with the orchestra; they must be attached to him at all costs. -But he was an implacable conductor,[76] and never gave way before -a storm.[77] After six months rehearsing, "Iphigénie" was performed -(February 14, 1774); the success of the first performance was not -brilliant, but the second quite confirmed the victory. Gluck had -succeeded (an important point in Paris) in raising public expectation to -a high pitch - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(30) - -beforehand, and he found zealous supporters among the journalists, -especially the Abbé Arnaud; the opposition engendered by the -enthusiastic partisanship of his admirers was in his favour in so far -that it prevented the interest of the public from becoming faint.[78] - -Opposition came, as might have been expected, from both sides;[79] the -followers of Lully and Rameau would not grant any progress made, and -saw in Gluck's innovations nothing but the harmful influence of Italian -music,[80] while the partisans of the Italians looked upon Gluck's music -as essentially identical with the "old French," and complained of the -"tudesque" modifications of the Italian style.[81] As usual, neither -party was satisfied with the concessions made to it, and still less -would either acknowledge that its strong places had been overthrown. -J. J. Rousseau alone acknowledged himself vanquished; and as he had -previously done justice to Grétry's efforts, so he now extolled Gluck's -music as being genuinely dramatic.[82] Not so Grimm. He was too well -versed in Italian music not to perceive that if Gluck's ideas became -prevalent, those forms which he held to be essential would soon be -annihilated; Gluck's operas appeared to him a revival of the old French -style, which would - - -{GLUCK'S OPERAS IN VIENNA.} - -(31) - -only hinder or retard the triumph of the Italian. It is true that out of -deference to public opinion, and to that of many of his friends and of -Gluck's royal patroness, he does not express himself very positively on -the subject, but his real views cannot be mistaken.[83] - -With just discrimination the directors had declared that they would not -risk appearing before the public with one of Gluck's operas; if he would -write six, they might have a chance of success. Gluck himself was aware -that if he was to succeed in the long run, his "Iphigénie" must not be -left long alone. He rapidly revised and elaborated "Orphée et Euridice," -not at all to the advantage of the opera, in which he was induced, quite -against his principles, to insert a long bravura aria by Bertoni.[84] -It was performed on August 2, 1774, with great success,[85] and was -followed on February 27, 1775, by a one-act opera, "L'Arbre Enchanté," -and on August 11, 1775, by an opera in three acts, "La Cythère -Assiégée," neither of which had any lasting effect. In order to insure -a fresh and lasting success Gluck took in hand his "Alceste" anew. -The text was thoroughly revised by Du Rollet, with the adoption of -Rousseau's suggestions, especially in the second act; Hercules is -introduced again, but not very skilfully.[86] Gluck's revision was -a very thorough one; the old music was transposed, curtailed, or -lengthened, the details altered, and new passages inserted, generally -with admirable discrimination.[87] Then, in order to put new works in -direct competition with his old compositions, he undertook to set operas -by Quinault to music unaltered, and chose "Roland" and "Armida." - -While Gluck was engaged on these works in Vienna, the - - -{FRENCH OPERA.} - -(32) - -supporters of Italian music, who were now convinced of the possibility -of procuring foreign composers for the grand opera, sought on their side -to oppose a rival to Gluck. Some time previously Madame Dubarry had -been induced by La Borde's influence to obtain the presence in Paris -of Piccinni, the most esteemed of Italian composers.[88] The Neapolitan -ambassador, the Marquis Caraccioli, by his intellect and position a -powerful patron of the arts and sciences, had been mainly instrumental -in summoning Piccinni; and the young Queen, Marie Antoinette, who saw no -necessity for bending her inclinations to party interests in the matter -of music, and who, like her brother the Emperor, was personally attached -to Italian music, gave her consent to Piccinni's appointment. - -Marmontel declared himself ready to adapt an opera by Quinault for -Piccinni, of whose music he announced himself the champion.[89] When -Gluck heard that the work selected was the "Roland," on which he was -already at work, he published a letter ("Année Littéraire," 1776), in -which he bitterly complained of this affront, and violently assailed his -adversaries. - -Open war was now declared between the critics of the Gluckists and -the Piccinnists, and carried on in pamphlets, journal articles, and -epigrams, with so much violence that even the public were led into a -partisanship more eager than had ever before arisen from a question of -art.[90] The leaders of the Piccinnists were Marmontel and La Harpe, -while Gluck's faithful partisans were Arnaud and Suard, who appeared -as the Anonymous of Vaugirard.[91] Grimm took no direct share in the -contest; but his comments on it show him, - - -{GLUCKISTS AND PICCINNISTS.} - -(33) - -in spite of apparent impartiality, to have been decidedly on the side of -Piccinni. - -The first performance of "Alceste," on April 23, 1776, was a failure, -and it only gained in public favour by slow degrees.[92] "Iphigénie," -too, which was reproduced, was severely criticised. But this severity -served but to increase public sympathy, and Gluck's operas drew full -houses, and became more and more unmistakably popular. - -Piccinni arrived in Paris quite at the end of 1776. He was welcomed by -all the composers, Grétry alone failing to pay his respects to him. For -this he was severely censured, since on first coming to Paris he had -announced himself as a pupil of Piccinni, which he was not.[93] Strange -and unknown in Paris, Piccinni took a great distaste to its harsh -climate, its unaccustomed way of living. His ignorance of the French -language isolated him and debarred him from any personal share in the -contest of which he was the subject. - -His easy-going and peace-loving temperament prevented his wishing -to join in the fray, while for Gluck's passionate nature it was a -satisfaction to give vent to angry vituperation in the public journals. - -Marmontel relates how he had to instruct Piccinni in French by reading -him his opera every day as a task, and translating what Piccinni had to -compose.[94] Thus slowly proceeded the work of the dissatisfied maestro, -and every day he doubted of its success more and more.[95] - -Gluck began the rehearsals of his "Armide" in July, 1777, and it was -performed on September 23. The opera, on which Gluck had built such -confident hopes of success, was very coolly received.[96] Its failure -was owing partly to - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(34) - -the dangerous rivalry of Lully, partly to the fact that the subject was -not suited to his genius,[97] and partly also to the premonitory -shadow of Piccinni's new work. Justice was not done to "Armide" until -later.[98] - -La Harpe attacked it bitterly, and Gluck, in a violent retort, called -for the aid of the Anonymous of Vaugirard, which did not tarry. Then -began the rehearsals of Piccinni's opera, and the storm of partisanship -was let loose.[99] Piccinni was incapable of restraining it. While his -friends espoused his cause with zeal, while Gluck himself sought to -restrain the singers and the orchestra,[100] Piccinni looked sorrowfully -to heaven and sighed, "Ah! toutte va male, toutte!" Firmly convinced -that the opera would be a failure, and resolved to return to Naples on -the following day, he went to the first performance (January, 1778), -consoling his family with the assurance that a cultivated nation like -the French would do a composer no bodily harm, even if they did not -admire his operas--and experienced a brilliant triumph.[101] - - - -FOOTNOTES CHAPTER XVIII. - - -[Footnote 1: Ed. Fournier, Mozart ä Paris (Revue Franç., 1856, II., t. 7, p. 28).] - -[Footnote 2: Cf. Histoire du Théätre de l'Opéra en France (Paris, 1753; 2nd -Edit., 1757). Castil-Blaze, L'Académie Imp. de Musique de 1645 ä 1855 -(Paris, 1855,1., II.).] - -[Footnote 3: Grimm, Corr. inéd., p. 222; cf. Corr. Litt., I., p. 93. The -following is not bad (Corr. Litt., II., p. 205): "M. Hasse, qui avait -entendu parler de la légèreté et de la pétulance françaises, ne se -lassait point, lorsqu'il fut en ce pays-ci, d'admirer la patience avec -laquelle on écoutait ä l'Opéra une musique lourde et monotone." Goldoni -amusingly describes the impression made upon him by the French opera -(Mém., II., p. 182).] - -[Footnote 4: Grimm, Corr. Litt., XV., p. 283; cf. IV., p. 165. Grétry gives more -particular instances of the faults of the old style ( Mém., I., p. 301).] - -[Footnote 5: The last performance of one of Lully's operas ("Thésée ") was in -1778.] - -[Footnote 6: Raguenet, Parallèle des Italiens et François en ce qui regarde -la Musique et les Opéras (.Paris, 1702), translated into German, with -notes, and the rejoinder of Freneuse de la Vieuville ( Bonnet, Histoire -de la Musique, p. 425; Bourdelot, Hist, de la Mus., I., p. 291), in -Mattheson's Critica Musica (Hamburg, 1712), I., p. 91, and in Marpurg's -Krit. Briefen, I., pp. 65, 89, 113, 398. Freneuse, Comparaison de la -Mus. Ital. et de la Mus. Franç. Brussels, 1705 (in Bourdelot'8 Hist, de -la Mus., 1725 and 1743, II.-IV.). Raguenet, Défense du Parallèle (Paris, -1705).] - -[Footnote 7: La Harpe, Corresp. Litt., II., p. 302.] - -[Footnote 8: When Grimm first came to Paris he wrote to Gottsched: "M. Rameau is -rightly considered by all connoisseurs to be the greatest musician who -has ever lived" (Danzel Gottsched, p. 349). His opinion soon changed, -but the account he afterwards gives of Rameau (Corr. Litt., IV., p. 80), -prejudiced as it is, recognises Rameau's merits, though without giving -him the credit of them. In his Lettre sur "Omphale" (1752, Corr. Litt., -XV., p. 281), Grimm gave a detailed criticism in a very moderate tone. -A good account of him may be found in Ad. Adam's Derniers Souvenirs d'un -Musicien, p. 39.] - -[Footnote 9: Hiller, Wöch. Nachr., 1770, p. 331. Schelle, N. Ztschr. f. Mus., -LVII., and LVIII., p. 119.] - -[Footnote 10: According to Castil-Blaze (L'Opéra Italien, p. 144), the operas -produced by the Bouffons were, "La Serva Padrona," by Pergolese; "ü -Giocatore," by Orlandini: "ü Maestro di Musica," by Al. Scarlatti; "La -Finta Cameri'era," by Atella; "La Donna Superba," by Rinaldo da Capua; -"La Scaltra Gover-natrice," by Cocchi; "ü Cinese Rimpatriato," by -Selletti; "La Zingara" by Rinaldo da Capua; "Gli Artigiani Arrichiti," -by Ladlla; "II. Paratajo" by Jomelli; "Bertoldo in Corte," by Ciampi; "I -Viaggiatori," by Leo.] - -[Footnote 11: The Italian opera was conducted from the pianoforte only, while in -the French opera time was beaten audibly with a stick. Cf. Grétry, Mém., -I.p. 39.] - -[Footnote 12: The heads of the parties had their regular places below the box of -the King and Queen.] - -[Footnote 13: It was republished (Corr. Litt., XV., p. 315,) and translated into -German (N. Ztschr. f. Mus., IV., p. 63, where it is wrongly ascribed to -Rousseau). Grimm speaks of its extraordinary success to Gottsched, and -Frau Gottsched speaks of an imitation of it directed against Weisse's -operetta, "Der Teufel ist los" (Danzel Gottsched, p. 350).] - -[Footnote 14: The account which he gives to Rameau's nephew of his uncle and -Italian music is graphic enough (Goethe, XXIII., p. 208).] - -[Footnote 15: This was in the well-known Lettre sur la Musique Française (1753), to -which the Lettre d'un symphoniste de l'Académie Royale de Musique ä ses -camarades de l'orchestre (1753) was a witty after-piece.] - -[Footnote 16: Grétry, Mém., I., p. 279.] - -[Footnote 17: Rousseau, Confessions 1., VIII. Grimm, Corr. Litt., I., p. 92. -Fétis, Curios. Hist, de la Mus., p. 107.] - -[Footnote 18: Grimm, Corr. Litt., I., p. 114.] - -[Footnote 19: Rousseau had apparently a natural musical talent, which was -quickened by Italian music; his logical reflections sometimes led him -into error, but he remained accessible to new musical impressions, even -when they contradicted his expressed opinions.] - -[Footnote 20: Diderot appears to have had some musical taste, but not much -cultivation, and in this respect Grimm had some influence upon his -opinions, as he certainly had upon Grimm's in more important matters. -The article "Poème lyrique" in the Encyclopédie (publ. Corr. Litt., XV., -p. 349), is a curious mixture of Italian taste, and of reflections after -Diderot's manner: the views it upholds are often warped and superficial.] - -[Footnote 21: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VI., p. 229. The parodies are collected in Les -Parodies du Nouveau Théätre Italien ( Paris, 1738,I.-IV.). Supplément -aux Parodies (Paris, 1763,1. III.).] - -[Footnote 22: Favart, Mém., I., p. XVII.] - -[Footnote 23: Favart, Mém., I., pp. 203, 214, 228, 233.] - -[Footnote 24: [ D'Orville] Histoire de l'Opéra Bouffon (Amst., 1760). -[Footnote Desboulmiers] Histoire du Théätre de l'Opéra-Comique (Paris, 1769, I., -II.). Fétis, Curios. Hist, de la Mus., p. 342. Castil-Blaze, Acad. Imp. -de la Mus., I., p. 216.] - -[Footnote 25: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VII., p. 289.] - -[Footnote 26: Goldoni concedes the superiority of the opéra-comique over the -Italian huffa (Mém., II., p. 227).] - -[Footnote 27: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IV., p. 164; VII., p. 126. After 1765 he -thought his style "un peu vieux et faible, mais ailleurs plein de -finesse, de charme, de grace, et de vérité. C'est toujours malgré sa -faiblesse l'homme chez lequel nos jeunes compositeurs devraient aller ä -l'école" (Corr. Litt., IV., p. 414). He afterwards exhorts Philidor and -Grétry to yield the field to him with honour (Corr. Litt., V.» pp. 140, -369; VI., p. 63).] - -[Footnote 28: A. Adam, Derniers Souvenirs d'un Musicien, p. 107.] - -[Footnote 29: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VI., p. 61.] - -[Footnote 30: Grimm, Corr. Litt., III., p. 136.] - -[Footnote 31: Grimm judged him so severely (Corr. inéd., p. 219; cf. Corr. Litt., -III., p. 136; VI., p. 208; IX., p. 463); that one suspects personal -dislike. Madame de Genlis rightly protested against his severity (Mém., -II., p. 22).] - -[Footnote 32: Grimm, even in this case, ascribed all the merit to the poet (Corr. -Litt., VI., pp. 197, 206); Madame de Genlis, on the contrary, maintained -that Monsigny's music caused one to overlook the improbabilities of the -piece ( Mém., II., p. 21)] - -[Footnote 33: G. Allen, Life of Philidor (Philadelphia, 1863). At first Grimm -thought his music no better than other French music (Corr. Litt., II., -p. 346; III., p. 89); after 1764 he notes his increasing progress (III., -p. 401; IV., p. 200), and praises him highly in 1768 (VI., p. 14). He -was accused of stealing from Italian masters, but Grimm retorted that -it required great talent to steal in such a way (V., p. 25; VI., p. 145). -Later on Grimm considered that Philidor inclined too much to Gluck's -manner (IX., p. 378; X., p. 358), and finally he declared that Philidor -had grown feeble (XII., p. 468; XIII., p. 137).] - -[Footnote 34: Tagebuch der Mannh. Schaub'., I., p. 264.] - -[Footnote 35: Marmontel relates the affair more circumstantially (Mém., IX.; -Ouvr., II., p. 72).] - -[Footnote 36: Grimm discusses this question after the manner of Diderot, on the -production of "Le Déserteur," the first comic opera of the kind (Corr. -Litt., VI., p. 212). Madame du Deffand thought the exhibition of passion -in "Le Déserteur" of very doubtful propriety (Corr. inéd., I., p. 175).] - -[Footnote 37: Grimm condemns the "barbarous fashion" of mixing spoken dialogue -and song in the comic opera, and asserts that there can be no great -composers in France until real recitative is made use of (Corr. Litt., -IV., p. 166; VI., pp. 120, 209).] - -[Footnote 38: He has given a detailed account of his education, of the -suggestions for his works and of his views on dramatic music in his -Mémoires ou Essais sur la Musique (Paris, 1789; Brussels 1829,1.-III.). -The naïveté of intense vanity is apparent everywhere. His opinions -show some power of observation, but are for the most part trivial and -arbitrary.] - -[Footnote 39: He describes his way of working to the celebrated physician -Tronchin (Mém., I., p. 21): "Je lis, je relis vingt fois les paroles que -je veux peindre avec des sons; il me faut plusieurs jours pour échauffer -ma tète; enfin je perds l'appétit, mes yeux s'enflamment, l'imagination -se monte, alors je fais un opéra en trois semaines ou un mois." He -maintains that this excitement is more likely to lead a composer aright -than attention to rules ( I., pp. 168, 204).] - -[Footnote 40: Prince Henry of Prussia paid him the most appropriate compliment in -the words: "Vous avez le courage d'oublier que vous êtes musicien pour -être poète" ( Mém., I., p. 121, cf., p. 346).] - -[Footnote 41: Mém., I., p. 112.] - -[Footnote 42: Mém., I., pp. 141, 238; III., p. 144.] - -[Footnote 43: Mém., I., p. 169.] - -[Footnote 44: Mém., I., pp. 146, 170.] - -[Footnote 45: Mém., I., p. 231.] - -[Footnote 46: He declared the French language to be the one best suited to music -( I., p. 400), although he does not conceal its difficulties ( I., p. -134), and demonstrates that France is destined to be pre-eminent in -music.] - -[Footnote 47: Mém., I., p. 212; cf. pp. 224, 260.] - -[Footnote 48: Mém., I., p. 339; II., p. 45.] - -[Footnote 49: Mém., I., pp. 237, 375.] - -[Footnote 50: Mém., I., p. 356.] - -[Footnote 51: Mém., II., p. 10. He sometimes gave him good advice (I., p. 215) -and Grétry embraced his views (III., p. 377).] - -[Footnote 52: Grétry, Mém., I., p. 270; cf. II., p. 331.] - -[Footnote 53: Grimm says, after the performance of "Le Huron" (Corr. Litt., VI., -p. 34): "M. Grétry est un jeune homme qui fait ici son coup d'essai; -mais ce coup d'essai est le chef-d'ouvre d'un maître, qui élève l'auteur -sans contradiction au premier rang." His praise of the "Lucile".] - -[Footnote 54: Grimm, Corr. Litt., X., p. 228.] - -[Footnote 55: Grétry, Mém., I., p. 150.] - -[Footnote 56: He himself examines the grounds on which his music has become -naturalised in France, "sans me faire des partisans enthousiastes et -sans exciter des ces disputes puériles, telles que nous en avons vu -(Mém., I., p. 169).] - -[Footnote 57: It is almost comical to observe the pertinacity with which the -Grand-Opèra brought out its old pieces, to be as pertinaciously attacked -by Grimm.] - -[Footnote 58: A collection of Klopstock's odes, set to music by Gluck has often -been published; he had the "Herrmannsschlacht" ready in his head, -according to his habit, but it was never written out. For Gluck's -intercourse with Klopstock in Karlsruhe. (see Strauss, Kl. Schr., p. 42. -p. 122) and the "Tableau parlant" (VI., p. 251) was equally strong, and -he accompanied it with a respectful and appreciative criticism.] - -[Footnote 59: It is worthy of note how certain intellectual currents, running -through an age, take simultaneous effect in different spheres. The -tendency to individuality in art, to truth and nature, which was due to -the encyclopedists, made itself manifest side by side with the principle -of simple beauty which Winckelmann laid down as characteristic of -ancient art.] - -[Footnote 60: Planelli, Dell' Opera in Musica (Neap., 1772), p. 148, approves of -Gluck's principles, and the latter praises Planelli's performance of -"Alceste"; Vine. Manfredini (Regole Arm., p. 163) takes much exception -to it.] - -[Footnote 61: Schelle has (N. Ztschr. f. Mus., LIX., p. 42) published Calsabigi's -letter (Mercure de France, Aug. 21,1784), in which the latter, who -considered himself neglected, represents his relations with Gluck.] - -[Footnote 62: Mém. pour servir ä l'Hist. de la révolution opérée dans la Musique -par Gluck, p. 8.] - -[Footnote 63: Calsabigi retracted his opinion on the opera in the letter prefixed -to his "Elfrida" in 1794. At that time he believed in Paesiello as the -true philosophical composer.] - -[Footnote 64: Berlioz rightly protests against Gluck's views (Voy. Mus., II., p. -269; X Travers Chants, p. 150). Cf. Hanslick, Vom Musikalisch-Schönen, -p. 24.] - -[Footnote 65: A. B. Marx, Musik des neunzehnten Jahrh., p. 82.] - -[Footnote 66: Marx ibid., p. 183; he modified his opinion afterwards (Gluck u. d. -Opera, II., p. 67. II.] - -[Footnote 67: It failed in Naples in 1774 (Galiani, Corr. inéd., II., p. 96).] - -[Footnote 68: Count Durazzo had the score printed there; Favart tells him how -highly Mondonville and Philidor thought of the opera. (Favart, Mém., -II., pp. 67, 102, 180).] - -[Footnote 69: Sonnenfels, Briefe IIb. d. Wien. Schaubühne (Ges. Schr., V., p. 155; -Hiller, Wöch. Nachr., 1768, p. 127). Riedel, Ueber die Musik des Ritter -Gluck, p. IX.] - -[Footnote 70: Allgem. deutsche Bibl., X., 2 p. 31. Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 529. -Reichardt relates (A. M. Z., XV., p. 612; Schletteier Reichardt, I., p. -264) that the King afterwards expressed himself in violent terms against -Gluck. Cf. A. M. Z., III., p. 187.] - -[Footnote 71: Agricola criticised "Alceste" in the Allgem. deutschen Bibliothek -(X., 2 p. 29, XIV., 1 p. 3; also in Forkel's Musik. Krit. Bibl., I., p. -174) in a pedantic, trivial spirit, but not ill-naturedly.] - -[Footnote 72: Calsabigi says that he wrote the libretti for "Semiramide" and -"Iperm-nestra" on Gluck's commission, and they were afterwards taken as -the foundation of Salieri's "Danaides" (Cramer, Magaz. d. Mus., I., p. -366; N. Ztschr, f. Mus. LIX., p. 42).] - -[Footnote 73: This is correctly put forward by Marx ( Musik des neunzehnten -Jahr-hunderts, p. 84).] - -[Footnote 74: His admirable ballet music was slow in making its way in Paris; it -was so confidently assumed that the French were the first masters in -the world for ballet music, that a foreigner had to contend against much -prejudice. La Harpe remarks that want of success in this respect was -in Gluck's favour, for that his system, consistently carried out, would -exclude ballet.] - -[Footnote 75: Interesting details of this visit are given by Frz. M. Rudhart, -Gluck in Paris (Munich, 1864).] - -[Footnote 76: Burney, Reise, II., p. 253. Cf. Cramer's Magazin, 1783, p. 561.] - -[Footnote 77: Madame de Genlis, Mém., II., p. 248.] - -[Footnote 78: A number of pamphlets and newspaper articles of this and following -years are collected in Mémoires pour servir ä l'Histoire de la -révolution opérée dans la musique par M. le Chev. Gluck (ä Naples et -ä Paris, 1781), partly translated by Siegmeyer: Ueber Gluck und seine -Werke (Berlin, 1823). Here again the dispute is chiefly carried on by -men of literary rather than musical knowledge (Madame de Genlis, Mém., -II., p. 250). The first favourable notices were at once translated by -Riedel and published with an enthusiastic preface, Ueber die Musik -des Ritters Gluck ( Vienna 1775). This called forth Forkel's criticism -(Musik. Krit. Bibl., I., p. 53). He was incapable of appreciating -Gluck's true greatness, and as partial and philistine as other Berlin -critics of that day; he was spiteful besides; but some of his remarks -are true enough. The personal animosity which Forkel afterwards threw -into his attacks is quite repulsive.] - -[Footnote 79: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., p. 320.] - -[Footnote 80: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., p. 321; IX., pp. 34, 350.] - -[Footnote 81: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., pp. 321, 427; IX., p. 350.] - -[Footnote 82: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., p. 321. Garat, Mém. sur M. Suard, II., -p. 238. La Harpe, Corr. Litt., I., p. 86. Rudhart, Gluck in Paris, p. -xo. A speaking testimony of his reverence for Gluck is the "Réponse -sur un morceau de l'Orphée de M. le Chev. Gluck," and the unfinished -"Observations sur l'Alceste Italien de M. le Chev. Gluck," where some -striking observations are made.] - -[Footnote 83: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VIII., pp. 78, 322. When he remarked that Gluck -influenced other composers, such as Grétry, he turned the full sharpness -of his criticism upon them.] - -[Footnote 84: Berlioz, À Travers Chants, p. 127.] - -[Footnote 85: Mdlle. de l'Espinasse, in Stendsal, Vie de Rossini, p. 607. As -might be expected, Grimm bestowed his highest praise upon "Orphée" -(Corr. Litt., VIII., p. 390).] - -[Footnote 86: Winterfeld, Zur G each. heil. Tonk., II., p. 308.] - -[Footnote 87: Berlioz, Voy. Mus., II., p. 279; À Travers Chants, p. 142. Schelle, -N. Ztschr. f. Mus., LV., p. 205. LVI., p. z.] - -[Footnote 88: Galiani, Corr. inéd., II., p. 106.] - -[Footnote 89: Marmontel, Mém. Litt., IX.; Ouvr., II., p. no.] - -[Footnote 90: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 348. Dorat describes very comically -in an Irishman's letter the party-fight in the pit (Coup d'Oeil sur la -Littér., I., p. 211). Amusing incidents were not wanting. At one -concert a song by Gluck was announced; as it began the Piccinnists -ostentatiously left the hall, and the Gluckists applauded noisily; it -afterwards appeared that the song was by Jomelli (Grimm, Corr. Litt., -X., p. 440).] - -[Footnote 91: An account of the whole dispute from this side is given by Garat, -Mém. Hist, sur M. Suard, II., p. 231.] - -[Footnote 92: Grimm, Corr. Litt., X., p. 34. Schelle, N. Ztschr. f. Mus., LV., p. -197.] - -[Footnote 93: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 352. Galiani, Corr. inéd., II., p. 292.] - -[Footnote 94: Marmontel, Mém. Litt., IX.; Ouvr., II., p. 115. P. L. Ginguené, -Not. sur Piccinni, p. 25.] - -[Footnote 95: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 352. Galiani, Corr. inéd., II., p. 291.] - -[Footnote 96: To Marie Antoinette's question as to whether his opera, "Armida," -was finished, and how he liked it, Gluck is said to have answered -composedly: "Madame, il est bientöt fini, et vraiment ce sera superbe!" -(Madame Campan, Mém., 7 p. 131.)] - -[Footnote 97: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 428.] - -[Footnote 98: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 469.] - -[Footnote 99: Grimm gives a minute and amusing account of all this.] - -[Footnote 100: So Grimm says. His friendliness towards Piccinni is confirmed by -Galiani (Corr. inéd., II., p. 248), and Madame de Genlis (Mém., II., p. -248). Cf. Gin-guené, Not. sur Piccinni, p. 45] - -[Footnote 101: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 500; X., p. 23.] - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. PARIS, 1778. - -SUCH was the condition of musical affairs at the time of Mozart's -arrival in Paris. The successes on either side, and the violence of -partisan controversy, had, as might have been expected, prevented any -decisive conclusion of the dispute. We know now that Gluck remained -master of the field, and that the influence of Lully and Rameau sinking -henceforth into oblivion, Gluck determined the character of French opera -in all its essential points as it still exists, in spite of its many -Italian modifications. But at the time of - - -{UNFAVOURABLE PROSPECTS.} - -(35) - -which we are speaking the Gluckists and Piccinnists were carrying on the -warfare with greater bitterness than ever, and the old national party, -although pushed into the background, was seeking to free itself from -both influences.[1] - -The interest of the public was more eagerly excited than ever, but, as -usual, more for the sake of the literary scandal and personal animosity -than with any love of art, and when audiences flocked to the opera they -desired not to enjoy but to participate in what was going on. - -This was an unfortunate state of things for a young composer whose -object was to acquire an honourable position for himself; he must, in -order to be heard at all, attach himself to one or other party, and so -lose his independence, the only true foundation of excellence. To put -an end to the dispute by forcing the combatants to acknowledge a success -greater than that of either was at this juncture beyond the power of -even a transcendent genius; and Mozart brought nothing with him to Paris -but his genius. - -He had failed in obtaining an introduction to the Queen Marie Antoinette -from Vienna, and access to the circle of the nobility was no -easy matter. Mozart had little to expect from the support of his -fellow-artists, for they were all ranged against each other, and had -enough to do to fight their own battles. Gluck had left Paris when -Mozart entered it; he renewed his acquaintance with Piccinni, whom he -had known in Italy (Vol. I., p. 111), and was polite in his greetings -when he met him at the Concert Spirituel and elsewhere; but there the -intercourse ended. "I know my affairs, and he his, and that suffices" -(July 9, 1778). - -We find no traces of any acquaintance with Grétry, who never mentions -Mozart in his "Mémoires." He was resigned to professional envy, and had -already experienced his full share of it; but in Paris at that time the -"gens de lettres" were the arbiters of taste and fashion. Pamphlets and -critical articles, epigrams and _bon mots_, proceeding from - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(36) - -the literary circle, ruled public opinion, and a thorough knowledge -of music was, as a rule, the last requirement thought of by those who -strove to influence its progress. - -It was a new world to Wolfgang, in which he would have found it -difficult to move successfully and uprightly, even if he had gained -access to its favour. - -Grimm, who might have introduced him, was himself a partisan, and -esteemed only by his own party; besides which, he could not fail soon -to discover that Mozart was the last man in the world for this kind of -intercourse. Nevertheless, he received him very kindly, and sought to -make him known wherever he could; they were always quite of accord -in their opinions of French music. "Baron Grimm and I," writes Mozart -(April 5, 1778), "often pour out our wrath over the music of the present -day, but in private, be it understood; in public, it is all 'bravo, -bravissimo,' and clapping one's hands till the fingers burn." And in -another letter he says: "What annoys me is that the French have improved -their taste just enough to enable them to listen to good music. But -their own is still very bad. Ay! upon my word, but it is! and their -singing! _oime!_ If they would only let Italian songs alone, I could -forgive their Frenchified chirruping; but it is really unpardonable so -to spoil good music." - -Mozart's outward circumstances were not pleasant. In order to economise -(for his mother found everything in Paris half as dear again as -elsewhere) they took a dark, uncomfortable lodging, so small that -Wolfgang could not get his clavier into it. But their life was rendered -considerably more cheerful by the presence of their Mannheim friends. -"Wendling," writes the mother (April 5) (there is no more talk of -his irreligion), "has prepared Wolfgang's way for him, and has now -introduced him to all his friends. He is a true benefactor, and M. von -Grimm has promised him to use all his influence, which is greater than -Wendling's, to make Wolfgang known." In Paris, too, Mozart became better -acquainted with Raaff, and learned to value him as an artist and as a -friend. This was greatly owing to the interest Raaff took in the Weber -family; he appreciated - - -{WOLFGANG'S HOPES AND FEARS.} - -(37) - -Aloysia's talents, promised to give her lessons, and approved of -Mozart's liking for her; this was all the greater consolation since he -dared not speak openly on the subject to his father, although he did not -attempt to conceal his correspondence with the Weber family. Nor could -his wishes and feelings fail to be perceived when he wrote (July 3, -1778):-- - -I have never been backward, and never will be. I will always use my -powers to the uttermost. God can make all things good. I have something -in my mind, for which I pray to God daily; if it is His Divine will it -will come to pass; if not, I am content. I have at least done my best. -If all goes well, and things turn out as I wish, then you must do your -share, or the whole business will fall through; I trust to your kindness -to do it. Do not attempt to discover my meaning, for the immediate -favour I have to beg of you is to let me keep my ideas to myself until -the right time comes. - -He does not seem to have been very hopeful (March 29, 1778) - -I am pretty well, thank God: but for the rest, I often scarcely know or -care for anything; I am quite indifferent, and take little pleasure in -anything. What most supports and invigorates me is the thought that you, -dear father, and my dear sister are safe and well, that I am an honest -German; and that although I cannot always say what I like, I can always -think what I like--which is the main point. - -In a mood like this the encouragement of musical compatriots would -be doubly grateful to him. This was freely bestowed on him by the -ambassador from the Palatinate, Count von Sickingen, to whom -Gemmingen and Cannabich had given him letters, and Raaff a personal -introduction:-- - -He is a charming man, a passionate lover and true judge of music. I -spent eight hours with him quite alone; we were at the clavier morning -and afternoon, and up to ten o'clock in the evening, all the time -making, praising, admiring, altering, discussing, and criticising -nothing but music: he has about thirty operatic scores. - -He maintained this acquaintance zealously, often dining with the Count, -and spending the evening over his own compositions with so much interest -that the time went without their knowing it (June 12, 1778). - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(38) - -The Mannheim friends were engaged for the Concert Spirituel, which -had been founded in 1725. Anne Danican Philidor, elder brother to the -composer already mentioned, was accorded the privilege, on payment of a -fixed sum, of giving about four-and-twenty concerts in the course of the -year, on festivals when there was no grand opera. They were given in a -hall of the Tuileries, and consisted of instrumental music, and sacred -or classical compositions for chorus or solo singing.[2] Wolfgang -was introduced to the director, Jean le Gros (1739-1793), and at once -received from him a commission, with which he acquaints his father -(April 5, 1778). - -The kapellmeister, Holzbauer, has sent a Miserere; but the Mannheim -chorus being weak and bad, while here it is good and strong, his -choruses make no effect; therefore M. le Gros has commissioned me to -write other choruses. Holzbauer's introductory chorus remains; the -first by me is "Quoniam iniquitatem meam ego," &c., allegro; the -second, adagio, "Ecce enim in iniquitatibus"; then, allegro, "Ecce -enim veritatem dilexisti," up to "ossa humiliata." Then an andante -for soprano, tenor and bass soli, "Cor mundum créa"; and "Redde mihi -lætitiam," allegro as far as "te convertentur." Then I have done a -recitative for the basses, "Libera me de sanguinibus," because it is -followed by a bass song by Holzbauer, "Domine, labia mea." In the same -way, because "Sacrificium Deo, spiritus" is an andante tenor air for -Raaff, with solo oboe and bassoon, I have added a little recitative, -"Quoniam si voluisses," also with oboe and bassoon concertante: -recitatives are very much in vogue here. "Benigne fac" up to "muri -Jerusalem," andante moderato, chorus. Then "Tunc acceptabis" to -"super altare tuum vitulos," allegro, tenor solo (Le Gros), and chorus -together.[3] I must say I am glad I have finished this work, for it is -confoundedly awkward when one is in a hurry with work and cannot write -at home. But it is finished, thank God, and will, I think, make an -effect. M. Gossec, whom you must know, told M. Le Gros, after seeing -my first chorus, that it was charming, and would certainly tell in -performance; that the words were well arranged, and admirably set to -music. He is a good friend of mine, but a dry, reserved man. - -That this scampering work (for Mozart was only a few - - -{COMPOSITIONS FOR THE CONCERT SPIRITUEL} - -(39) - -days over it) should form his _début_ before the French public caused -his father great uneasiness; but it was uncalled for, for in his next -letter Wolfgang informs him (March 1, 1778) - -I must tell you, by the way, that my chorus work came to nothing. -Holzbauer's Miserere is too long as it is, and did not please; besides -which, they only performed two of my choruses instead of four, and left -out the best. It did not much matter, for many people did not know that -they were mine, and many more never heard of me. Notwithstanding, they -were highly applauded at rehearsal, and, what is more important (for I -do not think much of Parisian applause), I liked them myself. - -Another work was occasioned by the presence of the Mannheim performers, -with whom was associated the celebrated hornist, Joh. Punto (1748-1803), -who in Mozart's opinion "played magnificently." Mozart set to work at -a Sinfonie Concertante for flute (Wendling), oboe (Ramm), French horn -(Punto), and bassoon (Ritter), which was to be performed at one of -the concerts. But he was soon obliged to write to his father (May 1, -1778):-- - -There is another "hickl-hackl" with the Sinfonie Concertante. I believe -there is something behind, for I have my enemies here, as where have -I not had them? It is a good sign, however. I was obliged to write the -symphony in great haste, worked hard at it, and thoroughly satisfied -the four performers. Le Gros had it four days for copying, and I always -found it lying in the same place. At last, the day but one before the -concert, I did not find it; searched about among the music, and found it -hidden away. I could do nothing but ask Le Gros, "_A propos_, have you -given the Sinfonie Concertante to be copied?" "No, I forgot it." Of -course I could not order him to have it copied and played, so said -nothing. The day it should have been performed I went to the concert; -Ramm and Punto came up to me in a rage, and asked why my sinfonie -concertante was not played. "I do not know; this is the first I have -heard of it." Ramm was furious, and abused Le Gros in French, saying -that it was unhandsome of him, &c. What annoyed me most in the whole -affair was Le Gros not telling me a word about it, as if I was to know -nothing of it. If he had only made an apology, that the time was too -short, or anything; but no, not a word.[4] I think Cambini, an Italian - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(40) - -composer here, is at the bottom of it, for I was the innocent cause -of his being extinguished on his first introduction to Le Gros. He has -written some pretty quartets, one of which I had heard at Mannheim; I -praised it to him, and played the beginning; Ritter, Ramm, and Punto -were there, and they left me no peace, insisting that I should go on, -and make up myself what I could not remember. So I did it, and Cambini -was quite beside himself, and could not refrain from saying, "Questa -è una gran testa!" But it must have been sorely against the grain with -him. - -The father was of the same opinion, and warned Wolfgang that Cambini -would not be the only one who would seek to injure him; but he must not -allow himself to be disconcerted (April 29, 1778). Wolfgang expressed -himself with considerable dissatisfaction:-- - -If this were a place where the people had ears to hear, and a heart to -feel, and just a little understanding and taste for music, I would laugh -from my heart at all these things; but, as far as music is concerned, -I am among a set of dolts and blockheads. How can it be otherwise? They -are just the same in all their transactions, love-affairs, and passions. -There is no place in the world like Paris. You must not think that I -exaggerate in speaking so of the music here. Ask whom you will (only not -a native Frenchman), and they will tell you the same. Well, I am here, -and must make the best of it, for your sake. I shall thank the Almighty -if I come out of it with unvitiated taste. I pray to God daily to give -me grace to stand firm, and do honour to myself and the German nation, -and that He will grant me success, so that I may make plenty of money, -help you out of all your present troubles, and that we may meet once -more, and all live happily together again. - -Through the good offices of Grimm, Mozart was recommended to the Duc -de Guines, who had been recalled from his post as Ambassador in London -after his notorious lawsuit with secretary Tort[5] in 1776, and stood -high in favour with the Queen.[6] L. Mozart wrote (March 28, 1778):[7]-- - -My dear Son,--I beg that you will do your best to gain the friendship of -the Duc de Guines, and to keep well with him; I have frequently read in -the papers of his high place in the royal favour; the Queen being now -_enceinte_, there are sure to be grand festivities when the child is -born; you may get something to do, and make your fortune; for in these -cases everything depends upon the pleasure of the Queen. - - -{CONCERTO IN C MAJOR.} - -(41) - -The Duke was amusing and fond of music;[8] as Mozart himself says, he -played the flute inimitably, and his daughter the harp magnificently.[9] -He gave Mozart a commission to compose a concerto for flute and -harp. These were exactly the two instruments which Mozart could not -endure.[10] But this did not prevent his accomplishing his task to the -perfect satisfaction of the Duke. The concerto (299 K.) is in C major, -with accompaniments for a small orchestra, and consists of the usual -three movements. In conformity with the nature of the instruments the -character of the concerto is cheerful and graceful, and it is excellent -of its kind. Each movement is well and compactly formed, and has an -abundance of rich melody, enhanced in effect by the harmonic treatment, -the varied character of the accompaniment, and the alternation of the -solo instruments. The thematic treatment is only lightly sketched in so -as to keep the interest alive; but in the middle movement of the first -part the harmonic arrangement betrays a master-hand; at its close a -fresh melody is introduced, as was then the rule, in order to excite -the attention anew. Especially graceful and tender is the Andantino, -accompanied only by a quartet. The solo instruments are brilliant -without being particularly difficult; the orchestra is discreetly made -use of to support the delicate solo instruments without interfering with -their effect; but the easy setting _ä jour_ is elaborated in detail -with great skill and decision, both as regards the sound effects and the -passages and turns of the accompaniment. - -Besides this, Mozart gave the Duke's daughter two hours' lessons in -composition daily, for which generous payment might be expected. He -describes the lessons minutely (May 14, 1778):-- - -She has talent and even genius, but especially has she a marvellous -memory: she knows two hundred pieces, and can play them all by heart. - -"Once when we were talking of instruments, Mozart said that he detested -the harp and the flute." - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(42) - -She is, however, very doubtful whether she has any talent for -composition, particularly as regards ideas and imagination; but her -father--who, between ourselves, is a little infatuated about her--says -she has plenty of ideas, but is over-modest, and has too little -confidence in herself. Well, we shall see. If she does not get any ideas -or imagination (at present she has absolutely none) it is all in vain, -for, God knows, I cannot give them to her. Her father has no intention -of making her into a great composer. "I do not wish her," says he, "to -write operas, concertos, songs, or symphonies, but only grand sonatas -for her instrument and mine." To-day I gave her her fourth lesson, and, -as far as regards the rules of composition and exercises, I am fairly -satisfied. She has supplied a very good bass to the first minuet which I -set her. She is beginning now to write in three parts. She does it, but -she gets _ennuyée_. I cannot help it, for I cannot possibly take her -farther. Even if she had genius it would be too soon, and unhappily she -has none--everything must be done artificially. She has no ideas, and so -nothing comes of it. I have tried her in every sort of way. Among other -things, it came into my head to write down a very simple minuet, and to -try if she could write a variation on it. No; it was in vain. "Well," I -thought, "she does not know how to begin;" so I began to vary the first -bar, and told her to go on with it, and keep the same idea; and at -last she managed it. When that was done, I told her to begin something -herself, only the first part of a melody. She reflected for a quarter of -an hour, but nothing came of it. Then I wrote the first four bars of a -minuet, and said, "See what a donkey I am; I have begun a minuet, and -cannot even finish the first part. Be so kind as to do it for me." She -thought it was impossible. At last, after much trouble, something -came to light; and I was very glad of it. Then I made her complete the -minuet--only the first part, of course. I have given her nothing to do -at home but to alter my four bars, and make something out of them--to -invent a new beginning, even if the harmony is the same, so long as the -melody is altered. I shall see to-morrow what she has made of it. - -The father was justly astonished at the demands made by Wolfgang on the -talent of his pupil, and on the earnestness with which he threw himself -into his task (May 28,1778):-- - -You write that you have just given Mdlle. de Guines her fourth lesson, -and you want her to write down her own ideas; do you think that -everybody has your genius? It will come in time. She has a good memory; -let her _steal,_ or more politely, _adapt_; it does no harm at the -beginning, until courage comes. Your plan of variations is a good -one, only persevere. If M. le Duc sees anything, however small, by his -daughter, he will be delighted. It is really an excellent acquaintance. - -But Wolfgang had not the art of cultivating such - - -{LIFE IN PARIS.} - -(43) - -acquaintances any more than of giving lessons in composition to young -ladies of no talent; he wrote later that she was thoroughly stupid and -thoroughly lazy (July 9, 1778), and in conclusion the Duke offered him -two louis-d'or, which he indignantly rejected. - -He had some other pupils, and might have had more had not the distances -in Paris been so great that his time was too much curtailed thereby; he -complains (July 31, 1778):-- - -It is no joke to give lessons here. You must not think that it is -laziness; no! but it is quite against my nature, my way of life. You -know that I, so to speak, live in music; that I am busy at it the whole -day, planning, studying, considering. Lessons come in the way of this; -I shall certainly have some hours free, but I need them rather for rest -than for work. - -Highly distasteful to him also were visits to people of rank, and -attempts to gain their favour. He enumerates all the disagreeables of it -(May 1, 1778):-- - -You write that I should pay plenty of visits to make new acquaintances -and renew old ones. It is really impossible. To go on foot takes too -long and makes one too dirty, for Paris is inconceivably filthy; and to -drive costs four or five livres a day, and all for nothing; the people -pay compliments and nothing more; engage me for such or such a day, and -then I play, and they say "Oh! c'est un prodige, c'est inconcevable, -c'est étonnant!" and then adieu. I have already spent money enough in -that way, and often uselessly, for the people have been out. No one can -know the annoyance of it who is not here. Paris is very much altered; -the French are not nearly so polite as they were fourteen years ago; -they approach very near to rudeness now, and are dreadfully arrogant. - -The example which he gives his father sufficiently justifies his -complaints, and is as significant of the impertinence of the nobility -towards artists as of Mozart's powerlessness to resent such behaviour:-- - -M. Grimm gave me a letter to Madame la Duchesse de Chabot,[11] and I -went there. The purport of the letter was principally to recommend me - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(44) - -to the Duchesse de Bourbon[12] (then in a convent),[13] and to bring me -again to her remembrance. A week passed without any notice taken; but, -as she had already commanded my presence in that time, I went. I was -left to wait half an hour in an icily cold, very large room, with no -stove or means of heating it. At last the Duchesse de Chabot came in, -and politely begged me to make allowances for the clavier, since she had -none in good order; would I try it? I said I should have been delighted -to play something, but that I could not feel my fingers for the cold, -and I begged her to allow me to go to a room where at least there was a -stove. "Oh, oui, monsieur; vous avez raison," was her only answer. Then -she sat down and began to draw for at least an hour with some other -gentlemen, who all sat round a great table. I had the honour of standing -waiting this hour. The doors and windows were open; very soon, not only -my hands, but my feet and whole body were stiff with cold, and my head -began to ache. No one spoke to me, and I did not know what to do for -cold, headache, and fatigue. At last, to cut it short, I played on the -wretched, miserable pianoforte. The most vexatious part of all was that -Madame and all the gentlemen went on with their employment without a -moment's pause or notice, so that I played for the walls and chairs. -All these things put together were too much for my patience. I began the -Fischer variations, played the half, and got up. Then followed no end of -_éloges_. I said what was quite true, that I could do myself no credit -with such a clavier, and that I should be very pleased to appoint -another day when I could have a better clavier. But she did not consent, -and I was obliged to wait another half-hour, till her husband came -in.[14] But he sat down beside me, and listened with all attention; and -then I--I forgot cold, and headache, and annoyance, and played on the -wretched clavier as you know I can play when I am in a good humour. Give -me the best clavier in Europe, but with an audience who do not or will -not understand and feel with me when I play, and I lose all pleasure in -it. I told the whole affair to M. Grimm. - -Wolfgang tells his father (May 14, 1778) of a prospect of a settled -position, in which, however, he was disappointed:-- - -Rudolph (the French horn-player) is in the royal service here, and very -friendly to me. He has offered me the place of organist at Versailles, -if I like to take it. It brings in 2,000 livres a year, but I should -have to live six months at Versailles, the other six where I - - -{OFFER OF COURT SERVICE.} - -(45) - -chose. I must ask the advice of my friends, for 2,000 livres is no such -great sum. It would be if it were in German coin, but not here; it makes -83 louis-d'or and 8 livres a year; that is, 915 florins 45 kreutzers of -our money (a large sum), but only 333 dollars and 2 livres here, -which is not much. It is dreadful how soon a dollar goes! I cannot be -surprised at people thinking so little of a louis-d'or here, for it is -very little; four dollars, or a louis-d'or, which is the same thing, are -gone directly. - -His father, who considered a settled position of such importance that -a certain amount of concession should be made for it, advised him to -reflect well on the proposal, if indeed Rudolph (1730-1812), who had -been a member of the band since 1763, had sufficient influence to bring -it about (May 28, 1778):-- - -You must not reject it at once. You must consider that the 83 louis-d'or -are earned in six months; that you have half the year for other work; -that it probably is a permanent post, whether you are ill or well; that -you can give it up when you like; that you are _at Court, consequently_ -daily under the eyes of the King and Queen, and so much the nearer your -fortune; that you may be promoted to one of the two kapellmeisters' -places; that in time, if promotion is the rule, you may become -clavier-master to the royal family, which would be a lucrative post; -that there would be nothing to hinder your writing for the theatre, -concert spirituel, &c., and printing music with dedications to your -grand acquaintance among the ministers who frequent Versailles, -especially in summer; that Versailles itself is a small town, or at all -events, has many respectable inhabitants, among whom pupils would surely -be found; and that, finally, this is the surest way to the favour and -protection of the queen. Read this to the Baron von Grimm, and ask his -opinion. - -But Grimm took Wolfgang's view of the matter, expressed in his answer to -his father (July 3, 1778):-- - -My inclination has never turned towards Versailles; I took the advice -of Baron Grimm, and others of my best friends, and they all thought with -me. It is small pay. I should have to waste half the year in a place -where nothing else could be earned, and where my talents would be -buried. For to be in the royal service is to be forgotten in Paris--and -then to be only organist! I should like a good post extremely, but -nothing less than kapellmeister--and well paid. - -Mozart's absorbing desire was to have an opportunity of distinguishing -himself as a composer, above all things by an opera. There seemed a fair -prospect of doing this soon - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(46) - -after his arrival in Paris. He had renewed his acquaintance with Noverre -(p. 145), who, after giving up the direction of the ballet at Vienna in -1775, had, through the Queen's influence, been appointed ballet-master -to the Grand-Opéra in 1776.[15] He took such a liking for Mozart that he -not only invited him to his table as often as he chose, but commissioned -him to write an opera. He proposed as a good subject, "Alexander and -Roxane," and set a librettist to work at the adaptation of it. The first -act was ready at the beginning of April; and a month later Mozart was -in hopes of receiving the whole text. It had then to be submitted to the -approbation of the director of the Grand-Opéra, De Vismes; but this did -not seem to offer any difficulty, Noverre's influence being powerful -with the director. - -As soon as L. Mozart heard of the prospect of an opera, he wrote (April -12, 1778):-- - -I strongly advise you, before writing for the French stage, to hear -their operas, and find what pleases them. In this way you will become -quite a Frenchman, and I hope you will be specially careful to accustom -yourself to the proper accent of the language. - -And he continues to impress upon him (April 29, 1778):-- - -Now that you tell me you are about to write an opera, follow my advice, -and reflect that your whole reputation hangs on your first piece. Listen -before you write, and study the national taste; listen to their operas, -and examine them. I know your wonderful powers of imitation. Do not -write hurriedly--no sensible composer does that. Study the words -beforehand with Baron von Grimm and Noverre; make sketches, and let them -hear them. It is always done: Voltaire reads his poems to his friends, -hears their judgments, and follows their suggestions. Your honour and -profit depend upon it; and as soon as we have money we will go to Italy -again. - -Wolfgang was aware of the difficulties which lay before him, especially -with regard to the language and the vocalists, and expressed himself -energetically on both points (July 9, 1778) - -If I do get as far as writing an opera, I shall have trouble enough over -it; that I do not mind, for I am used to it, if only this cursed French - - -{PROSPECTS OF AN OPERA, 1778.} - -(47) - -language were not so utterly opposed to music! It is truly miserable; -German is divine in comparison. And then the vocalists, male and female! -they have no right to the name, for they do not sing, but shriek and -howl, and all from the nose and the throat. - -In spite of all this, he was eager to set to work (July 31, 1778):-- - -I assure you that I shall be only too pleased if I do succeed in writing -an opera. The language is the invention of the devil, that is true; and -the same difficulties are before me that beset all composers; but I -feel as well able as any one else to surmount them; in fact, when I tell -myself that all goes well with my opera, I feel a fire within me, and my -limbs tingle with the desire to make the French know, honour, and fear -the German nation more. - -In the meantime L. Mozart heard that at the very time when Noverre was -interesting himself so warmly in Wolfgang's opera, he had engaged him to -write the music for a ballet which was coming out (May 14, 1778). When, -after a considerable lapse of time, the father inquired what had -become of this ballet, and what he had made by it, Wolfgang had almost -forgotten the subject (July 9, 1778):-- - -As to Noverre's ballet, I only wrote that perhaps he would be making -a new one. He just wanted half a ballet, and for that I provided the -music; that is, there were six pieces by other people in it, consisting -of poor, miserable French songs; I did the overture and contredanses, -altogether about twelve pieces. The ballet has been performed four times -with great applause.[16] But now I mean to do nothing without being sure -beforehand what I am to get for it, for this was only as a good turn to -Noverre. - -But such "good turns" were precisely what Noverre had in view. It suited -him, as it did Le Gros, to have at command the services of a young -artist eager to compose and ready to accept hope and patronage in lieu -of payment, whose name it was not necessary to risk bringing before the -public, since he was only employed as a stop-gap. But it would be a -very different and far more serious thing for them to bring forward an -original work, such as an opera, by this - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(48) - -same unknown young man. In case of failure the protectors would share -the responsibilities of the _protégé_, while success would bring fame -and profit to the latter alone. Nothing shows more clearly Mozart's -unsuspecting nature than his explanation of the long delay of his -libretto (July 9, 1778):-- - -It is always so with an opera. It is so hard to find a good poem; the -old ones, which are the best, are not in the modern style, and the new -ones are good for nothing; for poetry, which was the only thing the -French had to be proud of, gets worse every day, and the poetry of the -opera is just the part that must be good, for they do not understand the -music. There are only two operas _in aria_ which I could write--one -in two acts, the other in three. The one in two acts is "Alexander and -Roxane," but the poet who is writing it is still in the country. That -in three acts is "Demofoonte" (by Metastasio), translated and mixed with -choruses and dances, and specially arranged for the French theatre» and -this I have not yet been able to see. - -The father saw through it all more plainly, and cautioned Wolfgang, -if he wanted to succeed with an opera in Paris, to make himself known -beforehand (August 27, 1778):-- - -You must make a name for yourself. When did Gluck, when did Piccinni, -when did all these people come forward? Gluck is not less than sixty, -and it is twenty-six or twenty-seven years since he was first spoken of; -and can you really imagine that the French public, or even the manager -of the theatre, can be convinced of your powers of composition without -having heard anything by you in their lives, or knowing you, except in -your childhood as an excellent clavier-player and precocious genius? -You must exert yourself, and make yourself known as a composer in every -branch; make opportunities, and be indefatigable in making friends and -in urging them on; wake them up when their energies slacken, and do not -take for granted that they have done all they say they have. I should -have written long ago to M. de Noverre if I had known his title and -address. - -But this way of pushing his talents was completely foreign to Wolfgang's -nature; and so it followed, in the natural course of things, that after -a delay of months Noverre declared that he might be able to help him to -a libretto, but could not insure the opera being performed when it was -ready. - -One success, however, was to be granted him in Paris. He had naturally -ceased to visit Le Gros since the latter - - -{PARISIAN SYMPHONY.} - -(49) - -had so ruthlessly rejected his Sinfonie Concertante, but had been every -day with Raaff, who lived in the same house. He had chanced to meet Le -Gros there, who made the politest apologies, and begged him again to -write a symphony for the Concert Spirituel. How could Mozart resist such -a petition? On June 12 he took the symphony which he had just finished -to Count Sickingen, where Raaff was. He continues:-- - -They were both highly pleased. I myself am quite satisfied with it. -Whether it will please generally I do not know; and, truth to say, I -care very little; for whom have I to please? The _very few_ intelligent -Frenchmen that there are I can answer for; as for the stupid ones, it -does not signify much whether they are pleased or not. But I am in hopes -that even the donkeys will find something to admire. I have not omitted -the _premier coup d'archet!_--and that is enough for them. What a fuss -they make about that, to be sure! _Was Teufel!_ I see no difference. -They just begin together, as they do elsewhere. It is quite -ludicrous.[17] - -The symphony pleased unusually, however, as he tells his father (July 3, -1778):-- - -It was performed on Corpus Christi day with all applause. I hear that -a notice of it has appeared in the "Courrier de l'Europe." I was very -unhappy over the rehearsal, for I never heard anything worse in my life; -you cannot imagine how they scraped and scrambled over the symphony -twice. I was really unhappy; I should like to have rehearsed it again, -but there are so many things, that there was no time. So I went to bed -with a heavy heart and a discontented and angry spirit. The day before, -I decided not to go to the concert; but it was a fine evening, and I -determined at last to go, but with the intention, if it went as ill as -at the rehearsal, of going into the orchestra, taking the violin out of -the hands of M. La Houssaye, and conducting myself. I prayed for God's -grace that it might go well, for it is all to His honour and glory; and, -_ecce!_ the symphony began. Raaff stood close to me, and - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(50) - -in the middle of the first allegro was a passage that I knew was sure to -please; the whole audience was struck, and there was great applause. - -I knew when I was writing it that it would make an effect, so I brought -it in again at the end, _da capo_. The andante pleased also, but -especially the last allegro. I had heard that all the last allegros -here, like the first, begin with all the instruments together, and -generally in unison; so I began with the violins alone _piano_ for eight -bars, followed at once by a _forte_. The audience (as I had anticipated) -cried "Hush!" at the _piano_ but directly the _forte_ began they took to -clapping. As soon as the symphony was over I went into the Palais-Royal, -took an ice, told my beads as I had vowed, and went home. - -So brilliant a success was not wanting in more lasting results: "M. Le -Qros has taken a tremendous fancy to me," he writes (July 9, 1778); and -he was commissioned to write a French oratorio for performance at the -Concert Spirituel during the following Lent:-- - -My symphony was unanimously applauded; and Le Gros is so pleased with -it that he calls it his best symphony.[18] Only the andante does not hit -his taste; he says there are too many changes of key in it, and it is -too long; but the real truth is that the audience forgot to clap their -hands so loud as for the first and last movements; the andante is more -admired than any other part by myself, and by all connoisseurs, as well -as by the majority of the audience; it is just the contrary of what Le -Gros says, being unaffected and short. But for his satisfaction (and -that of others, according to him) I have written another. Either is good -of its kind, for they differ greatly; perhaps, on the whole, I prefer -the second one. - -The symphony (297 K.), well known, by the name of the French or Parisian -Symphony, was repeated with the new andante on August 15. It consists of -three movements in the customary form, except that none of the parts -are repeated entire, although they are perfectly distinct. This was -a concession to the Parisian taste. Wolfgang writes to his father -(September 11, 1778) that his earlier symphonies would not please there: -"We in Germany have a taste for lengthy performances, but in point of -fact, it is better to be short and - - -{PARISIAN SYMPHONY.} - -(51) - -good," The first and last movements are unusually animated and restless, -with an almost unbroken rapidity of movement; and the different subjects -offer no contrasts as to character, being all in the same light, -restless style. Thematic elaboration is only hinted at, except in the -well worked-out middle movement of the finale. Melodies are scattered -through the whole in great abundance, often connected with each other in -a highly original and attractive manner. Suspense is kept up by strong -contrasts of forte and piano, by sudden breaks and imperceptible -modulations, and by striking harmonic effects. The general impression -given by both movements is animated and brilliant, but they are more -calculated to stir the intellect than to awaken the deeper emotions, and -are therefore well suited to a Parisian audience. The same is the -case with the tender and beautiful andante, which only now and then, -surreptitiously as it were, betrays the existence of deep feeling. There -are, as has been seen, two versions of the andante, both still existing -in Mozart's handwriting--the second considerably shorter than the first. -The leading part is minutely given throughout the score of the whole -piece (which is marked andantino), besides a fixed subject being -indicated for the bass, and in some places for the other instruments. -After thus laying down, as it were, the ground plan, he proceeded to -details, making few alterations beyond some slight abbreviations. When, -in working out the movement, he came to a passage which seemed to him -tedious or superfluous, he struck it out, and went on with the next. -This has been the case with several unimportant passages, and with one -longer one, a transition to the theme by means of an imitative passage -(after page 36, bar 6, of the score); soon after, too, a middle passage -with flute and oboe solos is cut out. After thus elaborating the -movement, he hastily copied it all, as it is now printed.[19] The later -andante is printed in a Parisian edition of the symphony;[20] it is far -less important than the first, and was - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(52) - -rightly rejected by Mozart. It is worthy of remark that the violoncello -is employed as a leading instrument. - -The orchestral workmanship shows that Mozart had not listened to the -Mannheim band in vain; the different instruments form a well-ordered -whole, in which each has its individual significance. It is only -necessary to examine the thematic arrangement in the last movement -(score, page 54) to perceive how skilfully the effect of varied -tone-colouring is taken into account, while at the same time, by -means of contrapuntal treatment, due prominence is given to the purely -melodious element. It may well be imagined that Mozart would not let -slip the opportunity of trying the splendid effect of a symphony with -flutes, oboes, and clarinets (Vol. I., p. 385). But the clarinets are -sparely used as a foreign importation, and, together with the trumpets -and drums, are altogether omitted from the andante. Large demands are -made on the executive delicacy of the orchestra, and in many places the -whole effect depends on a well-managed _crescendo_, as it had never done -in previous works; in fact, it is not too much to say that many of the -subjects would not have been conceived as they are, without the prospect -of their performance by a well-organised orchestra. - -During this interval Mozart also completed the clavier sonatas, with -violin accompaniment, which he had begun at Mannheim (301-306 K.), the -fourth bearing the inscription "ä Paris," and busied himself to find a -publisher for them who would pay him well.[21] He found leisure, also, -to compose a capriccio for his sister's birthday. - -Thus we see Mozart, disliking Paris and the Parisians, deriving little -practical gain from all his exertions, and yet striving in his own way -to attain the position which was his due, when an event occurred which -plunged himself and his family into the deepest grief. Paris had never -agreed with the Frau Mozart. Their lodging in the "Hötel des quatre fils -d'Aymon," in the Rue du Gros-Chenet--a musical quarter - - -{DEATH OF MOZART'S MOTHER.} - -(53) - ---was bad, as well as the living, and she sat all day "as if under -arrest," Wolfgang's affairs necessitating his almost constant absence. -She was ill for three weeks in May, and intended, on her recovery, to -seek out better lodgings, and manage the housekeeping herself. But -in June she fell ill again; she was bled, and wrote afterwards to her -husband (June 12, 1778) that she was very weak, and had pains in her arm -and her eyes, but that on the whole she was better. But the improvement -was only apparent, and her illness took a serious turn; the physician -whom Grimm sent in gave up hope, and after a fortnight of the deepest -anxiety, which Wolfgang passed at his mother's bedside, she gently -passed away on July 3. His only support at this trying time was a -musician named Heina, who had known his father in former days, and had -often, with his wife, visited Frau Mozart in her solitude. Wolfgang's -first thought was to break the news gently to his father, who was ill -prepared for so crushing a blow. He wrote to him at once, saying that -his mother was ill, and that her condition excited alarm; at the same -time he acquainted their true friend Bullinger with the whole truth, -and begged him to break the dreadful news to his father as gently as -possible. In a few days, when he knew that this had been done, he wrote -again himself in detail, offering all the consolation he could, and -strove to turn his father's thoughts from the sad subject to the -consideration of his own prospects. This letter[22] affords a fresh -example of the deep and tender love which bound parents and children -together, and of Wolfgang's own sentiments and turn of mind. The -consolations he offers, and the form in which he expresses them, are -those of one who has himself passed through all the sad experiences -of life; but to his father, whose teaching had tended to produce this -effect, his expressions were justified and correct. With a natural and -genuine sorrow for his irreparable loss is combined a manly composure, -which sought not to obtain relief by indulging in sorrow, but to look -forward calmly and steadily to the future and its duties. - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(54) - -As a loving son, he set himself to the filial task of comforting and -supporting his father. After hearing that the latter was aware of his -wife's death, and resigned to God's will, Wolfgang answers (July 31, -1778):-- - -Sad as your letter made me, I was beyond measure pleased to find that -you take everything in a right spirit, and that I need not be uneasy -about my dear father and my darling sister. My impulse after reading -your letter was to fall on my knees and thank God for His mercy. I am -well and strong again now, and have only occasional fits of melancholy, -for which the best remedy is writing or receiving letters--that restores -my spirits again at once. - -He felt, and with justice, that his father's anxiety on his account -would now be redoubled. In keeping him informed of all his exertions -and successes he satisfied his own longing to confide in his father, and -gave the latter just that kind of interest and occupation of the mind -which would serve to dispel his grief. It is touching to see the pains -he takes to keep his father informed of all that he thinks will interest -him, and how a certain irritability which had occasionally, and under -the circumstances excusably, betrayed itself in his former letters, now -completely disappears before the expression of tender affection: even -the handwriting, which had been blamed as careless and untidy by his -father, becomes neater and better. Trifles such as these are often the -clearest expression of deep and refined feeling. - -When the heavy blow fell, Wolfgang was alone, his Mannheim friends -having left Paris; his father might well be apprehensive lest he should -neglect the proper care of himself and his affairs. But Grimm now came -forward; he, or more properly, as Mozart declares, his friend Madame -D'Epinay, offered him an asylum in their house,[23] and a place at their -table, and he willingly agreed, as soon as he was convinced that he -should cause neither appreciable expense nor inconvenience. He soon -found himself obliged occasionally to borrow small sums of Grimm, which -gradually mounted - - -{MOZART AS GRIMM'S GUEST.} - -(55) - -"piecemeal" to fifteen louis-d'or; Grimm reassures the father by telling -him that repayment may be indefinitely postponed. But Wolfgang soon -found the way of life in Grimm's household not at all to his mind, and -wrote of it as "stupid and dull." And, indeed, a greater contrast cannot -well be imagined than when, from the house whence issued with scrupulous -devotion bulletins of Voltaire's health, contradictory reports of his -religious condition, and finally the announcement of his death (May 30, -1778), Wolfgang should write to his father (July 3, 1778): "I will tell -you a piece of news, which perhaps you know already; that godless -fellow and arch-scoundrel Voltaire is dead, like a dog, like a brute -beast--that is his reward!" The condescending patronage with which he -was treated soon became intolerable to him, and he complains of Grimm's -way of furthering his interests in Paris as better fitted to a child -than a grown man. We can well imagine that Grimm, like Mozart's own -father, desired that he should make acquaintances, should gain access to -distinguished families as a teacher and clavier-player, and should -seek to win the favour of the fashion-leading part of the community; no -doubt, too, Grimm felt it his duty to remonstrate openly with Wolfgang -for what he considered his indolence and indifference. It is impossible -to deny the good sense and proper appreciation of the position of all -Grimm's remarks, but they were resented by Mozart on account of the tone -of superiority with which they were enforced. Grimm was indeed openly -opposed to Mozart, and told him frankly that he would never succeed in -Paris--he was not active, and did not go about enough; and he wrote the -same thing to Wolfgang's father.[24] - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(56) - -It soon became apparent that Grimm was not really of opinion that -Mozart's talents were of such an order as to offer him a career in -Paris; he said that he could not believe that Wolfgang would be able to -write a French opera likely to succeed, and referred him for instruction -to the Italians. "He is always wanting me," writes Mozart (September 11, -1778), "to follow Piccinni or Caribaldi (Vol. I., p. 77), in fact, he -belongs to the foreign party--he is false--and tries to put me down in -every way." He longed above all things to write an opera to show Grimm -"that I can do as much as his dear Piccinni, although I am only a -German." Grimm's character was not a simple one;[25] he had both won and -kept for himself under adverse circumstances an influential position, -which was no easy matter in Paris at any time. Queer stories were told -of him,[26] and his love of truth was not implicitly relied on.[27] -Rousseau describes him as perfidious and egotistical. Madame D'Epinay, -on the other hand, extols him as a disinterested friend, and others -speak of his benevolence and ready sympathy.[28] There is, at any -rate, no reason to suspect that he meant otherwise than well by Mozart, -although he did not appreciate his genius, and interested himself more -for the father's sake than the son's. He had striven for years to -assert the supremacy of Italian music, and his ideal was Italian opera -performed in Paris by Italian singers in the Italian language. When De -Vismes, who was anxious to propitiate all parties, engaged a company of -Italian - - -{STUDY OF FRENCH OPERA.} - -(57) - -singers,[29] Grimm hailed the auspicious day on which Caribaldi, -Baglioni, and Chiavacci appeared in Piccinni's "Finte Gemelle" (June -n, 1778).[30] It is therefore quite conceivable that he renounced all -interest in Mozart's artistic future as soon as he was convinced of his -falling off from purely Italian notions, and it is interesting to us to -have so clear an indication that even thus early in his career Mozart -had set himself in opposition to the Italian school. He had long since -learnt all that it had to teach, and he fully recognised the fact that -it was his mission to carry on the reform set on foot by Gluck and -Grétry, at the same time retaining all that was valuable in the Italian -teaching. - -A confirmation of this is found in a later expression of opinion made -by Mozart to Joseph Frank, who found him engaged in the study of French -scores, and asked him if it would not be better to devote himself to -Italian compositions; whereupon Mozart answered: "As far as melody is -concerned, yes; but as far as dramatic effect is concerned, no; besides, -the scores which you see here are by Gluck, Piccinni, Salieri, as well -as Grétry, and have nothing French but the words."[31] This view -was confirmed by his stay in Paris, a stay quite as fruitful for his -artistic development as that at Mannheim had been. Grimm's accounts show -that Mozart had opportunities for hearing the operas of numerous French -composers. Besides Gluck's "Armide" which was still new, "Orpheus," -"Alceste," and "Iphigenia in Aulis," which had been revived, Piccinni's -"Roland," Grètry's "Matroco," "Les Trois Ages de l'Opéra," and "Le -Jugement de Midas" were given, as well as Philidor's "Ernelinde," -Dezaide's "Zulima," Gossec's "Fête du Village," Rousseau's "Devin -du Village." Added to these were Piccinni's Italian opera "Le Finte -Gemelle," and doubtless many others of which we know nothing. It may -well excite wonder that Mozart's letters to his father describe - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(58) - -none of the new artistic impressions which he must have received in -Paris. But, apart from the fact that personal affairs naturally held -the first place in his home correspondence, it must be remembered that -abstract reflections on art and its relation to individual artists were -not at that time the fashion, and were besides quite foreign to Mozart's -nature. His aesthetic remarks and judgments whether they treated of -technical questions or of executive effects, are mostly founded on -concrete phenomena. The practical directness of his productive power, -set in motion by every impulse of his artistic nature, prevented his -fathoming the latest psychical conditions of artistic activity, or -tracing the delicate threads which connect the inner consciousness -of the artist with his external impressions, or analysing the secret -processes of the soul which precede the production of a work of art. He -does not seem any more actively conscious of the effect wrought upon -him by the works of others. Some men's impressions of a great work are -involuntary, and they seek later to comprehend the grounds of their -enjoyment; others strive consciously to grasp the idea of the work and -to incorporate it into their being; but to the man of creative genius -alone is it given to preserve his own totality while absorbing all that -is good in the works of other artists. - -Without ever losing his own individuality, an artist of true genius -absorbs impressions from nature and from other works of art than his -own, and constructs them anew from his inner consciousness. He accepts -and assimilates whatever is calculated to nourish his formative power, -and rejects with intuitive right judgment all that is foreign to his -nature. Just as in the production of a true work of art invention and -labour, inspiration and execution, willing and doing, are inseparably -interwoven, so in the consideration by a genius of the works of other -men and other ages, delighted appreciation is combined with criticism, -ready apprehension collects materials for original work in its truest -sense; it is a natural process, which perfects itself in the mind of the -artist without any conscious action on his part. - -Therefore the judgment that one artist pronounces on - - -{RESULT. OF STAY IN PARIS.} - -(59) - -another is not always in perfect accord with the influence which has -been brought to bear on himself by that other. The deeper the influence -penetrates into the roots of an artist's inner being, the more will it -become part and parcel of his productive powers, and the consciousness -of any outside influence will be rapidly lost. It remains for future -historical inquirers to ascertain and define the influence of the -intellectual current of the age on the individual, and the mutual action -on each other of exceptional phenomena. - -Small as the visible results of Mozart's stay in Paris might be, and far -as he remained from the object with which he had undertaken the journey, -it yet enabled him, with great gain to his progress as an artist, to -free himself from the Italian school, after such a thorough study of -its principles as convinced him of the value of the element of dramatic -construction which lay concealed in it. It may indeed be considered as a -fortunate circumstance that no sooner had this conviction taken root in -him than he turned his back on party disputes and left the place -which was of all others the least fitted to encourage the quiet steady -progress of genius. - -L. Mozart had other and very different reasons for wishing to shorten -Wolfgang's stay in Paris as much as he had hitherto desired to prolong -it. With his wife's death he had lost the assurance that Wolfgang's life -in Paris would be of no detriment to his moral nature. Indulgent as she -had been to her son, in this respect her influence was unbounded; and -now it might be feared that Wolfgang's easy-going nature would lead him -into bad company. Grimm's account convinced him that Wolfgang had -no prospects of success in Paris, the less so as he took no pains to -conceal his dislike of the place. His dearest wish at this time was to -be appointed Kapellmeister to the Elector of Bavaria; he hoped thus -to be able to improve the position of the Weber family, and to claim -Aloysia as his own. The project was not disapproved of by his father -(who, however, was told nothing of the last item); on the contrary, he -wrote to Padre Martini describing the state of affairs, and earnestly - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(60) - -requesting him directly and through Raaff to gain the Elector for -Wolfgang; this the Padre readily undertook. As for Raaff, his friendship -for Mozart and the interest which he took in Aloysia Weber were -incentives enough for exertion, and Mozart had other influential friends -among the musicians, besides being able to count on the support of Count -Sickingen. - -In Munich especially, where there was no German operatic composer of -merit--Holzbauer being too old to have much influence--the need of a -kapellmeister and composer was strongly felt; but the circumstances -were very unfavourable. After it had been finally decided that the court -should be removed from Mannheim to Munich, and all had been prepared -for the move, threatenings of war threw everything into confusion -again. Wolfgang felt this a heavy blow to the interests of the Webers, -concerning whom he writes to his father (July 31, 1778):-- - -The day before yesterday my dear friend Weber wrote to me, among other -things, that the day after the Elector's arrival it was announced that -he intended to take up his residence at Munich. This news came like a -thunderbolt to Mannheim, and the joy which had been testified by the -illuminations of the day before was suddenly extinguished (p. 404). The -court musicians were all informed that they were at liberty to follow -the court to Munich, or to remain in Mannheim with their present salary; -each one was to send in his written and sealed decision to the Intendant -within fourteen days. Weber, whose miserable circumstances you know, -wrote as follows: "My decayed circumstances put it out of my power to -follow my gracious master to Munich, however earnestly I may wish to do -so." Before this happened there was a grand concert at court, and poor -Mdlle. Weber felt her enemies' malice; she was not invited to sing--no -one knows why. Immediately afterwards was a concert at Herr von -Gemmingen's, and Count Seeau was present. She sang two of my songs, and -was fortunate enough to please, in spite of the wretched foreigners (the -Munich singers). She is much injured by these infamous slanderers, who -say that her singing is deteriorating. But Cannabich, when the songs -were over, said to her, "Mademoiselle, I hope that you will go on -deteriorating after this fashion! I will write to Herr Mozart to-morrow, -and acquaint him with your success." As the matter now stands, if war -had not broken out, the court would have removed to Munich; Count Seeau, -who positively _will have Mdlle. Weber_, had arranged everything so -as to take her, and there was hope that the circumstances of the whole -family would improve in - - -{PROSPECTS IN SALZBURG.} - -(61) - -consequence. But now the Munich journey is no more talked of, and -the unfortunate Webers may have to wait here long enough, their debts -growing heavier day by day. If I could only help them! My dear father, -I recommend them to you with my whole heart. If they had only 1,000 -florins a year to depend upon! - -Thereupon his father reminds him that his anxiety about the Webers is -unbecoming, as long as he does not bestow the same care on himself and -his own family (August 27, 1778). Besides there was no prospect for him -in Munich at present, and his father therefore wished him to remain in -Paris, at all events until the matter was decided.[32] - -In the midst of this uncertainty a favourable prospect opened in -Salzburg itself. Since Adlgasser's death it had become more and more -evident at court that Wolfgang's recall would be of all things most -advantageous; it was signified to L. Mozart through Bullinger that, -as he doubtless wished to retain his son near him, the court would be -prepared to give him a monthly salary of fifty florins as organist and -concertmeister, and he might look forward with certainty to being made -kapellmeister; but the Archbishop could not make the first advances. -Bullinger duly performed his mission, but L. Mozart, who well knew the -perplexity the Archbishop was in, required that the proposition should -be made direct to him. So, therefore, it was obliged to be; and the -diplomatic skill, "worthy of a Ulysses" as Wolfgang says, with which L. -Mozart contrived to hold his ground and to avail himself of his strong -position in an interview with the canon, Count Joseph Stahremberg, is -minutely described by himself (June 29, 1778):-- - -When I arrived no one was there but his brother the major, who is -staying with him to recover from the fright into which he has been -thrown by Prussian powder and shot. He told me that an organist had been -recommended to him, but he would not accept him without being sure that -he was good. He wished to know if I was acquainted with him--Mandl, -or some such name, he did not remember what. "Oh, you stupid fellow!" -thought I; "is it likely that an order or a request should be received -from Vienna with reference to a candidate whose - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(62) - -name is not even mentioned." As if I could not guess that all this was -by way of inducing me to mention my son! But not I! no, not a syllable. -I said I had not the honour of knowing any such person, and that I would -never venture to recommend any one to our prince, since it would be -difficult to find any one who would altogether suit him. "Yes," said -he, "I cannot recommend him any one; it is far too difficult! Your son -should be here now!" "Bravo! the bait has taken," thought I; "what a -pity that this man is not a minister of state or an ambassador!" Then -I said, "We will speak plainly. Is it not the case that all possible -measures were taken to drive my son out of Salzburg?" I began at the -beginning and enumerated every past circumstance, so that his brother -was quite astonished, but he himself could not deny the truth of a -single point, and at length told his brother that young Mozart had been -the wonder of all who came to Salzburg. He wanted to persuade me to -write to my son; but I said that I would not do so--it would be labour -in vain, for that unless I could tell him what income he might expect, -my son would laugh at the proposition; Adlgasser's salary would be -totally insufficient. Indeed, even if his Grace the Archbishop were to -offer him fifty florins a-month, it would be doubtful whether he would -accept it. We all three left the house together, for they were going to -the riding-school, and I accompanied them. We spoke on the subject all -the way, and I held to what I had said; he held to my son as the only -candidate for him. The fact is, that the Archbishop can hear of no other -good organist who is also a good clavier-player; he says now (but only -to his favourites) that Beecké was a charlatan and a buffoon, and that -Mozart excels all others; he would rather have him whom he knows than -some one else highly paid whom he does not know. He cannot promise any -one (as he would have to do if he gave a smaller salary) an income by -pupils, since there are but few, and those are mine, I having the name -of giving as good lessons as any man. Here then is the affair in full -swing. I do not write, my dear Wolfgang, with the intention of inducing -you to return to Salzburg, for I place no reliance on the words of the -Archbishop, and I have not yet spoken to his sister the Countess;[33] -I rather avoided the opportunity of meeting her; for she would take -the least word as consent and petition. They must come to me, and if -anything is to be done, I must have a clear and advantageous proposal -made, which can hardly be expected. We must wait, and hold fast to our -point. - -Wolfgang, who disliked Salzburg more even than Paris, at first took -no notice of all this. But the death of the old kapellmeister Lolli, -coinciding with that of his mother, brought - - -{MOZART'S DISLIKE OF SALZBURG.} - -(63) - -matters in Salzburg to a crisis, and under the circumstances L. Mozart -was more than ever convinced that Wolfgang should have a good position -there. Good old Bullinger was again employed as a mediator to reconcile -Wolfgang to the idea. He wrote to his young friend that he would be -wronging his family by refusing so advantageous a position as that now -offered to him, and that life might be endurable even in so small a -place as Salzburg. He mentioned casually that the Archbishop intended -engaging a new singer, and hints that his choice might be turned towards -Aloysia Weber. Thereupon Wolfgang wrote candidly to Bullinger (August 7, -1778):-- - -You know how hateful Salzburg is to me!--not alone on account of the -unjust treatment received there by both my father and myself--though -that in itself is enough to make one wish to wipe the place clean out of -one's memory. But even supposing that things turned out so that we could -live _well_--living _well_ and living _happily_ are two things, and the -latter I should never be able to do without the aid of magic--it -would be against the natural order of things! It would be the greatest -pleasure to me to embrace my dear father and sister, and the sooner the -better; but I cannot deny that my joy would be doubled if the reunion -took place anywhere but in Salzburg. I should have far more hope of -living happily and contentedly. - -He goes on to explain that it is not because Salzburg is small that he -dreads returning to it, but because it offers no field for his talent, -music being but little esteemed there; he remarks with bitter satire how -the Archbishop pretends to seek with much parade for a kapellmeister and -a prima donna, and in reality does nothing. - -Soon after his father gives him further information as to the position -of affairs (August 27, 1778):-- - -I have written to you already that your recall here is desired, and they -beat about the bush with me for a long time without getting me to commit -myself; until at last, after Lolli's death, I was obliged to tell the -Countess that I had addressed a petition to the Archbishop, which, -however, simply appealed to his favour by drawing attention to my long -and uncomplaining services. The conversation then turned upon you, and -I expressed myself as frankly upon all necessary points as I had -previously done to Count Stahremberg. At last she asked me whether -you would come if the Archbishop were to give me Lolli's post, and you -Adlgasser's, which, as I had already calculated, would bring us in - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(64) - -together one thousand florins a year; I could do nothing else but answer -that I had no doubt that if this happened you would consent for love -of me, especially as the Countess declared that there was not the least -doubt that the Archbishop would allow you to travel in Italy every -second year, since he himself had said how important it was to hear -something new from time to time, and that he would furnish you with -good letters of introduction. If this were to happen, we might reckon -securely on one hundred and fifteen florins a month; and, as things now -are, on more than one hundred and twenty florins. We should be better -off than in any other place where living is twice as dear, and, not -having to look so closely after money, we should be able to think more -of amusement. But I am far from thinking the affair a certainty, for I -know how hard such a decision will be to the Archbishop. You have the -entire goodwill and sympathy of the Countess, that is certain; and it -is equally certain that old Arco, Count Stahremberg, and the Bishop of -Konigsgratz, are all anxious to bring the matter to a conclusion. - -But there are reasons, as is always the case; and, as I have always told -you, the Countess and old Arco are afraid of my leaving also. They have -no one to succeed me as a clavier-teacher: I have the name of teaching -well--and, indeed, the proofs are there. They know of no one; and, -should a teacher come from Vienna, is it likely that he would give -lessons for four florins or a ducat the dozen, when anywhere else he -would have two or three ducats? This sets them all in perplexity. -But, as I have said before, I do not reckon on it, because I know the -Archbishop. It may be true that he sincerely wishes to secure you; but -he cannot make up his mind, especially when it concerns _giving_. - -Probably Wolfgang counted on this fact, and refrained on that account -from treating the matter seriously. Just at this time his discomfort -in Paris was lightened by a pleasant event. His old London friend Bach, -(Vol. I., p. 39), had been invited to write an opera ("Amadis") for -Paris. "The French are asses, and always will be," remarks Wolfgang -thereupon (July 9, 1778); "they can do nothing themselves, but are -obliged to have recourse to foreigners. Bach came to Paris to make the -necessary arrangements, and Wolfgang wrote (August 27, 1778):-- - -Herr Bach has been in Paris for the last fortnight. He is going to write -a French opera. He has come to hear the singers; then he goes back to -London, writes the opera, and returns to put it on the stage.[34] You -may imagine his joy and mine at our meeting. Perhaps mine is - - -{SUMMONS TO SALZBURG.} - -(65) - -more sincere, but it must be acknowledged that he is an honest man, and -does people justice. I love him, as you know, from my heart, and have -a high esteem for him. As for him, he does not flatter or exaggerate -as some do, but both to myself and others he praises me seriously and -sincerely. - -Bach had introduced Wolfgang to the Marshal de Noailles,[35] and the -latter had invited them both, as well as Bach's "bosom friend" Tenducci -(Vol. I., p. 41), to St. Germain. There they spent some pleasant days -together, and it need hardly be said that Mozart composed a scena for -Tenducci, with pianoforte, oboe, horn, and bassoon accompaniment, the -instruments being taken by dependents of the Marshal, chiefly Germans, -who played well.[36] - -Meanwhile the time for decision drew near. The Salzburg authorities had -made a definite proposal to L. Mozart, as he had wished, and he wrote to -his son in a way which hardly left him a choice (August 31, 1778):-- - -You do not like Paris, and I scarcely think you are wrong. My heart and -mind have been troubled for you until now, and I have been obliged to -play a very ticklish part, concealing my anxiety under the semblance of -light-heartedness, in order to give the impression that you were in the -best of circumstances and had money in abundance, although I well knew -to the contrary. I was very doubtful of gaining my point because, as you -know, the step we took and your hasty resignation left us little to hope -from our haughty Archbishop. But my clever management has carried me -through, and the Archbishop has agreed to all my terms, both for you and -myself. You are to have five hundred florins, and he expressed regret at -not being able to make you kapellmeister at once. You are to be allowed -to act as my deputy when the work is beyond me, or I am unfit to do it. -He said he had always intended to give you a better post, &c.; in fact, -to my amazement, he made the politest apologies. More than that! he -has given five florins additional to Paris,[37] so that he may take the -heaviest duties, and enable you to act as concertmeister again. So that - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(66) - -we shall get altogether, as I told you before, an income of one thousand -florins. Now I should like to know whether you think my head is worth -anything, and whether or not I have done my best for you. I have thought -of everything. The Archbishop has declared himself prepared to let you -travel where you will, if you want to write an opera. He apologised for -his refusal last year by saying that he could not bear his subjects to -go about begging. Now Salzburg is a middle point between Munich, Vienna, -and Italy. It will be easier to get a commission for an opera in Munich -than to get an official post, for German composers are scarce. The -Elector's death has put a stop to all appointments, and war is breaking -out again. The Duke of - -Zweibrücken[38] is no great lover of music. But I would rather you did -not leave Paris until I have the signed agreement in my hand. The Prince -and the whole court are wonderfully taken with Mdlle. Weber, and are -absolutely determined to hear her. She must stay with us. Her father -seems to me to have no head. I will manage the affair for them if they -choose to follow my advice. You must speak the word for her here, for -there is another singer wanted for operatic performances. - -He was now so sure of the affair that he concluded his letter with the -words, "My next letter will tell you when to set off." - -L. Mozart was not mistaken in his son; however great the sacrifice it -entailed upon him, he prepared to yield to the will of his father. "When -I read your letter," he answered (September 11, 1778), "I trembled with -joy, for I felt myself already in your embrace. It is true, as you will -acknowledge, that it is not much of a prospect for me; but when I look -forward to seeing you, and embracing my dearest sister, I think of no -other prospect." He did not conceal from his father his repugnance to -the idea of a residence at Salzburg, on account of the want of congenial -society, the unmusical tone of the place, and the little confidence -placed by the Archbishop in sensible and cultivated people. His -consolation was the permission to travel, without which he would -hardly have made up his mind to come. "A man of mediocre talent remains -mediocre whether he travels or not; but a man of superior talent (which -I cannot without hypocrisy deny myself to be) becomes bad if he always -remains in the same place." The possibility that Aloysia Weber might -come to Salzburg - - -{ENCOURAGEMENT FROM L. MOZART.} - -(67) - -filled him with joy; for, indeed, if the Archbishop really wanted a -prima donna, he could not have a better one. He is already troubled by -the thought "that if people come from Salzburg for the Carnival, and -'Rosamund' is played, poor Mdlle. Weber will perhaps not please, or -at least will not be judged of as she deserves, for she has a wretched -part--almost a _persona muta_--to sing a few bars between the choruses" -(Vol. I., p. 403). "When I am in Salzburg," he continues, "I shall -certainly not fail to intercede with all zeal for my dear friend; and in -the meantime I earnestly hope you will do your best for her--you cannot -give your son any greater pleasure." He begs for permission to take -Mannheim on his way home, in order to visit the Webers. - -L. Mozart, knowing how deep and well-founded an antipathy Wolfgang had -for Salzburg, sought to convince him that he would find himself in a -much better position there now than formerly. "Our assured income," he -wrote (September 3, 1778), "is what I have written to you, and your mode -of life will not come in the way of your studies and any other work. -You are not to play the violin at court, but you have full power of -direction at the clavier." This was an important point to Wolfgang, and -his father recurs to it again (September 24, 1778):-- - -Formerly you were really nothing but a violinist, and that only as -concertmeister; now you are concertmeister and court organist, and your -chief duty is to accompany at the clavier. You will not think it any -disgrace to play the violin as an _amateur_ in the first symphony, since -you will do it in company with the Archbishop himself, and all the -court nobility. Herr Haydn is a man whose musical merit you will readily -acknowledge--should you stigmatise him as a "court fiddler" because, -in his capacity as concertmeister, he plays the viola in the smaller -concerts? It is all by way of amusement; and I would lay a wager that, -rather than hear your compositions bungled, you would set to yourself -with a will." - -He consoles him also by reminding him that the concerts at court are -short, from seven o'clock to a quarter past eight, and that seldom -more than four pieces are performed--a symphony, an aria, a symphony or -concerto, and another aria (September 17, 1778). Since the - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(68) - -payment of their debts did not press, they could pay off annually a -few hundred gulden, and live easily and comfortably. "You will find -amusement enough here; for when one has not to look at every kreutzer, -it makes many things possible. We can go to all the balls at the -Town-Hall during the Carnival. The Munich theatrical company are to -come at the end of September, and to remain here the whole winter with -comedies and operettas. Then there is our quoit-playing every Sunday, -and if we choose to go into society it will come to us; everything is -altered when one has a better income." But the father knew that the -point on which Wolfgang would be most open to persuasion was not the -prospect of Salzburg gaieties, but that of a union with his beloved -Mdlle. Weber; and he goes on to speak on this subject too. Not only does -he say, "You will soon be asked about Mdlle. Weber when you are here; -I have praised her continually, and I will do all I can to gain her a -hearing," but he continues: "As to Mdlle. Weber, you must not imagine -that I disapprove of the acquaintance. All young people must make fools -of themselves. You are welcome to continue your correspondence without -interference from me. Nay, more! I will give you a piece of advice. -Every one knows you here. You had better address your letters to Mdlle. -Weber under cover to some one else, and receive them in the same way, -unless you think my prudence a sufficient safeguard." - -The paternal permission to make a fool of himself was calculated to hurt -the lover's tenderest feelings, and he does not disguise that this is -the case in narrating a proof of the genuine attachment of the Webers -for him. "The poor things," he writes (October 15, 1778), "were all in -great anxiety on my account. They thought I was dead, not having heard -from me for a whole month, owing to the loss of a letter; they were -confirmed in their opinion because of a report in Mannheim that my dear -mother had died of an infectious illness. They all prayed for my soul, -and the dear girl went every day to the church of the Capucins. You will -laugh, no doubt? but not I; it touches me; I cannot help it." About the -same time he received the news - - -{ALOYSIA WEBER AT MUNICH.} - -(69) - -that Aloysia had obtained an operatic engagement at Munich with a good -salary,[39] and he expresses the mingled feelings with which he heard it -simply and truly:-- - -I am as pleased at Mdlle. Weber's, or rather at my dear Aloysia's -appointment as any one who has taken such a warm interest in her affairs -was sure to be; but I can no longer expect the fulfilment of my earnest -wish that she should settle in Salzburg, for the Archbishop would never -give her what she is to have in Munich. All I can hope for is that she -will sometimes come to Salzburg to sing in operas. - -This turn in affairs must have strengthened Mozart's secret wish -to obtain an appointment under the Elector of Bavaria, and his -determination to do all he could towards this end on his journey through -Mannheim and Munich, and to "turn a cold shoulder" on the Archbishop. -His father had nothing to oppose to such a project except the -uncertainty of its prospects; he sought, therefore, to convince Wolfgang -that his only right course now was to accept the certainty offered to -him, and to keep Munich in view for a future time. He gave him definite -instructions on the point (September 3, 1778):-- - -Since the Electoral Court is expected in Munich on September 15, you can -speak yourself to your friend Count Seeau, and perhaps to the Elector -himself on your journey through. You can say that your father wishes you -to return to Salzburg, and that the Prince has offered you a salary -of seven or eight hundred florins (add on two or three hundred) as -concertmeister; that you have accepted it from filial duty to your -father, although you know he has always wished to see you in the -electoral service. But, N.B., no more than this! You may want to write -an opera in Munich, and you can do so best from here; it cannot fail -to be so, for German operatic composers are very scarce. Schweitzer and -Holzbauer will not write every year; and should Michl write one, he -will soon be out-Michled. Should there be those who throw doubts and -difficulties in the way, you have friends in the profession who will -stand up for you; and this court will also bring out something during -the year. In short you will be at hand. - -It was now quite necessary that Wolfgang should leave Paris; and in -anticipating what he had to expect in Salzburg, he began to feel what he -was leaving in Paris. He - - -{PARIS, 1778.} - -(70) - -was angry with Grimm, who desired that he should be ready for his -journey in a week, which was impossible, since he had still claims on -the Duc de Guines and on Le Gros, and must wait to correct the proofs of -his sonatas, and to sell the compositions he had with him.[40] He had -no small desire to write six more trios, for which he might expect good -payment. Grimm's evident wish that he should go, and his offer to -pay the journey to Strasburg (which seemed to the father a proof of -friendship) was considered by Wolfgang as distrust and insincerity. -Grimm no doubt wished to be relieved of the responsibility he had -undertaken as soon as possible, and may have offended his _protégé_ -by too open an expression of his desire; but there is no doubt that he -acted according to the mind of the father, and in the sincere opinion -that the unpractical and vacillating young man required decided -treatment. But Wolfgang was so firmly convinced that his departure from -Paris was premature, that he wrote to his father from Strasburg (October -15, 1778), that it was the greatest folly in the world to go to Salzburg -now, and only his love to his father had induced him to set aside the -representations of his friends. He had been praised for this, but with -the remark that-- - -If my father had known my present good circumstances and prospects, and -had not believed the reports of certain false friends, he would not have -written to me in a way that I could not withstand. And I think myself -that if I had not been so annoyed in the house where I was staying, -and if the whole thing had not come upon me like a thunderbolt, so that -there was no time to consider it in cool blood, I should certainly have -begged you to have a little more patience, and to leave me in Paris; I -assure you I should have gained both money and fame, and been able to -extricate you from all your embarrassments. But it - - -{STRASBURG, 1778.} - -(71) - -is done now. Do not imagine that I repent the step, for only you, my -dear father, only you can sweeten for me the bitterness of Salzburg, and -we shall do it--I know we shall; but I must frankly own that I should -come to Salzburg with a lighter heart if I did not know that I was to be -in the service of the court. The idea is intolerable to me. - -In the meantime business was wound up, the mother's property and the -heavy baggage was sent direct to Salzburg; and on September 26 Wolfgang -left Paris, having gained much experience but little satisfaction, as -depressed and out of humour as he had entered it. - - - -FOOTNOTES CHAPTER XIX. - -[Footnote 1: [Goudard] Le Brigandage de la Musique Italienne (Amsterdam, 1780) -is directed against Italian musicians, but includes in this category "Le -Général Gluck et son Lieutenant-Général Piccinni et tous les autres noms -en _ini_."] - -[Footnote 2: Histoire du Théätre de l'Opéra en France, I., p. 164. Fétis, Curios. -Hist, de la Mus., p. 325. Burney gives a detailed account of a "Concert -Spirituel" at which he was present in 1770 (Reise, I., p. n).] - -[Footnote 3: Nothing is known of this music, so far as I am aware; Mozart does -not seem to have kept it himself, and therefore did not bring it to -Salzburg.] - -[Footnote 4: This Sinfonie Concertante is lost beyond recovery. Mozart sold it to -Le Gros, and kept no copy; he must have thought he could write it again -from memory; but apparently cared the less to do so as there were no -virtuosi in Salzburg able to perform the symphony.] - -[Footnote 5: L. de Lomenie, Beaumarchais, II., p. 89. Dutens, Mém., II., p. 59. -Madame du Deffand, Lettr., III., p. 172, 297.] - -[Footnote 6: Madame du Deffand, Lettr., IV., p. 107.] - -[Footnote 7: The Dauphin was born on December 11, 1778.] - -[Footnote 8: Madame de Genlis, Mém., I., p. 288.] - -[Footnote 9: She married M. de Chartus (afterwards Duc de Castries) in the summer -of 1778, with a dowry from the King, and died in childbirth (Madame du -Deffand, Lettr., IV., p. 52).] - -[Footnote 10: Jos. Frank narrates in his Reminiscences (Prutz, Deutsch. Mus., -II., p. 28):] - -[Footnote 11: The Duchesse de Chabot, daughter of Lord Stafford, mentioned as an -acquaintance by Grimm and Madame Epinay (Galiani, Corr. inéd., II., p. -305).] - -[Footnote 12: She was the daughter of the Duke of Orleans, sister to the then -Duc de Chartres, the future Egalité. A short time previously a duel, -of which she was the occasion, between the Duc de Bourbon and the Comte -d'Artois, had made a great stir (Du Deffand, Lettr., IV., p. 28. Grimm, -Corr. Litt., X., p. 1.)] - -[Footnote 13: That is on his first visit to Paris. The Duchess entered a convent -in her fifteenth year, and remained there several years (Genlis, Mém., -III., p. 84).] - -[Footnote 14: "Cf. Madame de Genlis, Mém., I., p. 289; II., p. 185.] - -[Footnote 15: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IX., p. 174.] - -[Footnote 16: Noverre's ballet "Les Petits Riens" was given in June, 1778 (in -Italian by Italian singers), and was praised by Grimm, but without -mention of the music (Corr. Litt., X., p. 53). This composition has also -been irrecoverably lost.] - -[Footnote 17: The imposing effect of the simultaneous attack of a fine orchestra -was the occasion of this catchword. Raaff told Mozart of a piquant _bon -mot ä propos_ of the term. He was asked by a Frenchman, at Munich or -some other place: "Monsieur, vous avez été ä Paris?" "Oui." "Est-ce que -vous étiez au Concert Spirituel?" "Oui." "Que dites-vous du premier -coup d'archet? avez-vous entendu le premier coup d'archet?" "Oui, j'ai -entendu le premier et le dernier." "Comment, le dernier? qui veut dire -cela?" "Mais oui, le premier et le dernier, et le dernier même m'a donné -plus de plaisir."] - -[Footnote 18: Mozart speaks in a later letter (September 11,1778) of two -symphonies which had been much admired, and of which the last was -performed on September 8. With this agrees his assertion (October 3, -1778) that he had sold to Le Gros two overtures (i.e., symphonies) and -the Sinfonie Concertante. There are no further traces of this symphony.] - -[Footnote 19: Mozart has made considerable abbreviations in the first movement -of this symphony, while working oat the score in the manner described -above.] - -[Footnote 20: Süddeutsche Mus. Ztg., 1857, No. 44, p. 175.] - -[Footnote 21: The father writes to Breitkopf (August 10,1781): "The six sonatas -dedicated to the Elector Palatine were published by M. Sieber, in Paris. -He paid my son for them fifteen louis neuf, thirty copies and a free -dedication."] - -[Footnote 22: A fac-similé of the letter to Bullinger will be found at the end of -the third volume.] - -[Footnote 23: Mémoires et Correspondance de Madame d'Epinay (Paris, 1818). Cf. -Grimm, Corr. Litt., XI.,? 468. Madame de Genlis, Mém., III., p. 99. -Sainte-Beuve, Causeries du Lundi, II., p. 146.] - -[Footnote 24: Grimm's letter to L. Mozart, which the latter forwarded to his son -(August 13, 1778), runs as follows: "Il est _zu treuherzig_, peu actif, -trop aisé ä attraper, trop peu occupé des moyens qui peuvent conduire -ä la fortune. Ici, pour percer, il faut être retors, entreprenant, -audacieux. Je lui voudrais pour sa fortune la moitié moins de talent et -le double plus d'entregent, et je n'en serais pas embarrassé. Au reste, -il ne peut tenter ici que deux chemins pour se faire un sort. Le premier -est de donner des leçons de clavecin; mais sans compter qu'on n'a des -écoliers qu'avec beaucoup d'activité et même de charlatanerie, je ne -sais s'il aurait assez de santé pour soutenir ce métier, car c'est -une chose très fatiguante de courir les quatre coins de Paris et de -s'épuiser ä parler pour montres. Et puis ce métier ne lui plaît pas, -parcequ'il l'empêchera d'écrire, ce qu'il aime par-dessus tout. Il -pourrait donc s'y livrer tout ä fait; mais en ce pays ici le gros du -public ne se connaît pas en musique. On donne par conséquent tout aux -noms, et le mérite de l'ouvrage ne peut être jugé que par un très petit -nombre. Le public est dans ce moment si ridiculement partagé entre -Piccinni et Gluck que tous les raisonnements qu'on entend sur la musique -font pitié. Il est donc très difficile pour votre fils pour réuissir -entre ces deux partis. Vous voyez, mon cher maître, que dans un pays où -tant de musiciens médiocres et détestables même ont fait des fortunes -immenses, je crains fort que M. votre fils ne se tire pas seulement -d'affaire."] - -[Footnote 25: Cf. the account 'by Sainte-Beuve, Causeries du Lundi, VII., p. 226; -II., p. 158.] - -[Footnote 26: Merck, Briefe, II., p. 282.] - -[Footnote 27: Madame de Genlis, Mèm., IV., p. 3.] - -[Footnote 28: Jacobs, in Hoffmann's Lebensbilder ber. Humanisten, p. 15.] - -[Footnote 29: Grimm, Corr. Litt., X., pp. 37, 112, 162. La Harpe, Corr. Litt., -II., p. 249.] - -[Footnote 30: Grimm, Corr. Litt., X., p. 52.] - -[Footnote 31: Prutz, Deutsches Museum, II., p. 28.] - -[Footnote 32: Both the father and son, especially the former, follow closely the -course of political and military events, and communicate them to each -other.] - -[Footnote 33: The Archbishop's sister, Marie Franziska (b. 1746), who had -married Oliver, Count von Wallis, had a residence assigned her in the -archiépiscopal palace, and kept up a sort of regal state.] - -[Footnote 34: Grimm, Corr. Litt., X., p. 236.] - -[Footnote 35: There were two Marshals of the name, the Duke and the Count de -Noailles: I do not know which of the two is here meant. The first was -the father of the Countess de Tessé, Mozart's early patroness (Vol. I., -p. 35), and, like her, was interested in literature and art (Lomenie, -Beaumarchais, I., p. 206).] - -[Footnote 36: Tenducci must have taken this composition with him to London. -Burney (Barrington's Miscellanies, p. 289) praises it as a masterpiece -of invention and technical execution (Pohl, Mozart und Haydn in London, -p. 121).] - -[Footnote 37: Anton Paris was the third court organist in Salzburg.] - -[Footnote 38: The heir-apparent, afterwards King Max I.] - -[Footnote 39: Aloysia received a salary of 1,000 florins, her father 400 florins, -together with 200 florins as prompter, as Mozart afterwards learnt at -Mannheim.] - -[Footnote 40: He hoped to sell his three pianoforte concertos (238, 246, 271, K.) -to the engraver of his sonatas for ready money, and if possible his six -difficult piano sonatas (279-284 K.). Whether he succeeded or not I do -not know, but they do not seem to have been engraved. His father advised -him to insure his connection with the Parisian publishers for the -future. In a letter to Breitkopf (August xo, 1781), he mentions Trois -airs variés pour le clavecin ou fortepiano, engraved by Heyna, in Paris. -These are the variations on Fischer's Minuet (179 K.); on an air from -Salieri's "Fiera di Venezia," "Mio caro Adone" (180 K.), mentioned in a -letter to his father (December 28,1778); and on "Je suis Lindor," from -Beaumarchais' "Barbier de Seville" (354 K.).] - - - - -CHAPTER XX. THE RETURN HOME. - - - -{THE RETURN HOME.} - -(72) - -WOLFGANG'S father expected that he would perform his homeward journey -without any unnecessary delay, and his anxiety became serious when day -after day passed and he received no tidings of his son's approach to -Strasburg. - -"I confessed and communicated together with your sister," he writes -(October 19, 1778), "and earnestly prayed for your preservation; good -old Bullinger prayed for you daily in the holy mass." The fact was, that -instead of providing Mozart with means to travel by the diligence, which -accomplished the journey to Strasburg in a week, Grimm had satisfied -himself with an ordinary conveyance, which occupied twelve days on the -road. Mozart's patience was tired out in a week, and he halted at Nancy. -Here he met with a German merchant, the best man in the world, who at -once conceived a paternal attachment for him, and wept at the idea of -their parting. With this new friend Wolfgang, determined to travel to -Strasburg as soon as an opportunity of doing so cheaply should occur. -They were obliged to wait a considerable time, and it was the middle of -October before they reached Strasburg:-- - -Things are not promising here; but the day after to-morrow (Saturday, -October 17) I intend, _quite alone_ (to avoid expense), to give a -subscription concert to certain friends and connoisseurs; if I had -engaged any other instruments it would, with the lighting, have cost me -more than three louis-d'or; and who knows if it will bring in so much? - -It was a shrewd guess, for his next letter had to announce three -louis-d'or as the exact sum made by this "little model of a concert":-- - -But the principal receipts were in "bravos" and "bravissimos," which -resounded from all sides. Prince Max of Zweibrücken, too, honoured -the concert with his presence. I need scarcely say that every one was -pleased. I should have left Strasburg immediately after this, but I was -advised to stay until the following Saturday, and give a grand concert -in the theatre. At this I made the identical same sum, to the amazement -and indignation and shame of all Strasburg. I must say, however, that -my ears ached as much from the applauding and hand-clapping as if the -theatre had been crammed full. Every one present openly and loudly -denounced the conduct of their fellow-townsmen; and I told them all -that if I could have imagined that I should have so small an audience, -I would gladly have given the concert gratis, for the pleasure of seeing -the theatre full. Indeed, I should have preferred it; for nothing can -be more dismal than to lay a table for eighty guests and receive only -three--and then it was so cold! But I soon grew warm; and in order to -show my gentlemen of Strasburg that I was not put out, I played a great -deal for my own entertainment; I gave them a concerto more than I had -promised, and improvised for a long time at the end. Well, it is over -and done with, and at least I have gained the reputation and honour. - -Besides the concerts, he played publicly on the two best of Silbermann's -organs in the Neue Kirche and the Thomas Kirche, and the roads being -flooded and his departure for the present impossible, he resolved to -give another concert on his fête-day, October 31. This he did at the -solicitation and for the gratification of his friends Frank, De Beyer, -&c., and the result was--_one_ louis-d'or. No wonder that he was -obliged to raise money in order to continue his journey, a fact which he -remembered years after with indignation. - -By the advice of friends who had made the journey he continued his -way by diligence via Mannheim; the better roads and more comfortable -carriage amply compensating for the _détour_. At Mannheim he alighted -on November 6, and was welcomed with acclamations by his friends. -The journey viä Mannheim seemed to Leopold Mozart a most senseless -proceeding on Wolfgang's part; the Weber family and all his best friends -had migrated to Munich, and there was nothing to be gained by the visit. - - - -{MANNHEIM, 1778.} - -(73) - -He stayed with Madame Cannabich, who had not yet left, and who was never -tired of hearing about himself; all his acquaintance tore him in pieces, -for "as I love Mannheim, so Mannheim loves me." The old associations -woke in him the old hopes and wishes. The Mannheim people were anxious -to believe that the Elector could not stand the coarse manners of the -Bavarians, and would soon be tired of Munich. It was reported that -Madame Toscani and Madame Urban had been so hissed that the Elector had -leant over his box and cried "Hush!" As this had no effect, Count Seeau -had begged some officers not to make so much noise, since it displeased -the Elector; but they answered, that they had paid for their admission -to the theatre, and no one had any right to give them orders there. -Every one was convinced that the Elector would soon bring the court back -to Mannheim, and Wolfgang was only too ready to believe the assurances -of his friends that when this took place, a fixed appointment would -certainly be offered to him. Between Mannheim and Salzburg--what a -difference! "The Archbishop," he wrote to his father (November 12, -1778), "cannot give me an equivalent for the slavery in Salzburg. I -should feel nothing but delight were I only going to pay you a visit: -but the idea of settling myself for good within that beggarly court -is pain and grief to me." At Mannheim there were already prospects -of immediate employment, besides--and what did he want more?--the -opportunity for dramatic composition. Amid the universal desolation -which was spread over Mannheim by the removal of the electoral court -to Munich, patriotic men were not wanting who strove to resuscitate the -intellectual and material prosperity of the town. Heribert von Dalberg -failed indeed in his project for removing Heidelberg University to -Mannheim, but he gained the express support of the Elector to the -establishment of a theatre for carrying out the idea of an established -national drama (Vol. I., p. 369).[1] Dalberg undertook the management -with zeal and - - -{THE RETURN HOME.} - -(74) - -intelligence, and both the choice of pieces and the manner of -representation were considered entirely from an artistic point of view. - -The Mannheim theatre first attained its peculiar importance and -celebrity in the autumn of 1779, when the principal members of the Gotha -Court company, with Iffland among them, were engaged at Mannheim.[2] -When Mozart was on his way back from Paris, Seyler was there with his -company, which was only available for operetta and vaudeville. But -higher notions were in the air; the idea of a German national opera had -never been abandoned, and to enlist in its service such a composer -as Mozart was a prospect not to be despised. How ready he was for the -service we know. He had not been in Mannheim a week when he wrote, full -of enthusiasm, to his father (November 12, 1778):-- - -I have a chance of earning forty louis-d'or here! I should be obliged -to stay six weeks or, at the longest, two months. The Seyler troupe are -here; no doubt you know them by reputation. Herr Dalberg is manager, and -refuses to let me go until I have composed a duodrama for him. I have -made no objection, for I have always wished to write a drama of this -kind. I do not remember if I told you anything about these duodramas -when I was here before. I have been present at the performance of one -of them twice with the greatest pleasure. In fact, I never was more -surprised! for I had always imagined such a piece would have no effect. -You know that the performers do not sing, but declaim, and the music -is like an obbligato recitative. Sometimes speaking is interposed with -first-rate effect. What I saw was "Medea," by Benda. He wrote another, -"Ariadne on Naxos," both excellent. You know that Benda was always my -favourite among the Lutheran kapellmeisters. I like these two works -so much that I carry them about with me. Now you may imagine my joy at -having to do just what I wished. Do you know what I should like? To have -recitatives of this kind in opera, and only sometimes, when the words -are readily expressible in music, to have them sung. - -The duodrama which he was thus burning to compose was "Semiramis," and -the poet was his friend and patron, Herr von Gemmingen (Vol. I., -p. 429). It was he probably who wished Mozart to remain to compose -"Semiramis," for Dalberg - - -{A MONODRAMA OR AN OPERA.} - -(75) - -had other views for him. He had written an opera ("Cora")[3] which he -much wished to have composed. He had already applied to Gluck and to -Schweitzer,[4] but not feeling sure of either of them, he now sought to -secure Mozart. The latter wrote to him (Mannheim, November 24, 1778):-- - -Monsieur le Baron,--I have already waited upon you twice without having -had the honour of finding you at liberty; yesterday I believe you were -at home, but I was not able to speak with you. I must therefore ask -you to pardon me for troubling you with a few lines, for it is very -important to me that I should explain myself fully to you. Monsieur -le Baron, you know that I am not mercenary, especially when I am in a -position to be of service to so great a lover and so true a connoisseur -of music as yourself. On the other hand, I feel certain that you would -not desire that I should be in any way injured by the transaction; I am -therefore bold enough to make my final proposition on the matter, -since I cannot possibly remain longer in uncertainty. I undertake, for -twenty-five louis-d'or, to write a monodrama, to remain here two months -longer, to arrange everything, attend the rehearsals, &c.; but with -this proviso, that, let what will happen, I shall be paid by the end of -January. That I shall be free of the theatre is a matter of course.[5] -This, Monsieur le Baron, is the utmost I can offer; if you consider it, -I think you will see that I am acting very moderately. As far as your -opera is concerned, I assure you that I should like above all things -to set it to music. That I could not undertake such a work as that for -twenty-five louis-d'or, you will readily allow; for it would contain at -the most moderate computation quite as much work again as a monodrama; -the only thing that would make me hesitate to undertake it is that, -as you tell me, Gluck and Schweitzer are already writing it. But even -supposing that you offered me fifty louis-d'or for it, I would as an -honest man dissuade you from it. What is to become of an opera without -singers, either male or female? At the same time, if there were any -prospect of its being well produced I would not refuse to undertake the -work from regard for you; and it would be no trifle, I give you my word -of honour. Now I have told you my ideas clearly and straightforwardly, -and I must beg for a speedy decision. If I could have an answer to-day -I should be all the better pleased, for I have heard that some one is -going to travel alone to Munich next Thursday, and I would gladly profit -by the opportunity. - - -{THE RETURN HOME.} - -(76) - -Mozart would hardly have left Mannheim as long as a glimmer of hope -remained--he, who was so overjoyed at finding employment there that he -wrote to his father (November 12, 1778): "They are arranging an Académie -des Amateurs here, like the one in Paris. Herr Franzl is to lead the -violins, and I am writing them a concerto for clavier and violin."[6] -But his father, who was very dissatisfied with the "foolish fancy" -for remaining in Mannheim, came to the point, and represented to him -(November 19, 1778) how impossible it would be for the Elector to return -to Mannheim. It was especially undesirable now to seek a post in the -Bavarian service, since the death of Karl Theodor had "let loose on the -world a whole army of artists, who are in Mannheim and Munich seeking a -mode of livelihood. The Duke of Zweibrücken himself had an orchestra of -thirty-six performers, and the former Mannheim establishment cost 80,000 -florins." He cares nothing for the "possible earning of 40 louis-d'or," -but emphatically orders: "Set off as soon as you receive this!" And to -meet any conceivable remonstrance, he once more sets plainly forth the -true position of affairs (November 23, 1778):-- - -There are two things of which your head is full and which obscure your -true judgment. The first and principal is your love for Mdlle. Weber, to -which I am not altogether opposed. I was not formerly, when her father -was poor, and why should I be so now when she may make your fortune -instead of you hers? I conjecture that her father is aware of your love, -since all Mannheim knows it, since Herr Fiala (oboist in Salzburg) has -heard it, since Herr Bullinger, who teaches at Count Lodron's, told me -of it. He travelled with some Mannheim musicians from Ellwang (where -he was in the vacation), and they could talk of nothing but your -cleverness, compositions, and love for Mdlle. Weber. - -In Salzburg, the father goes on, he would be so near Munich that he -could easily go there, or Mdlle. Weber could come to Salzburg, where she -might stay with them. Opportunities would not be wanting. Fiala had told -the Archbishop a great deal about Mdlle. Weber's singing and - - -{MOZART LEAVES MANNHEIM, 1778.} - -(77) - -Wolfgang's good prospects in Mannheim. He might also invite his -other friends--Cannabich, Wendling, Ritter, Ramm. They would all find -hospitable welcome in his father's house - -Most especially will your acceptance of the present office (which is -the second subject of which your head is full) be your only certain -opportunity for revisiting Italy, which is what I have more at heart -than anything else. And your acceptance is indispensably necessary, -unless you have the abominable and unfilial desire to bring scorn and -derision on your anxious father--on that father who has sacrificed every -hour of his life to his children to bring them credit and honour. I -am not in a position to pay my debts, which now amount in all to one -thousand florins, unless you lighten the payment by the receipt of your -salary. I can then certainly pay off four hundred florins a year, and -live comfortably with you two. I should like, if it is the will of God, -to live a few years more, and to pay my debts, and then you may, if you -choose, run your head against the wall at once. But no! your heart is -good. You are not wicked, only thoughtless--it will all come! - -This was not to be withstood. Wolfgang wrote that he would set off on -December 9, but he still declined to travel the shortest way (December -3, 1778): "I must tell you what a good opportunity I have for a -travelling companion next Wednesday--no other than the Bishop of -Kaysersheim. One of my friends mentioned me to him; he remembered my -name, and expressed great pleasure at the idea of travelling with me; he -is a thoroughly kind, good man, although he is a priest and a prelate. -So that I shall go viä Kaysersheim, instead of Stuttgart." - -The farewell to Mannheim was a sad one, both to Mozart and his friends. -Madame Cannabich, who had earned the right to be considered as his -best and truest friend, and who placed implicit confidence in him, -was specially sorrowful; she refused to rise for his early departure, -feeling unequal to the leave-taking, and he crept silently away that he -might not add to her distress. - -He was loth to give up his monodrama: "I am now writing," he says -(December 3, 1778), "to please Herr von Gemmingen and myself, the first -act of the declamatory opera which I was to have finished here; as it -is, I shall - -{THE RETURN HOME.} - -(78) - -take it with me, and go on with it at home; my eagerness for this kind -of composition is uncontrollable."[7] - -The Bishop took such an "extraordinary liking" for him that he was -persuaded to stay at Kaysersheim, and to make an expedition with his -host to Munich, where he arrived on December 25. Here he looked forward -to some pleasant days in the society of all his Mannheim friends, and -above all to reunion with his beloved Aloysia. In order that nothing -might be wanting to his pleasure he begged his cousin to come to Munich, -and hinted that she might have an important part to play there: he had -no doubt of the success of his suit. But he almost immediately after -received a letter from his father, ordering him in the most positive -manner to set out by the first diligence in January, and not on any -account to be persuaded by Cannabich to make a further postponement. -L. Mozart foresaw that Wolfgang would make another effort to escape the -slavery in Salzburg, and that his friends would encourage him to hope -for a place under the Court at Munich. In anticipation of this he once -more laid plainly before him that the settlement in Salzburg would -afford the only possibility of putting their affairs in order. This -representation arrived very inopportunely for Wolfgang. Cannabich and -Raaff were, in point of fact, working "hand and foot" for him. By their -advice he had already undertaken to write a mass for the Elector, and -the sonatas (Vol. I., p. 415; II., p. 70) which he had dedicated to the -Electress had arrived just in time to be presented by him in person; and -in the midst of - - -{MUNICH, 1778--BECKE.} - -(79) - -all this his father's letter dashed his hopes to the ground, and added -to his gloomy anticipations of life in Salzburg the fear that he would -not be kindly received. He opened his heart to their old friend the -flautist Becke (Vol. I., p. 228), who moved him still further by his -account of the kindness and indulgence of his father. "I have never -written so badly before," he writes to his father (December 29, 1778); -"I cannot do it; my heart is too much inclined for weeping. I hope you -will soon write and console me." - -Becke also wrote on behalf of Wolfgang:-- - -He burns with desire to embrace his dearest and best-beloved father, as -soon as his present circumstances will allow of it; he almost makes me -lose my composure, for I was an hour or more in quieting his tears. He -has the best heart in the world! I have never seen a child with a more -loving and tender affection for his father than your son. He has a -little misgiving lest your reception of him should not be as tender as -he could wish; but I hope quite otherwise from your fatherly heart. His -heart is so pure, so childlike, so open to me; how much more so will -it not be to his father! No one can hear him speak without doing him -justice as the best-intentioned, most earnest, and most honourable of -men. - -L. Mozart answered at once that his son might rely on the most loving -welcome, and that everything would be done to entertain him; the autumn -festivities and quoit prize-meetings had been postponed on his account. -But he bids him observe that his long delay, the appointment being -already four months old, is beginning to make the Archbishop impatient, -and it must not go so far as to cause him to draw back in his turn. - -To this Wolfgang answered (January 8,1779):-- - -I assure you, my dear father, that I feel only pleasure in coming to -you (not to Salzburg) now that I see by your last letter that you have -learnt to know me better. There has been no other cause for this last -postponement of my journey home than the doubt I felt (which, when I -could no longer contain myself, I confided to my friend Becke) as to my -reception. What other cause could there be? I know that I am not guilty -of anything that should make me feel your reproaches. I have committed -no fault (for I call that only a fault which is not becoming to an -honourable man and a Christian). I look forward with delight to many -pleasant and happy days, but only in the society of you and my dear -sister. I give you my honour that I cannot endure Salzburg and its -inhabitants (that is, natives of Salzburg). Their speech and their way -of living are thoroughly distasteful to me. - - -{THE RETURN HOME.} - -(80) - -Mozart had other causes than this for despondency; before he left Munich -he was destined to be painfully undeceived. He had been kindly welcomed -by the Webers, who insisted on his staying with them; Aloysia had made -striking progress as a vocalist, and Mozart, as might well be expected -from him, rendered anew his musical homage to her by writing for her (li -8 di Gennaio, 1779) a grand aria (316 K.). He had designedly chosen as -a subject the recitative and air with which Alceste first enters in -Gluck's Italian opera; Schweitzer's "Alceste" had been performed in -Munich, so that Mozart entered the lists with both composers. In order -to provide his friends, Ramm and Ritter, with a piece of brilliant -execution, he made the oboe and bassoon accompany obbligato, and emulate -the voice part. The song is admirably adapted for a bravura piece, -affording to the singer an opportunity for the display of varied powers -and great compass, together with artistic cultivation of the voice. The -recitative may be considered as an attempt at dramatic delivery of a -grand and dignified kind; the song itself affords in both its parts, -Andante sostenuto e cantabile, and Allegro assai, the most charming -instances of sustained singing and brilliant execution. It is written -for a high soprano, seldom going so low as [See Page Image] generally -upwards from What is expected of the singer in the way of compass and -volubility may be judged by passages such as--[See Page Image] - - -{AIR FOR ALOYSIA WEBER.} - -(81) - -in the Allegro. But the importance of this song does not depend alone on -the brilliancy of its passages. - -The recitative, undeniably the most important section of the -composition, is second to none of Mozart's later recitatives in depth -and truth of expression and noble beauty, and is richly provided with -unexpected harmonic changes, such as he used more sparingly in later -songs. The very first entry of the voice is striking and beautiful, with -a long and pathetic prelude:--[See Page Image] - - -{THE RETURN HOME.} - -(82) - -and the close of the recitative is equally effective:--[See Page Image] - - -If this carefully and minutely elaborated recitative be compared with -Gluck's simple secco recitative there can be no doubt that Mozart's -is far superior, both in fertility of invention and marked -characterisation. But it must not be left out of account that if Mozart, -treating the recitative and air as one independent whole, was right to -emphasise and - - -{SONG FOR ALOYSIA WEBER, 1778.} - -(83) - -elaborate details, Gluck had to consider the situation in its connection -with a greater whole; in which respect his simple but expressive -recitative is quite in its right place. The song itself in depth of -tragic pathos is not altogether on a level with the recitative. It -consists of two movements, an Andantino and an Allegro, very nearly -equal in length and compass, and each of them independently arranged and -elaborated. The motifs in both are simple and expressive (especially the -passionate middle part of the Allegro in C minor), but in performance -the attention to bravura, necessitated by the emulation of the wind -instruments, detracts from the intensity and earnestness of tone. -The treatment is masterly, both of the voice and the two instruments, -whether considered singly or in relation to each other; it is equally so -of the orchestra (quartet and horns), which forms a foundation for the -free movement of the solo parts. In the hands of a first-rate performer -the song could not fail to have a brilliant and striking effect. But the -exclusive reference to individual talents and executive powers detracted -of necessity from the dramatic effect, and if the composer had given -full sway to his passions the harmony he calculated on between his -work and the performer would have been lost. As far as we can judge of -Aloysia Weber as a singer from the songs composed for her by Mozart, the -powerful rendering of violent and fiery passion was not her forte. Her -delivery cannot be said to have been wanting in depth of feeling, and -yet a certain moderation seems to have been peculiar to her, which -Mozart turned to account as an element of artistic harmony.[8] This song -was a parting salutation to Aloysia Weber. A touching memorial of the -parting is preserved in the voice part of a song ("Ah se in ciel") -written by Mozart's hand in 1788 (538 K.). At the close of it she has -written the words: "Nei giomi tuoi felici pensa qualche volta al Popoli -di Tessaglia." - -L. Mozart, with his custom of reckoning on the - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(84) - -selfishness of mankind, had already expressed apprehension lest Weber, -now that he no longer required Wolfgang's good offices, should cease -to desire his friendship. This was not indeed the case, but he found -a great change in Aloysia's sentiments. "She appeared no longer to -recognise him for whom she had once wept. So Mozart sat down to -the clavier and sang loud: 'Ich lass das Mädel gern, das mich nicht -will.'"[9] This renunciation might satisfy his pride, but not his heart; -his love was too true and deep to evaporate as lightly as the whim of -a woman whose true character he learnt to know later. And yet he wrote -from Vienna to his father (May 16, 1781): "I was a fool about Lange's -wife, that is certain; but who is not when he is in love? I loved her -in very deed, and I feel that she is not yet indifferent to me. A good -thing for me that her husband is a jealous fool and never lets her out -of his sight, so that I seldom see her!" On January 7, 1779, Mozart was -presented to the Electress by Cannabich, and handed her the sonatas he -had composed for her; she conversed with him very graciously for a good -half-hour. A few days after, he saw Schweitzer's "Alceste," which was -the Carnival opera, and at last, after repeated injunctions from his -father, he set out for Salzburg in the comfortable carriage of his -fellow-traveller, a Salzburg merchant named Gschwendner. - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XX. - - -[Footnote 1: Dalberg's papers are preserved in the Royal Library at Munich. -Koffka, Iffland u. Dalberg, p. 8.] - -[Footnote 2: Devrient, Gesch. d. deutsch. Schauspielkunst, III., p. 3.] - -[Footnote 3: "Cora, a Musical Drama," appeared to a contributor to the Pfalz. -"Schaubuhne" unsuited for composition and representation.] - -[Footnote 4: Gluck's letters in reference to this are printed in the Süddeutschen -Musik-zeitung, 1854, p. 174. Dalberg's Correspondenz for 1778 also -mentions that Schweitzer was occupied with the composition of "Cora."] - -[Footnote 5: Brandes affirms that the actors, when not performing, had to pay -entrance-money (Selbstbiogr., II., p. 277).] - -[Footnote 6: It does not appear to have been finished; the autograph of the first -117 bars is in the possession of M. Dubrunfeut, in Paris.] - -[Footnote 7: Gemmingen's "Serairamis" was not, as far as I am aware, printed; and -I know nothing further of Mozart's composition. We find on p. 137 of the -Theaterkalender for 1779: "Mozart... Kapellmeister zu Salzburg; _setzt_ -an 'Semiramis,' einem musikalischen Drama des Frh. von Gemmingen"; which -must be a private communication. In following years it is regularly -included among Mozart's finished compositions, but I have found no -notice of its performance nor any other mention of it except that Gerber -includes it among Leopold Mozart's posthumous works, with "Bastien -and Bastienne" and the "Verstellte Gärtnerin." I mention this only to -illustrate the fact that many of Mozart's earlier works were ascribed to -L. Mozart after his death. But "Semiramis" was undoubtedly Mozart's own -composition. How it happened that it did not remain in his hands, and -pass into André's possession with his papers, I cannot explain] - -[Footnote 8: A somewhat extraordinary musical enthusiast, Frh. von Boecldin, -writes of Aloysia that she "performed marvels with her delicate throat," -and that her voice resembled a Cremona violin, and her singing was more -expressive and affecting than that of Mara (Beitr. zur Geschichte der -Musik, p. 18).] - -[Footnote 9: So Nissen narrates (p. 415), and further informs us that Mozart came -to Munich with black buttons on his red coat, after the French fashion -of showing mourning. Aloysia does not seem to have liked this.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG. - -MOZART was welcomed to the paternal roof with open arms; everything was -prepared for his reception; "a convenient cupboard and the clavichord -were placed in his room," the cook Theresa had cooked capons without -number, the high steward Count von Firmian (Vol. I., p. 345) offered him -his horses, and Dr. Prexl also placed his "beautiful - - -{MOZART'S DISTASTE TO SALZBURG.} - -(85) - -bay mare" at his disposal; in short, Mozart's return home was a happy -and triumphant event to all the good friends of his youth. We know the -feelings with which he returned. Disappointed in his hopes of rapid and -brilliant success, he returned to the old condition of things, and -the yoke must have pressed on him all the more heavily now that his -illusions were dispelled and he no longer saw a prospect of shaking it -off. He had buried his mother in a foreign land, and his warm true -heart had been deceived in its first love; in poverty he returned to his -father's house. He was not in a position to see as clearly as we do -how powerfully his added experience of life and manifold artistic -impressions had contributed to his moral and mental development, and he -could scarcely be expected to look to this development for the strength -and courage necessary to face the future. - -The commencement of his residence in Salzburg was cheered by the -presence of his lively young cousin; she had followed him from Munich -on his entreaties, to pay a visit of some weeks to her uncle. Mozart's -amiability and cordial manners renewed many pleasant intimacies, but the -actual cause of his distaste to Salzburg, viz., the want of cultivation -and of a disinterested love of art among its inhabitants, remained as -before, and his long absence was likely to make him feel it all the -more sensibly. The Archbishop, compelled by circumstances and his -surroundings to recall Mozart, had not by any means forgiven his -voluntary resignation of his former office, and the disinclination -to return which Mozart had so evidently displayed, was certainly not -calculated to appease his ill-will. We shall soon learn the kind of -treatment which Mozart had to expect from him. The Salzburg public are -described by Wolfgang in a letter to his father (May 26, 1781): "When -I play in Salzburg, or when any of my compositions are performed, the -audience might just as well be chairs or tables." He declares that, -although he actually loves work far better than idleness, the want of -congenial intercourse and inspiring surroundings make it often almost -impossible for him to set to work at composition. "And why? Because my -mind is not at ease." Again, he says (April 8, 1781): "To dawdle away -one's - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(86) - -youth in such a wretched hole is sad enough, and harmful besides." -This and similar expressions might lead one to suppose that Mozart had -neglected composition during these years, but a survey of the works -which are known to us suffices to dispel this idea. - -His musical activity took as a matter of course, in all essential -points, the same direction as formerly; his official position as -concertmeister and as court and cathedral organist (for so he was -entered in the Salzburg Court Calendar), gave occasion for instrumental -and church compositions, the style and materials of which were as -restricted as before. - -The first instrumental composition, in G major (318 K.), dated April -26, 1779, seems to have been written for some very special occasion. -The orchestra is strongly appointed (besides the quartet there are two -flutes, two oboes, two bassoons, four horns in G and D, and two trumpets -in C, and used for effects which must have startled the Salzburgers. -It is in the form now usual for overtures, but out of date for concert -symphonies, viz.: three connected movements, Allegro spiritoso 4-4, -which contains, besides the principal energetic motif with which it -begins, and which constantly recurs in different ways, two independent, -quieter motifs in succession: Andante 3-8, gentle and soft, somewhat -longer than is usual for middle movements, but simple and without -thematic elaboration; it leads back to the first Allegro, shortened -(by the omission of the second subordinate subject) and modified in the -elaboration. The individual and dramatic character of this composition, -expressed most particularly in the commencement and the close of it, -makes it probable that it was written as an introduction to a drama. -We shall see that there was no lack of occasion for such works. -Also belonging to this period are two symphonies in the usual three -movements.[1] The earlier, in B major (319 K., - - -{SYMPHONIES--SERENADE, 1779.} - -(87) - -part II), composed in the summer (July 9) of 1779, was evidently -the results of "a pleased frame of mind"; it is a genuine product of -Mozart's humour, lively, cheerful and full of grace and feeling. The -second, a year later (August 29, 1780), in C major (338 K., part 10), -is grander in conception and more serious in tone. This is particularly -noticeable in the first movement; a constant propensity to fall into the -minor key blends strength and decision with an expression not so much -of melancholy as of consolation. In perfect harmony of conception, the -simple and fervent Andante di molto combines exceeding tenderness with -a quiet depth of tone. The contrasting instrumentation is very effective -in this work; the first movement is powerful and brilliant, but in the -second only stringed instruments (with doubled tenors) are employed. -The last movement is animated throughout, and sometimes the orchestral -treatment is rapid and impetuous. - -A Serenade in D major (320 K.) belongs also to 1779, composed probably -for some special festival, and (except that the march is omitted) quite -in the style of the early already-noticed serenades[2] (Vol. I., p. -301). A short Adagio serves as introduction to a brilliant Allegro, -arranged exactly like the first movement of a symphony, and worked out -at considerable length; to this follows a minuet. Then there is inserted -a concertante, described as such in the title, consisting of two -movements, an Andante grazioso 3-4, and a rondo, Allegro ma non troppo -2-4, both in G major.[3] In earlier days, when Mozart figured as a -violin-player, a violin solo played the chief part in such compositions; -but now the wind instruments, two flutes, two oboes, and two bassoons -are employed concertante; the stringed instruments and horns form the -accompaniment proper. These two pieces are elaborated with great care -and accuracy, and are clear and perspicuous as well as tender and -graceful; - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(88) - -the rondo is somewhat lighter in tone than the first movement. Of -bravura, properly so called, there is none to be found, and the -ornamental passages are confined to moderate amplifications of the -melodies. The instruments are solo in that they bear the principal part -throughout, concertante in that they emulate each other in manifold and -changing combinations; their strife is playful, with sometimes almost a -mischievous tone. - -The Andantino which follows offers a strong contrast to both movements -of the concertante. This is marked at once by the fact that the stringed -instruments are here put forward as the exponents of the musical idea, -while the very sparely used wind instruments only emphasise certain -sharp points of detail. But the contrast is deeper than this; the light -and sunshiny mood of the two previous movements accentuates the serious -melancholy of the Andantino, which seems to tell not of the pain of an -existing passion, but of the inner peace of a sorrow overcome. After -a less noticeable minuet[4] the serenade closes with a long elaborate -Presto, an important movement full of life and force; the most emphatic -contrapuntal arrangement of the principal theme is in the middle -passage; it is lively and original, as well as technically correct. - -The melodies and subjects of these works show unmistakable progress; -they are of maturer invention, have more musical substance, if the -expression may be allowed, more delicacy and nobility of apprehension. -Technical progress is visible in the greater freedom of the contrapuntal -treatment, which had already been fully developed in Mozart's vocal -compositions. This is most obviously apparent in those parts where -thematic elaboration predominates, which are richer and freer than -hitherto. There are also many motifs which owe their importance mainly -to their contrapuntal treatment. But, above all, we recognise Mozart's -sure tact in preserving the limits that prevent the interest in the - - -{PROGRESS IN INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.} - -(89) - -different combinations of counterpoint to which a motive can be -subjected from becoming essentially technical, and losing its artistic -character. - -Equally surely has his genius preserved him from the mistake of -ascribing any absolute value to the contrapuntal method, or favouring -the logical element which lies in it to the disadvantage of sensuous -beauty. He makes use of the forms of counterpoint only to arrest the -attention and to heighten the interest, without wearying the mind, -intruding a foreign element into the original essence of the work, -or neglecting beauty of form; Mozart never forgets that music must be -melodious. Therefore a receptive although uncultivated hearer receives -a pleasing impression from artistic and even intricate passages, without -at all suspecting the difficulties which he enjoys. - -But the influence of the contrapuntal method reaches far deeper than -well-defined and scholastic forms, just as a well-considered discourse -does not consist merely in the observance of syllogistic forms. The -principle of the free movement of the separate members of one whole -penetrates the minutest divisions; - -and the combined effects of creative ability and artistic cultivation -are nowhere so well displayed as in the independent construction of the -separate elements which go to form the whole work. We admire Mozart's -art in devising his plan, in accurately distributing his principal -parts, and in disposing his lights and shades; but where he is in -truth inexhaustible is in his power of strewing round a wealth of small -touches which assist the characterisation and give to each part -its peculiar effect and, in some respect, the justification of its -existence. This power, which always seems to have something at command -beyond the necessities of the case (although, in fact, every detail -which seems to be the chance expression of individual vigour is -conditioned of necessity by the whole conception), is the prerogative -of genuine creative genius. It approaches the eternal power of nature, -whose apparent prodigality is revealed to the deeper view as the wisest -economy, or rather as the unruffled harmony of a great whole. So a -statue by Phidias suggests to the spectator the impression of animated - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(90) - -nature, because it not merely puts before his eyes in general features -a representation of the bodily form of man, but suggests to him the -totality of the muscular movements which are in a living body in -incessant activity. It is in art as in nature: the further we penetrate -the fewer and less complex become the governing forces and impulses. -Many details may be considered as trifling until it is asked whether -they, in their place, have the required effect as part of the whole. -When a work of art gives an effect of an artistic whole, in a way which -cannot be explained by a consideration of its apparently insignificant -parts, this may be taken as the surest proof that the artist worked -downwards from his conception of a great whole to the minutest details -of his work. We must not undervalue, on the other hand, Mozart's more -exact knowledge and freer use than formerly of external means. His -residence in Mannheim had given him an altogether new conception of the -performance of a good orchestra, both as to sound-effects and execution. -The result is present in these compositions, although Salzburg -surroundings and customs limited him greatly in his choice of means. -It may be that for these reasons his instrumental combinations show no -marked progress on former works, but the skilful use of the forces at -his command become all the more apparent. - -It is remarkable how, without any alteration in the instrumentation as -a whole, the body of sound has become richer and fuller, the result of a -more careful consideration of the particular nature of each instrument. -This is most striking in the management of the wind instruments. The -bassoons predominate throughout, independently treated, whereas formerly -they only strengthened the bass; and the use of the horns, with their -long-sustained notes, shows marked progress. The combination of the -wind instruments, sometimes in opposition to the stringed instruments, -sometimes in unison with them, is another advance. Effective as are the -wind instruments in combination, they are still more so in the delicacy -of their individual features, and the perfection of their treatment -could not fail to influence that of the stringed instruments, which show -the same higher conception of what orchestral performances ought to be. - - -{MOZART AS A CONDUCTOR.} - -(91) - -The Mannheim experiences were not without result either in respect -to the executive delivery of the orchestra. Mozart must have been -particularly impressed with the effect of _crescendo_, for almost in -every passage we meet with phrases built upon a long-drawn _crescendo_. -The contrast between _piano_ and _forte_ is also made the most of. -Regular alternations of long passages _forte_ and _piano_ were formerly -the custom, but now we have a rapid succession of very varied shades, -_fortissimo_ and _pianissimo_ being also brought into use. But all these -are only the outward signs of a higher intellectual apprehension, -for which it was necessary also to give credit to the performers; the -composer, far from relying only on external effect, makes it the -mere expression of the deeper meaning and intrinsic value of his -compositions; it is from this point of view that the progress made by -Mozart in the manipulation of his artistic materials acquires its true -worth in the eyes of a musical critic. - -We may imagine that Mozart found it no easy task to substitute a -completely new style of execution for the time-honoured customs of the -Salzburg band. The energy with which he was able at a later date to -inspire the Leipzig orchestra, wedded as it was to its own traditions, -gives some indication of his way of proceeding as a young man at -Salzburg. His cousin used to hold forth later on Mozart's eccentric -behaviour when conducting, and we may imagine that she witnessed some -of the extraordinary scenes she describes during her present visit to -Salzburg. - -Mozart never appeared again as a violin-player, and we therefore find -no compositions for the violin belonging to this period. After such -an expression of opinion concerning the Salzburg public as that noted -above, we cannot wonder that he was not over-anxious to appear before -them as a clavier-player. We doubtless owe the Concerto for two claviers -with orchestral accompaniment in E flat major (365 K., part 17) to his -wish to play a duet with his sister.[5] - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(92) - -In design and treatment it is essentially similar to the earlier triple -concerto. There is no intention apparent of making the two instruments -independent; the players emulate each other in the delivery of the -melodies and passages, sometimes together, sometimes in succession, -often breaking off in rapid changes and interruptions; the melodies are -sometimes simply repeated, sometimes with variations so divided between -the two instruments that neither can be said to have the advantage over -the other. There are somewhat greater difficulties of execution than -have been usual hitherto, a few passages, for instance, in octaves and -thirds, but very modest ones; the passages generally have more variety -and elegance. The orchestra is simply and judiciously, but very -delicately treated, the wind instruments in sustained chords, as a -foundation for the clavier passages; the effect of the _crescendo_ and -a greater attention to light and shade show the influence of Mannheim. -Altogether the concerto is a well-arranged composition, clear and -melodious, as well as accurately constructed, with a free, cheerful -expression, which is most strikingly shown in the fresh gaiety of the -last movement. - -As organist, Mozart was under the necessity of playing the organ at -festivals, but as a rule only for accompaniments and for interludes at -set places, which gave him opportunities for improvising--his special -delight. We have some organ sonatas with orchestral accompaniments -belonging to this time (328, 329, 336, K.), quite in the style of those -already noticed (Vol. I., p. 286); compositions after the fashion of the -first movement of a sonata, without a trace of ecclesiastical severity, -either in the technical construction, which is very light, or in the -style, which is brilliant and cheerful. The organ occurs as an obbligato -instrument only in one of these sonatas (329 K.), which is the most -elaborated, but still very moderate in style, and without any florid -passages. - - -{MASSES, 1779, 1780.} - -(93) - -Of more important church compositions there belong to this period two -Masses in C major, of which the earlier (317 K.) is one of Mozart's -best-known works of the kind, bearing date March 23, 1779, and the -later (337 K.) was written in March, 1780.[6] They are quite after the -prescribed manner, not too long, not too serious, and yet not light; in -no respect difficult or important, and closely allied in substance and -treatment to the earlier works which have already been analysed (Vol. -I., pp. 263 et seq.). The easy invention, never at a loss for fitting -expression, the talent for organisation which arranges the parts into -a connected and coherent whole, the technical sureness which gives to -every detail its due share of interest--above all, the inexhaustible -gift of melody and symmetry: all these qualities are here to be found, -and it is by their aid that, in spite of hampering circumstances, such -great and healthy work was done. - -Nevertheless, these Masses show more plainly even than earlier works of -the same kind how the fetters of outward control check the impulses of -inner strength and feeling. We see Mozart as it were in court dress; -he is expert enough to move in it with tolerable freedom, but he is -disguised rather than clothed. Conventional influence is most apparent -in the instrumentation, which, as a whole, is little different from -that of the earlier works. Some passages are remarkable even in their -instrumentation; for instance, the Et incarnatus and Crucifixus of the -first Mass have an expressive violin passage, and in the second the -treatment of the wind instruments in the Crucifixus and Resurrexit, and -the organ, oboe, and bassoon in emulation with the voice in the Agnus -Dei, remind us of Mannheim. - -But these are details, and in its general features the tone-colouring -of the orchestra is the same as formerly; rapid violin passages -predominate, the trombone follows the voice regularly and _forte_, and -so on. But in other respects original features are not wanting, nor -even passages of surprising beauty, to which belongs, for instance, the -unusually melodious close of the first Mass, in which the Benedictus, - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(94) - -contrary to custom in a serious choral movement, is in strict -counterpoint. These are signs of a great genius, which make us regret -all the more that the whole work is not dictated and inspired by the -same spirit. To this period also, according to the handwriting, belongs -a Kyrie sketched by Mozart and not preserved quite complete (323 K.), -which has been completed and printed as a Regina coeli by Stadler. It is -characterised by a rapid sextole passage which is distributed among the -wind instruments in uninterrupted movement. The voices take their own -independent course throughout. Among other unfinished attempts by Mozart -preserved in the Mozarteum at Salzburg, and both by the handwriting and -instrumentation, as well as from other reasons, to be referred to this -time, we may particularise the beginning of a Mass with obbligato organ -(Anh., 13 K.) and the beginning (two pages) of a Kyrie (Anh., 16 K.), -which is in such strict counterpoint that the Mass, if it had been -finished, would have been among the most elaborate of them all. -But Mozart had neither inducement nor the means for producing such -compositions in Salzburg. - -Two Vespers by Mozart (321, 339, K.), of the years 1779 and 1780, -have much the same resemblance in substance and compass to masses -that litanies had at an earlier period, but they stand higher in many -respects. - -Five psalms and the Virgin's hymn of praise form the part of the Vespers -which is in varied chant; every division ends with the doxology, and is -complete in itself. In the Litany the principal part is framed in, as -it were, by two equally original and characteristic movements, the -Kyrie and Agnus; the Vespers, on the other hand consist of six separate -movements which have no connection, either actual or artistic. More -striking differences of key are therefore permissible than is generally -the case with the movements of one composition,[7] and it was possible -to put together at pleasure - - -{VESPERS, 1779, 1780.} - -(95) - -psalms belonging to different compositions, sometimes even by different -composers. The Dixit and Magnificat, as the two corner-posts, were -considered the principal parts; they were generally specially composed, -and: others inserted between them. As the words of the doxology (Gloria -Patri) recur at the close of each movement, it would have been natural -that the idea should arise of giving them the same musical rendering, -and suggesting a relation between the different movements by this kind -of refrain. But they are, on the contrary, in close connection with the -words to which they serve as a conclusion, so as to characterise the use -of the general formula as dependent on the special nature of each case. -For the most part, therefore, a principal subject of the piece which it -concludes is utilised for the doxology, and it is astonishing of what a -variety of appropriate and expressive musical renderings these words are -capable. - -A settled custom became established, both as to the general conception -and the distinguishing characteristics of these compositions, which -was closely followed even by Mozart. In the main, the conception and -treatment resembled those of the litanies; the effort is evident to -reconcile the requirements of Divine service with the prevailing and -somewhat trivial musical taste of the times. But the vespers preserved -the dignity and solemnity of church music more strictly than the -litanies. There is no sign of a leaning to operatic style, concessions -to bravura are sparely and exceptionally made, the orchestra preserves -the simplicity of the traditional church orchestra,[8] and limited -scope is allowed even to grace and pleasing fancies. Nevertheless, the -expression of dignity and solemnity shows the influence of a time which -did not exact from sacred art the absorption of the inner man in the -sacred and the divine, but was satisfied with a decent - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(96) - -observance of the forms of external homage. It was left to the artist, -who had a deeper spiritual craving, and such a delicate artistic sense -as forbade the use of form without substance, to give a higher tone to -his work. In this sense we may include by far the larger portions of -these vespers among Mozart's great works. - -As concerns the musical construction in detail, a narrow mode of -treatment resulted throughout from the conditions of worship; the words -had to be composed straight through, just as in short Masses. A broader -rendering of separate portions which might seem to lend themselves to -musical expression was not admitted, and the endeavour after a dramatic -characterisation of certain points did not come within the artistic -usages of the time. The important point, therefore, was not to render -the words in music, so as to give a new and fitting expression to each -detail, but to invent characteristic motifs for the important points -which should be suitable for further elaboration, and which, in spite of -individual distinction, should spring from the fundamental conception of -the whole work. The task of the composer is not made easier by the words -of the psalms; they do not offer a good basis for musical construction, -nor are the ideas conveyed in them generally such as would incite -to musical production. The composer must therefore be original in no -ordinary degree, and it is excusable if he now and then handles the -rules and forms of his art with a certain amount of abruptness, and even -makes verbal expression subservient to them, so far as it can be done -without harmful pressure. - -In order to introduce variety among these closely allied compositions -a certain type had been formed, which was not exactly the inevitable -consequence of the effort to satisfy the rules of art and of good taste, -but, as in the litanies, exercised considerable influence over the -treatment of the text. The two vespers we are considering are very -similar in form and workmanship. Various parts are treated in both with -marked preference, and it is scarcely possible to place one before the -other in merit, except that perhaps the earlier one is the more serious. - -The first psalm, Dixit Dominus, is formed into an - - -{VESPERS, 1779, 1780.} - -(97) - -animated, restless movement, full of strength and dignity; while the -same tone predominates in both, there is more fire and brilliancy in -the first composition, more mildness and tranquillity in the second. The -kind of treatment may be compared to that of the Gloria and Credo of -the Mass. Without any sustained thematic elaboration, certain principal -motifs are maintained and emphasised in different ways. The animated -string passages are not only in varied harmonic combinations, but often -in counterpoint, either imitative or a combination of the different -subjects. The voices are free and independent, but with a few trifling -exceptions they are treated harmonically; solo voices sometimes -alternate with the chorus, but without any special prominence. - -The second psalm, Confitebor tibi, Domine, is in the earlier Vesper (321 -K.), a chorale with solo intermixed, accompanied only by the organ -and stringed instruments (E minor 3-4). This mature and beautiful -composition approaches the Mass in F major (Vol. I., p. 257) both in -tender and fervent sentiment and in simplicity and purity of form. But -there the treatment is contrapuntal throughout, here it is essentially -harmonic. The independent progress of the voices displays a succession -of rich and startling harmonies in animated but natural development; -notwithstanding many suspensions and unexpected turns, they are always -clear and melodious, and always the true and natural expression of the -sentiment to be conveyed.[9] The frame of mind represented is not one of -fanatical remorse, but rather of a soul penetrated with the feeling -of guilt, and impelled to acknowledge it with shame and anguish. The -moderate expression of such a mood, which might easily pass over into -the sentimental, coincides with the symmetry of form observable in the -main features as well as in the details of the work. The corresponding -movement of the second Vesper (339 K.) is not to be placed on the same -level as this. It maintains on the whole the tone of the first movement, -with an increase of earnestness, - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(98) - -and is a clever and melodious composition, with good effect in its -place; but the poetical beauty of the other is altogether wanting. - -The third psalm, Beatus vir, has least original colouring. It is in both -Vespers a lively, powerful, one might almost say, cheerful movement, -suggestive of the Gloria or Credo of more than one mass, but without -the solemnity which characterises them. Here, too, solo voices alternate -with the chorus[10] without interrupting the steady flow of the -composition. In the earlier work there are some beautiful harmonic -effects; in the later, contrapuntal phrases sometimes occur; an animated -rapid accompaniment by the violins is common to both. - -As in the Litany, the Pignus futuræ gloriæ, so in the Vesper the fourth -psalm, Laudate pueri, was treated in severe counterpoint, and here it -was that a thoroughly trained church composer made good his claim to -the title. In the first of the Vespers that we are considering this -psalm[11] is a clever piece of counterpoint, original in form, and -deviating from the strict regularity which usually characterises Mozart. - -It begins with an infinite canon. The twelve bars melody for the -soprano--[See Page Image] - -is imitated three bars later by the alto in unison. Then follows -the tenor an octave higher, and then the bass in unison. After the -completion of the melody the soprano again takes it up, alto and tenor -follow. The regular progress of the canon is then broken by a complete -final cadenza, in which all the voices unite on the last note of the -bass melody. A short theme introduced by the bass--[See Page Image] - - -{LAUDATE PUERI.} - -(99) - -is imitated by the other parts in similar or in contrary motion, and -soon passes over into a short passage ending in D minor. Hereupon the -soprano interposes with a new and characteristic melody--[See Page -Image] - -the first bars of which are taken up by the other voices; but instead of -a further elaboration, a new theme is introduced by the alto, followed -by a counter-theme, which are both imitated together-- - -whereupon the alto raises a new melody, which is figured by the other -parts in imitation as Cantus firmus, and closes in A minor. Then the -alto begins with the previous soprano subject, but now in F major; the -soprano follows with the second, but the imitative figuring soon gives -place to a fine harmonic elaboration, followed by the third passage; -the imitative parts maintain the same character, and the alto has now -another Cantus firmus. To this at last is appended a long coda, formed -of detachments of previous subjects, variously elaborated in stretto and -contrary motion, ending in organ point on the dominant. It cannot -fail to be remarked how tuneful and melodious, as well as independent, -characteristic, and striking in their effect are the different parts. -The melodies which compose the Cantus firmus may have been, in part -at least, borrowed from church tones. Far more ambitious is the -contrapuntal work in the second Vesper,[12] which consists of a close -succession of - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(100) - -difficult problems solved after the severest and most rigorous rules. -After the first regular enunciation of the theme--[See Page Images] -there occurs a second motif--which is at first treated freely, and -issues into a short harmonic passage, which is afterwards used again as -an interlude. Then the two motifs are combined--[See Page Image] and -elaborated together, after which this section closes on the chord of the -dominant in a stretto arrangement of the chief subject, while the -violins take up the subordinate motif. When the chief subject has again -asserted itself, there follows its inversion as a counter-subject--and -regular elaboration, ending in the above interlude, after which the -subject and its inversion appear together as an organ point on the -fundamental tone, while the violins proceed with an independent -accompaniment:--[See Page Images] - -After the previous stretto has again occurred on the chord of the -dominant the two first subjects reappear in new - - -{LAUDATE DOMINUM AND MAGNIFICAT.} - -(101) - -original climacteric treatment, divided between the voices and the -accompaniment;--[See Page Image] - -A free conclusion brings the artistic and forcible work to an end. - -As if for refreshment after this effort, the fifth psalm, Lau-date -Dominum, is treated as a solo movement of a pleasing character. In the -earlier vesper it is a soprano solo with organ obbligato, not certainly -set in prescribed aria form, but in its brilliant passages and easy -grouping of the melodies more akin to secular music than any other of -Mozart's church compositions of this period. In the second vesper the -psalm has a more solemn character, but even here it is a mild and -tender soprano solo, somewhat pastoral in tone, and supported by a solo -bassoon; simple throughout, and with a fine climax at the close, the -doxology being sung by the chorus. - -The Virgin's hymn of praise, "Magnificat anima mea," which forms the -conclusion of the Vespers, is by its form the part best fitted for -musical rendering. But the connection in which it here stands with the -preceding psalms obliges a corresponding treatment both as to extent -and conception. We must not therefore look either for a comprehensive -treatment giving free development to the details of the separate -sentences, such as is to be found in the Magnificats of some great -masters, or for such an amount of dramatic characterisation as the words -give scope for. The text is tersely and precisely treated, with the -avowed intention of concluding the work with a movement in contrast to -the - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(102) - -first psalm. This is evident not only in the external arrangement, which -introduces trumpets and drums, and returns to the original key, but in -the technical treatment and the closely allied tone of expression. The -expression of firm and cheerful confidence, which is common to both, is -naturally accentuated in the Magnificat in accordance with the text, -and the lively expectation of the first psalm is now turned into -thanksgiving for its fulfilment. The technical treatment of the -Magnificat is consistently more important and animated, especially in -the extended use of the forms of counterpoint; but in the main the two -compositions have the same tone and colour, and the same condensed and -impulsive style. The words "Magnificat anima mea Dominum" form a solemn -introduction as a short slow movement; "Et exultavit" is in quicker -tempo, which is maintained to the end, chorus and solo alternating in -the usual way. Here again it is to be noticed that different points are -accentuated in the earlier Magnificat chiefly by harmonic means, in the -second chiefly by counterpoint. - -Having in these works followed Mozart's steady upward progress along the -path which he had previously entered on, a progress maintained against -most unfavourable surroundings, let us now turn to his attempts in -the new province of music as an adjunct to the drama. Remembering his -intense desire to write for the stage, a desire which had been increased -by the manifold influences of his travels, we shall not be surprised -that even theatrical undertakings in Salzburg offered him the -opportunity he sought. When he returned home a theatrical company was -performing under Böhm's management; in 1780 we find Shikaneder there -with his travelling _troupe_, a friend of the Mozart family, joining in -their quoit contests and quite ready to turn Wolfgang's talents to -his own advantage.[13] Two great works owe their origin to these -performances, although the exact time of their production cannot now be -ascertained. - - -{KÖNIG THAMOS.} - -(103) - -The first is the music to "Thamos, King of Egypt" (345 K.), an heroic -drama, by Baron Tob. Phil, von Gebler, who, in spite of his exalted -position, had devoted himself zealously since 1769 to the reform of the -Vienna theatre.[14] The contents of the piece need be given but briefly, -since it is as good as lost:[15]-- - -Menes, King of Egypt, has been deposed by a usurper, Rameses, and as it -is thought, assassinated; but he is living under the name of Sethos as -high priest of the Temple of the Sun, the secret being known only to the -priest Hammon and the general Phanes. After the death of Rameses his -son Thamos is heir to the throne. The day arrives when Thamos attains -majority, is to be invested with the diadem, and to select a bride. The -friends of Menes seek in vain to persuade him to dispute the throne. He -will not oppose the noble youth whom he loves and esteems. But Pheron, a -prince and confidant of Thamos has, in conjunction with Mirza, the chief -of the virgins of the sun, organised a conspiracy against Thamos, and -won over a portion of the army. Tharsis, daughter of Menes, who is -believed by all, even her father, to be dead, has been brought up -by Mirza under the name of Sais. It is arranged that she shall be -proclaimed rightful heir to the throne, and as she will then have -the right to choose her consort, Mirza will secure her beforehand for -Pheron. When she discovers that Sais loves Thamos, and he her, she -induces Sais to believe that Thamos prefers her playmate Myris, and Sais -is generous enough to sacrifice her love and her hopes of the throne to -her friend. Equally nobly Thamos rejects all suspicions against Pheron, -and awards him supreme command. As the time for action draws near, -Pheron discloses to Sethos, whom he takes for a devoted follower of -Menes, and consequently for an enemy to Thamos, the secret of Sais' -existence and his own plans. Sethos prepares secretly to save Thamos. -Sais also, after being pledged to silence by an oath, is initiated -into the secret by Mirza and Pheron, and directed to choose Pheron. She -declines to give a decided answer, and Pheron announces to Mirza his -determination to seize the throne by force in case of extremity. Sais, -who believes herself not loved by Thamos, and will not therefore choose -him as consort, but will not deprive him of the throne, takes the solemn -and irrevocable oath as virgin of the sun. Thamos enters, and they -discover to their sorrow their mutual love. Sethos, entering, enlightens -Thamos as to the treachery of Pheron, without disclosing the parentage -of Sais. Pheron, disturbed by the report that Menes is - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(104) - -still living, comes to take council of Sethos, and adheres to his -treacherous design. In solemn assembly Thamos is about to be declared -king, when Mirza reveals the fact that Sais is the lost Tharsis, and -heiress to the throne. Thamos is the first to offer her his homage. -When she is constrained to choose between Thamos and Pheron she declares -herself bound by her oath, and announces Thamos as the possessor of -the throne. Then Pheron calls his followers to arms, but Sethos steps -forward and discloses himself as Menes; whereupon all fall at his feet -in joyful emotion. Pheron is disarmed and led off, Mirza stabs herself, -Menes, as father and ruler, releases Sais from her oath, unites her with -Thamos, and places the pair on the throne. A message arrives that Pheron -has been struck with lightning by Divine judgment, and the piece ends. - -Mozart wrote music to this drama at Salzburg in 1779 or 1780, according -to the evidence of the handwriting and paper of the score, as well as -of the treatment of the orchestra.[16] It consisted at first of four -instrumental movements which were played between the acts, and one -which formed the conclusion of the whole piece. It was not a new idea to -compose appropriate music to a drama of importance instead of the usual -indifferent or inappropriate instrumental movements. Joh. Ad. Scheibe -(1708-1776) wrote music for "Polyeucte" and "Mithridate" in 1738, and -afterwards wrote an article on this kind of music in the "Kritischen -Musicus." He maintained that the overture should be composed with -reference to the whole piece, and should lead up to its commencement; -that the symphonies between the acts should be connected both with the -act which preceded and that which followed, so as to lead the audience -insensibly from the one frame of mind to the other. The closing symphony -should be in close relationship to the end of the piece, so as to -intensify the impression made by the _denouement_ upon the audience. He - - -{ENTR'ACTES.} - -(105) - -considered a change of instruments particularly necessary, in order to -keep up the attention of the audience; but care must be taken to select -the most appropriate instruments for each movement, so as to express -what had to be expressed in the most effective manner possible. - -Scheibe was followed by Joh. Christ. Hertel (1726-1789) with the music -to Cronegk's "Olint and Sophronia,"[17] and by others (among them -Agricola) with the music to "Semi-ramis" (after Voltaire), which -Lessing thought worthy of an analysis, and declared his opinion that -the entr'actes should have no reference to the following act, but should -only amplify and conclude what had gone before.[18] Vogler's overture -and entr'actes to "Hamlet" were given in Mannheim in 1779.[19] Even in -Salzburg M. Haydn had composed in 1777 special music for the performance -of Voltaire's "Zaire" by French actors, which was received with great -applause.[20] - -The music to "King Thamos" has, curiously enough, no overture, which is -perhaps accounted for by the fact that the play begins with a chorus, -and so is opened by music.[21] Each _entr'acte_ is in connection with -the last scene of the preceding act, and seeks to express the same set -of emotions by means of music; Mozart has each time noted down what -seemed to him the prevailing idea to be represented. Thus, he -writes concerning the first movement: "The first act ends with the -determination of Mirza and Pheron to place the latter - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(106) - -on the throne." Upon the last words of Mirza--"Mirza, a woman, trembles -not. Thou art a man; conquer, or die!"--the orchestra strikes in with -three solemn chords, the effect heightened by long pauses; then begins -a restless and agitated Allegro (in C minor). The prevailing tone is one -of excitement, and those who were in the theatre might well receive the -suggestion of Mirza, as an eager passionate woman, inciting Pheron -to action; but the characterisation is not very striking. It is only -noticeable that the separate phrases of the subject are shorter and in -greater contrast than is usual with Mozart; otherwise we have before us -a movement in two parts, with a coda arranged in the ordinary manner, -but not elaborated. - -The second act has, if possible, a still more general application: "The -noble nature of Thamos is displayed at the end of the second act; the -third act opens with Thamos and the traitor Pheron," and the dialogue -wherein Thamos declares his belief in Pheron's fidelity, and resigns -Sais to him, while Pheron continues to dissemble. Here, too, Mozart has -written an ordinary movement in two parts (Andante, E flat major); but -he has resorted to the expedient of denoting the character of the -two personages by means of distinct subjects, which he indicates by -superscriptions:--[See page images] - - -{ENTR'ACTES TO KÔNIG THAMOS.} - -(107) - -It is easy to be seen here that musical contrast is the main point, and -that the characterisation is very general, quite apart from the fact -that integrity and hypocrisy cannot be expressed in music, as Mozart -was well aware, in spite of his naïve superscriptions. The inadequacy of -such - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(108) - -characterisation is shown in the second part, where both characters -occur together:--[See Page Image] - -Here the expression has become still more general, and we have only the -musical development of a given subject, not the progress of a dramatic -situation; more than this it is out of the province of the musician to -give. - -The suggestions for the music of the third _entr'acte_ are more -promising. The music is connected in the first place with the last -scene: 44 The third act closes with the treacherous dialogue between -Mirza and Pheron,,, expressed by means of an agitated, strongly accented -Allegro, which, however, soon breaks off, and dies away. Thereupon the -music turns to the fourth act, which begins with the vow of the deluded -Sais. Here the influence of the melodrama upon Mozart becomes apparent, -for he follows with his music every turn in the monologue of Sais, -indicating each by a superscription. We may, indeed, doubt whether he -had not some idea of a melodramatic delivery of the music, although -there are no pauses left for spoken sentences, and the flow of the -music, notwithstanding frequent changes of time is uninterrupted. This -movement would be most open to the adverse criticism of Lessing, for it -anticipates the whole of the following scene. In itself it is the -most expressive and the most successful; in spite of its division into -separate points it preserves connection and - - -{ENTR'ACTES TO KÖNIG THAMOS.} - -(109) - -unity, and a tone of tender grace such as becomes a bashful maiden. - -The fourth _entr'acte_ is again an animated movement (Allegro vivace -assai) which is to depict "the universal confusion" with which the -fourth act concludes. We can recognise in the wild, restless subject, in -opposition to which is placed another full of dignity and reserve, -the intended contrast between the conspirators and Thamos with his -followers; but we need, of course, to be told what it is that the music -means to represent. - -Since the spectators were in a position to transfer the factitious -presumption from the stage to the music, a general characterisation -would suffice for them. The music therefore fulfils its primary aim, but -it has undertaken a task which lies beyond its province, and a -previous knowledge of the subject treated is indispensable to the due -appreciation of it; in this way the music is as dependent as though -it were a setting to words without the advantage of the direct -intelligibleness given to it by words. - -The closing movement describes "Pheron's despair, blasphemy, and death." -As this situation coincides with a fearful thunderstorm, the musical -characterisation is confined to a representation of it without any -dramatic detail; it is a wildly forcible movement, and the effect -accords well with the suggested idea.[22] - -It is unquestionable that Mozart, excited by the melodrama, has set -himself eagerly to express dramatic details in music, and yet in almost -every case the exigencies of musical construction have been too much -for him. The impressions he has received from the drama become only -impulses, leading him to accent more sharply and set in stronger -contrast the various points of his composition; the special points of -the dramatic situations are not fully brought out in the music. This is -in great measure the fault of the play, which affords few powerful or -effective suggestions to the composer either through its characters or -its situations; - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(110) - -great poetical or dramatic power would no doubt have called forth other -music. That such a play should have been received with interest and -applause,[23] that it should have incited Mozart to composition, is a -speaking proof of the taste of the time. Shakespeare and Goethe had not -yet penetrated the intellectual atmosphere in which Mozart had grown up; -before poetry could assert its sway in the province of music it had to -express and realise the demand for a characterisation bringing to view -the most individual traits of human character. - -Gebler had sought to invest his drama with peculiar dignity by providing -it with choruses, for which Racine's "Athalie" may have furnished him -with an example. The play begins with a solemn sacrifice in the Temple -of the Sun, the priests and virgins singing hymns to the Godhead; in the -same way, at the beginning of the fifth act, the coronation of the king -is introduced by a sacrifice, the priests and virgins again singing a -hymn.[24] These choruses gave Mozart opportunity for a magnificent style -of composition, with all the brilliancy that external support could -give. - -The hymns were well-known ones with Latin words inserted later, for -which, however, a German translation was again substituted. Our judgment -as to style and conception - - -{CHORUSES TO KONIG THAMOS.} - -(111) - -will naturally be affected by the fact that the hymns were written for -the theatre, and not as church music proper; and yet these very hymns -have been widely circulated by countless performances in churches, and -are made to serve as the principal evidence of Mozart's style of church -music. There is no question that their whole conception is grander, -freer, and more imposing than that of any of his masses belonging -to that period, but this is because he felt himself unfettered by -conventional restrictions. A solemn act of worship was represented -on the stage, the expression of reverence to the Supreme Being was -heightened in effect by the Egyptian surroundings; and Mozart's -endeavour was to render the consequent emotions with all possible -truth and force. But he was fully conscious that the expression must be -_dramatic_. Therefore everything was avoided that directly suggested the -church, and an impression of splendour and brilliancy was given which in -this fashion was foreign to the church; above all the subjective points -of sentiment are thrown into strong relief, and forcibly expressed. But -although there is an essential difference between these choruses and -Mozart's contemporary church music, yet we cannot fail to perceive a -certain amount of resemblance in the manner in which the solemnity -and importance of religious ceremony is rendered both here and in -the "Zauberflöte." The drama itself has some resemblance to the -"Zauberflöte," both in its deistic-humani-tarian tendency and its -Egyptian costume and sun-worship. Freemasonry may have exerted some -influence over Gebler's mind[25]--it could have had none at that time -over Mozart. - -In the music to the "Zauberflöte" everything, more especially the power -of concentrating ideas in the strictest forms, shows mature development, -while here we are aware of the youthful genius, rejoiced at the -opportunity of pouring forth his best in full measure, and thereby -satisfying his nature to the utmost. The consideration of these choruses -explains his joy at finding the chorus in Paris strong and good, - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(112) - -(Vol. I., p. 429), and choruses, his "most favourite compositions," well -performed and much thought of; we can imagine what he would have made -of the choruses if he had written a grand opera in Paris. They leave -Gebler's words (out of which, according to Wieland, Gluck could have -made something excellent) so far behind that the music and the poetry, -considered from an artistic point of view, seem to belong to different -periods. For actual representation they are no doubt too grandly and -broadly conceived and executed; they overpower the whole drama with -their weight. The impression of solemnity and grandeur produced on the -mind by symbolic ceremonies is rendered with dignity, and at the same -time with fire and energy. The chorus and orchestra unite to give the -effect of splendour and magnificence, and startling harmonies are borne -along as if on an irresistible stream; the lighter subordinate subjects -(divided between male and female chorus as well as solo voices) are -less marked. The style and treatment of the choruses have afforded a -precedent for many similar works in later days; so also has the way -in which the choruses and a full orchestra are united so as to give a -massive effect, both of arrangement and construction. Mozart himself had -no opportunity of again uniting chorus and orchestra on a large scale, -and proceeding further in the same direction; Haydn in his oratorios -inherited this portion of Mozart's genius, and numerous efforts have -since been made to accomplish what Mozart began. - -The orchestra is provided with all the external advantages that Salzburg -could offer; no instruments employed at a later date are wanting, except -the clarinet, which Mozart missed so sensibly. It is organised -and constructed exactly as we find it at the present day; the wind -instruments of wood and brass and the stringed instruments are united in -definite groups, but in perfect freedom of treatment. Most striking -is Mozart's progress in his treatment of the brass instruments. The -trombones are no longer with the voices, and where they support them -they do it in an independent manner, generally by sustained chords. But -they also take their own place in the orchestra, the horns and trumpets -united with them, and - - -{CHORUSES TO KÖNIG THAMOS.} - -(113) - -then again the horns combine with the wood-wind instruments; while the -trumpets, with the drums, occasionally assert their peculiar character. -In the same way, the other wind instruments are combined among -themselves, as well as with the other instruments; it is in accordance -with their nature that the rendering of the more delicate details should -fall to their share. Such an extended employment of the wind instruments -must naturally have influenced the treatment of the strings. These are -independently and forcibly placed in contrast with the wind instruments, -so that, while the latter heighten the colouring, the former determine -the fundamental character of the work and maintain unity of tone. -In short, all important effects which can be produced by different -combinations of the instruments are here brought into use, not merely as -sound effects produced by changes of tone colouring, but as the means of -giving due expression to musical ideas. - -The chorus also takes a different position in conjunction with an -orchestra such as this. It is no longer the principal object in -the sense of making everything else subservient to itself; but the -independence of the instruments renders it freer in its own motion. -Since so much was left to be rendered by the orchestra, the chorus -was able to characterise what belonged essentially to it all the more -sharply and strongly; and the powerful and effective orchestra called -forth all the strength of the chorus that they might keep pace with each -other. For this there was requisite, besides an intensified meaning in -the subjects, a free and melodious treatment, which made the separate -voices the foundation for the display of natural and forcible effects of -sound. To satisfy these varied conditions in detail, and to unite -them harmoniously into combined effect, has been Mozart's successfully -executed task. Let any one place those earlier works, in which the -voices supply the harmonies to a continuous violin passage and a _basso -continuo_ side by side with these hymns where an independent chorus, -complete in itself, is united with an equally independent and carefully -arranged orchestra, so as to form a compact and solid whole, and what an -extraordinary progress is apparent! - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(114) - -Mozart, who executed this work with loving care, composed both choruses -twice over. The first chorus, in the earlier and completely carried-out -attempt, has essentially the same features as the later, only the solo -parts are simpler and without the delicate accompaniment which gives -them their chief charm. The voices are only altered in the details of -the main portions of the chorus, but the orchestra is subjected to a -thorough elaboration. At first there were no flutes, and the addition -of these has given to the oboes a different position and in many ways -caused a different grouping of the instruments. But, apart from -this, there are so many improvements in detail that this work may be -considered as a regular study in instrumentation. The difference between -the two versions of the second chorus are more essential. Only the -beginning and the fundamental ideas of some of the subjects in the first -attempt are identical with the later elaboration. The working-out is -quite different, not only much shorter, but in every respect scantier -and less important; and more especially are the orchestral parts far -removed from their present rich perfection. Mozart did not even finish -this first attempt; it breaks off in the middle of the last passage, -although only a few bars are wanting. The difference in the elaboration -proves once more that the true gift of an artist consists in the -unerring judgment with which, after no matter how many experiments in -the process of his work, he seizes in the end on what is best for his -purpose. It is instructive to follow the progress of development from -the earlier ideas and attempts--in the second chorus the main features -are more carefully perfected, in the first the details. - -The magnificent effect of these two choruses seems to have suggested the -idea of bringing the drama to an impressive close by means of another -chorus. In the place of the instrumental movement which represented -Pheron's death, there was introduced a short exhortation by the High -Priest to fear the Divine wrath, which is taken up by the chorus, and -passes into joyful trust in the protection of the Almighty. - -Mozart's composition (to words provided by a Salzburg - - -{ZAIDE, 1780 (1779-Einstein:"Mozart")} - -(115) - -local poet--perhaps by Schachtner)[26] is altogether worthy of the -two first hymns. The bass solo of the High Priest foreshadows the -Commendatore in "Don Giovanni." The chorus which follows gives the right -expression of humble reverence on the part of the bystanders; and the -cheerful dignity of the conclusion is quite appropriate when we take -into account that the chorus was intended for the stage and not for the -church. - -Another composition falling within Mozart's present residence at -Salzburg is a German operetta, for which honest Schachtner provided the -libretto. It was almost finished when Mozart went to Munich in November, -1780. - -His father wrote (December 11, 1780) that nothing could then be done -with "Schachtner's play" on account of the public mourning at Vienna. -This was all the better, since "the music was not quite ready." But -Wolfgang begs him (January 18, 1781) to bring with him "Schachtner's -operetta." "People come to see Cannabich, with whom the hearing of such -things does not come _mal ä propos_." Later on the father revived the -idea of producing the operetta in Vienna, but Wolfgang answered (April -18,1781): "Nothing can be done with Schachtner's operetta, for the same -reason that I have often given before. I could not contradict Stephanie; -I could only say that the piece--except the long dialogues, which could -easily be altered--was very good, but not suited for Vienna, where they -only care for comic pieces." - -There can be no doubt that this is the opera[27] in two acts, without -a title, preserved in Mozart's carefully executed original score, and -complete all but the overture and the conclusion (344 K.), which was -published by André, with the - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(116) - -suitable title of "Zaide."[28] The handwriting, style, and -instrumentation, as well as some special circumstances to be presently -noted, prove this beyond a doubt. The plot may be conjectured in its -general features by the songs and music: [29]-- - -Gomaz has been betrayed into the power of the Sultan Soliman and set to -servile tasks. He has won the love of Zaide, who is in the seraglio of -the Sultan, but the passion of the latter for her affords little hope to -the lovers. Finding Gomaz, overcome with toil, asleep in the garden, -she leaves him her likeness. This leads to a declaration of their mutual -love. To them attaches himself Alazim, the Sultan's favourite, and -apparently the overseer of the slaves, who represents the humane -and enlightened Mussulman. He procures for them Turkish dresses, and -accompanies them in their flight. At the beginning of the second act -we find the Sultan in violent wrath at the treachery he has just -discovered. He rages against the fugitives, whom Zaram undertakes to -pursue and capture. They are, in fact, soon brought back, and Soliman is -not moved to clemency either by the prayers and constancy of Zaide, or -by the exhortations of Alazim. In what way a happy _denouement_ is at -last brought about cannot be conjectured.[30] - -This serious operetta is written in the manner and after the scale of -the vaudeville of the time; it does not depend upon the executive powers -of the performers nor upon large expedients, and the standard throughout -is a modest one. The orchestral combinations prove that it was intended -for performance in Salzburg, and the treatment of the separate parts may -have had reference to the available _personnel_. - - -{ZAIDE--AIRS.} - -(117) - -Zaide lays no claim to anything but a certain amount of fluency. The -part of the Sultan requires a strong penetrating voice, but for the rest -the requirements of the music are well within the compass of ordinary -theatrical singers; musical feeling, and a natural, correct judgment -Mozart always displays, because they were in fact a part of himself -which could not be laid aside. - -In the construction of the songs the traditional arrangement of the -Italian aria is not closely adhered to. An effort is evident to make use -of the fundamental law requiring contrasting motifs to be compacted into -a whole, in developing the individuality of the characters and of the -dramatic situations. Nevertheless, the influence of the old tradition -is visible in many phenomena, such as the change of tempo, the long -ritomelli, the division of the different motifs by regular rests, -and their amplification. Yet it is no longer servile obedience to an -external type, but an evident determination to evolve the form out of -the given situation. - -Every artist, no matter how many-sided his genius, feels his nature -impelled in a certain direction in which his creative strength works -freely and independently, while other paths remain strange to him or -are altogether closed. Experience and cultivation go far to equalise -his powers, but they are powerless to alter the original impulse. -Now dramatic representation makes demands upon the artist for the -satisfaction of which he must not indeed overstep the bounds of his -individuality--that no man can do with impunity--but he must stretch -them to their extremest limits. Here it is that he seeks aid from the -poet. The latter can elevate the musician by the strength and vividness -of his situation and characters, by the style and vigour of his -language, while it needs but little to stimulate his musical production -to activity. This aid was denied to Mozart when as a young man he first -sought to write dramatic music in its true sense. The first act of the -opera before us has no events except the love passages between Gomaz -and Zaide, which take their peculiar tone from the mixture of pity for -suffering innocence and from the danger threatening in the background. -Here Mozart is quite in his element. The - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(118) - -tendency and fervour of his own sentiments are involuntarily expressed; -but, graceful and interesting as is this first act, the poetical -expression of the words discovers nothing of the more delicate features -of the music. Again, in the second act, the Sultan raging in jealousy, -Zaide at first beseeching, then also furious, Alazim moralising--these -are elements in the treatment of which Mozart might well look for aid -from the poet. And here it was that the poet left him in the lurch -altogether. We fancy ourselves in a marionette-show when the Sultan -sings:-- - - Ich bin so bos als gut, - Ich lohne die Verdienste - Mit reichlichem Gewinnste; - Doch reizt man meine Wuth, - So hah' ich auch wohl - Waffen Das Laster zu bestrafen, - Und diese fordern Blut. - -And Zaide:-- - - Tiger! wetze deine Klauen, - Freu' dich der erschlichnen Beut'! - Straf ein thörichtes Vertrauen - Auf verstellte Zartlichkeit! - Komm nur schneli und tödt' uns beide, - Saug' der Unschuld warmes Blut, - Reiss' das Herz vom Eingeweide - Und ersättge deine Wuth - -The music totters under the weight of such words as these. The songs, -which follow one after the other, are indeed well conceived and -carefully executed, and even for the most part characteristic; but -their characterisation is all external, and when suggested by different -touches in the text it is rarely happy. There is a want of harmony and -balance, as well as of impulse and warmth, so that the really beautiful -separate ideas have no proportionate effect. It is remarkable that these -songs are all too long, and their cadenzas are especially tedious, as if -quantity was to make up for quality. Further adherence to the -antiquated aria form is particularly noticeable; as if, when the musical -construction no longer proceeded directly from the impulse - - -{ZAIDE--QUARTET.} - -(119) - -of the dramatic situation, the old forms involuntarily asserted their -sway. The quartet (16) in which the musical and dramatic interest is, -as it were, concentrated, contrasts very favourably with the solo -songs. The _dramatis personæ_ are all happily characterised; the Sultan, -implacable in his anger, Gomaz seeking to console Zaide, who, in her -turn, strives to purchase his life by the sacrifice of her own, and -Aiazim, overcome with grief at being unable to see a way out of the -complications that he himself has brought about. Here too we have a -conflict of opposing emotions faithfully and accurately delineated, and -all directed to one central point; it is, in fact, a situation which -fulfils all the essential conditions of musical representation. Here -then Mozart is in his element. The different characters are drawn with -a steady hand, every emotion is definitely and accurately expressed, and -the elements thus gained are employed as materials for a construction -which is as faithful to the laws of musical organisation as to the -requirements of the dramatic situation. The quartet thus fulfils the -two essential conditions of dramatic music, and reveals itself as a -consistent and harmonious piece of work, the separate motifs of which -are beautiful and expressive, while the interest is kept alive by -alternation and climax, and a vivid dramatic picture is produced by -the artistic treatment of musical forms. The grouping of the voices -in manifold variety of combination displays, as if on a ground plan, a -symmetrical, well-disposed musical edifice. As they proceed they develop -out of the simplest situations the most varied shades of sentiment, so -that the music carries into the innermost recesses of the mind and heart -what the words have merely hinted at. Even the actual musical formulas, -such as the entry of the voices in imitation, produce, in the right -place, such a direct and vivid effect that they appear to have been -invented for the special case. As to the main conception on which the -construction of the quartet rests, it might, if the violent rage of -the Sultan were considered as the chief point, have been made more -passionate and agitated without overstepping truth of expression; but -Mozart has in preference emphasised the more fervid and reserved - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(120) - -emotions of the other characters, to which the expression of anger -must be subordinated. This conception has perhaps been suggested by the -greater ease which it afforded for the introduction of the necessary -reconciliation of the characters; partly, also, a more quiet and -contained piece might appear to be of better effect after so many lively -and agitated songs; it is certain, however, that it was the conception -most in accordance with Mozart's nature as an artist. - -Equally in accord with the situation, but not by any means so deep -and expressive, is the terzet (8) which brings the first act to a -conclusion. In this there is no conflict of sentiment; Zaide, Gomaz and -Alazim are happy in the feeling of mutual love and friendship, and in -the hope of a speedy deliverance; the fear lest their plan of escape -should fail casts only a passing shadow on their cheerful frame of -mind.[31] The music therefore expresses content and happiness with great -tenderness and the purest melody, especially in the first movement. The -duet between Zaide and Gomaz (5), whose love is not a stormy passion, -but the devotion of two noble beings, expresses in the most delightful -manner the purity and openness of a happy affection. - -There are not wanting, either such delicate features of detail as -characterise the genuine musical dramatist. For instance, in Gomaz' song -(6), when he is divided between gratitude to Alazim and impatience to -hasten to Zaide, there is charming humour in his confusion, particularly -at the words "doch ich muss dich schnell verlassen," and "lass dich -küssen, lass dich drücken," which in no way interferes with the more -serious sentiment of the song as a whole. The union of humour and -sentiment at the close is excellent. While the accompaniment continues -the last subject, Gomaz, who had rushed off in hot haste, turns back, -and sings once more with heartfelt emotion: "Herr und Freund, wie dank' -ich dir!" There is a pretty touch in Osmin's air (11) where the purely -musical return to the theme is used to express recurring bursts of -hearty laughter. - -The workmanship of the opera, both as regards the - - -{ZAIDE--ORCHESTRA.} - -(121) - -treatment of the voices and of the orchestra, is, as might be expected, -thorough and sure. The orchestra deserves special notice. We find -only the instruments in use at Salzburg, and the wind instruments are -sparingly employed. The flutes and oboes generally alternate, but -they are together and in conjunction with bassoons and horns in the -quartet(16) and in one of the Sultan's airs (12); trumpets and drums are -only used in the Sultan's raging scene (9). Many songs (1, 11, 13) -are accompanied by stringed instruments alone. The hand of a master is -recognisable throughout, in the life and movement which we follow with -unflagging interest, in the force and beauty of the sound effects, and -in the delicacy of the lights and shades. Many touches recall later -works of Mozart; but these for the most part consist in turns of -expression, in the treatment of the accompaniment, &c. One decided -reminiscence is not without interest. The quartet is introduced by a -short passage for the wind instruments, which recurs several times in -the course of the piece, whereupon the voices enter as follows:--[See -Page Image] - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(122) - -where it appears in the song of Constanze, "Traurigkeit ward mir zum -Loose" (10) in the following form:--[See Page Imge] - -The alternate rendering of the subject by the voices and accompaniment, -and the alternation between the wind instruments, give it a new charm; -and it is not without intention that the instrumentation here is less -full than in the former case. - -One peculiarity of this operetta is the introduction of melodrama. J. J. -Rousseau, in his production of "Pygmalion" at Lyons in 1770 and Paris -in 1775, gave the first example of a dramatic piece in which spoken -dialogue was interspersed with music in the nature of obbligato -recitatives.[32] The attempt thus to render music effective as a means -of dramatic expression was successful, although the critics raised -objections to the union of music and speech.[33] - - -{ZAIDE MELODRAMA.} - -(123) - -Independently of Rousseau's experiment, it had occurred to Brandes in -1772 at Weimar to adapt Gerstenberg's cantate "Ariadne" as a melodrama -for his wife, who was an excellent actress, but no musician. Schweitzer -undertook the composition, but owing to the interruption caused by his -"Alceste" he did not finish it.[34] When Brandes removed to Gotha in -1775, he transferred "Ariadne" to Georg Benda, with whose music it was -then produced.[35] The extraordinary success it met with suggested to -Gotter the idea of writing the melodrama "Medea" for Madame Seyler, -the rival of Madame Brandes; this also was composed by Benda.[36] The -success of the melodramas was universal and extraordinary.[37] Critics -might object to the principle as they pleased,[38] the public was not -to be reasoned out of its enthusiasm, which was shared even by many -connoisseurs.[39] That the success wras mainly due to Benda's expressive -music, which all joined in praising, admits of no doubt, and none of his -successors have been able to produce a similar effect.[40] - -Mozart's idea of substituting melodrama for accompanied recitative in -German opera was a kindred one (Vol. II., p. 74), and the same idea is -evident in other directions.[41] It is put into practice in "Zaide." Two -important monologues are melodramatically treated; one by Gomaz at the -beginning of the first, and another by Soliman at the beginning of - - -{COURT SERVICE IN SALZBURG.} - -(124) - -the second act.[42] Benda's composition has evidently been taken as -a model; the music in short periods, often only in detached chords, -follows each turn of the monologue, and seeks to give expression to -the lightest shades of sentiment. The musical treatment is essentially -different from that of obbligato recitative, where the independent -instrumental passages are connected partly by the recitative itself, -which is always sung, partly by the harmonies of the accompaniment; in -the melodrama, on the other hand, every passage, even the smallest, is -treated as distinctly apart. In the recitatives, again, which are sung, -the lighter shades of sentiment may be rendered by cadence, rhythm, or -harmony, without the intervention of any instrumental passages. In the -melodrama this is impossible, and in order to accentuate details, the -continuity of the dialogue must be sacrificed; another decided -and almost inevitable drawback is the dependence upon details for -characterisation, which is thereby often out of proportion. In this way, -spoken dialogue loses its chief means of effect--that is, its continuity -of idea--while nothing is gained for musical unity, which ought to make -up for all deficiencies by the steady maintenance of a sustained mood. -For, impelled as Mozart might be by his nature to gather into a whole -the shattered members of this musical representation by means of -rhythmical combinations and harmonic progressions, this was only -possible to a limited degree, and musical construction in its proper -sense can only exist in those few places where the music is independent -of the melodrama. The main point, however, cannot be denied, which is -that the words and the music are not here so blended that each part is -richly repaid for what it sacrifices by its union with the other, but -that each is continually asserting itself in opposition to the other, so -that both are in fact the losers. To - -[42] It is particularly to be regretted that the original words for -these melodramatic scenes have not been printed. The alterations in -Soliman's monologue are not so essential, but Gomaz's monologue is -entirely transformed. In the original text he was absorbed by his -unpleasant position; when he prays for refreshing slumber, and the music -represents his repeated starting up from rest, the altered version puts -love-ravings for Zaide into his mouth. - - -{ZAIDE--MELODRAMA.} - -(125) - -this may be added the great difficulty of satisfying the requirements -of music, together with those of declamatory speech, and of filling the -pauses with suitable gestures and movements, the amount of histrionic -art necessary being rarely possessed by singers. Benda's melodramas -were written for distinguished actresses, whose forte lay in their -declamation and action; the situations were selected with this view, the -dialogue was constructed in accordance with it; in fact, each scene was -self-contained, not incorporated as a component part of a greater whole. -Objections of this kind must have acted upon Mozart at a later time; -at all events, he never again employed melodrama, not even in the -"Zauberflote," when the occasion seemed ready to hand. It was -nevertheless often introduced into operas--and partially also into -plays--with very good effect. But the effect relies chiefly either on -the material impressions of sound or upon the delicate and intellectual -treatment of the musical interludes, suggesting familiar ideas, -sentiments, or fancies, which exist in the minds of the speakers, though -they are incapable of expression in speech.[43] These are certainly -admirable points in their place, but they can scarcely serve as -organising principles in a work of art; the melodrama must be content to -take its place as a subordinate and connecting member if it is to have -its true effect. - -Mozart never took up this opera again, and he was right. It could only -have been rendered fit for the stage by complete reconstruction. The -first act, however graceful the music may be, has too little variety in -its treatment and tone to gain favour on the stage; the second is, as we -have seen, barely tolerable. After the composition of the "Entführung," -"Zaide" was heard of no more, partly on account of the similarity of -subject and accessories, partly because it was so far surpassed in every -respect that it could not fail to fall henceforth into oblivion.[44] - - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXI. - -[Footnote 1: The minuet movement in symphonies was not liked in Salzburg. The -minuet of the Symphony in B flat major was written later (to judge by -the handwriting) for a performance in Vienna, and appended on a separate -leaf. Mozart began a minuet to the C major symphony, but only finished -the first part, and crossed it out in the score. The effort not to -make the symphony too long is evident throughout, and especially in -the non-repetition of the first movement, although it is completely -detached.] - -[Footnote 2: The first movement (Adagio, Allegro con spirito), the Andantino and -the Finale are (not quite correctly) printed as an independent symphony. -(Breit-kopf and Härtel, 7.)] - -[Footnote 3: André possessed a careful copy of these two pieces, inscribed by -Mozart "Sinfonia Concertante," as if for their special performance at a -concert in Vienna, March 20,1783.] - -[Footnote 4: The customary attempt to give a peculiar charm to the trio of the -minuet by means of unusual instrumentation is here apparent in the -solos for the flute in the first trio and for the horn in the second. In -Mozart's autograph score the flute part is left blank: was the player to -improvise?] - -[Footnote 5: I do not know André's authority for his assertion that it was -composed in 1780, but it appears to me to be justified. Mozart sends -from Vienna (June 27, 1781) for "The Sonata ä quatre mains in B, and -the two Concertos for two claviers," and he writes later on that he had -played the Concerto ä duo with Frl. Auemhammer at a concert (November -24, 1781). Two clarinets were added to the original accompaniment, on a -flyleaf, for this performance. The second concerto which is mentioned is -no doubt that originally written for three claviers, and afterwards for -two (p. 331).] - -[Footnote 6: The Credo as far as the "Et in spiritum" was afterwards laid -aside; it was in 3-4, with the doubtful superscription, "Tempo di -ciacconna."] - -[Footnote 7: The Dixit and Magnificat of the first vesper is in C major, -Confitebor in E minor, Beatus vir in B flat major, Laudate pueri in F -major, Laudate Dominum in A flat major. The Dixit and Magnificat of the -second vesper are also in C major, Confitebor in E flat major, Beatus -vir in G major, Laudate pueri in D minor, Laudate Dominum in F major.] - -[Footnote 8: The accompaniment consists, besides the organ (which is only once -obbligato), of two violins and bass, trumpets and drums (these last only -in the Dixit and Magnificat), and trombones in unison with the choir. -The tenors invariably go with the bass; but, a rare occurrence, the -violoncello is frequently distinct from the double-bass. Once a very -simple solo for the bassoon, _ad libitum_, occurs.] - -[Footnote 9: The simple but sometimes independent accompaniment, especially of -the violins, is very beautiful, and heightens the effect, as it does in -the Mass.] - -[Footnote 10: In the second vesper a long triplet passage is given to the solo -soprano at the words "Cornu eius exaltabitur," but nothing further comes -of it.] - -[Footnote 11: Printed as an offertory, "Amavit eus Dominus" (Vienna: Diabelli).] - -[Footnote 12: Printed as an offertory, "Sancti et justi" (Vienna: Diabelli).] - -[Footnote 13: Wolfgang had promised to compose an aria for him, but had not -done so when he was summoned to Munich for "Idomeneo", reproached by his -father, he found time in the full swing of his work at "Idomeneo" to -write this aria and send it to Salzburg (November 22,1780).] - -[Footnote 14: The Wien. Ztg. (1786, No. 31) contains an obituary notice. Cf. -Gervinus, Gesch. d. Poet. Nat. Litt., IV., p. 590.] - -[Footnote 15: Published in Vienna, 1774, Frankfort, 1775, and in Freih. von -Gebler's Theatralischen Werken (Prague and Dresden 1772), III., p. 305.] - -[Footnote 16: Confirmed by an expression of Mozart to his father, written from -Vienna (February 15, 1783): "I am really sorry that I cannot make use of -the music to "Thamos." The piece, having failed here, is destined to be -never again performed. If it were, it would be solely on account of the -music, and that is scarcely likely. It is certainly a pity!" Mozart gave -his music, in 1786, to the needy theatrical manager Bulla, who made a -good profit by it (Nissen, p. 685); "König Thamos" was given the same -year in Berlin (Teichmann's Litt. Nachl., p. 40). The whole composition -was successfully performed at Frankfort in the winter of 1865, with a -connecting poem by Gisb. von Vincke.] - -[Footnote 17: Cf. Schmid, Nekrolog, 1., p. 363.] - -[Footnote 18: Lessing, Hamb. Dramat. St., 26 (Werke, VI., p. 115).] - -[Footnote 19: Betracht. d. Mannh. Tonsch., I., p. 313; III., p. 253.] - -[Footnote 20: "Haydn's _entr'actes_ (to 'Zaire') are really fine," writes L. -Mozart (October 6, 1777). "One of them was an arioso with variations for -violon-celli, flutes, oboe, &c., and next after a _piano_ variation came -one with Turkish music so suddenly and unexpectedly that all the women -started, and there was a general titter. Between the fourth and fifth -acts was a cantabile with recitatives for the English horn, and then the -arioso again, which accorded very well with the sadness of the preceding -scene and with the following act."] - -[Footnote 21: It might be supposed that the overture before mentioned (Vol. -II., p. 86) was intended for this play, and the date of the composition -agrees with this supposition. But the paper differs from that of the -other instrumental movements, and Mozart was exact and careful in these -matters. Something also of the solemn dignity characteristic of the -choruses might be looked for in an overture to "König Thamos"; in other -respects it is not unsuitable.] - -[Footnote 22: The usual Salzburg orchestra is kept in view for these movements: -strings, oboes, bassoons, and horns; and for the three entr'actes (I., -IV., V.), trumpets and drums.] - -[Footnote 23: Wieland enthusiastically praises the completed drama (Auswahl, -Denkw., Briefe, II., pp. 14, 26). Soon afterwards (p. 27) he wished the -conclusion altered, and complained that the virtuous people were unreal, -and the wicked ones veritable demons. Ramier, Sulzer, Thümmel, also -spoke highly in praise of "König Thamos" (Schlegel, Deutsch. Mus., IV., -pp. 139, 153, 159). It was at once translated into French (Wieland, -Auswahl. Denkw. Briefe, II., p. 30), and into Italian in 1780, by J. S. -von Berghoff, secretary to Prince Colloredo. A handsomely bound copy of -this translation is preserved with Mozart's score; it was probably sent -to the Archbishop, and Mozart may have thought of adapting his choruses -to the Italian version.] - -[Footnote 24: Schweitzer professed to discern in the composer to the choruses -which Gebler sent to Ramier and Wieland a beginner of great promise. -That this talented beginner was not Mozart (although he was in Vienna in -the summer of 1773) no one who casts a glance over the choruses will for -a moment doubt. "Two choruses to the play of 'Thamos' by Mozart, scored -for the piano by C. Zulehner," were published by Simrock, in Bonn, -and are certainly not genuine. The fact that Mozart was known to have -written an anonymous composition for the stage no doubt caused this one -to be attributed to him.] - -[Footnote 25: Gebler was Grand Master of the district lodge, "zum neuen Bund," in -1784 (Lewis, Gesch. d. Freimaurerei in Oesterreich, p. 162).] - -[Footnote 26: This concluding chorus is wanting in Gebler's works, and in the -Italian translation thus proving its Salzburg origin.] - -[Footnote 27: As early as 1799 the following inquiry was made in the -Intelligenz-Blatt of the A. M. Z., II., p. 21: "Among Mozart's -posthumous works has been found a German vaudeville, written apparently -in 1778 or 1779; it is without a title, and contains the following -characters: Gomaz, Zaide, Sultan, Zaram, Soliman, Osmin, &c. Any person -acquainted with the title of this work, or with the fact of its having -been printed, is requested to communicate with the editor of this -paper." The inquiry appears to have remained unanswered.] - -[Footnote 28: "Zaide," Oper in zwei Acten von W. A. Mozart. Score (and pianoforte -arrangement). Offenbach: Joh. André. André has added an overture and a -closing chorus for the purpose of performance, to which there can be no -objection. Mozart's composition is given intact, but the text has been -altered by C. Gollmick. Schachtner's libretto is truly insufferable, but -it is indispensable to the critical examination of Mozart's music.] - -[Footnote 29: Schachtner has evidently imitated a French original, but I have -not been able to discover it. I have failed to procure an opera entitled -"Zaide," in three acts, by La Mare, composed by Royer (1739).] - -[Footnote 30: The resemblance of some situations to the "Entfuhrung" is as -striking as the difference of the two works on the whole. An Osmin -appears as a secondary character, and sings a comic aria in the second -act, which seems to have no immediate connection with the action. The -disclosure of the flight was made in the original by Zaram, not by -Osmin.] - -[Footnote 31: This part did not satisfy Mozart, and he composed it again.] - -[Footnote 32: Castil-Blaze, Molière Musicien, II., p. 423.] - -[Footnote 33: La Harpe, Corr. Litt., I., p. 280.] - -[Footnote 34: Brandes Lebensgesch., II., pp. 140, 157.] - -[Footnote 35: Brande's Lebensgesch;, II., pp. 173, 184. Reichardt says -(Kunstmag., I., p. 86; Mus. Alman., 1796, G. Benda) that Benda was the -first to propose it; but this seems incorrect.] - -[Footnote 36: Brande's Lebensgesch., II., p. 193. Teutsch. Mercur, 1775, III., p. -276.] - -[Footnote 37: Brande's "Ariadne" was successfully performed in Paris in 1781 -(Grimm, Corr. Litt., X., p. 450).] - -[Footnote 38: Eberhard, Neue Verm. Schr. (Halle, 1788), p. 1. N. Bibl. d. Schön -Wiss., XXXVII., p. 177. Forkel, Krit. Bibl., III., p. 250. Tagebuch d. -Mannheim, Schaub., I., p. 327. Nachtr. zu Sulzer's Theorie., Ill, p. -318. Herder was of opinion that music and declamation met at evety -point; they could not unite (Böttiger, Litt. Zust., I., p. 126).] - -[Footnote 39: Reichardt, Kunstmag., I., p. 86. Rintel, Zelter, p. 100. Cf. Huber, -Tamira, p. 79.] - -[Footnote 40: A list of melodramas is given by Schletterer, Das Deutsche -Singspiel, p.225.] - -[Footnote 41: Reichardt, Geist des Musik. Kunstmag., p. 102. Knigge, Ephemer. f. -Theat. u. Litt. (1785, II., p. 100).] - -[Footnote 42: It is particularly to be regretted that the original words for -these melodramatic scenes have not been printed. The alterations in -Soliman's monologue are not so essential, but Gomaz's monologue is -entirely transformed. In the original text he was absorbed by his -unpleasant position; when he prays for refreshing slumber, and the music -represents his repeated starting up from rest, the altered version puts -love-ravings for Zaide into his mouth.] - -[Footnote 43: It will suffice to remind the reader of the fine melodrama in -"Fidelio."] - -[Footnote 44: "Zaide" was performed in Frankfort on January 27, 1866, and though -naturally not a stage success, it was a most welcome instruction to -those who brought historical interest to bear upon it.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. "IDOMENEO." - - -ALTHOUGH in his earlier years Mozart's career had, as we have seen, -been hindered by the circumstances - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(126) - -to which he was forced to succumb at -Salzburg, yet the severe discipline to which he was subjected must have -been in many respects useful during his period of education. Since his -return from his travels, however, his Salzburg surroundings were utterly -oppressive and distasteful to him. His time of training was over; what -he now required was freedom, work worthy of his powers, and the means of -producing all that he was able and willing to produce. But of all this -Salzburg could give nothing, and want of appreciation and mistrust, in -addition to external obstacles, almost caused Mozart to lose heart and -spirit, and throw up his post. His longing looks were naturally turned -in whatever direction deliverance might seem to lie, and he considered -it a fortunate circumstance when he was commissioned to write the opera -for the Carnival of 1781 at Munich. The interest he had excited in Karl -Theodor and his consort rendered it comparatively easy for Mozart's -friends among the court singers and musicians to direct the choice so -that it should fall on him; the Archbishop had promised leave of absence -too distinctly to be able to draw back, nor would his many obligations -to the Bavarian court have rendered a refusal possible. An entirely new -opera was desired on this occasion, and the Abbot Giambatt. Varesco, -who had been court chaplain at Salzburg since 1766, was commissioned -to write the libretto; he could take counsel with Mozart, who knew the -Munich company well, and by obeying his suggestions make the text quite -according to his mind, so that a work not unworthy of the brilliant fame -of the Munich Opera might be expected. When a translation of the text -was called for later, Mozart proposed his old friend Schachtner, who was - - -{CHARACTERS AND PLOT.} - -(127) - -employed to do it; and Leopold Mozart could write with some pride to -Breitkopf (August 10,1781): "It is remarkable that every part of -the work is by persons residing in Salzburg: the poetry by the -court chaplain, Abbate Varesco, the music by my son, and the German -translation by Herr Schachtner." - -Varesco's "Idomeneo" was modelled on the opera "Idomenée," written by -Danchet and composed by Campra, first performed in 1712 and revived in -1731.[1] - -The _dramatis personæ_ are as follows:--[See Page Images] - -The plot is briefly as follows:-- - -Idomeneo, King of Crete, after the siege of Troy, has wandered a long -way from his home, where his son, Idamante, grown to man's estate during -his absence, awaits him in filial love. Electra, daughter of Agamemnon, -banished by the people of Argus on account of the matricide of Orestes, -has taken refuge with Idamante, and becomes deeply enamoured of him. But -Ilia, daughter of Priam, who, with other Trojan captives, has been sent -to Crete by Idomeneo, has conceived a passion for Idamante, which he -returns. At the opening of the opera we find Ilia struggling with her -love for the enemy of her fatherland (aria, 2). Idamante approaches her -joyfully. He has received tidings that his father's fleet is in -sight, and has sent his old confidant, Arbace, to bring more exact -intelligence. On this joyful day he gives freedom to all the Trojan -captives, and declares his love for Ilia, which she, although -reluctantly, rejects; whereupon he bewails himself in an aria (3). The -captive Trojans are led in and loosed from their fetters, - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(128) - -giving occasion for a joyful chorus. Electra comes and expresses -dissatisfaction at the liberation of so many enemies. Then follows -Arbace with intelligence (which is mistaken) of the shipwreck of -Idomeneo. Idamante departs overwhelmed with grief. Electra remains -behind and gives vent to her jealousy and despair in a song (aria, 5). -The scene changes to the sea-coast, and the fleet of Idomeneo is -seen threatened by a storm, and driven on to the rocks, the mariners -lamenting and beseeching aid. Neptune appears and commands the winds -to depart. Idomeneo prays for his help, but the god casts threatening -glances on him, and disappears. The sea being calmed, Idomeneo lands and -declares that, during the storm, he has vowed to sacrifice to Neptune -the first person who shall meet him on shore. He trembles at the -rashness of his vow, and anxiously looks for the sacrifice he is to make -(aria, 6). Idamante enters, having sought solitude as ease to his grief. -He offers shelter to the stranger, whom he fails to recognise. In the -course of conversation it transpires that he is mourning for his father -Idomeneo. Whereupon Idomeneo makes himself known, but overcome by the -horror of his situation, he departs, forbidding Idamante to follow -him. The latter, ignorant of the cause, is inconsolable at his father's -rejection of his proffered love and services (aria, 8). An intermezzo -of suitable character follows the first act. The warriors of Idomeneo -disembark to a march (9), are welcomed by their wives and children, and -"express their joy in a grand figure-dance, ending with a chorus (10)." - -At the beginning of the second act Idomeneo is in conversation with -Arbace. He communicates to him his fearful vow, from the fulfilment -of which he wishes to escape. Arbace represents to him that this is -impossible. But when he hears that Idamante is to be the sacrifice, -he counsels his being sent to a distant country, and that during his -banishment they should seek to appease the wrath of Neptune. Idomeneo -decides upon commanding Idamante to accompany Electra to Argos, and -there ascend the throne, and commissions Arbace to bid him prepare for -the journey. Arbace promises obedience (aria, 11), and departs. Ilia now -appears, expresses delight at Idomeneo's safety, and, while extolling -Idamante's goodness, declares her own gratitude and submission (aria, -12). Her warmth causes Idomeneo to suspect their love, and his grief and -confusion are thereby augmented (aria, 13). Electra, entering, thanks -him for his care. He leaves her alone, and she expresses her joy at the -fulfilment of her dearest wishes (aria, 14). The warriors assemble -in the harbour to the sound of a march (15). Electra appears with her -followers, the sea is calm, and all look forward to a fortunate voyage -(chorus, 16). Idomeneo dismisses Idamante, who sees in this command a -fresh proof of his father's inexplicable displeasure. They express -their opposing sentiments in a terzet (17). As they prepare to embark, a -terrific storm arises, and a huge sea-monster rises from the waves. This -convinces Idomeneo that his - - -{IDOMENEO--PLOT.} - -(129) - -disobedience has offended Neptune, and he determines to die himself, and -not to sacrifice the innocent. "The storm continues to rage, the Cretans -fly, and the act closes with the expression of their fear and horror by -singing and pantomimic dancing." - -Ilia opens the third act, bewailing her unhappy love (aria, 19). -Idamante surprises her, and declares his resolve to seek death in -combat with the monster who is laying waste the land; this leads to a -disclosure of her love, and the two express their happiness in a duet -(20). Idomeneo, entering with Electra, discovers them; he cannot bring -himself to acknowledge to Idamante the true cause of his mysterious -behaviour, but commands him anew to leave Crete at once, and seek an -asylum in a distant land. The various emotions of those present are -expressed in a quartet (21). Idamante having departed, Arbace enters -and announces that the people are hurrying with the high priest at their -head to demand deliverance from the monster; Idomeneo goes to meet them, -and Arbace expresses his earnest wish for the happiness of his ruler -(aria, 22). On an open space in front of the castle the high priest -appears with the multitude; he describes the ravages of the monster, -which can only be terminated by the fulfilment of Idomeneo's vow, and -demands to know the name of the promised victim (23). When Idomeneo -names his son as the sacrifice, horror seizes the people (chorus, 24). -During a march (25) Idomeneo with his subjects enters the temple of -Neptune, and while the priests prepare for the sacrifice they offer -their solemn prayers to the god (26); cries of joy are heard from afar, -and Arbace hastens in and announces that Idamante has slain the -monster in heroic combat. Idamante is presently borne in by priests and -warriors, crowned and in white robes; he now knows his father's vow, and -satisfied as to his feelings towards him, he is ready to fall a joyful -sacrifice to the angry god (aria, 27). As Idomeneo is in the act of -striking the fatal blow, Ilia hastens in and restrains him; she insists -upon taking the place of her lover, and a tender strife arises between -them, which Idomeneo listens to with emotion, Electra with rage and -jealousy. As Ilia kneels before the altar, "a great subterranean -disturbance is heard, the statue of Neptune totters, the high priest -stands entranced before the altar, all are amazed and motionless from -fear, while a deep and majestic voice declares the will of the gods": -Idomeneo is to renounce the throne, which Idamante is to ascend, and to -be united to Ilia (28). At this unexpected issue, Electra breaks into -violent anger, and "goes off raging"; Idomeneo arranges everything -according to the divine will (30), and expresses his grateful joy (aria, -31); Idamante is crowned in a pantomimic ballet, during which the chorus -sing a joyful conclusion to the opera (32).[2] - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(130) - -Varesco omitted the prologue of his original, and reduced the five acts -to the customary three. He also left out altogether the divinities and -allegorical personages, which were somewhat prominent in the French -text; and of three confidants he retained only Arbace. For the rest -he follows the progress of the plot pretty closely, only judiciously -omitting the love of Idomeneo for Ilia, and altering the conclusion. In -the original, Idomeneo, after voluntarily raising his son to the throne, -and bestowing on him the hand of Ilia, is stricken with madness by -Nemesis, and slays Idamante with the sacrificial axe. He is then -prevented from committing suicide, but Ilia falls by her own hand. -Metastasio had weaned Italian opera from such horrors. Varesco naturally -looked to opera seria as the foundation of his adaptation,[3] but he -endeavoured at the same time to make use of the distinctive features -of French opera. This is evident in his care for variety of scenery and -machinery, in the marches and processions which occur in every act, -and in the pantomimic dances which are made subservient to the plot. -Further, the frequent introduction of the chorus was evidently suggested -by French opera, and a marked progress displayed in the fact that the -chorus was not employed merely to heighten the pomp of the piece, but -took part in the action at critical moments, and expressed important -dramatic situations. The ensembles, too, are not placed in regular -succession at the end of the acts, without reference to the plot; they -occur naturally as the piece proceeds, and have a dramatic signification -of their own. Such movements are indeed rarely introduced, and not all -the suitable points are made use of for them; no attempt is made either -to unite the several connected points of the plot into a musical -whole in the finale, but rather each separate situation has its own -independent musical treatment.[4] On the other hand, there - - -{VARESCO'S LIBRETTO.} - -(131) - -is an evident intention to give the piece a tragic tone rather than -that of the then prevalent effeminate tenderness, and to invest the -characters with a psychological interest, and the plot with natural -development and climax. It must be admitted that the success is but -partial. Varesco was no poet, and the spirit of French tragedy was not -calculated to raise him to a higher sphere than that of Italian opera. -Conventionality predominates, passion and emotion find but unnatural -expression, pedantry and exaggeration, both alike untrue, jostle each -other; and the plot hangs on such slender threads that, in spite of the -strong passions which are set in motion, it awakens no lively interest. -The weak points both of French and Italian opera are here combined; but -there are other faults belonging more especially to the latter. Such, -for example, is the giving of the part of Idamante to a male soprano, -and employing the bass voice only for the subordinate part of the -Oracle. Idomeneo is tenor, according to traditional usage, and stands -almost alone against three soprano voices, for Arbaces as second tenor -acts only as a stop-gap, and the high priest only appears once in -an obbligato recitative. Generally speaking the airs do not form the -culminating point of a dramatic situation, but only close it with a -kind of point. Frequently they have only a commonplace phrase or an -elaborated image for their subject, and all their individuality is -bestowed upon them by the music. Varesco is nevertheless a practised -verse-maker, who has employed, not without skill, the materials he found -ready to hand, but is far removed from Metastasio's delicacy and grace. - -With all its drawbacks the advantage of a settled tradition is very -visible, the external arrangements, such as the distribution among -the characters of the different pieces being carefully carried out. -In short, if "Idomeneo" is compared with Mozart's earlier operas, the -progress in the choice and treatment of material is very marked. Such an -absolute blending of the essential features of French and Italian opera -as is aimed at does not indeed take place; a compromise between the two -had first to be made. It can scarcely be doubted that Mozart had a share -in the construction of the libretto in its more important parts, and -that - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(132) - -his experiences in Mannheim and Paris had qualified him for the task; -but his influence was not felt in the details of the work. - -When the libretto was ready, and part of the music composed, Mozart -repaired to Munich, according to custom, to finish the opera on the -spot. After a journey in the postcarriage, "which shook the soul out of -one's body," and gave him not an instant's sleep, he wrote to his father -(November 8, 1780), "Joyful and glad was my arrival!" There was plenty -to be done: the opera was to be rehearsed, to be put on the stage, and -the greater part of it was still unwritten. How much of it he took with -him ready to Munich is not precisely known; probably the majority of -the recitatives, the first act, and perhaps part of the second; at all -events his first letters mention some of the songs as already composed. - -He was able to set to work with a good heart, for he was met with -goodwill on all sides. Count Seeau was altogether at his service; and -when they sometimes fell out, and Mozart was provoked to be rude, it was -always the Count who gave way. The Elector received him very graciously. -"I had almost forgotten the best!" he writes (November 15, 1780); "Count -Seeau presented me _en passant_ to the Elector last Sunday, after mass; -he was very gracious, and said, 'I am glad to see you here again.' And -when I said that I would endeavour to deserve the approbation of his -highness, he patted me on the shoulder and said, 'Oh, I have no doubt -it will all go very well indeed.' _A piano piano si va lontano!_" -The nobility, too, were favourably disposed towards him. Cannabich -introduced him to the Countess Baumgarten, who was then the favourite -of the Elector. "My friend is everything in this house," he writes -(November 13, 1780), "and I, too, now; it is the best and most useful -house here for me, and so far all has gone, and by God's help will go, -well with me." He was able, therefore, to satisfy his father as to the -success of the opera (November 24, 1780): "Have no care as to my opera, -dear father; I hope there will be no hitch. A little cabal is opposed -to it, but it will certainly come to grief, for all the best and most -powerful houses - - -{THE MUNICH SINGERS.} - -(133) - -of the nobility are in my favour, as well as the principal musicians, -especially Cannabich."[5] - -There was, at all events, no opposition to be feared on the part of -the singers or the orchestra; they and Mozart were mutually anxious to -satisfy each other. But their joint labours and the requirements of the -stage showed many alterations in the text to be necessary, and Varesco -must have been often appealed to to undertake these, or to sanction -proposed changes. Among the performers for whom he wrote, Dal Prato -gave him some real trouble. Soon after his arrival he had "a piece of -roguery" to narrate (November 8, 1780): "I have not indeed the honour -of knowing the heroic Dal Prato, but according to the description -Ceccarelli must be better than he; for sometimes his breath fails in the -middle of a song, and, _nota bene_, he was never on the stage, and Raaff -is like a statue. Now, you may imagine the scene in the first act, the -meeting of Idomeneo and Idamante." Further acquaintance with Dal Prato -justified the reports concerning him. "My _molto amato Castrato dal -Prato_," he writes (November 15,1780), "requires teaching the whole -opera"; "he has to learn his part like a child, and has not a pennyworth -of method" (November 22, 1780). He was the stumbling block also in the -quartet, which had to be rehearsed six times before it went right. - -"The fellow can do nothing," complains Mozart (December 30, 1780); "his -voice would not be so bad if he did not sing in his throat and head, but -he is absolutely without intonation or method or sentiment, and sings -like the best among the boys who come to be heard when they seek -admission to a choir." - -He had trouble of quite another kind with his "dear old friend" Raaff. -He was exceedingly fanciful, and Mozart made many alterations out of -love for him and consideration for his gray hairs (December 27, 1780):-- - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(134) - -Let me tell you that Raaff is the best and honestest man in the world, -but so wedded to his old jog-trot ideas that it is enough to drive one -crazy. Consequently it is very difficult to write for him; very easy, -too, I grant you, if one is content to write songs such as, for example, -the first, "Vedrommi intorno," &c. If you could only hear it--it is -good, and it is pretty; but if I had written it for Zonca I should have -made it much better fitted to the words. I had a good deal of trouble -with him about the quartet. The oftener I hear this quartet the more -effective it appears to me, and every one that has heard it likes it. -Only Raaff thinks it will be wanting in effect; he said to me, "Non c' -è da spianar la voce." As if there should not be more speaking than -singing in a quartet! But he knows nothing about these things. I only -said, "My dear friend! if there was only one note in this quartet that I -thought should be altered, I would do it; but I am better satisfied with -it than with any other piece in the opera, and when you have once heard -it together, you will alter your mind. I have done my best to please you -with your two songs, and so I will with the third, with good hopes of -succeeding; but as far as regards the terzets and quartets, the composer -should be allowed his own way." That satisfied him. - -After the rehearsal Raaff "gladly acknowledged himself in the wrong, and -had no more doubt as to the good effect of the quartet" (December 30, -1780). When Mozart had "shown him the paces" of his first air, he was -quite satisfied with it (November 15, 1780); and equally so with the air -in the second act (December 1, 1780):-- - -He is as much in love with his song as a younger man might be with his -fair lady: he sings it at night before he goes to sleep, and in the -morning as soon as he wakes. He said to Baron Viereck and Herr von -Castel, "I have always been used to have a hand in my own part, in the -recitatives as well as the songs; but I have left this just as it was. -There is not a note that does not suit me exactly." _Enfin_, he is as -happy as a king over it. - -Some ill-natured speeches were made in spite of all this, as Mozart -writes to his father (December 27, 1780):-- - -_À propos!_ Becke tells me that he wrote to you again after the last -rehearsal but one, and told you among other things that Raaffs song in -the second act is not written for the words. "They tell me," he said, -"that you know too little of Italian. Is it so?" "You should have asked -me, and then written! I can assure you that he who told you this knows -very little Italian himself." The song goes exceedingly well with the -words. One hears the "mare" and the "mare funesto;" and the - -{THE MUNICH SINGERS.} - -(135) - -passages lead up to "minacciar" in a way that thoroughly expresses -"minacciar"--a threatening; in fact, it is the finest song in the opera, -and meets with universal approval. - -The two other male vocalists belonged to the old Munich opera. "Honest -old Panzacchi" had been an excellent singer and a good actor in -his time, but his best days were over; and Valesi, too, who had a -well-deserved reputation as a tenor, had almost given up the stage, and -devoted himself to teaching. L. Mozart had reason, therefore, to write -(November 11,1780): "What you tell me of your vocalists is sad, and -shows that everything must depend on the composition." - -There were no difficulties this time with the female vocalists. Both the -Wendlings were friendly and amenable--they went Mozart's way, and -were contented with everything he did. "Madame Dorothea Wendling is -_arci-contentissima_ with her scena, and wanted to hear it three times -over,', he wrote home (November 8,1780), and they were quite in accord -about the second song. "Lisel Wendling," he wrote soon after (November -15, 1780), "sang her two songs half-a-dozen times; she is thoroughly -pleased; I have it from a third person that both the Wendlings have -praised their songs very highly." - -Mozart kept up with great industry the work of rehearsing and composing -(a song for Schikaneder was composed meanwhile, Vol. II., p. 102), -although he was suffering from a severe cold. The homely remedies -which his father ordered brought some alleviation of it, but, as he was -obliged to continue writing, the cure was a slow one. - -At Munich he fell in with Mara, who had not long left Berlin. "She is -not so fortunate as to please me," he writes (November 13, 1780); "she -does too little to come up to the Bastardina (Vol. I., p. 112), which is -her ambition, and she does too much to touch the heart like a Weber, or -an expressive singer." He was even less edified by the behaviour of the -husband and wife than by Madame Mara's singing, and writes at a later -date (November 24,1780) of the "pride, insolence, and effrontery which -were visible in their countenances." When Mara was to sing at a court -concert, after the first symphony "i saw her lord and master creep -behind her with a violoncello in his hand; I thought it was going to be - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(136) - -a song with obbligato violoncello. Old Danzi, a very good accompanist, -is first violoncellist here; all at once old Toeschi--conductor when -Cannabich is not there--said to Danzi, who is his son-in-law, by the -way, 'Stand up, and let Mara take your place.' But Cannabich heard him, -and cried, 'Danzi, stay where you are! The Elector likes his own people -to play.' And the song proceeded. Herr Mara stood meekly with his -violoncello in his hand behind his wife." The song which Mara was -singing had a second part, but she went out during the ritornello -without acquainting the orchestra, "with her native air of effrontery," -and afterwards complained to the Elector.[6] He answered: "Madame, you -sang like an angel, although your husband did not accompany you," and -referred her to Count Seeau. - -The first act was rehearsed at the end of November, and Mozart was able -to report to his father such success as raised the general expectation -to a still higher pitch (December 1, 1780):-- - -The rehearsal went off remarkably well. There were only six violins in -all, but the proper wind instruments. No spectators were admitted -but Seeau s sister and young Count Seinsheim. I cannot tell you how -delighted and astonished every one was. It was only what I expected, for -I assure you I went to this rehearsal with as light a heart as if it -had been a banquet. Count Seinsheim said to me: "I assure you I expected -much from you, but this I did not expect." The Cannabich family and all -who know them are true friends of mine. I went home with Cannabich after -the rehearsal. Madame Cannabich met us and embraced me, full of pleasure -that the rehearsal had gone off so well; then came Ramm and Lang half -out of their minds with delight. The good lady, my true friend, being -alone in the house with her sick Rose, had been full of anxiety for me. -Ramm said to me (if you knew him you would call him a true German, for -he says to your face exactly what he thinks): "You may believe me when -I say that no music ever made such an impression on me; and I thought -fifty times what a pleasure it will be to your father to hear this -opera." But enough of this! My cold was made rather worse by the -rehearsal. One cannot help getting overheated when fame and honour are -at stake, however cold-blooded one may naturally be. - - -{REHEARSALS.} - -(137) - -Wolfgang's father received other confirmation of the success, which he -did not withhold from his son:-- - -Fiala showed me a letter from Becke which is very eulogistic of the -music of your first act. He writes that tears of joy and pleasure came -to his eyes when he heard the music, and that every one declared it was -the finest music they had ever heard--all so new and beautiful, &c. He -says that the second act is about to be rehearsed, that he will write to -me himself, &c. Well, God be thanked, this all looks well. - -L. Mozart, who had been wont to exhort Wolfgang not to procrastinate, -as indeed he often did at Salzburg, was now concerned to hear of his -obstinate cold, the more so as his sister was suffering from a chest -complaint, and he begs him to take care of himself; he was not to hurry -over the third act, it would be ready quite in good time. Ready, as he -always was, with good advice, he warns him to remember that an opera -should not only please connoisseurs (December 11, 1780): "I recommend -you not to think in your work only of the musical public, but also of -the unmusical. You know that there are a hundred ignorant people for -every ten true connoisseurs, so do not forget what is called _popular_, -and tickle the long ears." But Wolfgang will not listen to this. "As -to what is called popular," he answers (December 16, 1780), "do not be -afraid, there is music in my opera for all sorts of people--only none -for long-ears." Meantime the work of rehearsing went steadily forward. -On December 16, in the afternoon, the first and second acts were -rehearsed at Count Seeau's, the parts being doubled, so that there -were twelve violins. All went well, as Wolfgang reported (December 19, -1780):-- - -The orchestra and all the audience gladly acknowledged that, contrary -to their expectations, the second act was superior both in novelty and -expression to the first. Next Saturday the second act is to be rehearsed -again, but in a large room in the palace, which I have long desired, -for the room at Count Seeau's is far too small. The Elector is to listen -_incognito_ in an adjoining apartment. "We must rehearse for dear life -then," said Cannabich to me. At the last rehearsal he was bathed in -perspiration. You will judge from my letters that I am well and hearty. -It is a great thing to come to the end of a great and laborious work, -and to feel that one leaves it with honour and fame; this I have almost -done, for now nothing is wanting but three songs, and the last chorus of -the third act, the overture and the ballet--"et adieu partie!" - - -{IDOMENEO.} (138) - -The next rehearsal gave even greater satisfaction (December 27, 1780):-- - -The last rehearsal was splendid; it was in a large room in the palace, -and the Elector was present. This time we had the whole orchestra (that -belongs to the opera-house, of course). After the first act the Elector -said "Bravo!" out loud; and when I went to pay my respects to him, he -said, "This opera will be charming--it will certainly do you honour." As -he was not sure of being able to remain to the end, we let him hear the -concerted song, and the storm at the beginning of the second act. These -he also approved of in the most kindly manner, and said, laughing, "No -one would imagine that such great things could come out of such a little -head." The other day at his early reception, too, he praised my opera -very much. - -In the evening at court the Elector again spoke in high praise of the -music, and Mozart learnt from a sure source that he had said after the -rehearsal, "I was quite taken by surprise--no music ever had such an -effect on me--it is truly magnificent." - -The news of this success reached Salzburg bit by bit. "All the town is -talking of the excellence of your opera," his father tells him (December -25, 1780). "Baron Lerbach set it going; the chancellor s wife told me -that she had heard from him that the opera was wonderfully well spoken -of everywhere. Then came Becke's letter to Fiala, which he gave to -be read everywhere." Becke wrote to L. Mozart himself that "the storm -chorus in the second act is so powerful that none could hear it, even -in the greatest heat of summer, without turning as cold as ice;" and -he praises Dorothea Wendling's concerted song very much. The violinist -Esser from Mayence, who had given concerts in Salzburg, wrote from -Augsburg concerning the two acts of the opera which he had heard: -"Che abbia sentito una musica ottima e particolare, universalmente -applaudita." "In short," writes the father, "it would be tedious to tell -you all the compliments paid to you. I hope that the third act will have -as good an effect, and I do so the more confidently, since all the best -situations are here, and the subterranean voices must be startling and -terrifying.[7] I hope to be able to say, 'Finis coronat opus.'" - - -{REHEARSALS.} - -(139) - -To this his son answers, over head and ears in work (December 30, 1780): -"The third act will be thought _at least_ as good as the other two: -I like it infinitely better, and you may justly say, 'Finis coronat -opus.'" But there was plenty to do meantime. "Head and hands," he writes -(January 3,1781), "are full of the third act, so that I should not be -surprised if I were to turn into a third act myself; It alone has cost -me more trouble than the whole opera, for there is not a scene in it -that has not peculiar interest." He had the satisfaction of finding -after the rehearsal that it really was considered to surpass the other -two acts. - -Mozart's anxious father strove to draw his attention to every point that -might contribute to success, and particularly cautioned him to keep -on good terms with the orchestra (December 25, 1780). Experience of -Salzburg must necessarily have shown him the importance of this:-- - -Try to keep your orchestra in good humour--flatter them, and make them -devoted to you by praising them; I know your way of writing, and the -unceasing and close attention it exacts from all the instruments; it is -no joke for the orchestra to be kept on the stretch of their attention -for three hours and more. Every one, even the worst fiddler, is touched -by being praised _tête-ä-tête_, and becomes more and more attentive and -zealous; and these courtesies cost you nothing but a few words. But -you know it all yourself; I only tell you because such things are often -forgotten at rehearsal, and you will need the friendship and zeal of -the whole orchestra when the opera is in scena. The position is then -altered, and the player's attention must be much more intent. You know -that they cannot all be friendly towards you. There is always a _but_ -and an _if_ to be met with. You say people doubted whether the second -act would come up to the first. This doubt being relieved, few will have -misgivings for the third act. But I will wager my head that there will -be some who will doubt whether the music will be as effective in the -theatre as in a room; and in that case the greatest zeal and goodwill -are necessary on the part of the orchestra. - -But the opera was not ready yet; there was to be no ballet, only -a divertissement fitting into the plot, and this Mozart was, as he -expressed it, to have the honour of composing (December 30, 1780). "I am -very glad of it," he adds, "for then the music will be by _one_ master." -He was - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(140) - -hard at work at the "cursed dances" until the middle of January, and had -no time to think of anything else, not even of his own health. It was -not until January 18 that he could write: Laus Deo, at last I have -come to an end of it!" Amid rehearsals and anxious labours, the day of -representation drew near. L. Mozart had been concerned lest the death of -the Empress Maria Theresa on November 29, 1780, should put a stop to it, -but Wolfgang reassured him by saying that none of the theatres had been -closed on this account. Soon after he was terrified by a rumour that -the Electress was dangerously ill, but discovered this to be a "lie -from beginning to end." At first January 20, 1781, was fixed for the -performance, then the 22nd, and finally January 29; the last rehearsal -was to be on the 27th, Wolfgang's birthday; he was pleased at the -postponements: "The opera can be oftener and more carefully rehearsed." -The fame of "Idomeneo," which had reached Salzburg even before its -performance, was a great source of satisfaction to Mozart's friends; -Dr. Prexl, for instance (Vol. II., p. 84), wrote to him of the -"inexpressible satisfaction" with which he had learnt the honour done by -Wolfgang to Salzburg, and more than one friend undertook the journey -to Munich in order to be present; among these were Frau Robini and her -family, two Fräulein Barisani, and Fiala, from the Kapelle. L. Mozart, -who was "as pleased as a child about the excellence of the orchestra," -intended to go to Munich with his daughter as soon as he could arrange -to be absent. But as he dared not risk a refusal from the Archbishop, -and it was rumoured that the latter meditated a journey to Vienna, he -waited his time. It suited him very well that the first performance was -postponed until Hieronymus had actually left Salzburg. This being so, -he set out on January 26 to be present at the last rehearsal and the -performance. Wolfgang had arranged that his father and sister should -find accommodation at his own lodging (in the Burggasse), if they would -be contented to live for the time "like gipsies or soldiers." - -The arrival of Mozart's father and sister at Munich brings us to a -detailed account of the performance of "Idomeneo" - - -{PERFORMANCE, JANUARY 29, 1781.} - -(141) - -and its success. The "Munich Literary and Miscellaneous News" (February -1, 1781, No. XIX., p. 76) announced it briefly as follows:-- - -On the 29th ult. the opera of "Idomeneo" was performed for the first -time in the new opera-house. The adaptation, music, and translation all -proceed from Salzburg. The scenery, including a view of the harbour -and Neptune's temple, are among the masterpieces of our well-known -theatrical architect, the Herr Councillor Lorenz Quaglio.[8] - -All that we read, however, of the success of the opera in rehearsal -leaves us no doubt that it met with a very favourable reception. - -As to the sum received by Mozart in payment for "Idomeneo" we know -nothing; but it cannot have been a large one, or L. Mozart would not -have written (December 11, 1780): "How about the score? will it not be -copied? You must be careful as to this, for _with such a payment the -score cannot be given up_." To which Wolfgang answered (December 16, -1780): "I made no ceremony as to the copying of the score, but spoke -openly on the subject to the Count. It was always the custom in Mannheim -(where the kapellmeister was well paid besides) to give up the score -to the composer." The original score, in three volumes, is written in a -very neat but rapid hand, with scarcely any alterations except a few in -the recitatives. As usual, the different numbers are written separately -and then put together; the double-bass part was written larger, as in -other scores, for the convenience of the bass-player at the clavier. The -score was to have been printed at the time, as appears from a letter of -L. Mozart to Breitkopf (August 10, 1781): "We were advised to publish -the opera, printed or engraved, either in full score or clavier score. -Subscribers were promised for some thirty copies, among whom was his -highness Prince Max of Zweibrücken, but my son's journey to Vienna and -the intervening events caused us to postpone the whole affair." The -music for the ballet which was given with "Idomeneo" has not yet been -printed (367 K.). - -Mozart seems to have set great value on "Idomeneo" - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(142) - -(366 K.), even in later years;[9] it is certain that soon after he had -made good his footing in Vienna he exerted himself to have it placed -on the stage, for which purpose he intended entirely to remodel it. -Unfortunately this project fell through, and when in 1786 a company of -distinguished amateurs performed the opera at the residence of Prince -Karl Auersperg, Mozart contented himself with several alterations, but -did not attempt a complete remodelling. Later, and more especially -quite recently, "Idomeneo" has been given from time to time on different -stages, without exciting as much interest in the general public as the -better-known works of Mozart; the judgment of connoisseurs, on the other -hand, has always distinguished it.[10] Both phenomena are comprehensible -on a close examination of the distinctive features of the work. - -Ulibicheff remarks with great justice that it is easy to distinguish -in "Idomeneo" where Mozart has still clung to the formulas of the opera -seria, where he strives to imitate Gluck and the French opera, and where -he gives free play to his own independent impulses as an artist. These -indications are, of course, not to be met with accurately marked out in -the different pieces, Mozart's individuality, in the perfection to which -it had now attained, being throughout the very pith of the work. - -We have seen that the libretto unites the characteristics of Italian -and French opera as far as style is concerned, but that the determining -element is the Italian style. We have seen further that the singers, -with the exception of the two female characters, belonged to the Italian -school, which fact tended to the maintenance of Italian form. - -It might therefore be expected that Mozart, especially in the songs, -should set out from the traditional forms, and only - - -{ITALIAN CHARACTER OF THE MUSIC.} - -(143) - -attempt to modify them as far as was possible. But the influence of the -French original on the opera lay deeper than this, and was impressed -on its poetry, language, and nationality, Italian as these all were in -external form. Let us consider the songs. The effort is evident to give -a more individual expression to the sentiment arising from the dramatic -situation than was usual even with Metastasio; but the form and -construction are only modified, and have retained the specific character -of Italian poetry. The rhetoric differs altogether from the rhetoric -of French poetry. Indirectly, too, language by its rhythm and accent -affects musical construction, and the distinctions between the -Italian and French language are strikingly apparent, not only in -the recitatives, which are governed by the musical character of the -language, but in the formation of the melodies, where language must be -taken into account as an essential element. But deepest of all lies the -difference in the conceptions and ideas of the two nations. The emotions -and passions of different nations vary not only in intensity but in mode -of expression, and where a truly national art has developed itself -this special character is stamped on all its productions. The Italians -express their feelings vividly and accent them strongly, and not only -so, but their instinctive love of formula calls forth sharply defined -characterisation and favours typical developments, as is shown, -for instance, in their singularly perfect talent for pantomimic -representations. This tendency has had a marked influence on the -development of music, particularly of dramatic music, in Italy. It still -bears a national character, which is not only stamped on it in certain -forms and turns of expression, but which is the artistic expression of -emotions springing from the very nature of the people. Whoever has heard -Italian music performed both by Italian and German singers will readily -be convinced that the difference rests not only on style and method, -but still more essentially on the peculiarities of the Italian national -character. It should not therefore be matter for surprise that music -which to Germans appears false or unnatural should make a much deeper -impression on Italians than the merely sensual one which strikes the -ear. - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(144) - -Mozart's "Idomeneo" bears this distinctive Italian colouring, as do all -his Italian operas, not only in the employment of Italian technicalities -and mechanism, but in the living breath and fragrance which nothing but -an absorption into the national spirit could bestow. Even as a boy he -displayed a delicate sense of national distinctions, when in "Bastien -und Baitienne" and the "Finta Semplice" he defined so sharply the limits -of German vaudeville and of opera buffa. If "Zaide" is compared with -"Idomeneo," the fundamental distinctions of conception and style are -not less definitely marked; and the same was the case later in the -"Entführung" and the "Zauberflote," in "Figaro," "Don Giovanni," "Cosi -fan Tutte," and "Tito." To give only one example: one of the most -beautiful and affecting scenes that Mozart ever wrote is that in which -Idomeneo, at the request of the high priest, indicates his son as -the sacrifice demanded by the gods, and all the people break out into -lamentations; and yet this chorus (24) is a most unmistakable instance -of the Italian form and style. Places like "Giä régna la morte" appear -typical of similar modes of expression which occur so frequently in -Italian operas. But the Italian mould in which Mozart's work is cast, -and on which the harmony of the whole depends, is not consciously put -forward as a national colouring. It proceeds from such an intimate -acquaintance with the Italian style as was then considered the proper -foundation for musical studies, and was only possible so long as Italian -music bore actual sway in German churches and theatres, and found no -contradiction in the national consciousness. This sway was undisputed in -South Germany during Mozart's youth and period of artistic development. -The musical atmosphere in which he grew up, the elements of culture -which were offered to him, were thoroughly Italian; and Italian -conceptions and fashions had become second nature to him as to all other -German artists who took part in the development of Italian opera during -the last century. The relation in which an artistic genius stands to his -time and nation is difficult to grasp. Far from shunning the influences -of either, his genius displays itself in his power of representing their -significant - - -{MOZART'S USE OF ITALIAN FORMS.} - -(145) - -features and tendencies with force and vigour, amounting even to -one-sidedness; and then again it sets itself in opposition to them, and -struggles until it rules and determines them anew. It would be a hard -task indeed to fathom the nature of an artist to that point where -the threads of his personal powers and proclivities, and those of the -cultivation of his time and nation, are so interwoven that they appear -as the root of his artistic individuality; we must be content with -tracing onward the path of his development. - -Although Mozart's training had so imbued him with the spirit of Italian -music that its essence appeared to him as the essence of music itself, -yet he transformed the elements which he had so absorbed with the -whole force of his individuality. He did not consciously adopt them as -national, neither did he oppose them from motives of patriotism, and -seek to substitute a German style. His individuality joined issue with -the elements of an art ready to hand in full development, and produced -works of art which were genuinely Italian, and also genuinely Mozart. -The fresh new life which had awakened in German poetry, and which first -caused a consciousness of national existence to show itself in the realm -of art, touched Mozart at a time when his musical education was already -firmly grounded. He could therefore without self-contradiction continue -along the trodden path, and carry on the development of the Italian -opera as a settled form of art, which he had made his own in the truest -sense. But the impulse of German art laid hold, as we shall see, of his -innermost being, and gave him clear consciousness of his capabilities -as a German artist. Granted that the German element of his nature--with -which he could never dispense--remained latent and inactive while he -appropriated Italian art as his own, yet all that he so took was treated -as his own free property and turned to account with German thought -and feeling. While thus the German school of music was partly founded, -partly endued with new life by him, he brought Italian opera to a climax -as far as its universal application was concerned; after Mozart it -becomes more exclusively national. Like every genius who has made his -mark in the history of art, he casts his - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(146) - -glance over the past as well as into the future. To him it was given to -concentrate the living elements of Italian music into works of mature -perfection in art, and, setting to work with freshly tempered force, -to turn to account the youthful impulses of German music, and lead them -towards the goal of artistic freedom and beauty. - -Thus, in Idomeneo we recognise the genuinely Italian character of the -opera seria, brought to its highest perfection by the force of Mozart's -perfectly cultivated individuality; but in details we still perceive -the ascendency of traditional form, to which the artist was obliged to -yield. - -It is most unmistakably present in the two songs allotted to Arbace. -The part of confidant was intended both musically and dramatically as a -stop-gap; it served as a foil for the more important characters, and was -a principal adjunct in the production of that _chiaroscuro_ which was -considered as essential to scenic effect. On this account Arbace's two -songs (11, 22) are not woven into the dramatic web of the opera either -in words or music. Some concessions were doubtless made to Panzacchi, a -clever and accomplished singer of the old school, and there is no lack -of runs, jumps, and similar feats for display of execution. The songs -follow the old fashion in other ways also (except that they have only -one tempo, and a structure modified accordingly), as, for instance, in -the introduction of cadenzas; a very long ritornello of the second song -is afterwards shortened at both ends. But in order to give them some -musical interest, the accompaniment, although weak in instrumentation, -is carefully worked out in counterpoint, especially in the second song. -The preceding accompanied recitative, in composing which Mozart plainly -had Panzacchi in view, is fine and expressive. - -Dal Prato also, for whom the part of Idamante was intended, had only -the knowledge of an Italian singer, and that in no considerable degree. -Mozart was again, therefore, fettered by tradition, and could venture -little to render the song more original and lifelike. In all the three -songs for this character (3, 8, 27), the old type is clearly to be -recognised. The first, if the singer had had a powerful execution, - - -{MUSIC FOR DAL PRATO AND RAAFF.} - -(147) - -which he avowedly had not, would probably have been an ordinary bravura -song; it has the general plan of one, but is without bravura passages. -The emphasis is laid on the accompaniment, which is independent and -interesting throughout; the constant use of the wind instruments -supplies it with fine sound effects. The frequent changes of time, the -construction of the song being in all other respects very regular, is -intended to give animation to the expression. The second air is shorter, -to suit the situation, more lively and energetic in expression, but -equally dependent on the accompaniment for originality and interest. -The third adheres to the old form by the introduction of a slow middle -movement (Larghetto 3-4) and the accompaniment is simpler; but the song -as a whole is conciser than was the fashion formerly. - -Raaff's advanced age would have prevented his satisfying any very great -expectations; but he was also, as Mozart complained, "so wedded to -his old jog-trot ideas that it was enough to drive one crazy." He was -obliged therefore in the very important part of Idomeneo to submit to -much that was against his convictions and inclinations. But Raaff was an -accomplished and sensible singer, from whom much could be looked for in -respect of delivery and expression. His first air (6) vividly expresses -deep and painful feeling in two tolerably short and precise movements, -an andantino sostenuto 3-4, and allegro di molto (5); it is dramatically -quite in its place, and gives opportunity to the singer to display a -well-trained voice. The detached, sharply defined motifs, united by -interludes, remind us of the old style, but they are very cleverly -arranged and carried out, and the treatment of the wind instruments -gives a splendidly sonorous and yet subdued effect to the orchestra, -which was then quite novel, and must have been remarkably impressive. -The second air (13) is a long bravura song in one movement (allegro -maestoso) in the grand style. Mozart calls it "the most splendid song" -of the opera; and protests vigorously against the idea that it was not -written "for the words"; but more was demanded from the singer than -Raaff was able to give. It has the proper heroic character of the opera -seria, and affords opportunity for the display of vocal art in - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(148) - -sustained passages, long notes, and bravura passages. The last are -completely obsolete; but Mozart was right to think well of the song; it -is full of expression and character, interesting through its rich -and brilliant accompaniment, and containing, especially in the middle -movement, surprising beauties of harmony. How striking and expressive -is, for instance, this harmonic transition:--[See Page Image] - -The third air (30), which Mozart endeavoured to write to please his -old friend, is on that very account quite after the old pattern; it has -great resemblance to the song which Mozart had so accurately fitted to -Raaff at Mannheim (p. 408). The chief movement is a broadly sustained -adagio, simple and noble in tone, and giving opportunity to the singer -to display sustained singing, the effect of which is enhanced by -a figured accompaniment, shared between the strings and the wind -instruments; the middle movement, allegretto 3-8, is of less importance. -A sketch which has been preserved of this song affords a good example of -Mozart's method of work; the ritornellos, the voice and the bass are - - -{ILIA--ELECTRA.} - -(149) - -all fully noted. Probably he submitted the sketch to Raaff before -elaborating the song; it coincides in all but a few unimportant -alterations with the later elaboration. He wished at first to compose -the words of the middle movement in the same time and measure as the -first movement; after four bars, however, which he erased, he wrote the -middle movement as it at present stands. - -In spite of the restrictions laid upon him in this far from -inconsiderable part of the opera, Mozart's progress since the "Re -Pastore" is very marked. What we now find is not the struggle of -youthful genius against obsolete and hampering forms, but a conscious -compliance with them, on definite grounds, by means of which the -composer strives to extract all the good possible from his unfavourable -circumstances, and knows exactly how far he can go. It is difficult, -however, now that the tradition of these forms is wholly lost, to decide -with certainty how much is due to the insensible effect of custom, and -how much to the conscious labour of the artist. Those pieces in which -Mozart could act without control make an entirely different impression. - -To these belong the parts of Ilia and Electra. Bravura has a decided -place in the conception of the latter, but with an individual colouring -of passion which Mozart has made free use of as the characterising -element. The two great airs (5, 29) are the vivid expression of a -glowing impulsive nature, which is raised by an admixture of haughty -dignity above that vulgarity into which violent outbreaks of jealousy -and revenge so readily fall. In spite of the text, which puts the -traditional bombastic pathos into the mouth of Electra (29)-- - - D' Oreste, d' Ajace Ho in seno i tormenti, - D' Aletto la face Giä morte mi dä. - Squarciatemi il core Ceraste, serpenti! - -the composer has succeeded in infusing character and individuality into -the song. - -The two songs are allied in subject, but their treatment is - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(150) - -different. While in the first passion ferments, as it were, and breaks -forth in separate bursts, the second is a continuous stream of wild -rage, and calls for the more particular employment of the higher notes -of the voice. Purely executive display is not sought after, with the -exception of one passage going up to C in alt, and very expressive, -if well sung, but a passionate, well-declaimed delivery is taken for -granted throughout. Occasionally the voice part is more declamatory -than melodious, and the effect is provided for by a rapid succession -of striking harmonies. How wonderfully affecting, for instance, is the -passionate outcry:--[See Page Image] - -The orchestra has an altogether novel function as a means of musical -characterisation. It goes its independent way - - -{ELECTRA--ILIA.} - -(151) - -side by side with the voice, interesting by virtue of the singular -vitality of its accompanying passages and its own motifs, and its -masterly tone-colouring gives body and force to the whole composition. -In the first air all is restless motion--we have the flutes in broken -chords, flashes of sound like lightning from the wind instruments, -and only at certain points are the forces united into a concentrated -expression of emotion. How striking, again, is the effect in the last -song when, after the long torturing shake passage for the violins,[11] -the united orchestra bursts forth into a very transport of revengeful -feeling.[12] - -Electra's middle song (14) is in strong contrast to the passionate -outbursts of the other two; here her happy love seems to fill her very -being. She breathes forth a calm serenity and tender sweetness, as if -there could be no place in her heart for jealousy and revenge. The voice -part with the exception of one ornamental passage resembling the string -quartet accompaniment, is very simple; rightly delivered the expression -of satisfied affection will be found quite in accord with Electra's -character. - -In the character of Ilia, Mozart has followed his natural bent; it is -full of sentiment, tender and graceful, without any violent passion. It -was played by the excellent actress and singer, Dorothea Wendling; here -Mozart had free scope, and in her songs (2, 12, 19) we find the finest -expression of his manner as an artist. In the first air (2) we find the -simplest means lying ready to hand employed to give dramatic effect; -such, for instance, is the alternation of major and minor key for the -principal subject, the climax produced by its repetition, the different -ways in which the exclamation "Grecia!" is treated, &c. Not only are -we affected by the charm of beautiful and graceful ideas, but the -expedients of formal construction become the natural - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(152) - -expression of the innermost feelings of the heart. The second air (12) -is a cavatina, having two verses repeated with trifling alterations, and -accompanied by four obbligato wind instruments, viz.: flute, oboe, horn, -and bassoon, Besides the string quartet. Mozart's old Mannheim friends, -wendling, Ramm, Lang, and Ritter were together again, and he was -delighted to write a piece that should do honour to them and to him. - -There can be no question as to his success. The first impression is -one of the purest melody, filling the musical listener with perfect -satisfaction. A nearer examination shows as much to admire in the -simplicity of the artistic structure (the symmetry of which in reading -the score is displayed as it were on a ground plan) and in the delicate -use of sound effects, as in the tenderness and grace of the conception. -Let us consider the situation. Ilia comes to thank Idomeneo for -the kindness which she, as a captive, has received in Crete. She is -embarrassed by the remembrance that she has lost her father and her -fatherland, that Idomeneo is her ruler, and the father of Idamante, and, -more than all, by the consciousness of her love for Idamante; and yet -this very love sheds for her a rosy light on all around. - -She begins, then, with a composed, almost reverential address, and as -her feelings grow more intense, the remembrance of her sorrows returns; -but all gives way to the one feeling: "or gioja e contento," in which -she altogether loses herself. Such a combination of different elements -into a harmonious whole constitutes a true work of art, and it must -needs be found beautiful as long as the principles of music remain what -they are. The situation of the last air (19) is less striking; it is -the longing sigh of a deserted lover; but the main features of Ilia's -character have already been so clearly defined that her singular charm -is as indelibly impressed here as elsewhere. It is only necessary to -compare the air (14), in which Electra expresses her tenderest feelings, -to perceive how the essential distinctions between the two women are -characterised by the music. - -The duet for the two lovers (20 b) is interesting and pleasing, but not -very striking; in form and change of tempo, - - -{ENSEMBLES.} - -(153) - -as well as in conception and treatment, it adheres to the -old-established custom of making a love duet light and graceful. It -proceeds in unbroken movement and precise form throughout, and there is -no true bravura. - -The terzet (17) is more striking, noble, and simple, and of fine musical -effect, but the dramatic situation is not brought to expression in the -full energy of which it is capable. It is certainly placed with design -between a succession of pleasing situations and of more agitated ones; -its calm and earnest mood fitly concludes what has gone before and -prepares the mind for what is to follow, without unduly diminishing -the effect of surprise. In the situation, as here presented, the three -characters are all in a depressed and anxious mood, which restrains any -lively outburst of emotion, and justifies the moderation of the musical -rendering. - -The quartet (21) takes a higher place as regards invention and -characterisation; Mozart himself preferred it, and rejected any -interference from the singers in its composition as decidedly as he gave -way to them in the songs. It is not an easy task to write a quartet -for three sopranos and a tenor, but Mozart's accurate knowledge of the -capabilities of the voices, and his skilful combinations, enabled him to -command the most original and beautiful sound effects. We must admire, -too, his genius in marking out a distinct plan, within the limits of -which he moves at his ease, and in giving sharp touches of character -without disturbing the unity of the piece. - -Ilia and Idamante stand in natural contrast to Idomeneo and Electra, and -each individual is accurately characterised. This is most apparent where -they all sing together, and gives life and significance to the music. -Besides the independent treatment of the voices, the quartet is -especially distinguished by harmonic beauties of an uncommon kind, and -undeniably belongs to Mozart's finest performances. His wife relates -that once, when singing in this quartet, he was so deeply affected that -he was obliged to desist, and for a long time would not look at the -composition again.[13] The - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(154) - -conclusion is original and appropriate. Idamante's commencement is that -of a man who has made up his mind: "André ramingo e solo," however, dies -away with the words "morte cercando" into gloomy meditations. At the -close he again announces, "Andrò ramingo e solo," and leaves the scene -while the orchestra continues to express gloom and sadness, dying away -gradually into silence.[14] - -The chorus forms a principal feature of "Idomeneo." There is an -important difference, however, between those choruses which actually -belong to the plot and express the meaning of the situation with -emphasis, and those which are only superficially connected with the -plot, and serve principally for ornament. These last are mostly in -connection with the ballet, and should be placed side by side with the -ballet music. Such are the first chorus (4), during which the Trojan -captives are loosed from their fetters, the closing chorus during -Idamante's coronation, and most especially the chorus at the end of the -first act (10), in which we should not fail to recognise dance music, -even without the superscription "Ciaconna" and the express indication of -the libretto. The orchestra has a more independent part here than in the -two other choruses. The character of them all is fresh and cheerful; -as with a man rejoicing in the fulness of his health and strength, -everything is stirring and full of sound and bustle, so it is with -these choruses, which, without any striking qualities, are thoroughly -effective where they stand. The charming chorus previous to the -embarkation of Electra and Idamante is more characteristic, and seems -to mirror the cheerful heavens and the calm sea, together with Electra's -happy frame of mind. Very happy in expression are the verses which -Electra sings between the choruses--simple, clear, and full of grace and -delicacy. - - -{CHORUSES.} - -(155) - -But the remaining choruses, which are more properly dramatic, are -incomparably more important, grand, and earnest. The first (5), -representing the shipwreck of "Idomeneo," is a double chorus for male -voices. One chorus in the distance is in four parts--the other, nearer, -is in two parts; the former is mostly in unison, the latter imitative; -each chorus is complete in itself, and quite independent of the other, -but the two together form an artistic, clearly apprehended whole. The -orchestra contrasts with it as a solid mass, the stringed instruments -belonging more especially to the second, and the wind instruments to the -first chorus. It falls to the orchestra to depict the storm, and there -are plenty of chromatic scales for the purpose, but the effect depends -chiefly on bold and forcible harmonies. How little Mozart shunned -difficulties and obstacles may be proved by several parts of this scene, -the following passage among others:--[See Page Image] - -Still more powerful are the choruses which close the second act. Again -there arises a storm, the sea-monster appears, and horror seizes -the people. While the orchestra is in constant agitation, the chorus -interposes _en masse_, partly in full chords, partly in effective -unison. The succession of striking harmonies reaches its height in the -four-times repeated - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(156) - -question "il reo quai è?" which closes with a pause on a dissonant chord, -repeated, like an echo, by all the wind instruments. Such a magnificent -and agitating effect as is attained by this concentration into one point -of every musical expedient, without overstepping the boundaries of the -beautiful, had scarcely been heard in any opera, and Mozart himself -never surpassed it. The concluding chorus, which follows an accompanied -recitative for Idomeneo, is of an entirely different character, -expressive of a flight, winged by fear and horror. The 12-8 time, seldom -used by Mozart, is suited to the expression of haste and agitation, and -so also is the generally independent and partially imitative treatment -of the voices. They only unite sometimes into an outcry of horror, -otherwise they make detached exclamations, and each goes his way in -hurried confusion until all are dispersed. - -The chorus in the third act (24) expresses a totally different sentiment -in equally grand style. When, after the effective appeal of the High -Priest, Idomeneo discloses his obligation to sacrifice his son, the -people, still discontented and murmuring, are struck with grief and -horror. The intensity and almost over-wealth of beauty with which these -emotions are expressed give the music, as we have already remarked, the -national stamp of the Italian opera. We may learn from this chorus how -in a true work of art the universal emotions of the human heart may -be blended with the peculiarities of national and individual life and -transported into the realm of pure art. The effect of unison at the -words "giä régna la morte," expressing the depressed murmur of the -people, is wonderfully fine; the chromatic triplet passage of the -accompaniment seeks meanwhile in vain to raise the fainting spirits -higher. This motif passes finely into the calm confidence of the High -Priest's prayer, and the touchingly beautiful orchestral conclusion lets -a ray of light on to this dispirited mood. But the climax has not yet -reached its highest point. After a simple but wonderfully effective -march, there follows a prayer for Idomeneo and the Priest which is a -complete masterpiece, whether we consider its truthful expression -of emotion, its rich and original orchestral accompaniment, or the -combination in it of the various elements which produce the - - -{CHORUSES--RECITATIVE.} - -(157) - -total effect. We can here merely indicate the short chorus of priests, -which remains in unison in the one key of C, while the instruments (the -strings _pizzicato_ in a harplike movement, the wind instruments in -characteristic passages) proceed in varied harmonies from C minor to -F major, whereupon the voices sink to F and keep this key, while the -orchestra gives out the solemn and quieting chords of the so-called -church ending (B minor, F major). - -It is much to be regretted that after this chorus the opera follows the -usual course of opera seria, and leaves important dramatic situations -unused for the purposes of musical representation. If, according to -the original design, the remaining chief situations had been wrought -together into a duet for Ilia and Idamante and a quartet, we should then -possess masterpieces of grand dramatic music at the close of the opera; -instead of this separate songs have been detached from their context in -order to satisfy the singers. - -The grandiose and free treatment of the choruses, both in the voice -parts and the accompaniments, places them almost on a level with those -of "König Thamos"; but a more condensed and pregnant style of music was -required in the opera than in "König Thamos," where the connection with -the drama was loose and superficial. Mindful of this consideration, -Mozart, while giving the choruses free scope for musical execution, -never allows them to stand independent of and apart from the words. - -A reminiscence of French opera is evident in the treatment of the -recitatives as well as in the important part allotted to the chorus. -The groundwork of the dialogue is, as usual, in secco recitative, but -accompanied recitative is more often employed as introductory to the -songs than formerly, and it is also made use of as the most fitting -vehicle for passionate or agitated soliloquies, such as that of Idomeneo -after the appearance of the monster (18), or for solemn and pathetic -appeals, such as that of the High Priest (22); also at different points -of the dialogue where the sentiment rises above the tone of ordinary -speech, the accompanied recitative interrupts the secco for a longer or -shorter interval, and gives the dialogue increased power and - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(158) - -animation. The treatment of this kind of recitative is always free. It -passes from sharply accented declamation into more or less elaborate -melodious song. In the same way the orchestra sometimes serves simply as -supporting accompaniment, sometimes suggests in an interlude or carries -out more fully the expression of feeling excited by the words. A -truly inexhaustible wealth of striking and, from many points of view, -interesting features and beautiful motifs displays itself in these -recitatives. Very fine, for instance, is the anticipation in Electra's -recitative (p. 171, score) of the principal subject of the following -song. How suggestive it is when Idomeneo, Ilia having just left him, -expresses the conviction that she loves Idamante, in the characteristic -motif of her song, by which doubtless she has betrayed her love, weaving -it in the most striking manner into the interlude of his soliloquy! (p. -146, score). The variety and wealth of harmonic transitions in these -recitatives is astonishing. Mozart's originality is displayed by the way -in which he gathers to a point the scattered and fugitive emotions of -the various parts, so as to form a consistent whole. There is not a -note which stands alone, every separate touch becomes for him a motif, -capable of further development, and each in its own measure contributes -to express the situation; the subjects are not strung upon a thread, -they are moulded into a homogeneous entity. The effect of the melodrama -lingers in the dramatic character of the instrumental interludes, which -is sharply emphasised by the great variety of orchestral tone-colouring. -An example of such character-painting is afforded by the prelude to the -High Priest's recitative (23), which is in close connection with the -scene which is being enacted on the stage. It begins maestoso, with a -rapid flourish of trumpets, drums, and horns--the King enters with his -followers; then a largo (of two bars length), stringed instruments -and bassoons; the priests enter; finally an agitated passage for the -violins; the people throng tumultuously upon the stage. Then also we -have not only the stringed quartet, with occasional use of one or other -wind instrument, in the recitatives, but, wherever it seems advisable -the whole orchestra - - -{ORCHESTRA.} - -(159) - -is employed; the wind instruments serving to accent and light up the -most varied combinations. - -This brings us to one of the most remarkable features of "Idomeneo," -which at the time rendered the work a true phenomenon, and which even -now excites admiration and appears worthy of study: the treatment of the -orchestra. It was to be expected that Mozart, having at his disposal -a well-appointed and excellently trained orchestra, would develop with -partiality the instrumental side of his great work. In point of fact, -the orchestral portions of "Idomeneo" are richer, more brilliant, and -more carefully carried out, even to the smallest details, than was ever -again the case in his later works. The composition of the orchestra is -quite the same as that which he employed in after-times, except that he -occasionally has four horns, as on some former occasions (Vol. I., -p. 304; II., p. 86), but not in Vienna. He disposed freely of all -the forces at his command, not contenting himself any longer with -accentuating different parts by means of richer instrumentation, but -maintaining throughout a more brilliant and forcible instrumental -colouring, and allowing the choice and use of means to be determined -only by the particular subject which was to be represented. In this -manner he kept himself within the bounds of moderation, and reserved -certain resources for definite effects; for instance, flutes are -employed only in the storm (18), trombones only for the oracle (28). In -the choruses to "König Thamos," on the contrary, the trombones are -in frequent use, as they were later with similar effect in the -"Zauberflöte." So decidedly had Mozart even at that time fixed the -character of this instrument. But he was particularly careful so to -distribute his effects that the ear should never be either over-excited -or over-fatigued. For instance, in the two storm scenes (5, 18) there -are no trumpets and drums; they first occur in the flight scene, which -is quite different in character; and again in the dance choruses (10, -32), when festive brilliancy is required; also in the mourning chorus, -where they are muffled, which modifies the effect in a very original -manner. These observations might advantageously be carried into detail; -but it will suffice here to point out that Mozart's - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(160) - -moderation in the use of his instrumental forces, any unusual enrichment -being more easily perceived in this quarter than in any other, arises -neither from meagreness of invention nor from a calculated singularity, -but that he adopts it with clear views and firm control of his own -powers. Mozart has in "Idomeneo" laid the foundation of all modern -instrumentation, which has since only been developed in detail, -unhappily over-developed and perverted. But the most delicate perception -of material sound effect can only produce superficial results; it should -serve merely as a cooperating element in true artistic production.[15] -The instruments in the hands of an artist are only transmitters of the -musical idea in its fixed construction and embodiment, and the same -loving care which the master displays over harmonious and thematic -elaboration or characteristic expression appears in his efforts to work -on the senses of his hearers by means of beautiful orchestral effects. -But, although the orchestra is perfectly independent, it must not -be forgotten that it works side by side with the voices, serving as -foreground and background for them, and never made so prominent as to -cause the voices to appear only like the accessories in a landscape. - -Three marches are characteristic, each in its own way. The first (9) is -a brilliant festival march, belonging by its style to the ballet which -follows; the second (15), which is introduced in the charming way -already noticed, is mainly effective by its gradual approach, new -instruments falling in at each repetition and adding to its force and -tone-colouring. At first the trumpets and drums are muted, as in the -concluding chorus in "König Thamos." The simplest and most - - -{BALLET,} - -(161) - -beautiful of the marches is the third (25), which fills a necessary -pause in the scenic arrangements, but which is full of beautiful -expression. The employment of the violoncellos is very original; they go -for the most part with the double-basses, but two octaves higher, which -produces an excellent effect. - -The music to the ballet may most fitly be noticed here. It consists of -the following numbers:-- - -1. Chaconne (D major), "Pas de deux de Madame Hartig et M. Antoine," -"Pas de seul de Madame Falgera," an elaborate movement, with which is -connected an equally elaborate Larghetto (B flat major). "Pas de seul -pour Madame Hartig." To a tolerably long Annonce succeeds the Chaconne -"pour le Ballet," partly repeated, and concluding with a _crescendo_. - -2. "Pas de seul de M. Le Grand" (D major). This begins with a pathetic -Intrade (Largo) leading to a neat and compact Allegretto, which was -omitted in performance. This is followed by a very animated Più -allegro, and concluded by another Più allegro "pour le Ballet," with -a twice-repeated triplet passage in long-drawn _crescendo_ rising from -_pp_ to _ff_. intensified by suspensions, and which is enough to make -one giddy. - -3. Passepied (B flat major) "pour Madame Redwen," short and simple, but -very neat and graceful, and quite in dance form. - -4. Gavotte (G major), not elaborated, delicate and graceful; a very good -effect is produced by the simple imitation of the violoncello, which is -carried out in harmony in the third part. - -5. Passecaille (E flat major). This piece was intended for further -elaboration with a Pas de seul "for M. Antoine," and a Pas de deux -(Madame Falgera et M. Le Grand), but it was considered too long. -Mozart only planned two longer portions without completing them, and in -performance the whole Pas de deux was omitted. - -The traditional style of the different dances, as they are known to -us from the suites of Handel and Bach, has been preserved in their -rhythmical structure, and also in other - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(162) - -characteristics; the Passepied, for instance, would have its own place -in every suite, and so also would the Gavotte. - -Besides this, the whole of the ballet music in "Idomeneo" is similar to -corresponding movements in the opera, fresh, melodious, and appropriate -throughout. But it is easy to see that Mozart was aware that the -delicate details and the orchestral treatment that are present -throughout the opera would not be in place here. It is true that he has -done justice to himself in the free and flowing arrangement of parts and -the animated grouping of the instruments, and true also that delicate -harmonious transitions constantly betray the hand of a master; but he -was well aware that he must depend chiefly for light and shade on sharp -pregnant rhythm and strong emphasis. With this view, trumpets and drums -are not spared, but the orchestra, with the exception of some separate -strong strokes, is seldom used en masse; there are few attempts after -peculiar effects through unusual instrumental combinations, and only -in the Gavotte does a solo violoncello occur, and that in very modest -fashion. The influence of the ballet-master is apparent from the fact -that there are many more erasures and alterations in this than in any -other part of the opera. - -In the overture, a magnificent piece, Mozart altogether abandoned the -old forms. It is in one lively movement, and maintains its character -as an introduction by not coming to a proper conclusion, but passing -immediately into the first scene. A certain typical tone of heroic -solemnity is heard in the first bars, and reiterated more than once -afterwards; but the whole is governed by a severe earnestness, expressed -by the frequent occurrence of the minor key, and by the strong but -beautiful dissonances. The middle subject, on the contrary, begins -a gentle plaint in A minor, which is calmed and relieved by the -wonderfully beautiful introduction of the key of C major, enhanced in -effect by variety of tone-colouring. - -If we gather together the results of our observations of "Idomeneo," we -cannot fail to discern in it the work of a master who has arrived at the -maturity of his powers while still in the full bloom of youth. It was -only his - - -{GLUCK'S INFLUENCE.} - -(163) - -submission to those restraints which seemed unavoidable, which prevented -his freeing the opera seria from the conventionalities which formed, -indeed, no essential part of its being. Even had he succeeded in doing -so, it would have involved no renunciation of its national character, -which, as we have seen, in no way fettered Mozart's individuality. But, -since in the improvements he made he was indebted to French opera, and -especially to Gluck, the question arises how much, and in what way, -Mozart had learnt from the great Parisian master. It is not merely -unquestionable that Gluck exerted a general influence over Mozart's -opinions and tendencies, but the traces of a close study of his works, -and especially of "Alceste," may be easily discovered. He had been -present as a boy at the first representation of "Alceste." Its influence -is apparent in many details, such as the harmonic treatment of the -oracle, and the use of sustained chords for the horns and trombones -in the accompaniment to the appeal of the High Priest. The march in -"Alceste" has served as a model for the style, if not for the execution, -of the last march in "Idomeneo." The High Priest's soliloquy is -altogether analogous in plan and treatment to that of Gluck's High -Priest; again, the recurring subject of the interlude--[See Page Image] -reminds us of the corresponding one in "Alceste"--and other similarities -may be detected. More important is the similarity of dramatic style, -which is especially evident in the treatment of the recitatives, and -in the share taken by the orchestra in the characterisation. But that -Mozart learnt from Gluck only as one master learns from another, and -that he turned his borrowed pound to rich account, it needs but a closer -consideration of these details, as well as - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(164) - -of the whole work, to make plain. We must not underrate the wholesome -and powerful effect which grand and important works must have made upon -him, and the enlightenment and correction of his views as to the nature -of the opera thereby obtained. But we must also remember that -Mozart received these impressions and this instruction into a nature -self-dependent and productive, and that his artistic cultivation enabled -him to appropriate only what was in accordance with his nature. -Gluck sets aside the fixed expressions of operatic form as far as -is practicable, in order to gain perfect freedom of dramatic action; -Mozart, on the other hand, strives to spare these forms, and so to mould -and develop them that they may themselves serve as vehicles for dramatic -expression. This he does not because he clings to what is old and -established, but with the just perception that these forms contain -an essential element of artistic construction which is capable of -development. Mozart never seeks, as Gluck did, to forget that he is -a musician; on the contrary, he remembers it at every point of his -artistic production, and could not ignore the fact if he would. In -opposition to the one-sided requirements of dramatic characterisation, -he falls back upon the principles of musical construction, which are far -from contradicting such requirements, and are in fact the higher power -which establishes them. On these grounds we assert that Mozart's -creative power in music (to which we must first turn our glance in -judging an artist) was more universal and deeper than that of Gluck; -that he surpassed him in artistic cultivation and discipline will be -doubted by no one who compares the technical work, the disposition of -the orchestra, &c., in "Idomeneo" with Gluck's operas. This judgment -does not exclude the fact that some of Gluck's performances as an artist -are not only grand and striking, but surpass kindred works by Mozart. -But if the laws and nature of art are once perceived, a more certain -rule is provided for the judgment of the work of art as well as of the -artist; and here Mozart may bear away the palm. - -Mozart's leave of absence was not extorted from the Archbishop without -difficulty, and it was limited to six weeks. - - -{DREAD OF RECALL.} - -(165) - -The better satisfied he became with his life in Munich, where he found -friends, appreciation, and enlightenment, the more appalling grew -the prospect of returning to Salzburg, and he was in terror lest the -Archbishop should recall him even before the performance of the opera. -With this idea he writes to his father (December 16, 1780):-- - -_À propos!_ how about the Archbishop? Next Monday I shall have been -absent from Salzburg for six weeks. You know, my dear father, that it -is only for love of you that I remain in Salzburg, for, by heaven! if -it rested with me I would have torn up the agreement and resigned my -appointment before I left home this time. It is not Salzburg, but the -prince and the proud nobility who become more insupportable to me every -day. I should hail with delight a letter informing me that he no longer -needed my services. The patronage I have here would assure me of present -and future means of support, without taking into account the chances by -death, which none ought to count upon, but which is no bad friend to -a man in search of employment. But anything in the world to please -you--and it would come all the easier to me if I could get away now and -then for a little to take breath. You know how hard it was to get away -this time, and that without some great cause there is no possibility -of it again. Come to Munich and hear my opera, and then tell me if I am -wrong to feel unhappy when I think of Salzburg. - -His father seeks to reassure him as to the leave of absence (December -25, 1780):-- - -As regards the six weeks, I have decided not to take any steps in the -matter, but if I hear anything on the subject I shall certainly answer -that we understood you were to remain in Munich six weeks after the -composition of the opera, for its rehearsal and production, but that -I could not imagine that his highness would suppose that such an opera -could be composed, copied, and performed in six weeks, &c. - -It would not, however, have been a matter of regret to L. Mozart if -Wolfgang could have met with a good situation in Munich. Wolfgang -himself had been rendered full of hope from the gracious reception of -the Elector, and wrote to his father that if he succeeded in settling -in Munich, he (the father) must not long remain in Salzburg, but must -follow him thither. He was very anxious to demonstrate in Munich that he -could write other things besides operas, and he turned his church -music to account. With this object he wrote to his father (November 13, -1780):-- - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(166) - -Be so kind as to send me the scores of the two Masses that I have at -home, and also the Mass in B flat major (275 K.), for Count Seeau has -promised to speak of them to the Elector. I should like to make myself -known in this style. I have just heard a Mass by Grua (kapellmeister in -1779, died 1826); it would be easy to compose half-a-dozen a day of that -kind of thing. - -Mozart also appears to have tried to win favour with the Elector by -a new church composition; at least a grand Kyrie in D minor (341 K.), -judging by the character of the composition and the distribution of the -orchestra, can only have been written during this stay in Munich. The -orchestra consists of the usual string quartet, and in addition two -flutes, two oboes, two clarinets, two bassoons, four horns (in D and F), -two trumpets, and drums; there is no grouping of the kind that is found -in "Idomeneo." Whether this is a fragment of a Mass which was never -completed, or whether it was intended for insertion in another work, -cannot now be decided. It is tolerably long, but elaborated without much -thematic treatment, the elements of the construction and flow being -more rhythmical and harmonic, and taking their principal charm from -the independent and richly elaborated orchestral accompaniment. Among -Mozart's sacred compositions his Kyries are specially distinguished by -an originality of tone-colouring and peculiarly melodious treatment, -which are extremely well suited to the melancholy tone of the movement -before us. Much of it points to the Requiem, and opens the door to -conjecture as to the path which Mozart would have pursued had he devoted -himself specially to church music. - -Another great work, apparently written for the Munich Kapelle, is a -grand serenata for wind instruments (361 K.),[16] with the date 1780, -which he must have taken with him, since he would hardly have undertaken -so important a work while engaged on "Idomeneo." The serenata is for two -oboes, two clarinets, two viols, four horns, two bassoons, violoncello, -and double-bass. The instruments, and the task appointed for them, point -rather to the Munich orchestra - - -{SERENATA, 1780.} - -(167) - -than to that of Salzburg. Compositions for wind instruments alone, -called Harmonie-Musik, were then much in favour, and Mozart may have -wished to recommend himself by producing an important piece of the kind, -which would place the performances of the band in a brilliant light.[17] - -In form the serenata resembles those written for the complete orchestra. -It begins with a solemn Largo, which serves as introduction to a Molto -allegro, worked out very like the first movement of a symphony. This is -followed by a Minuet with two trios, than a broadly planned Adagio, and -again a Minuet with three trios. To this is joined a Romanze (adagio), -simple and lyrical, in two parts, interrupted by an Allegretto leading -again to the Adagio, which is repeated and concluded by a coda. Then -comes an Andante with six variations, and the finale, consisting of a -cheerful Rondo. It is no easy task to write such a succession of pieces -for wind instruments, for the tone-colouring, although striking and -agreeable, must be moderately and carefully treated. People were -certainly more accustomed to this kind of music at the time, but even at -the present day the serenata does not produce a sense of fatigue. It has -an interest as a proof of the minute study which Mozart bestowed on all -instrumental forces, whereby he acquired that complete mastery of the -orchestra which is displayed in "Idomeneo." - -But the work has a higher significance than that of a mere study of -instrumentation, as is shown by the admiration it has excited in many -places quite recently. The charm of the composition depends greatly upon -the certainty with which the peculiar style of each instrument is made -use of; but this forms only one side of the artistic construction of the -idea, and the full force and beauty of the instrumental effects are only -perceived when they are considered as a means of representing each part -of the whole work in its due proportion. - - -{IDOMENEO.} - -(168) - -Great delicacy and diversity are shown in the grouping and treatment -of the different instruments. The first players naturally undertake the -chief parts, the accompaniment falling to the secondary players, but the -disposition of parts is so free and independent that the difference -is not always apparent.[18] All the movements are well planned and -constructed, rich in delicate and interesting touches of harmonic or -thematic elaboration, and in general fresh and tuneful. - -The crown of them is the Adagio,[19] in which the musical expression -of deep and earnest feeling rises to a purity and height which is -impossible to the specified representations of certain frames of mind -now in fashion. We here attain, by means of artistic catharsis, as -Aristotle calls it (_purging, purifying_), to an absolute freedom and -satisfaction, which it is granted to man to feel only in the perfect -harmony and beauty of art. The means by which this highest of all -effects is reached are so simple that a dissection of them would only -be a confirmation of the old scripture that the letter killeth and the -spirit giveth life.[20] - -As long as Mozart was engaged on the composition and study of his opera -he had no time for recreation, and his visits were confined to the -Cannabich family. After the performance he refreshed himself by entering -with his father and sister into the Carnival gaieties, and by cheerful -intercourse with his friends. But the latter did not allow him to remain -long in idleness. To please his good friend Ramm he wrote a quartet for -oboe, violin, tenor, and violoncello (370 K.), obbligato throughout for -the oboe, but otherwise easy and light in design and execution. For his -patroness the Countess Baumgarten (Vol. II., p. 132) he composed, on -March 8, - - -{PROLONGED STAY IN MUNICH.} - -(169) - -1781, a concert aria (369 K.), "Misera dove son" (from Metastasio's -"Ezio," III., 12), which gives a favourable idea of the vocal -performances of this lady. It makes no great demands on the compass of -the voice or execution, but the recitative and air are both earnest -and serious, and require in every respect an excellent delivery. The -instrumentation is simple, only flutes and horns being added to the -quartet. - -Mozart's longer stay in Munich was rendered possible by the Archbishop's -journey to Vienna, which was probably occasioned by the death of the -Empress. He wished to appear with all the pomp of a spiritual prince, -and took with him a considerable retinue of courtiers and servants, as -well as some of his most distinguished musicians. Wolfgang rejoiced at -this fortunate circumstance, and enjoyed himself so much in Munich that -he confessed later to his father (May 26, 1781):-- - -In Munich, it is true, I was a little too gay, but I can assure you on -my honour that before the opera was on the boards I went to no theatre -and visited no one but Cannabich. I exceeded a little afterwards, I own, -but it was through youthful folly. I thought to myself, "Where are you -to go to? To Salzburg. Well, then, enjoy yourself while you can!" - -His father was full of thought for him even now; he wrote from Munich to -Breitkopf (February 12, 1781):-- - -I have long desired that you should publish some work by my son. You -will not, I am sure, judge of him now by the clavier sonatas which he -wrote while still a child. You cannot have seen a note of what he -has written for some years past, unless it may be the six sonatas for -clavier and violin which were engraved at Paris (Vol. I., p. 415). We -have allowed very little to appear. You might make the experiment with -a couple of symphonies or clavier sonatas, or else with quartets, trios, -&c. You should only give us a few copies in return, as I am anxious that -you should see my son's manner of work. But do not imagine that I wish -to over-persuade you. The thought has frequently occurred to me, because -I see so much published and in print that moves me to pity. - -Wolfgang did not return to Salzburg. His gay life in Munich was -interrupted by a summons from the Archbishop to Vienna. There he -accordingly arrived on March 12, and there his destiny was to be -fulfilled. - - - -FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER XXII. - -[Footnote 1: Diet, des Théätres, III., p. 126. An edition by Christoph Balard -appeared in 1712, and the text is printed (Rec. des Opéras, XII., 1).] - -[Footnote 2: Idomeneus's vow, his unwillingness to sacrifice his son, the -consequent pestilence, and his dethronement by the people, are found in -ancient writers; the rest is modern.] - -[Footnote 3: I owe to the courtesy of Herr Reg. Lenz, of Munich, the original -libretto with the dialogues in full, not abbreviated as they afterwards -were for composition: "Idomeneo, dramma per musica, da rappresentarsi -nel teatro nuovo di corte per comando di S. A. S. E. Carlo Teodoro, nel -Carnovale, 1781" (Munich: Frz. Jos. Thuille.).] - -[Footnote 4: A regular finale to an opera seria was first introduced by Giov. -Gammerra in his "Pirro" (1787); so says Manfiredini (Reg. Armon., p. -121), who disliked this mixture of styles.] - -[Footnote 5: ALoysia Weber was no longer in Munich; she had removed with her -family to Vienna, where the good offices of the imperial ambassador, -Count Hardeck, had procured her an engagement as prima donna. It is an -error to suppose that this visit of Mozart to Munich had anything to do -with his relations to Aloysia.] - -[Footnote 6: Similar stories were told elsewhere of the Maras (Cf. Forkel's -Musik. Alman., 1789, p. 122; and the account of Mara in Zelter's Briefw. -mit Goethe, III., p. 418; VI., p. 149).] - -[Footnote 7: "The accompaniment to the subterranean voices," writes Wolfgang -(January 3, 1781), "is in only five parts, namely, three trombones -and two horns, which proceed from the same place as the voices. The -orchestra is silent at this place." This arrangement was not carried out -without opposition from Count Seeau.] - -[Footnote 8: The notice was also published in the Augsburgischen -Ordinari-Postzeitung February 5, 1781, No. 31), Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper -zu München, I., p. 168.] - -[Footnote 9: So says Rochlitz (A. M. Z., I., p. 51). His authorities, however, -are on the main points untrustworthy.] - -[Footnote 10: Reichardt, who was usually rather inclined to depreciate Mozart, -gives an appreciative criticism of "Idomeneo," and speaks of it as the -purest work of art which Mozart ever completed (Berl. Mus. Ztg., 1806, -p. 11). Seyfried's criticism of the opera is insignificant (Cäcilia, -XX., p. 178), but Ulibicheffs remarks are often striking, and show much -delicate perception (Nouv. Biogr., II., p. 94).] - -[Footnote 11: I should not like to assert that this tremolo passage was not -suggested by the words; just as in Idomeneo's aria (13) the words "fuor -del mar ho un mar in seno" have suggested the billowy motif of the -accompaniment.] - -[Footnote 12: The recitative preceding this aria was originally (as the libretto -shows) much longer and more fully composed; many pages were cut out for -performance and some small alterations were made.] - -[Footnote 13: Hogarth, Mem. of the Opera, II., p. 198.] - -[Footnote 14: Another musical surprise at the close of Electra's second aria is -expressive of the dramatic situation. The last note of the voice passes -into a march heard in the distance, and beginning with the second part, -so that the audience is at once transported into the midst of it. Mozart -has employed the same musical expedient in the march in "Figaro," and -Spohr in the minuet at the beginning of "Faust."] - -[Footnote 15: As one example among many, I may quote Idomeneo's prayer (26). The -_pizzicato_ violin accompaniment, imitating the harp, is enlivened by -the division of the passage among the strings; then comes an independent -fully appointed passage for the wind instruments, with an harmonic -movement increasing to a climax, which has an original colouring by -means of its peculiar sound effects. And the repetition shows us a new -development of the previously given elements. A partiality for certain -passages for the wind instruments, mostly in thirds and sixths, is -apparent both in "Idomeneo" and in the choruses to "König Thamos"; it is -observable elsewhere, but in moderation.] - -[Footnote 16: For the quintet on which it was founded see p. 94. The serenata was -afterwards made use of in many combinations.] - -[Footnote 17: Schinck (Litterar. Fragm., II., p. 286) describes a concert of -Stadler's in Vienna, 1784: "I have heard a piece for wind instruments by -Herr Mozart to-day. Magnificent! It consisted of thirteen instruments, -and at every instrument a master! The effect was grand and magnificent, -beyond description!"] - -[Footnote 18: The violoncello and double-bass have, properly speaking, no -independent part; they only strengthen the fundamental bass, which would -not be sufficiently prominent with the second bassoons alone.] - -[Footnote 19: This Adagio has been arranged to an offertory, "Quis te -comprehendat" (Coblenz: Falkenberg).] - -[Footnote 20: It has already been remarked that a relationship exists between the -melodies of Mozart's instrumental works, and those of his German--never -of his Italian--operas; there are in this serenata suggestions here and -there of the "Entfuhrung," which was composed soon after.] - - - - -{RELEASE.} - -(170) - -CHAPTER XXIII. RELEASE. - - -THE summons to Vienna appeared like the fulfilment of Mozart's ardent -and long-deferred wish; but his relation to the Archbishop, among -whose followers he was obliged to consider himself, was only too well -calculated to turn his delight into disappointment. He had apparently -the best opportunity of gaining admission to the most distinguished -society, and of earning fame and money in a city where music was the -prevailing means of entertainment. But the Archbishop, desirous as he -was to shine by virtue of the extraordinary performers and composers who -were in his service, found equal satisfaction in keeping them constantly -in mind that they _were_ in his service. It was the custom for princes -when they were invited out to be attended by the members of their -suite;[1] and the musicians were summoned also to provide music in -strange houses. The Archbishop did not hesitate to show off Mozart, -as well as Ceccarelli and Brunetti, in this way, as his own private -performers; but as often as Mozart found an advantageous opportunity for -being heard independently, he refused him permission and treated him in -all respects like a servant in his house. It can be imagined how Mozart -felt himself aggrieved by such undignified treatment, after the full -freedom and recognition of his talents which he had enjoyed in Munich, -and within reach of such brilliant successes as he might have had in -Vienna. His letters to his father show how he must have longed to throw -off his galling chains, and give us a lively picture of his position and -feelings:-- - -Yesterday, March 16 (1781), I arrived, God be praised, quite alone, in -a post-chaise, at nine o'clock in the morning.... Now about the -Archbishop. I have a charming room in the same house as the Archbishop. -Brunetti and Ceccarelli are lodged in another house. _Che_ - - -{THE ARCHBISHOP IN VIENNA, 1781} - -(171) - -_distinzione!_ My neighbour, Herr von Kleinmayern (Director of the -Council), overwhelmed me with civilities on my arrival. He is really a -very pleasant fellow. We dine at twelve midday, a little too early for -me, unfortunately. The two valets in attendance, the controller (E. M. -Kölnberger), Herr Zezi (the court quartermaster), the confectioner, two -cooks, Ceccarelli, Brunetti, and _my littleness_ all dine together. The -two valets sit at the head of the table, and I have the honour to be -placed above the cooks. I can imagine myself in Salzburg. During dinner -there is a good deal of coarse silly joking, but not with me, for I -do not speak a word but what I am obliged, and that with the greatest -circumspection. When I have had my dinner I go my way. There is no -evening meal provided, but we each receive three ducats, and that you -know goes a long way! The Archbishop is glad enough to glorify himself -with his people--takes their services and gives them nothing in return. -Yesterday we had music at four o'clock, when at least twenty persons of -the high nobility were present. Ceccarelli has already sung at Palfy's -(the Archbishop's brother-in-law). To-day we are to go to Prince -Gallitzin (the Russian ambassador), who was present yesterday. I shall -wait to see if I am paid anything; if not I shall go to the Archbishop -and tell him straight out that if he will not allow me to earn anything -for myself he must pay me, for that I cannot live on my own money. - -L. Mozart, who saw the storm coming, sought to pacify his son by telling -him that as the Archbishop had summoned him to Vienna in order to -glorify himself by his performances, he would certainly take care to -give him opportunities for display; but Wolfgang answers (March 24, -1781):-- - -You say that the Archbishop's vanity is tickled by having me in his -possession; this may be true, but of what use is it to me? It is not a -thing to live by. And believe me that he only stands in the way of -my preferment. How does he treat me? Herr von Kleinmayern and Boenike -(secretary and councillor) have a special table with the illustrious -Count Arco; it would be a distinction to sit at this table, instead of -being with the valets--who, when they are not taking the first places -at table, light the candles, shut the doors, and remain in the -antechambers--and with the cooks! And when we go to a concert anywhere, -the valet waits outside until the Salzburgers arrive, and then lets them -know by a footman that they have permission to enter. Brunetti told me -all this, and I thought as I listened, "Only wait till I come!" - -The other day when we went to Prince Gallitzin, Brunetti said to me in -his nice way, "Mind you are here at six o'clock this evening, and we -will go together to Prince Gallitzin's: Angelbauer will conduct you. I -replied, "Very well; but if I am not here at six punctually, do not wait -for me; we shall be sure to meet there. So I purposely went - - -{RELEASE.} - -(172) - -alone, and when I arrived, there stood Monsieur Angelbauer ready to -inform Monsieur the footman that he might show me in. But I took not -the least notice either of the valet or the footman, but went straight -through into the music-room, all the doors being open, and up to the -Prince, to whom, after paying my respects, I stood talking for some -time. I had quite forgotten Brunetti and Ceccarelli, for they kept -out of sight behind the orchestra, and stood leaning against the wall, -without venturing a step forward. - -The Archbishop also made his musicians play for old Prince Rudolf -Colloredo, his father, for which they received five ducats, and the -demands he made on Mozart for his own concerts are shown by a letter to -the father (April 8, 1781):-- - -To-day we had a concert (for I am writing at eleven o'clock at night) at -which three pieces by me were performed (new ones, of course)--a rondo -to a concerto for Brunetti,[2] a sonata with violin accompaniment for -myself, which I composed last night between eleven and twelve o'clock; -but I had only time to write the accompaniment part for Brunetti, and I -played my own part out of my head;[3] and then a rondo for Ceccarelli, -which was encored.[4] - -For all this he received from the Archbishop, who had at least paid him -four ducats for the first concert, nothing at all. This might pass, -but shortly afterwards he writes (April 11, 1781): "What makes me half -desperate is that the same evening that we had that confounded concert -the Countess Thun invited me. Of course I could not go, and who do you -think was there? The Emperor! Adamberger - - -{VIENNA, 1781.} - -(173) - -and Madame Weigl[5] were there, and each had fifty ducats--and what an -opportunity!" - -He was right, certainly, in saying that the Archbishop stood in the way -of his preferment, for he had very few opportunities for winning fame -or success. He renewed his old acquaintance with the Messmer family (pp. -86, 145), with Herr von Auerhammer and his fat daughter, and with -the old kapellmeister, Bono. Bono allowed a symphony by Mozart to be -rehearsed in his house, which, as he reports (April 11, 1781), went -splendidly and was a great success. - -"Forty violins played; the wind instruments were all doubled." - -He had no difficulty, either, in gaining admission to the most -distinguished musical circles:-- - -I go this evening (March 24) with Herr von Kleinmayem to one of his -friends--the Councillor Braun--who, every one tells me, is a great -amateur of the clavier.[6] I have already dined twice with the Countess -Thun, and go there almost every day. She is the most charming and -amiable woman that I have ever seen, and she thinks a great deal of me. -I have also dined with Count Cobenzl (court and state vice-chancellor). -My principal object now is to make myself favourably known to the -Emperor, for I am determined that he shall know me. - -I should like to play through my opera to him, and then some good -fugues--that is what he has most taste for. Oh! if I had only known -that I was to be in Vienna during Lent, I would have written a little -oratorio, and performed it for my own benefit, as is the custom here. - -I could easily have written it beforehand, for I know all the voices -here. How I should like to give a public concert! but it would not be -allowed, - -I know for certain; for, just imagine! you know that there is a Society -here which gives concerts for the benefit of the widows of musicians, -and every one at all connected with music plays there gratis. The -orchestra is 180 strong.[7] No one who pretends to any philanthropy -refuses to play when the Society calls upon him to do so; it is a sure -way also to the favour of the Emperor and of the public. Starzer was - - -{RELEASE.} - -(174) - -commissioned to request me to play, and I willingly agreed, subject to -the consent of my Prince, of which I had little doubt, seeing that it -was a religious kind of performance, and gratuitous. He refused his -permission, however, and all the nobility have taken it ill of him. I am -only sorry on this account: the Emperor is to be in the proscenium box, -and I should have preluded quite alone, and then played a fugue and the -variations, "Je suis Lindor." The Countess Thun would have lent me her -beautiful pianoforte by Stein for the purpose. Whenever I have played -the variations in public they have been greatly applauded. They are -easily understood, and every one finds something to his taste. - -In this instance, however, the Archbishop was obliged to give way. The -institution for the widows and orphans of Vienna musicians, founded -by the kapellmeister Florian Gassmann, in 1771, enjoyed the highest -patronage; and the four concerts given annually for its benefit--two -during Advent, and two in Passion week--were as well supported by -celebrated composers and performers as by the public. Starzer went to -the concert at Prince Gallitzin's, and he and all the nobility teased -the Archbishop so long for his consent that he could not withhold it. -"I am so glad!" exclaims Mozart, when he informs his father of this.[8] The -programme of the thirty-fourth concert for the benefit of the Society of -Musicians at Vienna, on April 3, 1781, contained the following:[9]-- - -The Herr Ritter W. A. Mozart will then perform alone on the pianoforte. -He visited Vienna as a child of seven years old, and then excited the -universal admiration of the public by his compositions, his insight into -the art of music, and his extraordinary facility of touch and execution. - -His success was all that could be desired. "After yesterday," he writes -(April 4), "I may well say that I am satisfied with the Vienna public. -I played at the concert for the widows' institution, and was obliged to -begin twice over, because there was no end to the applause." He refers -to it again in his next letter (April 8): "That which most pleased and -surprised me was the total silence, and then in - - -{ORDER TO RETURN TO SALZBURG.} - -(175) - -the middle of my playing bursts of applause and bravos. For Vienna, -where there are so many and such good clavier-players; it has been -really a wonderful success." - -After this, his prospects, if he could succeed in giving a concert on -his own account, were sufficiently brilliant; and ladies of rank offered -themselves to dispose of the tickets for him. "What should I not make -if I were to give a concert for myself, now that the Vienna public knows -me! But the Archbishop will not allow it; he wishes his people to have -loss rather than profit in his service." He contemplated shortly sending -his musicians back to Salzburg; if Mozart were to be obliged to leave -Vienna before he had established himself in the favour of the public, -and to find himself in Salzburg again, with no hope of any further leave -of absence, there would be an end to all his future prospects. Brunetti -had told him that Count Arco had communicated to him the Archbishop's -directions that they were to receive their travelling money, and to set -out on the following Sunday; if any wished to remain longer he might do -so, but he must live on his own means. Mozart declared that until Count -Arco himself told him that he was to go he would entirely ignore it, -and then he would tell him his mind on the subject. He would certainly -remain in Vienna; he thought that if he could find only two pupils (he -had one already in the Countess Rumbeck), he should be better off than -in Salzburg; with a successful concert, and some profitable invitations -into society, it could not be but that he should send money home, while -his father would be drawing pay for them both, and would be relieved -from his support. "Oh! I will turn the tables on the Archbishop in the -most delightful manner, and as politely as possible, for he cannot do me -any harm." - -The father was horrified at this news. He had a well-founded distrust -of Wolfgang's financial plans, which were always built upon an uncertain -future, and he feared that a complete rupture with the Archbishop would -be the consequence of such a step, that he would lose his situation and -be liable for the expenses of the journey to the capital; he earnestly -begged his son to reflect well on the feasibility - - -{RELEASE.} - -(176) - -of his project. "Dear father," runs the answer, "I love you very dearly, -as you may see from my renouncing for your sake my dearest wishes and -desires; for if it were not for you, I declare on my honour I would not -delay an instant, but would quit my service, give a grand concert, set -to work with pupils, and in a year I should be succeeding so well in -Vienna that I should be earning at least a thousand dollars per annum. I -assure you it is very hard for me so to set aside my hopes of fortune. -I am young, as you say--true, but to dawdle away one's youth in such a -miserable hole is sad enough, and hurtful besides." - -The threatened departure was postponed for a time, for the Archbishop -required his performers in Vienna; then it was said that they were to -return home on April 22. "When I think," wrote Wolfgang (April 11, 1781) -"of leaving Vienna without at least a thousand florins in my pocket, my -heart sinks within me. Am I to throw away a thousand gulden because of -a malicious prince who does what he likes with me for a miserable four -hundred florins? I should make quite that by a concert." And now he was -to come to the knowledge that not only had he laboured in vain for the -Archbishop, but that he had thereby lost the opportunity of introducing -himself to the notice of the Emperor. "I cannot quite say to the Emperor -that if he wants to hear me he must make haste about it, for that I am -going away on such a day--one has to wait for these things. And here I -cannot and must not stay, unless I give a concert, for although I should -be better off here than at home, if I had only two pupils, it helps one -along to have a thousand or twelve hundred florins in one's purse. And -he will not allow it, the misanthrope--I must call him so, for so he is, -as the whole of the nobility say." There were favourable prospects, -too, of a permanent settlement in Vienna at no very distant date. The -kapellmeister, Bono, was very old; after his death Salieri would succeed -him, and Starzer would take Salieri's place--for Starzer there was as -yet no successor--could a better be found than Mozart? - -Again his father warned him not to make uncertain plans, but to hold -fast to what was secure, and to bear what was - - -{PROSPECTS IN VIENNA, 1781.} - -(177) - -unavoidable; he warned him also against incautious expressions "which -could only do harm." Wolfgang could only answer that his father was -partly right and partly wrong; "but that in which you are right far -outweighs that in which you are wrong, therefore I will certainly come, -and with the greatest pleasure, since I am fully convinced that you -would never come in the way of my advancement" (April 18, 1781). But -it was hard to submit to the will of his father, and the Archbishop's -continual insults did not make it any easier. He writes (April 28, -1781):-- - -You are expecting me with pleasure, my dearest father! That is in fact -the one consideration which has brought me to the point of leaving -Vienna, for the whole world may know that the Archbishop of Salzburg has -only to thank you, my best of fathers, that he did not lose me yesterday -for ever (I mean, of course, from his suite). Yesterday we had a -concert, probably the last. The concert went very well, and, in spite -of all the hindrances put in my way by his archiepiscopal grace, I had -a better orchestra than Brunetti, as Ceccarelli can tell you; but -the worry and trouble I had to arrange it all can be told better than -written. But if, as I hope will not be the case, the same thing should -happen again, I should certainly lose patience, and you would as -certainly forgive me. And I must beg for your permission, my dear -father, to return to Vienna next Lent. It depends upon you, not on the -Archbishop; for even if he refuses permission I shall go: it will do me -no harm, not a bit! Oh, if he could read this, how glad I should be! But -you must give your consent in your next letter, for it is only on this -condition that I return to Salzburg--and I must keep my word to the -ladies here. Stephanie will give me a German opera to write. I shall -expect your answer to this. When and how I shall set out I cannot tell -you at present. It is lamentable that we are so kept in the dark by our -lord and master. All at once it will be, "Allons! weg!" First we are -told that a carriage is being made in which the controller Ceccarelli -and I are to travel; then that we are to go by the diligence; then that -we are to have the money for the diligence, and travel as we choose -(which, indeed, I should like best of all); first we are to go in a -week, then in a fortnight; then in three weeks, then again sooner. Good -heavens! one does not know where one is with it all, and there is no -help for it. Yesterday the ladies kept me quite an hour at the clavier, -after the concert; I believe I should be sitting there still if I had -not managed to steal away. - -Again he writes later (June 13, 1781):-- - -At the last concert, when it was all over, I played variations for a -whole hour (the Archbishop gave me the subject), and the applause was - - -{RELEASE.} - -(178) - -so great that, if the Archbishop has ever so little of a human heart, -he must have been pleased; and instead of showing me approbation and -content--or at least taking no notice of me--he treats me like a beggar, -and tells me to my face that I must take more pains, that he could get a -hundred who would serve him better than I do. - -Mozart's passionate excitement had risen to such a pitch that a drop -was sufficient to overflow the cup of his wrath; the Archbishop paid -no heed, and affairs came to an inevitable crisis. The following letter -(May 9, 1781) shows how far Hieronymus thought he might go with his -dependents:-- - -I am still overflowing with gall, and you, my best and very dear father, -will certainly sympathise with me. My patience has been tried for a long -time; at last it has given way. I have no longer the misfortune to be -in the Salzburg service. To-day was the happy one of my release. Now -listen. Twice already the -------- I do not know what to call him--has -used the most impertinent and coarsest language to my face, which I -refrained from writing to you that I might not distress you, and which -nothing but my love and duty to you prevented me from chastising on the -spot. He called me a scoundrel--a miserable fellow--told me he would -send me packing--and I bore it all; allowed not my own honour alone, but -yours, to be so affronted because you wished it. - -So I was silent. Well, listen. A week ago the courier came up on a -sudden and told me I was to leave immediately. The others all had the -day fixed, but I had not. So I packed up my things as quickly as I -could, and old Madame Weber was so kind as to offer me her house. There -I have a pretty room, and I am with obliging people who are ready to -provide me with everything that I require, but could not get if I were -living alone. I appointed my journey for Wednesday (that is to-day, the -9th), by stage-coach, but I could not collect the money owing to me in -time, so I postponed my journey until Saturday. Being seen about to-day -one of the valets told me that the Archbishop had a parcel to give me. I -asked if there was any hurry, and he replied that it was of the greatest -importance. "Then I am sorry not to be able to oblige his grace, for -(owing to the above reasons) I cannot set out before Saturday. I am out -of the house, living on my own means, and it is therefore quite evident -that I cannot go until I am ready, for no one will care to collect my -debts for me." Kleinmayern, Moll, Boeneke, and the two valets thought -I was right. When I went in to him (I must tell you that Schlaucka had -advised me to excuse myself by saying I had already taken my seat in -the coach--that would have most weight with him)--when I went into him, -then, he began at once:--Archbishop: "Well, when are you going, fellow?" -Mozart: "I wished to go to-night, but I could not secure a seat." Then -out it came, all in a breath--that I was the most miserable fellow he -knew--no one served him so badly as - - -{MOZART RESIGNS HIS POST.} - -(179) - -I did. He advised me to be off to-day, or he would write home to stop my -pay. There was no getting in a word, it went on like a flood. I listened -to it all calmly. He lied to my face by saying that I had five hundred -florins salary[10]--called me the most opprobrious names--oh, I really -cannot bring myself to write you all! At last, when my blood was -boiling, I could hold out no longer, and said: "Then your Serene -Highness is not satisfied with me?" "What! do you mean to threaten me, -you rascal, you villain? There is the door; I will have nothing more to -do with such a wretched fellow!" At last I said, "Neither will I with -you." "Then be off!" As I went I said, "Let it be so then; to-morrow you -shall hear from me by letter." Tell me now, dear father, should I not -have had to say this sooner or later? Now listen. My honour comes before -everything to me, and I know that it is so with you also. Have no care -for me. I am so certain of success here that I might have resigned even -without a cause. As I have had very good cause, and that three times, it -is no fault of mine; _au contraire_, I was a cowardly rascal twice, and -the third time I could not be so again. As long as the Archbishop is -here I will give no concert. Your idea that I shall lower myself in -the opinion of the Emperor or of the nobility is entirely mistaken. The -Archbishop is hated here, and most of all by the Emperor. That is his -real grievance, that the Emperor has not invited him to Laxenburg. I -will send you some calculations as to money by the next post to convince -you that I shall not starve here. For the rest I entreat you to keep up -your spirits, for I consider that my good fortune is beginning now, and -I hope that it will be yours also. Write to me privately that you are -pleased--for indeed you may be so--and find fault heartily with me in -public, so that no blame may attach to you. But if the Archbishop offers -you the least impertinence come to me at once in Vienna. We can all -three live on my earnings, I assure you on my word, but I would rather -you held out a year longer. Do not write to me any more at the Residence -or by the mail. I want to hear nothing more of Salzburg. I hate the -Archbishop to frenzy. But write to me here, and tell me you are pleased, -for only that is now wanting to make my happiness complete. - -He carried out His determination, and writes to his father again on May -12:-- - -You know by my last letter that I sent in my resignation to the Prince -on May 9, because he himself ordered it: for in two previous audiences -he had said to me, "Take yourself off, if you will not serve me -properly!" He will certainly deny it, but it is as true as the heavens -above us. What wonder, then, that after being abused and vilified till I -was quite - - -{RELEASE.} - -(180) - -beside myself, I ended by taking him at his word. The following day I -gave Count Arco a petition to be presented to His Grace the Archbishop, -asking for the money for the journey--fifteen florins ten kreutzers for -the diligence, and two ducats for current expenses. He refused to take -either, and assured me I could not resign without obtaining the consent -of my father. "That is your duty," said he. I assured him that I knew my -duty to my father as well as he and perhaps better, and that I should -be sorry if it were necessary to learn it from him at this time of day. -"Very well, then," said he, "if he is satisfied you may demand -your dismissal, and if not--you may also demand it." A fine -distinction, truly! All that the Archbishop said to me in the three -audiences--especially in the last--and the language used by this truly -worthy man of God, had so strong a physical effect on me that I was -obliged to leave the opera at the end of the first act, and go home -to bed; for I was quite feverish, trembled in every limb, and tottered -along the street like a drunkard. I remained the next day (yesterday) -in the house, and kept my bed in the morning because I had taken the -tamarind-water. - -My lord Count has had the kindness to write some fine things of me to -his father (High Chamberlain), which you have doubtless had to swallow -by this time. There will be some fabulous accounts, but when one writes -a comedy one must turn and twist things so as to gain applause, -without sticking to the truth of the affair, and you must take the -obsequiousness of the Count into account. I will tell you without -getting warm about it (for I have no wish to injure my health, and I am -sorry enough when I am forced to be angry), I will tell you plainly the -principal reproach made to me on account of my service. I did not know -that I was to be a valet, and that undid me. I should have dawdled away -a couple of hours every morning in the antechamber; I was in fact often -told that I ought to show myself, but I could never remember that this -was part of my duty, and contented myself with coming punctually when -I was summoned by the Archbishop. Now I will briefly convey to you my -unalterable determination, so that the whole world may hear it. If I was -offered two thousand florins by the Archbishop of Salzburg, and only one -thousand florins in any other place, I would go to the other place; -for instead of the other one thousand florins I should enjoy health and -contentment of mind. I pray you, therefore--by all the fatherly love -that you have shown me in so rich a measure from my childhood, and for -which I can never be sufficiently grateful--not to write to me on this -matter, but to bury it in the deepest oblivion if you want to see your -son cheerful and well; a word would be quite enough to rekindle my -anger--and yours, if you were in my place, as I am sure you will -acknowledge. - -The same day on which Mozart sent this letter through the post he wrote -another to his father by a safe opportunity, in which he once more seeks -to persuade him of the justice - - -{JUSTIFICATION.} - -(181) - -of his fixed resolve to leave the Archbishop's service, and of his own -good prospects in Vienna:-- - -In the letter which you will have received by post I spoke as though we -were in the presence of the Archbishop; now I speak to you quite alone, -my dear father. We will be silent once for all on the subject of the -Archbishop's conduct to me from the beginning of his reign--of the -unceasing abuse, the impertinence and bad language which he has -addressed to my face, of the unquestionable right I have to forsake his -service--not a word can be said against all this. I will only speak now -of what has really induced me to leave him, laying aside all personal -grounds of offence. - -I have made the highest and most valuable acquaintances here that can -be. I am treated with favour and distinction in the best houses of the -nobility, and I am paid for it into the bargain; and shall I sacrifice -all this for four hundred florins in Salzburg, without prospects, -without encouragement, and unable to help you in any way, as I certainly -shall hope to do here? What would be the end of it? It would come to the -same thing. I should either fret myself to death or leave the service. -I need say no more, you know it all yourself; I will only add that my -story is known to the whole of Vienna, and all the nobility advise me -not to suffer myself to be led about any longer. He will try to get over -you with good words, my dear father--they are serpents, vipers! It is -always so with such despicable creatures, they are so haughty and proud -as to disgust one, and then they cringe and fawn--horrible. The two -valets-de-chambre understand the whole villainy of the affair. Schlaucka -said to somebody: "I cannot say I think Mozart at all in the wrong: he -is quite right. I would have done just the same myself! He treated him -like a beggar; I heard it myself. Shameful!" The Archbishop acknowledges -to being in the wrong now; but had he not opportunities enough for -acknowledging it before? And did he alter his conduct? Not a bit. Then -away with all that! If I had not been afraid of doing you some harm I -would have brought it to an end long ago. But, after all, what harm can -he do you? None. If you know that I am doing well you can dispense with -the Archbishop's favour. He cannot deprive you of your salary as long as -you perform your duties, and I will answer for it that I shall do well, -otherwise I should not have taken this step. Nevertheless I acknowledge -that after this insult I should have resigned, if I had had to beg my -bread. If you are at all afraid, make a show of anger against me--blame -me as much as you like in your letters, if only we two know how the -matter really stands. But do not be deceived by flattery. Be upon your -guard! - -But L. Mozart did not see the affair in this light, and was far from -"strengthening his decision instead of dissuading him from it," as -Wolfgang hoped. He considered the - - -{RELEASE.} - -(182) - -renunciation of the Salzburg situation as the first step to ruin, and -hoped to check the passionate indignation of his son and bring him back -to the path of reason, as he considered it. But he had not calculated on -the fact that Wolfgang was no longer an inexperienced youth, leaving his -father's house for the first time. The oppressive circumstances of his -late residence in Salzburg, and the clear insight into his own powers -and capabilities which he had acquired in Munich, had given him a -consciousness of the necessity of judging for himself, which had been -strengthened by the contrast between the unworthy treatment of the -Archbishop and the brilliant reception he had met with on the part of -the musical public of Vienna. He saw clearly that the time had arrived -when he must hold his own, even in opposition to his father. His comfort -and convenience he was ready and willing to sacrifice to his father's -wishes, but his honour and the credit of his whole existence were now at -stake, and these he must save at all risks. He withstood, therefore, all -his father's remonstrances and reproaches without betraying his wounded -feelings. To his father's objection that he had never understood how to -take care of his money, Wolfgang answers (May 21, 1781):-- - -Believe me, I have quite changed in that respect. Next to health, I know -of nothing more necessary than money. I am indeed no niggard--I should -find it very hard to be niggardly--and yet people consider me more -inclined to thrift than extravagance, which is surely enough for a -beginning. Thanks be to my pupils, I have as much as I want; but I will -not have many pupils, I prefer few, and to be better paid than other -teachers. - -He was more affected by the allusion to the obligation he was under to -his father, by reason of the debts incurred by the latter on his behalf, -especially since his father added that he would soon forget his family -in Vienna, as his Aloysia had done. He answered (June 9, 1781):-- - -Your comparison of me to Madame Lange amazed me, and I was troubled by -it the whole day. This girl lived dependent on her parents while she -could earn nothing, and as soon as the time arrived when she might have -shown her gratitude (her father died before she had received a kreutzer) -she left her poor mother, took up with an actor, married - - -{L. MOZART S FEARS FOR HIS SON} - -(183) - -him, and her mother has not a farthing from them.[11] Good heavens! my -one anxiety, God knows, is to help you and us all; how often must - -I write that I can do it better here than in Salzburg? I beseech you, -my dear, good father, write me no more such letters, for they serve no -purpose but to annoy and trouble me; and if I am to go on composing as I -do, I must keep a cool head and a calm mind. - -He sent his father at the same time thirty ducats, with an apology for -not being able to spare more at present, and in following years we find -repeated mention of money sent home. - -It had been reported to L. Mozart that Wolfgang was living a somewhat -dissipated life in Vienna; Herr von Moll, in particular, "made a wry -face, and said he hoped he would soon come to himself and return -to Salzburg, for he only remained in Vienna for the sake of bad -connections." It was reported to his father that Wolfgang had had -dealings with a person of bad reputation, but he was able to reassure -his father on this point. L. Mozart had been rendered uneasy, too, on -the subject of his son's attention to religious duties. Wolfgang begs -him to be under no apprehension, he is, no doubt, "a foolish young -fellow," but he would wish for his consolation that no one was more -so than he. Eating meat on fast-days he thought no sin, "for fasting -I consider to be abstaining--eating less than at other times," but he -never made a boast of this; he heard mass every Sunday and holy-day, and -as often as possible on ordinary days. "Altogether you may rest assured -that I have not deserted my religion. You, perhaps, believe things of me -that are not true, for my chief fault is that I cannot always act _in_ - - -{RELEASE.} - -(184) - -_appearance_ as I ought to act" (June 13, 1781). Wolfgang's renewed -intercourse with the Weber family appeared to his father of ill omen; -he dreaded another love affair. This also his son repudiates (May 16, -1781):-- - -What you write concerning the Weber family is, I assure you, without -foundation. I was a fool about Madame Lange, that is true; but who is -not when he is in love? I loved her in very deed, and I still feel that -she is not altogether indifferent to me. Luckily for me her husband is -a jealous fool, and never leaves her alone, so that I rarely see her. -Believe me also that old Madame Weber is a very obliging person, and -that I only fail in showing her the attention her obligingness deserves; -I have not time for it. - -When finally his father went so far as to demand that Wolfgang should -sacrifice his honour by recalling his resignation, he answered in the -full consciousness of the justice of his position (May 19, 1781):-- - -I scarcely know how to write to you, my dear father, for I cannot -recover from my astonishment, and I shall never be able to do so as -long as you continue so to write and to think. I must acknowledge that I -scarcely recognise my father in some of the passages of your letter! It -is a father who writes, certainly, but not the best, most loving father, -the one most anxious for his own honour and that of his children--in a -word, not _my_ father. But it must have been a dream. You are awake -by this time, and need no reply from me on the various points of your -letter in order to be convinced that I cannot, now less than ever, -depart from my resolution. You say the only way to preserve my honour -is to renounce my intention. How can you utter such a contradiction? You -could not have realised, in writing this, that such a renunciation would -turn me into one of the most cowardly fellows in the world. All Vienna -knows that I have left the Archbishop, knows the reason to be my injured -honour, knows of the thrice-repeated insults of the Archbishop; and am I -all at once to retract my word and belie myself? Shall I announce myself -as a scoundrel, and the Archbishop as a worthy prince? The first no man -shall ever do, and I least of all; and the second no one can do but God -himself, if He should deign to enlighten him. To please you, my dear -father, I would renounce my happiness, my health, and life itself, but -my honour comes before all with me, and so it must with you. My dearest, -best of fathers, demand of me what you will, only not that--anything but -that. The very thought makes me tremble with rage. - -The Archbishop was not a little taken aback by the firmness with which -Mozart held to his resolve, but which he - - -{COUNT ARCO INSULTS MOZART.} - -(185) - -only strengthened by his continual abuse, without bringing the Viennese -round to his side. They all looked upon him as a "haughty, ill-bred -priest, despised by everybody," while Mozart was "an agreeable fellow." -The Archbishop imagined that Mozart's father would bring his son to a -sense of his duty; Count Arco, who had received a letter from the -elder Mozart, proposed an interview, in the hope of persuading him in -a friendly way. Mozart remained all the firmer when he had convinced -himself that his father in Salzburg had nothing to fear. He begged for -an audience to take leave, but this was three times refused, because it -was feared to irritate the Archbishop, and Mozart's submission was -still hoped for. The latter was beside himself when he heard that the -Archbishop was to leave next day, and that he had not been informed -of it. He drew up a fresh memorial, in which he explained that he had -waited four weeks for a final audience; as this had been postponed so -long from reasons unknown to him, he had no resource but to beg for it -himself at the last moment. When he found himself in the antechamber, in -pursuance of this intention (June 8), and prayed for an audience, Count -Arco put the finishing touch to the brutalities suffered by Mozart. -After loading him with abusive epithets, _he pushed him towards the door -with his foot!_ "This happened in the antechamber--there was therefore -nothing for it but to make my escape, for I did not wish to forget the -respect due to the Prince's apartments, although Arco had done so." -Whether this affront was offered by command of the Archbishop, Mozart -did not know certainly; but, in any case, the servant was worthy of his -master, and neither of them could foresee the ineffaceable stigma that -would thereby be attached to their names. Mozart boiled over with rage; -he answered his father that he should return the insult in kind the next -time he met Count Arco, even if it were in the public streets:-- - -I shall demand no satisfaction at the hands of the Archbishop, for he -would not be in a position to offer it me in the way that I shall take -it; but I shall at once write to the Count what he has to expect from -me the first time I am so fortunate as to meet him, wherever it may be, -unless it should be some place to which I owe respect. - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(186) - -The father was alarmed at such threats addressed to a nobleman; but -Wolfgang answered (July 20, 1781):-- - -The heart shows the true nobleman, and, although I am no Count, I am -more honourable perhaps than many a Count; and whether it be a footman -or a Count, whoever insults me is a scoundrel. I shall begin by -representing to him how low and ungentlemanly his conduct was; but I -shall conclude by telling him that he may certainly expect a thrashing -from me the first time I meet him. - -His father having remarked that the matter might perhaps be arranged -by the intervention of a lady or of some other person of rank, Mozart -answered that this was not necessary: "I shall take counsel only of my -good sense and my heart, and shall do what is right and proper." It was -only with reluctance, and because he saw no other way of pacifying his -father, that he consented to forego the threatening letter to Count -Arco. - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXIII. - - -[Footnote 1: Nicolai, Reise, V., p. 231.] - -[Footnote 2: This rondo (373 K.) was composed, according to the autograph, on -April 2, 1781, for Brunetti; it is in C major (allegretto grazioso 2-4,) -accompanied by the quartet, two oboes, and two horns, and is simple and -graceful without much demand of execution.] - -[Footnote 3: The unfinished allegro movement in B flat major (372 K.), begun -on March 24, 1781, probably belongs to this sonata, which was not -afterwards written down.] - -[Footnote 4: The words of the rondo (374 K., Concertarien, No. 5), "A questo -seno," appear to have been taken from an opera called "Zeira." A short -recitative introduces the rondo, of which the theme is thrice repeated -and closes with a coda. The song is simple throughout, without any -passages, and for a voice of moderate compass; the accompaniment -(the quartet, two oboes and two horns) is also easy. It is plain that -Ceccarelli was a singer of no pretensions. The cantilene, however, is -expressive, and there are some original harmonic touches.] - -[Footnote 5: The mother of the composer, at that time prima donna at the German -Theatre (Jahrb. d. Tonkunst, 1796, p. 69).] - -[Footnote 6: "The Imperial Councillor, Von Braun, is one of our greatest musical -connoisseurs. He thinks very highly of the compositions of the great Ph. -Emanuel Bach; and here he is opposed by the majority of the public in -Vienna." (Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 556.)] - -[Footnote 7: There was a chorus of 200 voices for Dittersdorf s "Esther," 1772 -(Selbst-biogr., p. 203). K. R[isbeck] speaks of 400 assistants (Briefe, -I., p. 276).] - -[Footnote 8: At his concert in Leipzig he played these variations again after an -improvised fantasia (354 K.).] - -[Footnote 9: Neue Wien. Musikzeitg., 1852, No. 35.] - -[Footnote 10: So it had been promised (Vol. II., p. 65); but Mozart asserts -repeatedly that he only had a salary of 400 florins (Vol. II., pp. 176, -181).] - -[Footnote 11: The representations of Aloysia's mother, which Mozart afterwards -learned to receive with caution, may have had some influence on his -judgment of Aloysia. The account given by her husband, Jos. Lange, is -very different. He narrates in his autobiography (p. 116) that they -conceived an attachment for each other soon after Aloysia's arrival in -Vienna: "She had the misfortune to lose her father by a fit of apoplexy. -Her inconsolable grief, and my care for her family, drew us closer -together; my sympathy lightened her sorrowing heart, and she consented -to marry me, hoping to find in her husband the friend she had lost in -her father. As she had contributed to the support of her family by -the exercise of her talent, she continued to make her mother an annual -allowance of 700 gulden, and paid her an advance of 900 gulden which had -been made to the family by the court."] - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV. FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA. - -WHEN Mozart's withdrawal from the service of the Archbishop had become -an established fact, the latter was anxious to show the world that -it lay in his power to attract equally distinguished artists to his -service, and he offered a salary of one thousand gulden to Leop. -Kozeluch, who was considered the first clavier-player in Vienna, if he -would come to Salzburg. Kozeluch refused, as Mozart wrote to his father -(July 4, 1781), because he was better off in Vienna, and he had said to -his friends: "The affair with Mozart is what chiefly alarms me; if he -could let such a man as that leave him, what would become of me?" - -L. Mozart, much against his will, was obliged to reconcile himself to -the step his son had taken.[1] He was full of - - -{WORK IN VIENNA, 1781.} - -(187) - -anxiety, caused by his conviction of Wolfgang's incapacity in matters -relating to his own advancement, by his fear lest he should not be able -to withstand the seductions of the pleasure-loving capital, and also, -perhaps, by an unconscious feeling of annoyance at his son's independent -demeanour. This caused him to express his affectionate and really -justifiable concern in so perverse a manner that, instead of lightening -Wolfgang's difficult position, he embittered his life with reproaches -and objections, which were generally exaggerated, and often entirely -unreasonable; for he was weak enough to place easy faith in rumours -and gossip. He had so long been accustomed to undertake the care of all -Wolfgang's affairs that he could not bring himself quietly to resign all -interference in them. Mozart did not allow himself to be over-persuaded; -he held fast to his independence, as well as to his reverence and love -for his father, whose reproofs and accusations he repeatedly disclaimed. - -At first, indeed, the father's gloomy forebodings seemed more likely -to be verified than the brilliant hopes of the son. Summer had arrived, -most of the nobility had gone to their country seats, and there was -little to be done in the way of lessons or concerts. The Countess -Rumbeck (_née_ Cobenzl), who was afterwards considered a first-rate -clavier-player,[2] remained his only pupil, since he would not abate -his price of six ducats; but he managed to exist in spite of all. He -consoled himself by the reflection that it was the dull season, and -that he must employ his leisure by preparing for the winter. He worked -diligently at six sonatas for the clavier, which were to be published -by subscription; the Countess Thun and other ladies of rank undertook -to collect subscriptions. They secured seventeen during the summer, and -hoped for more in the autumn. He set to work to arrange a concert to be -given during Advent; Rossi wrote the words for an Italian cantata which -was to be composed for the occasion. But what lay nearest his heart was -the composition of an opera in Vienna; his conviction of his vocation as -a dramatic composer having been strengthened - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(188) - -by the performances at the Vienna theatre, and the lively interest taken -in them by the public. "My only entertainment," he writes to his sister -(July 4, 1781), "consists in the theatre. I wish you could see a tragedy -performed here! I know no other theatre where every kind of play is -given to perfection. Every part, even the smallest and the worst, is -well filled." The performances of the Vienna stage had, in point of -fact, reached the highest level of excellence known at that time.[3] - -Since the time when the stage had joined in the struggle which ended -in the triumph of German literature and art over buffoonery and -extemporised pieces, the theatre had remained the gathering-point of -literary interests. The best authors of the day wrote for the stage with -the avowed object of improving taste and aiding the spread of culture; -such were Klemm, Heufeld, Ayrenhoff, and Gebler, and their efforts were -ably seconded by such actors as Müller and the brothers Stephanie.[4] - -The new and difficult task appointed for them spurred the actors to -extraordinary efforts. A general feeling of sympathy and esteem began -to replace the contempt in which the dramatic art had been held, and -the stage was soon looked upon as the gauge of a nation's moral and -intellectual cultivation. This elevation of the art as a whole benefited -the artists as individuals, the interdict which society had laid upon -them was removed, and actors became favoured members of the best and -most cultivated circles.[5] The Vienna theatre in especial, since -Joseph II. in the year 1776 had saved it from the weakening influence -of variable private patronage, and had constituted it the court and -national theatre, had rapidly reached to an unprecedented height of -excellence. This monarch looked upon the theatre as an important means -of national cultivation, took a lively interest in it, and shared -himself in its practical management; he also watched over the talents -and the destinies - - -{THE VIENNA STAGE.} - -(189) - -of his actors with shrewd penetration and warm sympathy.[6] He was -careful, by lowering the prices of admission,[7] to make attendance -at the theatre more general than it had hitherto been; and an -entertainment, which had borne almost exclusively the character of a -court festival or an assembly of persons of rank, was thus placed within -the reach of the citizen class.[8] Literary criticism too, let loose by -the introduction of the liberty of the press, turned its attention to -the drama, and enlightened the general reader on the quality of the -entertainment afforded to him by the author and by the actor. In this -way a public was educated without reference to rank or class, to whom -the poet and musician could appeal as an independent artist, instead -of ministering as heretofore exclusively to the entertainment of his -patrons--a state of affairs which must have had important influence on -the position of artists, more especially of musicians. - -The theatrical public of Vienna at the time of which we are speaking had -the reputation of being attentive, discerning, and appreciative, ready -and liberal in its acknowledgment of what was good.[9] And in truth it -had cause. Shortly before Mozart came to Vienna, Schroder and his wife -had set the crown on admirable acting; and associated with them were -Müller, Lange, Weidman, Brockmann, Jacquet, Bergopzoomer, the brothers -Stephanie, Mesdames Weidner, Adamberger, Jacquet, Sacco, Stierle, -Rouseul--affording proof that Mozart did not overrate the talent of his -contemporaries.[10] - -In the same spirit in which he had founded the national theatre Joseph -II. abolished the costly spectacular ballet and the Italian opera. In -the place of the latter he instituted a "national vaudeville," as he -called the German - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(190) - -opera.[11] In December, 1777, he resolved to make a modest beginning -with the forces which he had at his command. Umlauf, tenorist in the -orchestra, had written the little operetta of "Die Bergknappen," in -which only four characters appeared. The principal part was intended for -Mdlle. Cavalieri, the second for Madame Stierle; the male parts were to -be undertaken by Ruprecht, the tenor singer, and Fuchs, the bass; -the chorus was composed of church choristers, and the management was -entrusted to Müller, the actor. The rehearsals were very carefully made, -and the Emperor having expressed his satisfaction at a dress rehearsal, -the German opera was opened with "Die Bergknappen" on February 18. 1778. -The performance was highly successful,[12] and in the course of the -following year fourteen operas or vaudevilles were performed, partly -translations, with Italian or French music, such as "Robert und -Kalliste" ("La Sposa Fedele"), by Guglielmi; "Röschen und Colas," by -Monsigny; "Lucile," "Silvain," "Der Hausfreund," by Grétry; "Anton und -Antonette," by Gossec; and partly original pieces composed in -Vienna, such as "Die Apotheke," by Umlauf; "Die Kinder der Natur," by -Aspelmeyer; "Frühling und Liebe," by Ulbrich; and "Diesmal hat der Mann -den Willen," by Ordonnez. - -The only singer of lasting reputation who took part in the first opera -was Katharina Cavalieri (1761-1801). Daughter of a poor schoolmaster -named Cavalier in Währing, her talent was perceived and cultivated by -Salieri, and she appeared in Italian opera as early as 1775. She soon -became a bravura singer of the first rank.[13] It was clearly necessary -that she should be well supported if the opera was to compete with the -drama proper. The first wife of the - - -{GERMAN OPERETTA.} - -(191) - -actor Lange, Mariane Schindler, was secured; but after having achieved -great success in Grétr's "Hausfreund" and "Lucile," and bidding fair to -become a main support of the opera, both by her singing and acting, -she died in the winter of 1779.[14] The following summer, through -the intervention of the ambassador, Count Hardeck, Aloysia Weber was -summoned from Munich, and took her place, not only on the stage, but -in the affections of Lange, who shortly after made her his second -wife. Aloysia Weber made her _début_ in the part of the Rosenmädchen of -Salency, and was received with general approbation.[15] It was evident, -therefore, that Mozart was not blinded by youthful inclination when, -he declared her one of the first singers of her time, a judgment which -posterity has ratified. The second parts had been allotted before her -arrival to Theresa Teyber, afterwards Madame Arnold, who pleased by her -fresh, youthful voice, while that of Madame Fischer (_née_ Strasser), -from Mannheim, a clever singer and good actress, was already somewhat -past. In the summer of 1781 they had been joined by Madame Bernasconi -(p. 130), by the desire, as it was said, of Gluck, who had used the -influence of Count Dietrichstein to press her on the Emperor; but the -position was not well suited to her talent. Mozart gives his opinion as -follows (August 29, 1781):-- - -In the great parts of tragedy Bernasconi remains inimitable. But small -operettas are not in her style at all; and then (as she acknowledges -herself) she is more Italian than German, speaks on the stage with the -same Viennese accent as in common life (just imagine!), and when she -occasionally makes an effort it is as if one heard a princess declaim in -a marionette theatre. And she sings so badly that no one will consent to -compose for her. - -And even before this (June 27, 1781) he had written derisively:-- - -She has three hundred ducats salary because she sings all her songs a -division higher than they are written. It is really a great art, for -she keeps well in tune. She has now promised to sing them half a tone -higher, and then of course she will be paid more. - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(192) - -There were male singers also, who were quite on an equality with these -female vocalists. Soon after the opening of the opera the tenors Souter -and Dauer, a whimsical actor with a fine voice,[16] were engaged, and at -a later date Adamberger, one of the most admirable tenors, a singer -of artistic style and cultivation, and a "very respectable" actor of -lovers' parts. Fischer was secured as a bass; the compass, strength, and -beauty of his voice and his artistic cultivation, both as a singer -and an actor, placed him in the very first rank among the singers of -Germany. With him were associated Günther and Schmidt as bass singers, -and Saal as a baritone.[17] There were thus all the materials required for -the production of German operas, except a composer who could write them. -Umlauf and some others who imitated him were not the men for such an -undertaking. Gluck had composed nothing since his "Iphigenia in Taurus," -and contented himself with putting on the stage, in 1780, "Die Pilgrimme -von Mekka," a comic opera which had been written for Vienna with French -words ("La Rencontre Imprévue") in 1764, and which was often played in -its German adaptation.[18] In the following year, by the express -command of the Emperor Joseph, Salieri wrote a German comic opera, "Der -Rauchfangkehrer"[19] ("The Chimney-Sweep"), the text of which, by -Dr. Auembrugger, was unusually bad;[20] but Salieri was too much of an -Italian to have - - -{GERMAN OPERA.} - -(193) - -much effect on German opera. The operetta was assiduously cultivated -in North Germany, and a long list of those which were produced might -be given. But the contrast between North and South Germany, founded -on their political and religious differences, was visible unpleasantly -enough in literature and art, and had a marked influence on their -musical sympathies and antipathies.[21] Nicolai relates that he had -heard in Vienna many genuine and accomplished musical connoisseurs speak -of Ph. Em. Bach not only with indifference, but with absolute dislike, -and place Kozeluch and Steffan before all other clavier-players.[22] -Adamberger, when asked his opinion concerning a celebrated singer from -North Germany, answered that she sang like a Lutheran; and on being -pressed for an explanation, replied, "I call it singing like a Lutheran -to have a beautiful voice as the gift of nature, and even to have -received a good musical education, as is frequently the case in North -Germany, but to show no signs of study in the Italian school of music, -through which alone the true art of singing can be learnt."[23] - -There was little demand in Vienna, therefore, for the compositions which -Hiller's successful enterprise with German opera had brought into being; -the works of men such as Benda, Schweitzer, Wolf, Neefe, André, and -Reichard; their operas were not performed, and still less was there any -prospect of a field for their future labours in Vienna. Schweitzer was -not summoned, in spite of Wieland's pressing recommendation (Vol. I., -p. 406). G. Benda had shown himself not disinclined to remove to -Vienna,[24] and report had pointed to him as probable kapellmeister -in 1778,[25] but he had never been seriously thought of. It appeared, -therefore, that a most fitting career stood open for Mozart, and he -himself wished nothing more than to prove his powers in this branch of -his art. He had brought with him his operetta - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(194) - -"Zaide," in the hope of having it performed. The libretto, as he had -feared, proved a stumbling-block (Vol. II.,p. 115); but the younger -Stephanie, at that time inspector of the opera, formed so favourable -an opinion of the music, that he promised to give Mozart a new and good -piece, which he was to compose for the Vienna stage. His father warned -him that Stephanie was not to be depended upon; and he was right. -Stephanie the younger was an arrogant, selfish man, who had made himself -hated everywhere by his intrigues and pretensions. Mozart knew that he -was in ill repute, and was upon his guard. He resolved to write no opera -without the express commission of Count Rosenberg, who had had supreme -direction of the theatre since 1776; but Stephanie continued friendly, -and there seemed no actual cause for personal distrust. Count Rosenberg -had received Mozart well whenever he had waited upon him, and had -joined in the applause of other connoisseurs upon the occasion of the -performance of "Idomeneo" at the house of Countess Thun, Van Swieten and -Sonnenfels being also among the audience. It was not long, therefore, -before Mozart was able to announce to his father the good news (June 9, -1781) that Count Rosenberg had commissioned Schroder, the distinguished -actor, to look out a good libretto, which was to be given to Mozart for -composition. A few days afterwards Stephanie told him of a piece he had -found in four acts, of which the first was excellent, but the others -fell off, so that it was doubtful whether Schroder would undertake the -adaptation of it. "They may settle that between them," wrote Wolfgang -(June 16, 1781). The book was rejected, but the matter did not rest; the -Emperor was evidently anxious to give Mozart an opportunity of trying -his powers as a German operatic composer; and at the end of July the -latter found himself at the goal of his wishes, and able to inform his -father (August 1, 1781):-- - -Yesterday young Stephanie gave me a book for composition. It is very -good; the subject is Turkish, and it is called "Belmont und Constance," -or "Die Entführung aus dem Serail." The overture, the chorus in the -first act, and the concluding chorus I shall compose in Turkish music. -Mdlle. Cavalieri, Mdlle. Teyber, M. Fischer, - - -{THE "ENTFÜHRUNG.} - -(195) - -M. Adamberger, M. pauer, and M. Walter are to sing in the opera. I am so -delighted at having it to compose that the first songs for Cavalieri -and Adamberger and the terzet at the close of the first act are already -finished. The time given is short, certainly, for it is to be performed -in the middle of September, but the attendant circumstances will be all -the more favourable. And indeed everything combines to raise my spirits, -so that I hasten to my writing-table with the greatest eagerness, and it -is with difficulty I tear myself away. - -The favourable circumstances which made Mozart so hopeful chiefly -consisted in the expected visit of the Grand Duke Paul and his wife; the -opera was to be among the festivities given in their honour, and it -was safely to be expected that the Emperor and Count Rosenberg would -consider it to his credit if he prepared the work in such haste for -them; but all this was to be a secret. It was now very convenient to him -to be in a house with good friends who would provide him with dinner and -supper, and so enable him to sit writing all day. "You know of old -how hungry I get when I am composing." He continued in this whirl of -excitement, and was able to write on August 8:-- - -I have just finished the chorus of Janizaries. Adamberger, Cavalieri, -and Fischer are thoroughly pleased with their songs. I let the Countess -Thun hear as much as is ready. She told me afterwards that she was ready -to stake her life on it that what I had written so far would please. -On this point, however, I listen to no man's praise or blame before -the whole has been heard or seen, but I follow entirely my own -feelings--only you may see from it how greatly she was pleased with the -music herself. - -On August 22 he wrote that the first act was finished; soon after -he learnt, to his relief, that the Grand Duke was not coming until -November, so that he could write his opera "with greater deliberation" -(September 5, 1781). Shortly afterwards he informs his father (September -26, 1781):-- - -The first act was ready three weeks ago, and an aria in the second act -and the drinking duet, which consists of nothing but my Turkish tattoo; -but I cannot do any more at present, the whole thing being upset, and -by my own desire. At the beginning of the third act there is a charming -quintet, or rather finale, and this I mean to transfer to the end of -the second act. But it will necessitate considerable alterations and the -introduction of a fresh intrigue, and Stephanie is over head and ears in -work. - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(196) - -Another circumstance also interfered with the completion of Mozart's -opera. It was proposed in honour of the distinguished visitors to -perform two of Gluck's operas, viz.: "Iphigenia" in a German adaptation, -and "Alceste" in Italian, "in order," as a contemporary announcement -puts it, "to show what we Germans are able to accomplish."[26] Certainly -the choice was well made with this object in view, although it was said -in Vienna, as Mozart wrote to his father (August 29,1781), that it had -been difficult to persuade the Emperor into it, for he was at heart as -little partial to Gluck as to Gluck's favourite singer, Bernasconi.[27] -The projected performance of these operas disturbed all Mozart's -calculations. The applause which had been bestowed on his "Idomeneo" -by capable and influential judges, and the readiness of the singers to -appear in it, had raised the hope of producing it on this occasion in -a German adaptation, which would have involved alterations in the -composition; but a third grand opera would have been too much, and it -could not have been studied together with Gluck's. Even the comic -opera had to be temporarily laid aside until Gluck's two operas were -ready--"and there is plenty of study to be got through still," he wrote -to his father (October 6, 1781). He was at work at it again in the -middle of November; but the original intention of having it completed -by the arrival of the Grand Duke was no longer feasible. On November 21 -"that grand animal, the Grand Duke," arrived under the name of Count von -Narden, and on the 25th a brilliant festival was given at Schonbrunn. -"Tomorrow 'Alceste' is given at Schonbrunn,"[28] writes Mozart, - - -{ARCHDUKE MAXIMILIAN.} - -(197) - -sorrowfully (November 24, 1781). "I have been looking up Russian popular -songs, in order to play variations on them." - -Shortly before the arrival of the Grand Duke, the Duke of Würtemberg, -with his consort, the Princess Elizabeth, intended bride of the Archduke -Franz, and her brother, Prince Ferdinand, had entered Vienna. "The Duke -is a charming man, and the Duchess and Princess also; but the Prince -is an octogenarian stick, and a real blockhead," was Mozart's concise -description (November 17, 1781); but the arrival of the trio opened -a favourable prospect for him. The Princess, who had come to have the -finishing touches put to her education in Vienna, required a teacher of -music, and this position, which, besides making a welcome addition to -his income, would bring him into contact with very influential persons, -Mozart hoped to obtain. His chief supporter was the Emperor's youngest -brother, the Archduke Maximilian, at that time Coadjutor of the Elector -of Cologne. The Archduke was musical, and had an excellent band of wind -instruments in his pay;[29] he had a favourable remembrance of Mozart -from his visit to Salzburg in 1775, and proved a very warm patron. -Mozart wrote to his father (November 1781):-- - -Yesterday at three o'clock I was summoned by the Archduke. When I went -in he was standing in the first room by the stove, and he came straight -up to me and asked if I had anything to do to-day? "No, your royal -highness, nothing at all; but even were it otherwise, I should be -delighted to place my time at the disposal of your Royal Highness." "No, -no; I do not want to disturb anybody." Then he said that he had a mind -to give a concert in the evening at the Würtemberg court, and would -like me to play something and to accompany the songs; I was to go to him -again at six o'clock. I played there last evening accordingly. - -At the same time, Mozart could not conceal from himself that the -Archduke had changed very much to his disadvantage:-- - -Before he was a priest he was much wittier and more intellectual, and -spoke less but more sensibly. You should see him now! Stupidity stares -out of his eyes, he talks and chatters without stopping, and all in a -sort of falsetto voice; he has a swollen neck; in short, the whole man -is transformed! - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(198) - -Nevertheless he continued to patronise Mozart, drew him out on every -occasion, and if he had only been Elector of Cologne, Mozart would have -been kapellmeister by this time, as he told his father. He had used -his influence with the Princess to take Mozart as her music-master, but -received for answer that if it depended on herself she would certainly -have chosen him, but the Emperor--"he cares for no one but Salieri," -cries Mozart in disgust--had recommended Salieri to her on account of -his singing, and she felt obliged to engage him, to her great regret. - -It was quite true that Salieri stood high in the favour of Joseph II. He -had been pupil of the Emperor's special favourite Gassmann, and had in a -sense grown up under the royal eye;[30] he was regularly engaged at -the imperial private concerts, and retained possession of his patron's -favour by means both of his music and his personal demeanour. It was -plain, therefore, that the preference for Salieri shown by the Emperor -on this occasion did not arise from any ill-will towards Mozart; he was -in close personal intercourse with Salieri, and esteemed him highly as a -vocal composer, while Mozart was only known to him as a clavier-player. -As such he had great admiration for him, and Mozart informed his father -(December 26, 1781) that the Emperor had lately "passed the greatest -_éloge_ on him in the words 'C'est un talent décidé.'" - -He had also (on December 14) commanded Mozart to play at court, and -had arranged for him a contest of skill with Clementi, who had come to -Vienna with the reputation of a clavier-player of unheard-of excellence. -Clementi relates the encounter to his pupil L. Berger:[31]-- - -I had only been a few days in Vienna when I received an invitation to -play before the Emperor on the pianoforte. On entering the music-room I -beheld an individual whose elegant attire led me to mistake him for -an imperial valet-de-chambre. But we had no sooner entered into -conversation than it turned on musical topics, and we soon recognised in -each other with sincere pleasure brother artists--Mozart and Clementi. - - -{MOZART AND CLEMENTI, 1781.} - -(199) - -Mozart continues the description of the scene (January 16, 1782):-- - -After we had paid each other all manner of compliments, the Emperor gave -the signal that Clementi should begin. "La santa chiesa cattoüca!" said -the Emperor--Clementi being a native of Rome. He preluded, and played a -sonata. - -"It is worthy of note here," says Berger, "that Clementi was peculiarly -fond of extemporising long and very interesting and elaborate interludes -and cadenzas in the pauses of his sonatas; it was this propensity which -led him to select a sonata for performance which lent itself easily -to such treatment, although in every other respect this sonata -stands behind his earlier compositions of the same kind. It was the -following--[See Page Image] - -and we have perhaps to thank this subject for the allegro in the -overture to the 'Zauberflote,' a composition never surpassed of its -kind: [32]-- - -The Emperor then said to me: "Allons, d'rauf los!" ("Now then, -fire away!") I preluded, and played some variations. Then the Grand -Duchess[33] produced some sonatas by Paesiello (in his own miserable -manuscript),[34] of which I was to play the allegro and Clementi the -andante and rondo. Then we each took a subject and carried it out on two -pianofortes. By the way, I had borrowed the Countess Thun's pianoforte -for myself, but only played upon it when I played alone. The Emperor -wished it to be so. The other instrument was out of tune, and had three -of its keys sticking. "Never mind," said the Emperor. I look upon it -that the Emperor knows my musical powers and knowledge, and wishes to -do me justice in the eyes of the foreigners. I know upon very good -authority that he was thoroughly satisfied with me. - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(200) - -Dittersdorf confirms this view, and extracts the following from a -conversation with Joseph II.:[35]-- - -_Emperor_: "Have you heard Mozart?" _Myself_: "Three times already." -_Emperor_: "How do you like him?" _Myself_: "As every connoisseur _must_ -like him." _Emperor_: "Have you heard Clementi also?" _Myself_: "I have -heard him also." _Emperor_: "Some people prefer him to Mozart, which -makes Greybig wild. What is your opinion? speak out." _Myself_: "In -Clementi's playing there is merely art, but in Mozart's both art and -taste." _Emperor_: "That is just what I said myself." - -After the competition, the Emperor sent Mozart fifty ducats, "which were -very acceptable at the time." - -Clementi was delighted with Mozart's playing:-- - -I had never heard so delicate and graceful an execution. I was -especially delighted with an adagio, and with several of his -extemporised variations. The Emperor gave the subject, and we varied it, -alternately accompanying each other. - -On the other hand, Mozart's judgment of Clementi was sharp and severe:-- - -Clementi is a good player, and that is all one can say. He plays well as -far as the execution of his right hand is concerned. His forte lies in -passages in thirds. But he has not an atom of taste or feeling, in fact -he is a mere mechanist. - -When his sister in Salzburg had made acquaintance with Clementi's -sonatas, he wrote to her (June 7, 1783):-- - -Now I must say a word to my sister on the subject of Clementi's sonatas. -Every one who plays them must be aware that as compositions they -are valueless. There are no striking passages, except the sixths and -octaves, and I should strongly advise you not to be too much taken with -these, for they are the ruin of a firm and quiet hand, and would soon -deprive it of its lightness, flexibility, and flowing rapidity. For what -is the object of these passages after all? They must be executed with -the utmost rapidity (which not even Clementi himself can accomplish), -and a lamentable hash is the result--nothing else in the world, Clementi -is a charlatan, _like all the Italians!_ He writes _presto_ on a -sonata, or even _prestissimo or alia breve_, and plays it _allegro_ in -three-four time. I have heard him do it! What he does - - -{STRACK AND COURT MUSIC.} - -(201) - -really well are passages in thirds--he worked at them day and night in -London--but he can do nothing else, and he has not the least execution -or taste, and far less any sentiment in his playing.[36] - -In justification of this censure, Berger mentions Clementi having told -him that, at the time of which Mozart writes, he devoted his -attention to brilliant execution, and in particular to double runs -and extemporised passages; it was only later that he adopted a more -expressive style, which was perfected by the study of the best vocal -music of the day, and by the gradual improvements made in the instrument -known as the English pianoforte, the primitive construction of which had -been too defective to allow of an expressive legato execution. Berger -remarks further that Mozart's honourable and upright character prevents -any suspicion of underhand motives for the severity of his judgment. - -Mozart sought to gain favour with the Emperor by securing the support -of his groom of the chamber, Strack, who possessed great influence in -musical affairs. He tells his father (November 3, 1781) that on his -name-day (October 31), which he had celebrated at the house of Baroness -Waldstätten, he had been surprised by a serenade of his own composition -(375 K.), which he had composed on St. Theresa's day (October 15) for -the daughter-in-law of the court painter, Hickl. "The chief reason I -wrote it," he continues, "was to let Herr von Strack, who goes there -almost daily, hear something of mine, and I made it somewhat serious -accordingly; it was very much admired." He ventured at a later date -to count upon Strack as his friend with the Emperor, although, as he -cautiously adds, "the courtier is never to be trusted" (January 23, -1782). The report having reached Salzburg that the Emperor intended -taking Mozart into his service, he answers his father (April 10, -1782):-- - -The reason that I have not written to you about it is because I know -nothing of it myself. It is certain, however, that the whole town is -full of it, and that I am congratulated on all sides; I would fain -believe, too, that the Emperor has been spoken to on the subject, and - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(202) - -has it in his mind, but so far I have not heard a word. It has gone so -far that the Emperor is thinking of it, and that without my having moved -a step in the matter. I have been sundry times to see Herr von Strack -(who is on my side) both to keep him in mind of me, and because - -I like him; but not often enough to be tiresome or to appear to have any -motive in it; and he must acknowledge as an honest man that he has not -heard a word from me which could give him occasion to say that I wished -to remain, far less to be engaged by the Emperor. We talk of nothing -but music. It is of his own free will and quite disinterestedly that -he speaks of me to the Emperor. Since it has gone so far without my -co-operation, it may come to something. If one appears anxious, there is -less chance of a good salary, for the Emperor is certainly a niggard. If -he wants to have me, he must pay me for it; for the honour of being in -the Emperor's service does not go very far with me. - -Joseph II. was accustomed to have a concert in his own apartments every -afternoon.[37] He generally dined alone in the music-room, which did not -usually occupy more than a quarter of an hour; if there was no important -business to be transacted, the concert began as soon as the cloth was -removed, and lasted for about an hour, so that the Emperor might visit -the theatre. Three times a week there was a grand concert, at which -Gassmann,[38] and later Salieri, or sometimes Umlauf, were expected to -appear; there was no audience, and the Archduke Maximilian, when he was -present, took an active part in the performance. Joseph II. possessed a -thorough musical education,[39] and preferred the severe style (Vol. I., -p. 368); his fine bass voice had been trained in the Italian school,[40] -and he played the violoncello and viola, as well as the clavier; he also -read both vocal and instrumental music with great facility, and was a -skilful player from score. Usually separate pieces were selected from -operas and, oratorios; the Emperor accompanied from the score on -the clavier, and also took a tenor or bass part--a pathetic one by -preference.[41] The pieces chosen were - - -{KREIBICH AND THE ORCHESTRA.} - -(203) - -sometimes old favourites of the Emperor, sometimes new works with which he -thus became acquainted; the operas which were afterwards to be performed -were generally gone through in this way by the Emperor and the Archduke -Maximilian.[42] The pieces were generally played and sung at sight; -it amused the Emperor to put the executants on their trial, and he was -delighted at the confusion which often ensued; the more energetic and -distracted the conductor Kreibich became, the more heartily the Emperor -laughed.[43] - -At the ordinary concerts the Emperor only took part in the quartet. The -first violin was played by Kreibich (or Greybig), "a man who was made -for a conductor; he has a capital insight into the theory of music, but, -unfortunately for his art, affects a certain degree of charlatanry. -His timidity prevents his executing solo parts with distinctness and -elegance, and his bowing is not sufficiently round and firm." This -nervousness, joined to a pompous manner, made him the butt of the jokes -and squibs of the musical circle,[44] and though not at all ill-natured, -he was not in a position to make his opinion of value, but allowed -himself to be made the tool of others, who were willing enough to let -him appear to the Emperor and the public as the leader of all that -related to the chamber music. With him were associated the violinists -Woborzil, who led the orchestra in the German opera, Hoffmann, Ponheim, -and Krottendorfer, mediocre artists and unimportant men; of the last it -was only said that he flattered Strack, and was his marionette. Strack -was in fact the soul of these concerts; he had the direction of the -musicians, played the violoncello, and was present on every occasion, -while the others took it by turns; this, together with his personal -position, gave him overpowering influence with the Emperor. "You know -the kind of men - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(204) - -who, as Schiller says, come in as makeshifts when any one is wanted. -Strack has always been with Joseph, and has used his opportunities so -well that, in the musical line, he can do exactly as he likes." - -It was a fact that good music, especially good instrumental music, was -seldom performed in the closet. If a quartet was played it was by a -second-rate composer, and the masters who were then founding a new epoch -in this province, Haydn--for whose "tricks" the Emperor did not -care much[45]--and Mozart, together with their imitators, Pleyel and -Kozeluch, were excluded, or as good as excluded. This was considered -to be owing to Strack's influence, and it was wondered at that Salieri, -"the idol of the Emperor," who invariably took part in the private -concerts, did not assert his opinion; but he "was too politic to come -into collision with the shadow of his Emperor." - -How far, after all, was Salieri capable of influencing the music of his -day? Joseph's taste had been formed on the tradition of Italian music, -represented by Hasse and Piccinni, and his predilections retained the -same direction. His wish to develop a national school of music proceeded -from rational conviction; and, though he was intellectually capable of -appreciating the works of Gluck and Mozart, they were not really -after his own heart. He had avowedly accustomed himself to look for -entertainment in music, and was overpowered by the independent power and -fulness which Gluck, Haydn, and Mozart brought to bear upon their art. -Salieri had no reason for combating the Emperor's inclinations, since -they were also his own. He skilfully sought to turn to account the -acquisitions which music had made in various directions, and to make -Italian opera capable of satisfying the demands of a more enlightened -taste. With the exception of the operas written for Paris, in which he -consciously followed Gluck's manner, he remained throughout true to the -tradition of Italian opera, introduced no new element into it, and did -not possess - - -{SALIERI AND MOZART.} - -(205) - -originality enough to make an indelible mark on the music of the day. -But it was just this mediocrity of talent, skill, and taste which won -for him the favour of his imperial master and of the public; it would -have required the possession of a singular union of moral and artistic -greatness and magnanimity to acknowledge rising genius as superior to -his own, and to bow himself down before it--and Salieri was not capable -of this. He is described as a benevolent and good-tempered man, amiable -in his private life, and adorned with the well-deserved fame of noble -and generous actions;[46] but these good qualities did not preserve from -envy either his reputation or his position. In the year 1780 he had just -returned from a lengthened tour in Italy, which had brought him new fame -and honour, and had confirmed him in the favour of the Emperor; at this -point Mozart made his appearance as a rival, dangerous by reason of his -brilliant powers of execution, which most readily win the applause -of the multitude, as well as by his compositions. The "Entführung" -threatening to throw Salieri's "Rauch-fangkehrer" completely into -the shade, and "Idomeneo" establishing its composer as a formidable -competitor on his own ground, it was impossible that Salieri, who -instinctively felt Mozart's superiority, could long pretend indifference -to it. There was no interruption of their personal intercourse.[47] -Mozart was friendly and unconstrained in his behaviour to his -fellow-artists, "even to Salieri, who could not bear him," as Frau -Sophie Haibl, Mozart's sister-in-law, relates, and Salieri was "too -politic" to make any show of his dislike to Mozart. It was understood in -Vienna, however, that he did dislike him, and that he secretly strove to -check his progress, not only by depreciatory criticism,[48] but by every - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(206) - -sort of obstacle thrown in his way from the very first. Salieri had -been appointed maestro to the Princess Elizabeth, but he was unable to -instruct her on the clavier, and Mozart had clearly the next claim. "He -may take the trouble," writes he to his father (August 31, 1782), "to -do me harm in this matter, but the Emperor knows me; the princess would -have liked to learn from me from the first, and I know that my name -stands in the book where the list of all those appointed to her service -is kept." But Salieri was much too cautious to allow Mozart to attain -to such a position. An unknown musician named Summerer was appointed -teacher of the clavier to the Princess Elizabeth. Mozart consoled -himself, when he heard that the salary was only four hundred florins, -by the reflection that it would not leave much over when the waiting, -travelling, and other expenses contingent on such a service had been -paid for (October 12, 1782). - -Under these circumstances Salieri and Strack were naturally sworn allies -in the Emperor's music room, and resisted together the introduction -of any elements which would undermine their influence by giving the -Emperor's taste a new direction. Although, therefore, Mozart was -encouraged by the Emperor's expressions of liking for him, more -especially as "great rulers are not too fond of saying such things for -fear of a dagger-thrust from an envious rival," yet the obstacles which -he had to overcome in the surroundings of the Emperor were likely to -prove too powerful for him. The Emperor's parsimony also restrained him -from adding another kapellmeister to those who were already in receipt -of salaries from the court. - -Another chance of such a fixed situation as his father was continually -urging upon him to secure offered itself through Prince Aloys -Liechtenstein, the eldest son of the reigning prince, whose income was -estimated at 900,000 imperial - - -{CONCERTS, LESSONS, AND COMPOSITIONS.} - -(207) - -gulden.[49] He proposed enrolling a band of wind instruments in his -service, and wished to engage Mozart to arrange pieces for it. For this -he could not expect a high salary, but it would be a certain one, for he -had quite resolved to accept none but a permanent engagement. But -this hope, too, was disappointed,[50] and he continued to exist on the -uncertain proceeds of lessons, concerts, and composition. - -The state of affairs improved somewhat in the winter. He had constant -pupils in the Countess Rumbeck and Frau von Trattnem, to whom was added -later the Countess Zichy. He gave each of them a lesson daily, and -received six ducats for twelve, which sufficed for absolute necessities. -Six sonatas for clavier and violin, for which his patronesses had opened -a subscription of three ducats, were completed and printed in November, -1781.[51] - -In Lent he gave a concert, at which, following the advice of his -patrons, he played selections from "Idomeneo" and his concerto in D -major (175 K.), for which he had composed a new rondo (382 K.). The -rondo "made a great sensation," and was sent to Salzburg, with a request -that it might be treasured as a jewel. "I wrote it especially for -myself, and no one else shall play it except my dear sister" (March 2, -1782). As a conclusion he played a fantasia. He had been advised to do -this because he would be thereby most certain of outrivalling Clementi, -who was giving a concert at about the same time.[52] Mozart had plenty -of invitations to play at other people's concerts and in society, -on which occasions a new composition had generally to be written. At -Auernhammer's concert, for instance, he played with the daughter a -"sonata for two" (381 K.), which he - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(208) - -had composed on purpose, and which "was a great success" (November 24, -1781). He wrote easier pieces for his pupils. "I must close my letter" -he writes (June 20, 1781), "for I have to prepare some variations for -a pupil"; and soon after he wrote to his sister (July 4, 1781): "I have -written three airs with variations, which are not worth the trouble of -sending alone. I will wait until there is something to accompany them." - -His time was fully occupied, therefore, and he had no difficulty in -proving the injustice of his sister's reproaches to him for not writing -oftener (February 13, 1782):-- - -You must not conclude that you do not give me pleasure by writing to -me because I do not always answer you. I always look forward with great -pleasure to receiving a letter from you, my dear sister. If I were not -prevented by pressing engagements, God knows I would always answer you. -Is it true that I have never answered you? It certainly has not been -from forgetfulness nor carelessness, but from simple impossibility! Bad -enough, you will say, but do I write often, even to my father? You both -know Vienna. You ought to know that a man who has no regular income must -work day and night in such a city. Our father, when he has finished his -church service, and you, when you have dismissed your few pupils, can -do as you like all the rest of the day, and you may write letters long -enough to contain the whole litany, if you like; but I can do no such -thing. I gave my father a description of my mode of life a short time -ago. I will repeat it for you now. At six o'clock my barber comes, at -seven I am dressed, and write until nine. From nine o'clock till one -I give lessons, then I dine, if I am not invited out, in which case we -dine at two or even three o'clock, as we shall to-day and to-morrow at -the Countess Zichy's and Countess Thun's. I cannot begin to work again -till five or six o'clock, and am often even then prevented by a concert; -if not, I write. The continual concerts, and the uncertainty as to -whether I shall be called away here or there, prevent my writing in -the evening; so it is my custom (especially when I come home early) -to compose something before I go to bed. I often write on until one -o'clock, and am up again at six! My dearest sister, if you really -believe that I can forget you or my father, then--but no! God knows it, -and that is enough for me; let Him punish me if I ever forget you. - -Instances are not wanting of his affection and thought for his father -and sister. He sends his father (March 23, 1782) a snuffbox and a pair -of watch ribbons: "The snuffbox is a good one, and the picture on it is -from an English story; - - -{PERFORMANCE OF THE "ENTFÜHRUNG," JULY, 1782.} - -(209) - -the watch ribbons are not very valuable, but they are high fashion -here just now." He did not buy either of them, he adds for his father's -consolation, but was presented with them by Count Szapary. To his sister -also he sent different bits of finery, and begged her to intrust him -with any commission in Vienna; he also testified the warmest sympathy -in her love affairs. He did not forget his old Salzburg friends in -Vienna--begs for news of them from his sister, "the walking register of -Salzburg," and wished still to be considered as an active member of the -quoit club. - -During these manifold occupations the opera had still the first place -in his thoughts, but it was at a standstill owing to the production of -Gluck's two operas and the numerous alterations which were necessary -in the libretto; he hoped that it would be ready for representation, -however, directly after Easter. This was not the case, but on May 8 he -writes: "Yesterday I was with the Countess Thun, and ran over the second -act for her; she is as pleased with it as she was with the first"; and -on May 29: "Next Monday is to be the first rehearsal; I must admit that -I am delighted with this opera." - -And he had good cause to be so, for its ultimate success was assured. -But he had to fight against strong cabals, and it needed the express -command of the Emperor to bring the opera to performance on July -13. High as had been the expectations of the public, they were fully -justified by the result. "The house was crammed full, there was no end -to the applause and cheering, and performances followed one another in -quick succession."[53] After having given his father a short account -of the first performance, he reports more fully on the second (July 20, -1782):-- - -Yesterday my opera was given for the second time. Can you believe that -the opposition was even stronger than on the first evening? The whole of -the first act was drowned, but they could not prevent the bravos after -every song. My hope was in the closing terzet, but - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(210) - -Fischer had been rendered nervous, and went wrong, as did Dauer, and -Adamberger alone could not put things right; so that the whole effect -was lost; and this time it was not encored. I was beside myself with -rage, and so was Adamberger; we agreed that the opera should not be -given again without a rehearsal for the singers. In the second act the -two duets were encored, and also Belmonte's rondo, "Wenn der Freude -Thranen fliessen," &c. The theatre was almost more crowded than on the -first performance; the day before not a seat was to be had either on the -_noble parterre_ or in the third story, and not a single box. The opera -has brought twelve hundred florins in the two days. - -In the next letter (July 27, 1782), he continues:-- - -My opera was given yesterday (St. Ann's day) in honour of all Nannerls, -for the third time, and the theatre, in spite of the stifling heat, was -again crammed full. It was to have been played again next Friday, but -I have protested, for I do not want it to be run to death. People are -quite foolish about the opera, I must say. But it does one good to -receive such applause. - -Notwithstanding this, it was given again on July 30, and also on the -Friday, and the theatre "swarmed with people in every part." - -Mozart was busily employed in arranging his opera for harmony (wind) -music, when he received a commission from the Haffner family in Salzburg -(Vol. I., p. 153) to compose a new serenata. L. Mozart had first been -applied to, and he thought it becoming that Wolfgang should lighten his -father's labours by undertaking a work which cost him no exertion, and -would be of direct advantage to his father. He therefore begged him to -write a serenata without delay, for the time was approaching when it was -to be performed. Wolfgang was quite ready to consent, inconvenient as it -might be to him (July 20, 1782):-- - -I have certainly enough to do, for by Sunday week my opera must be -arranged for wind instruments, or some one else will get the start -of me, and reap the profit; and now I have to write a new symphony! I -hardly see how it will be possible. You would not believe how difficult -it is to arrange a work like this for harmony, so that it may preserve -its effects, and yet be suitable for wind instruments. Well, I must give -up my nights to it, for it cannot be done any other way; and to you, -my dear father, they shall be devoted. You shall certainly receive -something every post-day, and I will work as quickly as I can, and as -well as I can compatibly with such haste. - -{HAFFNER--SERENATA, 1782.} - -(211) - -He kept his word, although not quite so soon as he himself wished. In -his next letter he writes (July 27, 1782):-- - -You will make a wry face when you see only the first allegro; but it -could not be helped, for I was called upon to compose a serenade in -great haste--but only for wind instruments, or else I could have used -it for you. On Wednesday, the 31st, I will send the two minuets, the -andante, and the last movement: if I can I will send a march also; if -not, you must take that belonging to the Haffner music, which is very -little known (249 K.). I have written it in D, because you prefer it. - -But the serenata was not ready within the next few days, for he says in -his letter of July 31:-- - -You see that my will is good, but if one cannot do a thing--why one -cannot! I cannot slur over anything, so it will be next post-day before -I can send you the whole symphony. - -A week later he wrote (August 7, 1782):-- - -Herewith I send you a short march (probably 445 K.). I hope all will -arrive in good time, and that you will find it to your taste. The first -allegro must be fiery, and the last as quick as possible. - -Six months later, when he had this symphony sent back to him for -performance at one of his concerts, he wrote to his father (February -15,1783): "The new Haffner symphony has quite astonished me, for I did -not remember a word of it, and it must be very effective." These little -incidents show us the true Mozart, in his good-nature and readiness to -oblige his father, and in his power of productiveness and elasticity -of mind; he excuses himself for not having the symphony ready in a -fortnight--and that at a time when not only his opera, but also his -courtship and marriage were filling his head and his heart--and then -he is astonished at himself for having done the thing so well.[54] The -serenata which was thus composed is the lovely one in C minor (388 K.). - -Meanwhile the opera pursued its successful course; in the - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(212) - -course of the year it was performed sixteen times; and in the beginning -of October, when the Archduke and his wife returned to Vienna, on their -homeward journey, the "Entführung" was given in their honour, "on which -occasion I thought it as well to sit at the piano again and conduct," he -writes to his father (October 19, 1782), "partly to wake up the somewhat -slumbering energies of the orchestra, partly to show the great people -present that I am the father of my offspring." Kaiser Joseph had -attained the object of his ambition; the German opera was established; -but he scarcely seemed to appreciate the importance of the movement thus -set on foot. His criticism on the "Entführung"--"Too fine for our ears, -and an immense number of notes, my dear Mozart!" (referring, no doubt, -to the accompaniment, which was also found fault with by Dittersdorf -as overpowering the voices)[55]--is indicative of his taste. Mozart's -spirited answer, "Just as many notes, your majesty, as are necessary," -was worthy of an artist.[56] Generally speaking, the opera received -unmitigated praise. Prince Kaunitz, an accomplished amateur and -passionate friend of the theatre,[57] sent for the young composer, -received him in the most flattering manner, and remained henceforth his -friend and patron. The veteran Gluck, the most distinguished person in -the musical world, expressed a desire to hear the opera which was making -so much sensation; it was performed at his request, as Mozart writes to -his father (August 7, 1782), although it had been given only a few days -before; he paid the composer many compliments on it, and invited him to -dinner. - -The opera had decided Mozart's musical position in Vienna;[58] it -speedily caused his fame to spread throughout Germany. The Prussian -minister, Baron Riedesel--the - - -{SUCCESS OF THE ENTFÜHRUNG.} - -(213) - -well-known traveller and friend of Winckelmann--begged Mozart for a -copy of the score for performance in Berlin, for which he was to receive -suitable remuneration. This was the more flattering, since André's -version of the "Entführung" had been well received in Berlin only -the year before. Mozart had sent the original score to his father -immediately after the first performance, that he might become acquainted -with the composition before seeing the opera, which he was not to do -until the end of 1784, in Salzburg:-- - -I have just promised to have it copied. As I have not got the opera I am -obliged to borrow it from the copyist, which is very inconvenient, since -I never can keep it three days together; the Emperor continually sends -for it, as he did yesterday, and it is so often performed; it has been -performed ten times since August 16. My idea was, therefore, to have it -copied in Salzburg, where it can be done more secretly and cheaper. - -The father, who watched his son's proceedings with jealousy and -suspicion, thought he detected something underhand in the objection to -have the copying done in Vienna. He had reminded his son, _ä propos_ of -"Idomeneo," that the score should remain the property of the composer -(Vol. II., p. 141); and he now cautioned him as to whether he had the -right to dispose of the score, would it not cause unpleasantness in -Vienna, and that for the sake of an uncertain verbal promise of payment. - -To this Wolfgang answered (October 5, 1782):-- - -I waited on the Baron von Riedesel myself; he is a charming man, and I -promised him (in the belief that the opera was already in the hands of -the copyist) that he should have it at the end of this month, or at the -latest at the beginning of November. I must beg you to take care that I -have it by that time. To relieve you of all anxiety, which I thankfully -acknowledge as a proof of your fatherly love, I cannot say anything more -convincing than that I am under great obligation to the Baron for having -asked me for the opera, instead of going direct to the copyist (as is -the custom in Italy), who would have given it to him directly for ready -money; and besides this, I should have been very sorry if my talent -could be paid for in that way--especially by a hundred ducats![59] This -time (because there is no occasion) I shall say nothing - - -{FIRST ATTEMPTS IN VIENNA.} - -(214) - -about it; if it is performed, as it is certain to be (and that is what -pleases me most about it), it will be known soon enough, and my enemies -will have no excuse for ridiculing me, and treating me as a poor fellow: -they will be quite ready to ask me for another opera if I will write -it, but I do not know that I shall; certainly not if I am to be paid -one hundred ducats, and see the theatre make four times that sum in a -fortnight. - -I shall bring out my next opera at my own expense, make at least twelve -hundred florins in three representations, and then the management may -have it for fifty ducats. If not, I shall be paid, and can produce it -anywhere. Meanwhile I hope you will never find in me the least trace of -any evil intentions. I would fain not be a bad fellow, but I do not -want to be a stupid one who lets other people reap the advantage of his -labour and study, and gives up his rightful claim to his own works. - -The father's distrustful prudence prevented his putting the work in hand -at once, and such haste was then necessary that no copyist in Salzburg -would undertake it; Mozart had no resource but to explain the cause -of the delay to the ambassador. But in the end the score was copied in -Salzburg. The "Entführung" was performed the following year at Prague -with extraordinary success.[60] "I cannot describe the applause and -sensation which it excited at Vienna from my own observation," says -Niemetschek; "but I was a witness of the enthusiasm with which it was -received at Prague by connoisseurs and non-connoisseurs. It made what -one had hitherto heard and known appear not to be music at all! Every -one was transported--amazed at the novel harmonies, and at the original -passages for the wind instruments." It was given at Leipzig in 1783;[61] -at Mannheim,[62] Salzburg, and Schwedt in 1784;[63] at Cassel in -1785;[64] at Berlin not until 1788.[65] The applause was great on -all occasions, and very soon the smaller stages sought to master the -favourite piece. The actor Philipp Hasenhuth used to relate how the -theatrical manager - - -{PERFORMANCES OF THE "ENTFÜHRUNG".} - -(215) - -Wilhelm, at Baden,[66] in 1783 or 1784, undertook the production of the -"Entführung" with a very weak company. At the rehearsal of the quartet -there was no tenor-player; Hasenhuth, who had just begun to learn the -violin, and hardly knew one string from another, was put down to the -tenor. A little man who had come in as a spectator sat down by him, and -when he saw the deficiency, seized a viola and they played together. But -the little man soon showed his impatience of his stumbling neighbour, -and giving vent to his anger more and more plainly as the quartet -proceeded, he ended by flinging away the viola, exclaiming, "The man is -a veritable donkey!" (Der Herr ist ein wahrer Krautesel!), and running -out of the room. The opera, however, was a great success; and the -well-satisfied manager gave his company a farewell supper, to which, -hearing that Mozart was in Baden, he invited the composer. Hasenhuth was -astonished to recognise in him the tenor-player at the rehearsal, but -Mozart relieved him from all awkwardness by saying good-humouredly, "I -was somewhat impolite when we last met, but I did not know who you -were, and the devil himself could not have stood the wrong notes!" The -judgment of contemporary critics of the opera was almost unanimously of -accord with that of the public.[67] - -It is not probable that Mozart obtained any share of the rich profits -which accrued from the production of his opera on these various stages. -He was even cheated out of the production of a clavier score. "Now it -has come to pass exactly as I foretold to my son," wrote L. Mozart to -his daughter (December 16, 1785); "the 'Entführung aus dem Serail' has -appeared in clavier score at Augsburg, and has also been printed at -Mayence. Since March, when he began it, my son has not found time to -finish it. He has lost his time, and Torricella (who was to publish it -at Vienna) his profits."[68] - - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXIV. - - -[Footnote 1: He wrote to Breitkopf (August 10, 1781): "My son is no longer in the -service of this court. He was summoned to Vienna by our Prince, who -was there, we being in Munich. But his highness lost no opportunity of -insulting and ill-treating my son, who, on the other hand, received much -honour from all the high nobility of Vienna. My son was therefore easily -persuaded to forsake his ill-rewarded service, and to remain in Vienna."] - -[Footnote 2: Jahrb. d. Tonkunst, 1796, p. 51.] - -[Footnote 3: Devrient, Gesch. der Deutsch. Schauspielkunst, III., p. 117.] - -[Footnote 4: Cf. Sonnenfels' programme of his theatrical management in the year -1770, in Müller's Abschied von der Bühne, p. 73.] - -[Footnote 5: Muller, Abschied, p. 79. Lange, Selbstbiogr., p. 25.] - -[Footnote 6: Lange, Selbstbiogr., p. 65. Meyer, C. Schröder, I., p. 361.] - -[Footnote 7: Müller, Abschied, p. 95. A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 253.] - -[Footnote 8: Carl Pichler, Denkwürdigkeiten, I., p. 78.] - -[Footnote 9: Meyer, I., pp. 361, 375.] - -[Footnote 10: A survey and account of the Vienna stage of the time will be found -in K. R[isbeck], Briefe über Deutschland, I., p. 258. Nicolai, Reise, -IV., p. 587. Meyer, C. Schroder, I., p. 355.] - -[Footnote 11: An accurate account of the state of German opera is given by -Muller (Abschied von der Bühne, p. 253). Cf. A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 254. K. -R[isbeck] (Briefe über Deutschland, I., p. 269) says that the members -of the opera were looked down upon by those of the old comedy, and there -were almost daily ridiculous displays of jealousy and ill-nature.] - -[Footnote 12: Forkel, Musik. Krit. Bibl., II., p. 392.] - -[Footnote 13: Sonnleithner, Recensionen, 1862, No. II., p. 18.] - -[Footnote 14: Lange, Selbstbiogr., p. 104. Muller, Abschied, pp. 259, 261.] - -[Footnote 15: Theaterkal., 1781, p. 183.] - -[Footnote 16: Müller, Abschied, pp. 181, 189, 194.] - -[Footnote 17: The _personnel_ of the opera from 1781 to 1783, which, with their -salaries, I have borrowed from Meyer (C. Schroder, I., p. 356), was as -fellows:--Male singers: Adamberger (2,133 fl. 30 kr.), Souter (1,200 -fl.), Dauer (?), Fischer (1,200 fl.), Gunther (1,200 fl.), Schmidt -(1,200 fl.), Ruprecht (700 fl.), Hoffmann (600 fl.), Frankenberger (400 -fl.), Saal (800 fl.). Female singers: Mdlle. Cavalieri (1,200 fl.), -Madame Lange (1,706 fl. 20 kr.), Madame Fischer (1,200 fl.), Mdlle. -Teyber (800 fl.), Mdlle. Haselbeck (600 fl.), Mdlle. Brenner (400 fl.), -Madame Saal (800 fl.),Madame Bernasconi (500 ducats). The orchestra, -under the leadership of Kapellmeister Umlauf, consisted of six first and -six second violins, four tenors, three violoncelli, three double-basses, -two flutes, two oboes, two clarinets, two bassoons, four horns, two -trumpets, and drums. The total pay amounted to 16,124 florins.] - -[Footnote 18: Schmid, Gluck, p. 107.] - -[Footnote 19: Mosel, Ant. Salieri, p. 72.] - -[Footnote 20: Cramer, Magazin der Musik, I., p. 353. Auembrugger was further -known to fame as a physician, and his daughters Franziska and Mariane -were distinguished pianoforte-players.] - -[Footnote 21: In Forkel's Musik. Alman., 1784, p. 189, the question as to why the -music of Viennese composers should be liked in North Germany, but the -music of North Germany should be disliked in Vienna, is treated of in a -contribution for Vienna, showing the two different standpoints.] - -[Footnote 22: Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 556.] - -[Footnote 23: Allg. Wiener Musikztg., 1821, p. 56.] - -[Footnote 24: Müller, Abschied, p. 185.] - -[Footnote 25: Forkel, Musik. Bibl., III., p. 340.] - -[Footnote 26: Cramer, Magazin der Musik, I., p. 353, where it is erroneously -stated that Gluck's "Alceste," "Iphigenia in Tauris," and "Orpheus" were -given in Italian. Cf. Muller, Abschied, p. 270. A. M. Z., XIV., p. 268. -The German translation of "Iphigenia" was by Alxinger (Forkel, Musik. -Alman., 1783, p. 153.)] - -[Footnote 27: Reichardt describes his interview with Joseph II., in the summer -of 1783 (A. M. Z., XV., p. 667. Schletterer, Reichardt, p. 326): "The -Archduke Maximilian led the conversation on Gluck, whom they both -considered as a great tragedian: but now and then the Emperor was not so -much in favour of Gluck's operas as could have been wished."] - -[Footnote 28: Wien Ztg.,1731, No. 95, Anh. "Alceste" was repeated on December 13. -Ibid., No.100, December 27 (No.104); "Iphigenia" was played on December -9 (No.99), and on January 3,1782; "Orpheus" was performed in Italian., -Ibid., 1782, No. 2.] - -[Footnote 29: A. M. Z., XV., p. 668. Schletterer, Reichardt, I., p. 327.] - -[Footnote 30: Mosel, Salieri, p. 22.] - -[Footnote 31: Ludwig Berger's narrative was taken from the lips of his teacher in -1806, and is identical with Mozart s own account (Cäcilia, X., p. 238; -A. M. Z., XXXI., p. 467). Other accounts differ somewhat, as usual in -such cases.] - -[Footnote 32: Clementi thought it advisable on the republication of this sonata -to assert his prior claims, as follows: "Cette sonate, avec la toccata -qui la suit, a été jouée par l'auteur devant Sa M. J. Joseph II., en -1781, Mozart étant présent." There can be no doubt that Mozart was -conscious of the reminiscence.] - -[Footnote 33: Bridi's account says that the Emperor had laid a wager with the -Grand Duchess that Mozart would surpass Clementi, and won it.] - -[Footnote 34: Paesiello composed sonatas and capricci for the Grand Duchess.] - -[Footnote 35: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 236.] - -[Footnote 36: This criticism belongs to the toccata rather than to the sonata; it -is marked _prestissimo_, and is a brilliant study of passages in thirds -and fourths.] - -[Footnote 37: The account which follows is founded on an accurate account of -Joseph's chamber concerts (Musik. Corresp., 1790, p. 27).] - -[Footnote 38: Mosel, Salieri, p. 22.] - -[Footnote 39: Mosel, Ibid., p. 71.] - -[Footnote 40: A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 285.] - -[Footnote 41: The A. M. Z., XV., p. 512, narrates an apocryphal anecdote to the -effect that the Emperor Joseph once wrote a song, and secretly inserted -it in a little Italian opera which he gave in his private theatre -at Schönbrunn. On his asking Mozart what he thought of the song, the -latter, "with childlike frankness and gaiety," replied, "The song is -good, but he that wrote it is better."] - -[Footnote 42: A. M. Z., XV., p. 66. Reichardt, Mus. Monatschr., 1792, p. 57.] - -[Footnote 43: A characteristic scene is related by Mosel (Salieri, p. 130).] - -[Footnote 44: Dittersdorf tells a story which illustrates this (Selbstbiogr., p. -241)] - -[Footnote 45: Reichardt, A. M. Z., XV., p. 667 (Schletterer, Reichardt, p. 325; -Griesinger Biogr. Not. übcr Jos. Haydn, p. 63).] - -[Footnote 46: Besides Mosel's Biography cf. the account by Rochlitz (Für Freunde -der Tonkunst, IV., p. 342; A. M. Z., XXVII., p. 412).] - -[Footnote 47: A. Hüttenbrenner, a pupil of Salieri, relates upon his authority -(A. M. Z., XXVII., p. 797) that Mozart often came to Salieri, -saying: "Lieber Papa (?) geben sie mir einige alte Partituren aus der -Hofbibliothek (?), ich will sie bei Ihnen durchblättem," and that he often -ate his midday meal during these studies.] - -[Footnote 48: Mosel (Salieri, p. 211) confines this to silence on the merits of -Mozart's works. But although Salieri occasionally spoke in praise of -Mozart in afteryears (Hüttenbrenner, A. M. Z., XXVII., p. 797; Rochlitz, -Für Freunde der Tonkunst, IV., p. 345), I have heard upon trustworthy -authority in Vienna, that Salieri, even in his old age, when among -confidential friends, expressed, with a passion that was painful to his -hearers, the most unjust judgments on Mozart's compositions. Thayer's -attempt to justify Salieri (A. M. Z., 1865, p. 241) led me to make a -searching examination of the facts.] - -[Footnote 49: K. R[isbeck], Briefe, I., p. 272.] - -[Footnote 50: "A cantata composed for Prince Aloys von Lichtenstein by W. A. -Mozart," of which there is a copy in the Royal Library in Berlin, is -certainly not by Mozart (242 Anh. K.).] - -[Footnote 51: The Wien. Zeit., 1781, No. 98, announces "Six sonatas for the -piano with accompaniment for the violin by the well-known and celebrated -master, Wolfgang Amade Mozart, Op. 2, 5 fl." (296, 376-380, K.). No. 2 -(in C major) was composed in Mannheim (p. 400), and No. 4 (in B flat -major) was previously known to his sister, as he writes to her (June 4, -1781).] - -[Footnote 52: Clementi left Vienna at the beginning of May, 1782.] - -[Footnote 53: "The 'Entführung,'" says a notice from Vienna in Cramer's Magazin, -I., p. 352, "is full of beauties. It surpassed public expectation, and -the delicate taste and novelty of the work were so enchanting as to call -forth loud and general applause."] - -[Footnote 54: This symphony (385 K., part 5) with the superscription, "ä Vienna -nel mese di Juglio, 1782," has only a minuet, and no march. The second -minuet was written on separate sheets, and not preserved, not being used -in Vienna. Mozart afterwards added two flutes and two clarinets to -the first and last movements for the performance in Vienna; these are -wanting in the printed score.] - -[Footnote 55: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 237.] - -[Footnote 56: The truth of this anecdote is vouched for by Niemetschek, who -narrates it (p. 34). Napoleon is said to have received a similar answer -from Cherubini, who certainly did not borrow it from Mozart (A. M. Z., -XXXVI., p. 21; cf., II. P. 735).] - -[Footnote 57: Many instances are given in Lange's Selbstbiogr., p. 98 Müller, -Abschied, p. 100; Meyer, L. Schröder, I., pp. 341, 343, 346.] - -[Footnote 58: It remained on the Vienna repertory until 1779. The German opera was -quite extinguished in 1778; it was revived on September 23, 1801.] - -[Footnote 59: Even this sum appears to have been thought excessive; at least -Schroder wrote to Dalberg (May 22, 1784): "Mozart received fifty ducats -for the 'Entführung aus dem Serail'; he would compose no opera under this -price." At a later time, one hundred ducats was the usual price for an -opera (Ditters-dorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 241).] - -[Footnote 60: Cramer, Magazin der Musik, I., p. 99.] - -[Footnote 61: Raisonnirendes, Theaterjoum. von der Leipzig. Michaelmesse, 1783, -p. 32.] - -[Footnote 62: Koffka, Iffiand und Dalberg, p. 136.] - -[Footnote 63: Berl. Litt. n. Theat. Ztg., 1784, II., p. 160.] - -[Footnote 64: Lyncker, Gesch. d. Theat. u. d. Musik, in Kassel, p. 316.] - -[Footnote 65: Chronik. von Berlin, II., p. 440. Teichmann's Litt. N'achl., p. 45.] - -[Footnote 66: Ant. Hasenhuth's Leben., p. 94.] - -[Footnote 67: Cramer's Magazin f. Musik, II., 2, p. 1056, and B. A. Weber, in -Knigge's Dramaturg. Blattern, 1788, II., p. 21, give favourable notices. -Both these journals were among Mozart's little collection of books.] - -[Footnote 68: Two fragments of Mozart's pianoforte score of Constanze's and -Blond-chen's songs (11 and 12) are preserved in his handwriting. The -piano score of the first act is noticed in the Wien. Ztg., 1785, No. 98.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXV. "DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL." - -THE gradual decline of the German festival and "spektakel" operas was -consummated in 1742, when Gottsched, - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(216) - -who had waged incessant war against them throughout his career, had the -satisfaction of chronicling the opera of "Atalanta," in Dresden, as the -last of its kind[1] but they were succeeded by a sort of aftergrowth -in the form of the operetta.[2] The theatrical managers could not -altogether dispense with similar means of attraction, and attempts were -made to introduce the musical intermezzo, together with the now fairly -well-established ballet. In 1743 Schonemann produced in Berlin Coffey's -"Devil to Pay" ("Der Teufel ist los"), adapted by Von Barck, with the -English melodies;[3] but this attempt, as well as the performance of -Schürer's vaudeville "Doris," in Dresden, in 1747,[4] remained -without result. In 1752 Koch, of Leipzig, who had had recourse to the -performance of Italian intermezzi,[5] commissioned Chr. Fel. Weisse -to make a new adaptation of Coffey's "Devil to Pay, or the Bewitched -Wives," which was set to music by Standfuss, the assistant-manager of -Koch's company.[6] Gottsched and his wife renewed the old strife against -this attempt, but were completely defeated.[7] The second part of the -opera "Der Teufel ist los"--"Der Lustige Schuster"--was produced by -Koch, in 1759, at Lubeck.[8] But not until his return to - - -{GERMAN OPERETTA.} - -(217) - -Leipzig, in 1765, did he give his serious attention to vaudeville. -Weisse revised his old opera of "Der Teufel ist los," which, with -partially new music by Hiller, was performed in 1766, and received -with fresh applause.[9] Koch found in Joh. Ad. Hiller what had always -hitherto been wanting, viz., a composer of good musical and general -education, having a decided talent for light, easy, and characteristic -music (more especially comic music), and full of zeal for the elevation -of the national art. He endeavoured to make another step in advance, -and by the composition of Schieb-ler's romantic poem of "Lisuart and -Dariolette" (performed November 25, 1766) to lay the foundation of -serious German opera.[10] Educated in the tradition of Hasse and Graun, -with the additional influence of Ph. Em. Bach, he followed with interest -the attempts to gain favour for Italian music in Paris by reconciling it -with the demands of French taste; and he wished to establish a national -German opera on the same principles. He denied that the German language -was unfitted for song, if only the poet would take the trouble of -accommodating it to the music, and if artists were trained for German -singing with as much care as for Italian. Since German taste was more -Italian than French, but the French were superior to the Italians in -dramatic treatment, a French plan in Italian form was most likely to be -approved of by Germans.[11] The insufficient appointments of the Leipzig -stage must, however, have dissuaded him from any idea of a grand opera. -To this was added his connection with Weisse, who during his residence -in Paris had taken a lively interest in the comic opera, and had exerted -himself to transplant it into Germany.[12] - -His first opera, "Lottchen am Hofe," after "Ninette ä la Cour," and "Die -Liebe auf dem Lande," after "Annette et - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(218) - -Lubin" and "La Clochette," had so great a success in 1767 and 1768 -that they prepared the way for other similar attempts.[13] These simple -dramas, which occupied the mind without exerting it, and moved the -feelings without unduly exciting them, were so much in keeping with -Weisse's own nature that he was able to give them characteristic and -appropriate form. They opened a field, too, for Hiller's simple hearty -spirit, embodied in a popular form, which made his style appeal at once -to the multitude; while an endeavour after higher things would only have -turned him into an imitator of Hasse. A rapid succession of operas by -Weisse and Hiller, which were received with unanimous approbation, and -spread with incredible rapidity, soon established a definite type of -German operetta, and raised up a host of imitators. The interest of the -public, especially in North Germany, was almost exclusively confined to -operetta,[14] so that in Berlin, for instance, during the years -1781-83, 117, 141, and 151 operettas were performed.[15] This implies an -extraordinary production. Besides translations from French operettas -by Duni, Philidor, Monsigny, Grétry, and Italian intermezzi, there -were innumerable German vaudevilles, for the most part also founded on -foreign originals.[16] Some idea may be formed of the fertility of these -composers, by the fact that between 1765 and 1785, Hiller composed 13 -operas, Wolf 18, Neefe 10, Holly 13, André 22, Schweitzer 16, Stegmann -10, G. Benda 8; to whom may be added a host of other less productive and -less celebrated composers. - -This activity had indeed drawbacks, for it was practised with great -ease, and many amateurs of very inferior musical education intruded -themselves among the operatic musicians.[17] The careless dilettantism -of the poet went hand in hand - - -{GERMAN OPERETTA.} - -(219) - -with that of the composer. A host of unskilful verse-makers allied -themselves with Weisse, Michaelis, and Gotter, and threatened to degrade -the operetta to the lower level of the opera buffa. A further drawback -consisted in the very defective performances, which in most instances -resulted from the insufficient powers of the operetta companies. - -"We must remember," says Reichardt, in his "History of the Comic Opera," -"how much Hiller was hampered by the miserable state of our operatic -companies. He was fully aware of this, and what I admire in him is that -he never lost sight of the fact that he was writing, not for singers, -but for actors, who had scarcely music enough in them to sing over their -wine." The state of things had not altered much since Hiller began to -write. The Italian operas alone were supported by the courts; the German -operettas remained in the hands of private speculators; who did not -possess the means of attracting vocalists of artistic cultivation. -No singer of any reputation would have thought it consistent with his -dignity to appear in German vaudeville. The vaudeville, therefore, -remained in the hands of actors, who had seldom any vocal powers and -still seldomer any but a superficial cultivation, but who willingly -appeared in operettas on account of the high fees[18] and great applause -they might reckon upon. Reichardt gives an appalling description of the -German opera in Berlin in 1774; he heard one of Hiller's operas "sung -by a wide-mouthed, screeching woman, and a lover with a voice like a -night-watchman," and that before an audience which had "the reputation -of very refined taste";[19] he was no better pleased at Leipzig.[20] -Müller says of a performance of Wolf's "Treuen Kohler" at Dresden in -1776: "As only two of all the performers were at all musical, you may -imagine how the opera was - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(220) - -rendered." It is conceivable, therefore, that the growing partiality for -German opera was regarded with disfavour by earnest men, as prejudicial -alike to the dramatic interests which were still struggling to assert -themselves in Germany,[21] and to the artistic development of operatic -music proper.[22] The actor Müller, during his professional tour in -1776, made himself acquainted with the views of competent judges as to -the admissibility of German operettas; the different opinions which -he collected are characteristic enough. Lessing--who held the union -of poetry and music as the most perfect in existence, "so that nature -herself appears to have destined them not so much for union as to be -considered as one and the same art"[23]--was against vaudevilles. "They -are the ruin of our stage. Such works are easily written; every comedy -affords material to the author; he scatters a few songs about, and the -thing is done. Our new dramatic poets find this a far easier task than -writing a good character piece." Gleim was even more violently -opposed to vaudeville than Lessing, and gave Müller an epigram upon -the - - "Witch":-- - - Die, schlau wie - Schlang' und Krokodill, - Sich schleicht in aller - Menschen Herzen - Und drinnen sitzt, als wie ein - Huhn Auf seinem - Nest, und lehrt: - Nur klcine Thaten thun - Und über grosse - Thaten scherzen!" - -Weisse smiled when Müller repeated the lines to him, and declared -himself, as became the founder of German opera, in its favour. He was -too modest, however, to maintain that operettas were dramatic works of -art, or to hope thereby to raise the taste of his countrymen; he could -only disclaim all intention of degrading it or of doing more than -encouraging - - -{GERMAN OPERETTA.} - -(221) - -German people to come together, and providing pleasant and popular -entertainments for them when they did so.[24] Gotter preserved a -discreet neutrality on the subject, since he had had a direct interest -in more than one operatic libretto; he would not declare for either -side, and was of opinion that variety was the root of all pleasure. -Wieland was more explicit, and declared that the national stage could -only be rendered of importance by German music; comic and serious German -vaudevilles were wanted, but good poets would soon come forward to -supply the need. He was not only able to point to his own "Alceste," -and the success it had obtained; he had developed his views on the -cultivation of German vaudeville with a lively acknowledgment of -the achievements of Schweitzer, and he possessed genuine feeling and -interest for music. Even a musician like Reichardt declared himself -against the operetta, but thought as it was there it ought at least to -be improved, and made as useful as possible.[25] - -The interest which was taken by great poets in the elevation of the -vaudeville is exemplified by Goethe; after "Erwin und Elmire" and -"Claudina von Villabella" were written, his intercourse with his -early friend Christoph Kayser[26] (b. 1736) caused him to attempt -the construction of vaudeville after the received type of the Italian -operetta. His first experiment was "Scherz, List und Rache," which he -began in 1784, and sent at once to Kayser for composition;[27] the two -first acts were ready the following year, and were well thought of in -Weimar;[28] in Rome, whither Goethe was followed by Kayser at the end of -1787, they finished the operetta together.[29] But Goethe thought that -the operetta - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(222) - -was extravagantly mounted,[30] and complains himself that a defective -conception of the intermezzo had led him to spin out the trivial subject -into innumerable musical pieces, which had been treated by Kayser quite -after the old-fashioned models. "Unhappily," says Goethe, "adherence to -the old principles caused it to suffer from poverty of parts; it never -went beyond a terzet, and one felt inclined to wish that the doctor's -medical books might be endowed with life to form a chorus. All the pains -we took, therefore, to confine ourselves within narrow and simple limits -went for nothing when Mozart appeared. The 'Entführung aus dem Serail' -threw all else into the shade, and our carefully worked-out piece was -never heard of again at any theatre."[31] - -A closer examination of Mozart's opera will make it clear to us why it -threw all others into the shade. The plot of Bretzner's[32] "Entführung -aus dem Serail," written for André in 1781, is simple and in no way -original:-- - -Constanze, the beloved of Belmont, is in the power of the Pasha Selim, -who has confined her in his seraglio, and sues in vain for her love. -Belmont has been made aware of her place of confinement by Pedrillo, -his former servant, who has also fallen into the hands of the Pasha, -and become the overseer of his gardens; Belmont hastens to liberate his -beloved. In seeking Pedrillo he stumbles upon Osmin, overseer of the -country-house in which the action takes place; and both he and Pedrillo -(who is even more obnoxious to Osmin from his known love to Blondchen, -Constanze's waiting-maid, whom Osmin seeks to win) are rudely repulsed -by Osmin. In the meantime Pedrillo succeeds in recommending Belmont -to his master as an accomplished architect; Selim takes him into -his service, and Osmin is reluctantly obliged to admit him to the -country-house. In the second act Blondchen makes short work of Osmin's -arrogant jealousy in respect of her, and Constanze remains constant -against the renewed attempts of the Pasha. Hereupon Pedrillo inveigles -Osmin into drinking with him, and renders him harmless by means of a -sleeping potion; the freedom thus obtained is employed by the lovers in -an interview at which their flight the following night is determined on. -In the third act this is put into effect. Pedrillo - - -{ALTERATIONS IN THE LIBRETTO.} - -(223) - -gives the sign, Belmont escapes with Constanze; as Pedrillois carrying -off Blondchen, Osmin enters still half asleep; they contrive to escape -but he causes them to be pursued, and both couples are brought before -the Pasha. They are condemned to death, but the Pasha, moved at last by -their self-sacrificing love and fidelity, pardons and unites them. - -The original libretto is arranged for a genuine vaudeville. All the -dramatic interest lies in the spoken dialogue; the songs are, with a few -exceptions, superfluous additions, and imply a very moderate amount of -execution. Mozart undertook to indicate to Stephanie where and how, in -the interests of the composer, alterations should be made, and only left -to him the framing of the text, with which it was not necessary to be -so particular, if only the situations were well arranged in their main -features. The principal point, next to giving to the musical element -of the piece its due prominence as the most fitting expression of lyric -sentiment, was the proper consideration of the individualities of the -performers themselves. Fortunately this task was not complicated in the -way which had so often been the case. Madame Cavalieri was certainly -more of a bravura singer than anything else, and neither her appearance -nor her acting was effective; but Adamberger and Fischer were just as -Mozart would have had them, both as singers and actors, and Fischer -especially was an extraordinarily gifted artist. The part of Osmin, -which was created for him, shows the influence of a congenial spirit on -the conceptions of the creating artist. When Mozart was fairly -embarked in the work, he wrote to his father about the libretto and the -alterations already made in it (September 26, 1781):-- - -The opera began with a soliloquy which I have begged Herr Stephanie -to turn into a little ariette, and also, instead of the two chattering -together after Osmin's song, to make a duet out of the dialogue. As -we have given the part to Fischer, who has an excellent bass voice -(although the Archbishop once told me he sang too low for a bass, and I -assured his grace that he would sing higher next time), we must give him -something to do, especially as he is such a favourite with the public. -In the original book Osmin has only one little song, and nothing else -but the terzet and finale. I have given him an aria in the first -act, and he is to have another in the second. I have trusted the aria -altogether to Stephanie, the music was ready before he knew a word about -it. - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(224) - -These alterations were of specially good dramatic effect in the first -scene, and Osmin's song called to life the first German comic aria which -deserves to be called great. In the second act the dialogue between -Blondchen and Osmin becomes a duet; on the other hand, a superfluous -duet between Constanze and Blondchen is very rightly omitted. Instead of -it Constanze has the great bravura song "Mar-tem aller Arten," chiefly -as a concession to the singer; for the repetition of the scene in -which she scornfully rejects the Sultan's proposals is in every way -superfluous. Blondchen's second song--newly inserted--is, however, quite -appropriate; in it she expresses her joy at her approaching deliverance; -so that the original duet is really embodied to a certain extent in -these two songs. - -But the chief alteration which Mozart contemplated was in the conclusion -of the second act. In Bretzner's text the abduction scene is treated as -a grand ensemble movement, with which the third act commences. A long -and elaborate duet between Belmont and Pedrillo, who are lying in -ambush, makes the beginning, and then Constanze appears and is carried -off by Belmont. After Pedrillo has climbed up to Blondchen in the -window, Osmin comes out of the house still heavy with sleep; but he sees -the fugitives and has them pursued and brought back by his guard; they -beg for mercy, seek to regain their liberty by bribery--in vain; Osmin -rages, and all the characters are in a state of excitement. - -Mozart's quick eye saw that this scene, bringing together all -the characters in a succession of rapidly varying and contrasting -situations, forms the culminating point of the opera; he wished, -therefore, that this "charming quintet, or rather finale, should -be placed at the close of the second act." He also saw that this -transposition would necessitate other important alterations. The second -act could be kept together very well by the mutual understanding of the -two lovers; but the third act, for which nothing was reserved but the -unravelling of the knot by the clemency of the Sultan, if it was to -have any substance or interest, "must be provided with an entirely new -intrigue." The difficulty - - -{ALTERATIONS IN THE LIBRETTO.} - -(225) - -of finding this seems to have put a stop to the alteration, and the -original arrangement remained. But for Bretzner's insignificant finale -to the second act there was substituted an elaborate quartet, which -expresses in music the reunion of the lovers in its various aspects of -joy and jealousy, of disputes and reconciliation. An air for Belmont -precedes this; it is well-fitted for the situation, and is intended -also as a concession to the singer, for in this act, where all the other -characters come to the front, Belmont had originally nothing to sing but -the ensemble music. - -Mozart began the composition of the ensemble movement at the -commencement of the third act. The greater part of the duet between -Belmont and Pedrillo before the romanze was sketched out by him in -his usual way, the voices and bass written in full, the accompaniment -indicated here and there. It breaks off, however, in the middle; and -Mozart appears to have purposely laid it aside, convinced that the scene -must be differently treated.[33] The ensemble was given up; Mozart saw -that it would throw the whole opera out of gear, and would concentrate -the interest and the action at the wrong place. The abduction scene was -confined to dialogue, only Pedrillo's romanze being left; in addition, -songs for Belmont and Osmin were inserted, both highly characteristic. -The duet for Belmont and Constanze, which follows, is altered only in -the words, not in the situation; the closing catastrophe it was -thought well to modify. In Bretzner's version the Pasha Selim, who is -a renegade, recognises in Belmont his son, which leads to the -_dénouement_; - -but Stephanie makes him pardon the lovers from generosity and -magnanimity, which, as a critic remarked, were the fashion of the day in -Vienna.[34] Constanze's song of gratitude at the close is very rightly -omitted, and replaced by the then customary vaudeville, in which all the -characters declare in turn: "Wer solche Huld vergessen kann, den seh man -mit Verachtung an! - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(226) - -Mozart's father had raised objections to the libretto, and the -alterations in it; he was particularly concerned that the verses -were not in regular rhyme throughout. Thereupon his son made him the -following remarkable answer (October):-- - -Now about the text of the opera. As far as Stephanie's work is -concerned, you are quite right, but the poetry is very well suited to -the character of the stupid, boorish, and malicious Osmin. I am quite -aware that the versification is not of the best; but it goes so well -with my musical thoughts (which were running in my head long before) -that I cannot but be pleased; and I would wager that no fault will be -found in performance. Belmont's aria, "O wie ängtslich," could scarcely -be written better for the music. Constanze's aria too is not bad, with -the exception of the "Hui,"[35] and the line "Sorrow reposes in my -bosom," for sorrow cannot repose. After all, in an opera, the poetry -must be the handmaid of the music. Why do Italian comic operas always -please, in spite of their wretched librettos--even in Paris, as I was -witness myself? Because the music is supreme, and everything else is -forgotten. All the more then will an opera be likely to please in which -the plan of the piece is well carried out, and the words are written -simply to suit the music; not turned and twisted so as to ruin the -composition for the sake of a miserable rhyme, which God knows does far -more harm than good in a dramatic representation.[36] Verse, indeed, is -indispensable for music, but rhyme is bad in its very nature: and poets -who go to work so pedantically will certainly come to grief, together -with the music. It would be by far the best if a good composer who -understands the theatre, and know-how to produce a piece, and a clever -poet, could be (like a veritable phoenix), united in one; there would -be no reason to be afraid as to the applause of the ignorant then. The -poets seem to me something like trumpeters, with their - - -{MUTUAL RELATIONS OF MUSIC AND VERSE.} - -(227) - -mechanical tricks--if we composers were to adhere so closely to our -rules (which were well enough as long as we knew no better) we should -soon produce music just as worthless as their worthless books."[37] - -"Now I think I have talked nonsense enough for this time"--so Mozart -concludes this interesting letter, as he was fond of doing when his -desire to justify himself had led him into general aesthetic questions, -on which he was averse to expatiating at any length. His opinion as -to the relative positions of music and poetry in operatic works is -unusually interesting. In complete opposition to Gluck, who considered -music as subordinate to poetry, Mozart requires that poetry shall be the -handmaid of music. In the sense in which the context shows him to have -meant it, he is undoubtedly right. He exacts that the plan of the piece -shall be well laid out; that is, that the plot shall be interesting, -and shall as it proceeds afford dramatic situations fitted for musical -expression. He requires further that the words shall be written merely -for the music, that is, that the poetical conceptions shall be of a kind -to stimulate the composer, to elevate and support him, while allowing -him perfect freedom of thought and action. He had mentioned Osmin's song -to Stephanie, and the music was ready before the latter had written a -word of the poetry; the words he then prepared accorded so admirably -with the musical ideas which had been running in Mozart's head, that -faults here and there in the versification did not seem to him of much -consequence. - -The impulse he required for his musical conceptions was the -representation of the dramatis persona in certain definite situations, -not the verbal framing of the poet's ideas.[38] The - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(228) - -points which were contained in the verse, and influenced the -construction of the musical idea, were to him co-operating but not -dominating elements. The words of an opera have a definite object; they -provide foundation and support for the musical expression, and are not -therefore absolutely independent, as in the drama,[39] but are obliged -to recognise and respect the laws of music, as well as those of poetry. -To attain this end a compromise is as indispensable as in every other -union of the sister arts. Architecture, in her highest achievements, -turns for embellishment to sculpture and painting; and no one has ever -doubted that in such co-operation each art must make some concession -to the other. The architectural plan must be so conceived as to afford -fitting space and position for the sculpture and painting; these, on the -other hand, must be introduced with a view to the essential conditions -of the building; the pediment, the arch, the metope are not freely -selected forms, but constitute the limitations which arise from the -necessities of the building. The sculptor modifies his style to suit the -character of the building, the painter knows how to give significance -to the whole design by skilful composition and combinations of colour on -the flat surface of the walls. Doubtless architecture, with her severe -laws and inflexible forms, imposes restrictions on the fancies of -the artist; but who can imagine that Phidias in the sculptures of the -Parthenon, Raphael in the Loggia of the Vatican, renounced their freedom -of design or their independence of execution in obedience to the will -of the architect? The relation between poetry and music is of the same -kind. Mozart saw the necessity for co-operation between the musician and -the poet, if the right effect was to be given in its just proportions. -The musician must be ready to "give some hints" which shall put the poet -in possession of his intentions and of the conditions necessitated -by the rules of his art; the poet must be "intelligent," clever, and -cultivated enough to fall in with the intentions of the musician, and -poet enough to retain his poetical powers in spite of these limitations. - - -{MUTUAL RELATIONS OF MUSIC AND VERSE.} - -(229) - -Mozart is quite right in asserting that co-operation of this kind is -the surest pledge for an altogether satisfactory opera; unhappily he is -quite right also in declaring such a co-opera-tion to be attainable only -by "a veritable phoenix." - -To a certain degree a mutual understanding is of course indispensable, -but it confines itself, as a rule, to an unwilling concession on this or -the other side.[40] Music finally assumes the mastery in opera, where -it is the actual medium of expression; no one could deny that good music -would make the poorest verse pass muster, whereas bad music could not be -made acceptable even when "wedded to immortal verse." But the very -fact that music appeals direct to the senses gives it an advantage when -opposed to poetry, which reaches the imagination through the intellect; -just as a poetical description of a work of art falls far short of -the effect produced directly on the mind by contemplation of the work -itself. Music works on the sense of hearing in an as yet inexplicable -manner, rousing emotions and fancies with an instantaneous power -surpassing that of poetry. Even if this be disputed, it must be allowed -that music does not appeal immediately to the intellect as language -does. Even the species of music which is said to occupy the intellect -most especially, viz., music in strict forms of counterpoint, does not -do it in such a way as to enable the hearer to discover the meaning -of the composition by means of its actual utterances; it exercises his -intellect otherwise by rousing the desire in him to grasp and hold the -artistic forms as such, and the laws upon which they depend.[41] Music -must borrow from poetry what it does not possess for itself, namely, the -ability to call forth a well-defined image which shall identify itself -with the sentiment evoked i by the music and give to this its exact -significance. This point is, of course, of special importance in opera, -although the fact must not be lost sight of that the stage accessories - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(230) - -and pantomimic representation come greatly to the aid of the music, -so that it is quite possible for an audience to follow an opera with -interest and gratification without understanding the language in which -it is written. This is a further proof that, important as the poetic -details doubtless are, the plot and situations are the really essential -points. For the paradox that a libretto if it is to be musical cannot be -poetical, but can only have certain external forms of poetic delivery, -is certainly false. The conditions of poetic delivery and musical -execution are essentially the same, and a distinction between them is -impossible. But the means of delivery which the poet has at his disposal -are manifold and varied, and not all applicable in the same place; if -the poet is master of his art, and has a clear conception of what he is -striving after, he will know what are the particular means he ought to -employ to be in accord with the musical part of the work.[42] - -Bretzner was very indignant at the proposed alterations in his libretto, -and inserted the following notice in the "Berliner Litteratur und -Theater-Zeitung" (No. 1783):-- - -It has pleased some hitherto unknown person in Vienna to take in hand my -opera, "Belmont und Constanze," or "Die Entführung aus dem Serail," -and to publish the piece in a very altered form. The alterations in the -dialogue are not considerable, and may be passed over; but the adapter -has inserted a vast number of songs, the words of which are in many -cases edifying and touching in the highest possible degree. I would not -willingly deprive the improver of the glory belonging to his work, and -I therefore take this opportunity of specifying these inserted songs as -belonging to the Vienna edition and Mozart's composition. - -In conclusion, and after giving "a specimen of the improver's work -from the quartet," Bretzner exclaims: "And this is called improvement!" -Nevertheless the text was improved, and although far from first-rate, it -had been rendered a fairly satisfactory and practicable libretto, which -has not yet been very far surpassed in the literature of German comic -opera. The plot is certainly not thrilling, but it - - -{THE "ENTFÜHRUNG," A GERMAN OPERA.} - -(231) - -allows the natural development of a succession of musical situations. It -was, as we have seen, Mozart's merit to recognise these in his musical -representation, to make them available in such a way as to distinguish -the "Entführung" from all earlier vaudevilles and operettas. - -Mozart's performance was not confined to the adoption of certain -ready-developed forms of Italian opera, pressed into the service of the -German opera, partly from necessity, partly from the narrow principle -that the songs were to be sung by personages of supposed high -position.[43] This would have been no sufficient reason for substituting -the aria for the Lied; it was done to give full scope to musical -construction, and to make the standard and measure of the execution to -consist only in the artistic conditions of the dramatic situations, and -in the nature of the musical expression.[44] - -At home as he was in Italian, French and German opera, in sacred and -instrumental music, he had obtained such a mastery over musical forms -as gave him a freedom of action which his favourable circumstances in -Vienna allowed him to make use of, and the fact that he was composing a -German opera gave him a sense of a still higher freedom. He was German -in every thought and feeling, and German music was his natural way of -expressing himself as an artist, requiring no unusual form, no special -characterisation, nothing but freedom of thought and action. In -the "Entführung," German sentiment, emotion, and disposition found -expression for the first time at the hands of a true artist. It is easy -to understand how the fulness of life and truth in such a work would -throw into the shade all who believed solely in those forms which were -borrowed from foreign - - -{DIE EXTFÜHRUXG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(232) - -sources, and only superficially remodelled.[45] This truly German and -truly Mozart-like style is nowhere more decidedly exemplified than in -the part of Belmont. It is only necessary to note the contrast between -the male sopranos of the opera seria, or the comic lovers of the opera -buffa, and this Belmont, who expresses manly love in all its force and -intensity. It is plain that his love is not the wild and transitory -gleam of passion, but an emotion having its roots deep in the heart, -sanctified by sorrow, and held with the constancy of a true moral -nature. Manliness is the ground-tone of all his agitated sentiments; the -steady glow of a well-balanced mind penetrates every" expression of his -feelings. It is an easier task to portray the wild excitement of passion -than to depict a mind and character in its totality by means of each -separate expression;[46] and the conception of love, the essential -motive power of musical drama, from this point of view, marks an era in -musical representation, important alike for its national character and -its artistic construction. It was not by mere chance that Mozart -made the tenor voice, which had been virtually deprived of its proper -province in Italian opera, into the organ of manly love and tenderness. -Belmont has become a type in German opera. Adamberger, judging from -contemporary testimony was the most fitting representative of such a -character.[47] Various songs composed for him by Mozart characterise him -as a singer of noble and expressive delivery.[48] - - -{BELMONT.} - -(233) - -Belmont's character and tone of mind are drawn in firm lines in his -first cavatina (1). His state of anxious suspense is implied rather than -fully indicated by his expression of secret devotion. But this little -song, which none but a master-hand could have thrown off so lightly and -so surely, is of most significance, by reason of its connection with the -overture. Mozart makes no remark to his father on the overture except -that it was short, and that "it alternates between forte and piano, the -Turkish music being always forte, modulated by changes of key, and I do -not think any one can go to sleep over it, even if they have lain awake -all the night before" (September 26, 1781). As usual, when he speaks of -his compositions, he only indicates the means employed and the external -effect, and does not attempt any verbal description of the music itself. -It is certainly true that a lively and incessant suspense is kept up by -the constant modulatory changes, especially from major to minor, and -by sharp contrasts of _forte_ and _piano_. But this is not all; the -character of the overture is so singularly fanciful that a few bars -suffice to place the hearer in an imaginative mood. The most varied -emotions of joy and sorrow are lightly touched, but never held, the tone -of the whole is so fresh and cheerful that the listener involuntarily -yields to the spell; and the impressions of the new world in which he -finds himself are heightened by the highly original tone-colouring. Then -comes a slower movement, expressing longing desires in the tenderest, -most appealing tones. It has scarcely died away before we are again -whirled along our fantastic course, which ends in an appealing cry, -followed without a pause by Belmont's cavatina, "Hier soli ich dich denn -sehen, Constanze!" We recognise at - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(234) - -once the middle movement of the overture, but changed from the minor to -the major key. This change, and the difference of shading between -the arrangement for the voice and that for the orchestra, give to the -charming little movement two distinct expressions, just as the same -landscape has two different aspects seen at noon or in the moonlight. -The overture renders us free to receive the effect of the work of art -as such, prepared by what forms the starting-point of the work; and the -first song sets the crown on the overture, while it transports us at -once into the frame of mind which predominates throughout the opera. -Still more important in its climax and composition is Belmont's second -song (4). The situation is more definitely developed; Belmont knows now -that Constanze is there, that he will soon see her, and this certainty -condenses all the emotions roused by the memory of a sorrowful past, and -the prospect of a perilous future, into the one feeling of their speedy -reunion. Mozart was so taken with this song that he wrote it down as -soon as he received the libretto. "This is the favourite song of all who -have heard it--myself included," he wrote to his father (September -26, 1781), "and is exactly calculated for Adamberger's voice. 'Fo wie -ängstlich, o wie feurigl' You can imagine how it is expressed, with -the very beating of the heart--the violins in octaves. One can see the -trembling, the hesitation, the very swelling of the breast is expressed -by a crescendo, one can hear the sighs, the whispers, rendered by the -violins muted, with one flute in unison." - -It would be doing Mozart an injustice to consider this sound-painting -as his first object; it is in reality but a subordinate, although a very -effective and useful element of the whole musical conception. Belmont's -two other songs--one in the second act, before the meeting with -Constanze (15),[49] and the other at the beginning of the third act, -before the - - -{CONSTANZE.} - -(235) - -abduction (17)[50]--are much quieter in tone, and are characterised -by manly composure combined with warm sensibility. These qualities are -visible also in the musical construction of the broad and expressive -cantilene, which allows free scope for the display of a full tenor -voice in its best position. The structure of the melodies diverges in -a remarkable degree from that which predominates in Mozart's Italian -operas, and approaches nearer to that employed in his instrumental -music. And yet the national character of the melodies is not so -pronounced in the "Entführung" as in the "Zauber-flöte," nor are the -songs in their whole design so completely absolved from Italian forms. - -The part of Constanze, so far as musical characterisation is concerned, -is not nearly so well thought out as that of Belmont. "I have been -obliged," writes Mozart to his father (September 26, 1781), "to -sacrifice Constanze's song (6) in some degree to the voluble organ of -Mdlle. Cavalieri. But I have sought to express 'Trennung war mein banges -Loos und nun schwimmt mein Aug' in Thranen' as far as is compatible with -an Italian bravura song."[51] We shall readily allow that he has been so -far successful; and that, apart from the inserted bravura passages, the -song is not only fine from a musical point of view, but appropriate -to the situation. But in the great bravura song of the second act -everything has been sacrificed to Mdlle. Cavalieri's voluble organ, and, -as Gluck would have said, it _smells of music_,[52] It is, as we have -seen, inserted without reference to the plot, and this may have led -to the further consequence of treating it altogether as an extraneous -piece. As regards length and difficulty, it is one of the greatest of -bravura songs, and is accompanied by four obbligato instruments--flute, -oboe, violin, and - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(236) - -violoncello.[53] Considered as a concert piece it is of importance by -reason of the plan, artistic in design and execution, which permits -the treatment of the five obbligato parts as integral divisions of -the whole, while making due provision for sound effects and musical -interest. The song is still often sung, although the glitter surrounding -mere execution has passed away. But it does not belong to the -"Entführung." Together with the brilliant execution there is a certain -heroic tone in the song which is quite out of keeping with the opera and -with the character of Constanze in it. The true Con-stanze, as Mozart -imagined her, is found in the second air (10), which expresses with much -truth and intensity the ardent longing of the maiden sorrowing for -her lover. Firmness and assurance are manly attributes, but a dreamy -resigned absorption in the contemplation of vanished happiness is proper -to a woman, and to this maidenly sentiment Mozart has given beautiful -expression. This feminine tone gives the song a certain resemblance to -that of Ilia in "Idomeneo" (Vol. II., p. 151); but the latter is, as the -situation requires, drawn in darker lines, and takes more hold on the -mind. Here as elsewhere the same point is noticeable, viz., that when -Mozart works outward from the heart of an individual situation, the -separate elements of the musical construction are more striking, and the -form is freer and more lifelike than it would otherwise be.[54] - -The instrumentation also is peculiarly effective, especially by the -employment of the wind instruments, which shed a gentle glow over the -whole. Mozart, against his custom, - - -{OSMIN.} - -(237) - -makes use of the basset-horn instead of the clarinet in this song. -In the part of Belmont, too, the instrumentation is modified to -some extent. The second song (4) is very delicate and tender in its -instrumentation, the wind instruments being treated as solos, although -not concertante; in the others there is a very pithy forcible tone, -which in the last (16) becomes almost brilliant. - -The duet (20), owing to the singularity of the situation, differs -materially in character from an ordinary love duet. Within sight of -death each of the lovers has the painful consciousness of having led the -other to destruction; and their mutual endeavour to console one another -with the certainty of their love, which death may consummate but cannot -destroy, raises them to the height of enthusiastic inspiration. This -sentiment is excellently well expressed in the first calm movement with -fervour and clearness, and a perceptible blending of painful emotion and -loving consolation; the second movement does not quite reach the same -high level. Not only do some of the passages, and the very tedious -conclusion, make concessions to passing effect, but the expression does -not rise to the ecstatic strain which is implied in the situation.[55] - -The noble forms of the two lovers stand in the sharpest contrast to that -of Osmin, which is altogether Mozart's creation, and certainly one of -the most original characters of dramatic music. The very way in which -he is introduced is masterly. After Belmont has sung his cavatina, which -breathes the noblest love and constancy, Osmin comes out of the house to -gather figs; he sings a song for his pastime; it is a love song, but one -suggested by painful jealousy. The minor key of Osmin's song gives it a -wild, desolate expression, in strong contrast to the cheerful candour of -the cavatina; many popular songs have this expression, and Osmin's song -is successfully imitated from the popular style. The phrasing is clumsy -in spite of the marked rhythm, but the effect is quite startling when -Osmin in a complacent hum - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(238) - -repeats the last words an octave lower, and then at once breaks out -into a wild "Trallalera!" The uncouth fellow lolls and stretches so -completely at his ease that there cannot be a moment's doubt of how -unamiable he will prove to be if any one should venture to cross -his path.[56] This is soon put to the proof. He refuses with assumed -indifference to answer Belmont's repeated inquiries, and on the latter -interrupting him (involuntarily, as it were, with the melody of his own -song, which has so irritated Belmont), the unabashed rudeness of Osmin -breaks out in speech. It is as interesting as instructive to note how in -this duet the simplest and easiest means of musical representation -are used to produce a continuous climax and the most lively -characterisation. While it is still in full train Pedrillo enters, and -Osmin turns upon him with a fresh outbreak of rage in the song which -Mozart had spoken of to his father (3). Again changing his tactics, he -endeavours to repress his opponent with all the weight of his dignity -and cleverness. Gravity and importance, expressed by the rhythm, -the pompous intervals, the syncopated accompaniment, alternate -with impatience and haste, when the singer becomes irritated. Very -characteristic is the demeanour of Osmin as he complacently nurses the -thought: "I have my wits about me!" ("Ich hab' auch Ver-stand!"). He -works himself gradually up into a rage, and the threats which he pours -forth in a breath fall like blows on the head of the hapless Pedrillo. -The effect is produced by the accentuation given to the rapid flow of -words; the first fourth of every bar is forcibly given by the orchestra, -and the second is taken up by the voice in fifths, and then in octaves. -At last he comes to a triumphant close, and one thinks it is all over. -But he has only stopped to take breath, and at once resuming his furious -course, he ends by completely overpowering his opponent. Mozart writes -to his father on the conclusion of this song (September 26, 1781): "The -'Drum beim Barte des Propheten' is in the same time, but the notes are -more rapid, and as his anger grows one imagines the climax must be close -at hand; the allegro assai - - -{OSMIN--TURKISH MUSIC.} - -(239) - -follows in quite a different time and key, and has an excellent effect. -A man in such violent rage oversteps all bounds of moderation, and -loses all command over himself, and so must the music. But since," he -continues, expressing in simple words that wherein lies the charm of all -true art, "since the passions, violent or not, must never be carried to -the point of producing disgust, and the music, however thrilling, must -never fail to satisfy the ear, consequently must always remain music, I -have not chosen a distant key to follow the F (the key of the song) but -an allied one; not the nearest key of all, D minor, but the farther -one of A minor." In point of fact, the effect of the minor key is -extraordinary, both here and in other places where it is only cursorily -touched. It adds to the frenzied wildness of the character in which lust -and cruelty are blended, and it is emphasised by the strongly marked -though monotonous rhythm. And how wonderfully all these characteristics -are enhanced by the instrumentation! - -"Osmin's rage," writes Mozart, "acquires a comic element by the -introduction of the Turkish music." The effect is enhanced by the -simplicity which has hitherto characterised the instrumentation. The -oboes (with bassoons and horns) predominate until, in the last verse: -"Sonderlich beim Monden-scheine," a flute insinuates itself with very -good effect. There are many characteristic touches in spite of the -scanty means at disposal, as for instance, the mocking entry of the oboe -at the words, "Ich hab' auch Verstand." - -The Turkish music serves for far more than local colour and -characterisation. The expression of fanaticism is coloured as well as -heightened by the shrill sound of the piccolo flute, the blows of the -drum and cymbals, and the tingle of the triangles.[57] The bewilderment -produced by these - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(240) - -instruments, the breathless rapidity of the movement, and the monotony -of the rhythm make one feel that giddiness must ensue if it goes on -much longer. But Mozart never makes us giddy, he makes use of the most -forcible means for characterisation, but never to the point of becoming -painful, and all with so much cheerfulness and humour that the total -effect is decidedly pleasing. - -We make acquaintance with Osmin's boorish character in many different -situations; he is true to himself in them all. The second great song -(19) contrasts in some measure with the first. He is triumphant, he -has his enemies in his power, and he is beside himself with joy; but he -retains the same savage nature, and in the midst of all his rejoicing -the main point for him is that he can now loll and stretch himself -comfortably, which he proceeds to do to his heart's content on the -long-sustained A and D, to which he easily carries his scale. Especially -characteristic is the middle movement of this song. One seems to see a -wild beast, now yawning and stretching, now crouching for a spring; -grim cruelty and lustful indolence are wonderfully characterised by the -alternation of octaves and dissonant suspensions in the accompaniment, -as well as by the triplet passages which are given by the orchestra in -unison, as if there could be no harmony here; the expression of joy is -mingled with unspeakable brutality, and comes to a climax in the shrill -note of exultation at the close.[58] But Osmin shows himself a true -poltroon in the duet with Blondchen (9)--her snappish impudence -completely gets the better of him, and although he endeavours to overawe -her with the deepest notes of his deep bass voice, her persiflage drives -her unwieldy antagonist quite out of the field. The lament which he -thereupon sings: "Ihr Englander, seid ihrnicht Thoren, ihr lasst euren -Weibem den Willen!" ("You Englishmen, what fools you are, to leave your -wives their freedom!") is in contrast to his love song, and completes -the conception of it. Here there is nothing of - - -{OSMIN.} - -(241) - -the barbarous nature which showed itself in lust and jealousy, but only -the pitiful whining of a slavish soul which trembles before a resolute -woman's will. The characterisation of the last movement--when Osmin -gives up all appearance of superiority and yields upon every point--is -charming, and produced by the simplest musical means. He displays -another side of his character in the duet (14) in which Pedrillo induces -him to drink.[59] His senses are soon overcome, and he endeavours -to outvie Pedrillo. It is of advantage to the situation that the -personality of the singers required that even here Osmin must be -considered the chief person; one only needs to hear the arrogance with -which he delivers the principal subject in order to feel sure on whom -the wine will take strongest effect,[60] and even when the rapidly -concluded entente cordiale is expressed in unison, Osmin's low-pitched -octaves keep the upper hand. But here, too, Mozart keeps within bounds, -and never goes beyond a joke; Osmin's drunken sleep is excluded from his -representation. Osmin's character is least strongly characterised in the -terzet (7), of which Mozart writes to his father as follows (September -26, 1781):-- - -Now for the terzet which concludes the first act. Pedrillo has -represented his master as an architect, which affords him an opportunity -of meeting his Constanze in the garden. The Pasha has taken him into -his service; and Osmin, as overseer, and knowing nothing of this, is -insolent to him as a stranger, being himself an unmannerly churl and -the arch-enemy of all strangers, and refuses to allow him to enter the -garden. The first movement is short, and as the words allowed of it I - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(242) - -have kept the three voices fairly well together; but then begins the -major _pianissimo_, which must go very fast, and the conclusion will -draw many tears, which is just what the conclusion of a first act should -do; the more tears the better--but the shorter the better, so that the -audience may not forget the applause. - -We see from this that Mozart thought more in this instance of a vivid -expression of the situation than of minute characterisation, and all -the three characters are alike in their urging and scolding. The -advisability, therefore, of keeping the three voices "fairly well" -together, their imitative arrangement keeping up the impression of -great excitement, is indicated by the situation, although, owing to -the necessity for stricter attention to form, the individual -characterisation is thereby limited. - -Osmin's last appearance in the finale is very amusing. While all the -other characters are expressing their gratitude, in the favourite form -of a round, Osmin tries in vain to keep in the same track; but the -round sticks in his throat, and his angry spite will have vent; the -hunting-song of the first act with the obbligato janizaries' music -rushes once more past our ears. Although some elements borrowed from the -conventional forms of the Italian bass buffo are discernible in the part -of Osmin, yet Mozart has made use of them in such an entirely original -manner that they are closely interwoven in his own creation. It is, -however, the consistency of the individual characterisation which -distinguishes the part of Osmin and raises it far above the ordinary -buffo parts, causing it to afford a striking instance of Mozart's -eminent talent for dramatic construction. - -The part requires a performer such as Fischer, of whom Reichardt -writes: "He is an excellent bass singer; his voice has the depth of a -violoncello, and the height of an ordinary tenor; its compass is--[See -Page Image] - -so that his deep notes are never harsh, nor his high ones shrill; his -voice flows with ease and certainty, and is full of charm. In praise of -his style I need only say that he is a - - -{FISCHER.} - -(243) - -worthy pupil of the great tenor Raaff, who was, and still is considered, -the best tenor in all Europe. Fischer has a more flexible organ than -perhaps any other bass singer, and his acting is as good in serious -drama as in comic." - -Such materials as this are calculated to bring forth good effects. Among -them may be noted the original sense of climax which Mozart produces -by repeating a passage an octave lower; this is done in the Lied and -in both of Osmin's airs at the words "Ich hab' auch Verstand" (3), and -"Denn nun hab ich vor euch Ruh!" (19). The same effect occurs in the -beautiful song "Non sö d'onde viene," composed also for Fischer; an -expressive and sustained passage is repeated an octave lower, and the -effect is very beautiful. - -In order to give an adequate idea of Fischer's powers, the two serious -songs composed for him by Mozart must be considered along with this -decidedly comic part. The above-mentioned, "Non sò d'onde viene" (512 -K.), broad in conception and style, displays the whole compass and -wealth of Fischer's organ in the most favourable light. The other, -"Aspri rimorsi atroce" (432 K.), composed in 1783, is remarkable for -the expression of a gloomy, agitated mood, not illumined by any ray of -light. - -An expressive recitative is followed by a single movement (allegro, F -minor) in incessant agitation, the almost uninterrupted triplets of the -stringed instruments giving it the character of trembling unrest. The -voice part is very striking by reason of its decided rhythm and frequent -dissonant intervals; but it is mostly declamatory, and there is no -appearance of a cantilene proper; the wind instruments give effect -to the strong accents. The whole song pursues its rapid course like -a gloomy nocturne, and dies away at last in a dull moan. This song is -distinguished among all that Mozart has written by its uninterrupted -expression of gloomy passion, and it would be almost inconceivable that -he intended it for concert singing, did we not know that Fischer was to -sing it: he was unsurpassed in every species of delivery. - -The parts of Blondchen and Pedrillo are not by any - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(244) - -means so important in their characterisation as those of the principal -personages, neither have they much influence on the development of -the plot. Blondchen, besides her share in the duet with Osmin, has two -songs, of which the first (8) is in no way remarkable, written evidently -for a seconda donna. The only point to be noted is a passage going up -to--[See Page Image] - -which gives proof of Mdlle. Teyber's vocal powers.[61] The second song -(12) is far fresher and more original, and expresses heartfelt joy in so -lively and charming a manner, without ever overstepping the province -of a good-humoured soubrette, that the hearer is involuntarily beguiled -into the same cheerful frame of mind. A German element is unmistakably -present (we are reminded of the "Zauberflote"), and we may note the -first appearance of those naïve girl-parts common to German opera.[62] - -Mozart has given to Pedrillo's song (15) somewhat of a military tone, -suggested perhaps by the opening words "Frisch zum Kampfe!" and although -his servile nature is indicated here and there in the accompaniment, the -effect of the whole is too forcible and brilliant for the character.[63] -On the other hand, the romanze (18) which he sings in the third act to -the guitar is a jewel of delicate characterisation. Not, however, with -any reference to Pedrillo himself, for he sings the song, not from -personal impulse, but as something he has heard and learnt; but the -strange effects of harmony and rhythm, the mixture of bold - - -{PEDRILLO--QUARTET.} - -(245) - -knightly impulse with timid dismay, is so fantastic, so unreal, that we -seem to be ourselves in Moorish lands, and are readily persuaded that we -are listening to genuine Moorish music. But we are listening, in fact, -to no music but Mozart's, whose own mind evolved the music which the -situation demanded, without any previous philological study of Moorish -national melodies. The two choruses of janizaries (so Mozart calls them -in the score[64] ) are not only characterised by the Turkish airs they -embody, but by original harmonies and rhythm which give them a foreign -and national character, without any special regard as to whether it is -actually Turkish or not.[65] - -We have already had occasion to remark how the ensemble movements -proceed naturally from the exigencies of the situation, and are -therefore essential to the musical characterisation of the work. This is -especially true of the quartet (16), which forms the conclusion of the -second act. Belmont and Constanze meet for the first time in the Pasha's -garden, where are also Blondchen and Pedrillo. The meeting of the -lovers is the more significant, since it is in anticipation of their -approaching flight. An unusually elevated tone of sentiment is therefore -common to them all; but the particular circumstances produce many -different shades of feeling, and each character has its own distinct -peculiarities. It is the task of the composer to combine this -multifariousness into an artistic whole. The scenic accessories come -very happily to his aid. The two pairs of lovers wander about the garden -in close converse, so that they are heard sometimes apart, sometimes one -after the other, sometimes together, according to the requirements of -the situation and of the musical grouping. The beginning is a simple -matter. Constanze and Belmont - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(246) - -express their feelings in a short duet-like movement, full of heart, such -as Mozart has made proper to lovers. When they turn aside Pedrillo and -Blondchen advance, deep in consultation on the flight, so that the music -assumes a lighter and more cheerful tone. But their thoughts are also -occupied with the approaching happy turn in their fortunes, and when -Belmont and Constance draw near, they all spontaneously join in the -expression of joyful emotion. Small touches betray the master. The -consultation between Pedrillo and Blondchen is in A major, and closes -with an easy phrase on the words: "Wär der Augenblick schon da!" ("O, -that the moment had come!"), very expressive of the girl's character. -The orchestra at once takes up this phrase with great emphasis, produced -both by the sudden change to the key of D major and by the forcible -unison of the instruments, as if they were exclaiming, "It has come!" -and then leads back simply and expressively to the leading motif, which -now for the first time asserts its full significance:--[See Page Image] - -But now the tone grows troubled. Belmont cannot repress a feeling of -jealousy, and, embarrassed and confused, he seeks to express his doubts -to Constanze, who does not understand him. Pedrillo follows in the -same direction to Blondchen, who is far more ready in apprehending his -meaning. The oboe gives charming expression to the feelings which -the jealous lovers scarcely dare to clothe in words. Then Belmont and -Constanze came forward again. The two men speak together, each after -his manner--Belmont noble and open, Pedrillo with chattering haste. -Constanze bursts into tears, Blondchen answers Pedrillo with a box on -the ears; the women lament together, and the men are aware that they -have gone too far. After the lively expression of these contrasting -emotions in rapid alternation, - - -{QUARTET.} - -(247) - -the lovers emerge from the confusion, explain themselves as to their -true feelings, and so prepare for the reconciliation. The short ensemble -movement in which Mozart consummates this dénouement (andante 6-8) is -one of those passages of which a friend used to say that "der liebe -Gott" himself could not have done it better; the purest beauty and -a truly holy expression of satisfaction penetrates the simple and -unpretending phrase. The magic of such conceptions cannot be rendered in -words, nor can it be satisfactorily indicated by what actual means the -effect is attained, and yet it is always of interest to see the master -in his workshop. - -It is easy to see in this case that the key selected (A major) combines -with the rhythm and the harmonic treatment to produce the wished-for -effect. It gives the voices a pitch allowing of the clearest and most -melodious tones, heightened in their effect by the deeper pitch of the -accompanying stringed instruments, and it also, although in fact the -nearest key to the principal one, produces an impression of surprise as -great as though it were a more distant one. This is due to what precedes -the adoption of the A major key. The first movement in D major is -followed by one in G minor, which leads to E flat major, B minor, F -major; D minor is just touched, but only to pass again through C minor -and B flat major into G minor, with a rapid transition into E major. -After this restless change of key, the passage into A major has -a wonderfully tranquillising effect, and the adherence to the -key throughout the movement gives it a peculiar charm. But the -reconciliation has not yet taken place; the lovers sue for pardon, -but the two women allow them first to feel their injustice, and here -Blondchen assumes the lead by virtue of her fluent tongue, while the men -supplicate more and more earnestly, until at last peace is concluded. -This movement is a model of dramatic characterisation. An excellent -effect is produced by Blondchen's singing throughout in triplets (12-8 -against 4-4), in contrast to the calm flowing melodies for the other -voices. The movement only acquires its full significance by contrast -with what has preceded it. - - -{DIE ENTFÜHRUNG AUS DEM SERAIL.} - -(248) - -When pardon has been granted, every trace of past sorrow is obliterated -by the feeling of complete satisfaction. After so much mental strain a -complete relaxation is necessary from a musical point of view. The last -movement is therefore very simple, although appropriately brilliant and -fiery. It seldom departs from the principal key, and is frequently in -canon form; very light passages for the voices, rapid instrumentation, -and an unusually effective _crescendo_ at the close, give it an -impulsive and quickening effect. This was the first really dramatic -ensemble movement in a German opera, and in it we find concentrated all -Mozart's services to the German opera--a full and free employment of all -the means afforded by song and orchestra to give musical expression to -emotion, without subservience to any more binding forms than those laws -which are founded on the nature of music. - -The masterly treatment of the orchestra in the "Entführung has been -repeatedly pointed out, and there is no need to repeat that Mozart -turned to account all the advantages offered to him by the Vienna -orchestra. In comparison with "Idomeneo" the instrumentation is not -exactly scantier, but it is clearer and simpler; the tendency to employ -the different instruments independently, to bring forward subordinate -subjects, &c., is held in check, and the details are more lightly -treated on account of stage effects. "I think I may venture to -lay down," says Weber, "that in the 'Entführung' Mozart's _artist -experience_ came to maturity, and that his _experience of the world_ -alone was to lead him to further efforts. The world might look for -several operas from him like 'Figaro' and 'Don Juan,' but with the best -will possible he could only write one 'Entführung.' I seem to perceive -in it what the happy years of youth are to every man; their bloom never -returns, and the extirpation of their defects carries with it some -charms which can never be recovered."[66] - - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXV. - -[Footnote 1: Gottsched, Nothiger Vorrath, p. 314.] - -[Footnote 2: Schletterer, Das Deutsche Singspiel, p. 110.] - -[Footnote 3: Chronologie des Deutschen Theaters, p. 109. Plümicke, Entwurf e. -Theatergesch. von Berlin, p. 193.] - -[Footnote 4: Furstenau, Zur Gesch. der Musik zu Dresden, II., p. 246.] - -[Footnote 5: Chronol., p. 159; Cäcilia, VIII., p. 277.] - -[Footnote 6: Weisse, Selbstbiogr., pp. 25, 41; Blümner, Gesch. d. Theat. in -Leipzig, p. 98.] - -[Footnote 7: Blümner, ibid. Danzel, Gottsched, p. 172.] - -[Footnote 8: Chronol., p. 202] - -[Footnote 9: Chronol., p. 247.] - -[Footnote 10: Blumner, Gesch. d. Theat. in Leipzig, p. 159. Hiller, Wochentl. -Nachr., I., p. 219; II., pp. 135, 150. N. Bibl. d. Schön. Wiss., 1767, -IV., p. 178. [Reichardt] Briefe e. Aufm. Reia., II., p. 23. Meyer, L. -Schroder, I., p. 131. Goethe, Werke, XVII., p. 295.] - -[Footnote 11: Hiller, Wöch. Nachr., I., p. 253; III., p. 59.] - -[Footnote 12: Weisse, Selbstbiogr., p. 102.] - -[Footnote 13: Hiller, Lebensbeschr. beruhmter Musikgelehrten, p. 311.] - -[Footnote 14: Cf. Deutsch. Museum, 1779, II., p.268. Plümicke, Entwurf e. -Theatergesch. von Berlin, p. 205. The contrary is reported of Cassel as -a rare exception (Berl. Litt. u. Theat.-Ztg., 1783, II., p. 409).] - -[Footnote 15: L. Schneider, Gesch. d. Oper in Berlin, p. 209.] - -[Footnote 16: The constitution of the operatic repertory of the time is shown -in the review of the operettas performed in Berlin from 1771-1787 by -Schneider (Ibid., p. 206.).] - -[Footnote 17: Reichardt, Ueb. d. Com. Oper., p. 20.] - -[Footnote 18: "Operettas are the favourite pieces in Berlin, and cost a great -deal of money," wrote Ramier to Knebel, in 1772 (Litt Nachl., II., p. -36). He paid the actors of the first parts one louis-d'or, of the second -one ducat, and the rest two gulden for a first performance (Plümicke, -Entwurf e. Theatergesch. von Berlin, p. 274).] - -[Footnote 19: Briefe e. Aufmerks. Reisenden, I., p. 147.] - -[Footnote 20: Briefe e. Aufmerks. Reisenden, II., p. 94. Burney, Reise, III., p. -46.] - -[Footnote 21: "Comic operas push out all tragedies and legitimate drama," -complained Ramier in 1771 (Knebel, Litt. Nachl., II., p. 33). Boie -writes to Knebel to the same effect in 1771 (Litt. Nachl., II., p. 108): -"I do not like operettas. The taste which our public is developing for -them threatens to extinguish all hope of the revival of true comedy." So -also Schubart, Teutsche Chronik, 1774, pp. 349. 478; Knigge, Ephemer. d. -Litt. u. d. Theat., 1785, II., p. 98.] - -[Footnote 22: A. M. Z., III., p. 327.] - -[Footnote 23: Lessing's Werke, XI., p. 152.] - -[Footnote 24: Weissc, Selbstbiogr., p. 103. Engel says the same in the preface to -the "Apotheke," p. viII. Cf. Schmid, Das Parterr, p. 155.] - -[Footnote 25: Briefe eines Aufmerks. Reisenden, I., p. 141. Ueb. d. Com. Opera, -p. 6. Cf. Mus. Kunstmag., I., p. 161. Geist des Mus. Kunstmag,, p. 94.] - -[Footnote 26: Riemer, Mitth., II., p. 111.] - -[Footnote 27: Riemer, Mitth., II., p. 194.] - -[Footnote 28: Goethe, Br. an Frau von Stein, III., pp. 181,191. Knebel, Litt. -Nachl., I., P 149.] - -[Footnote 29: Riemer, Mitth., II., p. 192. Briefw. m. Zelter, II., p. 121.] - -[Footnote 30: Goethe, Werke, XXI., p. 6. Cf. Br. an Frau von Stein, III., p. 235.] - -[Footnote 31: Cf. Goethe, Briefw. mit Zelter, II., p. 121. Riemer, Mittheil., -II., p. 292.] - -[Footnote 32: "Belmont und Constanze, oder die Entfuhrung aus dem Serail." Eine -Operette. in drei Akten von C. F. Bretzner (Leipzig, 1781). A French -adaptation, "L'Enlèvement" was made by Ch. Destrais, Strasburg, 1857.] - -[Footnote 33: Jul. André has lately published this interesting relic: duet, -"Welch ängst-liches Beben," zur Oper "Die Entfuhrung aus dem Serail " -von Mozart. Offenbach: André (389 K.).] - -[Footnote 34: Cramer, Magazin der Musik, II., p. 1057.] - -[Footnote 35: In Constanze's aria the words run:-- Mozart had previously written -to his father (September 26, 1781): "! have altered Hui into schnell, -thus: 'Doch wie schnell schwand meine Freude.' I do not know what our -German poets are thinking of. Even if they do not trouble themselves to -understand what is best fitted for dramatic or operatic treatment, they -need not make human beings converse like pigs."] - -[Footnote 36: Reichardt finds special fault with the rhyming in his Briefe über -die musikalische Poesie, p. 115 (an appendix to his pamphlet on the -German Comic Opera, Leipzig, 1774).] - - "Doch im Hui schwand meine - Freude Trennung war mein banges; - Und nun schwimmt mein Aug' in - Thränen Kummer ruht in meinem Schooss."] - -[Footnote 37: It must be kept in mind that German operatic poets confined -themselves to imitating Italian opera libretti, which were all cast in -the same mould. Krause's pamphlet, highly esteemed by contemporaries, -Von der musikalischen Poesie (Berlin, 1752) takes this for granted; -Hiller (Ueber Metastasio, 1786, p.6) refers the German librettists to -Metastatio; even Goethe, although in another way, endeavoured to form -German vaudeville after an Italian type. Views of the subject, similar -to those of Mozart and Reichardt, are carried out in detail in Cramer's -Magazin der Musik, II., p. 1061.] - -[Footnote 38: Gluck's intentions were unquestionably the same. He warred against -the mechanical formalism of musicians, and strove to free the composer -from the fetters of form and make him a poet. But he was in some danger -of going too far, and making the musician merely the interpreter of the -poet.] - -[Footnote 39: Cf. Hanslick, Vom Musikalisch-Schönen, p. 27.] - -[Footnote 40: The same difficulty has led composers of the present day to write -their own libretti. But it is not in nature that the highest aims can -thus be attained. Burney quotes Metastatio's utterances on this point -(Reise, II., p. 222). Cf. O. Jahn, Ges. Aufs. üb. Musik, p. 70.] - -[Footnote 41: Cf. Hanslik Vom Musikalisch-Schönen, p. 78.] - -[Footnote 42: Lessing has some excellent observations on the relations of music -to poetry in the continuation of his Laokoon (Werke, XI., p. 153).] - -[Footnote 43: Hiller, Wochentl. Nachr., I., p. 256. Lebensbeschreibungen, I., p. -312. Reichardt, Ueb. d. Com. Oper, p. 8.] - -[Footnote 44: He was perfectly aware that comic opera must follow its own laws. -"You cannot imagine,'' he wrote to his father (June 16,1781), "that I -should write an opéra comique in the same style as an opera seria. Just -as in an opera seria there must be a display of much learning and good -sense, and very little playfulness, so in an opera buffa there must be -very little display of learning and a great deal of playful merriment. -It cannot be helped if people will have comic music in an opera seria; -but there is a great difference. I believe that buffoonery is not quite -rooted out of music yet; and in this case the French are right."] - -[Footnote 45: The autograph score of the "Entfùhrung" (384 K.), in three volumes -(453 pages), was presented by Mozart to his sister-in-law, Madame Hofer, -one evening when she had especially gratified him by her singing; it is -now in the possession of Paul Mendelssohn-Bartholdv. of Berlin. Some of -the odd sheets are in Andre's collection. Wolfgang writes to his father -July 20, 1782: "You will find many erasures, because I knew that the -score would be copied at once; so I let my ideas have free play, and -made my alterations and abbreviations before sending it to the copyist."] - -[Footnote 46: The ancients indicated this distinction by the terms _pathos_ and -_ethos_.] - -[Footnote 47: Meyer II. Schroder. I., p. 368 speaks of his nasal tones in the -high notes.] - -[Footnote 48: These are the beautiful air, "Per pietä non ricercate" 420 K.. -part Si; the air written in 1785 for the oratorio "Davide Penitente " -(469 K.. 61. "A te fra tanti attanni" and a grand air belonging to -1783 (431 K. part 3.) which is one of the most beautiful. It supposes -a faithful lover awaking to find himself in prison, and expressing his -surprise and anger in an agitated recitative, "Misero! O sogno!" In the -andante, "Aura che intomo spin," his thoughts turn to his beloved one, -for whom he is suffering; a simple and dignified cantilene, full of -warm, deep feeling. The allegro, expressive of his horror at his -position, is full of wild excitement and anguish. The whole song is -simple and full of manly dignity without bravura, which seems to have -been Adam-berger's peculiar style. The musical treatment is rich in -interesting detail; the wind instruments--flutes, bassoons, and -horns--are employed to give individual colouring.] - -[Footnote 49: This air was considerably abbreviated by Mozart. In the adagio -there was originally a distinct middle movement following the second -occurrence of the subject; it passed into the key of E flat major, and -at the seventeenth bar closed in D minor, whereupon the first subject -recurred. The allegro was also shortened.] - -[Footnote 50: This air also was considerably altered by Mozart.] - -[Footnote 51: The same may almost be said of the air "Tra le oscure ombre -funeste," which Mozart composed in 1785 for Mdlle. Cavalieri in the -oratorio, "Davide Penitente" (469 K., 8). The first movement is -expressive of earnest feeling; the second has more of bravura.] - -[Footnote 52: Salieri narrates that Gluck was dissatisfied with one part of his -"Danaides" without knowing the reason why; after many repetitions he -exclaimed at last, "I have it! the passage _smells of music!_" (Mosel, -Salieri, p. 79).] - -[Footnote 53: The bravura part was originally extended into eleven bars (from bar -5, p. 153)f with the voices and instruments contending; the close was -also longer, fifteen bars being inserted at p. 175, bar 7. Rochlitz -asserts (A. M. Z., I., p. 145) that in later years Mozart undertook a -searching revision of the "Entfuhrung," making numerous alterations, -especially abbreviations. "I heard him play one of Constanze s principal -airs, after twofold revision, and deplored some of the omitted passages. -'They may do for the piano,' said he, 'but not on the stage.' When I -wrote that I was too fond of hearing myself, and did not know when to -leave off." This is the only instance known of such hypercriticism on -Mozart's part.] - -[Footnote 54: It has already been remarked that Mozart made use of a motif from -"Zaide" for this air (Vol. II., p. 121).] - -[Footnote 55: Tieck, Dramaturg. Blatter, II., p. 315: "The duet is one which -may draw tears from the eyes of the most insensible." Even Berlioz (X -Travers Chants, p. 243) thought highly of it.] - -[Footnote 56: Cf. Lobe, A. M. Z., XLVIII., p. 537.] - -[Footnote 57: A singular effect is given by the sustained notes of the oboes and -bassoons with the appoggiatura:--[See Page Image] -Mozart has made a similar use of them in the Wedding March in "Figaro," -where he was equally desirous of imparting peculiarity of colouring.] - -[Footnote 58: Mozart has used only the piccolo flute here, as specially adapted -for the tattoo-like principal subject, and its wild, shrill conclusion. -The clarinets are very originally treated, particularly in those places -where they are apart from the other wind instruments and support the -voice with sustained notes.] - -[Footnote 59: Mozart's expression, in his letter to his father (September 26, -1781), "The drinking duet, which consists entirely of my Turkish tattoo -(Zapfenstreich)," leads to the conclusion that he has here made use -of an earlier composition, with which I am not acquainted. The Turkish -music, in conjunction with trumpets (no drums), is admirably suggestive -of Osmin's excited, half-tipsy state.] - -[Footnote 60: This motif was evidently composed just as Osmin sings it. Fischer's -flexible and melodious voice made it doubly effective in contrast to the -less voluble tenor, so characteristic of the insignificant Pedrillo. At -the outset, an admirable effect is produced by the violins, strengthened -by piccolo and ordinary flutes, which gently accentuate the melody -detached from its simple but agitated accompaniment. There is something -peculiarly seductive in this melodious rippling sound, of which there is -another instance in the Moor's song in the "Zauberflöte."] - -[Footnote 61: In its first design this air was considerably longer; the second -part began at p. mt bar 9, instead of p. 109, bar 19; it was in D major, -instead of A major, and led back into the first subject, bringing the -whole to a conclusion after twenty-nine interpolated bars.] - -[Footnote 62: The instrumentation of this air in full, and the orchestral parts -carefully worked out; the accompaniment at the words "ohne Aufschub -will ich eilen" is unusually charming and animated. It also has been -shortened by Mozart.] - -[Footnote 63: Arnold (Mozart's Geist, p. 375) interprets the words as though -Pedrillo was trying to assume a courage which he did not possess.] - -[Footnote 64: He writes to his father of the first (September 26, 1781): "The -janizary chorus is all that can be desired, short and merry, and very -well suited for the Viennese public."] - -[Footnote 65: Ulibicheff, who makes some striking observations on this chorus, -notices its many points of resemblance (such as the alternation of -relative major and minor keys) to Russian national melodies, with which -Mozart may have become acquainted at Prince Gallitzin's (II., p. 375).] - -[Footnote 66: C. M. von Weber, Lebensbild, III., p. 191. Cf. A. Wendt, Leipzig -Kunstbl., 1817, p. 189. (Heinse, Reise- und Lebensskizzen, I., p. 298.)] - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI. COURTSHIP. - -IT has often been pointed out that Mozart wrote the "Entführung" as an -accepted lover; and many analogies have been drawn - - -{THE WEBERS.} - -(249) - -between his own love affairs and those represented in the opera, with -the view of accounting for the depth and truth of his expression of the -tenderest of passions. It is true that Mozart could not have rendered -love so truly without having felt it in its full intensity. But if we -stop to realise the difficulties and vexations with which Mozart had to -struggle as a lover, we shall rather wonder that he could compose at all -under such circumstances, and the Entführung" becomes a striking proof -that creative genius sets the artist free from the pressure of life, and -raises him into the region of beauty in which true art is begotten. - -We have already seen the relief it was to Mozart, when obliged to quit -the house of the Archbishop, to find a lodging with Madame Weber, his -old Mannheim friend. After Aloysia's marriage to the actor Lange, the -mother lived in somewhat reduced circumstances with her other three -daughters, and was glad to let her spare rooms; it was a comfort to -Mozart to be relieved by friendly hands of the little housekeeping cares -which he was ill-fitted to attend to himself. But his father was averse -to the arrangement; he feared that the Webers would make a tool of him, -as they had, in his opinion, in Mannheim. He was not at all satisfied -with Wolfgang's reassurances on the subject, and pressed him to take -another lodging; Wolfgang declared himself quite willing if he could -find one equally comfortable. As this did not seem likely, and a report -reached Salzburg that Mozart was engaged to be married to one of Madame -Weber's daughters, his father insisted on compliance with his desire. -Wolfgang answered (July 25, 1781):-- - -I repeat that I have long wished to take another lodging, if only to -stop people's chatter; and it annoys me to have to do it for the sake of - - -{COURTSHIP.} - -(250) - -absurd gossip, in which there is not a word of truth. I should like to -know what pleasure it can be to certain people to spread such baseless -reports. Because I am living with the family I must, forsooth, marry -the daughter! There is no talk of affection--they jump over all that; I -simply go to the house, and then get married. If ever in my life I was -far from thinking of marriage, it is at this moment. I wish for nothing -less than a rich wife; and even if I could make a good marriage now -I must perforce wait, for I have other things in my head. God has not -given me my talent that I might cripple it with a wife, and waste my -prime in inactivity. Shall I embitter my life at its very opening? I -have nothing to say against matrimony, but for me at present it would be -an unmitigated evil. Well, if there is no other way, false as it all is, -I must avoid even the appearance of it, although the appearance has no -foundation except my lodging in the house. No one who does not live in -the house can imagine how very little intercourse I have with them; -for the children seldom go out--never except to the play--and I cannot -accompany them because I am seldom at home at that hour. We have been on -the Prater once or twice, but the mother was with us; being in the house -I could not avoid going, and I heard no such foolish gossip then. I -must tell you, too, that I paid only _my own_ share;[1] and the mother, -having become aware of the gossip from others as well as from myself, -objects to our going anywhere together again, and has herself advised me -to move my quarters to avoid further annoyance, for she says she would -not willingly injure me, however innocently. This is my only reason -for leaving, and this is no valid reason; but people's mouths must -be stopped. It would not be difficult to find a better room, but very -difficult to meet with such kind and obliging people. I will not say -that I am uncivil and never speak to the young lady to whom report has -wedded me, but I am not in love with her; I chat and joke with her when -I have time--that is in the evenings, when I sup at home; in the morning -I write in my own room, and in the afternoon I am nearly always out--and -so that is really all about it. If I am to marry all the girls I have -made fun with, I shall have at least a hundred wives. Now farewell, -my dear father, and trust your son, who has really the best intentions -towards all honest people! Trust him, and believe him sooner than -certain people who have nothing better to do than to calumniate honest -folk. - -An unfinished allegro to a clavier sonata (400 K.) remains as a curious -and amusing instance of the influence exerted on a composer by his -immediate surroundings. After a very - - -{THE MESSMERS--RIGHINI.} - -(251) - -cheerful first part, a plaintive tone is struck in the second, and a -very strongly accentuated musical dialogue occurs. The names of the -two sisters Weber are written against the characterising phrases of the -music:--[See Page Image] - -The Messmer family had offered Mozart apartments in their house in the -suburbs, but he could not make up his mind to accept the offer: "The -house is not what it was," he writes to his sister (December 15, 1781). -Messmer had staying with him at the time Vine. Righini (1756-1812), -formerly an opera-buffa singer and then a composer; they were on very -intimate terms, and Madame Messmer was especially friendly to Righini. -The latter, as Mozart informs his father in answer to his inquiries, -makes a great deal of money by giving lessons, and his cantata (probably -"Il Natale d' Apollo") had been given twice during Lent with great -success. "He writes _prettily_; is not superficial, but a great thief. -He gives back his stolen goods so unblushingly and in such overflowing -abundance that people can hardly digest them" (August 29, 1781).[2] - -Another musical family would have been glad to receive him as an inmate, -and his father appears to have been not unwilling that he should form -a closer connection in this case. Wolfgang had been introduced to Herr -Aurnhammer, whose "fat lady-daughter" Josephine was considered one of -the first clavier-players of the day. They received him kindly, and -often invited him, as he informs his father (June 27, 1781): "I dine -almost daily with Herr Aurnhammer; the young lady is a horror--but she -plays divinely; she seems - - -{COURTSHIP.} - -(252) - -to lose her really refined taste in singing, however, and drags -everything."[3] - -It would have been convenient to them that Mozart should be in their -immediate neighbourhood. But he was far from satisfied with the quarters -which they offered him; it was a room "for rats and mice, but not for -human beings. The stairs need a lantern to light them at noonday; and -the room might be called a _cell._ The wife herself called the house -a rat's nest--in fact it was really dreadful." Nor did he feel any -inclination for closer intercourse with this family, whose motives in -wishing for him he believed that he saw through. Seeing that his father -had set his mind upon his going, he felt constrained to set the two -sides of the question before him. The description which follows is -somewhat "schlimm" certainly, but too characteristic of the writer to be -omitted:-- - -He is the best-natured man in the world; too much so, indeed, for his -wife--a stupid, silly chatterer--has quite the upper hand, so that when -she speaks he has not a word to say. Whenever we go for a walk together -he begs me not to mention in his wife's presence that we took a fiacre -or drank some beer. Now I cannot possibly have confidence in such a man. -He is a good fellow and my very good friend, and I can dine with him -when I please, but I am not used to be paid for _my civilities_; indeed -a dinner would scarcely be fitting payment, but people like these think -so much of what they do. I will not attempt to describe the mother to -you; one has enough to do at table to refrain from laughing at her. You -know Frau Adlgasser? This creature is worse, for she is ill-natured as -well as stupid. As for the daughter, if a painter wanted a model for -the evil one he might have recourse to her face. She is as fat as a -peasant-girl, and once seeing her is enough to make one wretched for the -whole day. _Pfui Teufel!_ - -I wrote to you how she plays the clavier, and why she begged me to -assist her.[4] She is not content that I should pass two hours every day - - -{JOSEPHINE AURNHAMMER.} - -(253) - -with her, she would like me to spend the whole day there, and then she -makes herself agreeable! or rather, worse than that, she is seriously -in love with me. I thought it was a joke, but I know it for certain now. -When I first observed it (for she took liberties, reproaching me for -coming later than usual, or not staying long enough, and other such -things) I felt constrained to tell her the truth politely, for fear she -should make a fool of herself. But it was of no use, she became more -deeply in love. Then I tried being very polite until she began her -nonsense, when I turned cross. Then she took me by the hand and said, -"Dear Mozart, do not be so angry, and you may say what you like, I am so -fond of you." It was the talk of the whole town that we were going -to be married, and people wondered at my choice. She told me that when -anything of the kind was said to her, she laughed at it; but I know from -a certain person that she acknowledged it, with the addition that we -should set out on our travels together as soon as we were married. That -made me really angry. I gave her my true opinion on the subject, and -reproached her with abusing my kindness. I have left off going there -every day, and only go every other day, so as to break it off by -degrees. She is an infatuated fool. Before she knew me, she said when -she heard me at the theatre, "He is coming to me to-morrow, and I shall -play him his variations in the same style." For this very reason I did -not go. It was a conceited speech, and an untrue one, for I had had no -intention of going there the following day. - -All this did not prevent Mozart from assisting Fraulein Aurnhammer in -his usual amiable manner. At a concert at Aurnhammer's (November 24, -1781) he played the Concerto a due (365 K.) with her, and a sonata which -was composed expressly, and "went remarkably well" (381 K.). - -A few months later he played a duet with her at one of his own concerts -(May 25,1782), and postponed a journey to Salzburg because he had -promised to play at her concert in the theatre (October 26, 1782). He -also dedicated to her the sonatas for piano and violin which appeared in -1781 (376-380 K.). - -In September he actually found a new lodging, but he was far from -comfortable there; "it was like travelling in a post-chaise instead of -one's own carriage." He had made - - -{COURTSHIP.} - -(254) - -the sacrifice for his father's sake, and he now took occasion to beg the -latter not to listen to gossip, but to believe that he meant "to remain -the same honest fellow as ever" (September 5, 1781). But the discomfort -of his domestic circumstances in the midst of incessant work only -increased his desire to set up an establishment of his own. The gossip -of the town and his father's exhortations had produced a contrary effect -to that intended, and his liking for Constanze Weber grew more decided -day by day. He felt persuaded that she would make him happy, and, since -she returned his affection, they became betrothed lovers. He could not -disguise from himself that his father would certainly disapprove of this -step, and he laid before him with great candour all that had led to it. -After setting forth his prospects of an assured position, and the steps -which he had taken towards obtaining it, he continues (December 15, -1781):-- - -My desire is to have something certain to fall back upon, and then one -can live very well on chance here--and to get married. Nature speaks -as loud in me as in any other, perhaps louder than in a great heavy -blockhead. I have no inclination to live like most young men of the -present day. In the first place I have too much love for religion, and -in the second too much love for my neighbour, and too much good feeling -to lead astray an innocent girl. I can take my oath I have never done -so. But I know that this reason, strong as it is, is not elevated -enough. But my temperament, which is inclined for a quiet domestic life ---my want of habit of attending to my clothing, washing, and other such -things--make a wife indispensable to me. I am quite persuaded that I -could live better on the same income with a wife than as I am now. And -how many unnecessary expenses would be done away with, others -would arise; but one knows them and can calculate on them--in fact, one -leads a regular life. An unmarried man only half lives, in my opinion. -That is my opinion--I cannot help it; I have reflected and considered -enough, and have quite made up my mind. But who, you will ask, is the -object of my love? Do not be horrified, I beg. What! not a Weber! Yes, -a Weber; not Josepha, nor Sophia, but Constanze, the middle one. I have -never seen such dissimilarity of mind in any family as in this. -The eldest, Josepha, is lazy and cross; Aloysia Lange is a false, -unprincipled woman and a coquette; the youngest, Sophie, is too young to -be anything yet but the good thoughtless creature she is. God keep her -from temptation! But the middle one, my dear good Constanze, is -the martyr of the family, and on that very account, perhaps, the -best-natured, the cleverest--in a word, the best of them all. She looks -after everything in the house, and yet can never - - -{BETROTHAL WITH CONSTANZE WEBER.} - -(255) - -do right. She is not ugly, but she is far from being beautiful. Her -whole beauty consists in her dark eyes and good figure. She is not -intellectual, but has common sense enough to fulfil her duties as a wife -and mother. She is not inclined to extravagance, that is quite untrue; -on the contrary, she is always badly dressed, for the little her mother -can do is done for the two others, never for her. True, she likes to be -neat and clean, but not smart; and almost all that a woman needs she can -make for herself; she understands housekeeping, has the best heart in -the world--she loves me and I love her--tell me if I could wish for -a better wife? I must tell you that when I wrote before love was not -there, but was born of her tender care and attention when I was living -in the house. My earnest wish now is to get something settled to do (of -which, God be praised, I have great hope), and I shall then hasten -to beg your permission to rescue my poor darling, and make her and -myself--indeed, I may say, all of us--happy, for does not my being happy -render you so? - -This confirmation of the news which had already reached him from other -quarters was a heavy blow to L. Mozart. The perspective of "dying on a -sack of straw in a room full of starving brats" which he had once -before held out to his son (Vol. I., p. 426) opened itself to him anew; -marriage without a certain and sufficient income was, in his opinion, -and knowing his son as he did, the first step to certain ruin. And then -the Weber family! The description which Wolf-gang gave of them was not -calculated to inspire confidence; if he had been so completely deceived -in Aloysia, who could answer for his better judgment with respect to -Constanze? But his father knew more than he had learnt from Wolfgang; he -knew that the latter had given a written promise of marriage, and, from -all the communications he received, he could not but believe that both -mother and daughter had been playing upon the young man's inexperience -and sense of honour to entice him into their net. L. Mozart sought by -every means in his power to influence his son; he demanded information -as to the written agreement, that he might be satisfied that it did not -exist, and that Wolfgang was bound only by his word. But Wolfgang showed -himself firmer and more independent at this juncture than ever before; -he had made up his mind, and it was not to be shaken. - -He did not hesitate to explain the circumstances of the - - -{COURTSHIP.} - -(256) - -marriage contract (December 22, 1781). After the death of their father, -the Weber children had been placed under the guardianship of Johann -Thorwarth, court manager and inspector of the theatrical wardrobe, a man -of considerable influence in matters theatrical, and well thought of by -Count Rosenberg and Baron Kienmayer--"a sworn enemy of the Italians."[5] -This man had been prejudiced against Mozart by calumniators, who -represented that he had no certain income, and that he did not mean -honestly by Constanze; this so disturbed the mother that she did not -rest until she had induced Mozart to request an interview with the -guardian. The interview took place, but the guardian was so little -satisfied that he insisted on all intercourse with Mozart being broken -off unless he would agree to a written contract. Madame Weber declared -that this could not be; that all the intercourse consisted in Mozart's -coming daily to their house, and that she could not possibly put a stop -to it, seeing that she was under much obligation to him as a friend, -and that she placed every confidence in his truth and honour; if the -guardian thought such a step necessary, he must undertake it himself. -Hereupon Thorwarth prohibited all intercourse unless Mozart would give -a written agreement. He must make his choice. Having no intention of -giving up Constanze or affording ground for suspicion to her friends, -he signed an agreement by virtue of which he bound himself to espouse -Mdlle. Constanze Weber within three years, or "in case of such an -impossibility as his changing his mind," he was to pay her three hundred -florins a year. He assured his father that there was no sort of risk in -this, as he was finally resolved never to forsake her; but if such an -unheard-of event were to occur, he would think himself easily bought off -with three hundred florins; besides that his Constanze would, he knew, -be far too proud to accept a price. "And what did the devoted girl do?" -he continues; "as soon as the guardian had gone, she took the agreement -from her mother, tore it up, and said: 'Dear Mozart, I need no written -assurance - - -{SLANDEROUS REPORTS IN SALZBURG.} - -(257) - -from you; I can believe your simple word!'" It was thought best by them -all to keep this transaction secret; but it gradually oozed out, until -all Vienna knew of it. It might be wrong, and this part of the affair -was blameable--thus much he acknowledged to his father; but neither the -guardian nor the mother deserved to be branded as misleaders of youthful -innocence; it was a falsehood that they had made him free of the house -and then bound him in spite of himself--it was quite the contrary, and -he would have known better than to give in to such conduct. - -His indignation was raised to the highest pitch when he heard from his -father that the most disgraceful falsehoods as to his dealings with -Constanze had reached Salzburg by way of Munich, and were attributable -to "that scoundrel" Winter, who had always hated him on Vogler's -account.[6] Winter had been staying in Vienna with the bassoonist -Reiner, and Mozart had sought him out as an old acquaintance. It was -all the more infamous, since this very Winter, who "deserved the name -neither of a man nor a human being," and to whose "infamous lies" Mozart -would not condescend to oppose "infamous truths," had once said to him: -"You will be foolish to marry; you can earn enough--why should you -not keep a mistress? What prevents you? Is it your d----d religion?" -(December 22, 1781). - -But against such calumnies he was powerless. "My maxim is," he says -(January 9, 1782), "that what does not concern me is not worth the -trouble of talking about; I am ashamed to defend myself from false -accusations, for I always think that the truth is sure to come to -light." He therefore refused to stir in the matter, and left free course -to all the falsehood and misrepresentation. - - -{COURTSHIP.} - -(258) - -L. Mozart was naturally not much reassured by this explanation. He -called his son's attention to Madame Weber's failings, which rendered -a good education of her daughters very unlikely, and Wolfgang could not -deny (April 10, 1782) that "she is fond of drink, and takes more than -a woman should. But I have never seen her intoxicated; I can quite deny -that. The children drink nothing but water." His father further pointed -out that she would certainly be a burden on him after his marriage, -and that she made no secret of her intentions in this respect. Wolfgang -could not but perceive for himself that the mother was seeking her own -advantage in the marriage of her daughter (January 30, 1782), "but -she will find herself very much mistaken. She wished us (when we were -married) to lodge with her--but that will come to nothing, for I would -never agree to it, and Constanze still less. _Au contraire_, she intends -to see very little of her mother, and I shall do my utmost to prevent -it--we know her." But Wolfgang was deeply wounded at his father's -depreciation of Constanze herself (January 30,1782):-- - -Only one thing more (and without saying it I could not sleep quietly) ---do not ascribe such motives to my dear Constanze; believe me, I could -not love her as I do if she deserved your censure. My dear, good father, -I only wish that we may soon meet; for that you will love her, as you -love all true hearts, I know for certain. - -He remained proof against all his father's remonstrances (January 9, -1782):-- - -I cannot be happy without my beloved Constanze, and I should be only -half happy without your consent; make me quite happy then, my dearest, -best of fathers! - -He confided to his sister (whom he had befriended in her own need) what -he and Constanze had to suffer from her mother's temper. He used to work -until nine o'clock in the evening, he writes (February 13, 1782):-- - -And then I go to my beloved Constanze; but our pleasure in being -together is often embittered by her mother's angry tongue, as I shall -explain to my father in my next letter, and make it the ground of -my wish to liberate and rescue her as soon as possible. I go home at -half-past ten or eleven; it depends upon her mother's powers of holding -out, or mine of resisting. - - -{HOPES OF MARRIAGE.} - -(259) - -Constanze, at Wolfgang's instigation, sought to gain his sister's -affection by many little acts of attention; she sent her caps made -by herself after the latest Vienna fashion, and on another occasion a -little cross of no great value, but of a kind very much worn in Vienna; -and again, a heart with an arrow that Wolfgang thought particularly -appropriate to his sister (March 23, 1782). She "took courage at last" -in a letter (April 20,1782), "to petition for her friendship as sister -of her very worthy brother;" she felt that "she half deserved it -already, and would try to deserve it altogether," as well as to gain the -good opinion of the father of them both. Both the lovers were delighted -at the favourable reception of these overtures, although the father's -views were not thereby anywise altered. He was especially against any -idea of marriage before Wolfgang had some secure means of livelihood, -and in spite of many attempts and tedious negotiations there did not -seem much likelihood of this at present. "If I could only have it in -writing from 'der liebe Gott," he writes to his father (January 23, -1782), "that I should continue in good health and never be ill, oh, -would I not marry my dear, faithful sweetheart this very day!" His three -pupils brought him eighteen ducats a month; if he could only get one -more it would make 102 florins 24 kreutzers, on which he and his wife -could maintain themselves "quietly and plainly, as we wish to live." -In case of sickness, indeed, his income would cease altogether; but -he could write an opera once a year, give a concert, publish some -compositions, or raise subscriptions for them; accidents could not -always be taken into account. "But," he concludes, "if we cannot succeed -we must just fail, and I would rather we did so together than wait any -longer. I cannot be worse off--things must improve with me. My reasons -for not waiting any longer are not so much on my own account, as on -hers. I must release her as soon as possible." The father did not grant -the urgent necessity, and seeing in Wolfgang's calculations on the -possibilities of an uncertain future a sure proof that he had not yet -learnt what the foundation of a well-ordered household should be, he -persisted in his refusal to consent to an immediate marriage. - - -{COURTSHIP.} - -(260) - -Difficult as Mozart's position was rendered by the displeasure of his -father and the ill-temper of Frau Weber, his beloved Constanze herself -did not always improve matters; the violence of her feelings sometimes -put his constancy to the trial, and added to his perplexities. The -lovers' quarrels soon blew over, but Mozart's position became daily -more insupportable as his affairs became known and talked of. Even the -Emperor, who felt a warm interest in the family affairs of the artists -who had access to him,[7] had expressed himself graciously as to -Mozart's marriage when the latter played before him with Clementi; his -condescension raised hopes which were not destined to be fulfilled. - -When the success of his opera had directed public attention towards -him, the curiosity as to his relations with Constanze became still more -general. "What are we to do?" he writes mournfully to his father (July -27, 1782). "Most people believe that we are married already: the mother -is wild about it, and the poor girl and myself are tormented to death." -The earnest tone of mind in which he passed through this time of trial -is illustrated in a later letter to his father (August 17, 1782), where -he says that he has long since heard mass and confessed with Constanze, -"and I found that I never prayed so heartily or confessed and -communicated so devoutly as by her side. She felt the same, and it would -really seem that we are made for each other, and that God, who orders -all things, has ordained our union also, and will not forsake us." - -At this juncture a distinguished musical patroness espoused the cause of -the lovers. The Baroness von Waldstädten, famous as a clavier-player as -early as the year 1766,[8] was one of the ladies who had taken Mozart -under their protection from his first arrival, and interesting herself, -womanlike, as much in his affairs of the heart as in his musical -performances, she sought by every means in her power to bring his -relations with Constanze to a happy - - -{FRIENDSHIP OF THE BARONESS V. WALDSTÄDTEN} - -(261) - -conclusion. In order to withdraw Constanze from the tyranny of her -mother, and to facilitate Wolfgang's intercourse with his betrothed, -she took the latter more than once for a considerable time into her own -house in the Leopold Strasse. There were, indeed, reasons which rendered -this intimacy undesirable. The Baroness had led an unhappy life, and -sought to indemnify herself for it by indulgence in the frivolous habits -then only too frequent among the higher ranks of society; her reputation -was not of the best. Mozart knew this, as all Vienna knew it; he had -reason to dread the influence of such a friendship for Constanze, but -he was convinced that the Baroness meant well by them both, and he felt -that he had no resource but to accept her help, and to be very grateful -for it. But Constanze's mother had at least some show of right in -forbidding her daughter to continue in communication with the Baroness, -and, fearful lest she should be taken altogether out of her power, she -endeavoured to force her to return home. An undated letter, addressed in -great tribulation to the Baroness, gives us full insight into Mozart's -trying circumstances:-- - -Most honoured Baroness,--I received my music by the hands of Madame -Weber's maid, and was obliged to give a written receipt for it. The -servant confided to me what, if true, is a lasting disgrace to the -whole family; I can only believe it from my knowledge of Madame Weber's -character, and it afflicts me greatly. Sophie had come out weeping, and -when her maid asked her the cause of her tears, she said: "Tell Mozart -in secret that Constanze had better return home, for my mother insists -upon sending the police for her." But surely the police would not dare -thus to enter any house. Perhaps it is only a ruse to get her home -again. If this threat is really fulfilled, I see nothing for it but to -marry my Constanze early to-morrow, or, if it can be done, to-day; for -I would not allow of this affront to my beloved, and it could not happen -to my wife. Another thing: Thorwarth was appointed to his place to-day. -I beg your ladyship to give me your kind advice, and to render us -poor creatures all the assistance you can. I am always at home. In -the greatest haste. Constanze knows nothing of all this. Has Herr von -Thorwarth waited on your ladyship already? Is it necessary that we -should both go to him after dinner to-day? - -Under these circumstances Mozart was ready to espouse his Constanze -without a moment's delay; he reiterates his entreaties for his father's -consent (July 31, 1782):-- - - -{COURTSHIP.} - -(262) - -You will have received my last letter by this time, and I have no -doubt that your next will bring your consent to our union. You can have -nothing really to object to in it, and your letters show that you have -not; for she is a good honest girl, and I am in a position to provide -her with bread. We love each other and wish for each other, so there is -no reason for delay. - -But his father still withheld his consent. He was so deeply affected by -the affair that he scarcely took proper interest in the success of the -"Entführung," and Wolfgang complained of the coolness with which his -father received his opera. The latter retorted that he was making -himself detested in Vienna by his arrogant manners. Wolfgang answered -(July 31, 1782):-- - -And so the whole world declares that my boasting and criticising have -made enemies for me of all the professors of music and others. What -world? Presumably the Salzburg world; for whoever was here would hear -and see enough to the contrary: and that shall be my answer to the -charge. - -The Baroness Waldstädten had in the meantime (by what means we know not) -smoothed away all difficulties, and the wedding was celebrated on August -4, before the arrival of the father's formal consent, for which they had -waited two post-days. Wolfgang's conviction that the consent could -not now be withheld was justified;[9] on the day after the wedding the -longed-for letters from the father and sister arrived, and Wolfgang -answered in his overflowing happiness (August 7, 1782):-- - -I kiss your hand, and thank you with all the tenderness which a son can -feel for his father for your very kind consent and paternal blessing. My -dear wife will write by the next post to beg our best of fathers for -his blessing, and our beloved sister for the continuance of her valued -friendship. There was no one present at the ceremony except the mother -and the youngest sister, Herr von Thorwarth as guardian and supporter -(Beistand) to us both, Herr Landrath von Cetto supporting, the bride, -and Gilowsky supporting me. When we were actually united - - -{MOZART'S MARRIAGE.} - -(263) - -my wife and I both began to weep. Every one, including the officiating -priest, was moved to tears by the sight of our happiness. Our wedding -festivities consisted solely in a supper given us by the Baroness von -Waldstädten, which was rather princely than baronial.[10] Now my dearest -Constanze is rejoicing in the thought of a journey to Salzburg, and I -wager--yes--I will wager that you will be happy in my happiness when you -have learnt to know her, as I do, for the most upright, virtuous, and -loving wife that ever made the happiness of a man. - -The father considered it necessary to draw attention to the fact that -he could no longer expect Wolfgang to assist in extricating him from the -debts he had incurred on his son's behalf; on the other hand, Wolfgang -must neither now nor at any future time reckon upon him for support; and -he begged him to make his bride fully aware of this circumstance. Mozart -answered (August 7, 1782):-- - -My dear Constanze--now, thank God, my own lawful wife--has long known my -circumstances and all that I have to expect from you. But her friendship -and her love for me were so great that she willingly sacrificed her -whole future life to my destinies. - -Such was Mozart's courtship, such was his "Entführung aus dem Auge -Gottes," as he used jokingly to call his marriage, because the house -in which Madame Weber lived on the Petersplatz was called "Zum Auge -Gottes." Truly this time brought him none of the peaceful happiness -which the certainty of mutual love bestows under more prosperous -circumstances, but it afforded him abundant opportunity for the display -of his freedom as an artist, and of his inflexible constancy to what he -thought true and right. Unaffected by the vulgarity from the atmosphere -of which he had resolved upon rescuing his Constanze, unchanged by the -violence and hastiness of his beloved herself, unmoved by the hard and -often unjust judgment of his father, he preserved both the firmness of -his conviction and will, and the tender susceptibility and charm of -his affectionate heart. The mental and moral development of every man -depends in no small degree upon whether his course of life has been -smooth and his happiness easy of attainment, or whether he has obtained -the conditions of his existence only after a long and severe struggle. -We must not, therefore, turn aside our glance from the trials and -troubles which have beset the lives of great artists and noble men; it -was through adversity that they became what they were. - - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXVI. - - -[Footnote 1: K. R[isbeck] says (Briefe über Deutschland, I., p. 193) it was -considered proper in Vienna to treat the ladies of the party, even -when they were in no way related to their escort. Mozart must have been -thinking of his former liberality to the Webers, so severely blamed by -his father (Vol. I., p. 418).] - -[Footnote 2: Zelter says that Righini's position in Berlin was almost identical -with that of Salieri in Vienna; "he may have been of a rather more -lively disposition, but he was of about the same height and breadth" -(Briefw. m. Goethe, II., p. 29). Cf. A. M. Z., XVI., p. 875.] - -[Footnote 3: She used to give a concert every year "as a proof of her existence -and industry," according to the notice for 1799 (A. M. Z., I., p. 523); -"the latter quality is all that she can now truthfully boast of" (Cf. A. -M. Z., VI., p. 471; VII., p. 469. Reichardt, Mus. Ztg., I., p. 128). As -late as 1813 she ("who had once reigned supreme as a pianoforte-player -in Vienna") appeared in public, and was pronounced "an accomplished and -correct player, but cold and old-fashioned" (A. M. Z., XV., p. 300).] - -[Footnote 4: She wished to perfect herself in playing for some years longer, and -then go to Paris and "make her fortune." Cramers Magazin der Musik says -(1787, II., p. 1274), "Madame Aurnhammer is an excellent teacher of the -piano, on which she gives lessons; I have not heard her play for long. -It is she who superintended the engraving by Herr Artaria of many of -Mozart's sonatas and varied airs." She attempted variations herself, -which she used to play at her concerts and to have printed (Mus. -Corresp., 1791, p. 362; 1792, p. 195). She had arrived at Opus 63 in -1799 (A. M. Z., II., p. 90).] - -[Footnote 5: Da Ponte, Mem., II., p. 104.] - -[Footnote 6: Cf. I., p. 389. Winter was avowedly hostile to Mozart (Biedenfeld, -Kom. Oper, p. 86); he used to reproach him with stealing from Handel -(A. M. Z., XXVIII., p. 468), with forcing up soprano voices (Biedenfeld, -Kom. Oper, p. 212); and his scorn at piano-playing opera composers (A. -M. Z., XXVIII., p. 467) was especially directed against Mozart. It is -generally acknowledged that Winter was not the simple, unsophisticated -being that he appeared (cf. Biedenfeld, p. 212), and I have been -assured by those who knew him well that he was quite capable of spiteful -intrigue.] - -[Footnote 7: A striking instance is Salieri's account of how Joseph II. assisted -him to marry (Mosel, Salieri, p. 57).] - -[Footnote 8: Hiller, Wochentl. Nachr., I., p. 100.] - -[Footnote 9: L. Mozart writes to the Baroness (September 13, 1782): "I am -heartily glad that his wife does not take after the Webers, as otherwise -he would be miserable; your ladyship assures me that she is a deserving -person, and that suffices me" (Hamburg. Litter, u. Krit. Blatter, 1856, -No. 72, p. 563).] - -[Footnote 10: During the supper, according to Nissen, a "sixteen-part harmony" of -his own composition was performed as a surprise to him. This must be a -mistake, for even the great serenata (361 K.) is only in thirteen parts.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII. MARRIED LIFE. - -THE newly married couple began their housekeeping upon an uncertain and -barely sufficing income, - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(264) - -and so it remained to the end. Limited means, sometimes even actual -want, failed either to increase the carefulness or to damp the spirits -of husband or wife. - -Mozart's sincere and upright love for his wife has been clearly -demonstrated already; it was the talk of Vienna. One day, soon after his -marriage, as he and his wife were walking in the public gardens, they -amused themselves by playing with her little pet dog. Constanze told -Mozart to make believe to beat her, in order to see the indignation of -the dog. As he was doing so, the Emperor came out of his summerhouse -and said, "What! only three weeks married, and come to blows already!" -whereupon Mozart laughingly explained the joke. Later, in 1785, when -there was much talk, even in the newspapers, of the unhappy relations -between Aloysia Lange and her husband,[1] the Emperor met Constanze -Mozart, and said, after some remark on the sad position of her sister: -"What a difference it makes, to have a good husband!"[2] At about the -same time the English tenor, Kelly, was introduced at a musical party -to Mozart and his wife, "whom he loved passionately."[3] His affection -betrays itself in many amiable - - -{CONSTANZE MOZART.} - -(265) - -traits, and most clearly in the letters addressed to his wife on his -later journeys, to which she herself expressly appeals as proofs of his -"rare affection and excessive tenderness for her."[4] An expression of -Nissen's that Constanze cared "perhaps more for his talent than himself" -might lead to a belief that his love was not returned in full measure; -but against this view we have the testimony of worthy Niemet-schek, who -knew them both, and says: "Mozart was happy in his union with Constanze -Weber. She made him a good, loving wife, who accommodated herself -admirably to his ways, and gained his full confidence and a power over -him which she often used to restrain him from rash actions. He loved her -sincerely, confided all to her, even his faults, and she rewarded him -with tenderness and faithful care. All Vienna knew of their mutual -affection, and the widow can never think without emotion of her days -of wedded life." Constanze had, as Mozart had written before their -marriage, "not much intellect, but enough common sense to fulfil -her duties as a wife and mother." It can, indeed, be gathered from -contemporary letters and notices[5] that she had neither - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(266) - -natural capacity nor what we call education enough to render her on an -equality with Mozart, or to elevate him by her intellectual influence; -nay, rather, she failed fully to appreciate or understand him. Like all -the Weber family, she had musical talent, which had been cultivated up -to a certain point. "She played the clavier and sang nicely."[6] At the -Mozarteum, in Salzburg, there is the commencement of a "Sonata ä deux -Cembali," unfinished, with the superscription "Per la Signora Constanza -Weber--ah!" A sonata for pianoforte and violin, in C major, which only -wants the concluding bars of the last movement (403 K.), belonging to -the year 1782, is inscribed "Sonate Première, par moi, W. A. Mozart, -pour ma très chère épouse." In a letter to Härtel (February 25, 1799), -the widow mentions a march for the piano which her husband had composed -for her. Although her voice was not so fine as those of her sisters -Aloysia and Josepha, she sang very well, especially by sight, so that -Mozart used to try his compositions with her. Solfeggi by Mozart are -preserved, with the inscription--"Per la mia cara Constanze," or "Per -la mia cara consorte" (393 K.), some of them exercises of a few bars' -length, others elaborate passages in varied tempo and style, which give -abundant practice for execution and delivery. There is a song also--"In -te spero o sposo amato," (Metastasio, "Demofoonte"), mentioned by the -widow in a letter to Härtel (February 25, 1799), as composed "per la -cara mia consorte," which implies a compass and volubility reminding us -of her sister Aloysia. It was natural, therefore, that Constanze should -take the soprano parts in any private performances among their friends, -and we know that she once sang the soprano soli of the Mass in C minor -(427 K.) at Salzburg, which require a first-rate singer. - -We must also give her credit for more than ordinary musical taste and -cultivation, from her partiality for fugues, of which Mozart writes to -his sister (April 20, 1782), when he sent her a prelude and fugue (394 -K.), which he had composed for her:-- - - -{CONSTANZE'S SYMPATHY.} - -(267) - -The cause of this fugue coming into the world is in reality my dear -Constanze. Baron van Swieten, to whom I go every Sunday, allowed me to -take home all the works of Handel and Sebastian Bach, after I had played -them to him. When Constanze heard the fugues, she quite fell in love -with them; she cares for nothing but fugues now, especially those of -Handel and Bach. Having often heard me play fugues out of my head, -she asked me if I had never written any down? and when I said no, she -scolded me roundly for not writing the most artistic and beautiful -things in music; she would not leave me any peace until I had written -down a fugue, and so it came to pass. - -Mozart would hardly have been happy with a wife who possessed neither -taste nor understanding for music. But neither would his creative power -have been strengthened by an intellectually excitable and exciting -wife; it was far more beneficial for him to find womanly sympathy in -his household affairs, and to be soothed rather than urged to greater -efforts. She patiently bore his abstraction when his mind was intent -upon musical ideas, and gave in to many little whims, which in Mozart -seldom proceeded from ill-temper. He was never disturbed by the -conversation and noise going on around him when he was writing down his -compositions; it was rather agreeable to him to have his attention so -far occupied in other directions that his excessive productivity was -held, as it were, in check. His wife would sit by him and tell him -stories and nursery tales, over which he would laugh heartily, working -all the time; the more ludicrous they were the better he was pleased.[7] -She was always ready to cut up his meat for him at table, an operation -which he tried to avoid, lest in his abstraction he should do himself -an injury[8]--an oddity which is only mentioned as a proof how much of a -child Mozart always remained in many of the ways of life. - -He was severely tried by his wife's delicacy; her health was undermined -by frequent and often dangerous confinements, and she was often, -especially in the year 1789, for many months in a critical condition. He -bestowed the tenderest care upon her, and spared nothing that was likely -to benefit - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(268) - -her, even when the remedy proposed (as for instance, repeated visits -to Baden for some years) was a severe tax upon his slender resources. -Instances of liberality like that displayed to him on one occasion of -his wife's illness by a comparative stranger were few and far between. A -certain honest tripe-boiler, Rindum by name, who knew nothing of -Mozart personally, but who delighted in his musiç, heard that his wife, -suffering from lameness, had been ordered footbaths of the water in -which tripe had been cooked; he begged her to go to his house for them -as often as she pleased, and at the termination of the cure he could -not be induced to accept any payment either for them or for board and -lodging during a considerable time.[9] As for Mozart himself, the care -that he bestowed upon her was tender and loving to an uncommon degree. -He used to ride every morning at five o'clock, but he never went without -leaving a paper in the form of a prescription upon his wife's bed, with -some directions of this kind:-- - -Good morning, my darling wife, I hope that you have slept well, and that -nothing has disturbed you; I desire you not to get up too early, not to -take cold, not to stoop, not to stretch, not to scold the servants, not -to fall over the doorstep. Do not be vexed at anything until I return. -May nothing happen to you! I shall be back at ---- o'clock.[10] - -The tenderest anxiety for his wife's health is expressed in his letters, -and he especially cautions her to spare her weak foot. Frau Haibl -(Sophie Weber) narrates:[11]-- - -How troubled Mozart was when anything ailed his dear little wife! On one -occasion she had been ill for fully eight months, and I had nursed her. -I was sitting by her bed, and so was Mozart. He was composing, and I was -watching the sleep into which she had at last fallen; we were as quiet -as the grave for fear of disturbing her. A rough maidservant came -suddenly into the room. Mozart, fearing that his wife would be awakened, -wished to beckon for silence, and pushed his chair backwards with an -open knife in his hand. The knife struck between his chair and his -thigh, and went almost up to the handle in his flesh. Mozart was usually -very susceptible of pain, but now he controlled - - -{ILLNESS OF MOZART'S WIFE.} - -(269) - -himself, and made no sign of pain, but beckoned me to follow him out -of the room. We went into another room, in which our good mother was -concealed, because we did not wish Mozart to know how ill his wife was, -and yet the mother's presence was necessary in case of emergency. She -bound the wound and cured it with healing oil. He went lame for some -time, but took care that his wife should know nothing of it. - -He became so accustomed during this long illness to receive every -visitor with his finger on his lip, and the low exclamation "Chut!" that -even some time after her recovery, when he saw an acquaintance in the -street, he would walk on tiptoe, and whisper "Chut!" with his finger -on his lip.[12] The contemplation of such deep-seated affection as this -causes us to be more surprised to hear that Mozart, whose unmarried life -had been without a blemish, was, nevertheless, unfaithful to his wife. -She told herself how Mozart acknowledged his indiscretions to her, and -how she forgave him: "He was so good, it was impossible to be angry with -him; one was obliged to forgive him." Her sister, however, betrays that -Constanze was not always so patient, and that there were occasional -violent outbreaks, which is quite conceivable; but it is also abundantly -evident (and Mozart's letters to his wife fully confirm the fact) that -the close and tender relations of each to the other were not seriously -disturbed by these failings.[13] They might on this account alone be -lightly dismissed, and in addition it must be remembered that rumour was -busy among the public and in the press, and magnified solitary instances -of weakness on Mozart's part into distinguishing features of his -character. He was credited with intrigues with every pupil he had, and -every singer for whom he wrote a song; it was considered a witty remark -to designate him as the actual prototype of his Don Juan; and his -dissipated life was even considered as the proper confirmation of his -artistic genius. Exceptional gifts and accomplishments cannot do away -with the equality of all men before the moral law; transgressions of the -moral law may be judged leniently or severely, as the case may be, - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(270) - -but weaknesses, which in ordinary men are judged lightly, or passed over -altogether, must not be measured by another standard, or made the sign -of complete moral degradation when they are committed by an artist and a -genius whose very faults interest us more than the virtues of other men. -Nor should implicit confidence be placed in the gossip and chatter which -surround this side of a great man's private life, and turn errors into -crimes. The free and easy manners and ideas of the day, which found -special favour in Vienna,[14] the peculiar temptations to which an -artist's temperament and mode of life expose him, make Mozart's failings -conceivable. If it be remembered further how imprudently Mozart behaved, -how professional envy and meanness designedly tarnished his fame, it -will be readily conceded that better grounds for a fair estimate of -Mozart's character are to be found in numerous well-authenticated and -consistent instances of his true nobility of mind than in idle and -malicious gossip. The earnest spirit in which he looked upon these -things is well displayed in a letter to his best and dearest friend, -Gottfried von Jacquin (Prague, November 4,1787):-- - -Now, my dear friend, how are you? I hope that you are all as hale and -hearty as we are; you cannot but be content, dear friend, since you -possess all that you can desire at your age and in your position; -especially since you seem altogether to have renounced your former -somewhat unsettled life. Do you not daily grow more convinced of -the truth of my little lecture? Is not the pleasure of a fickle -and capricious love a thousand times removed from the blessedness -accompanying a sincere and rational affection? I am sure you often -thank me in your heart for my advice! You will make me quite proud! But -without a joke--you owe me a little gratitude if you have really made -yourself worthy of Fräulein N., for I played no unimportant part in your -improvement or reformation. - - -{MOZART'S MORAL CHARACTER.} - -(271) - -Hummel, who was received into Mozart's house as his pupil, wrote in -1831, when he lay dying at Kissingen: "I declare it to be untrue that -Mozart abandoned himself to excess, except on those rare occasions on -which he was enticed by Schikaneder, which had chiefly to do with -the "Zauberflote."[15] His intimacy with the notorious profligate -Schikaneder during the summer of 1791, when his wife was an invalid at -Baden, and the excesses to which he then gave way, have been magnified -by report, and made the foundation of the exaggerated representation of -Mozart's thoughtless life.[16] The further reproach brought against him -of extravagance and bad management of his household must not be left -altogether unnoticed, illiberal as it may seem to hold up for the -examination of posterity the trivial cares of housekeeping and -money-getting which, when ordinary mortals are concerned, are kept -sacred within the four walls of the home. But this part of Mozart's life -has been intruded so often into the foreground, that a concise -statement of the facts belonging to it seems indispensable. By some his -contemporaries have been condemned for allowing his mind to be hampered -by unworthy cares, by others he has himself been reproved for having -brought himself to poverty by thoughtless extravagance; both these views -are exaggerated and in this sense unjust. - -It is true that Mozart was not so highly esteemed in Vienna during his -life as after his death. The general public admired him chiefly as -a pianoforte-player, the downfall of German opera prevented his -continuance along the successful path which his "Entführung" had opened -to him, and his Italian operas did not obtain so great a measure of - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(272) - -applause as the lighter ones of his contemporaries; when the -"Zauberflöte" made its effect it was too late. It is scarcely -surprising, therefore, that he failed to reach the position before the -world which should by right have been his. But though it is easy for -posterity to decide that Mozart had just claims to a place by the side -of Gluck and above Bono, Salieri and Starzer, it must not be forgotten -that his contemporaries had before them a young and struggling -artist, and that those veterans had long been in possession of their -distinguished places. Without laying too much stress upon the intrigues -of opponents, or the Emperor's parsimony, it is plain that Mozart could -not readily attain a position which had first to be created for him. He -himself was encouraged by the brilliant success of the "Entführung" -and the universal applause which he received as a pianist to hope for a -secure and respectable position, and he was bitterly disappointed that -his good recommendations failed to procure him the post of teacher to -the Princess Elizabeth. In his usual impulsive style he resolved on -quitting Vienna at once, and wrote to his father (August 17, 1782):-- - -The Vienna gentlemen (among whom the Emperor comes foremost) shall not -imagine that I have nothing to do in the world outside Vienna. It is -true that I would rather serve the Emperor than any other monarch, but -I will never stoop to beg for any service. I believe myself to be in a -position to do honour to any court. If Germany, my beloved fatherland, -of which, as you know, I am proud, refuses me, then must France or -England be the richer for a clever German--to the disgrace of the German -nation. I need not tell you that the Germans have excelled other nations -in almost every art--but where did the artists make their fortunes or -their fame? Certainly not in Germany! Even Gluck--did Germany make him -the great man he is? Alas, no! The Countess Thun, Count Zichy, Baron -van Swieten, and Prince Kaunitz are all vexed with the Emperor for not -encouraging men of talent to remain in his service. Prince Kaunitz said -to the Archduke Maximilian, speaking of me, that such men only came into -the world once in a hundred years, and ought not to be driven out of -Germany, especially when the monarch is so fortunate as to possess them -in his capital. You cannot think how kind and polite Prince Kaunitz -was in an interview I had with him; he said when I took leave: "I am -indebted to you, my dear Mozart, for taking the trouble of calling on -me, &c." You would not believe either how - - -{PLANS FOR SEEKING FORTUNE ABROAD.} - -(273) - -anxious the Countess Thun, Baron van Swieten, and other great people -are to retain me here; but I cannot wait long, and _will_ not wait on -charity, as it were. Emperor though he be, I would rather dispense with -his favours than accept them in such a way. - -His idea, as he let fall now and then in conversation, was to go to -Paris for the following Lent. He wrote on the subject to Le Gros, and -was of opinion that if he could only obtain engagements for the "Concert -spirituel" and the "Concert des amateurs," he would have no lack of -pupils, and could also do something in the way of composition; his main -object would of course be an opera.[17] With this end in view he had -been for some time studying the French language, and had also taken -lessons in English, in the further expectation of making a tour in -England; he thought he should understand the language fairly well in -three months.[18] His father was not a little disturbed by this new -idea; he opposed it with every argument he could find to his son, and -even wrote on the subject to the Baroness von Waldstädten (August 23, -1782):[19]-- - -I should be quite reconciled (to the marriage), if I did not discover -a great fault in my son: he is too indolent and easy-going, perhaps -occasionally too proud, and all these qualities united make a man -inactive; or else he grows impatient and cannot wait for anything. He is -altogether ruled by opposite extremes--too much, or too little, and no -medium. When he is in no pressing need he is quite content, and becomes -indolent and inactive. Once set going, he is all on fire, and thinks he -is going to make his fortune all at once. Nothing is allowed to stand -in his way, and unfortunately it is just the cleverest people, the -exceptional men of genius, who find continual obstacles in their path. -What is there to prevent his having a prosperous career in Vienna, if he -only has a little patience? Kapellmeister Bono is an aged man. Salieri -will be promoted at his death, and will leave another place vacant. And -is not Gluck also an old man? Honoured madam, exhort him to patience, -and pardon me for asking the favour of your ladyship's opinion on the -matter. - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(274) - -His remonstrances had the desired effect upon Wolfgang; he was obliged -to acknowledge to his father (August 24, 1782) that it would be better -to prolong his stay at Vienna; that he could go to France or England -at any time. L. Mozart, reassured, wrote to the Baroness (September -13, 1782): "My son has relinquished his intention of leaving Vienna at -present, in consequence of my letters; and as he now intends to visit -me in Salzburg, I shall be able to make the strongest and most necessary -representations to him on the subject." - -These representations were all the more effective since Mozart had -at this juncture every reason to be satisfied with the sympathy and -applause of the Vienna public. It is true that on the revival of Italian -opera his works were excluded from the theatre; but in the year 1786 -the Emperor proved that he had not forgotten him by commissioning him -to compose the "Schauspieldirector" and "Figaro." But when Mozart, -nevertheless, failed to obtain a permanent post, the idea again -seriously presented itself of leaving Vienna and going to England. - -An Englishman named Thomas Attwood (1767-1838) had come from Italy -to Vienna in the year 1785, and become Mozart's pupil. By a singular -coincidence also the English tenor, Michael Kelly, and the English -prima donna, Nancy Storace, were engaged at the Italian Opera. Stephen -Storace, the brother, was also resident in Vienna as a composer for a -considerable time. Mozart was on very friendly terms with them, and his -design was thereby strengthened. At the beginning of November, 1786, he -wrote to his father that he intended in the latter part of the Carnival -to undertake a journey through Germany to England if his father would -consent to receive and take charge of his two children and the servants. -Constanze was to accompany him. - -"I have written pretty strongly," L. Mozart informs his daughter -(November 17, 1786), "and promised to send him the continuation of my -letter by the next post. It is not a bad idea, in truth. They may go -away quietly--they may die--they may stay in England. Then I may run -after them with the children; and as to the payment which he is to give - - -{L. MOZART'S DISAPPROBATION.} - -(275) - -me for the children and servants, &c., Basta! My refusal is explicit -and instructive, if he chooses to take it so." We see how prejudiced -the once tender father had become against his son and his son's wife; -whereas his daughter, who had married in 1784, came to his house to be -confined, and he afterwards took entire charge of her son Leopold, a -fact which he concealed from Wolfgang. Wolfgang's plan was given up -immediately on receipt of this letter from his father. But when his -English friend left Vienna at the beginning of February, 1787, and -returned to England, the wish to accompany him rose strong in Mozart. He -had become more prudent meanwhile. Attwood was to prepare a settled post -for him in London, and to procure him a commission to write an opera or -subscriptions for a concert, and then only he would come. He hoped that -his father would in this case relieve him of the care of his children -until he should have decided whether he would remain there permanently -or return to Germany. The English travellers passed through Salzburg, -and made L. Mozart's acquaintance, to their mutual satisfaction;[20] but -his objections against Wolfgang's journey were not by any means removed. -He wrote to him in a fatherly way, as he informs his daughter (March 1, -1787), "that he would make nothing by a journey in summer, and would go -to England at a wrong time; he would spend about two thousand florins, -and would certainly come to want, for Storace is sure to write the first -opera. Wolfgang would lose heart very soon." - -Mozart again abandoned his intention, but not before rumours of it -had reached the public ear,[21] rumours which showed the Emperor the -necessity for giving him a - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(276) - -permanent post, in order to keep him in Vienna.[22] Unhappily, Mozart's -father did not live to see this end to all his anxieties. He died on May -28, 1787. - -As there was no kapellmeister's place vacant, the Emperor appointed -Mozart his "private musician," (Kammermusicus) with a salary of eight -hundred florins. The smallness of the sum was ascribed to the influence -of Strack; he was, as usual, appealed to for advice, and humoured the -Emperor's inclination to parsimony. The appointment was made on December -7, 1787; in August, 1788, Mozart assures his sister that he is really -appointed, and that his name appears on the official theatrical list as -"kapellmeister in the actual service of his imperial majesty." Gluck, -who had been appointed "private composer" (Kammercompositeur) by Maria -Theresa on the 7th of October, 1774, with a salary of two thousand -florins, died on November 15, 1787. Mozart naturally took his place; but -it does not seem to have occurred to the court that a corresponding rise -of salary would have been no undeserved distinction. - -Mozart himself was not dissatisfied with his pay, since none of the -musicians attached to the imperial household received more; but he was -justly annoyed, at a later date, when he was suffered to draw his pay -without having the opportunity given him of producing any important -work. He looked upon it as an alms doled out to him, while the -opportunity of distinguishing himself as a composer was denied, and -wrote bitterly after the customary entry of his income on the official -return: "Too much for what I do; too little for what I could do."[23] -This was not the right way to remind those in authority that a promise -of "promotion" on the first seasonable opportunity had been held out to -him. The cares which beset the closing years of the Emperor Joseph are -explanation sufficient of the decline of his interest in music and the -drama and his care for the great composer; this, however, the latter -failed to perceive. It was clear also that he did not know how to turn -his - - -{OFFERS AND HOPES OF PROMOTION.} - -(277) - -opportunities to advantage, when, in May, 1789, he refused the offer -of Frederick William II. to make him kapellmeister in Berlin with three -thousand florins salary. With unselfish emotion Mozart exclaimed: "How -can I desert my good Emperor?" The King wished him to reconsider the -proposal, and promised to hold to his word for an indefinite period if -Mozart would consent to come.[24] - -Once returned to Vienna, Mozart thought no more of the matter, and only -after much persuasion from his friends was induced to lay it before the -Emperor and tender his resignation. In unpleased surprise Joseph asked: -"What, do you mean to forsake me, Mozart?" Whereupon Mozart answered -with emotion: "May it please your majesty, I will stay." Upon the -question of a friend as to whether he had not taken the opportunity of -demanding some compensation, he exclaimed angrily: "Who the devil would -have thought of that at such a time?" - -At the end of 1789 he received the commission to write the opera -of "Cosi fan Tutte," but Joseph II. died (February 20, 1790) before -Mozart's position had been permanently provided for. After the accession -of Leopold II. he appears to have made an attempt to obtain the post -of second kapellmeister under Salieri (old Bono had died in 1788, -and Salieri had been promoted to his place),[25] but this also was -unsuccessful. Convinced that he must now, for the present at least, -renounce all hope of promotion at court, he applied to the civic -authorities for the post of assistant to the Kapellmeister Hofmann at -the Stephans-kirche. The application was granted, with the promise of -Hofmann's lucrative post in case of his death; but the old man survived -Mozart, and this hope of an independence fell through with the rest.[26] -Under these circumstances Mozart - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(278) - -was thrown back for a means of livelihood upon lessons, concerts, and -composition. We know how much he disliked lesson-giving (Vol. I., p. -411), and his dislike was more likely to increase than diminish, and -yet he was obliged to lay himself out to give lessons. In May, 1790, he -wrote to his friend Puchberg: "I have two pupils now, and should like -to make the number up to eight; try to spread it about that I give -lessons." Mozart was never a fashionable and well-paid music-master in -Vienna, such as Steffan, Kozeluch, or Righini. This may excite surprise, -since he was so distinguished as a pianist, but he was wanting in the -patience and pliability necessary, and perhaps also in steadiness -and regularity. When he met with talent or enthusiasm, or when he was -personally attracted, he was fond of giving lessons; as, for instance, -to Franziska (afterwards Frau von Lagusius), the sister of his friend -Gottfried von Jacquin, to whom he writes from Prague (January 14, -1787):-- - -I kiss your sister's hand a thousand times, and beg her to practise -industriously on her new pianoforte--but the recommendation is -unnecessary, for I must own that I never had so industrious and zealous -a pupil as herself--and I rejoice in the expectation of giving her -further instruction, according to my poor ability. - -She was considered an excellent pianiste, and one of Mozart's best -pupils; he wrote the trio with clarinet and tenor (498 K.) for her -(August 5, 1786).[27] He also sent her the grand Sonata for four hands -in C major (521 K.) as soon as it was finished (May 29, 1787), with a -message through her brother that "she must set about it at once, for -it was somewhat difficult." They were mostly ladies to whom he gave -lessons, for the ladies of high rank in Vienna were cultivated enough to -be considered as leaders of fashion, - - -{LESSONS AND PUPILS.} - -(279) - -more especially in music.[28] Among them were students in the genuine -sense of the word, such as Frau von Trattnern, to whom Mozart addressed -elaborate written communications on the execution of his clavier -compositions, more especially on his Fantasia in C minor, composed for -her.[29] For Barbara Ployer he composed (February 9, 1784) the Concerto -in E flat major (449 K.), which he did not consider as among his great -ones, and the more difficult one in G Major (453 K.); and he writes to -his father (June 9, 1784):-- - -To-morrow there is to be a concert at Herr Ployer's country-house -in Dobling; Fräulein Babette is to play her new concerto in G, I the -quintet [with wind instruments, in E flat major, 452 K.], and then both -of us the grand sonata for two pianos [in D major, composed early in -1784, 448 K.]. I am to take Paesiello, who has been here since May on -his return journey from St. Petersburg, in order that he may hear my -compositions and my pupils. - -No doubt the greater number of his pupils either--like Fräulein -Aumhammer--cared more for social intercourse with Mozart than for actual -instruction, or took lessons for a short time only that they might be -able to speak of the great performer as their teacher. The celebrated -physician, Jos. Frank, relates that he took twelve lessons from him in -1790:[30]-- - -I found Mozart a little man with a large head and plump hand, and was -somewhat coldly received by him. "Now," said he, "play me something." -I played a fantasia of his own composition. "Not bad," said he, to my -great astonishment; "but now listen to me play it." It was a miracle! -The piano became another instrument under his hands. It was strengthened -by a second piano, which served him as a pedal.[31] Mozart then made -some remarks as to the way in which I should perform the fantasia. I was -fortunate enough to understand him. "Do - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(280) - -you play any other pieces of my composition?" "Yes," answered I; "your -variations on the theme 'Unser dummer Pobel meint' (455 K.), and a -sonata with accompaniments for violin and violoncello." "Good! - -I will play you that piece; you will profit more by hearing me than by -playing them yourself." - -It is plain that he had the tact and skill to manage even such pupils -as these. He treated those who had the power and the wish to become true -artists under his guidance in quite another fashion, and they profited -not only by his regular instruction, but still more by his encouragement -and incitement to exertion. - -Johann Nepomuk Hummel came to Vienna in 1785, with his father, who -afterwards undertook the conductorship of the opera, under Schikaneder; -at seven years of age the young Hummel already created great -expectations by his clavier-playing. A pupil of Mozart's, named -Freystädter, brought Hummel to him in 1797; the boy played one of the -easier sonatas (with which Mozart had no fault to find, except as to -the hurried _tempo_), and then one of his newest concertos by heart.[32] -Thereupon Mozart decided to undertake Hummel's instruction, but only -on condition that he resided with them altogether. We are not told how -often or with what regularity he received lessons; but he heard Mozart -play, and had to play over to him any clavier music that came into the -house. One evening Mozart returned late from some entertainment with -his wife, and found a piece of music which he was curious to hear. Young -Hummel, who had been awaiting their return, had lain down on a couple -of chairs and fallen asleep. "Stanzerl," said Mozart, to his wife; "wake -Hans, and give him a glass of wine." No sooner said than done; and the -boy played the new piece of music, late at night as it was.[33] - -Mozart's musical instruction was sure to be desultory. Freystädter -relates that he generally received Mozart's directions and corrections -of his musical exercises sitting at a side-table, while a game of bowls -was going on.[34] Attwood - - -{MOZART'S LESSONS IN THEORY.} - -(28l) - -also tells us that Mozart sometimes persuaded him to join in a game of -billiards instead of taking a lesson.[35] The pupils did not consider -their master guilty of caprice and neglect; but felt themselves spurred -to activity by their intercourse with him. - -Mozart took young Hummel everywhere with him, made him play, played -duets with him, and declared that the boy would soon excel himself as -a pianist. Hummel was greatly attached to Mozart, both then and ever -after; he remained in his house for two years, until in November, 1788, -his father set out with him on a professional tour. - -Mozart also gave lessons in the theory of music, sometimes even to -ladies; we hear of a cousin of the Abbé Stadler as Mozart's pupil -in thorough-bass. The exercise-book which he used for instruction in -thorough-bass in 1784 is now in the Imperial library at Vienna.[36] -Mozart wrote down a very characteristic melody, or a bass, or both, -which the pupil was to arrange in several parts; then Mozart corrected -the passage with short remarks on the various mistakes, alternately -Italian or German, sometimes of a comic nature--for instance: "Ho l' -onore di dirla, che lei ha fatta la scioc-cagine (da par Suo) di far due -ottave tra il 2do Violino ed il Basso"; or in German: "This E is very -forced here; it shows that it has only been put in to prevent too rapid -a passage from one consonance to another--just as bad poets often do -stupid things for the sake of rhyme. You might have gone gradually from -C to D very prettily by inserting thirds." These remarks are purely -grammatical; and it is evident that Mozart's teaching was of the good -old-fashioned kind, which strives first to give the pupil a thorough -knowledge of the grammar of his art. From exercise-books of this kind, -of which Zelter saw one in Vienna,[37] a little - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(282) - -handbook of thorough-bass was afterwards printed under Mozart's name, -and was much in use for some time.[38] With more advanced pupils he -naturally proceeded differently. Attwood preserved an exercise-book with -compositions, which he had submitted to Mozart shortly after his arrival -in Vienna. Mozart had crossed out whole passages, and rewritten them -with the remark, "I should have done this so."[39] When Kelly, the -tenor, who made pretty little songs which Mozart admired, imagined that -he could make himself into a serious composer by means of studies in -counterpoint, Mozart said to him, "If you had studied counterpoint long -ago in Naples, you would have done well; now that you have to give -your mind to your education as a singer, you will make nothing of it. -Remember that half-knowledge is a dangerous thing. You have considerable -talent in the invention of melodies; a smattering of theory would ruin -that, and you can always find some musician who can help you when -you want it. Melody is the essence of music. I should compare one who -invents melodies to a noble racehorse, and a mere contrapuntist to a -hired post hack. So let it alone; and remember the old Italian proverb -'Chi sa più, meno sa.'"[40] - -Lesson-giving might fail greatly to increase either Mozart's fame or -his income, but his success as a virtuoso was brilliant and lasting. -His father warned him, when he talked of settling in Vienna, of the -fickleness of the public, but Wolfgang answered cheerfully (June 2, -1781):-- - -The Viennese certainly love change--_but only at the theatre_, and -my line is too popular not to be supported. This is, in truth, -_Clavierland!_ and, even supposing they were to tire of me, it would not -be for several years, and in the meantime I should have made both money -and reputation. - -In this expectation he was not disappointed; the applause which greeted -him on his first appearance was repeated as often as he appeared in -Vienna. - - -{CONCERTS IN THE AUGARTEN, 1782.} - -(283) - -The proper season for concerts, and also for private musical parties, -was Lent, when the theatres were closed; the concerts were generally -given in the theatre.[41] Mozart invariably gave a concert in Lent. -After the success of the first (1782) he used to make a common -undertaking every spring with a certain Phil. Jac. Martin. He was a -native of Regensburg, who had studied with good old Bullinger at the -Jesuit College in Munich, and supported himself with difficulty: "quite -a young man, who tries hard to get on in the world by his music, his -beautiful handwriting, and especially by his clever head and strong -intellect" (May 29, 1782). Martin had established an amateur musical -society, which gave concerts every Friday during the winter.[42] Mozart -writes to his father (May 8, 1782):-- - -You know that there are a number of amateurs here, and very good ones, -both male and female; hitherto there has been no organisation among -them. This Martin has now received permission from the Emperor, with -expressions of the highest approbation, to give twelve concerts in the -Augarten and four grand evening concerts on the finest open spaces in -the city.[43] The subscription for the whole summer is two ducats. You -can well imagine that we shall get subscribers enough, all the more -for my being associated with him. Even supposing that we only get one -hundred subscribers, and that the expenses amount to two hundred florins -(an outside sum), that means three hundred florins profit for each of -us. Baron van Swieten and the Countess Thun are taking it up warmly. -The orchestra is entirely amateur, with the exception of the bassoons, -trumpets, and drums. - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(284) - -The Imperial Augarten replaced the old "Favorite" established by Joseph -I. in the Leopold Vorstadt of Vienna. It was laid out by Joseph II., -and opened to the public for their free use in 1775, with the well-known -inscription over the entrance: "Public place of recreation dedicated to -all men, by one who esteems them."[44] The principal building was used -as an hotel, and the Emperor built for himself a simple little house, -surrounded by wooden palings, where he sometimes spent several days, and -amused himself by walking freely among his people. On Sunday afternoons -in especial, all the fashionable population of Vienna strolled -there,[45] so that the speculation promised to be a successful one. - -It provided plenty of occupation for its promoters. Mozart writes (May -25, 1782):-- - -To-morrow is our first entertainment in the Augarten. At half-past eight -Martin is to call for me in a hackney-coach, and we have six visits to -make; I must be ready by eleven o'clock to go to Rumbeck; then I dine -with the Countess Thun; we are to rehearse the music in her garden in -the evening. There is to be a symphony by Van Swieten, and another by -me; Mdlle. Berger, an amateur, is to sing; a boy named Türk[46] is -to play a violin concerto, and Fräulein von Aurnhammer and I the duet -concerto in E flat (365 K.). - -The first concert went off well; among the audience were the Archduke -Maximilian, the Countess Thun, Wallenstein, Baron van Swieten, and -many other musical connoisseurs, but we hear nothing further of the -undertaking, which cannot have been so brilliant a success as had been -hoped.[47] There was no doubt, however, as to the success which Mozart -achieved during the Lenten concerts of 1783. He contributed greatly -towards the success of a concert given by his sister-in-law, Aloysia -Lange, at the theatre on - - -{CONCERT FOR ALOYSIA LANGE.} - -(285) - -March 11. His Parisian symphony for the Concert spirituel (297 K., Vol. -II., p. 49) was performed on this occasion, after which Madame Lange -sang the song which he had composed for her in Mannheim: "Non sò d'onde -viene" (294 K., Vol. I., p. 419), with new variations for the voice. -How many memories it must have awakened in them both! "Gluck had the box -next to the Langes," he informed his father (March 12, 1783), "in which -was also my wife. He could not praise enough either the symphony or the -song, and he invited us all to dinner next Sunday." In addition Mozart -played a concerto of his own composition. "The theatre was very full; -and I was so well received by the public, that I could but feel happy -and content. After I had gone away the clapping was so persistent that -I was obliged to return and repeat the rondo. It was a perfect storm of -applause." For his own concert on March 22 every box was taken, and the -theatre "could not have been fuller." The programme of this concert, -which he copied for his father, gives us an idea of what Mozart's -concerts were. There were performed:-- - -1. The new Hafner symphony, composed the previous summer (385 K., Vol. -II., p. 210). - -2. Air from "Idomeneo," "Se il padre perdei" (366 K.), sung by Madame -Lange. - -3. The third subscription concerto, then just published, in C major (415 -K., No. 5). - -4. The Countess Baumgarten's scena (369 K., Vol. II., p. 168), sung by -Adamberger. - -5. The short Sinfonia-concertante of the last "Final-musik" (320 K., -Vol. II., p. 87). - -6. The favourite concerto in D (175, 382 K., Vol. I., p. 324). - -7. Scena, "Parto, m' affretto," from "Lucio Silla" (135 K., Vol. I., p. -180), sung by Mdlle. Teyber. - -8. Impromptu fantasia by Mozart, beginning with a short fugue, "because -the Emperor was there" (Vol. II., p. 173), followed by variations on an -air from the opera of "Der eingebildete Philosoph" by Paesiello ("Salve -Tu, Domine"), and when the thunder of applause obliged him to play -again, he chose the air "Unser dummer Pöbel meint," from Gluck's -"Pilgrims of Mecca," as a theme for variations. - -9. A new rondo, composed for Madame Lange, and performed by her (416 -K.). - -10. The last movement of the first symphony. - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(286) - -This programme makes it evident that the demands on a concert-giver were -far greater then than now, and the public were undoubtedly more patient -listeners. "What pleased me most," wrote Wolfgang to his father (March -29, 1783), "was the sight of the Emperor, and how pleased he was, and -how he applauded me. It is always his custom to send the money for his -box to the pay-place before he comes to the theatre; otherwise I might -certainly have expected more (than twenty-five ducats), for his delight -was beyond all bounds." A short time after Mozart played a concerto at -Mdlle. Teyber's concert.[48] Again the rondo was encored, but when -he sat down to the piano again, he had the desk removed in order to -improvise. "This little surprise delighted the audience immensely; they -clapped, and cried 'Bravo, bravissimo!'" The Emperor did not leave this -concert until Mozart had quite finished playing. So the latter in high -glee informs his father (April 12,1783). In Lent, 1784,[49] besides a -concert in the theatre, which took place in April, Mozart proposed to -give six subscription concerts, and he begs his father to send him the -score of "Idomeneo," because he intended to produce it (December 6, -1783). - -The pianoforte teacher Richter had established Saturday concerts, which -were attended by the nobility only upon the understanding that Mozart -was to play; after playing at three of them he raised subscriptions (six -florins) for three concerts of his own, which took place on the three -last Wednesdays in Lent (March 17, 24, and 31), in a fine hall belonging -to Trattnern, a bookseller.[50] The list of subscribers - - -{LENTEN CONCERTS, 1784.} - -(287) - -numbered 174 names,[51] thirty more than were procured by the partners, -Richter and Fischer; the latter was a violin-player, married to Storace, -the singer.[52]. - -"The first concert, on the 17th," Mozart writes (March 20, 1784), -"went off well; the hall was crammed full, and the new concerto, which I -played, was very well received; every one is talking about the concert." -The succeeding performances were equally successful, so that he was able -to assure his father that they had been of considerable service to him. -Besides the subscription concerts, he gave two others in the theatre, -which also went off well. "To-morrow should have been my first -concert in the theatre," he writes (March 20, 1784), "but Prince Louis -Liechtenstein has an operatic performance which would have taken half -the nobility from my audience, besides some of the chief members of the -orchestra. So I have postponed it, in a printed advertisement, to April 1. -He wrote two great concertos[53] and the quintet for piano and wind -instruments, which was enthusiastically applauded. "I myself," he adds, -"consider it the best thing I ever wrote in my life. I do wish you could -have heard it! And how beautifully it was performed! To tell the truth, -I grew tired of the mere playing towards the end, and it reflects no -small credit on me that my audience did not in any degree share the -fatigue." - -In the following year Leopold Mozart visited his son in Vienna, and was -an eye-witness of his popularity. He - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(288) - -writes to his daughter (January 22, 1785): "I have this moment received -a line from your brother, saying that his concerts begin on February 11, -and are to continue every Friday." He arranged to be in Vienna for this -concert, which was given on the Mehlgrube, with a subscription list of -over one hundred and fifty at three ducats each. He wrote to Marianne at -the conclusion of the concert (February 11, 1784): "Wolfgang played an -admirable new concerto, which was in the copyist's hands when we arrived -yesterday; your brother had not even time to try over the rondo. The -concerto is in D minor" (466 K., No. 8). The second concert, too, "was -splendid"; and at a benefit concert in the theatre for which Wolfgang -wrote the Concerto in C major (467 K., No. 1) he made 559 florins, -"which we had not expected, as the list for his subscription concerts -numbers one hundred and fifty persons, and he has often played at other -people's concerts for nothing," as L. Mozart writes (March 12, 1785). -He played at Madame Laschi's concert on February 12, 1785, a splendid -concerto which he had composed for the blind pianiste in Paris, Marie -Thérèse Paradies (1759-1824); this is probably the Concerto in B major -(456 K., No. 11) dated September 30, 1784. "When your brother made his -exit," writes the father, "the Emperor bowed to him, hat in hand, and -called: 'Bravo, Mozart!' He was very much applauded on his entrance." -During the Lent of 1786 Mozart had, as he wrote to his father (December -28,1785), three subscription concerts, with one hundred and twenty -subscribers; for these he wrote three new concertos. One in E flat major -(482 K., No. 6) on December 26, 1785, another in A major (488 K., No. -2) on March 2, 1786, and the third in C minor on March 24, 1786, the -andante of which he was obliged to repeat at the concert of April 7, the -last given in the theatre.[54] In Advent of the same year, as he informs -his father (December 8, 1786), he gave four concerts at the Casino, -for which he composed a new Concerto in C major (503 K., No. 16), dated -December 4, 1786; in January of the same year he - - -{PRIVATE CONCERTS.} - -(289) - -journeyed to Pragüe, where he was received with enthusiasm as the -composer of "Figaro." In obedience to the general desire, he played at a -great concert in the Opera-House, to a very crowded audience; Mozart was -recalled three times, and when at last he improvised variations on -"Non più andrai" there was no end to the applause; a second concert -was attended with eqally brilliant results. Madame Storace informed -L. Mozart, who wrote the news to his daughter (March 1, 1787), that -Wolfgang had made one thousand florins in Prague. - -Even if it be granted that the honour and profit of these concerts -did not equal that which was accorded to celebrated vocalists of -the day,[55] yet it would be unjust to maintain that Mozart was not -appreciated by the public, and that they failed to express their -appreciation in hard cash. Any comparison with the unexampled success -attained by great performers of a later day ought not to leave out of -sight that the concert-visiting public has enormously increased since -that time, when this enjoyment was the exclusive privilege of the higher -ranks. - -The growing interest for literature and art was then just beginning to -awaken in the citizen class some desire for participation in theatrical -performances and concerts; but still the concert public of that time -had very little resemblance to that which we now expect to find. The -difference shows itself in the private concerts. During the winter, and -particularly during Lent, musical performances were the chief means -of entertainment among the nobility and wealthy citizens. Amateur -theatricals were also very fashionable, and even operas were often given -in private.[56] An opera by Prince Liechtenstein has been mentioned -before (Vol. II., p. 287); Mozart's "Idomeneo" was given in 1786 at the -private theatre of Prince Auersperg, where in 1782 an Italian opera had -been given in honour of the Grand - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(290) - -Duke;[57] Kelly had heard the Countéss Hatzfeld[58] sing Gluck's -"Alceste" there incomparably well.[59] - -Noblemen of high rank often maintained their own musical establishments; -and though this did not often consist, as in the case of Prince -Esterhazy or the Prince von Hildburghausen,[60] of a complete orchestra, -yet the retinue of most of the nobility (especially in Bohemia) were -capable of taking part in orchestral music,[61] or there was at least a -band of wind instruments to play during meals or in serenades.[62] But -for the private performances of which we have just spoken a complete -orchestra was always employed,[63] which was an easier matter then than -it would be now that orchestras are so much more fully appointed. This -arrangement was of the greatest importance for the musical profession. -The frequent concerts gave opportunity for a large number of musicians -to educate themselves into good orchestral players, and the composers -found constant employment in every branch of their art. Patrons vied -with each other in the production of new works by distinguished masters, -and above all in the acquisition of celebrated performers. The expense -of musical soirées was very great, but custom made it a point of honour -among the aristocracy to patronise the art which then surpassed all -others in public estimation. - -Mozart's popularity as a pianist would, as a matter of course, render -him much in request at these private concerts. As early as the winter of -1782 he was engaged for all the concerts given by Prince Gallitzin, the -Russian ambassador, who "placed his carriage at my disposal both going -and returning, and treated me in the handsomest - - -{PRIVATE CONCERTS--NOBLE PATRONS.} - -(291) - -manner possible' (December 21,1782). During the following winter he -again played regularly for Prince Gallitzin, also for Count Johann -Esterhazy, Count Zichy, &c. He calculates for his father's benefit that, -from February 26 till April 3, he would have to play five times for -Gallitzin, and nine times for Esterhazy, to which might be added three -of Richter's concerts and five of his own, besides chance invitations. -"Have I not enough to do?" he asks. "I do not think I shall be allowed -to get out of practice." When his father was in Vienna in 1785, he wrote -to his daughter that Wolfgang's harpsichord had been to the theatre and -to different private houses quite twelve times between February 11 and -March 12.[64] What amount of fee Mozart received for his performances -in private we have no means of ascertaining; in general, however, the -aristocracy were accustomed to reward distinguished artists according -to their deserts, and the exceptional position of the Viennese nobility -enabled the artists to accept their liberality without loss of dignity; -the more so as it was usually founded on sentiments of esteem and -consideration. That the friendly demeanour of persons of high rank was -highly prized by the artists themselves, there can be no doubt; nor -would there be wanting some who sought to merit it by servile adulation. -From any tinge of this Mozart was absolutely free; not only was he -unfettered by the forms of social class distinctions, but he moved in -society with all the independence of a distinguished man, without -laying claim to the license usually accorded to artists of genius. -The etiquette of rank was no bar to his intimacy with Prince Karl -Lichnowsky; and another of his true friends was Count August Hatzfeld, -who had carefully cultivated a considerable musical talent, and was a -first-rate quartet violinist. He became so imbued with the spirit of -Mozart's quartets, that the latter was said to have declared that he -liked nobody's execution of them so well as Count - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(292) - -Hatzfeld's.[65] The song in "Idomeneo" with obbligato violin was -composed for him. His noble character won for him universal esteem, -which was intensified by the calmness with which he met death in his -thirty-first year (Bonn, 1787). Mozart wrote to his father in a very -serious letter (April 4, 1787):-- - -On this subject (death and dying) I have already expressed my mind -to you on the occasion of the melancholy death of my best and dearest -friend, Count von Hatzfeld. He was thirty-one--just my age. I do not -mourn for _him_, but for myself and for all those who knew him as I did. - -Mozart also gave regular musical performances every Sunday morning in -his own house; he used to invite his friends, and musical amateurs -were admitted on payment. Kelly relates[66] that he never missed one of -these. I find them mentioned elsewhere also, and have heard of them from -old people who took part in them during the last years of Mozart's life. -They were always well attended; but whether Mozart's public concerts -were continued with unabated success after the year 1788, or whether -the time had come when he was to experience "the fickleness" of the -Viennese, I have no means of determining with exactitude. He wrote three -symphonies in June, July, and August of 1788, whence it may be -concluded that he was giving concerts during that time; and, by the same -reasoning, the absence of any symphonies or concertos composed during -the years immediately following would prove that no concerts were then -given. His pecuniary embarrassments during those years tell the same -tale; and the cutting off of this important contribution to his income -seems to have occasioned his journeys to Berlin and Frankfort. Not until -January, 1791, do we meet with another pianoforte concerto in B flat -major (595 K., No. 15) that was no doubt intended for a Lenten concert. - -The publication of his compositions, which in the present day would have -been Mozart's chief dependence, was by no means profitable, as matters -then stood. The music trade - - -{PUBLICATION OF COMPOSITIONS.} - -(293) - -of the day was small and insignificant; indeed, the first impulse was -given to it by the publication of an edition of all Mozart's works soon -after his death. During his life, however, compositions were more often -copied than printed;[67] and the composer was obliged to keep careful -watch lest copies should be distributed which were not ordered from him, -and which in consequence he was never paid for. It need scarcely be said -that caution such as this was not in Mozart's nature, and that copies of -his works were frequently made and sold without his knowledge. Different -musical firms (Joh. Traeg, Lausch, Torricella, &c.) advertised copies -of his compositions for sale under his very eyes; nor was this conduct, -however undesirable, thought unworthy of a respectable tradesmen. He -was careful only of his concertos; too much depended on his keeping -possession of them, and not allowing any one to play them who chose. -His three first concertos, indeed, he thought it advisable to publish -himself by a subscription of six ducats (December 23, 1782). He offered -them afterwards to the "highly respectable public" for four ducats, -"beautifully copied and revised by himself."[68] Even this his father -thought too dear; but Mozart thought that the concertos were worth the -money, and could not be copied for it. - -When sending his father those composed in the following year, he wrote -(May 24, 1784): "I can wait patiently until you send them back, so -long as they do not fall into any one else's hands; I might have had -twenty-four ducats for one of them to-day; but I think it will be to my -advantage to keep them a couple of years by me, and then to have them -printed." He used to take only the orchestral parts with him on his -journeys, and to play himself from a clavier part of most extraordinary -appearance, according to Rochlitz.[69] It consisted of only the figured -bass and the principal - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(294) - -motifs, with hints for the passages, runs, &c.; he depended on his -memory, which never by any chance failed him. In 1788 he advertised -copies of three quintets for four ducats.[70] - -As far, then, as concertos and symphonies were concerned, the composer -made his principal profit by his own performance of them; but he was -also called upon to write different things for other people. Mozart -wrote many compositions for his pupils, an extraordinary number for -his friends and acquaintance, and not a few to order on particular -occasions. Among the latter class are the quartets written for Frederick -William II., in 1789 and 1790 (575, 589, 590, K.), for which he was -doubtless well paid; it was said that he received for the first a -valuable gold snuff-box and a hundred friedrichs-d'or.[71] It is well -known that one hundred ducats were paid in advance for the Requiem, and -something may have come in for the adaptation of Handel's oratorios, -ordered by Van Swieten in 1788 and 1789, as well as for here and there -a commission or dedication. But a closer examination of the long list of -Mozart's compositions of this class makes it probable that they were -not for the most part profitable to him. A characteristic anecdote is -related of him by his widow, which bears out this supposition.[72] At -one of Mozart's Sunday matinées there was present a Polish Count, -who was very much delighted with the new (composed March 30, 1784) -pianoforte quintet with wind instruments. He commissioned Mozart to -write a trio with obbligato flute, which the latter promised to do. As -soon as he arrived at home, the Count sent Mozart a hundred half-louis -with a very polite note, repeating his thanks for the pleasure the music -had given him. The terms of the note left Mozart no doubt that the money -was a generous gift, and he returned the politest acknowledgment, at the -same time sending the Count, contrary to his custom, the original score -of the quintet he had so much admired. A year after the Count came again -to Mozart and inquired after the trio. Mozart excused himself by saying -he had not yet found himself in the humour to - - -{PUBLICATION OF COMPOSITIONS.} - -(295) - -write anything worthy of the Count's acceptance. "Then, no doubt," -answered the Count, "you will find yourself still less in the humour -to return me the hundred half-louis which I paid you for it." Mozart -returned the money, but the Count kept the score of the quintet, which -was soon after printed in Vienna without Mozart's permission. Against -such persons and such behaviour Mozart had no weapons but a shrug of -the shoulders, and a--"The rascal!" It may well be supposed that others -besides this Polish Count took advantage of such easy-going good-nature. -But the publishers must not be credited with more than their share of -blame.[73] Variations and similar trifles were doubtless often printed -without the composer's consent, and brought in considerable profits -in which he had no share. But the more important of his works which -appeared during his lifetime were either printed by subscription or -trusted for publication to Torricella, Artaria, and Hoffmeister. I have -only in one case been able to discover the amount paid to him; he wrote -to his father, who communicated it to his daughter (January 22, 1785) -that he had sold his quartets dedicated to Jos. Haydn to Artaria for -one hundred ducats. This was a considerable sum for those days, and the -reception given to the quartets on their appearance might well cause the -publisher to fear he had paid too dear for them. It is said that the -two beautiful pianoforte quartets in G minor (478 K., composed in July, -1785) and in E flat major (493 K., composed in June, 1786), were only -the commencement of a series bespoken by Hoffmeister; but the public -finding them too difficult, and refraining from buying them, he allowed -Mozart to retain the money he had paid in advance, and gave up the -continuation.[74] The popularity gained by Mozart's greater works must -always have been of gradual growth, since they were considered in every -respect too difficult, and it is quite credible that Hoffmeister said, -as was reported of him:[75] "Write more popularly, or else I can neither -print nor pay for anything more of yours!" - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(296) - -nor is it less credible that Mozart should have answered: "Then I will -write nothing more, and go hungry, or may the devil take me!" - -A note written to Hoffmeister on November 20, 1785, is indeed in quite -another tone:[76]-- - -Dear Hoffmeister,--I have recourse to you, and beg you to assist me -with a little money, of which I am much in want at present. I earnestly -entreat you to send me what I require as soon as possible. Pardon my -troubling you so much, but you know me, and are aware how much I have -your affairs at heart, so that I am convinced that you will not be -offended at my importunities, but will be as ready to show yourself my -friend as I am yours. - -A very enterprising publisher, Commerzienrath Hummel, of Berlin, -maintained that, though not musical, he could tell by the look of a -composition whether it would suit him. He had a poor opinion of Mozart, -and used to boast of having sent him back various works.[77] - -Rochlitz relates, as an instance of Mozart's ill-treatment at the -hands of theatrical managers,[78] that Schikaneder paid nothing for -the "Zauberflöte," and even, contrary to the agreement, sold the score -without his knowledge. Seyfried,[79] on the other hand, maintains that -Schikaneder paid Mozart a hundred ducats, and resigned the net profits -of the sale of the score to his widow. Be this as it may, Schikaneder's -treatment of Mozart must not be considered illustrative of that which he -usually received from his managers. A hundred ducats was then the -usual payment in Vienna for an opera. This sum Mozart received for the -"Entführung," for "Figaro," and no doubt also for "Cosi fan Tutte." -For "Don Giovanni" he had 225 florins. To this were usually added the -proceeds of a benefit performance (and another for the poet), which -of course depended on the popularity of the composer with the public. -Mozart does not mention the benefit performance of the - - -{PROFITS ON OPERAS.} - -(297) - -"Entführung"; but both in this case and that of "Figaro" it must have -had considerable results.[80] Bondini paid a hundred ducats for "Don -Giovanni." The Bohemian States, who ordered the "Clemenza di Tito" -for their coronation festival, can scarcely have offered him less -remuneration; even the manager Guardasoni, who was famous for his -parsimony, "almost agreed" in the year 1785 to give Mozart "two hundred -ducats for an opera and fifty ducats travelling expenses," as he informs -his wife--an agreement, however, which was never carried out.[81] - -In this respect, therefore, Mozart was not behind contemporary -composers. With regard to performances on foreign stages, we have no -definite information as to whether his permission was asked or paid -for,[82] but we may gather something from the ordinary usages of the -time. It was the traditional custom in Italy that whoever ordered -the opera should pay for it; what became of the score afterwards was -generally left to chance. The impresario remained in possession of it, -and usually allowed the copyist to make what profit he could out of the -sale of it (Vol. I., p. 131); but the composer also kept the score, and -seems to have distributed it wherever he thought he might gain honour or -profit by it. In Germany the case was altered, since there the composer -had generally to do with a court theatre. In Mannheim and Munich he -retained undivided possession of the score (Vol. II., p. 141).[83] -Mozart rejoiced that Baron Riedesel had asked him for the "Entführung" -and not the copyist (Vol. II., p. 213). As a matter of course foreign -theatres took the easiest course open to them to obtain possession of -the score. When they applied to the composer it was only because they -saw no other way of getting it, or for some special reason. Any question -of - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(298) - -the composer's rights or the theatrical manager's obligations seems -never to have occurred to either party. A careful hold of the score and -watchful supervision of the copyist were the only means of protection. -These did not go far, nor was Mozart the man to make use of them. -When, therefore, his operas appeared on foreign boards without any -compensation to himself, he only shared the fate of most of his -contemporaries, nor does he seem to have complained of it. He is glad -to write to his father (December 6, 1783) that his "Entführung" had been -well and successfully performed in Prague and Leipzig; and he rejoiced -again when "Figaro" was given in Prague and "Don Giovanni" in Vienna; -but there is no mention of payment. - -If we summarise these financial remarks, we shall arrive at the -conclusion that in view of the importance of his works, and the profits -afterwards made on them both by the theatres and the publishers, Mozart -was very inadequately paid; but this standard cannot be unreservedly -applied to them. The conditions and fluctuations of profit to which -even artists are subject are ruled by the prevalent type of living among -citizens and the higher classes; the close-fisted organisation of a -community of merchants and traders cares little for the comet-like -course of an artistic genius, and is only too likely to give it an -altogether wrong direction or to ruin it at the outset. From a pecuniary -point of view we must acknowledge that Mozart was on the whole as well -treated as the majority of his fellow-artists; that both as a composer -and a performer he was sometimes no worse, sometimes better, paid than -others; that he had no lack of opportunities for earning money, and that -in point of fact he had a very good income. If Mozart had possessed the -same capacity for business as his father or Joseph Haydn, he would no -doubt have reaped far greater advantages from his position in Vienna; -but even on what he actually earned he might have lived in ease and -plenty. Without ourselves going into calculations on the subject, we -have a trustworthy witness for it in Leopold Mozart. During his visit to -Vienna, in 1785, he had a watchful eye on the earnings and expenditure -of his son, and wrote to his - - -{PECUNIARY EMBARRASSMENT.} - -(299) - -daughter (March 19, 1785): "I believe that, _if he has no debts to -pay_, my son can now lay by two thousand florins; the money is certainly -there, and the household expenses, so far as eating and drinking are -concerned, could not be more economical." How far removed was Mozart -from such providence! From the time of his marriage we find him in -constantly recurring money difficulties; a long list of melancholy -documents lets us into the vexations, cares, and humiliations which were -the inevitable consequences of his improvidence. Scarcely six months -after their marriage the wedded couple were obliged to apply to the -Baroness von Waldstädten in the following note, in order to avert a -threatened action-at-law by one of their creditors:-- - -Most honoured Baroness,--I find myself in a fine position, truly! We -agreed with Herr von Tranner lately that we should have a fortnight's -grace. As this is customary with every merchant, unless he be the most -disobliging fellow in the world, I thought nothing more of it, and -hoped, if I could not pay the amount myself, at least to be able to -borrow it. Now Herr von Tranner sends me word that he positively refuses -to wait, and if I do not pay him between to-day and to-morrow he will -bring an action against me! I cannot pay him even the half of it. If I -had had any idea that the subscriptions for my concert would come in -so slowly, I would have fixed the payment for a later date. I pray your -ladyship, for Heaven's sake, to help me to preserve my honour and my -good name! My poor little wife is feeling poorly, and I cannot leave -her, or else I would come myself and beg this favour of you by word of -mouth..We kiss your ladyship's hand a thousand times, and beg to remain -your ladyship's obedient children, - -February 15, 1783. - -W. A. and C. Mozart. - -In July of the same year, when he was setting out for Salzburg, and -actually in the act of entering his carriage, he was stopped by an -importunate creditor for the paltry claim of thirty florins, which, -nevertheless, he found it difficult to satisfy.[84] And not long after -his return to Vienna he was disagreeably surprised by a demand for -twelve louis-d'or, which he had borrowed at Strasburg in 1778. He was -obliged to write to his father:-- - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(300) - -You will remember that when you came to Munich, where I was writing the -great opera, you reproached me for having borrowed twelve louis-d'ors -from Herr Scherz, at Strasburg, with the words, "Your want of confidence -in me disappoints me--but enough; I suppose I shall have the honour of -paying the twelve louis-d'or." I travelled to Vienna, you to Salzburg. -What could I suppose from your words but that I need think no more of -the debt--or at least, that you would write to me if you did not pay it, -or speak about it when I saw you in Salzburg? I ask nothing further of -you, my dear father, than that you will be my security for a month. Had -he demanded payment during the first year I could have done it at once -and with pleasure; and I will pay him as it is, only I am not in a -position to do so at this moment. - -In the very same year that his father boasts of his finances, we find -him in a difficulty which necessitated his applying to his publisher, -Hoffmeister, who put him off with a couple of ducats. But the saddest -insight into the embarrassed and humiliating position in which Mozart -found himself after the year 1788 is afforded by his letters to his -friend, Michael Puchberg, a wealthy merchant,[85] musical himself, -and with two daughters, one of whom distinguished herself as a -clavier-player. He was a Freemason, and it seems to have been through -the lodge that an intimacy was founded close enough to warrant Mozart's -constant application to him for assistance. His wish to borrow a sum -sufficiently large to be of permanent benefit to him, either from -Puchberg himself or by his instrumentality, was not granted. So that -when his rent became due, or his wife's doctor's bill, or a stay in -the country had to be provided for, he was constantly obliged to claim -assistance from his friend. Whenever it was possible Mozart strove to -meet his household embarrassments in a joking mood. In the winter of -1790 Joseph Deiner, the landlord of the "Silver Serpent," who was of use -to Mozart in many of his household affairs, called upon him one day -and found him in his workroom dancing about with his wife. On Deiner's -asking him if he was giving his wife dancing lessons, Mozart answered, -laughing, "We are - - -{PECUNIARY EMBARRASSMENT.} - -(301) - -warming ourselves, because we are very cold, and have no money to buy -fuel." Thereupon Deiner ran home and brought them some wood, which -Mozart accepted and promised to pay him for as soon as he made any -money.[86] But dancing will not satisfy every need, and the faithful -Puchberg was never weary of assisting Mozart. He sent him larger or -smaller sums, which Mozart was never in a position to repay, so that -after his death his liabilities amounted to one thousand florins. -Puchberg, who was of great service to Mozart's widow in the ordering of -her affairs, postponed his claims for several years, so as to give -her the opportunity of paying him by degrees, as her circumstances -improved.[87] Mozart had recourse to other friends besides Puchberg; -in April, 1789, he borrowed one hundred florins from an aspirant to -Freemasonry, named Hofdemel, as is testified by the existing letter and -note of hand.[88] It was not likely that assistance of this kind would -materially improve Mozart's position. In 1790, when he undertook the -journey to Frankfort, in the result of which he had placed great hopes, -he was obliged to raise his travelling expenses by pawning plate and -ornaments;[89] and the financial transaction of which he speaks in his -letters to his wife, whereby somebody was to hand him over one thousand -florins on Hoffmeister's endorsement, shows clearly enough that he had -fallen into the hands of usurers, from whom he had striven in vain to -free himself by Puchberg's intervention. These facts prove only too -clearly that from the time of his marriage Mozart became gradually -entangled in a net of embarrassments, without any hope of permanent -extrication. His letters show how deeply he felt the cares and -humiliations of his position. The circumstances of so public a character -could not remain long concealed in Vienna, even had he been less -injudiciously open than he was; after his death ill-natured gossip -exaggerated his debts to a sum of thirty thousand florins, and the -rumour reached the ear of the Emperor Leopold. The widow, informed of -this by a - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(302) - -friend of high rank, explained the calumny to the Emperor, and assured -him that three thousand florins would cover all Mozart's debts. -The Emperor gave her generous assistance as soon as the facts and -extenuating circumstances had been made known to him,[90] but he refused -a pension. - -The same charitable dispositions which settled the amount of Mozart's -debts were also busy in accounting for the fact of their existence. How -could they have been contracted but by dissipation, irregular living, -and extravagance?[91] Against such accusations we must listen to Mozart -himself, who would hardly have had the face to appeal to his manner of -life and well-known habits in applying for help to his intimate friend -Puchberg, if he had been conscious of such improprieties as those with -which he was charged. Leopold Mozart's testimony is unimpeachable as to -the economy of the housekeeping in the matter of eating and drinking, -and it was confirmed by Sophie Haibl. It may be thought that the father -purposely limits his praise of Wolfgang's economy to matters of eating -and drinking, and this is no doubt quite possible. Mozart was very neat -and particular in his dress, and fond of lace and watch-chains.[92] -Clementi - - -{EXTRAVAGANCE AND LOVE OF PLEASURE.} - -(303) - -took him for a valet-de-chambre on account of his elegant appearance, -and his handsome attire is referred to on various occasions. His father -writes mockingly to his daughter from Vienna (April 16, 1785) that -Wolfgang and Madame Lange had intended going with him to Munich, but -nothing was likely to come of it, "although each of them have had six -pairs of shoes made, which are all standing there now." It may well be -then that Mozart was not over-economical in his dress; at the same time -there is no reason to accuse him of extravagant foppery. - -The excess of which Mozart was mainly accused, however, was not of this -kind at all, but lay more in the direction of sensual indulgence. He -had always been extremely fond of cheerful society and the manifold -distractions it brought with it; nay, it was quite a necessity to him, -as a refreshment after long-sustained mental efforts. Mozart gave -no parties at home, but his wife used to organise little musical -performances on family festivals or to amuse her husband; few friends -were present on such occasions, and Haydn's music was generally -preferred by Mozart himself.[93] - -There can have been no lack of opportunities for intercourse with his -fellow-artists and with the numerous accomplished and wealthy amateurs -then in Vienna, and we can well imagine that Mozart's social impulses -found constant and lively exercise. Music was the principal object of -meeting, and Mozart brought his tribute to the entertainment in the -form of improvisation, both grave and gay; he was a lively and cheerful -companion, too, in other respects, always ready for a joke, and fond of -exercising his gift for improvising comic doggerel verses.[94] - -Of all amusements, Mozart was fondest of dancing, and - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(304) - -found ample opportunity for indulging his passion in Vienna, where -dancing was at that time an absolute rage.[95] His wife confided to -Kelly, who saw Mozart dance on the occasion of their first meeting, -that her husband was an enthusiastic dancer, and thought more of his -performances in that line than in music; he was said to dance the -minuet very beautifully.[96] His letters have many indications of this -partiality, and he gives his father a merry and complacent account of a -ball at his own house (January 22, 1783):-- - -Last week I gave a ball in my own house; but of course the gentlemen -paid two florins each. We began at six o'clock in the evening and left -off at seven. What! only one hour? No, no; seven o'clock in the morning! -You will scarcely believe that I could find room for it. - -He had lately moved, and had taken apartments with Herr von Wezlar, a -rich Jew:-- - -There I have a room a thousand paces long, and a bedroom, then an -anteroom, and then a fine large kitchen; there are two fine large rooms -next to ours, which stand empty at present, and these I made use of for -the ball. Baron Wezlar and his wife were there, so were the Baroness -Waldstädten, Herr von Edelbach, Gilowsky the boaster, young Stephanie, -Adamberger and his wife, the Langes, &c. - -Still more exciting entertainments were the masked balls; and we have -already seen (Vol. I.,p. 337) that Mozart possessed both inclination -and talent for disporting himself in assumed characters. He writes -from Vienna (January 22, 1788), begging his father to send him his -harlequin's dress, because he would like to go on the Redoute as -harlequin: "but so that nobody should know it; there are so many here -(chiefly great asses) who go on the Redoute." Several good friends -associated themselves into a "compagnie-masque," and performed a -pantomime on Whit Monday, which filled up the half-hour before dancing -began. Mozart was Harlequin, Madame Lange Columbine, Lange played -Pierrot, an old dancing-master named Merk, who "drilled" the company, -took Pantaloon, and the painter Grassi the Doctor. - -The plot and music were by Mozart, the doggerel verses - - -{AMUSEMENTS--ILLNESS} - -(305) - -with which the pantomime was introduced by the actor Müller; it might -have been better, Mozart thought, but he was satisfied with the acting: -"I assure you we played very well," he informs his father (March -12,1783). Of the music for this pantomime thirteen numbers for stringed -instruments in parts are preserved, the first violin written by Mozart -(446 K.) It is, as may be imagined, very unpretending, as are also the -briefly indicated situations; for instance: "Columbine is sad--Pantaloon -makes love to her--she is angry--he is gay--she angry--he angry too." - -Another passion of Mozart's was billiard-playing; Kelly relates that -he often played with Mozart, but never won a game.[97] He had a -billiard-table in his own house, and played with his wife in case of -need,[98] or even quite alone. This was certainly a luxury, though far -from an unusual one in Vienna at that time, and it was occasioned not -solely from love of the game,[99] but, as Holmes rightly remarks, from -the care of the physicians for Mozart's health. - -In the spring of 1783 he was seized with cholera, which was raging as an -epidemic,[100] and in the following summer he was again seriously ill, -as Leopold Mozart informs his daughter (September 14, 1784):-- - -My son has been very ill in Vienna. He was very much overheated at -Paesiello's new opera, "Il Reteodoro," and was obliged to go into the -open air to look for the servant who had charge of his overcoat, because -orders had been given that no servants should be admitted to the theatre -by the ordinary entrance. This brought on rheumatic fever, which without -careful attention might have turned to typhus. Wolfgang writes: "I have -had raging colic every day for a fortnight at the same hour, accompanied -by violent vomiting. My doctor, Herr Sigmund Barisani, was in the habit -of visiting me almost daily even before this illness; he is very clever, -and you will see that he will soon make himself a name." - -Barisani was the son of the Archbishop's physician at Salzburg, an -intimate friend of the Mozart family. He was of it!" - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(306) - -distinguished in his profession, becoming later chief physician at the -general hospital, and a warm friend and admirer of Mozart. A charming -memorial of their friendship is preserved at the Mozarteum in Salzburg, -in the form of some affectionate verses addressed to Mozart by Barisani, -bearing date April 14, 1787. Underneath Mozart has written the following -lines:-- - -To-day, September 3 of this same year, I was so unfortunate as to -lose by death this noble-natured man, my dearest, best friend, and the -saviour of my life. It is well with him! but with me--us--and all who -knew him--it can never be well again, until we are so happy as to meet -him in another world _never to part again._ - -Barisani, seeing the impossibility of altogether weaning Mozart from the -habit of writing far into the night, and very often as he lay in bed in -the morning, endeavoured to avert the hurtful consequences in another -way. He recommended him not to sit so long at the clavier, but at all -events to compose standing, and to take as much bodily exercise as -he could.[101] His love of billiard-playing gave the doctor a welcome -pretext for turning this motive into a regular one; Mozart was equally -fond of bowls, and he was the more ready to follow the doctor's -directions with regard to both games since they did not interfere with -his intellectual activity. It happened one day in Prague that Mozart, -while he was playing billiards, hummed an air, and looked from time to -time into a book which he had with him; it appeared afterwards that he -had been occupied with the first quintet of the "Zauberflote."[102] When -he was writing down the score of "Don Giovanni" in Duschek's garden, -he took part at the same time in a game of quoits; he stood up when -his turn came round, and sat down again to his writing after he had -thrown.[103] - -But what of Mozart's inclination for strong drink, so often talked of? -There can be no doubt that he was very fond of punch; Kelly speaks of -it,[104] and Sophie Haibl does not - - -{MOZART'S LOVE OF WINE.} - -(307) - -disguise that her brother-in-law loved a "punscherl," but she also -asserts that he had never taken it immoderately, and that she had -never seen him intoxicated.[105] That he was capable of wild excess is -contradicted by his whole nature and by his conduct through life; but -these make it probable that he did not disdain the _poculum hilaritatis_ -in cheerful society, and that he gave vent to his spirits in a manner -more unrestrained than it should have been.[106] - -But Mozart also fortified himself with a glass of wine or punch when he -was in the throes of composition. In one of his apartments his immediate -neighbour was Joh. Mart. Loibl, who was musical and a Freemason, -consequently intimate with Mozart; he had a well-filled wine-cellar, of -the contents of which he was never sparing in entertaining his friends. -The partition wall between the houses was so thin, that Mozart had only -to knock when he wished to attract Loibl's attention; whenever Loibl -heard the clavier going and taps at his wall between the pauses, he used -to send his servant into the cellar, and say to his family, "Mozart -is composing again; I must send him some wine."[107] His wife made him -punch, too, when he was writing the overture to "Don Giovanni" the night -before its performance. Whoever casts a glance over Mozart's scores will -see that they could not have been written in the excitement caused by -wine, so neat and orderly are they even to the smallest details, and in -spite of the most rapid execution; and those who are in a position to -examine any one of his compositions will not need to be told that no -intellect overstrained and excited by artificial means could possibly -have produced such perfect clearness and beauty. Whether Mozart was -right in providing a bodily stimulus in the form of strong drink during -a continuous intellectual strain may well be doubted; experience and -opinions differ widely on this point. Goethe advised that there should -be no forcing an - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(308) - -unproductive mood into activity by external means of any kind; but he -answered Eckermann's remark that a couple of glasses of wine were often -of great service in clearing the mental vision, and bringing difficult -subjects to a solution, as follows: "You know my Divan so well that you -will remember that I said myself-- - - Wenn man getrunken hat, - Weiss man das Rechte, - -and that I entirely agree with you. There exist in wine inspiring forces -of a very important kind; but all depends upon circumstances and times -and places, and what is useful to one does harm to another."[108] - -Let us now gather into one the separate traits which we have been -constrained to discuss, owing to the wide dissemination of those -injurious reports against which Niemetschek has already rightly -protested. - -We have before us the picture of a cheerful, pleasure-loving man, -capable of such exertions of productive power and such intellectual -industry as have seldom been surpassed in the history of art, and -seeking his necessary recreation in social intercourse and the pleasures -of the senses to a degree which was equalled by the majority of his -contemporaries in Vienna without exciting any attention at all. He -was not by any means a thoughtless, dissipated spendthrift. But a -spendthrift he was, if the word be taken to signify one who fails to -control his wants and luxuries, so that they may be in proportion to -the actual state of his finances. His most dangerous qualities were a -good-natured soft-heartedness, and a spontaneous generosity. He gave, as -it were, involuntarily, from inner necessity. Rochlitz relates that he -not only gave free admissions to the chorus-singers at Leipzig, to which -they had no claim, but that he privately pressed a considerable present -into the hands of one of the bass singers who had specially pleased him. -When a poor old piano-tuner, stammering with embarrassment, begged for a -thaler, Mozart pressed a couple of ducats into his hand and - - -{MOZART'S THOUGHTLESS LIBERALITY.} - -(309) - -hurried from the room.[109] When he was in a position to give help, he -could not see any one in want without offering relief, even though -it entailed future difficulties on himself and his family; repeated -experiences made him no more prudent in this respect. That he was often -imposed upon there can be no doubt. Whoever came to him at meal-time was -his guest, all the more welcome if he could make or understand a joke, -and Mozart was happy if only his guests enjoyed their fare. Among -them were doubtless, as Sophie Haibl relates, "false friends, secret -blood-suckers, and worthless people, who served only to amuse him at -table, and intercourse with whom injured his reputation."[110] One of -the worst of this set was Albert Stadler, who may serve as an example -of the way in which Mozart was sometimes treated. He was an excellent -clarinet-player, and a Freemason; he was full of jokes and nonsense, -and contrived so to ingratiate himself with Mozart that the latter -constantly invited him to his house and composed many things for him. -Once, having learnt that Mozart had just received fifty ducats, he -represented himself as undone if he could not succeed in borrowing that -very sum. Mozart, who wanted the money himself, gave him two valuable -repeater watches to put in pawn upon condition that he should bring him -the tickets and redeem them in due time; as he did not do this, Mozart -gave him fifty ducats, besides the interest, in order not to lose his -watches. Stadler kept the money, and allowed the watches to remain at -the pawnbroker's. Nowise profiting by this experience, Mozart, on his -return from Frankfort, in - -1790, commissioned Stadler to redeem from pawn a portion of the silver -plate which had been pledged for the expenses of the journey and -to renew the agreement for the remainder. In spite of a very strong -suspicion that Stadler had purloined this pawn-ticket from Mozart's open -cashbox, the latter was not deterred from assisting him in the following -year towards a professional tour, both with money and recommendations, -in Prague, and from presenting him with - - -{MARRIED LIFE.} - -(310) - -a concerto (622 K.), composed only a few months before Mozart's -death.[111] - -No doubt all this shows culpable weakness on Mozart's part--weakness -incompatible with his duty to himself and his family. His household -burdens were increased by many misfortunes, especially by the repeated -and long-continued illnesses of his wife, necessitating an expensive -sojourn in Baden for many successive summers. Her delicacy doubtless -prevented such personal supervision of the household as was essential -to its economical management. She failed also to acquire such an -intellectual influence over her husband as to strengthen his capacity -for the proper conduct of his affairs, and she had not strength of mind -or energy to take the management of the household entirely into her own -hands. She felt the discomfort keenly, saw the causes of it, but could -not strive against them for any length of time. Without wishing to -reproach her, we may say at least that had Constanze been as good a -housekeeper as Mozart was a composer, things would have gone well with -him. - -It must not be supposed that Mozart was blind to the advantages of good -household management or wanting in the will to effect it; from time -to time he made earnest endeavours after economic reform. In February, -1784, he began an exact catalogue of his compositions, in which he -carefully entered every one of his works, until a short time before his -death, with suggestions of the theme;[112] at the same time he began to -keep an account book of his income and expenditure. André observes as to -this account, which unhappily I have not been able to see, that Mozart -entered his receipts--which included the profits on some concerts, -on lessons to different persons of rank, and on a few of his -compositions--on a long piece of paper. His expenditure he noted in a -little quarto book, which he afterwards used - - -{MOZART'S ACCOUNT-KEEPING.} - -(311) - -for writing English exercises and translations. His entries, while they -lasted, were exact and minute. For instance, on one page we find:-- - -May 1, 1784. Two lilies of the valley... 1 kreutzer. - -May 27, 1784. A starling.........34 kreutzers. - -Then comes the following melody--[See Page Image] - -with the remark, "Das war schön!" It is easy to discover what so -delighted him. On April 12 he had composed his pianoforte concerto in G -major (453 K.), and soon after played it in public. The subject of the -rondo is:--[See Page Image] - -The pleasure he felt at hearing it piped so comically altered induced -him to buy the bird. He grew very much attached to his "Vogel Stahrl," -as indeed he was to all animals, especially birds, and when it died he -erected a gravestone to its memory in his garden, with an epitaph in -verse.[113] - -The excessive neatness of the account-books leads us to fear that they -were not persevered with for any very long time, and indeed it is almost -surprising that Mozart should have kept them for a whole year, from -March, 1784, to February, 1785. After that he handed them over to his -wife, and the entries soon cease. - -Certainly Niemetschek is right in saying that "even if the same -indulgence be granted to Mozart that we must all wish to see extended -to ourselves, he cannot be put forward as an example of carefulness and -economy." Whoever, like Mozart, begins his housekeeping with nothing -at all, or even with debts, and is dependent upon an uncertain and -fluctuating income, has need of the strictest economy and regularity, -amounting even to parsimony, if he is to extricate himself from his -difficulties or attain to competence; otherwise occasional strokes of -good fortune are seldom of use--indeed are sometimes positive -hindrances." Regularity and economy were, as we have seen, qualities not -in Mozart's nature, and he never acquired them. Their absence -sufficiently accounts for his constant financial embarrassments. He -atoned for his errors and weakness by poverty and want, by sorrow and -care, by shame and humiliation; he was spared none of the punishment -which life ruthlessly inflicts on those who do not conform to the laws -of her iron necessity. But death has wiped out the stain, and the -misrepresentations of envious detractors and petty fault-finders have no -power to touch that which is immortal. - - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER 27 - - -[Footnote 1: Cf. Friedel, Briefe aus Wien (1784), p. 409.] - -[Footnote 2: Mozart himself wrote this to his father, who communicates it to -Marianne (September 17, 1785).] - -[Footnote 3: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 225.] - -[Footnote 4: A. M. z., I., p. 855.] - -[Footnote 5: I cannot undertake to give anything like a comprehensive description -of Mozart's wife, although I have received many communications from -trustworthy persons who have known her personally. Their knowledge is -of her later years only, and their accounts are often inconsistent. This -inconsistency arises from the conflict in the widow's mind between pride -in the fame of the husband, of whose greatness she was fully aware only -after his death, and a painful remembrance of the hardships of their -married life. These hardships she was inclined to ascribe solely to his -want of capacity for practical affairs, and an injured feeling was often -mingled with her unbounded pride in Mozart's artistic achievements and -her belief in his love for her. The peculiarities of her second husband, -Nissen, a business man, painfully accurate and precise, tended no -doubt to intensify the contrast. Nissen's was an honourable, although a -commonplace nature, and he had earned Constanze's gratitude by his care -for her in her widowed and destitute condition, and by placing her in -a good worldly position as his wife; so that it is not surprising -that Mozart's memory should have passed into the background, with the -exception of his musical fame, which Nissen could not rival. At any -rate, we find Constanze continually posing as the patient martyr, -suffering from the thoughtlessness of a man of genius, who remained a -child to the end of his days. This is unjust to Mozart, but it would -be equally unjust to Constanze to make her mainly responsible for the -family difficulties.] - -[Footnote 6: Jahrb. d. Tonkunst. (1796), p. 43.] - -[Footnote 7: Nissen, p. 689.] - -[Footnote 8: Shlichtegrolls Nekrolog. Cf. Zelter, Briefw. mit Goethe, VI., p. 61.] - -[Footnote 9: Niemetschek, p. 97. Nissen, p. 686.] - -[Footnote 10: A. M. Z., I., p. 291. Nissen, p. 687.] - -[Footnote 11: This letter was made use of by Nissen. I obtained it from Köchel.] - -[Footnote 12: A. M. Z., I., p. 291. Nissen, p. 687.] - -[Footnote 13: "On this point I have accepted the verbal testimony of trustworthy -Salzburg friends, confirmed by Niemetschek, p. 98 (Nissen, p. 690).] - -[Footnote 14: Forster, Sämmtl. Schr., VII., p. 268. The French traveller [K. -Risbeck] says a great deal about the dissoluteness of the Viennese. "All -the great towns are alike in this respect. The courts are more or less -corrupt, and the nobility universally so; those who can do as they like -abuse their privileges, and act unworthily. But it is not always fair -to consider freedom of manner as a sign of licentiousness, as those who -live in small towns are apt to do. If a pretty girl permits a kiss on -her hand, or even her lips--if, when she loves a man, she is not ashamed -to say so--these are not deadly sins, and the shame rests with those who -take advantage of her openness."] - -[Footnote 15: From a MS. biographical notice of Hummel, by M. J. Seidel, -communicated by Preller.] - -[Footnote 16: The length to which the calumny went is shown by Suard (Mél. de -Litt., II., p. 339): "J'ai entendu dire qu'il n'avait fait Ja 'Flute -Enchantée' que pour plaire ä une femme de théätre dont il était devenu -amoureux, et qui avait mis ses faveurs ä ce prix. On ajoute que son -triomphe eut des suites bien cruelles, et qu'il en contracta une maladie -incurable dont il mourut peu de temps après. Ce fait me parait peu -vraisemblable: la 'Flûte Enchantée' n'est pas le dernier de ses opéras, -et lorsqu'il l'a composée sa santé était déjä fort altérée."] - -[Footnote 17: Salieri was recommended by Gluck as a composer for the Grand-Opéra -in Paris, in 1784, when he had himself refused to undertake the -composition of "Les Danaides" (Mosel, Salieri, p. 77).] - -[Footnote 18: A book of exercises and letters in English was used by Mozart as an -account book in 1784 (André, Vorr. zu Mozart's Themat.-Catalog., p. 3).] - -[Footnote 19: Hamburg. Litt. u. Krit. Blätt, 1856, No. 72, p. 563.] - -[Footnote 20: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 277. L. Mozart gives his daughter a long -account of the English visitors who were invited to a State concert by -the Archbishop, and very well received.] - -[Footnote 21: A Viennese correspondent of January 25, 1787, says (Cramer's -Musik. Magaz., II., p. 1273): "Mozart left Vienna some weeks ago on a -professional tour to Prague, Berlin, and, it is even said, to London. I -hope that it will be productive both of pleasure and profit to him." -And Leopold Mozart wrote to his daughter (January 12, 1787): "The report -that your brother intends going to England is confirmed from Vienna, -Prague, and Munich."] - -[Footnote 22: Niemetschek, p. 44. Rochlitz's account, founded on information from -Mozart's widow (A. M. Z., I., p. 22), is confirmed by Nissen (p. 535).] - -[Footnote 23: A. M. Z., I., p. 291.] - -[Footnote 24: Rochlitz expressly states that the King repeated this conversation -to various persons, among others to Mozart's widow, during her stay in -Berlin, in February, 1796.] - -[Footnote 25: Mosel, Salieri, p. 132.] - -[Footnote 26: The story that after his return from Prague (September, 1791), -as Nie-metschek has it (p. 36), or on his death-bed,as it is usually -embellished, Mozart received his appointment as actual kapellmeister, -with all its emoluments, is evidently unfounded. In the widow's -petition for a pension (in the Mozarteum at Salzburg) only "the expected -appointment to the post of cathedral kapellmeister" is mentioned, and -in a magistrate's order of December 12,1791 (in the collection of Al. -Fuchs), "Joh. Georg. Albrechtsberger, imperial court organist, appointed -to the post of assistant kapellmeister at the metropolitan church of St. -Stephan, as successor to the late Herr Mozart." Hoffman died in 1792, -and then Albrechtsberger succeeded him.] - -[Footnote 27: Caroline Pichler, Denkwürd, I., p. 180.] - -[Footnote 28: K. R[isbeck], Briefe, I., p. 292. G. Forster, Sämmtl. Schr., VII., -p. 268. Meyer, L. Schroder, I., p. 360, Schink, Dramaturg. Monate, II., -p. 542.] - -[Footnote 29: Niemetschek, p. 92. According to a letter of Nissen's to Härtel -(November 27, 1799), they were in the possession of Gelinek, and are -apparently lost. Journ. d. Lux. u. d. Mod., 1808, II., p. 802.] - -[Footnote 30: Prutz, Deutsch. Museum, II., p. 27. Frank was well known as a -"great musician." Briefw. Carl Augusts mit Goethe, I., p. 302.] - -[Footnote 31: L. Mozart wrote to his daughter from Vienna (March 12, 1785): -"He has had a great _fortepiano pedal_ made, which stands under the -harpsichord, three spans long, and fearfully heavy."] - -[Footnote 32: Allgem. Wiener Mus. Ztg., 1842, p. 489. Seidel, Handschr. Notiz.] - -[Footnote 33: Holmes tells the story on trustworthy family authority (p. 258).] - -[Footnote 34: Allgem. Wien. Mus. Ztg., 1842, p. 489.] - -[Footnote 35: Holmes, p. 259. Cf. Fétis, Curios. Hist, de la Mus., p. 212.] - -[Footnote 36: Stadler (Vertheidig. der Echtheit des Req., p. 13) says: "When I -turn over these leaves, I never fail to remember the great master, and -rejoice in observing his manner of working."] - -[Footnote 37: Zelter, Briefw. mit Goethe, V., p. 85. In the Wiener Zeitung, 1796, -p. 1038, Jos. Haydenreich advertises for sale at a price of 4 fl. 30 -kr., "Ein noch unbekanntes geschriebenes Fundament zur erlernung des -Generalbasses von Mozart."] - -[Footnote 38: It has been published several times in Vienna by Steiner & Co. with -the title of "Kurzgefasste Generalbass-schule von W. A. Mozart,'' and -as "Fundament des Generalbasses von W. A. Mozart," by J. G. Siegmeyer -(Berlin, 1822).] - -[Footnote 39: Holmes, p. 316.] - -[Footnote 40: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 228.] - -[Footnote 41: Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 552. C. Pichler, Denkw., I., p. 127.] - -[Footnote 42: Nicolai (Reise, IV., p. 552) dilates upon the announcement of these -great amateur concerts, and especially upon paragraph 6, which runs: -"Card-tables will be placed in the ante-rooms, and money for play -provided at discretion; the company will also be provided with every -kind of refreshment." He asserts that this was not so at the private -concerts of true connoisseurs, at which he had been present.] - -[Footnote 43: Wien. Ztg., 1782, No. 44. K. R[isbeck], Briefe, I., p. 276. "The -entertainments I most enjoyed during the nights of last summer, were -the so-called 'lemonade-tents.' Great tents were erected on one of the -largest open spaces in the city, and there lemonade was dispensed at -night; several hundred seats were occupied by ladies and gentlemen. A -band of music was placed at a little distance, and the perfect silence -which was maintained by the numerous assembly had an indescribable -effect. The charming music, the solemn silence, the confidential mood -engendered by the night, all combined to give the scene a peculiar -charm" (Jahrb. d. Tenk., 1796, p. 78).] - -[Footnote 44: Hormayr, Wien., V., I., pp. 41, 50.] - -[Footnote 45: Nicolai, Reise., III., p. 12.] - -[Footnote 46: Franz Türke is mentioned later as a distinguished amateur (Jahrb. -d. Tonk., 1796, p. 63).] - -[Footnote 47: In 1791, Martin, "directeur des concerts d'amateurs," announced his -great concerts in the Imperial Augarten in the Prater, and at court, -in a somewhat doleful manner (Wien. Ztg., 1791, No. 45 Anh.). They were -afterwards continued under the conductorship of the vice-president, Von -Keess (Jahr. d. Tonk., 1796, p. 74. A. M. Z., III., p. 46).] - -[Footnote 48: Cramer, Magazin d. Musik, I., p. 578: "A concert was given this -after-noon in the National Theatre for the benefit of the celebrated -Herr Chevalier Mozart, the performance including several pieces of his -own composition. The concert was attended by a very numerous audience, -and the two new concertos and various fantasias, which Herr Mozart -performed on the pianoforte, were received with loud and general -applause. Our gracious Emperor, contrary to custom, remained through -the whole performance, and joined in the unprecedented applause of the -public. The receipts are said to amount to 1,600 florins."] - -[Footnote 49: Wien. Ztg., 1784, No. 28, Anh.] - -[Footnote 50: Nicolai, Reise, II., p. 636.] - - -[Footnote 51: This imposing list includes not only the names of Mozart's avowed -patrons, Countess Thun, Baroness Waldstädten, Count Zichy, Van Swieten, -but also of the Duke of Würtemburg, the Prince of Mecklenburg, the -Princes C. Liechtenstein, Augsperg, Kaunitz, Lichnowsky, Lobkowitz, -Paar, Palm, Schwarzenberg, and the famous names of Bathiany, -Dietrichstein, Erdödy, Esterhazy, Harrach, Herberstein, Keglewicz, -Nostiz, Palfy, Schaffgotsch, Stahremberg, Waldstein; besides the -Ambassadors of Russia, Spain, Sardinia, Holland, Denmark, the great -bankers, Fries, Henikstein, Arenfeld, Bienenfeld, Ployer, Wetzlar, high -officers of state and scholars, such as Isdenczy, Bedekovich, Nevery, -Braun, Greiner, Keess, Puffendorf, Bom, Martini, Sonnenfels--in very -truth the most distinguished society of Vienna.] - -[Footnote 52: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 231. Pohl, Mozart in London, p. 169.] - -[Footnote 53: At the same time Mozart wrote the two concertos for Barb, von -Ployer (Vol.II., p. 279), a concerto in Bflat major (No. 4., 450 K.)on -March 15, aconcerto in D major (No. 13., 451 K.) on March 22, and the -quintet (452 K.) on March 30.] - -[Footnote 54: Wien. Ztg., 1786, No. 28, Anh.] - -[Footnote 55: Storace and Coltellini had a salary of 1,000 ducats, besides free -quarters and travelling expenses; and to this was added the profit -accruing from benefits, concerts, and other sources. Marchesi received -600 ducats and a valuable ring for six performances (Müller, Abschied, -p. 8).] - -[Footnote 56: Theaterkal., 1787, p. 95. C. Pichler, Denkw., I., p. 124.] - -[Footnote 57: Wien. Ztg., 1782, No. 82.] - -[Footnote 58: Jahrb. Tonk., 1796, p. 25.] - -[Footnote 59: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 201. A performance of "Axur" is mentioned -(Jahrb. f. Tonk., 1796, p. 38). According to the Thematic Catalogue, -Mozart wrote a concluding chorus "fur Dilettanti," to Sarti's opera, "Le -Gelosie Vil-lane," on April 20, 1791.] - -[Footnote 60: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., pp. 7, 49.] - -[Footnote 61: Gyrowetz, Selbstbiogr., p. 8.] - -[Footnote 62: Cf. pp. 307, 627.] - -[Footnote 63: C. Pichler, Denkw., I., p. 45.] - -[Footnote 64: Mozart's concert harpsichord is now in the Mozarteum at Salzburg, -a little instrument by Anton Welter, in a walnut-wood case with black -naturals and white flats and sharps. It has five octaves, is light in -touch, and tolerably powerful in tone.] - -[Footnote 65: Cramer's Mag. d. Musik, II., p. 1380.] - -[Footnote 66: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 226.] - -[Footnote 67: Mozart's printed composition only extended during his lifetime to -Op. 18 (Klavierconcert, 451 K., No. 13), without counting variations and -songs.] - -[Footnote 68: Wien. Zeit., 1783, No. 5, Anh. These three concertos in A major -(414 K., No 10), F major (413 K., No. 12), and C major (414 K., No. 5), -were then printed in Vienna as Ouvre IV.] - -[Footnote 69: A. M. Z., I., p. 113.] - -[Footnote 70: Wien. Ztg., 1788, No. 27, Anh.] - -[Footnote 71: N. Berl. Musikzeitg., 1856, p. 35.] - -[Footnote 72: A. M. Z., I., p. 289.] - -[Footnote 73: Rochlitz's account (A. M. Z., IM p. 83) does not tally.] - -[Footnote 74: Cf. Nissen, p. 633.] - -[Footnote 75: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., XV., p. 313. Für Freunde der Tonkunst, I., p. -148.] - -[Footnote 76: Endorsed by Hoffmeister: "Den 20 Nov., 1785, mit 2 Duka ten." -N.Ztschr. Mus., IX., p. 164.] - -[Footnote 77: A. M. Z., I., p. 547.] - -[Footnote 78: A. M. Z., I., p. 83; cf. p. 147. Nissen, p. 548.] - -[Footnote 79: Neue Zeitschr. Mus., XII., p. 180.] - -[Footnote 80: Dittersdorf says that the profits from his benefit performance -of the "Doktor and Apotheker" amounted to 200 ducats (Selbstbiogr., p. -243).] - -[Footnote 81: Rochlitz's account is confused and uncertain. (Für Freunde d. -Tonk., II., p. 258., II).] - -[Footnote 82: He expected a gift from the Prussian Ambassador; whether he -received it, or what it was, is not known.] - -[Footnote 83: Count Seeau must have sold for his own profit the pieces which were -only purchased for representation; Schroder and Beecké complain of this -in unpublished letters to Dalberg.] - -[Footnote 84: Nissen, p. 475.] - -[Footnote 85: He was called a "Niederlagsverwandter," that is, he belonged to the -privileged society of merchants, for the most part Protestants, who had -the right, subject to certain restrictions, of keeping warehouses and -trading wholesale (Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 447).] - -[Footnote 86: Wiener Morgenpost, 1856, No. 28.] - -[Footnote 87: Nissen, p. 686.] - -[Footnote 88: O. Jahn, Aufs. üb. Musik., p. 234.] - -[Footnote 89: Nissen, p. 683.] - -[Footnote 90: Niemetschek, p. 57. Nissen, p. 580.] - -[Footnote 91: How far Mozart was misjudged in this respect is shown by such -expressions as those in Schlichtegroirs Nekrolog: "In Vienna he married -Constanze Weber, who made a good mother to his two children and a -careful wife, striving to restrain his folly and extravagance. His -income was considerable, but his excesses and want of economy in -household affairs caused him to leave nothing to his family but the fame -of his genius and the observation of the world." It is not surprising -that Mozart's widow should have bought up a whole impression of this -notice in 1794. Rochlitz warmly condemns such shameless calumny. Arnold -is much coarser (Mozart's Geist, p. 65), accounting for his premature -death by saying: "Besides this [excessive work] he was a husband, -brought up two children, and had many intrigues with lively actresses -and other women, which his wife good-naturedly overlooked. He must often -have starved with his wife and children, if the threats of impatient -creditors had been carried into effect. But when a few louis-d'or made -their appearance the scene changed at once. All went merrily, Mozart -got tipsy on champagne and tokay, spent freely, and in a few days was as -badly off as ever. The liberties he took with his health are well known; -how he used to drink champagne with Schikaneder all morning, and punch -all night, and go to work again after midnight, without any thought of -his bodily health."] - -[Footnote 92: Nissen, p. 692.] - -[Footnote 93: Niemetschek, p. 99.] - -[Footnote 94: Niemetschek, p. 93. Mozart was very accessible to the pleasures of -society and friendship. "Among his friends he was as open as a child, -and full of merriment, which found vent in the drollest tricks. His -friends in Prague have a pleasant remembrance of the hours passed in his -company, and are never weary of praising his good, innocent heart; when -he was present, one forgot the artist in the man" (Cf. Rochlitz, A. M. -Z., III., p. 494). His brother-in-law, Jos. Lange, remarked that Mozart -was generally in most jesting mood when he was busy with some great work -(Selbstbiogr., p. 171).] - -[Footnote 95: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 204.] - -[Footnote 96: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 226. Nissen, p. 692.] - -[Footnote 97: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 226.] - -[Footnote 98: Niemetschek, p. 100.] - -[Footnote 99: Nicolai, Reise, V., p. 219.] - -[Footnote 100: He wrote to his father (June 7, 1783): "God be praised, I am quite -well again, only my illness has left a cold in the head behind as a -remembrance--very good. ] - -[Footnote 101: Giesinger, Biogr. Not. üb. J. Haydn, p. 30.] - -[Footnote 102: Nissen, p. 559.] - -[Footnote 103: Bohemia, 1856, pp. 118, 122.] - -[Footnote 104: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 226.] - -[Footnote 105: Nissen, p. 672.] - -[Footnote 106: Rochlitz suggests that Mozart sought forgetfulness of anxious -thoughts in wine (A. M. Z., III., p. 495).] - -[Footnote 107: Frau Klein, of Vienna, Loibl's daughter, related this and many -other characteristic traits from her childish remembrances to my friend -Karajan.] - -[Footnote 108: Eckermann, Gespräche mit Goethe, III., p. 234, &c., especially p. -239.] - -[Footnote 109: a. M. z., I., p. 81.] - -[Footnote 110: Nissen, p. 673.] - -[Footnote 111: Nissen, p. 683.] - -[Footnote 112: This document, invaluable for the history of Mozart's -compositions, leaving no doubt as to important points from the year 1784 -onwards, has been published by André under the title, "W. A. Mozart's -thematischer Catalog" (Offenbach, 1805, 1828). It is my authority for -all assertions as to the date of his works, except where otherwise -specified.] - -[Footnote 113: Niemetschek, p. 91. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII. MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS. - -MOZART'S relations to his father, which had hitherto, one may say, -filled his whole mental life to a most uncommon degree, - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(312) - -had been seriously affected by his marriage. It was not till after long -opposition that Leopold Mozart voluntarily, although most unwillingly, -gave his consent, and how deeply he was wounded will appear from the -answer he made to a conciliatory letter addressed to him by the Baroness -Waldstädten (August 23, 1783):-- - -I thank your ladyship most heartily for the interest you are pleased -to take in my affairs, and more especially for your ladyship's -extraordinary kindness in celebrating so handsomely my son's -wedding-day.[1] When I was a young fellow I imagined that those were -philosophers who spoke little, laughed seldom, and maintained a surly -demeanour towards all the rest of mankind. But my own experience has now -fully convinced me that I am myself a philosopher without knowing it; -I have done my duty as a father--have made the clearest and most -comprehensible statements in many letters--and I am convinced that he -knows my painful circumstances, made doubly so by my advanced age and -unworthy position in Salzburg--he knows that I am sacrificed - - -{L. MOZART'S DISAPPOINTED HOPES.} - -(313) - -morally and physically by his behaviour--and there now remains no -resource to me but to leave him (as he has so willed it) to himself, and -to pray the Almighty to bestow my paternal blessing on him, and not to -withdraw His Divine mercy. As to myself, I will endeavour to preserve -what remains of my native cheerfulness, and still to hope for the -best.[2] - -Putting ourselves in the place of Leopold Mozart, we must acknowledge -that his reproaches and misgivings were in some respects well founded; -but, nevertheless, he went too far in that he could not make up his mind -to recognise his son's independence, and gave way to a bitterness of -feeling which made him hard and unjust, and which, unhappily, was never -altogether effaced from his heart. Wolfgang, on the contrary, betrayed -no shadow of resentment--his love and reverence for his father -remained the same to the end, unabated by unsparing and often unjust -fault-finding. If his letters were less frequent or shorter than -formerly he had ample excuses to offer, either of illness or the -numerous occupations and distractions which were unavoidable in his -position.[3] When, for any of these reasons, customary congratulations -were neglected, an apology was sure to follow--for instance (January -4, 1783): "We both thank you heartily for your New Year's wishes, and -willingly acknowledge ourselves stupid blockheads for having forgotten -our duty in this respect; being so far behindhand, we will dispense -altogether with a New Year's wish, only offering you our general -every-day wish, and so let it pass." Being quite convinced that his -Constanze could not fail to impress his father and sister favourably, -and that personal acquaintance would efface all unpleasant feeling, he -was very anxious to - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(314) - -take her to Salzburg as soon as possible. But many difficulties came in -the way, for which his father did not always make due allowance. Mozart -was particularly desirous of passing his father's fête-day in Salzburg -(November 15,1782), but the time was too short for him. He had promised -to play at a concert for Fraulein Aurnhammer on November 3, and he must -be in Vienna again at the beginning of December, that being the best -season for lessons and concerts; to these objections might be added -the impassable state of the roads, and such severe cold as rendered -it undesirable to travel with his wife. In short, the journey must -be postponed until the spring; in spring, however, the approaching -confinement of his wife again put it out of the question. At the last -moment Mozart invited his father to stand godfather (June 7, 1783):-- - -I had no idea that the joke would so soon turn into earnest, and -therefore postponed falling on my knees, clasping my hands and humbly -begging you, my dearest father, to stand godfather to my child. But as -there may still be time for it, I do so now. Nevertheless, in sure hope -that you will not refuse my request, I have taken care that in case of -need somebody shall stand at the font in your name. Whether the child -shall be _generis masculini or feminini!_ it is to be called Leopold or -Leopoldine. - -Soon after the birth of the child,[4] however, at the end of July, 1783, -they actually set out. Mozart and some of his friends had misgivings -lest the Archbishop should seek to detain him in Salzburg, because he -had never received any formal dismissal from service--"for a priest is -capable of anything." With this idea, he proposed a meeting in Munich, -but his father appears to have reassured him.[5] - -Before Mozart was married, he had "made a vow in his heart" that, if he -succeeded in bringing Constanze to Salzburg, he would compose a mass to -be performed there. "A proof of the sincerity of this vow," he wrote to -his father (January 4, 1783), "is afforded by the score of the half of - - -{VISIT TO SALZBURG, 1783.} - -(315) - -my mass, which is laying before me in full hope of completion." He took -with him to Salzburg only the Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus, and Benedictus, -composed on a scale of great splendour (427 K.). The missing movements -were probably supplied from an older mass, and the whole was rehearsed -at the Kapellhaus on August 23, and performed at St. Peter's church -(the Archbishop having apparently refused the cathedral) on August 25, -Mozart's wife taking the soprano part.[6] - -Mozart was not by any means idle during this visit to Salzburg. The -revival of Italian opera had suggested to him to look about for a -libretto for an opera buffa, and even before he came to Salzburg he -had entered into negotiations with Varesco through his father. Varesco -declaring himself quite ready, it only needed the visit to Salzburg to -concert the plan of the opera, "L'Oca del Cairo." Varesco prepared a -detailed account of the plot, and carried out the first act in full; -Mozart set himself with equal zeal to its composition, and took back to -Vienna a sketch of part of the act. We shall have to do later with the -fate of this opera. - -At the same time he found leisure for a service of love to Michael -Haydn. Hadyn had been ordered by the Archbishop to compose some duets -for violin and tenor, perhaps for his special use, but owing to a -violent illness, which incapacitated him for work during a lengthened -period, he was unable to finish them at the time appointed; the -Archbishop thereupon threatened to deprive him of his salary. When -Mozart heard of the difficulty he at once undertook the work, and, -visiting Haydn daily, wrote by his bedside to such good purpose that the -duets were soon completed and handed over to the Archbishop in Hadyn's -name.[7] - -These two duets (423, 424, K.) show no signs of hasty composition, but -are worked out with evident affection, partly no doubt from desire to -do credit to himself and his friend, but partly also from the interest -which the difficulties of the - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(316) - -task presented. There is no small amount of art required to give the -clear-cut outline and well-defined divisions which are essential in -works of this kind, and yet to bestow full attention on light and shade -and delicate touches of detail. The art consists chiefly in the free -disposition of parts, which is partly imitative (where independent -movement is necessary) and so managed as also to bestow an original and -striking character on the passages which form the accompaniment. This -is all the more striking because the limited number of parts only -occasionally gives scope for full harmonies, the effect of which must be -attained by means of skilful adjustment. It is a task requiring all -the resources of art and genius to employ the stiff monotony of broken -chords, and at the same time to gratify the sense of hearing by such a -sense of harmony as can only be given by the absolutely free play of the -different parts. This task is here accomplished with as much ease as -was compatible with the limited means at disposal. Variety in form -is carefully provided for. The first Duet in G major consists of a -broadly-designed allegro, a short, beautiful adagio, and an animated, -but more than usually serious rondo; in the second, in B flat major, a -light allegro is introduced by a short adagio; then follows an adagio -in the form of a Siciliana, and the conclusion is made by very graceful -variations. The melodies and harmonies are free and original, the -composition is broad, fresh and lively, and a multitude of delicate -touches betray the master's hand. Michael Haydn treasured the original -as a memorial both of artist and friend, and Mozart himself set -considerable store by the work. - -Mozart found several new inmates in his father's house. "My son is in -Vienna, and intends to remain there," writes L. Mozart to Breitkopf -(April 29, 1782); "I have therefore arranged that two pupils shall -reside with me for their education, viz., the son, twelve years of age, -and the daughter, fourteen, of Herr Marchand, theatrical manager in -Munich. I hope to make a great violinist and pianist of the boy, and -a great singer and pianiste of the girl." These pupils were joined by -another of nine years old, Johanna Brochard, daughter of the celebrated -actress, who profited by L. - - -{VISIT TO SALZBURG, 1783.} - -(317) - -Mozart's instruction during 1783 and 1784.[8] Wolfgang took a lively -interest in all this youthful talent. He says of Margarethe Marchand, -whom he met afterwards in Munich as Frau Danzi (October 31, 1783): "Her -grimaces and affectations are not always pleasant. Only blockheads would -be taken in by them. I myself would rather have the most boorish manners -than such exaggeration of coquetry." According to what we hear of her -performances afterwards, she must have followed good advice and altered -her style.[9] - -Wolfgang took great interest in her brother Heinrich, and sent him word -(December 6, 1783) that he had spoken in his favour both at Linz and -Vienna. "Tell him to rely chiefly on his staccato; for that is the only -way in which he can avoid comparison with La Motte at Vienna." There -was also in Salzburg at that time the blind pianiste, Marie Thérèse -Paradies, who was an acquaintance of L. Mozart, and now became known -also to Wolfgang,[10] who afterwards wrote a concerto for her (Vol. II., -p. 288). But the object of Mozart's visit, which lay nearest his heart, -was the establishment of friendly relations between his wife and his -father and sister; and this unfortunately in great measure failed. A -superficial friendship seems to have resulted from the visit; but there -are many indications that neither the father nor sister felt attracted -by Constanze. Mozart appears to have been aggrieved that his wife was -not presented with any of the trinkets that had been given him in his -youth.[11] This trait is characteristic as a proof that Leopold Mozart -thought himself justified in showing in the plainest manner disapproval -of his son's marriage, and of the wife he had chosen; and it can -scarcely be wondered at that Constanze, conscious of the want of -anything like sympathy in her husband's family, should not have -encouraged his sense of dependence on their advice and opinions. But -this sense was too deeply implanted in his heart to be ever altogether -eradicated; and his letters, though not so - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(318) - -frequent as formerly, continued to the end to breathe the same spirit -of childlike love and reverence. After a stay of almost three months -the young couple returned home. Mozart sends his father the following -account of their journey from Linz:-- - -We arrived here safely yesterday, October 30, at nine o'clock in the -morning. We passed the first night at Böcklbruck. The following forenoon -we arrived at Lambach, and I was just in time to accompany the Agnus Dei -of the office on the organ. The "Herr Prälat" [who had received Mozart -kindly in 1767] was very delighted at seeing me again. We remained there -the whole day, and I played on the organ and a clavichord. I heard that -at Ebersperg, on the following day, Herr Steurer was to give an operatic -performance at which all Linz would be present, so I determined to -proceed there at once. Young Count Thun (brother to the Thun at Vienna) -called on me, and said that his father had been expecting me for the -last fortnight, and that I was to stay with him. The next day, when we -arrived at the gate of Linz, we were met by a servant to conduct us to -the residence of old Count Thun. I cannot say enough of the politeness -with which we are overwhelmed. On Tuesday, November 4, I shall give a -concert in the theatre here, and as I have not a single symphony with -me, I am writing one for dear life to be ready in time. My wife and I -kiss your hands, and beg your forgiveness for having troubled you during -so long a time; once more we thank you heartily for all the favours we -received from you.[12] - -What symphony it was which Mozart composed at Linz cannot be exactly -ascertained. Holmes conjectures that it may be a Symphony in C major -(425 K., score 6), which, according to Niemetschek, was dedicated to -Count Thun; this fact would support the conjecture. André, however, -believes that the unprinted Symphony in G major (444 K.) may be the one -composed in Linz, the more so as the score is in Mozart's handwriting -only as far as the first half of the andante, and has then been -completed by a copyist; this is very probable because Mozart, in order -to gain time, only wrote out the parts of the last half, as was -his custom when in haste. The smaller orchestra also, the narrower -dimensions and the lighter character of this symphony, all point to it -as the one in question; that in C major is more - - -{SYMPHONY COMPOSED FOR LINZ, 1783.} - -(319) - -striking and important both in style and treatment. Nevertheless the -two symphonies both belong to the same time and style, and indicate in -a curious way a transition in Mozart's instrumental music; the positive -influence of Haydn's symphonies is nowhere so clearly apparent as -in these two works. The very fact that in both cases the allegro is -preceded by a pathetic, somewhat lengthy adagio is very significant; -this is a well-known arrangement of Haydn's, but was only exceptionally -made use of by Mozart. The same influence is visible everywhere; in the -lively, rapid, and brilliant character of the whole, in the effort to -please and amuse by humorous turns and unexpected contrasts of every -kind in the harmonies, in the alternations of _f_ and _p_, and in the -instrumental effects. A remarkable instance of this is the andante of -the Symphony in G major. The very theme, the simple bass, the triplet -passage for the second violin, then the minor with the figure in -the bass, and the sharp accentuation, are all completely Haydn-like -features. The counterpoint of the finale of both symphonies reminds us -of Haydn's manner.[13] It need scarcely be said, however, that there -is no trace of servile imitation in either work, and that Mozart's -originality asserts itself here as elsewhere. A comparison of the -Symphony in E flat major (543 K., composed June 26, 1788) shows also -many more points of resemblance to Haydn's style than other works of the -same date; but Mozart's individuality is here so overpowering as to have -given its distinguishing stamp to these very features. - -The fact that Mozart wrote a symphony within the course of a few days -will excite no surprise; it is worthy of note that during his stay in -Linz he copied an "Ecce Homo" which made a great impression on him, for -his wife, with the inscription "Dessiné par W. A. Mozart, Linz, ce 13 -Novembre, 1783; dédié ä Madame Mozart son épouse"; she - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(320) - -preserved it as a proof "that he had some talent for drawing," as she -wrote to Härtel (July 21, 1800). - -In the year 1785 Leopold Mozart returned the visit of his son and -daughter-in-law, and remained their guest from February 10 to April 25. -He convinced himself that their income ought to be more than sufficient -for the support of the household, and took great delight in his second -grandchild Carl, now six months old, "a healthy, lively, merry child." - -But on the whole he appears to have been dissatisfied with his visit, -and very little inclined to accede to Wolfgang's wish that he should -take up his residence with them in Vienna.[14] His pleasure in his son's -performance and admiration of his genius were as great as they had -ever been. During the whole of his visit, one concert followed close on -another, and Wolfgang was engaged almost as a matter of course for them -all; his father took equal pride in his playing and his compositions. -At one concert Wolfgang played the splendid concerto he had composed -for Paradies (456 K.). "I had a very good box," writes his father -to Marianne, "and could hear every gradation of the instruments so -perfectly, that the tears came to my eyes for very joy"--so thoroughly -did the old man appreciate and relish artistic beauty. The day after his -father's arrival, Mozart invited Haydn to a quartet party at his house. -On such occasions Mozart, who in later years discontinued his practice -of the violin, usually took the tenor part. Kelly tells of a quartet -party at Storace's, when Haydn took the first violin, Dittersdorf the -second, Mozart tenor, and Van-hall violoncello--a cast unique of its -kind.[15] L. Mozart writes to his daughter:-- - -They played three of the new quartets, those in B flat, A, and C major -(458, 464,465 K.). They are perhaps a little easier than the other -three, - - -{L. MOZART'S VISIT TO VIENNA, 1785.} - -(321) - -but admirable compositions. Herr Haydn said to me: "_I assure you -solemnly and as an honest man, that I consider your son to be the -greatest composer of whom I have ever heard; he has taste, and possesses -a thorough knowledge of composition._" - -L. Mozart knew the value of such an opinion from such a man; it afforded -him a confirmation of his faith, and of the conviction to which he had -sacrificed the best powers of his life. Such a testimony to his son's -genius was the father's best reward, and one of the brightest spots of -his life. L. Mozart obtained much credit also through his pupil Heinrich -Marchand, who accompanied him, and played with great success at several -concerts. - -Nor were other entertainments and enjoyments altogether wanting. He -heard Aloysia Lange, whose beautiful voice had once been a source of -anxiety to him, in Gluck's "Pilgrims of Mecca" and in Grétry's "Zemire -and Azor" (her favourite part): "She sang and played admirably on both -occasions." He visited the Baroness Waldstädten, whose acquaintance had -gratified him so much, in the convent of Neuburg, where she was then -staying; but we do not hear anything of the future course of their -friendship. - -It is an important fact, and one of grave significance in the case of -a man of L. Mozart's tone of mind and thought, that he was led by his -son's influence to enter the order of Freemasonry. The strong national -feeling which existed in him, side by side with devotion to the -tenets of his church, regulating his conception of moral duties, and -influencing all his critical judgments, makes it conceivable that he -should seek for enlightenment through an association which numbered -among its members some of the most considerable and highly esteemed of -his friends. I am not aware how far he was satisfied by the disclosures -made to him, nor whether he remained an active member of the order after -his return to Salzburg; his daughter saw grounds for believing that -his subsequent correspondence with Wolfgang turned mainly on topics -connected with Freemasonry. From Vienna Leopold Mozart travelled by way -of Munich, where he had a pleasant visit, back to Salzburg. There he -found awaiting him an announcement from his gracious master - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(322) - -that, as he had already exceeded his six weeks' leave of absence, if he -did not report himself before the middle of May, "no salary should be -paid to him until further notice." We can enter into the complaints he -made to his daughter of the dulness of his life in Salzburg. He never -saw his son again. A faint hope, expressed to Marianne (September 16, -1785), that Wolfgang, not having written for a considerable time, meant -to surprise him with a visit, was not fulfilled; he himself, accompanied -by Heinrich Marchand, paid a flying visit to Munich in February, 1787, -but did not go on to Vienna. His paternal pride was gratified by the -intelligence of Wolfgang's brilliant success in Prague; and he did not -neglect to inform his daughter when Pater Edmund, who had been on a -visit to Vienna, declared on his return that Wolfgang had the reputation -of being the first of living musicians (February 3, 1786). He watched -with anxious sympathy over the course of his son's worldly affairs, but -refused with consistent severity any substantial support, the right -to which Wolfgang had clearly forfeited by his independent attitude; -paternal advice, in its most unsparing form, was always at his service. -Leopold Mozart transferred to his daughter the tenderness and active -participation which was now denied to him in his intercourse with his -distant son. Thus he remained to the end true to his principles, but not -untouched by the weakness and suffering of old age; he answers one of -Marianne's anxious inquiries after his health (February 24, 1787):-- - -An old man must not expect anything like perfect health; he is always -failing, and loses strength just as a young man gains it. One must -just patch oneself up as long as one can. We may hope for a little -improvement from the better weather now. You will, of course, find me -very much thinner, but, after all, that is of no consequence. - -He had still a pleasure to come in the visit of the Storaces and Kelly; -Mdlle. Storace had packed up Wolfgang's letter intrusted to her so -carefully, that she could not get at it, but verbal intercourse with -such intimate friends of his son must have been ample compensation for -this. Soon afterwards he fell ill, on hearing which Wolfgang wrote as -follows (April 4, 1787):-- - - -{ILLNESS AND DEATH OF L. MOZART, 1787.} - -(323) - -I have this moment heard what has quite overwhelmed me--all the more -since your last letter allowed me to imagine that you were quite -well--and now I hear that you are really ill! How earnestly I long for -reassuring news from your own hand, I do not need to tell you, and I -confidently hope for it, although I have learnt to make it my custom to -imagine the worst of everything. Since death (properly speaking) is the -true end of life, I have accustomed myself during the last two years to -so close a contemplation of this, our best and truest friend, that he -possesses no more terrors for me; nothing but peace and consolation! and -I thank God for enabling me to discern in death the _key_ to our true -blessedness. I never lie down in bed without remembering that perhaps, -young as I am, I may never see another day; and yet no one who knows me -can say that I am melancholy or fanciful. For this blessing I thank God -daily, and desire nothing more than to share it with my fellow men. I -wrote to you on this point in the letter which Mdlle. Storace failed to -deliver _ä propos_ of the death of my dearest friend Count von Hatzfeld; -he was thirty-one--just my own age; I do not mourn for him, but for -myself, and all those who knew him as I did. I hope and pray that even -as I write this you may be already better; but if, contrary to all -expectation, this should not be the case, I conjure you by all that we -hold most sacred, not to hide the truth from me, but to write at once, -in order that I may be in your arms with the least possible delay. But -I hope soon to receive a reassuring letter from yourself, and in this -hope, - -I, with my wife and Carl, kiss your hands a thousand times, and am -ever,--Your most dutiful son. - -This letter puts the seal on the beautiful, genuinely human relations -existing between the father and son; in the presence of death, they -stand face to face like men, calm in the assurance that true love and -earnest efforts after truth and goodness reach beyond the limits of our -earthly existence. Leopold Mozart apparently recovered from this attack, -and wrote to his daughter on May 26, that he should expect her and her -family to spend Whitsuntide with him; but this pleasure was denied to -him. On May 28, 1787, a sudden death[16] ended the career of a man -who had accomplished, by means of a singular union of shrewdness and -industry, of love and severity, the difficult task of educating a child -of genius into an artist. - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(324) - -The personal relationships which resulted from Mozart's marriage not -only affected his mental and social condition, but had also considerable -influence on him as a composer; it is indispensable therefore to take -them into account in any consideration of his artistic career. - -His relations with his mother-in-law were, as might have been expected, -unfavourable enough at first. She did not indeed live in the same house -with them, as Mozart writes for his father's consolation (August 31, -1782);[17] but even at the second visit which he paid her with his wife, -she scolded and disputed until Constanze was reduced to tears, and they -resolved in consequence only to visit her on family fête-days. This -state of affairs was afterwards improved, since we can well understand -that it was impossible for a man of Mozart's genial and loving nature -to keep up offence. "Mozart and our late mother became more and more -attached to each other," writes Sophie Haibl. "He used often to come -running to our house with little packets of coffee and sugar, saying as -he handed them out: 'Here, mamma dear, take a little _Jause_' (afternoon -coffee). He never came to us empty-handed." Constanze's youngest -sister, Sophie, was in very frequent intercourse with them; her sister's -constant illness rendered her help in nursing, which she was always most -willing to bestow, quite invaluable; and during Mozart's last illness -we find her constant in attendance at his bedside. Mozart's intercourse -with Aloysia Lange and her husband[18] seems to have been friendly and -unembarrassed. The Langes did not live happily together, and though -Lange himself laid the blame upon backbiters,[19] it was notorious that -their disunion arose from his unreasonable jealousy, a jealousy for -which his wife had - - -{MOZART AND MADAME LANGE.} - -(325) - -far more cause than he.[20] But as far as Mozart was concerned Lange's -jealousy must have been unprovoked, or he would hardly have taken the -part of Pierrot in the pantomime already noticed (Vol. II., p. -304), allowing his wife to play Columbine to Mozart's Harlequin. She -acknowledged later that, as a young girl, she had under-estimated -Mozart's genius, and she learnt to look upon his music with admiration -and reverence, and upon himself with friendship and esteem.[21] We find -many indications in the letters of friendly intercourse between the -Mozarts and the Langes. It was natural, therefore, that they should have -afforded each other professional help whenever opportunity arose. -On April 10, 1782, Mozart composed a song (383 K.)[22] for his -sister-in-law, the words of which show it to have been intended for a -benefit performance by way of farewell:-- - - Nehmt meinen - Dank, ihr holden Gonner - So feurig als mein - Herz ihn spricht. - -Whether Madame Lange was about to leave Vienna on a tour, or had merely -come to the end of an engagement, I cannot say. The composition (in G -major) takes the form of a ballad in two verses, and is very simple, -easy and pleasing. Original features are not wanting, as for instance, -suspensions and transition notes on an organ point, which even modern -musicians would find piquant. The accompaniment is easy, but delicate; -the stringed instruments play _pizzicato_ throughout, a device not often -employed by Mozart; the flutes, oboe, and bassoon, employed as solo -instruments, but without any bravura, enliven the simple design. In the -following year (January 8) he composed a Rondo (416 K., part 1), "Mia -speranza adorata," which she first sang at a concert at the Mehlgrube; -the distinguishing qualities of this song are delicacy and tenderness; -it depends for effect more upon a sympathetic delivery than on the -compass and - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(326) - -executive powers of the singer. In March of the same year, Madame Lange -and Mozart mutually supported each other at their concerts. - -After the revival of the Italian opera, it often happened that Mozart -was requested to compose detached pieces for insertion. When, in 1783, -Anfossi's opera of "Il Curioso Indiscreto," composed in 1778, was -represented, Madame Lange and Adamberger, who, as German singers, had to -contend with much opposition, knew that they could not fail to make an -effect in music of Mozart's composition, and begged him to write two -songs for their _début_. He was, as ever, quite ready to grant their -request; but he had yet to learn that even in Italian opera he could -not assert his claims without opposition. We have his own account in a -letter to his father (July 2, 1783):-- - -The opera was given the day before yesterday, Monday; none of it pleased -except my two songs, and the second, a bravura song, was encored. But -you must know that my enemies were ill-natured enough to spread about -beforehand that Mozart had undertaken to correct Anfossi's opera. I -heard of this, and sent word to Count Rosenberg that - -I would not produce the songs unless the following notice in German and -Italian was printed in the opera-book: "Notice.--The two songs, page 36 -and page 102, are composed, not by Signor Anfossi, but by Herr Mozart, -at the desire of Madame Lange. This announcement is made out of respect -and consideration for the fame of the celebrated Neapolitan composer." -This was done, and I handed over the songs, which did as much credit to -myself as to my sister-in-law.[23] So my enemies are caught in their own -trap! Now I must tell you of one of Salieri's tricks, which did not hurt -me so much as poor Adamberger. I think I wrote to you that I had also -composed a rondo for Adamberger. At one of the early rehearsals, before -the rondo was ready, Salieri called Adamberger aside, and told him that -Count Rosenberg was not pleased at the idea of his inserting a song, and -he should advise him as a friend to abandon it. Adamberger, exasperated -against Rosenberg, answered with a stupid display of ill-timed pride: "I -flatter myself that Adamberger's fame is so well established in Vienna -that he has no need to seek the favour of the public by songs written on -purpose for him; I shall sing what is in the - - -{ARIE FOR ALOYSIA LANGE.} - -(327) - -opera, and never insert any song as long as I live." And what was the -consequence? Why, that he made no effect at all, and now repents, but -too late; for, if he were to come to me to-day for the rondo, I would -not give it to him. I can use it very well in one of my own operas. -But what most provokes him is that my prophecy and his wife's turns out -correct, viz., that neither Count Rosenberg nor the manager knew a word -of the affair, so that he was simply tricked by Salieri. - -Adamberger might certainly have made a brilliant display of his powers -in the song (420 K., part 8) "Per pietä non ricercata."[24] It is broad -in design, and affords the singer opportunities for a display of -voice, delivery, and execution; it maintains a certain dignity of tone -throughout. A very effective use is made of the wind instruments; and -a comparison of their full satisfying sound with that of the wind -instruments in the song quoted (Vol. II., pp. 232, 233) will show how -closely connected in a true work of art are the tone-colouring of the -instruments and the nature and development of the motifs. - -The first of Madame Lange's two songs, "Vorrei spiegarvi, oh Dio!" (418 -K.), was composed on June 20, and is broad in outline, the first slow -movement in especial being delicately elaborated in detail. It expresses -the painful hesitatation of a mourner who would fain express her grief, -but dares not; and this idea is well expressed by the broken phrases of -the voice part, leaving the thread of the music to be carried on by the -accompanying orchestra. A simple accompaniment, delivered pizzicato by -the second violins and tenors, forms the canvas for the design, in which -the oboe supports the principal motif, sometimes accompanying the voice, -sometimes relieving it; an easy figure twines round the chief subject, -sustained throughout by the first violins muted; while the horns and -bassoons in sustained chords give consistency and shading to the whole. -The situation and subject of the song necessitate restless and varied -modulation; and this opening movement affords an example of Mozart's art -in projecting a design and maintaining it - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(328) - -throughout with the utmost delicacy and variety of detail. The allegro -which follows is more directly suggestive of opera buffa in its -impulsive haste and in its dramatic characterisation; but the skill is -worthy of note with which the elevated tone of the first movement is -preserved and the bravura of the singer is placed in the most favourable -light.[25] The second song, "No che non sei capace" (419 K.), which is -allotted to the same character, Clorinda, is a bravura song, in the very -fullest acceptation of the term. The passages of two allegro movements -mount to the highest heights like rockets, bursting from a ground-work -of declamatory and dignified melody. The orchestra, too, is tolerably -noisy, but so managed as always to spare the voice. - -Mozart was very much gratified when the Langes selected his "Entführung -aus dem Serail" for their benefit performance prior to a month's leave -of absence, and he takes care to acquaint his father with the fact -(December 10, 1783).[26] The choice was of course made chiefly in -their own interests, since the opera was a favourite, and the part of -Constanze might have been written for Madame Lange. Kelly, who admired -her as one of the first vocalists of the day, and repeats Stephen -Storace's comparison of her voice and execution to those of the -Bastardella, was of opinion that the part of Constanze was of "the exact -compass" for her voice.[27] When she reappeared, after a severe -illness, in the same opera, on the 25th of November, 1785,[28] she was -"deservedly well received,"[29] and the part was one which she - - -{ARIE FOR ALOYSIA LANGE.} - -(329) - -frequently played later with the greatest applause, bestowed especially -on the bravura songs.[30] - -Mozart wrote another song for her on March 14, 1788 (538 K.), "Ah se in -ciel benigne stelle" (from Metastasio's "Eroe Cinese,") apparently as -a concert-piece. It is long and elaborate, well calculated to display -great compass of voice, and more of bravura than the previous songs; -but, as regards invention and mechanism, it is of less importance than -those already noticed. It is not wanting in interesting harmonic details -nor in expressive passages, but they stand apart, and are not blended -into a harmonious whole in Mozart's usual manner. - -A very favourable idea of Aloysia's vocal powers may be formed from the -songs composed for her in Vienna; the promise of the young girl had been -amply fulfilled.[31] The fabulous height of her voice, which reached -with ease to--[See Page Images] - -was moderated in the second song to-- - -but the low notes appear to greater advantage, and we are surprised by -intervals such as-- - -The flexibility of the voice appears to have been cultivated to an -astonishing degree in every direction, and though the merit was chiefly -Mozart's that these passages were interesting, expressive, and in -good taste, yet their execution required a cultivated and accomplished -singer. Hufeland wrote in 1783 that Madame Lange's voice was one of the -finest he - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIEND.} - -(330) - -had ever heard, unusually pleasing and sympathetic, although somewhat -weak for the stage,[32] and in this judgment Cramer concurs.[33] It was -no doubt from consideration for the distinctive tone-colouring of -the voice that Mozart did not make use of the whole body of wind -instruments, particularly not of the clarinets, but allowed the gentler -oboe to predominate in the accompaniment. - -Mozart's eldest sister-in-law, Josepha, made her first appearance as a -singer at Schikaneder's theatre, after her marriage with the violinist -Hofer. With the exception of a high and flexible voice (a common -inheritance, apparently, of all the Webers), she had no special gifts -nor musical cultivation, and Mozart seems to have taken great pains -in practising her parts with her. He wrote a bravura song for her on -September 17, 1789 (580 K.), "Schon lacht der holde Frühling," which -she, as Rosina, was to insert in the German adaptation of Paesiello's -"Barber of Seville"; only portions of the score remain. It has no -special significance, and reminds us in its embellishments of the -Queen of Night's songs, which it resembles in other respects. Mozart -interested himself also in his brother-in-law Hofer, studying his -quartets with him, although Hofer was an indifferent musician; he took -him with him on his last professional journey to Frankfort, that the -name of Mozart might facilitate his public appearance, and be of use to -him in his very narrow circumstances. - -Mozart was always ready to lend a helping hand, even where family -considerations had no influence. When Nancy Storace, the original -Susanna, in "Figaro," was leaving Vienna, he composed for her the -beautiful song with obbligato pianoforte (505 K., part 6), which he -played himself at her concert.[34] He selected the words of the song -which had been composed for Idamante in the Vienna performance of -"Idomeneo," "Non temer amato bene." The circumstance that Idamante -addresses laments and endearments to Ilia, who is - - -{OCCASIONAL COMPOSITIONS.} - -(331) - -present, perhaps suggested the appropriateness of an obbligato -accompaniment, and, in point of fact, the piano part represents the -lover in the most charming and expressive manner, appearing now to -assent, now to reply to the expressions of the singer. In this respect, -as well as in its tone and sentiment, this song is far in advance of the -earlier one with obbligato violin; the spirit of "Figaro" moves over -it, and we seem to recognise the depth of feeling and the tinge of -sentimentality which characterise the Countess. - -Mozart's comparative failure in his attempt to insert songs in Anfossi's -"Curioso Indiscreto" did not prevent his coming forward as soon as -another opportunity of the same kind offered itself. On November 28, -1785, Bianchi's "Villanella Rapita" was produced for the first time, -and Mozart was induced to give the opera the support of some ensemble -movements of his composition.[35] The beautiful Celestine Coltellini -(second daughter of the poet Coltellini, who had written the libretto -of Mozart's first opera) was engaged in 1783 by the Emperor Joseph II. -himself at Naples, where she had been singing with great success since -1779.[36] She first appeared on April 6, 1785, in Cimarosa's "Conta-dina -di Spirito,"[37] and took the place of Mdlle. Storace (who had -temporarily lost her voice)[38] in the first performance of Storace's -opera, "Gli Sposi Malcontenti," on June 1,1785.[39] Her voice was not -first-rate, and her compass only moderate, but she had been thoroughly -well trained, sang with ravishing expression, and fascinated her -audience by her acting, especially in comic parts.[40]These qualities -were made - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(332) - -prominent in Mozart's charming terzet and quartet; her part is that of -a peasant-girl, simple even to silliness, who receives presents from a -Count, without being in the least aware of his intentions, nor of the -rage and jealousy of her betrothed and her father. In the terzet (450 -K.--(Probably 480 K. DW)) "Mandina amabile" (composed November 21, 1785), the -delight with which she accepts the money, and, at the request of the -Count, gives him her hand with the words, "Ecco servitevi!" is not given -with any particular refinement by the poet; but Mozart has thrown so -much grace and roguery into the action that it becomes an excellent -point for a clever actress. The opening has a certain resemblance to -the duet between Don Giovanni and Zerlina, although the latter stands -several degrees higher, in accordance with the different characters -of the personages; a comparison of the two pieces affords a proof of -Mozart's skill in basing his characterisation on the conditions of -the dramatic situation. Even when the lover interferes with jealous -violence, and the Count seeks to excuse himself with as good a grace as -possible, she fails to perceive what is passing before her; and Mozart -does not neglect the opportunity of combining these opposing elements -into a well-proportioned animated whole. The effect is excellent when -the key, after the duet has pursued its rollicking course in A major -and the nearly related keys, passes into A minor, and then with rapid -transition into C major; even when it has reverted into A major the -minor key constantly recurs in discords suggestive of jealousy. The -quartet (479 K.) "Dite almeno, in che mancai" (composed November 15, -1785), has a less strongly marked situation. Mandina confronts her -indignant lover and father with innocent simplicity; when the Count -enters, a violent altercation arises between the men, of which she -cannot understand the cause, but, anxious at any sacrifice to -restore peace, she begs with really touching earnestness for pity and -forgiveness. Her calmness, in opposition to the voluble excitement of -the men, gives the movement its distinguishing character, which it was -the task of the performer to throw into relief; her part, especially in -the tender and beseeching passages, is full of feeling and charm. As to - - -{MUSIC FOR THE "VILLANELLA RAPITA," 1785.} - -(333) - -the other parts, the ever-increasing tumult of an animated dispute is -represented with very simple, well-calculated expedients in a manner -which is thoroughly Italian; a striking instance of this is the joining -in of the orchestra when the wrangling is at its height, with the -preservation of all the delicate comic effects. The masterly treatment -of the orchestra, both in detail and in effects of grouping, would alone -suffice to raise these two pieces far above similar movements of the -then commonly received opera buffa type. More excellent even than -the brilliant and characteristic sound effects is the independent and -copious construction of the instrumental parts, which nevertheless are -kept within their proper provinces as foils to the voices. Of the -voice parts it need scarcely be said that they are delicately and -characteristically treated, and move freely and with animation side -by side, producing at the same time an effective whole. There is no -bravura, and the treatment of the voices indicates moderate capabilities -on the part of the singers. Coltellini's part never goes above--[See -Page Image] - -rarely so high, and calls for no great amount of execution. Among the -male singers Mandini was by far the most important; the part of Almaviva -was afterwards written for him, and the passionate expressions of the -lover Pippo in the terzet remind us of that part. The tenor Calvesi -(Count) and the second bass Bussani (Biaggio) were of less account. -These ensemble pieces were the mature and graceful products of Mozart's -fully developed genius, and nothing but their simplicity of design -and construction points them out as pieces inserted in an opera, and -dependent upon it for their peculiar character. - -We can well believe that Mozart composed songs to please the singers, -male and female, who appeared in his operas. He was not only ready -to write additional pieces for them in his own operas, but frequently -offered songs as an acknowledgment to the performers who sang for him. -Louise Villeneuve appeared on June 27, 1789, as a new performer - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(334) - -in Martin's "Arbore di Diana," and was received with well-deserved and -genuine applause on account of her pleasing appearance, her expressive -acting, and her artistically beautiful singing.[41] When she was about -to appear as Dorabella in "Cosi fan tutte," in August, 1789, Mozart -wrote for her an aria to Cimarosa's opera, "I Due Baroni" (578 K.), -"Alma grande e nobil cuore," of forcible expression without making any -great demands on the voice.[42] More original, although not very deep, -are the two songs composed for the same singer in October, 1789, for -insertion in Martin's "Burbero di Buon Cuore." The first (582 K.), "Chi -sa, chi sa quai sia," is a single andante movement very moderate -in tone. The second (583 K.), "Vado, ma dove," begins with a short, -passionate allegro, with which is connected an andante simple in design -and construction, but with a wonderfully beautiful and expressive -cantilene, the effect of which is much heightened by the splendid -instrumentation. - -A bass song, composed for Signor Franc. Albertarelli in Anfossi's "Le -Gelosie Fortunate" (May,1788), was occasioned by the singer's connection -with the performance of "Don Giovanni." It is a cheerful, thoroughly -buffo aria, and the principal melody--[See Page Image] -has been employed again by Mozart, with a slight but expressive -alteration, in the first movement of the C major 1 symphony, the -only instance of the kind known to me. Similar demands were made upon -Mozart's generosity when he came into connection with Schikaneder's -theatre. He composed (March 8,1791) for the bass singer, Gerl, who -sang Sarastro in the "Zauberflote," an aria (612 K.), "Per questa bella -mano," with an obbligato double-bass accompaniment, - - -{OCCASIONAL COMPOSITIONS, 1788.} - -(335) - -which was played by Pischlberger with extraordinary execution. The -combination reminds us of other similar Schikaneder-like effects, and -the interest of the song depends mainly on the executive powers of -the double-bass player, which are nevertheless confined within narrow -limits. The limitation has in some degree influenced the treatment -of the voice part, and this pleasing and, for a powerful bass voice, -effective song can only be regarded as a curious occasional piece. -Another occasional composition is Gleim's German war song, "Ich -möchte wohl der Kaiser sein"[43] (539 K.), composed March 5, 1788, for -performance by the favourite comedian, Friedrich Baumann, jun., at -a concert in the Leopoldstädter Theatre on March 7, with special -reference, no doubt, to the Turkish war which had just broken out.[44] -This accounts for the running accompaniment of Turkish music to an -otherwise simple and popular song.[45] To sum up: it would appear that -during Mozart's residence in Vienna, from 1781 to 1791, he completed -five ensemble movements of different kinds, besides at least thirty -separate songs for various occasions,[46] among which there is not one -which does not possess artistic interest, and a great number which may -be placed in the first rank of works of the sort. - -His genius was at the service of others besides vocalists. We have -already seen that he wrote a pianoforte concerto for the blind performer -Mdlle. Paradies (Vol. II., p. 288). An artist similarly afflicted -from early youth was Marianne Kirchgassner (b. 1770), who had attained -extraordinary proficiency on the harmonica under Schmittbauer's -instruction.[47] When, in the course of a grand professional tour, she -came to Vienna (May, 1791) she excited Mozart's interest so greatly - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(336) - -by her playing, that he composed a quintet for her, which she frequently -afterwards performed with great success.[48] The combination -of instruments--flute, oboe, tenor, and violoncello, with the -harmonica--produces an originality of sound effect which is seriously -impaired when, as usually happens, the piano is substituted for the -harmonica. The latter instrument is limited in compass, having no bass -notes,[49] and requires for its due effect a melodious and expressive -style of execution. Mozart has given the adagio a sentimental, love-sick -tone, which is sometimes a good deal overdrawn, but the second movement -is cheerful and pleasing, and, without forming too strong a contrast, it -leads to a sound and agreeable conclusion. With just discrimination he -has given the piece a very well-defined and firmly constructed -form, relying for original effect on the tone-colouring and harmonic -transitions, which are often extremely bold. - -Mozart gave his support to another young artist, who had no such claim -to pity as the two just mentioned. Regina Strinasacchi, of Ostiglia -(1764-1839), was a pretty, amiable girl, and an accomplished -violin-player, who came to Vienna in 1784. Mozart extols her taste -and feeling to his father, who confirmed the praise when Strinasacchi -appeared at Salzburg in December, 1785: "Every note is played with -expression, even in symphonies, and I have never heard a more moving -adagio than hers; her whole heart and soul is in the melody which she -delivers, and her power and beauty of tone are equally remarkable.[50] -I believe, as a rule, that a woman of genius plays with more expression -than a man." - - -{REGINA STRINASACCHI--LEUTGEB.} - -(337) - -"I am just writing," continues Wolfgang, "a sonata (454 K.)[51] which we -shall play together at her concert on Thursday" (April 24, 1784). But -the sonata was not ready in time, and Strinasacchi with difficulty -extorted her own part from Mozart the evening before the concert, and -practised it without him on the following morning; they only met at the -concert. Both played excellently, and the sonata was much applauded.[52] -The Emperor Joseph, who was present, thought he could distinguish -through his glass that Mozart had no music before him; he had him -summoned and requested him to bring the sonata. It was blank music paper -divided into bars, Mozart having had no time to write out the clavier -part, which he thus played from memory, without even having heard the -sonata.[53] - -Mozart found an old Salzburg acquaintance at Vienna in the person of the -horn-player Joseph Leutgeb. He had settled in Vienna, as Leopold Mozart -writes (December 1, 1777), and bought a "snail-shell of a house" in one -of the suburbs, upon credit; here he set up business as a cheesemonger, -from the profits of which he promised to repay a loan, which, however, -was still owing when Wolfgang came to Vienna; he begs his father's -indulgence for Leutgeb, who was then wretchedly poor (May 8, 1782). He -was a capital solo-player on the French horn,[54] but was wanting -in higher cultivation. Mozart was always ready to help him, but he -frequently made him the butt of his exuberant sprits. Whenever he -composed a solo for him, Leutgeb was obliged to submit to some mock -penance. Once, for instance, Mozart threw all the parts of his concertos -and symphonies about the room, and Leutgeb had to collect them on all -fours and put them in order; as long as this lasted Mozart sat at his - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(338) - -writing-table composing. Another time, Leutgeb had to kneel down behind -the stove while Mozart wrote.[55] The manuscripts themselves bear traces -of good-humoured banter. One (417 K.) has the superscription: "Wolfgang -Amadé Mozart takes pity on Leutgeb, ass, ox, and simpleton, at Vienna, -March 27, 1783"; another (495 K.) is written alternately with black, -red, blue, and green ink. While he is writing down a rondo he amusingly -imagines the player before him, and keeps up a running commentary on the -supposed performance. The tempo, too, is jokingly indicated as adagio -for the horn part, while the accompaniment is allegro; Leutgeb's -inclination to drag is alluded to in the remark at the close of the -ritornello: "A lei Signor Asino"--in the ejaculations on the theme: -"Animo--presto--sù via--da bravo--coraggio--e finisci giä" (at -the conclusion). He goes on the same strain: "Bestia--oh che -stonatura--chi--oimè (at a repeatedly recurring F sharp)--bravo -poveretto! --Oh seccatura di coglioni! (when the subject recurs)--ah -che mi fai ridere!--ajuto (at a repeated E flat)--respira un poco! (at -a pause)--avanti, avanti!--questo poi va al meglio (when the theme -reappears)--e non finisci nemmeno?--ah porco infame! Oh come sei -grazioso!--Carino! Asinino! hahaha--respira!--Ma intoni almeno una, -cazzo! (at a repeated C sharp)--bravo, ewiva!--e vieni ä seccarmi per -la quarta, e Dio sia benedetto per l' ultima volta (at the fourth -repetition of the theme)--ah termina, ti prego! ah maledetto ---anche bravura? (at a short run) bravo--ah! trillo di pecore (at a -shake)--finisci? grazie al ciel!--basta, basta!" Leutgeb was quite -willing to submit to his friend's banter as the price of four concertos -(412, 417, 447, 495, cf. also 514 K.). They are rapidly put together and -easy of execution, without any great originality. Their brevity enables -the instrument to preserve its true character as one unsuited for -display of execution; in the last movement, which is the regulation -rondo in 6-8 time, the original nature of the horn as a hunting -instrument is made apparent, which at that - - -{CLARINET CONCERTO, 1791.} - -(339) - -time, when hunting music was thought more of than at present, was no -doubt found very entertaining. In other respects, the customary concerto -form is preserved. The first movement is an allegro in sonata form, kept -within narrow limits, the second is a simple romanza, followed by the -rondo. The accompaniment is simple, to allow due prominence to the horn -as the solo instrument, but Mozart seldom refrains from adding touches -of life and character to the whole by means of a freer movement in the -accompaniment. The quintet for the horn, violin, two tenors, and bass -(407 K.), was also written for Leutgeb, who possessed the autograph.[56] -The horn part is throughout concertante, the stringed instruments serve -only as accompaniment, but are very independent and characteristic, -so that the whole has some approach to the quartet style. The piece is -altogether more important and finer than the concertos. - -Far more important both as to compass and substance is the concerto for -clarinet in A major (622 K.), which Mozart wrote or adapted for Stadler, -towards the close of his life (between September 28 and November 15, -1791). There exist six pages of a draft score of the first movement, -composed much earlier for the basset-horn, in G major, and available for -the clarinet with a few alterations in the deeper notes. It has not been -ascertained whether this concerto was ever finished, but it is scarcely -probable. - -It was to be expected that Mozart, who was the first to do justice to -the capabilities of the clarinet as a solo instrument, would deal with -it with peculiar partiality; the more so, as he had so distinguished -a performer to work for.[57] The brilliant qualities of this splendid -instrument are in point of fact thrown into the strongest relief. -The contrasts of tone-colouring are made use of in every sort of way, -especially in the low notes, here much employed in the accompaniment -passages, whose wonderful effect Mozart was, as far as I know, the first -to discover. - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(340) - -The capacity of the clarinet for melodious expression, tunefulness, and -brilliant fluency, and for the union of force with melting tenderness, -is skilfully taken into account; and as Mozart invariably brings the -external into harmony with the internal, we find in this work that the -grander and broader forms and the greater execution are the natural -outcome of brilliant and original ideas. It is not too much to say that -this concerto is the basis of modern clarinet-playing. - -Mozart composed on September 29, 1789, for the same fickle friend, the -"Stadlersquintett" for clarinet and strings (582 K.), which was first -performed at the concert for the Musicians' Charitable Fund on December -22, 1789. - -The distinct and frequently overpowering effect of the clarinet, in -conjunction with stringed instruments, would necessitate its treatment -as a solo instrument; and Mozart's loving efforts to display to the full -its singular beauties and rich powers serve to isolate it still more -completely. Although he avoids with equal taste and skill the danger -of treating the stringed instruments as mere accompaniment, or of -emphasising the clarinet unduly, and combines them to a whole often with -touches of surprising delicacy, yet the heterogeneous elements are not -so completely incorporated as are the stringed instruments when they are -alone. The whole mechanism is therefore loose and easy, the subjects -are more graceful than important, and their development less serious and -profound than usual. This quintet therefore, cast as it is in the most -beautiful forms, and possessed of the most charming sound effects--fully -justifying the praise bestowed upon it by Ambros ("Limits of Music and -Poetry") in Goethe's words, "its whole being floats in sensuous wealth -and sweetness"--yet falls below the high level of the stringed quintets. - -The Andante in A major to a violin concerto, dated in the Thematic -Catalogue April 1, 1785 (470 K.), must certainly have been written for a -virtuoso; perhaps for Janiewicz, who was then in Vienna. - -Mozart sometimes bestowed improvised compositions in the form of alms. -One day a beggar accosted him in the - - -{MOZART'S CRITICISM ON FELLOW-ARTISTS.} - -(341) - -street and claimed a distant relationship with him. Mozart, having no -money, went into the nearest coffee-house, wrote a minuet and trio, -and sent the beggar with it to his publisher, who paid him what it was -considered worth.[58] - -His ever-ready good-nature must have made Mozart a great favourite among -his fellow-artists, and yet he had only too often to complain of the -ingratitude to which his very good-nature subjected him. Between him and -the majority of Italian opera-singers there existed, nevertheless, an -innate antagonism; they complained of his compositions as being far too -difficult and not telling enough. There can be no doubt that he made -many concessions to display of execution, but these were not considered -extensive enough at the time, and Mozart, scorning so cheap and easy a -way of gaining the applause of the public, sought to attain his end by -other and better means.[59] It is not to be wondered at, therefore, that -the Italians in Vienna for the most part objected to singing in Mozart's -operas, the more so as their disinclination was fostered by outsiders; -Mozart, on his part, disliked the then prevalent style of singing: "They -rush at it, and shake and make flourishes," he said, "because they have -not studied, and cannot sustain a note."[60] - -He was fond of mocking in his sarcastic style at this kind of -composition and performance, and used to imitate off-hand at the piano -grand operatic scenas in the style of well-known masters, with the most -telling effect.[61] Such exhibitions would not tend to increase the -number of his friends. Mozart was "cutting" (_schlimm_), as we know, and -took no pains to restrain his jesting moods, which were doubtless often -taken in far worse part than they were meant. But he also pronounced -many a sharp censure in earnest upon artists who felt the more bitter as -his own - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(342) - -superiority made itself incontestably felt.[62] Soon after his -settlement in Vienna his father was informed that his boasting and -criticisms were making him enemies among musicians and others, but this -accusation Wolfgang indignantly repelled (July 31, 1782). - -Nevertheless, we find him writing not long afterwards (December 23, -1782): "I should like to write a book--a short musical criticism with -examples; but of course not in my own name." There was a rage at Vienna -for the discussion and criticism of all imaginable subjects by means of -pamphlets and brochures.[63] That which tempted Mozart to take pen in -hand was the downfall of German opera, which was a serious blow to him. -He was conscious of what he as a German might have accomplished for -German art, and it pained him to see the universal preference for -Italian art and artists. - -From early youth he had been aware of the unworthy devices often -employed in Italian music, and his aversion to "all Italians" -continually betrays itself, but very seldom to the extent of making him -unjust towards individual persons or performances. His healthy judgment -and inexhaustible flow of human kindness preserved him from this danger. -Jos. Frank relates[64] that, finding Mozart continually engaged on -the study of French opera scores, he once asked him if he would not do -better to devote himself to Italian music, which was then the fashion of -the day in Vienna. Mozart answered: "As regards the melodies, yes; but -as regards the dramatic effects, no; besides which, the scores that you - - -{CRITICISM ON FELLOW-ARTISTS.} - -(343) - -see here are by Gluck, Piccinni, Salieri, and, with the exception of -those by Grétry, have nothing French in them but the words."[65] This -was true, and we may allow that Mozart did not require to learn melody -from the Italians. His judgments of various composers might offend at -the time, but we are now ready to endorse them as not only striking but -fair. We have already learnt his opinion of Righini (Vol. II., p. 251). -Of Martin, the universal favourite, he said: "Much in his works is -really very pretty, but ten years hence he will be quite forgotten."[66] -How ready he was to acknowledge merit in any performance "which had -something in it" is plainly shown in a letter to his father (April -24,1784):-- - -Some quartets have just appeared by a man named Pleyel; he is a pupil -of Jos. Haydn. If you do not already know them, try to get them, it is -worth your while. They are very well and pleasantly written, and give -evidence of his master. Well and happy will it be for music if Pleyel is -ready in due time to take Haydn's place for us. - -This was just at the time when he was busy with his own quartets, where -he showed how one master learns from another. When he found nothing -original in any work he put it aside with the words, "Nothing in it," or -vented his mocking humour on it. Rochlitz relates that once at Doles, he -made them sing the Mass of a composer "who had evident talent for comic -opera, but was out of place as a composer of sacred music," parodying -the words in a very entertaining manner.[67] - -The description which Mozart gives to his father of the celebrated -oboist, J. Chr. Fischer (1733-1800), is characteristic of his sharp and -involuntarily comic criticism. Fischer had come to Vienna from London, -where he enjoyed an extraordinary reputation (April 4, 1787):[68]-- - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(344) - -If the oboist Fischer did not play better when we heard him in Holland -(1766) than he plays now, he certainly does not deserve the reputation -which he has. But, between ourselves, I was then at an age incapable -of forming a judgment. I can only remember that he pleased me, as he -pleased all the world. It would be quite reasonable to contend that -taste has altered since then to a remarkable degree, and that he plays -after the old school--but no! he plays, in fact, like a miserable -learner; young André, who used to learn from Fiala, plays a thousand -times better. And then his concertos of his own composition! Every -ritornello lasts a quarter of an hour--then enter the hero--lifts up -one leaden foot after another, and plumps them down on the ground -alternately. His tone is all through his nose, and his tenuto is like -the tremulant stop on the organ. Could you have supposed all this? and -yet it is nothing but the truth, the real truth, which I tell you. - -Mozart's amiability and good-nature prevailed in his personal -intercourse with fellow-artists, even where reserve or irritated feeling -would have been excusable. When the Italian Opera was reopened, from -which Mozart had been purposely excluded, he did not withdraw his -friendship from the composers, whom he might justifiably have considered -as interlopers. When Paesiello came to Vienna from St. Petersburg -in 1784 he was treated with a distinction never bestowed upon German -masters. His "Barbiere di Seviglia" was at once put upon the stage, and -the Emperor lost no time in commissioning him to compose an opera, for -which Casti, as the most distinguished comic poet, was to provide -the libretto. The opera was "Il Re Teodoro," for which Joseph himself -suggested the subject as a satire, it was said, on the visit of Gustavus -III. of Sweden to Venice in the year 1783.[69] Such active participation -from the Emperor assured the maestro a brilliant position, both -pecuniary and social, during his stay in Vienna. Mozart, whose judgment -of Paesiello's light music was very favourable,[70] made friendly -advances towards him. Kelly was present at their introduction, and -testifies to their mutual courtesy and esteem;[71] and we have already -seen - - -{INTERCOURSE WITH FELLOW-ARTISTS.} - -(345) - -(Vol. II., p. 279) how pleased Mozart was to have his compositions -performed before Paesiello by a talented pupil. Paesiello, on his part, -begged for the score of "Idomeneo" for his own study.[72] Mozart was -equally complaisant to Sarti, who was in Vienna at the same time, on his -way to St. Petersburg. "If Maestro Sarti had not been obliged to set out -to-day for Russia," he writes to his father (June 9, 1784), "he would -have gone out with me. Sarti is a straightforward, honest man. I have -played a great deal to him, ending with variations on one of his airs -(460 K.),[73] which gave him great pleasure." - -The "honest" man afterwards wrote a most malicious criticism on -some passages in Mozart's quartets, concerning which, indignant that -"barbarians, without any sense of hearing should presume to think they -can compose music," he exclaims, "Can more be done to put performers out -of tune?" ("Si puö far di più per far stonar i professori?"). He points -out error after error "which could only be made by a clavier-player, who -can see no difference between D sharp and E flat"; and concludes with -a flourish, "This is, in the words of the immortal Rousseau, 'De la -musique pour faire boucher ses oreilles!'"[74] - -A charming instance of Mozart's benevolence towards younger artists -is supplied by Gyrowetz. He relates in his autobiography, how he was -introduced to the most distinguished artists of Vienna, at some grand -soirée:-- - -Mozart appeared to be the most good-natured of them all. He observed the -youthful Gyrowetz with an expression of sympathy which seemed to say: -"Poor young fellow, you have just embarked on the ocean of the great -world, and you are anxiously looking forward to what fate may have in -store for you." Encouraged by so much affability and sympathy the young -artist entreated the master to cast a glance over his compositions, -which consisted of six symphonies, and to give his - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(346) - -opinion of them. With true benevolence, Mozart granted the petition, -went through the works, commended them, and promised the young artist to -have one of his symphonies performed at his concert in the hall at the -Mehlgrube, where Mozart gave subscription concerts during that year -(1785). This took place on a Thursday. The symphony was performed with -great applause. Mozart, with his native courtesy and kindness, took -the young composer by the hand, and introduced him to the public as the -author of the symphonies. - -Beethoven made his appearance in Vienna as a youthful musician of -promise in the spring of 1787, but was only able to remain there a short -time;[75] he was introduced to Mozart, and played to him at his request. -Mozart, considering the piece he performed to be a studied show-piece, -was somewhat cold in his expressions of admiration. Beethoven remarking -this, begged for a theme for improvisation, and, inspired by the -presence of the master he reverenced so highly, played in such a manner -as gradually to engross Mozart's whole attention; turning quietly to -the bystanders, he said emphatically, "Mark that young man; he will make -himself a name in the world!"[76] - -Mozart does not appear to have become intimately acquainted with -Dittersdorf, who at that time was paying only passing visits to Vienna; -but his way of mentioning Mozart shows appreciation and esteem. The same -may be said of Gluck, who, as we have seen, showed himself on several -occasions well disposed towards Mozart (Vol. II., pp. 212, 285); but -the difference of their natures--perhaps also Salieri's close connection -with Gluck--prevented anything like intimacy between them. - -That, notwithstanding so much goodwill, Mozart should - - -{KOZELÜCH.} - -(347) - -have met with envious critics and detractors[77] among the artists of -Vienna is scarcely to be wondered at. We have already noticed one of his -most determined opponents, Kreibich (Vol. II., p. 203); another, equally -implacable, was Leopold Kozeluch, a pianist of some brilliancy, and a -fashionable teacher, especially after he gave lessons at court; he had -a passing reputation, too, as a composer, but vanity and stupidity -were his chief claims to distinction. He was fond of magnifying his own -merits by paltry criticism of his fellow-artists, especially of Haydn. -Once, when a new quartet of Haydn's was being performed in a large -company, Kozeluch, standing by Mozart, found fault, first with one thing -and then with another, exclaiming at length, with impudent assurance, "I -should never have done it in that way!" "Nor should I," answered Mozart; -"but do you know why? Because neither you nor I would have had so good -an idea."[78] Henceforth Kozeluch became Mozart's avowed and determined -opponent; and what better revenge could be taken by the man "who never -praised any one but himself," than to pronounce the overture to -"Don Giovanni" "good, but full of faults";[79] and to exclaim -condescendingly, after hearing the full rehearsal of the overture to the -"Zauberflöte," "Ah, our good friend Mozart is trying to be learned this -time!,,[80] When they were both at Prague, at the coronation of -Leopold, Kozeluch expressed his enmity to Mozart so obtrusively, that -he forfeited a great share of the interest "with which hitherto every -Bohemian had been proud to own him as a fellow-countryman."[81] - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(348) - -The most charming instance of Mozart's reverence and love for Joseph -Haydn is the dedicatory epistle wherein he offers him his six quartets -as the fruit of long and painful study inspired by his example, as a -father intrusts his children to a tried and valued friend, confident -of his protection and indulgence towards them. These expressions of -reverence came from the very depths of Mozart's heart: to a friend who -made some remark on the dedication he answered: "It was due from me, for -it was from Haydn that I learned how quartets should be written."[82] -"It was quite affecting," says Niemetschek" (p. 94) "to hear him speak -of the two Haydns or any other of the great masters; one would have -imagined him to be one of their enthusiastic pupils rather than the -all-powerful Mozart." The Haydn so honoured of Mozart was not by any -means the "Father Haydn" of a later time, reverenced and loved by all. -It was not until after his residence in London that Haydn met with -general admiration and veneration in the Austrian capital; in earlier -years the opposition to his originality was nowhere stronger than in -Vienna. His very position in the service of Prince Esterhazy, and his -residence in Hungary, prejudiced the musicians of the capital against -him. The music-loving public enjoyed his fresh and jovial creations -with unrestrained delight, but the artists and connoisseurs took grave -exception to them. Humour in music was as yet unrecognised, and the -dispute as to whether and in what degree it could be justified had just -begun; the freedom, well considered as it was, with which Haydn treated -traditional rules, was looked upon as a grave fault. At the head of his -opponents stood the Emperor Joseph;[83] he would have nothing to say to -his playful oddities, and we can scarcely wonder that the royal example -was widely followed, and that Haydn had good cause to complain of his -critics and enemies.[84] It required - - -{HAYDN AND MOZART.} - -(349) - -an artist as genial and as incapable of envy as Mozart fully to -understand and appreciate him. And Haydn was equally prompt to discover -the greatness of Mozart, and to accord him his full share of admiration -and esteem. We have seen the testimony which he bore of Mozart to his -father (Vol. II., p. 321); and he lost no opportunity of expressing his -conviction of Mozart's artistic greatness.[85] When it was proposed to -produce an opera by Haydn at Prague, together with Mozart's "Figaro" and -"Don Giovanni," Haydn wrote to the Commissary Roth:[86]-- - -You wish an opera buffa from me. With all my heart, if it will give you -any pleasure to possess some of my vocal compositions. But if it is your -intention to place the opera on the stage in Prague I am sorry that I -cannot oblige you. My operas are inseparable from the company for whom -I wrote them, and would never produce their calculated effect apart from -their native surroundings. It would be quite another matter if I had -the honour of being commissioned to write a new opera for the theatre -in question. Even then, however, it would be a risk to put myself in -competition with the great Mozart. If I could only inspire every -lover of music, especially among the great, with feelings as deep, and -comprehension as clear as my own, in listening to the inimitable works -of Mozart, then surely the nations would contend for the possession -of such a jewel within their borders. Prague must strive to retain the -treasure within her grasp--but not without fitting reward. The want -of this too often saddens the life of a great genius, and offers small -encouragement for further efforts in future times. I feel indignant that -Mozart has not yet been engaged at any imperial or royal court. Pardon -my wandering from the subject--Mozart is a man very dear to me. - -This letter was written in December, 1787, and the news of Mozart's -appointment as Imperial private composer had not yet reached Haydn in -Esterhaz; the uncertain position of his friend evidently affected him -greatly. In the year following, when controversy was rife in Vienna on -the subject of "Don Giovanni," Haydn found himself one evening in the -midst of a company discussing the faults of omission - - -{MOZART'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS.} - -(350) - -and commission of the new opera; at last he was asked for his opinion. -"I cannot decide the questions in dispute," said he; "but this I know, -that Mozart is the greatest composer in the world."[87] It must not be -imagined that because Haydn set so high a value on Mozart's operatic -compositions, he had by any means a small opinion of his own. Forgotten -as they now are, he himself was not inclined to rank them below the -performances of the majority of his contemporaries. He writes to Artaria -(May 27, 1781):-- - -Mons. Le Gros, directeur of the Concert spirituel, writes me many -compliments on my "Stabat Mater," which has been performed four times -with great success. The management were surprised at this revelation of -my powers as a vocal composer; but they had had no previous opportunity -of judging of them. If they would only hear my operetta "L'Isola -Disabitata," and my last opera "La Fedeltä Premiata"! I assure you, such -works have never yet been heard in Paris, and perhaps not in Vienna; but -it is my misfortune to live retired in the country. - -He says of the "Armida," in March, 1874, that it has been produced -with signal success, and is considered his best work.[88] It is doubly -significant, therefore, that Haydn should have acknowledged himself so -completely overshadowed by Mozart as an operatic composer. And not in -this branch of their art alone did he accord him superiority; he gave -way even where they might justly be considered as rivals, and declared -that, if Mozart had written nothing but his violin quartets and the -"Requiem," he would have sufficient claim to immortality.[89] He assured -a friend, with tears in his eyes, that he could never forget Mozart's -clavier-playing; "It came from the heart!"[90] To the end of his life he -missed no occasion of hearing Mozart's music, and used to assert that he -had never heard one of his compositions without learning something from -it.[91] In 1790, when he had returned to his solitude at "Estoras," he -writes how - - -{HAYDN AND MOZART.} - -(351) - -the north wind had waked him from a dream of listening to the "Nozze di -Figaro."[92] - -The personal intercourse between the two was simple and hearty. Mozart -used to call Haydn "Papa," and both Sophie Haibl and Griesinger mention -their use of the pronoun _du_ to each other, a habit less frequent in -those days than at present between friends of such difference in age. -But while Mozart lived in Vienna, Haydn had his fixed residence at -Eisenstadt or Esterhaz, and only came to Vienna for a few months at -a time with his princely patron, who was not fond of the capital, and -shortened his stay there as far as was practicable; Haydn sometimes -obtained leave of absence for a flying visit to Vienna, but the Prince -always gave it unwillingly.[93] - -It was not until the Kapelle was broken up, on the death of Prince -Nicolaus in 1790, that Haydn took up his abode in Vienna; and in -December of the same year Salomon persuaded him to undertake the journey -to London. Mozart agreed with others of Haydn's friends in considering -this expedition a great risk, and drew his attention to the difficulties -he was sure to encounter as an elderly man, unused to the world, amidst -a strange people whose language he did not understand. Haydn replied -that he was old, certainly, (he was then fifty-nine), but strong and -of good courage, and his language was understood by all the world.[94] -Mozart spent the day of Haydn's departure with him, and as they took -leave he was moved to tears and exclaimed: "We are taking our last -farewell in this world!" Haydn himself was deeply moved, thinking of his -own death, and sought to console and calm Mozart.[95] - -A letter from Haydn to Frau von Gennzinger (October 13, 1791) shows -that calumniators sought to sow enmity between the friends in their -separation: "My friends write, what I cannot however believe, that -Mozart is doing all he can to - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(352) - -disparage me. I forgive him. Mozart must go to Count von Fries to -inquire about the payment."[96] When the news of Mozart's death reached -London, Haydn lamented his loss with bitter tears.[97] - -The sight of these two great and noble men extending to each other -the hand of brotherhood, and remaining true to the end, untouched by -professional envy or intrigue, is as pleasant as it was rare in the -Vienna of those days. Each understood and appreciated the other, each -freely acknowledged his indebtedness to the other from a musical point -of view, and each, in his own consciousness of power and independence, -found the standard for estimating the worth of his brother-artist. - -Those who strove to raise the dust of dissension between them are, -for the most part, forgotten or relegated to their due position in the -background of musical history: Mozart and Haydn stand side by side on -the heights, witnessing for ever to the truth that the greatness of a -genuinely artistic nature attracts and does not repel its like. - - - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPER 28 - - - - -[Footnote 1: At Wolfgang's request he sent the Baroness a couple of Salzburg -tongues, which were esteemed a delicacy.] - -[Footnote 2: Hamburger Litt. u. Krit. Blatter, 1856, No. 72, p. 563.] - -[Footnote 3: Unfortunately Wolfgang's letters to his father are only preserved -in anything like completeness up to his visit to Salzburg (July, 1783); -after that we have only detached ones. His sister believed, so Nissen -says (Vorr., p. XVI.), that the later letters were destroyed by the -father, on account of containing allusions to Freemasonry, which is -probable enough. There is no sort of evidence that Mozart ever actually -neglected his father's correspondence; but it was not in his power to -continue to keep a journal such as he had been in the habit of writing -while travelling, or such as the daughter kept up after her marriage.] - -[Footnote 4: The firstborn son, Leopold, "der arme dicke fette and liebe Buberl," -as he is called in a letter (December 10, 1783), died in the same year.] - -[Footnote 5: On January 19, 1786, L. Mozart wrote to his daughter that the -Archbishop had opened a letter of Wolfgang's, but without finding -anything in it.] - -[Footnote 6: Nissen, p. 476.] - -[Footnote 7: A. M. Z., I., p. 291. Biograph. Skizze von Mich. Haydn (Salzburg, -1808), p. 38.] - -[Footnote 8: Lipowsky, Bayersch. Mus. Lex., p. 36.] - -[Footnote 9: Rochlitz, Für Freunde d. Tonk., üI., p. 179.] - -[Footnote 10: Wien. Mus. Ztg., 1817, p. 289.] - -[Footnote 11: Nissen, Vorr., p. 18.] - -[Footnote 12: On L. Mozart's return from Vienna in 1785, he stopped at Linz, as -the guest of Count Thun; here he met the new Bishop, Count Herberstein -(I., p. 25).] - -[Footnote 13: Instances might be multiplied on closer examination; I content -myself with quoting from the C major symphony the unexpected entry of E -minor (p. 6, bar 8) and C major (p. 6, bar 12), the loud notes for the -wind instruments (p. 25, bars 3,4), the original theme with which -the basses interpose (p. 28, bar 5), and most especially the mocking -conclusion of the minuet (p. 36, bars 12-16).] - -[Footnote 14: Nissen asserts (Vorr., p. 18) that L. Mozart's letters from Vienna -to his daughter (of which I have unfortunately only seen a few), betray -considerable coldness towards his son.] - -[Footnote 15: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 240. Holmes conjectures that as Haydn -was a good violinist, but no solo-player, Kelly has substituted him -for Mozart by a slip of memory (p. 267); it is more probable that -Dittersdorf, the most celebrated violin-player of the day, played first -violin, and Haydn second.] - -[Footnote 16: Mozart lost no time in communicating the sorrowful news to his -friend, Gottfried von Jacquin: "I must inform you that on my return home -to-day I received the sad intelligence of the death of my dear father. -You can imagine the state I am in."] - -[Footnote 17: "My son wrote to me some time ago," writes L. Mozart to the -Baroness Waldstädten (August 23, 1782), "that as soon as he was married -he would cease to live with the mother. I hope he has already actually -left the house; if not, it will be a misfortune both for him and his -wife."] - -[Footnote 18: Prefixed to the first volume of the "Ephemeriden der Literatur und -des Theaters" (Berlin, 1785), are the portraits of Lange and his wife in -a medallion. Her features are regular and good, but, probably owing to -her delicate health, less youthful than one might have expected.] - -[Footnote 19: Lange, Selbstbiogr., p. 118.] - -[Footnote 20: Friedel, Briefe aus Wien, p. 409.] - -[Footnote 21: A. M. Z., üI., p. 659.] - -[Footnote 22: On the same day Mozart writes to his father full of anxiety about -his own circumstances, thus proving again that the true artist can -divest himself during his hours of production of the cares and anxieties -of his ordinary life.] - -[Footnote 23: The Berl. Litt. u. Theat. Ztg., 1783, p. 559, announces from -Vienna: "June 30, 1783, 'Il Curioso Indiscreto' was performed for the -first time. Madame Lange sang to-day for the first time in the Italian -opera, and the public, in spite of all cabals, showed their appreciation -of her talents." Cf. Lange's Selbstbiogr., p. 119.] - -[Footnote 24: Written on the autograph is (June 21, 1783): "All the parts are to -be extracted and augmented--the _parte cantante_ to be done at once, and -returned to Herr Adamberger."] - -[Footnote 25: The completely written-out melody of a soprano air (178 K.) is -preserved, the words of which, "Ah spiegarti, oh Dio vorrei," differ -very little from the above; it is probably a first attempt abandoned. -The voice part of Adamberger's air sketched in the same way still -exists, and the bravura air is on the same leaf.] - -[Footnote 26: The performance took place on January 25, 1784, and was repeated on -February 1 (Wien. Ztg., 1784, No. 7, Anh., No. g, Anh.).] - -[Footnote 27: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 253.] - -[Footnote 28: The notices of her professional tour in the year 1784, from Berlin, -Dresden, Leipzig, Schwedt, and Hamburg, are full of admiration (Berl. -Litt. II. Theat. Ztg., 1784, I., p. 160; II., p. 138).] - -[Footnote 29: Wien. Ztg., 1785, No. 97.] - -[Footnote 30: It was so in Amsterdam in 1798 (A. M. Z., üI., p. 659), and in -Paris in 1802 (A. M. Z., IV., p. 322).] - -[Footnote 31: Cf. Jahrb. d. Tonk., 1796, p. 39.] - -[Footnote 32: Alsatia, 1853, p. 92.] - -[Footnote 33: Magaz. d. Mus., II., p. 185.] - -[Footnote 34: The autograph has on the title-page "Composta per la Sgra. Storace -dal suo servo ed amico W. A. Mozart, 26 di Dec., 1786."] - -[Footnote 35: Wien. Ztg., 1785, Nr. 97, Anh. I do not know whether Bianchi wrote -his opera for Vienna or Venice. The statement (A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 485) -that the Emperor Joseph II. caused it to be composed in the form of a -pasticcio is incorrect. The overture, which was given in Leipzig (A. -M. Z. XIII., p. 168) and Vienna (A. M. Z., XXIV., p. 485) as having -been composed by Mozart for this opera, is the one which was written in -Salzburg in 1779 (319 K.; Cf., I., p. 516).] - -[Footnote 36: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 48.] - -[Footnote 37: Wien. Ztg., 1785, No. 29, Anh.] - -[Footnote 38: Wien. Ztg., 1785, No. 46, Anh.] - -[Footnote 39: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 234.] - -[Footnote 40: Cramer, Mag. d. Mus., II., p. 62. Reichardt, Musik. Monatsschr., p. -38. Scudo, Mus. Ane. et Mod., p. 18.] - -[Footnote 41: Wien. Ztg., 1789, No. 52, Anh.] - -[Footnote 42: It is only known to me in an old copy among Mozart's remains.] - -[Footnote 43: Müller, Abschied, p. 156.] - -[Footnote 44: It was just noticed in the Wien. Ztg., 1788, No. 23, Anh.] - -[Footnote 45: The song: "Beim Auszug in das Feld," dated August 11, 1788, in the -Thematic Catalogue, was probably written for a similar use; but I am not -acquainted with it.] - -[Footnote 46: A German air, "Ohne Zwang aus eigenem Triebe" (569 K.), noted by -Mozart, under date "Jenner, 1789," has quite disappeared.] - -[Footnote 47: Mus. Corr., 1790, p. 170; 1791, p. 69.] - -[Footnote 48: She announced (Wien. Ztg., 1791, No. 66, Anh.) that in her -concert on June 19, she would play "an entirely new and beautiful -'Konzertantquintet,' with wind instruments, accompanied by Herr -Kapellmeister Mozart." CL Mus. Correspondenz, 1792, p. 146. A. M. Z., -üI., p. 127. Among the sketches in the Mozarteum at Salzburg is the -commencement of another quintet for the same instruments in C major.] - -[Footnote 49: Both in Berlin and Leipzig complaints were made that Mar. -Kirchgassner had sought to attract admiration by a rapidity and an -affected manner quite out of keeping with the character of the harmonica -(Reichardt, Mus. Monatsschr., p. 25. Berl. Mus. Ztg., 1793, p. 150. A. -M. Z., II., p. 254).] - -[Footnote 50: Cf. Schink, Litt. Fragm., II., p. 286.] - -[Footnote 51: It is entered in the Thematic Catalogue under April 21, 1784.] - -[Footnote 52: In the Wiener Zeitung (1784, No. 54, p. 1560), Torricella announces -the composition by the celebrated Kapellmeister Mozart of three new -clavier sonatas, the third of which, with a violin accompaniment, had a -short time before been played with great success in the theatre by the -celebrated Mdlle. Strinasacchi and Herr Mozart, which is sufficient -recommendation in itself.] - -[Footnote 53: The story is told by the widow (A. M. Z., I., p. 290), and more in -detail by Rochlitz (Für Freunde der Tonk., üI., p. 285).] - -[Footnote 54: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 50.] - -[Footnote 55: According to a communication of Sonnleithner's, who also asserts -that Leutgeb died in good circumstances on February 27, 1811.] - -[Footnote 56: Cäcilie, IV., p. 306; VI., p. 203.] - -[Footnote 57: Schink, Litt. Fragm., II., p. 236. Musik. Wochenbl., p. 118.] - -[Footnote 58: So Parker asserts, Mus. Mem., II., p. 179, "from authentic -sources."] - -[Footnote 59: Cf. Niemetschek, p. 75. Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 115.] - -[Footnote 60: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., üI., p. 591. Compare Mozart's remarks on -Gabrielli and Aloysia Weber, I., p. 427.] - -[Footnote 61: Rochlitz, whose opinions were identical, describes a bravura scena -for a prima donna, which Mozart has also recorded (A. M. Z., üI., p. -591).] - -[Footnote 62: "Deceit and flattery were alike foreign to his artless character," -says Niemetschek (p. 96), "and any restraint upon his intellect was -insupportable to him. Free and unreserved in his expressions and -answers, he frequently wounded the susceptibilities of self-love, and -made many enemies." An article upon him after his death contains the -following passage (Reichardt, Musik. Wochenbl., p. 94): "Now that he is -dead, the Viennese will know what they have lost in him. During his life -he was much harassed by cabals, whose hostility he sometimes provoked by -his _sans-souci_ manner."] - -[Footnote 63: Blumauer, who mentions this characteristic in his observations -on the culture and literature of Austria, asserts that within eighteen -months 1,172 publications of this kind appeared at Vienna (Pros. Schr., -I., p. 72).] - -[Footnote 64: Prutz, Deutsch. Museum, II., p. 28.] - -[Footnote 65: The few opera scores found among Mozart's remains are Gluck's -"Arbre Enchanté," "Le Diable ä Quatre," Grétry's "Zemire et Azor," -"Bamevelt," Mich. Haydn's "Endimione."] - -[Footnote 66: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 116. Cf. Siever's Mozart u. Süssmayer, -p. 22.] - -[Footnote 67: A. M. Z., iiI., p. 493. He did not think highly of Jomelli as a -church composer, although he admired his operas (A. M. Z., I., p. 116), -while of Gass-mann he formed an exactly opposite opinion (A. M. Z., XX., -p. 247).] - -[Footnote 68: Burney, Reise, I., p. 22. Busky, Gesch. d. Mus., II., p. 584.] - -[Footnote 69: So Jos. Frank asserts in Prutz, Deutsch. Museum, II., p. 24. There -are interesting notices in Kelly's Reminisc., I., p, 238.] - -[Footnote 70: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 185.] - -[Footnote 71: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 238.] - -[Footnote 72: Bridi, Brevi Notiz., p. 47.] - -[Footnote 73: The theme "Come un agnello" is from Sarti's opera, "Fra i Due -Litiganti Il Terzo Gode," which was then the rage in Vienna, and is the -same which is made use of in the second finale of "Don Giovanni."] - -[Footnote 74: Sarti's "Esame acustico fatto sopra due frammenti di Mozart" has, -as far as I know, never been printed; an extract was given in A. M. Z., -XXXIV., p. 373 (cf. XXVI., p. 540).] - -[Footnote 75: According to a letter from Bonn of April 8, 1787 (Cramer's Magaz., -II., p. 1,386) he was still in Bonn at that time, and returned home just -before the death of his mother, on July 17, 1787.] - -[Footnote 76: Schindler (Biogr. Beethoven, I., p. 15) apparently did not know -of this interview, which Beethoven was fond of alluding to; the above -account was communicated to me in Vienna on good authority. The anecdote -is embellished in Beethoven's Studien (Anh., p. 4), and alludes -to studies in counterpoint and theory which Beethoven had not even -attempted at the time. According to Ries (Biogr. Not., p. 86) he -received a few lessons from Mozart, but never heard him play.] - -[Footnote 77: "Mozart willingly listened to criticism, even when it was adverse," -says Rochlitz (A. M. Z., I., p. 145); "he was susceptible only to blame -of one kind, and that was the kind which he most often received--that -is, blame for his too fiery imagination and intellect. This -sensitiveness was but natural; for if the blame were justifiable, -then all that was most original and characteristic in his music was -valueless."] - -[Footnote 78: The anecdote is given by Niemetschek, p. 94; Rochlitz (A. M. Z., -I., p. 53); Griesinger (Biogr. Notizen uber J. Haydn, p. 105); Nissen, -p. 681, who names Kozeluch.] - -[Footnote 79: Bohemia, 1856, p. 127.] - -[Footnote 80: This remark was communicated to me by Neukomm, who heard it from -Haydn.] - -[Footnote 81: A. M. Z., II., p. 516.] - -[Footnote 82: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 53; cf. p. 116.] - -[Footnote 83: So Reichardt asserts, A. M. Z., XV., p. 667 (Schletterer, -Reichardt, I., p. 325). Reise nach Wien, II., p. 91, and Dittersdorf -(Selbstbiogr., p. 238).] - -[Footnote 84: Sending a sonata to Artaria, he writes (February 8,1780): "I hope -at least to gain credit for this work with people of cultivation; it -is sure to be criticised by the envious (who are very numerous)"; and -similar remarks frequently occur.] - -[Footnote 85: Parke, Mus. Mem., I., p. 170.] - -[Footnote 86: Niemetschek, p. 78 (A. M. Z., I., p. 182; XI., p. 780. Nissen, -p. 643. Wien. Musikzeitg., 1817, p. 288. Nohl, Musikerbr., p. xoi). -Griesinger asserts by mistake (Biogr. Notizen, p. 104), followed by -Carpani (Le Haydine, p. 202), that in 1791, Haydn (who was then in -London) was summoned to Prague for the coronation of Leopold II., but -refused the invitation in the words, "Where Mozart is, Haydn cannot show -himself."] - -[Footnote 87: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 52.] - -[Footnote 88: Nohl, Musikerbr., pp. 84, 93. Cf. Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 25.] - -[Footnote 89: Stadler, Vertheidigung der Echtheit des Mozartschen Requiem, p. 27.] - -[Footnote 90: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 104.] - -[Footnote 91: Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 201.] - -[Footnote 92: Karajan, Haydn in London, p. 66. Nohl, Musikerbr., p. 114.] - -[Footnote 93: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 23.] - -[Footnote 94: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 35. Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 75.] - -[Footnote 95: Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 77.] - -[Footnote 96: Karajan, J. Haydn in London, p. 97. Nohl, Musikerbr., p. 135.] - -[Footnote 97: I have heard from Neukomm that Haydn spoke of it with emotion (Cf. -Wien. Ztg. fur Theat., 1808, üI., p. 107). "I am childishly glad to be -at home," he wrote (December 20, 1791), "and welcomed by my old friends. -I only regret to miss the greeting of the great Mozart, whose death -I deplore. Posterity will not see such talent for a century to come" -(Karajan, p. 102; Nohl, Musikerbr., p. 140).] - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX. SOCIAL INTERCOURSE. - - -FIRST among the group of friends in intercourse with whom Mozart found -entertainment and refreshment of the highest kind, must be named the -Countess Thun, _née_ Uhlefeld. She was one of the musical ladies who -took him under their protection from the first, and it was she more -especially who introduced him in Vienna, and furthered his advancement -by every means in her power. The prominent position which was hers more -in virtue of her cultivation and amiability than of her rank and wealth, -pointed her out as - - -{COUNTESS THUN.} - -(353) - -a fitting protectress for genius. She was one of the few ladies with -whom the Emperor Joseph continued in later years on a footing of -intimacy, and he took leave of her in a touching letter from his -death-bed.[1] Music had the place of honour in her entertainments. -She played the pianoforte herself with "that grace, lightness, and -_délicatesse_ to which no fingers but a woman's can aspire," as Burney -says;[2] he was delighted with her gay, natural manners, her witty -sallies, and her pleasant irony, as well as with her taste, knowledge, -and serious interest in all things musical.[3] Her favourite composer at -that time (1772) was Beecké (Vol. I., p. 367), who mentions to Dalberg -having composed in 1785 a sonata for three pianofortes for the Countess -Thun and her daughters. - -Reichardt also, whom she took under her protection on his arrival in -Vienna in 1783, extols her as the most intellectual and most charming -woman in Vienna, and adds that her musical receptions were frequented -both by the Emperor and the Archduke Maximilian.[4] Georg Forster -became her enthusiastic admirer during his stay in Vienna in, 1784. He -enumerates in a letter to Heyne[5] the distinguished men whose favour -and patronage he enjoyed, and we recognise among them many of Mozart's -friends and patrons. Such were the good old Counsellor von Born, Baron -Otto von Gemmingen--the intimate friend of Van Swieten, who had come to -Vienna in the summer of 1782[6]--the old Councillor von Spielmann[7]--a -man of learning and at the same time - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(354) - -more deeply versed in the affairs of the department of Prince Kaunitz -than any other statesman--the great minister Kaunitz himself (Vol. II., -p. 212), good, simple Count Cobenzl (Vol. II., p. 173), Field-Marshal -Haddik, "a splendid old soldier, plain and plump,"[8] and to this list -Forster adds the name of the Countess Thun, "the most virtuous and -enlightened woman of Vienna." He gives a more particular account of his -intercourse with her to Thérèse Heyne:-- - -You cannot imagine how condescending and friendly every one is. One -scarcely remembers that one is among persons of high rank, and one feels -quite on the footing of an intimate friend. This is especially my case -with the Countess Thun, the most charming woman in the world, and her -three graces of daughters, each of them an angel in her own way. The -Countess is the best mother that I know; the children are all innocence, -joyful as the morning light, and full of natural sense and wit, at which -I wonder in silence, just as I wonder at the sense and wit of a certain -maid on the Leine. This charming family combine the most refined -discourse, and the most extensive reading and liberal knowledge, with -a pure, heartfelt religion, free from all superstition, the religion -of gentle and innocent hearts familiar with the secrets of nature and -creation. Almost every evening between nine and ten, these [above-named] -people assemble at the Countess Thun's, and enjoy brilliant conversation -or music, either clavier-playing, or German or Italian singing; -sometimes, when the humour seizes them, they dance. - -We can well imagine how completely Mozart felt himself at home in this -circle; Prince Karl Lichnowsky, his friend and pupil, was the Countess -Thun's son-in-law. - -Greiner's house was another in which learning was honoured and -cherished, and which formed a meeting-point for all celebrities. -Greiner's daughter, Caroline Pichler, an admirable pianiste,[9] thus -describes it:[10]-- - -Besides the poets Denis, Leon, Haschka, Alxinger, Blumauer, &c., whose -names were then famous, our house was frequented by men of severer -science. No foreign scholar or artist visited Vienna without bringing -introductions to Haschka or to my parents themselves. Thus we -entertained the celebrated traveller Georg Forster, Professors Meiners -and Spittler, Becker, Gögking, the actor Schroder, and many - - -{MARIANNE MARTINEZ.} - -(355) - -musicians and composers such as Paesiello and Cimarosa; I need not say -that our native artists, Mozart, Haydn, Salieri, the brothers Hickl, -Füger, and others were frequent guests. - -The house of the Martinez brother and sister, which has become by -association a true temple of the muses for the Viennese, was another -rendezvous for musicians, Metastasio, on his arrival at Vienna in 1730, -took up his residence with Nicolai Martinez, Master of the Ceremonies to -the Apostolic Nuncio, and remained with him until his death in 1782. He -became the intimate friend of the family, and carefully superintended -the education of the children. One of the daughters, Marianne (born -about 1740), by reason of her talent, and her lively, pleasant manners, -attracted his special attention.[11] Through his instruction she -became well versed in the Italian, French, and English languages and -literature, and in all the branches of a liberal education. Nor was -this all; Metastasio perceived that she possessed considerable musical -talent, and took care that she should receive a thorough musical -education. Joseph Haydn, who, on being dismissed from the Kapellhaus a -penniless young man, had taken a miserable garret in the same house, was -engaged to give Marianne lessons in playing and singing, for which he -was boarded free for three years by way of payment,[12] a more important -result for him being that he thus became acquainted with Porpora, -who interested himself in Marianne's education out of friendship for -Metastasio. Afterwards, under the careful guidance of Bono and of -Metastasio himself, she developed gifts as a singer, player, and -composer which excited general admiration,[13] and won applause from -Hasse.[14] In 1773 she was made a member of the Philharmonic Academy at -Bologna,[15] and afterwards received a "Dictor-diplom" both from -Bologna and Pavia; in 1782 her oratorio "Isaaco" was performed at the -"Societätsconcert."[16] She - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(356) - -lived with her brother (Imperial librarian) after the death of -Metastasio, whose property she inherited;[17] she gave receptions, which -were frequented by all the intellectual and musical celebrities of the -day.[18] Kelly, who brought an introduction to her, declared that, -in spite of her advanced age, she retained all the animation and -cheerfulness of youth, and was pleasant and talkative. He says that -Mozart (who had been warmly received by Metastasio on his early visits -to Vienna) was very intimate with her, and that he had heard them play -duets of her composition at her musical parties.[19] - -One of the most distinguished musical dilettanti of the day at Vienna -was the Geheimrath Bernh. von Keess (d. 1795). This "well-known lover of -music and patron of musicians" took the amateur concerts in the Augarten -(Vol. II., p. 284, note 47) under his protection, and possessed a rare -and costly collection of musical objects.[20] He gave private concerts -twice a week in his own house, as Gyrowetz relates:[21]-- - -The best virtuosi in Vienna, and the first composers, such as Jos. -Haydn, Mozart, Dittersdorf, Hoffmeister, Albrechtsberger, Giamovichi, -Ac., assembled at these concerts. Haydn's symphonies were performed -there, Mozart used generally to play the pianoforte, and Giamovichi, -the most celebrated violin virtuoso of the day,[22] usually played -a concerto; the lady of the house sang. It happened one evening that -Mozart was late in arriving, and they waited for him to begin, because -he had promised to bring with him a song for the lady of the house. -One servant after another was sent to find him, and at last he was -discovered in a tavern; the messenger begged him to come at once, as -all the company was waiting to hear the new song. Mozart thereupon -recollected that he had not written a note of it. He sent the messenger -for a sheet of music paper, and set to work in the tavern to compose -the song. When it was finished he went his way to the concert, where -the company were waiting for him with great impatience. After a little -gentle reproach for his delay he was most affectionately received; the -lady of the house sang the new song, a little nervously, it is true, but -it was enthusiastically received and applauded. - - -{MOZART AS A VIRTUOSO.} - -(357) - -Mozart's boyish fancy of only playing before connoisseurs naturally -disappeared as he grew older and more sensible. He took pleasure in -playing to all who took pleasure in hearing him, and was so far from -the affectation of requiring to be pressed, that many persons of rank in -Vienna reproached him with being too ready to play to anybody who -asked him. One requirement, indeed, he made which seems difficult of -attainment in musical society, viz., the silence and attention of his -audience. "Nothing irritated him so much," says Niemetschek (p. 88), -"as restlessness, noise, or talking over music. On such occasions the -usually gentle, courteous man completely lost patience, and expressed -his annoyance without reserve. He has been known to rise in the middle -of his playing, and leave an inattentive audience." In some cases his -satirical humour led him to show his disgust in other ways.[23] When he -was playing to real musicians and connoisseurs he was indefatigable.[24] -After his concert in Leipzig, where he had alternately played and -conducted, he said to the good old violin-player Berger: "I have only -just got warm. Come home with me, and I will play you something -worthy of an artist's ears." And after a hasty supper, his ideas and -imaginations streamed from the instrument till close on midnight. Then -suddenly springing up, as his manner was, he cried: "Now, what do you -think of that? You have heard Mozart after his own fashion; something -less will do for the others."[25] - -The family with whom Mozart appeared most completely at home in Vienna -was that of the celebrated botanist Freih. von Jacquin. We have an -attractive description of it (1844) from Caroline Pichler, who was -intimate there from her youth:[26]-- - -This family had for sixty or seventy years been a shining light in the -scientific world, both in and out of Vienna, and their house was visited -by many for the sake of the pleasant social intercourse there to be -enjoyed. While the learned, or would-be learned, paid their respects to - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(358) - -the famous father and his worthy son, Jos. Frz. v. Jacquin,[27] the -more youthful assembled round the younger son Gottfried, whose lively -intellect, striking talent for music, and charming voice made him -the centre of the gay circle, together with his sister Franziska, the -still-surviving Frau von Lagusius. On Wednesday evenings--which from -time immemorial, were dedicated by the family to society, even in winter -when the Jacquins lived in the Botanic Gardens[28]--learned talk went -on in the father's room, while we young people chattered, joked, -made music, played games, and entertained ourselves entirely to our -satisfaction. - -How thoroughly happy and at home Mozart was with this family may be seen -from a letter to Gottr. von Jacquin, written in the full glow of his -happiness at the brilliant reception he had met with in Prague (January -14,1787):[29]-- - -At last I am fortunate enough to find a moment in which to inquire after -your dear parents, and all the Jacquin family. I can only hope and pray -that you are all as well and happy as we two are. I can assure you, -however, that (although we have been received here with extreme -politeness and all possible honour, and Prague is really a handsome, -pleasant city) I long very much for Vienna, and most particularly for -_your_ house. When I reflect that after my return I shall enjoy the -pleasure of your society again for a short time, and then perhaps lose -it for ever, I feel to its full extent the friendship and esteem which -I bear to your whole family. Now farewell! Present my respects to your -revered parents, and embrace your brother for me. I kiss your sister's -hand a thousand times. But now it is time I close, is it not? Long ago, -you will think. Write to me soon, very soon; if you are too lazy to do -it yourself, send for Salmann, and dictate a letter to him; but it never -comes straight from the heart unless you write yourself. Well--I shall -see whether you are as much my friend as I am, and always shall be, -yours. - -During his second stay in Prague Mozart acquaints his friend with the -good reception of "Don Giovanni" (November 4, 1787),[30] and adds:-- - - -{GOTTFR. V. JACQUIN--BRIDI.} - -(359) - -I wish that all my friends (especially Bridi and you) could be here just -for one evening to participate in my pleasure. - -And then he ends in his mocking way:-- - -My great grandfather used to say to his wife, my great grandmother, and -she to her daughter my grandmother, and she again to her daughter, my -mother, and she finally to her daughter, my dear sister, that it was a -great art to be able to speak well and fully, but that it was perhaps a -still greater art to know when to leave off speaking. I will, therefore, -now follow the advice of my sister due to our mother, grandmother, and -great grandmother, and bring my moral reflections and my letter to a -close together. - -And when, to his "delighted surprise," he received a second letter from -Jacquin, he answers in a postscript:-- - -Can it be that neither your dear parents, nor your sisters and brother -keep me in remembrance? That is incredible! I put it down to your -forgetfulness, my friend, and I flatter myself that I may safely do so. - -Gius. Ant. Bridi, of whom Mozart speaks in the above letter, was a young -merchant of Roveredo, who was a favourite in musical circles[31] -alike for his fine, well-trained tenor voice, and for his amiable -character.[32] On the production of "Idomeneo" at the Auersperg theatre, -he took a part, probably that of Idomeneo.[33] He too enjoyed, as he -afterwards gratefully recorded, Mozart's friendship and confidence.[34] -Gottfried von Jacquin wrote the following characteristic words in -Mozart's album (April n, 1787):-- - -Genius without heart is a chimera--for it is not intellect alone, not -imagination, not even the two combined which make genius--love! love! -love! is the soul of genius. - -He was endeared to Mozart by his musical talent and sympathy. A memorial -of their friendship exists in the song composed for Jacquin on March 23, -1787: "Mentre di lascio, o figlia," from Paesiello's "Disfatta di Dario" -(513 K., part 9). A comparison of this with the song composed - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(360) - -for Fischer shows how well Mozart understood the art of adapting himself -to given conditions. There is no presupposition here of such a compass -and flexibility of voice, nor of such force of passion as give the -earlier song its original stamp; all that is required is a bass voice of -moderate compass and no great depth, a certain volubility of voice, and -a considerable amount of feeling and cultivation. The situation excludes -any expression of violent emotion, and moderates the sentiment without -rendering it less hearty; we are called on to sympathise with the sorrow -of a father taking leave of his daughter at a moment pregnant with fate, -not with that of a youth parting from his beloved. Here again external -conditions have been utilised in the production of a song which is -worthy by its beauty of form and grace of expression to take a high -rank among others of its class.[35] Mozart composed other songs for his -friend and his friend's family; ballads, for instance, for particular -occasions and friends. Concerning one of these, he writes: "If the song -_en question_ is to be a test of my friendship, have no more doubt on -the subject, here it is. But I hope that you do not need the song to -convince you of my friendship" (Prague, November 4, 1787). Another, -"Erzeugt von heisser Phantasie" (520 K.) is inscribed: "Den 26 Mai, -1787, in Hrn. Gottfried von Jacquin's Zimmer, Landstrasse." Several -charming little canzonetti for two sopranos and a bass, with Italian -words, were also written for this circle, Mozart indicates one of them, -"Più non si trovano" (549 K.), under date July 16, 1788, and there are -five other nottumi of the kind existing in autograph, viz.: "Luci cari -luci belle" (346 K.); "Ecco quel fiero istante," by Metastasio (436 K.); -"Mi lagnero tacendo," by Metastasio (437 K.); "Se lontan - - -{GOTTFR. V. JACQUIN AND MOZART.} - -(361) - -ben mio tu sei" (438 K.), "Due pupille amabili" (439 K.). To these -exists in Mozart's handwriting wind-instrument accompaniment, for two -clarinets and a basset-horn, or three basset-homs, a combination -often employed by Mozart, apparently without any special reason. The -accompaniment may be dispensed with, the canzonetti being properly -intended for the voices alone. They are extremely simple, but full -of grace and charm, and betray the master in their harmonic turns and -disposition of parts. It may be inferred that these compositions were -primarily intended for the Jacquin family, from the fact that several of -them passed as the composition of Gottfr. von Jacquin in Vienna, as -was the case with more than one solo song concerning whose authenticity -there can be no doubt. Mozart set little store by such occasional -compositions; they passed from hand to hand, and as Jacquin himself -composed songs, which were put in circulation from his house, some of -Mozart's might easily, without any fault on his part, be ascribed to -him. As a set-off to these, the bass song, "Io ti lascio, o cara, -addio" (245 K. Anh.), composed by Jacquin, is to this day included among -Mozart's works. In the "Allgemeine Musikalische Zeitung," where it was -first printed, it was expressly stated that the original was in Mozart's -handwriting, and was written by him in a few minutes, as he took leave -of a lady friend; the scene was afterwards variously laid at Prague and -Mayence, and elaborated into a love episode. But in a letter to Hartel -(May 25, 1799), Mozart's widow protested against the genuineness both of -the song and of the story, and emphatically asserted, supported by the -Abbé Stadler, that the song was composed by Gottfr. von Jacquin as a -farewell to the Countess Hatzfeld, and that Mozart put the accompaniment -to it. The song contains Mozart-like phrases, but no characteristic -touches of his genius. - -Kelly relates that he composed Metastasio's "Grazie agi' inganni tuoi," -that Mozart was pleased with the simple melody, and wrote variations -upon it.[36] These do not exist, but we have a sketch by Mozart in which -Kelly's melody, - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(362) - -with some slight improvements, and a new middle phrase, is arranged -for two soprano voices and a bass, with a wind instrument accompaniment -(flute, two clarinets, horns and bassoons) no doubt for some special -occasion (532 K.). - -Concerted songs of this kind were then a favourite pastime in musical -circles; they were often comic, and sometimes coarse. No one will doubt -that Mozart was always ready for this species of fun, and his comic -"Bandl-Terzett" (441 K.) was known, not only among his Vienna friends,[37] -but far and wide among lovers of music and fun. Mozart had made his wife -a present of a new belt ribbon which she wished to wear one day when -she was going for a walk with Jacquin. Not finding it she called to her -husband: "Liebes Mandl, wo ists Bandl?" (Where is the belt, my dear?) -They both looked for it in vain till Jacquin joined them and found it. -But he refused to give it up, held it high in the air, and being a -very tall man, the Mozarts, both little, strove in vain to reach it. -Entreaties, laughter, scolding, were all in vain, till at last the dog -ran barking between Jacquin's legs. Then he gave up the ribbon, and -declared that the scene would make a good comic terzet. Mozart took the -hint, wrote the words in the Vienna dialect (which is essential for the -comic effect), and sent the terzet to Jacquin.[38] Well sung, it never -fails of its effect. A four-part pendant to the terzet "Caro mio Druck -und Schluck," was in the possession of Mozart's widow, as she informed -Hartel (May 25, 1799); it seems to have been a canon with a comic bass -part (Anh. 5 K.). - -Canons were in special favour at the social gatherings of - - -{CANONS.} - -(363) - -which we have been speaking. It may always be taken for granted that -children and persons of slight musical cultivation will take peculiar -pleasure in this severest form of musical mechanism, if the persistent -regularity with which each part pursues its independent course is -combined with a general effect of harmony and satisfaction. For the -enlightened few, the interest arises from such a skilful handling -of forms confined within the strictest rules as shall emphasise -epigrammatic points in the most vivid and telling manner. So in poetry, -the sonnet, the triolet, and other similar forms serve by their very -limitations to emphasise the conceits which they express. The same sort -of contrast, produced without departing from a strict adherence to rule, -forms the chief effect of the canon. The sharp definition of its various -parts gives it abundance of means for accentuating particular points, -aided by their constant recurrence in different positions and different -lights. The canon, therefore, is the _epigrammatic_ form of music, the -most suitable vehicle for a moral sentence or a witty phrase, and it is -capable of expressing alike the most serious and the most comic ideas. -It requires, indeed, the firm hand of a master so to triumph over -the difficulties of the form as to produce not only a masterpiece of -counterpoint for the satisfaction of the learned, but also a melodious -self-sufficing vocal piece, whose most studied difficulties shall leave -the impression of lucky accidents. The greatest masters seem to have -turned for recreation to the composition of canons,[39] and even grave -men like Padre Martini[40] and Michael Haydn[41] did not disdain to -write comic canons. Mozart cultivated the style, and a long list may be -placed under his name. In the "Oeuvres" (XV., XVI.) two two-part, nine -three-part, nine four-part, and one six-part. - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(364) - -canons are printed; but they are certainly not all genuine. In the -Thematic Catalogue, the following are noted as composed by Mozart:-- - -XV. - -1. Difficile Iectu [Nimm ists gleich warm] three-part (559 K.). - -2. Caro bell' idol, three-part (562 K.). - -5. Ave Maria, four-part (554 K.). - -6. Lacrimoso son io, four-part (555 K.). XVI. - -1. O du eselhafter [Gähnst du Fauler], four-part (560 K.). - -2. Alleluja, four-part (553 K.). - -3. Grechtelseng [Allés Fleisch], four-part (556 K.). - -4. Gemma in Prater [Allés ist eitel], four-part (558 K.). - -6. Bona nox [Gute Nacht], four-part (561 K.).!!! - -Besides these there must have been four more published from Mozart's -autograph, for the widow writes (November 30, 1799) that she has -sent thirteen canons in the original. But of these one (XV. 12) "O -wunderschon" (227 K.) was by W. Byrd (d. 1623), published by Mattheson -(Vollk. Kapellm. p. 409), and only copied by Mozart, and the same may -have been the case with others. We recognise Mozart with some certainty -in:-- - -XV. 4. L. m. d. A. r. s. [Nichts labt. mich mehr.], four-part (233 K.). - -XVI. 5. Lieber Freistadler, lieber Gaulimauli [Wer nicht liebt], four-part -(232 K.). - -7. L. m. i. A. [Lasst uns froh sein], six-part (231 K.). - -9. [Lass immer] two-part (410 K.). But this canon exists in Mozart's -handwriting as an adagio for two basset-homs with a bassoon, perhaps as -an accompaniment to a vocal piece. - -Concerning the others I can speak with no certainty; but those which are -well authenticated seem to me by far the finest. Some genuine canons by -Mozart are omitted from this collection, such as the four-part -canon, called in the Thematic Catalogue "Nascoso" (557 K.), which is -particularly fine.[42] There are serious canons,[43] cheerful canons,[44] -and an overwhelming majority of comic canons. The words - - -{CANONS.} - -(365) - -to these last were generally his own; they are almost always in the -Vienna dialect, and not a few of them are too coarse for publication, -although they are preserved in verbal tradition. The original words of -two of the most authentic may serve as an example of the rest:-- - -Grechtelseng, grechtelseng, wir gehn in Prater. In Prater? itzt, lass -nach, i lass mi nit stimma. Ei bei Leib. Ei ja wohl. Mi bringst nit -aussi! Was blauscht der? was blauscht der? Itzt halts Maul, i gieb dir a -Tetschen! (556 K.). - -Gemma in Proda, gemma in d' Hetz, gemma in Kasperl. Der Kasperl ist -krank, der Bar ist verreckt, was that ma in der Hetz drausst, in Prater -giebts Gelsen und Haufen von Dreck (558 K.). - -The fun consisted essentially in the dialogue form and colloquial -expressions of the text--as will be evident to all who compare the newly -substituted versions, which, unexceptionable and correct as they are, -neutralise the whole comic effect--of the canons. Mozart's mastery of -form and his wonderful power of transforming everything he attempted -into a complete and well-rounded work of art, are displayed in all the -canons without exception; each one contains the clear expression of -a particular mood, together with a melodious beauty, so thoroughly -consistent with the form in which they are embodied as to appear -inseparable from it. Finding eight four-part and two three-part canons -under one date (September 2, 1788) in the Thematic Catalogue, we may -be inclined to imagine that Mozart was seized with a sort of periodical -canon-fever; but it is more probable that some circumstance led to his -noting on that day all the works of the kind that he had either in hand -or in prospect. No doubt most of them were composed on the spur of -the moment, as we know was the case with two among the list. The -tenor singer, Joh. Nepomuk Peierl, "a man of refinement," according -to Schroder,[45] who had sung with his wife for several years at the -Salzburg theatre, paid a short visit to Vienna in 1785, and became -acquainted with Mozart. He had a peculiar pronunciation which often made -him the subject of raillery, and Mozart made it the - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(366) - -text for a three-part canon of wonderfully comic effect.[46] This was -scarcely ended when the singers turned over the leaf, and began another -four-part canon (560 K.) on the words: "O du eselhafter Peierl! o du -peirlischer Esel! du bist so faul als wie ein Gaul, der weder Kopf -noch Haxen hat, mit dir ist gar nichts anzufangen, ich seh dich noch am -Galgen hangen; du dummer Gaul! du bist so faul! du dummer - -Peierl bist so faul als wie ein Gaul; O lieber Freundverzeihe mir! -Nepomuk! Peierl! verzeihe mir!"[47] There is nothing particularly -refined or amusing about the jest except the very excellent and -effective canon. This was so highly applauded that it was employed -on other occasions with more emphatic invectives, addressed to other -individuals.[48] Mozart's marvellous gift of improvisation, showing -itself in this form among others, is illustrated by an anecdote vouched -for by Rochlitz. The evening before Mozart left Leipzig for Berlin, -whence he intended to return in a few days, he supped with the Precentor -Doles, with whom he was very intimate. His entertainers, melancholy at -the prospect of parting, begged for a few lines of his writing by way of -remembrance. Mozart was in a merry mood, laughed at their "whining," and -declared he would rather go to bed than write music. At last he took a -sheet of note-paper, tore it in half, sat down and wrote--at the most -for five or six minutes. Then he handed one-half to the son, the other -to the father. On one page was a three-part canon in long notes without -words, and when sung very melancholy and melodious. On the second page -was also a three-part canon without words, but in quavers, and full of -drollery. When they had discovered - - -{THE MUSIKALISCHE SPASS.} - -(367) - -that the two might be sung together, Mozart wrote to the first the -words, "Lebet wohl, wir sehn uns wieder!" To the second, "Heult noch gar -wie alte Weiber"--and so they were sung.[49] Unhappily this double canon -is not preserved. - -Many comic compositions of this kind are ascribed to Mozart wrongly or -on insufficient grounds.[50] One most diverting example of his love of -humour exists in the "Musikalische Spass," as he calls it himself--the -"Bauem-symphonie," as it is sometimes designated--which was probably -written for a special occasion on June 11, 1787; owing, no doubt, to -pressure of time it was only partially scored. Ignorant composers and -unskilful performers are ridiculed together in this piece, which is -in the form of a divertimento (Vol. I., p. 303) in four movements for -string quartet and two horns. The ridicule of the players is very broad, -as, for instance, when the horns, where they should come in solo in the -minuet, play actual wrong notes, or when the first violin at the close -of a long cadenza, consisting of a number of trivial disconnected -passages, finishes off with an ascending scale, and goes at least half a -tone too high. But the most amazing confusion occurs at the end, -where, in the midst of a fanfare in F major for the horns, the stringed -instruments strike in one after another, each in a different key. A -semitone higher or lower is treated as a matter of small importance, -thirds are carried on even where they are out of place; but sometimes, -when a part seems to come in too soon, or when nothing but accompaniment -is heard for several bars, as if the principal parts were pausing -too long, or when at a particular point a note occurs which sounds -excruciatingly false, it is only by the context that we can be assured -that no actual mistake has happened, and that the composer does not -deserve to be hissed on his own - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(368) - -account. This is repeatedly the case also in the plan and treatment of -the movements as a whole; they are after the usual pattern, turns and -passages occur of the customary kind, with here and there a striking -modulation, but there is a complete lack of power to grasp or carry out -an idea; two or three bars bring each effort to an end, and there is a -constant recurrence to the traditional formula of the closing cadence. -The attempt after thematic elaboration in the finale is very ludicrous; -it is as though the composer had heard of such a thing, and strove to -imitate it in a few phrases, greatly to his own satisfaction. The art is -most remarkable whereby the pretended ignorance never becomes wearisome, -and the audience is kept in suspense throughout. The effect rests partly -on the shrewd conception of what is truly comic in ignorant pretension -(for nowhere is irony more dangerous than in music, the impression of -discord being one difficult of control), partly on the perfect mastery -of the instruments displayed by the composer.[51] - -Among the compositions resulting mainly at least from friendship or -social circumstances may be included the songs or ballads (Lieder) of -which we have already noticed some examples.[52] In Vienna and South -Germany the "Lied" was far from having attained, at that time, the -importance it afterwards possessed. Even in social circles, classical -and, therefore so far as song was concerned, Italian music predominated, -and aspiring dilettanti sought exclusively for songs which should -display their artistic cultivation. Dilettantism was then just beginning -to bear sway, especially over the pianoforte, and its dominion speedily -extended to vocal music, where the "Lied" became its peculiar form -of expression. In North Germany the state of affairs was somewhat -different. Italian opera in Dresden and Berlin was too isolated to - - -{LIEDER.} - -(369) - -have much influence; the want of practised singers had caused the -cultivation of the operetta, which fell back on the confined form and -simple expression of the "Lied," and in its turn raised the "Lied," -which had lingered only in taverns[53] and the domestic circle, to -higher significance and cultivation. Weisse expressly declared that -his operas were intended to incite the Germans to social song. Nor had -earlier and greater composers, such as Telemann, Graun, Ph. Em. Bach, -and others, disdained to compose ballads, or odes as they were then -called, for domestic practice. In Berlin this tendency was especially -active, and Marpurg, in his "Critical Letters," treats of the musical -ode ("Chanson, Strophenlied") historically and aesthetically, and -appends a long list of examples. The influence of the operetta upon the -development of the 44 Lied" is unmistakable. It was something more than -chance which caused the simultaneous rise of German lyric poetry in many -parts of North Germany, which produced such lyric poets as Weisse, Uz, -Gleim, Hagedom, Jacobi, &c., and the "Dichterbund" of Gottingen, with -Hiller as their special composer. Klopstock had little to do with the -movement. His odes have found composers, especially (not to mention -Reefe) Gluck, who followed his principles in keeping close to the words -of the poet, and aiming at declamatory effect.[54] He was followed by -Reichardt, a warm admirer of Klopstock,[55] who wrote an essay on the -composition of Klopstock's odes.[56] But they had little influence, and -the musical treatment of lyrical poetry received its chief impulse when -Herder awoke the taste for national songs, and Goethe produced genuine -German lyric poems: Reichardt[57] and Schulz[58] were the two composers -who felt - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(370) - -this impulse most strongly, and mainly strove for the development of the -German ballad in its own simple popular style. - -But this phase of musical influence had, in Mozart's day, hardly -penetrated to Vienna. Hofmann, Steffan, Beecké, Haydn, and others had -indeed composed Lieder, but they laid claim to nothing higher than the -amusement of social circles; the words are generally of mediocre merit, -and the music so simple as to make it evident that the song did not -intend to intrude into good society. Mozart only occasionally composed -Lieder.[59] He was in the habit, as his wife writes to Hartel, of -writing down in a book kept for the purpose any poem which he admired, -or which incited him to composition; but his reading was not extensive, -and there was little to attract him in Vienna at that time. He had his -own opinions on this subject as on others, and we are struck with his -remarks in a letter to his father (December 23,1782):-- - -I am at work upon a very difficult matter, viz., the setting of an ode -on Gibraltar, by Denis.[60] But it is a secret, for a Hungarian lady -wishes to surprise Denis with it. The ode is dignified--fine, if you -like--but too pompous and exaggerated for my taste. How can it be -otherwise? Truth and moderation are hardly known and never valued -nowadays. If a thing is to succeed it must either be so easy that a -hackney-coach-man could imitate it, or so incomprehensible that, just -because they do not understand it, everybody is ready to praise it. - -Every competent critic will endorse Mozart's opinion on Denis's ode;[61] -but how many then in Vienna were as independent and candid in their -judgment on the favourite poet as the young composer? A facsimile of -Mozart's hasty sketch of part of this ode is taken from the archives of -the Mozarteum at Salzburg. Whether the ode was ever finished I do not -know. - - -{LIEDER.} - -(371) - -We may gather that Mozart's Lieder were the result of occasional -impulses, from the fact that they occur at long intervals, and that he -usually wrote several at one time. On May 7, 1785, he composed three -poems by Weisse; on the autograph (472-474, K.) is noted, "Weisse, -erster Band, p. 18,14,29"; Weisse's lyrical poems (Leipzig, 1772) -formed part of Mozart's modest library. The year 1787, however, was most -fruitful, owing doubtless to his constant intercourse with Jacquin; we -find four in May (517-520, K.), two on June 24 (523, 524, K.), two at -Prague on November 6 (529, 530, K.), and another on December 11 (531 -K.). Then there is a pause until January 14, 1791, when three ballads -(596-598, K.) were composed, according to Nissen, for a children's -publication.[62] Mozart published but few of these compositions;[63] -they generally remained in the possession of those for whom they were -written, and were circulated in MS. copies, which explains why many -were attributed to him which he never wrote, while some of his own -composition were attributed to others.[64] The greater number of them - - -{SOCIAL INTERCOURSE.} - -(372) - -are true "Strophenlieder," such as the ballads from Campe's -"Kinderbibliothek" (595, 598, K.), to which also belongs the ballad for -little Fritz's birthday (529 K.), to which very unsuitable words have -been adapted. These are all manifestly easy and simple, and possess the -same charm from the mouths of children as "Komm lieber Mai." Hagedom's -little song, "Zu meiner Zeit bestand noch Recht und Bil-ligkeit" (517 -K.), is jestingly treated; Mozart himself has written over it, "A little -through the nose," to emphasise the proper comic delivery. The -quality which distinguishes these songs from the majority of those -contemporary with them is not so much their perfect form and finish, -their attractive melodies, or their harmonious delicacy (though these -exist in full measure) as their vivid expression of a poetic mood, be it -cheerful, earnest, or passionate. The poems of Hagedorn, Weisse, Jacobi, -Overbeck, Hölty, Miller, Claudius, and others whose names are unknown, -seem to us little calculated to stir the poetical productivity of the -composer; and the passionate expression and forcible accentuation of -some of the songs strike us as being almost in opposition to the words -of the poem. Look only at the close of the second song, "Zufriedenheit" - -(473 K.), "Und angenehm ist selbst mein Schmerz, wenn ich vor Liebe -weine"; or the words in the "Betragenen Welt" (474 K.), "Eswird ein -prachtig Fest vollzogen, bald hinkt die Reue hinterdrein." We must -not leave out of account, however, that the standpoint of literary -cultivation accepted by Mozart and his contemporaries had its own -conceptions and standard of poetic representation;[65] a perhaps not -very distant future will doubtless feel equal wonder at some of the -poems set to music in our own day. It is more important to note Mozart's -exposition of his own poetic nature, which led him to grasp and embody, -not so much the words and the form, as the animating idea of the poem -before him. Therefore - - -{LIEDER.} - -(373) - -it is that he gives us in his music a depth and truth of emotion which -are wanting in the words. Take, for example, the first song by Weisse, -"Der Zauberer." Divest it of the pastoral costume, which is strange -to us, and of the tame, somewhat clumsy expression, and retain the -situation of a young girl awaking to her first consciousness of love -with timid amazement. This we shall find in Mozart's composition; -certainly not in Weisse's shepherdess. - -In one song of passionate and sorrowful expression--"Trennung und -Wiedervereinigung," by Jacobi--two verses, in which the sentiment is -considerably modified, have a fresh setting, and the first melody recurs -only at the close. Others have each verse the same. One of these is -the song "An Chloë" (524 K.), perhaps the best known and liked of all -Mozart's pleasant, easy melodies; but it is the least significant and -song-like of any, being formed after the manner of Italian canzonetti. -"Abendempfindung" (523 K.) is more original and finer in its expression -of emotion and in its form, which appears to yield to its changing -moods, but is in reality both finished and well defined; "Unglückliche -Liebe" (520 K.) is passionate and almost dramatic, a definite situation -being indicated by the poet in the superscription: "Als Louise die -Briefe ihres ungetreuen Liebhabers verbrannte." - -But the crown of all the songs, by virtue of its touching expression of -emotion and its charming perfection of form, is unquestionably Goethe's -"Veilchen" (476 K.).[66] In other songs we discern musical genius -divining and bringing to light the poetic germ which lies hidden in the -words; here we have the impression made upon Mozart by true poetry. -It may seem remarkable that so simple a lyrical poem should have been -treated by Mozart as a romance, giving a certain amount of dramatic -detail to the little story; and yet it must not be overlooked that the -masterly touch which repeats the closing words: "Das arme Veilchen! es -war ein herzigs - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(374) - -Veilchen!" fully reasserts a genuine lyric element.[67] A tendency -to dramatic effect was inherent in Mozart's nature as an artist, and -Goethe's clear and plastic presentation of a simple image, true in every -feature, could not fail to impress him deeply. The poem must have fallen -into his hands by some accident; had he known others of them, he would -certainly have preferred them to Weisse's. Why did he not seek them out? -He does not seem to have sought out any poems for composition, but took -what came, and Goethe had scarcely penetrated to the circle in which he -lived. Had the springtime of German poetry been opened before his day, -what inspirations might he not have drawn from its source! - -Mozart's labours as a song composer are not by any means on a level with -those in the other branches of his art, although even here his artistic -nature could not fail to make itself felt. Beethoven followed him -closely in his manner of song-writing, and walked steadily to the last -in the path indicated by Mozart. - - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXIX. - -[Footnote 1: Besides the Countess Thun, these were the Princesses Liechtenstein, -Schwarzenburg, Lobkowitz. Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 209. Car. Pichler, -Denk-würd., I., p. 141. Hormayr, Gesch. Wiens., V., p. 94. Vehse, Gesch. -des Osterr. Hofes, VIII., p. 304.] - -[Footnote 2: Burney, Reise, II., p. 160. She told him that she had formerly -played much better, but that she had borne six children, each of whom -had carried away something of her musical power.] - -[Footnote 3: Burney, pp. 188, 215.] - -[Footnote 4: A. M. Z., XV., p. 668. Schletterer, Reichardt, p. 327.] - -[Footnote 5: G. Forster, Sämm. Schr., VII., p. 272.] - -[Footnote 6: Meyer, L. Schroder, I., p. 380.] - -[Footnote 7: He possessed a house with a beautiful garden, on the high road. At a -concert there given, Nicolai admired the promising pianoforte-playing -of Spielmann's little daughter, who had been instructed by her talented -mother (Reise, IV., p. 554; cf. üI., p. 37, 291).] - -[Footnote 8: G. Forster, Sämmtl. Schr., VII., p. 269.] - -[Footnote 9: Jahrb. d. Tonk., 1796, pp. 19, 70.] - -[Footnote 10: Car. Pichler, Denkw., I., p. 92.] - -[Footnote 11: Cristini, Vita di Metastasio, p. 206.] - -[Footnote 12: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 13. Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 86.] - -[Footnote 13: Barney, Reise, II., pp. 181, 227, 254. Jahrb. d. Tonk., 1796, p. -41.] - -[Footnote 14: Barney, Reise, II., p. 260.] - -[Footnote 15: Mancini, Rifl. Prat, sul Canto Fig., p. 229.] - -[Footnote 16: Wiener Musikzeitg., 1842, p. 70.] - -[Footnote 17: Cristini, Vita di Metastasio, p. 211.] - -[Footnote 18: Jahrb. d. Tonk., 1796, p. 71.] - -[Footnote 19: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 252.] - -[Footnote 20: Wien. Ztg., 1796, No. 29.] - -[Footnote 21: Gyrowetz, Selbtsbiogr., p. 9. Cf. Nohl, Musikerbr., pp. -116,136,145.] - -[Footnote 22: Dittersdorf (Selbstbiogr., p. 233) is of this opinion.] - -[Footnote 23: Rochlitz gives a comical example (A. M. Z., I., p. 49).] - -[Footnote 24: Niemetschek, p. 95.] - -[Footnote 25: Rochlitz, A. M. ft, XIV., p. 106. Fur Freunde der Tonkunst, üI., p. -222.] - -[Footnote 26: Car. Pichler, Denkw., I., p. 179.] - -[Footnote 27: On April 24,1787, he wrote in Mozart's album: "Tibi qui -possis blandus auritas fidibus canons, ducere quercus in amicitiæ -tesseram.--Jos. Franc, a Jacquin."] - -[Footnote 28: The Botanic Garden was laid out by Maria Theresa, in the suburbs -(Nicolai, Reise, III., p. 34); Mozart lived in the neighbourhood, which -facilitated his intercourse with the Jacquins.] - -[Footnote 29: Wien. Zeitschr., 1842, No. 79, p. 627.] - -[Footnote 30: Wien. Zeitschr., 1842, No. 79, p. 625.] - -[Footnote 31: Jahrb. d. Tonk., 1796, p..10. Reichardt, Reise n. Wien, I., p. 466.] - -[Footnote 32: He was Kelly's companion on a visit to Haydn (Reminisc., I., p. -221).] - -[Footnote 33: A. M. Z., XXVI., p. 92.] - -[Footnote 34: Brevi Notizie int. ad ale. compositori di musica (Rover., 1827), p. -51.] - -[Footnote 35: It is illustrative of Mozart's way of working that at the place -where a very bold and striking harmony occurs in the otherwise simple -air, the bass is figured in the transcription--[See Page Image] as if he -wished to assure himself of the effect of the harmonic succession.] - -[Footnote 36: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 226.] - -[Footnote 37: Mozart writes to Gottfr. von Jacquin (Prague, February 14,1787): -"You may be sure that we managed to get up a little quatuor in -_caritatis camera_, and the 'schöne Bandl hammera." Allusions are also -made to it in his letters to his wife.] - -[Footnote 38: I was informed in Vienna that Mozart's widow related the -circumstance in this way, only Van Swieten was erroneously substituted -for Jacquin. A fragment of the original score (with quartet -accompaniment) gives the names of Constanze, Mozart and Jacquin as -singers. In the short preliminary notice to the published "Terzett" -(Ouvres, V., 8), the detail was omitted as unnecessary to be made -public. A quintet which appeared in Vienna in 1856, as Canto a 5 voci -di Mozart, "Oh, come lieto in seno" (244 Anh. K.), is from Ant. -Cartellieri's opera, "Il Segreto," composed in 1804 (Bohemia, 1860, No. -50, p. 448).] - -[Footnote 39: Jos. Haydn hung his rooms round with forty-six canons of his own -composition, framed and glazed (Griesinger, Biogr. Notizen, p. 97. -Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 121. Cf. Biogr. Skizze von Mich. Haydn, p. 29).] - -[Footnote 40: His _canoni bernesche_ were, according to Carpani (Le Haydine, p. -113), widely disseminated.] - -[Footnote 41: Neukomm informed me that a canon by Mich. Haydn, ascribed to -Mozart, was composed in Salzburg with reference to a particular person; -another of his comic canons, suggested by the joking rhymes of the -organ-builder Egedacher in Salzburg, is given in facsimile in the -Cäcilia (XVI., p. 212).] - -[Footnote 42: One, known as "Im grab ists finster," is very doubtful, and one -mentioned by Zelter (Briefw., II., p. 128); "Hätts nit gedacht das -Fischgraten so stechen thaten," is by Wenzel Müller.] - -[Footnote 43: Especially 553, 554 K.] - -[Footnote 44: Especially 555, 562 K., and the above-mentioned "Nascoso" (557 K.).] - -[Footnote 45: Meyer, L. Schroder, II., 1, p. 81.] - -[Footnote 46: 559 K.: "Décile lectu mihi Mars et jonicu" (the last word is so -managed that it becomes cujoni in singing).] - -[Footnote 47: The leaf on which Mozart has hurriedly written down the two canons -is given in facsimile in the Cäcilia (I., p. 179), where a more detailed -account of them is also to be found. The time may be conjectured from -the information which Lipowsky (Baiersches Musik-Lexicon, p. 239) gives -about Peierl.] - -[Footnote 48: It appears in the Thematic Catalogue as: "O du eselhafter Martin," -and is generally known as such. André, and afterwards Prof. Dehn, of -Berlin, possessed this canon in Mozart's handwriting, but with _Jacob, -Jacobisch_ substituted throughout for Martin, Martinsch; and in this way -the quizzing may have been extended to several persons.] - -[Footnote 49: A. M. Z., üI., p. 450.] - -[Footnote 50: I will only mention the three-part comic or "schoolmaster" mass -which goes under Mozart's and also under Haydn's name; Carpani asserts -(Le Haydine, p. 112) that it is by Aumann, an Augustine monk of St. -Florian, and a learned musician. He also says that it was formerly -customary in Vienna to perform this kind of comic music on St. Cecilia's -Day, at musical parties.] - -[Footnote 51: An anonymous quartet "for people who know their notes, and who, -without moving their fingers, only move their bows up and down the -open strings," published with the title "Neugebornes musikalisches -Gleichheitskind" (Prague: Haas), and ascribed to Mozart by the Breslauer -Zeitung (1855 No. 170, p. 1090), with a very unlikely anecdote, is but a -dull affair.] - -[Footnote 52: Reissmann, Das deutsche Lied in seiner histor. entwickelung, p. -77. K. E. Schneider, Das musikalische Lied in geschichtl. Entwickelung, -III., p. 195.] - -[Footnote 53: Sacred songs do not come within the scope of this observation.] - -[Footnote 54: W. H. Riehl, Gluck als Liedercomponist (Augsb. Ahg. Ztg., 1861. -Beil. Echo, 1862, No. 1-3).] - -[Footnote 55: A. M. Z., XVI., p. 22. Schletterer, Reichardt, pp. 157, 164.] - -[Footnote 56: Musik. Kunstmagazin, I., p. 22.] - -[Footnote 57: Reichardt drew attention in 1782 (Musik. Kunstmagazin, I., p. 3) -to the national songs, to which the composer ought to turn for materials -(Cf. Schletterer, Reichardt, I., p. 408).] - -[Footnote 58: The first collection of national songs by J. A. P. Schulz appeared -in Berlin, 1782. The character indicated by the title is more definitely -stated in the preface.] - -[Footnote 59: Schneider gives a criticism of Mozart as a song-writer (Das -musikal. Lied, III., p. 282).] - -[Footnote 60: The news of the repulse of the Spaniards by the English at the -siege of Gibraltar, in 1782, excited the greatest enthusiasm in Vienna, -where sympathy was entirely on the side of the English. Mozart wrote to -his father (October 19, 1782): "I have, indeed, heard the news of -the English victory, to my great delight, for you know that I am an -arch-Englishman!"] - -[Footnote 61: Wiener Realzeitg., 1782, p. 765. Retzer, Nachlese zu Sineds Liedern -(Wien, 1784), p. 84.] - -[Footnote 62: Three songs (390-392 K.), date unknown, were, judging by the -handwriting, composed early in the Vienna period, if not before Mozart -left Salzburg.] - -[Footnote 63: Das Lied der Freiheit (506 K.) appeared in the Wiener Musenalmanach -for 1786. Besides this, so far as I am aware, no songs of Mozart -appeared in his lifetime, except the "Veilchen" (476 K.) and "Trennung -und Wieder-vereinigung" (519 K.), with the title, "Zwei Deutsche Arien -zum Singen beim Klavier in Musik gesetzt von Herr Kapellmeister Mozart" -(Wien bei Artaria, 1790); perhaps, also, "An Chloë" (524 K.) and -"Abendempfindung" (523 K.) (with the same title).] - -[Footnote 64: Soon after Mozart's death, many songs, genuine and unauthentic, -appeared singly or in collections. A professedly complete collection, -entitled: "Sämmt-liche Lieder und Gesänge beim Fortepiano von Kapellm. -W. A. Mozart" (Berlin: Rellstab), contains thirty-three songs, of which -only five are genuine (Cf. A. M. Z., I., p. 744). The collection in the -fifth volume of the "Oeuvres" (Breit-kopf and Härtel) is supported -by the authority of the widow, and is thoroughly to be relied on; -it contains, exclusive of compositions not strictly belonging to -our category, twenty-one songs, properly so-called. Of these, the -"Gesellen-reise" (468 K.) and two other Freemasons' songs (483, 484, K.) -were originally written with organ accompaniments: the "Zufriedenheit" -(349 K.), and an unpublished "Komm liebe Zitter" (351 K., composed "1780 -fur Herr Lang") with accompaniment for the mandoline. A "Wiegenlied" -with pianoforte accompaniment, "Schlafe mein Prinzchen" (350 K.), was -published subsequently by Nissen (Nachtrag).] - -[Footnote 65: Reichardt regrets that his "Lieder geselliger Freude " (1796) can -include none of the compositions of "men so highly esteemed as Haydn, -Mozart, and Dittersdorf," on account of the coarseness of the words -(Vol. I., p. vüi.).] - -[Footnote 66: The facsimile of the song, after the original in the possession of -my friend Wilh. Speyer, of Frankfort, is appended to this work.] - -[Footnote 67: A reviewer in the Musik Realzeitung (1790, p. 1), extolling the -"Trennungslied," and the "Veilchen," remarks on the taste and delicate -feeling they display, and adds: "Very striking is the treatment of the -words at the close of the song, the pathetic repetition of 'Das arme -Veilchen! es war ein herzigs Veilchen I Cf. Reissmann, "Das deutsche -Lied," p. 146.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXX. VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC. - - -OTTFRIED, Baron van Swieten, was a man who exercised, in more than one -respect, an important influence on Mozart's career. He was born in -1734, the son of the Empress Maria Theresa's celebrated and influential -physician Gerhard van Swieten, who had removed with his family from -Leyden to Vienna in 1745. Gottfried devoted himself to the study of the -law, and pursued a diplomatic career,[1] but from his youth up he had -been passionately fond of music, and had turned his studies in the art -to practical, - - -{MUSIC IN BERLIN.} - -(375) - -though not very successful account. In 1769 Favart's "Rosière de -Salency" was produced in Paris with music by different composers; Van -Swieten wrote several of the songs, but they failed to attract much -praise.[2] He also composed eight symphonies "as stiff as himself," as -Haydn said.[3] In 1771 Joseph II. appointed him ambassador to the Court -of Prussia,[4] and there Nicolai made his acquaintance, and speaks -of him as "an enthusiastic amateur and connoisseur, and even a -composer."[5] His residence in Berlin was important for the development -of his musical taste and the ideas which he afterwards undertook to -introduce in Vienna. - -In 1740, Frederick the Great had erected the Berlin Opera House, and -produced the Italian opera seria of the time with all the brilliancy -of first-rate performers and scenic accessories.[6] Grand operas -(interrupted, however, by the Seven Years War) were regularly given; the -King used to sit in the pit immediately behind the conductor, so as -to be able to look over his score.[7] He held firm to his original -principles of taste; would admit nothing but opera seria, and no new -works except those of Hasse and Graun. The Kapellmeister Carl Heinrich -Graun (1709-1759) was obliged to compose the operas (to which the King -furnished libretti in French, to be turned into Italian[8]), and hurried -over his uncongenial task; they were always submitted to the King, -and what he disapproved of had to be altered.[9] He preferred Hasse's -composition on account of his greater fire and passion, while Graun -(highly prized as a singer by his royal master)[10] heard little but -blame for his shortcomings as a composer. - -Notwithstanding this, he had to produce his opera year - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(376) - -after year, and matters continued unchanged.[11] Johann Friedrich -Agricola (1720-1774), who succeeded Graun in 1760, wrote little himself, -except some pieces for insertion in old operas, which are kept in the -same style. The King would have nothing to say to any other composers, -and received Reichardt with the advice: "Have a care of the new -Italians; the fellows write like pigs."[12] - -Reichardt, in applying for Agricola's post after the death of the latter -in 1775, was obliged to support his claims by the production of -an opera, "modelled on the pattern of Graun and Hasse";[13] as -kapellmeister, he must not dream of striking out in any other direction. -For the last ten years of his life the King took little interest in -musical matters; Italian opera lingered on with the pieces of Graun and -Hasse, but it sank lower and lower.[14] - -Side by side with the opera, however, which followed so closely the -Italian tradition, there arose in Berlin a peculiar form of instrumental -music founded on the Saxon school. The King, as is well known, gave -a private concert every evening, and performed on the flute pieces -composed by himself or his master Quanz, who wrote over three hundred -such for Frederick.[15] Johann Joachim Quanz (1697-1773)[16] to whom the -King had been much attached from his earliest years, was supreme in all -matters musical, and was nicknamed the "Pope of the Berlin music."[17] -He was the only man who presumed to cry "Bravo!" to the King's -playing.[18] Next after Quanz in Frederick's favour stood Franz Benda -(1709-1786),[19] an artist of originality and a first-rate - - -{THE BACH SCHOOL IN BERLIN.} - -(377) - -violin-player; his manner of execution was peculiar to himself, and rested -mainly on a pure and expressive delivery. His brother Joseph (1724-1804) -and the sons of both followed in his footsteps, and the Concertmeister -J. Gottlieb Graun (1698-1771) highly esteemed as a violin-player and -instrumental composer, may be said to have belonged to the same school. -By these distinguished artists the Berlin orchestra was formed and -trained to a degree of excellence second only to that of Dresden, and -not until later surpassed by Mannheim and Vienna. - -The highest rank among the artists of Berlin must be accorded to Philipp -Emanuel Bach (1714-1788).[20] He was summoned to the Prussian capital in -1738 as accompanist to the then Crown Prince, and after 1756 he shared -the office with Fasch. He was an accomplished and tasteful accompanist, -but the wearisome monotony of the royal concerts disgusted him, and as -an artist he could not but be annoyed at the King's narrow prejudices. -He revenged himself by refusing to comply when Frederick, who liked to -play in "various times" required his accompanist to give way to him. -This led to a dislike on the King's part, which prevented him from duly -appreciating Bach;[21] and the latter willingly obeyed a summons to -Hamburg in 1767, to fill Telemann's place. His technical studies, -founded on J. Sebastian Bach's system of fingering, and his -clavier sonatas entitle him to be considered as the father of modem -pianoforte-playing, and Haydn acknowledged him alone as his model.[22] -He was held in unbounded reverence as a creative and original artist, -especially in Berlin and Hamburg,[23] and deserved equal respect as -a man of cultivation and good-breeding. Nicolai declares that what -Quintilian says of Cicero may be applied - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(378) - -with equal truth to Bach: that those who have learnt to appreciate his -works above all others have made a marked advance along the path of -knowledge.[24] The school of Joh. Sebastian Bach was represented in all -its severity and scholarly learning by his son Wilhelm Friedemann Bach -(1710-1784), who passed the later years of his life in Berlin, as much -admired as an artist of genius and scholarship[25] as he was dreaded and -disliked by reason of his overbearing egotism and eccentric fancies.[26] -Agricola was also a pupil, and like all his pupils, an enthusiastic -admirer of Seb. Bach, but Kirnberger was undoubtedly his greatest -apostle. It was he who represented the school of Bach in Berlin, side -by side with the operatic school of Hasse and Graun, and he was mainly, -though far from exclusively,[27] active in developing the instrumental -style, which determined the taste of the Berlin musical world.[28] - -The position of music in Berlin was peculiar in that it had gained -recognition for itself, even in respect of its literature. Not a few -musicians were cultivated and scientific men, ready with their pen and -anxious to employ it in the - - -{KIRN BERGER--MARPURG.} - -(379) - -musical cause. Quanz's "Course of Flute-Playing" (1752) was followed -by Ph. Em. Bach's "True Art of Playing the Clavier" (1753, 1761) and -Agricola's "Introduction to the Art of Song" (1757); and together -with these may be noted Marpurg's "Art of Playing the Clavier" (1750), -"Introduction to Clavier-Playing" (1755, 1765), and "Introduction to -Music and Singing" (1763); it was no small honour for Leop. Mozart's -"Violin Method" to find recognition in this circle (Vol. I., p. 16). The -writings of the advocate Krause on musical poetry (1752), of Nichelmann -on melody (1755), and Marpurg's "Introduction to Vocal Composition" -(1758) must not be omitted from the list. - -The theory of harmony and counterpoint was studied with equal zeal, and -Kimberger and Marpurg have earned for themselves a place of honour in -the history of music. - -Joh. Phil. Kimberger (1721-1783), Kammermusicus to the Princess Amalie, -a pupil of Seb. Bach, was of small merit as a composer, but, being a -sagacious man, and fond of research, he busied himself in tracing the -principles and maxims of composition through the works of his revered -master.[29] The gift of literary expression was denied to him by his -education and manner of life; and unless he were assisted by friends -such as Agricola, Sulzer, or his pupil Schulz, he found it difficult -to express his views with clearness.[30] His intellect, knowledge, and -study were considerable, his character open and estimable;[31] but he -was embittered by the want of the recognition which he believed to be -his due. Want of refinement led him to turn his critical acumen into -a weapon of attack, which he often used in a manner both spiteful and -unjust.[32] Quanz had maintained that a - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(380) - -genuine duet admitted of no bass, and published some duets to prove his -point; Kimberger played the duets on the church organ while Quanz was -receiving the communion, with a bass added.[33] - -Friedr. Wilh. Marpurg (1718-1795) thereupon took up the cudgels, and -endeavoured to prove from Kimberger's fugues that he was the last man -who had a right to make himself conspicuous as a critic. This gave rise -to a feud, which was carried on with great bitterness on both sides, -respecting various principles of musical theory. Marpurg had the -advantage of a thorough school and university education. As private -secretary to General Bodenberg he had enjoyed intercourse with Voltaire, -D'Alembert, and Maupertuis, and a lengthened stay in Paris in 1746 had -made him familiar with the French cultivation of the time. After 1749 he -lived in Berlin. In his youth he had been the friend of Winckelmann[34] -and the companion of Lessing, in his jovial hours as well as in his -studies and controversies.[35] Shrewd and thorough in matters of -research, and of passionate temper, he could neither brook contradiction -nor control his violence;[36] and superior as he was to Kirnberger -in powers of expression, he yielded nothing to him in coarseness and -virulence of attack.[37] - -Yet another influence on musical affairs in Berlin remains to be noted, -viz., the musical journals edited by Marpurg and the musicians and -scholars associated with him--"The Musical Critic on the River Spree" -(1749-1750), "Critical and Historical Contributions to the Study of -Music" (1754-1762), and "Critical Letters on Music" (1760-1764). - -Music was treated also by literary men from a more general point of -view. Sulzer included music in his - - -{LIBBHABERCONCERT IN BERLIN} - -(381) - -"Treatise on the Fine Arts" (1771-1774), and sought counsel of -professional men better versed in the art than himself. He selected -Kirnberger as the fittest man for his purpose, and after him his -pupil J. A. P. Schulz, who was inferior to his master in scholarly -acquirements, but far superior to him in clearness and facility.[38] -The great influence which Sulzer's work exercised in Germany caused his -views upon music therein expressed to be appealed to as a sort of final -authority. Fr. Nicolai was exceedingly fond of music, and made it a -practical study.[39] He was personally acquainted with all the great -musicians, especially Agricola, Marpurg, and Reichardt, and he -set himself seriously to form musical opinions founded on his own -observation. When he undertook the German Universal Cyclopedia in 1765, -he included music in the list of subjects treated. Nicolai's influence -in Berlin was great,[40] and a literary organ of so much importance -could not fail to give weight and consideration to musical criticism. - -The practical result of these musical efforts, so far as they did -not proceed immediately from the King, consisted mainly in the -"Liebhaberconcert," founded in 1770, and held every Friday evening under -Nicolai's direction.[41] All available forces were assembled on these -occasions; orchestral works, native or foreign, were performed, -vocal and instrumental virtuosi found an audience, and great vocal -compositions were frequently produced, such as Graun's and Ph. Eman. -Bach's sacred music, and what is more noteworthy, Handel's oratorios, -especially "Judas Maccabæus," the "Feast of Alexander," and the -"Messiah."[42] Earnest and - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(382) - -upright intention, and efforts after intellectual comprehension in art, -deserve all recognition, even when united with partiality, pedantry, and -quarrelsomeness. The supremacy claimed by Frederick the Great's capital, -even in music, extended to South Germany, and especially to Vienna. -Wagenseil and Steffan, at that time men of considerable note in Vienna, -are complacently taken to task by Marpurg.[43] Nicolai openly says[44] -that after Fux's death Vienna had various good composers, but no -extraordinary genius worthy to rank with Seb. and Ph. Em. Bach, -Telemann, Graun, or Hasse, men who had determined the course of musical -progress in North Germany until Haydn appeared. The Viennese, on the -other hand, were entirely ignorant of all that concerned music in North -Germany, and especially in Berlin.[45] - -Youthful impulses could not altogether fail, however, to stir the -musical world of Berlin. The French operetta, conducted for a long time -by Schulz,[46] and still more the German opera after 1771,[47] had the -effect of gradually reforming the taste of the general public. Prince -Henry, who had an excellent band in his pay, was by no means so devoted -to old music and the old composers as the King.[48] His concertmeister -Joh. Pet. Salomon (1745-1815), whom Reichardt heard perform Bach's -violin solos without accompaniment exceedingly well,[49] produced -Haydn's symphonies and quartets - - -{HAYDN'S MUSIC IN BERLIN.} - -(383) - -with zeal and energy.[50] His successor, J. A. P. Schulz (1747-1800), -a pupil of Kirnberger's, who had made a lengthened tour in Italy, -and become personally acquainted with Haydn,[51] followed his natural -inclination--to the great dissatisfaction of his master--in composing -after the new style,[52] and wishing to produce not only Haydn's but -Gluck's music. His attempts were unsuccessful, but Haydn's music was -admired by others besides the more youthful of the public. There were, -it is true, supporters of the old music, who made a noisy exit whenever -Haydn's music was performed; but others, such as Marpurg, laughed at -such folly, and did not withhold their recognition of his genius;[53] -Nicolai speaks of him with frank and enlightened approbation.[54] -Reichardt, as kapellmeister to the king, could not afford an independent -judgment;[55] but he endeavoured, by the "Concert spirituel''[56] which -he set on foot, and by his compositions and writings,[57] to turn the -interest of the public in new directions.[58] - -It was into this peculiar musical atmosphere, so different from that -of Vienna, that Van Swieten entered at Berlin. His turn of mind being -essentially rational and methodical,[59] disposed him to sympathy with -the severe Berlin school, and to a partiality for a concise style; he -was enchanted with the music of Handel and Bach, which he brought back -with him to Vienna, and turned to account by means of his personal - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(384) - -friendship with Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven. He commissioned Ph. Em. -Bach to compose, in 1774, six grand orchestral symphonies, with the -express wish that he would allow his genius full play, without any -regard to difficulty of execution.[60] In Berlin also Van Swieten became -better acquainted with Haydn than was possible in Vienna, and like -Mozart and the youthful Beethoven, he' loved and reverenced him next to -Handel and Bach. "As far as music is concerned," he writes (December, -1798), "I have gone back to the times when it was thought necessary -before practising an art to study it thoroughly and systematically. In -such study I find nourishment for my mind and heart, and support when -any fresh proof of the degeneracy of the art threatens to cast me down. -My chief comforters are Handel and the Bachs, and with them the few -masters of our own day who tread firmly in the footsteps of the truly -great and good, and either give promise of reaching the same goal, or -have already attained to it. In this there can be no doubt that Mozart, -had he been spared to us, would have succeeded; Joseph Haydn stands -actually at the goal."[61] On his return to Vienna (which took place -about 1778) he at once assumed a position of great importance. He -succeeded to his father's office as Prefect of the Imperial Library, was -appointed President of the Education Commission in 1781, and intrusted -with the conduct of the educational scheme which was introduced -throughout the Empire in 1783. Knowledge, intelligence, and zeal he -certainly possessed;[62] but he was wanting in the energy and decision -necessary to carry out the projects he conceived.[63] His influential -position, rank, and wealth, the hereditary fame of his family, and the -importance of his mission at the court of Frederick the Great, gave him -the right to a place among the most distinguished society. He exerted -all his influence in the cause of music, even for so subordinate an - - -{VAN SWIETEN'S PERSONAL INFLUENCE.} - -(385) - -end as to enforce silence and attention during musical performances. -Whenever a whispered conversation arose among the audience, his -excellency would rise from his seat in the first row, draw himself up -to his full majestic height, measure the offenders with a long, serious -look, and then very slowly resume his seat. The proceeding never failed -of its effect.[64] Van Swieten was not liberal in money matters; he -always had it in his power to collect money among his friends of high -rank for musical purposes, and he did not fail on such occasions to -contribute his own quota;[65] but he was not by any means generous for -a wealthy and childless man. Haydn's experience supported this view,[66] -and the eulogies pronounced on Van Swieten's benevolence to Mozart's -family after his death[67] have no foundation; in fact, he did nothing -worth mentioning for them. In his intercourse with artists, however -highly he might estimate them and their works, his demeanour was always -that of a grand seigneur, and he enforced his own views with an air of -somewhat overbearing superiority. This was again Haydn's experience,[68] -and Mozart can scarcely have escaped some measure of annoyance from the -same source. - -But such personal failings as these are cast into the shade by the merit -which is due to Van Swieten as the man who awoke interest in Vienna for -severe and classical music. His influence upon Mozart is unmistakable. -At the beginning of 1782 we find them in constant intercourse, and -Mozart habitually present at Van Swieten's musical Sunday mornings, at -which music in the severe style only was performed. He had, as Mozart -writes to his sister (April 20, 1782), "a stock of music good in point -of value, but small in quantity"; and in order to add to it, Mozart -requests his father to send him both his own church compositions, and - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(386) - -some select works of Michael Haydn and Eberlin, which he had formerly -copied (Vol. I., p. 238); they were performed with great applause in -the little circle, These performances were clearly not intended for -an audience; for Van Swieten sang tenor, Mozart alto (at the same time -playing the pianoforte), Starzer[69] tenor, and young Tebery,[70] who -had just returned from Italy, bass (Märch 12, 1783). But in this -way they became familiar with the best works of masters who had been -hitherto unheard in Vienna. "It is a fact," writes Mozart (April -12,1783), "that the change of taste has extended even to church music, -which is much to be regretted; so it comes that the best church music -lies worm-eaten in the garret."[71] - -Clavier music of the same school also found a place in Van Swieten's -musical meetings. Mozart writes to his father (April 10, 1782):-- - -I wish you would send me Handel's six fugues and the toccata and fugues -by Eberlin. I go every Sunday morning to the Baron van Swieten, and -nothing is played there but Handel and Bach. I am making a collection of -the Bach fugues, Sebastian's as well as Emanuel's and Friedemann's, and -also of Handel's, and I want just these six. Also, I should like to let -the Baron hear Eberlin's. - -Concerning the latter, however, he writes soon after to his sister -(April 20, 1782):-- - -If my father has not yet had Eberlin's works copied, pray countermand -them. I have found them here, and see (now that I refresh my memory of -them) that they are very trivial and unworthy of a place with Handel -and Bach. His four-part movement deserves all respect, but his clavier -fugues are simply _versetti_ spun out to great length. - - -{PIANOFORTE FUGUES.} - -(387) - -We have seen already how Mozart's interest in the study of these masters -was still further kindled by the pleasure his wife took in fugues (Vol. -II., p. 267). When he sent his sister a three-part fugue with a prelude, -he wrote to her (April 20, 1782) that if time and opportunity served, -he meant to write five more fugues, and present them all to Van Swieten; -she must therefore keep this one to herself, learn it by heart, and play -it; "it is not so easy to play fugues." A second (39 Anh. K.) has only -the theme with one answer written down:--[See Page Images] - -A third is rather more finished (40 Anh. K.), and its very original -subject promises an interesting elaboration-- - -which causes the more regret that it should have stopped short of -completion. - -Mozart twice projected arranging Frohberger's "Phantasia supra Ut, -re, mi, fa, sol, la" for the pianoforte,[72] but neither time did he -accomplish his intention (292 Anh. K.). The three-part fugue in C major, -which has been published (394 K.), probably the same that Mozart sent to -his sister with a prelude, gives an idea of his intentions. A four-part -fugue in G minor, wanting only a few bars, was finished and published by -Stadler (401 K.). Only sketches remain of other clavier fugues. The most -finished (26 bars) is a fugue in G major (23 Anh. K.):--[See Page Images -(next page)] - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(388) - -To the same time and school belongs the great fugue for two pianofortes -in C minor, composed on December 29,1783 (426 K.). The beginning is -preserved of another fugue for two pianofortes in G major of a totally -different character (45 Anh. K.):--[See Page Image] - -We may judge of the manner in which Mozart wished his fugues to be -played from an expression to his sister, when he sent her the first of -them (April 20, 1782):-- - -I have taken care to write "andante maestoso" on it, that it may not -be played too fast; for, if a fugue is not played slowly, the recurring -subject is not distinctly and clearly heard, and so loses its effect. - -Afterwards (in June, 1788) Mozart arranged the C minor fugue for his -string quartet, and wrote "a short adagio" as an introduction (546 K.), -probably for Van Swieten, with whom he was then in closer intercourse -than ever, in consequence of the instrumentation and performance of -Handel's oratorios. - -The ease and distinctness with which four-part movements of this -metrical style could thus be executed, had already suggested to Mozart -the arrangement of five fugues from Bach's "Wohltemperirte Klavier," for -stringed instruments (405 K.). The handwriting points to 1782 or 1783, -when Van Swieten's influence was at its highest. The fugues selected, -doubtless with a view to their suitability for the purpose, were (in -Breitkopf and Härtel's edition): - - -{KLAVIERSUITE, 1782-1783.} - -(389) - -No. 2, in C minor; No. 7, in E fiat major; No. 9, in E major; No. 8, -transposed from D sharp major to D major; and No. 5, in D major. - -An interesting illustration of the pleasure with which Mozart sought to -follow in the steps of Handel and Bach, is afforded by the unfinished -"Klaviersuite" (399 K.) belonging to 1782 or 1783. It begins, according -to rule, with an overture (C major) consisting of two movements, a slow -introduction in imitation, and a fugued Allegro closing on the dominant. -Then follows, after traditional usage, an Allemande (C minor), a -Courante (E flat major), and a Sarabande (G minor); of this last, -however, only six bars are written. The imitation of the older masters -is unmistakable in the design and many of the details of the movements, -the only novelty being the changes of key. They may, in this sense, -be considered as studies; but Mozart's originality constantly asserts -itself, and the Courante in especial is completely imbued with it. -Still more original and free is the "Short Gigue for the Klavier," -which Mozart wrote on May 17, 1789, "in the album of Herr Engel, court -organist in Leipzig" (574 K.), no doubt in remembrance of Bach, whose -motetts he had there heard for the first time with unbounded delight. -The light and flexible gigue had been transformed by Bach's freer, and -at the same time severer, treatment into a fantastic, almost humorous -movement, which took the same place in the suite that was afterwards -given to the scherzo in the sonata. Mozart selected the severer -style, and the intellectual skill with which the strictest forms of -counterpoint, harmony, and rhythm are so freely and archly treated, -as to make both player and listener hold their breath from surprise, -renders this little composition a masterpiece. It causes regret that the -suite, containing as it did so many elements capable of development, was -not seriously taken up and carried to perfection by Mozart. - -It must not be supposed that Mozart's study of Bach and Handel had no -result but to teach him to write fugues; his earlier compositions show -him to have been no novice in the art of counterpoint. What he found -most admirable in - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(390) - -these masters was their power of making forms strict even to rigidity -the medium of a natural expression of their musical ideas and emotions; -their use of all the available wealth of contrapuntal combinations was -no mere trick of barren speculation, but a deliberate selection of a -means of expression from the inexhaustible fund of their productive -powers. That this was the sense in which Mozart reverenced his masters -is proved by his criticism of Eberlin and of Hassler, who had learnt -Bach's harmonies and modulations by heart, but was unable to work out -an original fugue; and it is proved more satisfactorily still by his own -works. - -Even in compositions avowedly written as studies, Mozart's originality -appears, and in his later works there is no trace of any attempt at -servile imitation of Bach or Handel.[73] He imitated, not their work, -but their way of working, drew from the sources to which they had given -him access, and employed that which he received from them in accordance -with his own nature and the task before him.[74] - -Master-strokes of genius in many pieces of his chamber music--as also -in the last movement of the C major symphony, and in the overture to -the "Zauberflote," where art reaches its highest pitch in the union of -strictest form with freest fancy--may be ascribed in no small degree -to the impulses arising from his study of Bach and Handel. But their -influence reaches beyond his compositions in the severe style. The -perfection of _polyphonic_ composition which characterises all Mozart's -works, and wherein consists one of his chief merits, rests, even in its -broadest and freest development, upon the foundations laid by those - - -{PIANOFORTE FUGUES.} - -(391) - -masters. So, too, the fertility and boldness of Mozart's harmonic -treatment may be traced back to the same source. Harmonic beauties, -novel and striking transitions and turns, are frequent enough in his -earlier works, but they are simply harmonic combinations, whereas in his -later works they appear as a free and intellectual development of the -polyphonic principle. - -Again, the influence of the older masters and their works is observable -in a certain harshness occasioned by independence in the disposition of -parts, which Mozart does not by any means seek to avoid. In this respect -he makes demands upon his audience as great and greater than those, for -instance, of Bach and Beethoven, and may be compared to Sophocles, who, -admired as he justly was by the ancients for his sweetness and charm, -did not hesitate upon occasion to startle his hearers with his harsh -severity. Mozart's severity is never the result of clumsy workmanship, -but is a conscious and deliberate choice of means; neither is it -employed as a stimulant, but rather as an incentive to a better -appreciation of passages of perfect beauty. The sense of deliverance -from conflict and obscurity, and passage into calmness and light, is -so striking that it cannot be wondered at if the means whereby it is -attained are little analysed.[75] - -Among the compositions in precise or metrical style special interest -attaches to the three-part pianoforte fugue in C major (394 K.). It -opens with an introduction, more elaborate than a prelude, and entitled, -therefore, a "fantasia." Such introductions, not always in free form -(sometimes called "toc-cate"), were usually prefixed to a fugue or -other composition in order to give it the character of an improvisation; -several others by Mozart exist. The one in question, after a few slow -bars, is a lively movement, varies its key continually, and does not -carry out fully any motif or passage; this agitated unrest gives it -a pathetic character, and excites expectation; the whole movement is -brilliant and effective. - -It closes on the dominant, thus announcing its nature as an - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(392) - -introduction. The fugue which follows is in striking contrast, firm and -quiet, yet full of life and latent emotion:--[See Page Image] - -The two first bars, with their intervals of fourths, announce a more -serviceable than individually expressive subject, but the agitated motif -which follows has a very original character, heightened by its auxiliary -notes and by its rapid succession of sharp dissonants. A gentle, almost -melancholy, tone pervades the whole fugue, and is expressed also by its -frequent passage into a minor key. Apart from its interesting technical -elaboration, it is important by reason of its characteristic expression, -and may serve as an illustration of Mozart's complete mastery of the -fugue form. To this it may be added that the fugue we are considering -is essentially adapted for the pianoforte both in conception and -composition. This is not the case in the same degree with the G minor -Fugue (401 K.), which is artistically worked out, but not equal to the -C major either in breadth of expression or adaptation to the nature of > -the instrument. The same may be said of the three-part fugue in D major, -of which Mozart has written thirty-seven bars (443 Anh., 67 K.). The -effect of the C minor fugue (426 K), also, rests neither on the sound -effects of the pianoforte nor on those of the stringed instruments. It -is so broadly conceived, so earnestly and with such ruthless severity -carried out, that the external means of expression fall into the -background before the energetic enunciation of the laws of form, obeyed -consciously, but without servility.[76] Quite otherwise is the - - -{FUGUE FOR STRINGED INSTRUMENTS.} - -(393) - -case with the introduction, which, written originally for strings, is -expressly adapted to their peculiarities of sound effect. The -harmonic treatment, and more especially the enharmonic changes, are -of extraordinary beauty and depth, and occasion remarkable effects of -suspense and climax. Most admirable is the art with which the character -of the movement as an introduction is maintained, and the defiant style -of the following fugue clearly indicated, at the same time that the mind -is tuned to a pitch of longing and melancholy which makes the entry of -the categorical fugue a positive relief and stimulant. - -A fugue for four stringed instruments in D minor, of which the first -elaboration is indicated in the sketch (76 Anh. K.)--[See Page Image] - -appears well suited to the instruments. Whether it was to form a -movement in a quartet or an independent piece we have no means of -ascertaining. - -It appears fitting to cast a glance in this place on two works belonging -to a later time, but falling within the same school of composition. -These are the two "Pieces for an - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(394) - -organ in a clock," in F minor,[77] which have been published, and are -well known as Fantasia and Sonata for the Pianoforte, for four hands. -They both consist of a slow movement and another in lively, metrical -style; their design is similar, but not identical. The first, composed -in December, 1790 (594 K), opens with a solemn Adagio, whose impression -of great gentleness is not disturbed by some harmonic harshness; it -keeps strictly within the limits of an introduction. The Allegro in -F major, formed by the imitative treatment of an agitated motif, is -divided sonata-like into two parts, and returns through an harmonic -transition to the Adagio, which is modified in a masterly way, and leads -to a calm conclusion. The whole piece is marvellously rounded off; and -the restlessness of the Allegro contrasts with, but does not oppose, the -gentle expression of the Adagio. Each forms the fitting complement to -the other. - -The second piece (608 K.), composed on March 3, 1791, is more broadly -planned, and has a greater depth of feeling. It begins with the Allegro, -the first bars of which serve to introduce a fugue, admirably disposed -and full of lovely melody, with a general tone of serious contemplation. -When the fugue has been brought to a close by a stretto with the subject -inverted, a striking harmonic transition leads back to the opening -motif, which passes into the Andante in A flat major. Its treatment as -a middle movement is more weighty and elaborate. A well-developed motif -recurs again and again in varied figuration, connected by different -interludes, and gives a general impression of pure and satisfied -grace, touched with a breath of melancholy recollection, the natural -development of the powerful feeling and contemplative spirit of the -Allegro. But this happy calm is of short duration. The first movement -returns; the fugue recommences, rendered more animated than before by a -countersubject, and breaks off with a passionate conclusion. - - -{CHURCH MUSIC IN VIENNA, 1782.} - -(395) - -These two compositions are a fresh proof of Mozart's deep insight into -the nature of the forms of counterpoint, which gave him power to use -them as the free expression of his individual nature; he is entitled to -the praise of having brought these forms to their fullest perfection, -an incalculable gain to the development of music, which has proceeded in -other directions since his time. It is sometimes regretted that Mozart -should have wasted his genius and his labour upon compositions for a toy -clock.[78] We may rather remark how like a true artist he set himself to -perform the task before him, and produced a work which, keeping within -its given conditions, forms, nevertheless, a great and harmonious whole. - -Mozart, having become acquainted through Van Swieten with the vocal -compositions of Handel, Bach, and other masters of the church style, -turned, as might be expected, with renewed zeal to this branch of -musical art. Unfortunately, upon the introduction of the new regulations -in church matters in 1783, the Emperor Joseph prohibited the performance -of figured or instrumental church music in the churches of Vienna, and -it was only at the court chapel or St. Stephen's cathedral, when the -Archbishop celebrated, that musical masses could be performed. German -congregational singing was substituted in other cases;[79] it was not -liked, and many complaints were made that the total abolition of church -music should have been deemed the only remedy for its abuses.[80] Thus -Mozart was deprived of all hope of success in this direction. But he -had undertaken in 1782, in performance of a vow, to compose a Mass for -Salzburg; and this work bears distinct traces of the studies which were -occupying him at the time. Mozart completed the Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus, -and Benedictus of this Mass in C minor (427 K.); the first movement of -the Credo is - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(396) - -complete as to the choir parts and bass, and the essential points of the -accompaniment are indicated; in the same way the voices, obbligato wind -instruments, and bass of the Incarnatus are fully written out, the rest -of the accompaniment being only indicated. The whole plan and treatment -of the Mass differ from those of the earlier ones. In the latter, -limitation to a narrow standard and the subservience of the parts to the -whole are the prevailing principles, while in the former the effort -is evident to give as wide a signification as possible to each part -in itself. With this object each section of the text is treated as an -independent movement; the Gloria consists of seven completely detached -pieces. The mechanism corresponds to its external divisions, and the -treatment throughout is thematic and elaborate, for the most part in -strict form. A wealth of resource is displayed in the means employed to -give the desired effect; several of the choruses are five-part, one is -eight-part, and then again four solo voices are introduced in various -ways. The orchestra necessarily complies with the usual Salzburg -conditions; the brass instruments are completely appointed, but neither -flutes nor clarinets are used with the oboes and bassoons--all the -effect of independence possible is given, chiefly by the skilful -introduction and treatment of obbligato instruments. It cannot be said, -however, that the instrumental part of this work is as brilliant and -full of colour as others composed at the same period; the tone-colouring -is on the whole monotonous; but there are not wanting some original -instrumental effects, principally of the wind instruments. Such is the -employment of the trombones (usually only a support to the voices), with -independent effect in several parts of the Kyrie and Sanctus. The effect -of the whole accompaniment consists mainly in the independence with -which it contrasts with the voices, and is produced partly by effective -passages and partly by skilful contrapuntal elaboration. That which most -strikes us on a careful examination of this Mass is the dissimilarity of -the movements in many respects, suggesting that it was undertaken as -a study. The solo movements are the most important, more especially by -reason of their bravura - - -{THE C MINOR MASS, 1782.} - -(397) - -treatment. Bravura was not considered by any means out of place in -church music, and even the classical masters of the last century--such -as Handel and Bach--did not exclude it from their sacred works. But it -is curious that Mozart, who only introduced bravura into his dramatic -music from complaisance to the singers, should have made concessions -to the taste for it in this Mass. The first grand soprano solo is quite -after the pattern of an old bravura aria, and displays little or nothing -of Mozart's originality. It is so suggestive of the style of Graun or -Hasse that we are inclined to suspect the influence of these masters -through Van Swieten. More of Mozart's own character is given to the -Incarnatus est, accompanied by the wind instruments, and containing -touches of delicacy and grace; but the bravura goes beyond all bounds, -especially in the twenty-two bars of cadenza for the voice and wind -instruments. The duet for two sopranos, Domine Deus, and the terzet for -two sopranos and tenor, Quoniam tu solus, are written in stricter form, -both for voice and accompaniment, and are simpler and more dignified in -expression. - -But the inflexibility of form has something in it of pedantry; the -work seems to be done as an exercise, and we seek in vain for the fresh -wellings-up of inspiration which delight us even in less important -compositions of Mozart. The same remark holds good of the choruses. The -first five-part choral movement of the Credo accords most in design with -the style of the earlier Masses. A lively subject shared between the -strings and wind instruments forms, as it proceeds, the thread which -binds the choral passages together; the latter are contrapuntally -treated, and the whole movement is more solemn in tone than was usual in -earlier works. The long fugue "Cum Sancto Spiritu" is admirably worked -out, and, in spite of its difficulty, very clear. Notwithstanding all -this, the nervous force of individual life is wanting to the work, -and cannot be replaced by the artistic workmanship displayed in the -different parts, even when these have force and character of their own, -as for instance in the magnificent ending, when the voices in unison -maintain the theme against a florid accompaniment. - - -{VAN SWIETEN AND CLASSICAL MUSIC.} - -(398) - -The Osanna has more of independent life; it is a long, elaborately -fugued movement, the technical interest of which has engrossed the -composer longer than was necessary.[81] The Benedictus in four parts, -and worked out at length, is remarkable on account of its earnest, -somewhat dry tone, which effectually distinguishes it from the same -movement in other masses, to which a soft and pleasing character was -given. The Kyrie, Gloria, and Sanctus are very fine movements, in -which the skilful rendering of strictest form does not overpower the -expression of feeling and the truly musical proportions of the work. The -varied expression of the different passages is so suitable, so clear and -telling, that we may see at once how firm a grasp Mozart had taken of -the true spirit of church music. The crown of the composition, however, -is the five-part Gratias with the eight-part Qui tollis, which are -planned and executed in masterly fashion, and are penetrated with -Mozart's spirit and life. Their earnestness, severe even to harshness, -their breadth of outline and massive effects, are worthy of the great -examples who were vividly present to his mind; and we cannot fail to -discern the master who was stimulated by these very examples to draw -more deeply on the resources of his own creative genius, and to soar to -higher realms of art by the exertion of his own powers. - -After the first performance of the Mass in its unfinished state at -Salzburg, in 1783, Mozart laid it aside for more pressing work. But when -in 1785 he was commissioned to write an oratorio for the concert for the -Musical Fund - - -{DAVIDE PENITENTE," 1785.} - -(399) - -(March 13 and 14; Vol. II., p. 174), he determined to make use of the -Kyrie and Gloria to which, with slight alterations, the Italian words of -the "Davide Penitente" (469 K.) were adapted. He added (on March 6 and -11) two new arie for Mdlle. Cavalieri and Adamberger.[82] The work -lost in unity of style more than it gained by the addition of these two -songs, of which the orchestral accompaniment is in Mozart's later style, -and the design and treatment are different from those of the other -movements. They are both in the style of the concert arie of the time, -and are quite equal to the best in expression and treatment of the -voice. The Mozart-like character is more marked than in the rest of the -work, but it does not reach its fullest development; and the arie -are too florid for an oratorio. But the mixture of styles was then -customary, and indeed brilliant solos were looked for by the public as a -relief to the more serious choral movements. - -At the present day there cannot be two opinions as to the impropriety -of such a mixture.[83] The important point to be noted, however, is -that just at the time when the instrumental and operatic music of Vienna -threatened to banish altogether the severer and more classical style, -Mozart - - -{MOZART AND FREEMASONRY.} - -(400) - -became familiar through Van Swieten with the works of the classical -masters. They laid deep hold on his imagination and intellect, giving -him a powerful impulse to classical studies, without which his genius -would not have arrived at a full mastery of his art; these studies, -combined with his ever-growing powers of production, have impressed -their indelible stamp upon the works of this period.[84] - - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXX. - - -[Footnote 1: He travelled with the Duke of Braganza, in 1768 (Zimmermann, Briefe, -p. 96).] - -[Footnote 2: Grimm, Corr. Litt., VI., pp. 263, 314.] - -[Footnote 3: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 66. One was performed by Mozart (Vol. -II., p. 284).] - -[Footnote 4: Müller praises the liberal support which he received from him in -Berlin, in 1776 (Abschied, p. 116).] - -[Footnote 5: Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 556.] - -[Footnote 6: Schneider, Gesch. d. Oper in Berlin, p. 14.] - -[Footnote 7: Burney, Reise, III., p. 67.] - -[Footnote 8: N. Ztschr. für Mus., IX., p. 130.] - -[Footnote 9: Zelter, Fasch, p. 22.] - -[Footnote 10: Reichardt, Kunstmagaz., I., p. 158.] - -[Footnote 11: Zelter, Fasch, p. 49. The parallel which Reichardt (Briefe cine» -aufmerks. Reisenden, I., p. 15) institutes between Hasse and Graun well -expresses the general views.] - -[Footnote 12: Rtlchardi, Mus. Monatsschr., p. 69. A. M. Z., XV., p. 680. -Schletterer, Reichardt, p. 261, where detailed and interesting -information is given.] - -[Footnote 13: A. M. Z., XV., p. 605. Schletterer, Reichardt, I., p. 257.] - -[Footnote 14: Reichardt, Mu. Zeitg., I., p. 74.] - -[Footnote 15: Burney, Reise, III., p. 116.] - -[Footnote 16: Autobiographische Mittheilungens. in Marpurg's Histor. Kril -Beitr., I., p 197.] - -[Footnote 17: Burney, Reise, III., p. 111. Zelter, Fasch, p. 47.] - -[Footnote 18: A. M. Z., III., p. 171. Reichardt, Mus. Wochenblatt. p. 70.] - -[Footnote 19: His autobiography is given in N. Berl. Mus. Ztg., 1856, No. 32.] - -[Footnote 20: His autobiography; s. Burney, Reise, III., p. 199. Cf. Rochlitz, Für -Freunde der Tonkunst, IV., p. 273.] - -[Footnote 21: Zelter, Fasch, pp. 14, 47.] - -[Footnote 22: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 15. Rochlitz, Für Freunde der Tonkunst, -IV.', p. 274. Bach told him once that he was the only man who had ever -quite understood his works (Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 38).] - -[Footnote 23: Compare, for instance, Burney's account (Reise, III., p. 209) with -Reichardt's opinions expressed at different times (Briefe e. aufmerks. -Reisenden, I., p. m; II., p. 7. Kunstmagaz., I., p. 24. Musik. Alman., -1796. A. M. Z., XVI., p. 28. Schletterer, Reichardt, I., p. 163).] - -[Footnote 24: Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 558.] - -[Footnote 25: Zelter, Briefw. m. Goethe, V., p. 210: "His extemporising, -especially when he was in the vein, was the admiration of men such -as Marpurg, Kirnberger, Benda, Agrikola, Bertuch, Ring--most of them -excellent organ-players, who all felt how far he surpassed them." He -used to say of his brother, Ph. Emanuel, with a compassionate air: "Mein -Bruder, der Hamburger, hat einige artige Sächelchen gemacht"; and the -latter made use of the same family expression in speaking of the London -brother (Reichardt, Musik. Zeitg., II., p. 159).] - -[Footnote 26: Forkel, Musik. Alman., 1784, p. 201. Reichardt, Musik. Alman., -1796. Zelter, Briefw., V., p. 209.] - -[Footnote 27: I need only allude to the vocal compositions of Ph. Em. Bach; and -the union of both schools in Graun's "Tod Jesu" is very apparent.] - -[Footnote 28: A. M. Z., II., p. 585: "Berlin is perhaps the only place in Germany -where the most ardent enthusiasm for modern music is still (1800) -combined with a zealous defence of the older school. Joh. Seb. Bach and -his celebrated sons still strive for pre-eminence with Mozart, Haydn, -and Clementi." Zelter writes (Briefw. m. Goethe, V., p. 208): "I have -been accustomed to honour the Bach genius for the last fifty years. -Friedemann died here, Emanuel Bach was royal chamber musician here, -Kirnberger and Agrikola were pupils of old Bach; Ring, Bertuch, Schmalz, -&c., performed scarcely anything but the old Bach pieces, and I myself -have taught here for the last thirty years, and have pupils who play all -Bach's music well."] - -[Footnote 29: A characteristic instance of this reverence is given by Zelter -(Briefw., V., p. 163).] - -[Footnote 30: A. M. Z., III., p. 598. Zelter, Briefw., III., p. 17.] - -[Footnote 31: This testimony is afforded by his grateful pupil, Schulz, and also -by Eberhardt (A. M. Z., II., p. 872) and Z[elter] (Berlin Mus. Ztg., -1793, p. 129. Cf. Zelter, Fasch, p. 59. Rintel, Zelter, p. 116).] - -[Footnote 32: Reichardt was badly received by Kimberger (Schletterer, I., p. 98), -who retaliated by a highly coloured picture of a theoretical critic -in his "Briefen eines aufmerks- Reisenden" (I., p. 128), which was -recognised as Kimberger (A.M. Z., II., p. 597). But in after-times he -did him honourable justice (A. M. Z., III., p. 169),] - -[Footnote 33: Thus Reichardt relates (A. M. Z., III., p. 17a) what is alluded to -in the critical letters (I., pp. 15, 23, 41, 175, 231).] - -[Footnote 34: Justi, Winckelmann, I., p. 48.] - -[Footnote 35: Spazier, A. M. Z., II., pp. 569, 593.] - -[Footnote 36: The anecdotes which he published with the title of "Legende -einiger Musikheiligen von Simeon Metaphrastes d. j." (Cölln, 1786), are -characteristic of his bitterness and his cynicism.] - -[Footnote 37: He spared Ph. Em. Bach as little as the latter spared him (Zelter, -Briefw. m. Goethe, VI., p. 321).] - -[Footnote 38: Schulz gives an account of this himself, which does not altogether -agree in details with Reichardt's story (A. M. Z., II., p. 276; III., p. -597).] - -[Footnote 39: Glocking, Fr. Nicolai's Leben, p. 95 (cf. 29). Schletterer, -Reichardt, I., pp. 97,140.] - -[Footnote 40: Burney, Reise, III., pp. 58, 74.] - -[Footnote 41: Reichardt, Brief, e. aufmerks. Reis., I., p. 32. Schletterer, -Reichardt, I., p. 139. Muller, Abschied, p. 117. It existed, together -with other similar institutions, until the beginning of this century -(Cramer, Mag. d. Mus., I., p. 565. A. M. Z., II., p. 586).] - -[Footnote 42: Nicolai mentions these three oratorios as well known to him in 1781 -(Reise, IV., p. 534). An enthusiastic account of "Judas Maccabæus" after -a performance at a Liebhaberconcert in 1774, was given by Reichardt in -Briefe e. aufmerks. Reis., I., p. 82. Zelter describes the great effect -which a performance of the "Messiah" in 1783 made upon him (Rintel, -Zelter, p. 137). The "Messiah" had been performed in Hamburg as early as -1775 (Joh. Heinr. Voss, Briefe, I., p. 295).] - -[Footnote 43: Marpurg, Krit. Briefe, II., p. 141.] - -[Footnote 44: Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 525.] - -[Footnote 45: Reichardt, A. M. Z., XV., p. 666 (Schletterer, Reichardt, I., p. -325).] - -[Footnote 46: A. M. Z., III., p. 601. It was certainly not to the taste of -Frederick the Great. When it was proposed to sing the choruses in -Racine's "Athalie," the King put a stop to it with the remark (January -10,1774): "La musique française ne vaut rien, il faut faire déclamer le -chour, alors cela revient au même (Preuss, Friedrich der Grosse, III., -p. 310).] - -[Footnote 47: L. Schnieder, Gesch. der Oper in Berlin, p. 49.] - -[Footnote 48: Burney, Riese, III., p. 149.] - -[Footnote 49: Schletterer, Reichardt, I., p. 140.] - -[Footnote 50: Rochlitz, Fur Freunde der Tonkunst, III., p. 191.] - -[Footnote 51: A. M. Z., III., p. 176.] - -[Footnote 52: A. M. Z., III., p. 605. Even the Princess Amalie expressed to -Schulz her dislike to his choruses to "Athalie" (A. M. Z., III., p. 614) -in two very emphatic letters (Echo, 1857, Nos. 10, 14).] - -[Footnote 53: A. M. Z., II., p. 575. Cf. Nohl, Musikerbr., p. 76.] - -[Footnote 54: Nicolai, Reise, IV., pp. 526, 534.] - -[Footnote 55: He has given some interesting particulars as to his position to -Frederick (A. M. Z., XV., pp. 601, 633. Schletterer, Reichardt, I., p. -260).] - -[Footnote 56: Cramer, Mag. d. Mus., I., p. 565. Schletterer, I., p. 357.] - -[Footnote 57: At the same time he published the Musical Magazine (1-4, 1782), -and was concerned in Nicolai's "Allgemeiner Deutscher Bibliothek." Cf. -Schletterer, I., P. 432.] - -[Footnote 58: The influence exerted by the Crown Prince, afterwards King -Frederick William III. upon the musical taste of Berlin, belongs to a -later time than that under consideration.] - -[Footnote 59: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 69.] - -[Footnote 60: Reichardt, A. M. Z., XVI., p. 28 (Schletterer, Reichardt, I., p. -163).] - -[Footnote 61: A. M. Z., I., p. 252.] - -[Footnote 62: Nicolai, Reise, III., pp. 358, 363.] - -[Footnote 63: G. Forster, Sämmtl. Schr., VII., p. 273. Van Swieten's activity and -influence are very differently estimated by R. Kink (Gesch. d. Univers, -in Wien, I., p. 539).] - -[Footnote 64: So Neukomm informed me. G. Forster was affronted by Van Swieten's -stiff, cold manner (Sämmtl. Schr., VII., p. 270). Cf. Jahrb. d. Tonk., -1796, p. 72.] - -[Footnote 65: Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 158.] - -[Footnote 66: Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 210. Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 66.] - -[Footnote 67: Musik. Corresp., 1792, p. 4) Niemetschek, who had called him the -father of Mozart's orphan children, omitted this in the second edition.] - -[Footnote 68: Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 180.] - -[Footnote 69: He often played at Van Swieten's with the famous lute-player Kohaut -(Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 66).] - -[Footnote 70: I cannot say whether Anton Teyber (b. 1754), whom Mozart met -at Dresden in 1789, or Franz Teyber (b. 1756) is intended. Both were -natives of Vienna, probably brothers of the two female singers of the -same name (Vol. I., p. 69), and they both died at Vienna--Anton as court -chamber composer in 1822, and Franz as kapellmeister and court organist -in 1810.] - -[Footnote 71: Nicolai's opinion is in accordance with this; he speaks of the -church music in Vienna, in 1781, as inferior both in composition and -performance (Reise, IV., p. 544).] - -[Footnote 72: Kircher, Musurgia, I., p. 466. Weitzmann, Gesch. d. Klavierspiels, -p. 214.] - -[Footnote 73: Rochlitz's assertion (A. M. Z., I., p. 115) that Mozart wrote a -great deal in Handel's style that he did not publish, is unfounded.] - -[Footnote 74: It is observed in Reichardt's Musik. Zeitg., I., p. 200, that J. S. -Bach was in advance of his age, and that long after his death his mantle -had descended upon Mozart, who was the first thoroughly to admire and -reverence the spirit of his art, and to reproduce it in his own works. -Zelter also declares that Mozart is a truer successor of Seb. Bach -than his son Philipp Emanuel or Joseph Haydn (Briefw., IV., p. 188); he -recalls how the music of Seb. and Eman. Bach was at first unintelligible -to him; how Haydn was blamed for having travestied what was intense -earnest to them; and, finally, how Mozart appeared and gave the proper -interpretation to all three (Briefw., II., p. 103). - -[Footnote 75: Rochlitz is mistaken in trying to discover a mixture of Bach's -gloominess with Mozart's youthful fire in the latter's Salzburg -compositions (A. M. Z., II., p. 642).] - -[Footnote 76: Beethoven wrote out this fugue in score; the autograph is in the -possession of A. Artaria.] - -[Footnote 77: Muller, proprietor of the art museum on the Stockameisenplatz, -announces (Wien. Ztg., 1791, No. 66, Anh.) that he has on view -there "the magnificent mausoleum erected to the memory of the great -Field-Marshal Laudon. There will be performed also funeral music -composed by the famous Kapellm. Mozart, which is very well suited for -the occasion which has called it forth."] - -[Footnote 78: The Andante composed on May 4, 1791, "for a waltz on a little -organ" (616 K.), is a graceful little piece, with no pretence alter -anything deeper, either in execution or expression.] - -[Footnote 79: Nicolai, who notices this reformation (Reise, IV., p. 550), has -adduced proofs of it (Beil., X., z, 2).] - -[Footnote 80: Forkel, Musik. Alman., 1784, p. 187.] - -[Footnote 81: A four-part vocal fugue, "In Te Domine speravi," of which Mozart -has written thirty-four bars (23 Anh., K.), appears to belong to this -time, and is very fresh and forcible:--[See Page Image]] - -[Footnote 82: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., III., p. 230; cf. XXVII., p. 447. The parts of -the Mass are made use of in the following manner:--[See Page Image]] - -[Footnote 83: Reichardt criticises favourably on the whole a cantata composed of -the last numbers (8, 9, zo) of the oratorio arranged by Hiller (Musik. -Zeitg., I., p. 368; cf. 382); another cantata borrowed from it is -mentioned (A. M. Z., IX., p. 479).] - -[Footnote 84: Gerber's assertion in the Tonkünstlerlexicon, I., p. 976: "Lucky -for him that he was moulded into perfect form while still young by the -pleasing and playful muses of Vienna; otherwise he could hardly have -escaped the fate of Friedemann Bach, whose soaring flight could be -followed by few mortals," is only half true, for Mozart's deepest -studies were made not in Salzburg, but in Vienna.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXI. MOZART AND FREEMASONRY. - - -AN account of the circumstances which affected Mozart's social and -artistic position in Vienna, as well as his moral and intellectual -development, would be incomplete without some notice of his connection -with Freemasonry.[1] - -It is well known[2] that a propensity for secret associations and -brotherhoods, having for their object the furtherance of intellectual, -moral, and political ideas, was very prevalent in Germany during the -latter half of the eighteenth century. These associations were all more -or less closely allied to Freemasonry, and the traces of their influence -are most apparent in the impulse which they gave to the national -literature.[3] Be the degree great or small in which Free-masonry has -advanced the cause of humanity, and granting that its good effects have -often been obscured by the follies, crimes, and impostures which -have hidden themselves behind the secrecy of its vows; it is still an -undoubted fact that - - -{FREEMASONRY IN VIENNA, 1781.} - -(401) - -princes like Frederick the Great, great and good men like Lessin, -Herder, Wieland, and Gofethe, have looked upon Freemasonry as a means of -attaining their highest endeavours after universal good. It will suffice -for our present purpose to quote a passage from Goethe's funeral oration -upon Wieland:[4]-- - -If any testimony were desired in favour of an association which has -existed from very ancient days, and has survived many vicissitudes, it -would be found in the spectacle of a man of genius--intelligent, shrewd, -cautious, experienced, and moderate--seeking his equals among the -members of our association, feeling himself at one with us, and, -fastidious as he was, acknowledging our fellowship to be the perfect -satisfaction of his earthly and social desires. - -Wieland himself declared that[5] the "intellectual temple-building" -had for its chief and highest object "the earnest, energetic, and -persevering efforts of every true and honest mason to approach nearer -himself, and to lead his brethren nearer, to the ideal of humanity, and -to prove that man is fashioned and appointed to be a living stone in the -eternal temple of the Almighty."[6] It was natural that in Vienna, where -there was more intellectual life than elsewhere, the form of secret -association should have been utilised in the furtherance of these high -aims:[7]-- - -In the year 1781 was formed a society of the most distinguished leaders -of thought in Vienna, under the presidency of the noble and intellectual -Ignaz von Born. The aim of the society was to give effect to that -freedom of conscience and thought so happily fostered by the government, -and to combat superstition and fanaticism in the persons of the monkish -orders, the main supports of both these evils. Reinhold and the friends -of his youth, Alxinger, Blumauer, Haschka, Leon and Ratschky, were the -most zealous members of this association. They - - -{MOZART AND FREEMASONRY.} - -(402) - -adopted the forms of Freemasonry as an outward expression of their -mental and spiritual union. Their lodge was entitled "True Harmony,"[8] -and, supported indirectly by the favour of the Emperor Joseph, they -laboured for a considerable time with energy and success to carry out -their preconceived designs. Their weapons were learning and eloquence, -and in their use of these, whether in earnest severity or in jesting -irony, they were more than a match for their opponents.[9] - -From this circle, which contained other distinguished men, such as -Sonnenfels, Retzer, and Gemmingen, proceeded the satires of Born and -Blumauer against monasticism, which had so extraordinary an effect -at the time. The scientific organ of the Freemasons was the Vienna -"Real-zeitung," edited by Blumauer, which endeavoured to drive -superstition and prejudice from the domain of science in the same -insidious way in which they had entered it--Blumauer's principle[10] -being that the work of enlightenment is a very gradual one, and that a -far harder task than that of learning is the unlearning of what has been -once hammered into the heads of ordinary mortals. As might have been -expected, Freemasonry became after a time an affair of fashion in -Vienna, and many abuses crept in:-- - -The order of Freemasonry pursued its course with an amount of publicity -and ostentation almost ludicrous. Freemasons' songs were composed, -published, and sung everywhere. Their symbols were hung as charms upon -watch-chains; ladies were presented with white gloves by novices and -associates, and various articles of fashion were christened _à la -franc-maçon_. Many members joined the order from curiosity, or in order -to enjoy the pleasures of the table. Others had still more interested -views. It might be of material advantage to belong to a brotherhood -which had members in every rank, and had made a special point of gaining -the adhesion of powerful officials, presidents, and members of the -government. One brother was bound to help another; and those who did -not belong to the brotherhood were often at a serious disadvantage; this -fact enticed many to join. Others again, more - - -{FREEMASONRY IN VIENNA, 1785.} - -(403) - -sincere or more ignorant, thought they had found a key to higher -mysteries--such as the philosopher's stone, or intercourse with -disembodied spirits. The Freemasons were unquestionably very benevolent; -collections for the poor brethren were often made at their meetings.[11] - -The proceedings against the Illuminati in 1785 led to a commencement of -persecution of the Freemasons, but on December 11 of the same year the -Emperor Joseph issued a decree in which, while disclaiming any knowledge -of the secret vows of the order, or any approval of its juggleries, he -gave it his countenance upon condition of certain reforms, and placed it -under the protection of the state.[12] This decree, which was extolled -by some as a proof of the highest wisdom and clemency, and bewailed -by others as the ruin of genuine Freemasonry, gave occasion to violent -disputes, intensified by the carrying out of the Emperor's order for the -reduction of the existing eight lodges to three. Born, who disapproved -of the reform, had, in spite of his previous popularity, to suffer -numerous personal attacks: An unpleasant encounter with Jos. Kratter, -nicknamed the "freemason's auto-da-fé," called forth a multitude -of malignant pamphlets, and in 1786 Bom retired altogether from the -lodge.[13] His loss was a serious one for its intellectual influence, -and his example was followed by others. The imperial recognition of the -lodge did not preserve it from increasing attacks and suspicions, which -afterwards proceeded to publicly expressed disapproval on all sides. But -many steadfast spirits still held out. Loibl, for instance, placed his -dwelling at the disposal of the lodge for their meetings. His daughter -still remembers (1867) how her father spent hours clothed in his robes, -sitting before a crucifix with lighted tapers, reading the Bible in -preparation for the sittings, at which the children, peeping through the -keyhole, wondered to see the gentlemen seated round the table conversing -with earnest mien. Mozart was among these enthusiasts, and maintained -his connection with the - - -{MOZART AND FREEMASONRY.} - -(404) - -lodge until his death; he even conceived the idea of founding a -secret society of his own--"The Grotto"--and drew up rules for its -guidance.[14] - -It can scarcely have occurred to Mozart to consider his connection with -Freemasonry as a means of worldly advancement; such calculations were -foreign to his nature, and would have been in no degree realised. His -connection with the order was of no practical advantage to him. The high -standing of the order when Mozart came to Vienna--the fact that the -most distinguished and cultivated men, moving in the best society, -were counted among its members, renders it natural that he should have -desired to attach himself to it. His need for intercourse with earnest -and far-seeing intellects would lead him to the same conclusion. So, -too, in a still greater degree, would his genuine love for mankind, his -warm sympathies both in joy and sorrow, his sincere desire to help -and benefit others, which amounted even to a weakness; and perhaps -the greatest attraction of all would be the satisfaction of his truly -exceptional longing for friendship. Even his boyish years are full of -instances of enthusiastic devotion and attachment--to young Hagenauer -(Vol. I., p. 50), to Father Johannes at Seeon (Vol. I., p. 58), to -Thomas Linley (Vol. I., p. 119), and others; and as a man his loving, -sympathetic friendship was accorded to many, among whom I may remind the -reader of Bullinger (Vol. I., p. 335)> of Barisani (Vol. I., p. 305), of -Gottfried von Jacquin (Vol. II., p. 357), of Count Hatzfeld (Vol. II., -p. 291). An order which made the brotherhood of its members the chief -reason of its existence was sure to have strong attractions for him, -the more so that the spirit of independence which he possessed in common -with all other gifted natures was gratified by the equality of every -brother within the circle of his - - -{INFLUENCE OF FREEMASONRY ON MOZART.} - -(405) - -order. Again, the position which he had at that time assumed in relation -to the priestly and monkish orders gave him a powerful impulse towards -Freemasonry. Notwithstanding his strict religious training, he had -inherited from his father a decided aversion to these institutions. L. -Mozart writes to his daughter (October 14, 1785):-- - -There is an appalling difference between these sisterhoods and true -Christianity. It would be an undoubted gain if the nunneries were -dissolved. They exist neither by virtue of true vocation, nor -supernatural calling, nor spiritual zeal, nor as the true discipline of -devotion and abnegation of desires, but are the result of compulsion, -hypocrisy, dissimulation, and childish folly, leading in the end to -confirmed wickedness. - -The effects of his connection with Freemasonry upon Mozart are as -plainly discernible as his reasons for joining the order. Carefully and -well as his early training laid the foundation of his after-development, -it was impossible but that the narrow circumstances of his Salzburg life -should cramp his intellectual energies; and his visits to great -cities, important as they were in inciting him to fresh efforts for -self-improvement, were too transitory to have much practical effect. -Earnest endeavours after freedom of moral and intellectual development -were at that time the special characteristic of Freemasonry in Vienna, -and the effect must needs have been a salutary one which followed the -entrance of a young man into a circle which busied itself in solving, -both theoretically and practically, the highest problems of the -universe. It would be difficult to say how far the secrecy and mystery -of the order worked on his imagination and attracted him; but some such -influence is quite conceivable in a nature so artistic and excitable as -his. - -That Mozart was quite in earnest in his fidelity to his order is proved -by the pains he took to induce his father to become a Freemason. The -letter, already quoted (Vol. II., p. 323), in which, anticipating his -father's speedy death, he speaks of the true meaning of death from a -mason's point of view, bears ample testimony to his earnestness. His -lodge - - -{MOZART AND FREEMASONRY.} - -(406) - -recognised it in the oration pronounced after his death,[15] of which -the passages immediately relating to him may here be quoted:-- - -It has pleased the Almighty Architect of the Universe to take from among -us our best-beloved and most estimable member. Who did not know, who -did not respect, who did not love our worthy brother, Mozart? Only a few -weeks ago he was in our midst celebrating the dedication of our masonic -temple with entrancing tones. Who of us that saw him then, my brethren, -would have supposed his days to be numbered? Who would have thought that -in three weeks we should be mourning his loss? How true it is that man's -sad destiny often cuts short his career in the very prime of life! Kings -perish in the midst of their ambitious plans, which go down to posterity -incomplete. Artists die, after devoting all that was granted them of -life to the glorification of their art. The admiration of all mankind -follows them to the grave, nations mourn for them, and yet the universal -fate of these great men is--to be forgotten of their admirers. It shall -not be so with us, my brethren! Mozart's early death is an irreparable -loss to art. His genius, displayed in earliest childhood, rendered him -the wonder of his age--half Europe was at his feet--the great ones of -the earth called him their darling--and we called him--brother. Fitting -as it is, however, to call to our remembrance his abilities in his art, -we must not forget to give our strongest testimony to his excellent -heart. He was a zealous supporter of our order. The main features of his -character were brotherly love, devotion to the good cause, benevolence -and genuine satisfaction in using his talents for the good of his -fellows. He was estimable alike as husband, father, friend of his -friends, brother of his brothers; he wanted only wealth to make hundreds -happy after his own heart. - -Mozart owed many of his impulses as a composer to his connection with -Freemasonry. We shall see later that the "Zauberflote" came directly -under its influence; in this place it will be fitting only to mention -those compositions which he composed for particular festivities within -the lodge; they are, of course, exclusively for male voices, and betray -in other ways enforced compliance with certain conditions. - -The "Gesellenreise" (468 K.), composed on March 26, 1785, is a social -song, elevated and pleasing in tone; two others are intended for the -opening and closing of a lodge (483, 484,K.):[16] - - -{MASONIC COMPOSITIONS.} - -(407) - -all three have organ accompaniments. The two last conclude with a -chorus for two tenors and a bass voice. Similar three-part choruses -are introduced in other Freemason cantatas, and are easy and popular, -suitable to amateurs. The tenor solos, on the other hand, are adapted to -a trained singer, Adamberger, who was a member of the lodge. - -An unfinished cantata (429 K.) was probably intended for some masonic -purpose. The first chorus, "Dir Seele des Weltalls, Sonne, sei heute -das erste der festlichen Lieder geweiht," for two tenors and bass, with -accompaniment for the quartet and flute, clarinet, two oboes and two -horns, is written out in full for the voices with a figured bass, and -the accompaniment is sketched in Mozart's usual way. The same is the -case with the long-drawn-out tenor aria which follows, "Dir danken wir -die Freude." Only seventeen bars of a second duet for tenor voices, -intended as a conclusion, are written out. The three-part male chorus, -the solos exclusively for tenor voices, and the limited orchestra, all -suggest masonic influence; I will not attempt to give an opinion on -the symbolism of the words. The first chorus is fine, spirited and -solemn.[17] Two other cantatas certainly fall within this category. The -first of these is the Maurerfreude (471 K.) composed on April 20, 1785, -shortly before the departure of his father, in whose presence it was -first performed. The lodge were giving a banquet in honour of Born, who -had been highly complimented by the Emperor for his invention of a new -kind of amalgam.[18] The cantata, with words by Petran, was afterwards -published in score, with a title-page engraved by Mansfeld, representing -"Wisdom and Virtue," as the text says, "addressing themselves to -their disciple"; it was sold for the benefit of the poor.[19] The main -substance of the work consists of a long - - -{MOZART AND FREEMASONRY.} - -(408) - -tenor solo worked out in free form for Adamberger, the first and greater -part being after the fashion of the allegro of a concert aria. There -is nothing of the Italian form in it, but deep and genuine feeling is -expressed in Mozart's familiar and purely German manner. The animation -of the expression reaches its climax in a recitative leading to a -serious and rhythmical song of two verses, the concluding lines of which -are repeated by the chorus. In the accompaniment to this cantata, a -clarinet is introduced in addition to the quartet, two oboes and two -horns, and treated with evident partiality, the deeper notes being -employed in Mozart's favourite triplet passages; Stadler had no doubt -something to do with this.[20] The second, "Kleine Freimaurercantate" -(623 K.), with words by Schikaneder,[21] was composed on November 15, -1791, and performed a few days afterwards at the consecration of a new -masonic temple: it is the last work which Mozart completed. There is -somewhat more of variety in its conception; a short chorus interrupted -by solos is followed by a recitative and aria for the tenor, which leads -to another recitative divided between tenor and bass; then follows a -duet, after which the first chorus is repeated. It is very pleasing -and popular in tone, but not equal to the previous cantata in depth -and energy of expression.[22] The cantata, "Die ihr des unermesslichen -Weltalls Schopfer - - -{ZIEGENHAGEN'S CANTATA, 1791.} - -(409) - -ehrt" (619 K.), composed in July, 1791, is not certainly the immediate -result of Mozart's connection with Freemasonry, but it is evidently an -expression of the state of mind which it was the object of Freemasonry -to produce.[23] Frz. Hein. Ziegenhagen, a wealthy merchant of Hamburg, -incited by the study of the Encyclopedists, especially of Rousseau, felt -himself called upon to take part in the various attempts which were made -towards the close of the last century to abolish the pedantry of the -schools; and his efforts to bring education back to a state of natural -simplicity were more energetic and daring than those of less ardent -reformers. He published, out of love for humanity and paternal -tenderness, as he said, an elaborate treatise in which he sought to -prove,[24] by a criticism of the biblical tradition, that existing -religions could not satisfy the inquirer into the nature of things, -and then laid down rules for the theoretical and practical education of -human beings. He hoped, in all seriousness, "to induce wise princes -and enlightened universities to introduce the study of the relations -of things to each other, which is so unmistakably superior to ordinary -religious teaching; and he hoped also to make the acquaintance of -such parents as wished to devote their children to husbandry and the -management of a colony which he proposed to found, in accordance with -his views, in the neighbourhood of Strasburg." In order to render -his book attractive from every point of view he adorned it with eight -copperplate engravings by Chodowiecki, and requested Mozart to compose -a song to be sung with orchestral accompaniment in the meeting-houses of -his colony. - -Mozart was certainly not acquainted with the entire - - -{MOZART AND FREEMASONRY.} - -(410) - -contents of this eccentric, almost crazy work; Ziegenhagen gave him -a few general hints of his Utopian scheme, in which he was doubtless -perfectly sincere, and sent him the words of the hymn. These words -emphatically express the effort after truth, brotherhood, and happiness -which was the final object of Freemasonry, and Mozart could not but -treat them after the same manner that he treated similar poems avowedly -masonic. Ziegenhagen's lines are so deficient in poetic spirit, and even -in poetic metre, that it required a more than ordinary amount of genius -and cultivation to give them the impress of a musical work of art. A -work of art this cantata undoubtedly is; it is more free in conception -than usual, the arie, and especially the recitatives, being allowed -considerable scope, in order to fall in with the unequal and rhetorical -words. The union of such an accentuation as was necessary to the -sense of the words with the full expression of warm emotion and the -subservience of both to appointed musical forms, are the essential -features of this composition, and are the more likely to strike us, who -are so entirely out of sympathy with the ideas suggesting the work. -A style of music specifically belonging to Freemasonry is of course -inconceivable; but in the finest passages of works such as this, and in -the "Zauberflöte," something is expressed of the essence of the masonic -character, of _moral convictions_ (I had almost said of _virtue_, but -fear to be misunderstood), which appears outside the province of -music, but which has sometimes been made very effective, especially by -Beethoven. The "Maurerische Trauermusik bei dem Todesfalle der Br. -Br. Meklenburg und Esterhazy" (477 K.), composed in July, 1785, is -an orchestral composition of wonderful beauty and originality. The -combination of instruments is unusual; besides the stringed instruments -there are two oboes, one clarinet (only one again), three basset-horns, -one horn in E flat, one horn in C, and a double bassoon.[25] The deep -tones of the wind - - -{MASONIC FUNERAL MUSIC, 1785.} - -(411) - -instruments give a peculiarly solemn expression to the work. After a -few introductory chords they are joined by the strings, and the first -violins maintain throughout the same character, contrasting with the -wind instruments in free rhapsodic passages, expressive of grief in all -its varied shades. This is most striking when a Cantus firmus, following -the introduction[26]--[See Page Image] - -is first delivered _piano_ by the oboes and clarinet, and at the sixth -bar is taken up by the full force of the wind instruments. The violins -in the meantime have graceful passages, expressive of gentle sorrow, -which rise to a gradual climax of passionate regret. As this storm -abates, we are led back to the introductory motif, which prepares the -way in another climax for the conclusion, preceded by a singularly bold -harmonic transition of deeply sorrowful expression:--[See Page Image] - -If we compare the contrapuntal treatment of this Cantus firmus with -similar works of earlier date, such as the - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(412) - -"Betulia Liberata,"[27] we are struck with its development of technical -mastery as well as of depth of sentiment and freedom of expression; the -same is the case also with the "Zauberflote" and the "Requiem." Mozart -has written nothing finer than this short adagio in technical treatment, -sound effects, earnest feeling, and psychological truth. It is the -musical expression of that manly calm which gives sorrow its due, and no -more than its due, in the presence of death, and which was expressed by -Mozart in another form in the letter to his father already quoted (Vol. -II., p. 323). - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXXI. - - -[Footnote 1: The initiated will see at once that an outsider is speaking, and -that the expressions used are on that account additionally cautious.] - -[Footnote 2: A survey of the most important phenomena attendant on this movement -is given by Schlosser (Geschichte des Achtzehnten Jahrh., III.; I., p. -278).] - -[Footnote 3: Gervinus, Gesch. d. Deutschen Nationality, V., p. 274.] - -[Footnote 4: Goethe, Werke, XXI., p. 329.] - -[Footnote 5: Wieland, Werke, LIII., p. 435.] - -[Footnote 6: "To do good, to lighten the burden of mankind, to assist in the -enlightenment of his comrades, to cause enmity to decrease among men, -and to do all this with indefatigable zeal, is the duty of the mason -and the true secret of his order. The ceremonies are minor mysteries, -by means of which a man becomes a Freemason outwardly. The part taken by -the order in the spread of toleration, especially among Christian sects, -has been too plainly demonstrated to need mention here" [Kessler von -Sprengseisen] (Anti-Saint-Nicaise, p. 62).] - -[Footnote 7: L. Lewis, Gesch. d. Freimaurerei in Oesterreich: Wien, 1861.] - -[Footnote 8: There were eight lodges in Vienna in 1785. The oldest of them, "Zur -gekrönten Hoffnung," was the one to which Mozart belonged; it contained -many rich and noble members, and was said to lay great stress on -gorgeous banquets (Briefe eines Biedermanns üb. d. Freimäurer in Wien: -Münch., 1786, p. 40).] - -[Footnote 9: K. L. Reinhold's Leben, p. 18.] - -[Footnote 10: Blumauer, Pros. Schr., I., p. 69.] - -[Footnote 11: Car. Pichler, Denkw., I., p. 105.] - -[Footnote 12: Wien. Ztg., 1785, No. 102.] - -[Footnote 13: Cf. Voigt an Hufeland (Aus Weimars Glanzzeit, p. 46. Baggesen'e -Briefw., I., p. 304).] - -[Footnote 14: Mozart's widow, who communicated his plan for this order to Härtel -(November 27, 1799; July 21, 1800), stated that Stadler, with whom -Mozart had discussed the whole subject, could give more information, -but hesitated to reveal the circumstances connected with it. Although it -says little for Mozart's knowledge of mankind that he should have chosen -such a man for a confidant, the general interest taken in all matters -relating to secret societies may serve to explain Mozart's partiality -for them.] - -[Footnote 15: Maurer rede auf Mozart's Tod. Vorgelesen bei einer Meisteraufnahme -in der sehr ehrw. St. Joh. zur gekrönten Hoffnung im Orient von Wien vom -Bdr. H.... r. Wien, gedruckt beym Br. Ignaz Alberti, 1792, 8.] - -[Footnote 16: Lewis, Gesch. d. Freim. in Oesterreich, p. 162.] - -[Footnote 17: In the Salzburg Mozarteum there is a complete autograph score of -the first chorus and part of the first air; but the chorus is in four -parts, for soprano, alto, tenor, and bass, and the wind instruments are -limited to two oboes and two horns; no doubt a subsequent arrangement.] - -[Footnote 18: Wien. Ztg., 1785, No. 32.] - -[Footnote 19: Lewis, Gesch. d. Freim. in Oesterreich, p. 119.] - -[Footnote 20: In the library of the Munich Conservatoire there is a manuscript -score of this cantata, in which the original words, "Sehen, wie dem -starren Forscherauge," are changed into "Sehen jenes Irrthums Nacht -verschwinden," for use in church services; also the final chorus -is arranged in four parts, for soprano, alto, tenor, and bass, and -strengthened by trumpets and drums.] - -[Footnote 21: Lewis, p. 39.] - -[Footnote 22: Wien. Ztg., January 25, 1792, No. 7, p. 217: "Reverence and -gratitude for the departed Mozart caused a number of his admirers to -announce the performance of one of his works for the benefit of his -necessitous widow and children; the work may be termed his _swan's -song_, composed in his own inspired manner, and performed by a circle of -his friends under his own direction two days before his last illness. It -is a cantata upon the dedication of a Freemasons' lodge in Vienna, -with words by one of the members." The score, with the original words, -appeared at Vienna, with the title, "Mozarts letztes Meisterstuck eine -Cantata gebeben vor seinem Tode im Kreise vertrauter Freunde." Appended -to the cantata is a song, "Lasst uns mit verschlungnen Händen," which -may also be by Mozart. The cantata was published later, with other -words, and the title, "Das Lob der Freundschaft."] - -[Footnote 23: The inducement to this composition was briefly hinted at in the -A. M. Z. I., p. 745, and afterwards given at greater length by G. Weber -(Cäcilia, XVIII., p. 210).] - -[Footnote 24: This book of 633 pages bears the title: "Lehre vom richtigen -Verhältnisse zu den Schopfungswerken und die durch öffentliche -Einfurung derselben allein zu bewürkende allgemeine Menschenbeglückung -herausgegeben von F. H. Ziegenhagen. Hamburg, 1792, 8." Mozart's -composition is appended, printed on four pages. Ziegenhagen was born in -1753, at Salzburg; late in life he fell into bad circumstances, and put -an end to his life at Steinthal, near Strasburg, in 1806.] - -[Footnote 25: The employment of three basset-horns, as in the vocal terzet (Vol. -II., p. 361) and in an adagio for two clarinets and three basset-horns -(411 K.), is no doubt the result of circumstances. The beginning of an -adagio and allegro for these instruments exists among the fragments (93, -95 Anh., K.).] - -[Footnote 26: Mozart has jotted this melody hastily down upon an extra leaf, in -order to make no mistake in the working-out. According to my colleague -Heimsoeth the first six bars render the first psalm-tune with the first -difference (from the Cologne Antiphonary); what follows is very probably -a local compilation of several psalm-tunes for the penitential psalm -"Miserere mei Deus," different tunes being customary in different -places. The melody of the first phrase is from the beginning of the -first psalm-tune, the melody of the second phrase occurs in the seventh -tune.] - -[Footnote 27: Vol. I., p. 197; c£. also pp. 272, 277.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXII. MOZART AS AN ARTIST. - - -OF those who realise the excitement and want of repose of Mozart's life -in Vienna, and the variety of occupations and distractions which beset -him, it must appear matter of wonder that he was able to produce so -large a number of compositions, each bearing an individual character of -maturity and finish. The wonder increases as the conviction grows that -not only was he ready as each occasion arose to prove, as Goethe says -every artist should, that his art came at his command, but that he had -the power of bringing forth at will his deepest, best conceptions, so -that the external impulse appeared only as the momentum given to an -artistic inspiration. It must at the same time be remembered that Mozart -was not fond of writing, and generally waited until the last moment to -give shape to his ideas. He was occasionally, therefore, late with his -compositions, as with the sonata for Strinasacchi (Vol. II., p. 337), or -had only time to write the parts without scoring them (Vol. II., pp.318, -366), or scarcely allowed the copyist time to finish his work (Vol. II., -p. 327); it is only necessary to look through his Thematic Catalogue -to see that most of his compositions were written as short a time as -possible before they were actually wanted. His - - -{DISTASTE TO WRITING.} - -(413) - -father, who, as a man of business, considered the proper disposition of -time as a matter of vital importance, often called his son's attention -to this failing. "If you will examine your conscience closely," he -writes (December 11, 1777), "you will find that procrastination is your -besetting sin and when Wolfgang was at work on "Idomeneo" in Munich, he -warned him "not to procrastinate" (November 18, 1781). After his stay -in Vienna, convinced that his son was in this respect unchanged for the -better, he writes to Marianne, on hearing from Wolfgang that he was over -head and ears at work on the "Nozze di Figaro" (November 11, 1785), "He -has procrastinated and thrown away his time after his usual habit, until -now he is forced to set to work in earnest, in compliance with Count -Rosenberg's commands." - -It cannot be denied that Leopold Mozart was right, and that a judicious -and methodical distribution of time is as desirable in an artist or a -genius as in any one else; it is true also that perseverance and -care may enable even an artist to overcome his inclination to -procrastination. - -But a glance at the extraordinary fertility of Mozart's genius, at the -burning zeal and intensity with which he worked, will suffice to show -the injustice of accusing him of idleness, or of never working unless he -was actually driven to it. He was perfectly justified in writing to his -father from Vienna (May 26, 1781): "Believe me, I do not love idleness, -but rather work." The father's injustice was the result of a want of -comprehension of the peculiar creative process of his son's genius. He -did not appreciate the activity and industry of his mind, because it -made no show, and, indeed, often hid itself behind a careless demeanour; -he failed to perceive that the disinclination to write generally arose -from the feeling that the workings of the mind were not yet in a shape -to be expressed by the pen. - -A conception of Mozart's work, almost equally mistaken, is that which -takes as a measure of his genius his wonderfully rapid production, which -often made his grasp of an artistic idea coincident with his embodiment -of it in music. The overture to "Don Giovanni" is most often quoted as -an example of this extraordinary speed. Niemetschek says (p. 84):-- - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(414) - -Mozart wrote "Don Juan" at Prague in 1787; it was finished, rehearsed, -and announced for performance in two days' time, before the overture was -begun to be written. The anxiety of his friends, increasing every hour, -appeared to entertain him; the more apprehensive they became, the less -he would consent to hurry himself. It was not until the night before -the performance, after spending the merriest evening imaginable, that -he went to his room at near midnight, began to write, and completed the -admirable masterpiece in a few hours. - -This very credible account is corroborated by Mozart's wife:[1]-- - -The evening before the performance of "Don Juan" at Prague, the dress -rehearsal having already taken place, he said to his wife that he would -write the overture at night, if she would sit with him and make him some -punch to keep his spirits up. This she did, and told him tales about -Aladdin's Lamp, Cinderella, &c., which made him laugh till the tears -came. But the punch made him sleepy, so that he dozed when she left off, -and only worked as long as she told tales. At last, the excitement, the -sleepiness, and the frequent efforts not to doze off, were too much for -him, and his wife persuaded him to go to sleep on the sofa, promising to -wake him in an hour. But he slept so soundly that she could not find it -in her heart to wake him until two hours had passed. It was then five -o'clock; at seven o'clock the overture was finished and in the hands of -the copyist. - -This musical myth has received a stronger colouring in the account of -the elder Genast, then a young actor at Prague. According to him, Mozart -partook so freely of the hospitalities of a certain gentleman on the -evening in question that Genast and a friend brought him home, laid -him senseless on his bed, and themselves went to sleep on the sofa. -On awakening, they heard Mozart lustily singing, as he composed his -overture, and "listened in reverential silence as the immortal -ideas developed themselves."[2] A good instance, this, of the way to -manufacture an anecdote. - -Niemetschek, who had previously remarked with justice that Mozart's work -was always ready in his head before he sat down to his writing-table, -was no doubt of the correct opinion that the overture was only written -down in this haste, not composed. Whether the wife believed this or not - - - -{CONSCIENTIOUS INDUSTRY.} - -(415) - -is doubtful, since she adds ingenuously: "Some will recognise the -dozings and rousings in the music of the overture." An evident -repetition of some one else's words, and a very ingenious idea. One can -only say with Hoffman: "Some people are fools!"[3] - -An unprejudiced examination soon disposes of the not only foolish but -detrimental idea[4] that rapidity of workmanship is a sign of true -genius; but it is not by any means so easy a task to gain a clear -and comprehensive insight into the workings of an artist's nature.[5] -Fortunately for our purpose, however, averse as Mozart was to talk much -of himself or his compositions, he has left us characteristic traits and -expressions sufficient to enable us to realise his individualities in -this respect.[6] - -It is a matter of universal experience that the great men of every art -and science, who have left any enduring proofs of their genius, have -worked the more zealously and the more earnestly in proportion as their -genius surpassed that of other men. That this holds true of Mozart no -one who has studied his life and works will wish to deny. In his youth, -as long as he remained under the direct control of his father, his -studies were regular and severe. And as a man and a fully developed -artist he had no ambition to be considered one who threw off his -compositions with the carelessness of genius, or who was ashamed of -his honest efforts and labours. His dedication of his quartets to -Haydn speaks of them as the fruit of long and painful labour, and in a -conversation with the orchestral conductor Kucharz, at Prague, - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(416) - -before the performance of "Don Giovanni," he expressed himself as -follows: "I have spared neither labour nor pains to produce something -worthy of the reputation of Prague. It would be a great mistake to -imagine that my art is an easy matter to me. I assure you, my dear -friend, no one has given more trouble to the study of composition than -myself. It would not be easy to find a celebrated musician whose works -I have not often and laboriously studied." And in point of fact, the -narrator continues, even when he had attained to classical perfection, -the works of great masters were always to be seen lying on his desk.[7] -We have already seen how eagerly and with what good result he studied -Bach and Handel, when once Van Swieten had given him the impetus. -Rochlitz[8] declares that he was as familiar with the works of Handel as -if he had been all his life director of the Ancient Concerts in London. -He had arrived in Leipzig just after arranging "Acis and Galatea" and -the "Messiah" for Van Swieten, and the impressions of these works were -fresh upon him. "Handel," Rochlitz heard him say, "knows better than -any of us what will make an effect; when he chooses he strikes like a -thunderbolt."[9] He admired not only Handel's choruses, but many of his -arie and solos, which were not thought much of at that time. "Although -he is often prosy, after the fashion of his time," said he, "there is -always something in his music."[10] - -At Leipzig Mozart became acquainted with the vocal compositions of -Sebastian Bach. Doles made the St. Thomas choir sing him the wonderful -eight-part motett, "Singet dem Herrn ein neues Lied." His surprise at -the flow of melody, wave upon wave, passed all bounds; he listened with -rapt attention, and exclaimed with delight: "That is indeed - - -{METHOD OF WORKING.} - -(417) - -something to take a lesson from!" When he heard that the St. Thomas -school possessed several other motetts by Bach, he begged to see them, -and no score being accessible he surrounded himself with the parts, and -was buried in study until he had worked them all out; then he asked for -copies of the motetts.[11] His interest in Benda's monodramas (Vol. II., -p. 74) and his expressions on the importance of French opera, prove -that he had profited by the study of living masters; all his works bear -traces of the kind of influence which is exercised upon a genial and -receptive nature by the great performances of others. - -Of a different kind to these general preparatory studies, is that which -may be properly be called the labour of production: such a technical -skill and perfection as enables an artist to clothe his ideas in -form. It is impossible in any art (and more especially so in music) -to separate absolutely form and substance, and to treat each as a -self-sufficing element, and equally impossible to divide at any given -point the creative, inventive force of an artistic production from its -formative, executive force. The process of production, whether physical -or mental, is a mystery to mankind; whence and how the artist is -inspired as by a lightning flash with an idea, he knows himself as -little as he can trace in his completed work the actual momentum of its -conception. - -The characteristics of the gradual formation and perfection of artistic -ideas vary greatly in different artists; even in great and highly -organised natures the mental powers are variously endowed and developed. -Statements as to the easy or painful, rapid or deliberate, methods of -working of different artists, vague and unsatisfactory in themselves, -are for the most part the result of superficial observation and -knowledge. It is of little consequence whether an artist at his work -is easily distracted by external impressions, or whether he pursues his -train of thought undisturbed by what is going on around him. It is of -little consequence whether an artist feels necessitated or has made it -his habit, to regulate his intellectual labours, and to give a written - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(418) - -form to every creative impulse, or whether he renounces external aids, -and shapes, proves, elaborates and connects his ideas in his own -mind only. That which is of consequence, that which no true artist is -without, is the power to carry on a train of thought from its earliest -germs to its full development, unhindered by interruptions and -distractions; and the further power to realise the idea of the whole at -every point, as the determining element of the details of conception and -form. It is difficult to know whether to admire more the steady flow -of invention and form as it proceeds from some minds, or the gradual -evolution of a unique self-contained whole out of an apparent waste of -disconnected ideas which is characteristic of others. Mozart displayed -from every point of view an exceptionally happy organisation. His -copious and easily excited productive power was supported by a delicate -sense of form, which was developed to such perfection by thorough and -varied study that he employed the technicalities of musical form as if -by a natural instinct. In addition to this he possessed the gift of so -detaching his mind from what was going on around him that he could work -out his ideas even to the minutest detail; his wonderful memory -enabling him to retain in its completeness whatever he had thus inwardly -elaborated, and to reproduce it at any moment in a tangible form. - -The impulse which drives an artist to production is seldom consciously -felt by himself and is never capable of definition. In most cases this -signifies but little, for external impulse usually furnishes only the -occasion for a work of art, and even when the impulse happens to be a -visible one our attention is concentrated on the creation which it -has called forth. This is especially true of music, which draws its -immediate inspiration neither from nature nor from the world of thought. -It would be of the highest interest to follow the process by means of -which impressions made on the artist's mind produce well-defined -musical ideas. This, however, is impossible; the idea and its musical -development are simultaneous efforts of the mind; the work of art thus -called into being cannot be immediately referred to any impulse from -without. - - -{METHOD OF WORKING.) - -(419) - -Nor is it by any means essential that it should. It is of far greater -psychological interest to consider those characteristics of the artist -which give a clearer insight into his disposition and ways of feeling, -although it may not be possible to trace them in the details of his -works. Thus we are told that the sight of beautiful nature stirred -Mozart's productive powers to activity. Rochlitz writes on Con-stanze's -authority:[12]-- - -When he was travelling with his wife through beautiful scenery, he used -to gaze earnestly and in silence on the scene before him; his usually -absent and thoughtful expression would brighten by degrees, and he would -begin to sing, or rather to hum, finally breaking out with: "If I could -only put the subject down on paper!" And, when I sometimes said that he -could do so if he pleased, he went on: "Yes, of course, all in proper -form! What a pity it is that one's work must all be hatched in one's own -room!" - -He always endeavoured to pass the summer in the country or where there -was a garden; it is well known that it was chiefly in a garden that he -wrote "Don Juan" in Prague and the "Zauberflöte" in Vienna; and in 1758, -having taken a country residence for the summer, he wrote to Puchberg -(June 27): "I have done more in the ten days that I have been here than -I should have done in two months anywhere else." This love of nature is -not surprising in a man of Mozart's healthy tone of mind, who had been -brought up amid the beautiful surroundings of Salzburg. But he was by no -means wedded to these, or to any other influences from without. Wherever -he was he was incessantly occupied with musical thoughts and labours. -"You know," he writes to his father (Vol. II., p. 43), "that I am, so to -speak, steeped in music--that it is in my mind the whole day, and that -I love to dream, to study, to reflect upon it." Those who knew him well -could not fail to be aware of this. His sister-in-law Sophie describes -him well:[13]-- - -He was always good-humoured, but thoughtful even in his best moods, -looking one straight in the face, and always speaking with reflection, -whether the talk was grave or gay; and yet he seemed always to be -carrying on a deeper train of thought. Even when he was washing his - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(420) - -hands in the morning, he never stood still, but walked up and down the -room humming, and buried in thought. At table he would often twist up -a corner of the table-cloth, and rub his upper lip with it, without -appearing in the least to know what he was doing, and he sometimes -made extraordinary grimaces with his mouth. His hands and feet were in -continual motion, and he was always strumming on something--his hat, his -watch-fob, the table, the chairs, as if they were the clavier. - -Karajan tells me that his barber used to relate in after-years how -difficult it was to dress his hair, since he never would sit still; -every moment an idea would occur to him, and he would run to the -clavier, the barber after him, hair-ribbon in hand. We have already -observed that musical ideas occupied him during all bodily exercises, -such as riding, bowls, and billiard-playing; his timidity in riding -may have arisen from the frequent distraction of his attention from the -management of his horse. General conversation, as Frau Haibl says, -did not disturb his mental labours, and his brother-in-law Lange was -particularly struck by the fact that when he was engaged on his most -important works he took more than his usual share in any light or -jesting talk that was going on; this resulted from an involuntary -impulse to find a counterpoise for his intellectual activity. Even when -music was going on, provided it did not particularly interest him, he -had the power of carrying on his own musical thoughts, and of ignoring -the music he heard, as completely as any other disturbance. His elder -sister-in-law, Frau Hofer, told Neukomm that sometimes at the opera -Mozart's friends could tell by the restless movements of his hands, -by his look, and the way in which he moved his lips, as if singing -or whistling, that he was entirely engrossed by his internal musical -activity. - -The abstraction and absorption of men of genius appears natural and -comprehensible, and is respected even by those whose intellectual -activity is not concentrated in the same way. But few are able to enter -into the workings of a mind which is ever conceiving and shaping ideas -in its hidden recesses, without severing its connection with what is -going on around; such a mind has a sort of double existence, and appears -able to follow two paths leading in different - - -{MENTAL LABOUR AND PREOCCUPATION.} - -(421) - -directions at the same time. If, as sometimes happens, the outer -activity fails to keep pace with the inner, a superficial observer -possesses himself of this fact, and makes it the basis of his judgments, -leaving out of account the inner and true activity of which the outer -is but a manifestation. Even Mozart's father failed to comprehend his -peculiar organisation, and refused to recognise any results of his -labour but those which were written down, and which had thus, after a -long and uninterrupted chain of intellectual exertions, received the -seal of their artistic completion. To Mozart himself, on the contrary, -this part of his labour seemed unimportant and even burdensome, his -productive powers having little share in it. He postponed it as long as -possible, not only because he wished to retain his power over the work -which occupied him, until it was fully matured in his own mind, but also -because he took far more pleasure in creating than in transcribing. It -cannot be denied that he sometimes postponed this least congenial part -of his task too long. To the methodical man of business this appears -all the more blamable, since Mozart was always able at need to execute -commissions accurately and punctually; to speak of idleness, or of -forced industry, shows complete ignorance of the man. It is true that -Mozart laid himself open to the imputation by the speed at which he -wrote when he actually set to work; those who observed this could not -conceive why a man with such "gifts of Providence" did not "compose," as -people say, from morning to night. His wife said truly:[14] "The greater -industry of his later years was merely apparent, because he wrote -down more. He was always working in his head, his mind was in constant -motion, and one may say that he never ceased composing." Although his -wife was constantly called on by his admirers to urge him to work, -she considered it her duty far oftener to restrain and moderate his -activity. - -The wonderful harmony of different artistic qualities in Mozart, which -Rossini expressed so finely by saying that Mozart was the only musician -who had as much genius as - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(422) - -knowledge and as much knowledge as genius, may be traced in many -particulars. The more subordinate power of grasping the idea of a -strange composition at a glance, and of executing it on the spot, he -possessed as a matter of course. His playing at sight has already been -noted many times (Vol. I., pp. 37, log, 363, 365), and his criticism of -Sterkel and Vogler show his own view of the matter (Vol. I., p. 387). -"It must be," Umlauf said, as Mozart writes to his father (October 6, -1782), "that Mozart has the devil in his head and his fingers--he played -my opera, which is so badly written that even I cannot read it, as if -he had composed it himself." To this power of seeing at a glance the -details and whole conception of a musical work was added a marvellous -memory, capable of retaining all that was so seen. As a boy he gave -proof of this by his transcription of the Miserere (Vol. I., p. 119); -in later years he used to play his concertos by heart when he was -travelling; not merely one or another that he had practised, but any or -all; he was known to play a concerto from memory that he had not seen -for long, because he had forgotten to bring the principal part.[15] At -Prague he wrote the trumpet and drum parts of the second finale in "Don -Juan" without a score, brought them himself into the orchestra, and -showed the performers a place where there would certainly be a mistake, -only he could not say whether there would be four bars too much or too -little; the mistake was found just as he had said.[16] But this proves -only the power of remembering what was finished and impressed on the -mind. A more remarkable instance of musical memory was his writing -only the violin part of a sonata for piano and violin to perform with -Strinasacchi (Vol. II., p. 337), and playing the piano part from his -head without ever having heard the piece; or writing a composition -at once in parts, without having scored it (Vol. II., p. 366). This -displays the astonishing clearness and precision with which he grasped -and retained compositions he - - -{MENTAL POWERS AND METHOD.} - -(423) - -had once thought out, even in their minutest details, and we can now -account for the rapidity of his transcription from the fact of its being -mere transcription. External distractions, so far from annoying him, -served to divert his mind during the mechanical labour with his pen.[17] -He made Constanze tell him stories, or played bowls; his wife tells us -herself how she was confined of her first child while he was composing -the second of his quartets, dedicated to Haydn (421 K.). This was in -the summer of 1783, and he sat at work in the same room where she lay; -indeed, he generally worked in her room during her frequent illnesses. -When she complained of pain, he would come to her to cheer and console, -resuming his writing as soon as she was calm. This is a striking proof -how unshackled Mozart's musical activity was by external circumstances; -it is not given to many to remain so completely master of their -ideas and powers during an event which would naturally appeal to the -ten-derest feelings of the heart. Still more striking is his expression -to his sister when he sends her the prelude and fugue before mentioned -(Vol. II., p. 321). He apologises for the prelude being placed -improperly after the fugue: "The reason was," he says, "that I had -already composed the fugue, and wrote it down while I was thinking out -the prelude." - -Such mental powers as these reduced the mere writing to an almost -mechanical operation; nevertheless, he did not rely so completely as he -might have done on his memory, but made occasional notes for his better -convenience and certainty. Rochlitz tells us, no doubt on Constanze's -authority:[18]-- - -Mozart, when in company with his wife or those who put no restraint on -him, and especially during his frequent carriage journeys, used not only -to exercise his fancy by the invention of new melodies, but occupied his -intellect and feeling in arranging and elaborating such melodies, often -humming or singing aloud, growing red in the face and suffering no -interruption. The briefest indications in black and white sufficed to -preserve these studies in his memory; his easily kindled imagination, -his complete mastery of the resources of his art, and his extraordinary - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(424) - -musical memory needed little aid; he used to keep scraps of music paper -at hand (when travelling, in the side-pocket of the carriage) for such -fragmentary notes and reminders;[19] these scraps,carefully preserved -in a case, were a sort of journal of his travels to him, and the whole -proceeding had a sort of sacredness to his mind which made him very -averse to any interference with it. - -These notes, having served their purpose, seem to have been thought -unworthy of preservation; the few that remain are interesting and -suggestive. The sketch which is given in facsimile of Denis's ode (Vol. -II., p. 370) gives an outline of the whole work in writing so hasty as -scarcely to be recognised for Mozart's. The voice part is written entire -as well as the bass of the accompaniment, and the other parts have all -their characteristics so clearly noted that there could be no doubt as -to their further elaboration. It is evident that the composition was -finished in Mozart's brain when the sketch was written, so that it does -not appear as one attempt among several to give shape to his conception, -but as an aid to the memory when it should be necessary to write down -the whole in detail. Similar, but still slighter, is the sketch for one -of the songs in "L' Oca del Cairo," which is given in facsimile in Jul. -André's edition in pianoforte score. Here again the voice part is given -from beginning to end, but the bass is not shown, and the accompaniment -only here and there (once with the direction that the clarinets are to -be used). The piece was simple enough to require very slight reminders -for its elaboration. It would not be easy to decide whether such a -sketch should be considered as the result of much previous reflection -and study, or whether it was the immediate fruit of a moment of -inspiration. - -These two sketches never having been elaborated, so far as we are aware, -we can make no comparison which will show how far such sketches were -modified before the completion of the work. There is considerable -difference between the first hasty sketch of the terzet (5) from the -"Sposo Deluso" (430 K.), which Jul. André has given in the - - -{SKETCHES.} - -(425) - -preface to his pianoforte edition, and the later elaboration of it. -Nothing remains but the first motif--[See Page Image] - -but so differently applied that this sketch cannot have been taken as -the point of departure for the working-out, but must be considered as an -earlier and rejected conception. On the other hand, the sketches for a -song from "Idomeneo" (Vol. II., p. 148) and for a tenor song (420 K.) -are almost identical in the voice part with the score as it stands. - -Peculiar interest attaches to Sketch I., given in facsimile. The three -first lines are noted for a clavier composition; then follows the sketch -of a terzet (434 K.) for two bass voices and a tenor, from an opera -buffa, on which Mozart was apparently at work in 1783. A fair copy of -the work is partially preserved, and gives an idea of the way in which -Mozart arranged his scores. The sketch contains only the voice parts, -with slight hints for the accompaniment, showing how in one place the -first idea was rejected and then again resumed. It is evident from -the way in which the space is employed that the notes were made very -hastily. - -The score, on the contrary, is a fair copy of the work accidentally -left unfinished. It has the proper number of parts for the voices and -orchestra, with the corresponding title before each. The ritornello is -first given, which is long, because it serves as an introduction to the -first scene of the opera. It is formed of motifs which recur later, and -it is plain that this independent introduction was written after the -completion of the terzet, in which the motifs have each their special -signification. The principal parts (first violin and bass), are written -in full, but only those parts of the wind instruments in which they have -independent motifs; all that was intended to give colouring and shading -to this simple outline is omitted. The voice parts are all inserted in -proper order, and the bass is given in full; but there are few hints for -the accompaniment. It is all written firmly and neatly, showing -plainly enough that it was finished. The deviations from the sketch are -unimportant - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(426) - -in the bass voice, more striking in the tenor, where the primary -design of the melody remains, but the elaboration is modified and the -conclusion lengthened. Where the voices are together nothing has been -altered, so far as we can discover. The first sketch breaks off a -few bars sooner than the score, which itself is a comparatively small -fragment of the whole terzet. - -It is evident, therefore, that the true artistic work was done before -the first sketch was made, and that the elaboration of the latter into -the score was no mere mechanical adoption of the motif (which seems to -have been rejected upon critical revision and, so to speak, bom -again), but the final reduction to form of what was already complete -in conception. This is still more the case in the elaboration of the -accompaniment in detail; the well-defined outline which is given keeps -it within certain limits without imposing on it any hampering restraint. - -Further instances may be found in those works of which the plans of the -scores, generally unelaborated, are preserved. Particularly instructive -are the unelaborated movements of the Mass in C minor (427 K.) and of -the "Requiem" (626 K.) in André's edition; also the pianoforte score of -the duet (384 K.) from the "Entführung" and the unfinished opera "L' Oca -del Cairo," edited by Jul. André, are examples of similar sketches. -They possess peculiar interest to students, since they show those points -which Mozart considered as containing the germ of the whole conception. -The different stages of the elaboration can be traced in most of -Mozart's autograph scores. The voices and bass are invariably written -first, and enough of the accompaniment to show its characteristic -points; this fact can be recognised, even in scores afterwards fully -elaborated, by the differences in ink and handwriting, which is -generally more hasty in the elaboration than in the earlier sketch. When -once this was made, the elaboration was often long deferred; the whole -of the first act of "L' Oca del Cairo" was thus projected, and, the -design of the opera being abandoned, was never elaborated; so, too, all -the movements of the "Requiem," from the Dies irse to the Quam olim were -written entire for the voices with a figured bass, while the - - -{ALTERATIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS.} - -(427) - -instrumentation was only suggested. He waited for time and inclination -to continue the work thus begun, and needed more urging to it than to -any other, for once having fixed the outline of his design, it required -a mere mechanical effort to reproduce it in his mind with details of -form and colour. A striking example is that mentioned on p. 360 (Vol. -II.), where, by the figuring of the bass, he supplied an aid to his -memory of a peculiar harmonic succession which perhaps flashed across -him at the moment of transcription in his compositions. - -Important alterations were seldom made by Mozart, unless at the instance -of the singer or the instrumentalist. He sent his father the score of -the "Entführung" with the remark that there were many erasures, because -the score had to be copied at once, and he had therefore given free -play to his ideas, and then altered and curtailed them before giving -the score to be written; it is evident from this that the alterations -were almost all made with reference to external circumstances. The -improvements made as the work proceeded were usually only trifling, -such as modifications in pianoforte passages, or unimportant turns of -expression in vocal parts. Thus, for instance, the close of the Count's -song in "Figaro" was originally simpler--[See Page Image] - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(428) - -In the duet for the two girls in "Cosi fan Tutte" (4), Dorabella's part -had the bars--[See Page Images] - -The decided heroic style of the first version, which would be fitting -enough for Fiordiligi, is thus toned down, and an expression of greater -elegance given to the passage. - -It is worth remarking that the characteristic motif of Donna Anna's song -in "Don Giovanni"-- - -Or sai chi l' o-no- re ra - pi - re a me vol-se, chi fu il tra - di - to --re, was originally-- - -Or sai chi l'o-no-re ra - pi - re a me vol-se, chi fu il tra - di - to - -re, and every one must feel how greatly it has gained by the alteration. -In every case Mozart's self-criticism has been founded on true feeling -and discrimination, even when it has not been called for on definite -technical grounds. In the Countess's song in "Figaro" (19) the -first division of the allegro, from bar eight, concluded originally -thus:--[See Page Image] - -The phrase as it is now known was written underneath and the bass -scratched out. In the further course of the allegro the three bars-- - - -{ALTERATIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS.} - -(429) - -were originally simply repeated after the interlude, and then went -on:--[See Page Images] - -Mozart appears to have felt when he surveyed the whole song that such -an untroubled expression of a fresh joyous impulse was not altogether -appropriate to the character of the Countess, and he therefore inserted -seven bars on the repetition of the motif, which give the passage an -altogether different colour:-- - -The strongly accented change to C minor expresses such a depth of sorrow -and yearning pathos that the lively tone of the allegro seems to be -covered with a veil, and the whole emphasis of the song falls upon this -place. Certainly, none would have suspected this passage of being -an interpolation. The concluding bars of the Andante of the C major -symphony (551 K.) originally ran thus:-- - -How beautifully this passage is replaced by the eleven closing bars, -which now lead back to the chief theme, and give emphasis and dignity -to the close! In the terzet from "Tito" (14) the andantino originally -closed with a simple passage for the strings:-- - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(430) - -This is now replaced by a passage divided among all the -instruments--[See Page Images] - -which, with its agitated motion, is more sharply characteristic of the -situation. All these are examples, not of improvements to a finished -work, but of a free act of production giving a new disposition to the -passages in their relation to the whole work. But Mozart sometimes -hesitated at the moment of decision, and made repeated experiments -before he was satisfied, as in the case of the conclusion of Susanna's -charming song in "Figaro," which seems to belong so naturally to its -position that one cannot imagine it other than it is; yet the sketches -and alterations of the original show that many earlier experiments -were made. Worthy of note also are the two bars in the overture to the -"Zauberflote" (p. 10, André), in which the clarinet leads the repetition -of the second subject-- - -and which Mozart, with just discrimination, has struck out of the -finished work. - -It is a curious fact that Mozart was sometimes uncertain as to his -rhythm. The quartet in "Cosi fan Tutte" (21) was originally written:-- - -At the eighth bar Mozart saw that this was incorrect, and altered the -first bars-- - -and continued it so. There is an exactly similar case in the duet in the -"Zauberflote" (8) which Mozart wrote at first thus-- - - -{ALTERATIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS.} - -(431) - -and did not find out his mistake until quite the end, when he carefully -scratched out all the bar lines and put in the correct ones:--[See Page -Images] - -Again, in Sesto's air in "Tito" (19), the adagio originally began-- - -but the bar lines were afterwards erased and fresh ones supplied in red -chalk, making the first bar full. Another very singular mistake in the -duet in the "Zauberflöte" consists in the omission in the second and -third bars of the two chords for clarinets and horns, which Mozart has -evidently merely forgotten to transcribe. Now and then, but very rarely, -important alterations are made in the instrumentation of his works. -One instance occurs in the introduction to the "Zauberflöte," at the -beginning of which the trumpets and drums were in C, and were so carried -on to the entrance of the three ladies; then Mozart seems to -have thought that trumpets and drums could be used with effect as -accompaniment, and he has struck through all that he had previously -written, and noted the trumpets and drums upon a loose sheet in E flat; -he has then continued them for seven bars as an accompaniment to the -opening trio. At the beginning of Leporello's great songs in "Don -Giovanni" (1,4) trumpets and drums were indicated, but they were -afterwards struck out when it came to be performed. In a long comic air, -which was intended for "Cosi fan Tutte" (584 K.), he has struck out the -horn part, after writing the whole of it. In Dorabella's air (28) the -fundamental bass of those parts where only wind instruments are now -employed was intrusted to the double-bass; Mozart afterwards struck this -out, and expressly noted "senza basso." In the second finale - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(432) - -of the "Zauberflöte" the _piano_ chords which follow Pamina's words, -"Ich muss ihn sehen" were first given by the strings, but flutes and -clarinets were afterwards substituted. In the G minor symphony he at -first intended to have four horns, but after a few bars he struck them -out, and limited himself to two. In the terzet in the "Zauberflöte" -(20), the first bar of the accompaniment was given to the violins, -thus--[See Page Image] - -which was afterwards erased, and a single crotchet used on the -unaccented part of the bar, with great gain to the effect. But these are -solitary instances. The individual tone-colouring of the instruments -is an essential element of musical construction, which cannot be added -afterwards, but is contemporaneous with the conception, and has its -own share in the working-out of the musical idea. When, therefore, the -composer develops his work in his own mind, he hears not only certain -abstract sounds, but definite individual tones embodied in the voices -and instruments; the whole image glows with vivid colouring in his -mind, and only needs to receive its outward form. Besides, it must be -remembered that Mozart himself created the orchestra as it was employed -with increasing effect from "Idomeneo" onwards; the full use of wind -instruments, their combination with each other and with the strings; -the consequent radical change of colouring in the instrumentation as -a whole, and the wealth of charming detail in the blending of the -tone-colours, are all due to Mozart.[20] He had never heard the effects -he strove to produce; they existed in the orchestra, it is true, as the -statue exists in the marble; but just as the sculptor must have seen -with his spiritual eye what he strives to reproduce in the stone, so -Mozart can have heard only with his spiritual ear the sounds which he -drew from his orchestra.[21] - - -{SKETCHES.} - -(433) - -The alterations which have been mentioned are not to be considered as -selected from among many similar instances, they are the only ones of -any consequence with which my researches have acquainted me. In forming -our idea of Mozart's method of writing his score, we may remark further, -that he did not content himself with such hasty outlines beforehand as -might suggest the course of the whole by a few touches, but sketched out -fully those parts where he thought well to give particular attention -to the details. Canons, fugues, passages in counterpoint, with a -complicated disposition of parts or some other difficulty, were worked -out upon scraps of music paper or sheets which had been previously used -but not quite filled, and then transferred to the score. An accurate -sketch for the first finale in "Don Giovanni," for instance, where the -three dance melodies occur together in different measures, was shown to -me by Al. Fuchs, who had procured one such sketch from each of Mozart's -great operas. There was another also of the three-part canon in the -second finale of "Cosi fan Tutte," in which only the canon, not the -voice part belonging to it, was noted. There exists also, in addition -to the rough draft of the score of "L' Oca del Cairo," sketches of -those parts of the quartet (6) and finale (7) which demand particular -attention on account of the contrapuntal disposition of the parts. -Unfortunately but few of these sketches have been preserved, but those -few show Mozart's method very clearly, and leave no doubt that they were -made in order that his conception might be fully developed and arranged -in his own mind before its final reduction to writing. They testify, -too, of the thoughtfulness and deliberation with which he worked, of -the severe demands which he made upon himself, and the conscientiousness -which prevented his trusting to the lucky inspiration of the moment or -to his own well-tried readiness of resource. Our idea of Mozart as -an artist is no longer that which has been so commonly received and -admired, and which shows us a spendthrift of his artistic powers, who -was only driven by dire necessity to collect the fruits which his -genius cast unbidden into his lap. The prerogative of genius is not a -dispensation from labour and painful exertion, but - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(434) - -the power of attaining the highest aims of such labour, and of -obliterating every trace of effort in the perfection of the work. - -The external characteristics of Mozart's scores show also great care for -order and clearness. His handwriting was small, but though often rapid, -and sometimes hasty, always clear, decided, and individual.[22] The -smaller details, in which copyist's errors might easily creep in, are -specially cared for; all the instructions for delivery are carefully -given in each part. In short, Mozart's scores leave an impression, not -of pedantry, which magnifies what is unimportant and loses time in an -exaggerated regard for method and uniformity, but of a well-considered -order and careful arrangement of details in their due relation to the -whole work. - -Admirably illustrative of Mozart's method, as we have endeavoured to -portray it, are the numerous unfinished compositions of which frequent -mention has been made; many of these were found after his death,[23] -and some are preserved in the Mozarteum at Salzburg. Among these rough -draughts of scores are several beginnings of masses belonging to his -Salzburg days, as also some songs and many unfinished instrumental -compositions, but by far the greater part were written in Vienna. Among -them we may note:-- - -6 fragments of string quintets. - -2 quintets for clarinet and strings. - -1 quartet for English horn and strings. - -9 drafts of violin quartets. - -9 drafts of pianoforte concertos. - -1 pianoforte quartet. - -2 drafts of pianoforte trios. - -1 sonata for pianoforte and violoncello. - -2 sonatas for pianoforte and violin. - -4 movements for two pianofortes. - -9 movements for the pianoforte.!!! - -These are none of them roughly sketched drafts, but fair copies of -unfinished scores, the completion of which was prevented by outward -circumstances. Again we meet with - - -{UNFINISHED COMPOSITIONS.} - -(435) - -confirmation of the fact that Mozart never began to write until his -composition was in all essential points completed in his own mind. When -only a few bars are written they offer a perfected melody, a motif only -requiring its further development. When the sketches are longer they -form a well-rounded, continuous whole, that is evidently interrupted, -not because the continuation is not ready to hand, but because some -chance has prevented its further transcription. It may be plainly -discerned also that not only are detached ideas put into shape, but the -different characteristic traits of execution are indicated in the usual -way, so that the chief effects and capabilities of the motifs may be -clearly inferred. - -It appears as if Mozart, when once interrupted in the transcription of -a composition, was very loth to return to it again. That he might have -done so cannot for a moment be doubted. His memory was infallible; but -his interest was concentrated on the work with which he was concerned -at the moment. He was easily impelled to write what he had already -completed in his head, and this led him naturally to the next piece of -work; to return to what he considered as over and done with was contrary -to his nature and habit. There is no reason whatever to suppose that any -of these sketches, preliminary notes, or unfinished compositions were -ever subsequently made use of. This not only testifies of the wealth and -ease of his productivity, which scorned to borrow even from himself, -but it proves that his creations proceeded immediately from spontaneous -impulses, each having independent birth, and owing its development to -the singular fecundity of his artistic nature. The individual truth -and fresh life of Mozart's works are founded in this natural spring of -ever-welling spontaneity. Their artistic perfection rests on the -skill with which the conception is developed; but in what consists the -peculiar charm and beauty which is acknowledged and enjoyed by us all -as inseparable from Mozart's music is, and will ever remain, an unsolved -mystery. - -However carefully Mozart, as a rule, prepared his compositions before -writing them, we, who are acquainted with his nature and education, can -scarcely doubt that he was - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(436) - -able on occasion to compose as he wrote. Such a song as that which he -wrote in the tavern for Frau von Keess cannot well have been ready in -his head. When he was in Prague at the beginning of 1787 he promised -Count Joh. Pachta to write a country dance for a public ball, but failed -to produce it. At last the Count invited him to dinner an hour earlier -than his usual time, and when Mozart appeared placed all the requisite -materials before him, and entreated him to compose the dance on the -spot, seeing that it was required for the following day. Mozart set to -work, and before dinner had composed nine country dances, scored -for full orchestra (510 K), which he certainly had not prepared -beforehand.[24] These and similar instances refer to easy pieces in -free form; but we have already seen (Vol. II., p. 366), that he could -improvise canons and double canons of an unusual kind; and what further -proof can be required than reference to his marvellous gift of executive -improvisation? - -In composing Mozart never had recourse to improvisation. "He never came -to the clavier when he was writing." says Niemetschek (p. 82); "his -imagination pictured the whole work when he had once conceived it." -His wife also says naïvely, but graphically: "He never composed at the -clavier, but wrote music like letters, and never tried a movement until -it was finished."[25] When his compositions were completed he used to -rehearse them, singing or playing, with his wife or any one else who -happened to come in. Kelly narrates that Mozart greeted him one evening -with, "I have just written a little duet for 'Figaro.' You shall hear -it." He sat down at the pianoforte, and they sang it together; it was -the duet (16) "Crudel perché finora"; and Kelly often remembered -with keen delight how he had first heard and sung this charming -composition.[26] - - -{IMPROVISATION.} - -(437) - -In one sense, it is true, Mozart felt the necessity for an external vent -to his musical ideas; and for this he had frequent recourse to his -own special instrument, the clavier or pianoforte. "Even in his later -years," says Niemetschek (p. 83), "he often spent half the night at the -piano'[27] these were the hours that witnessed the birth of his divinest -melodies. In the silent calm of night, when there was nothing to -distract the mind, his imagination was kindled into supernatural -activity, and revealed the wealth of melodious sound which lay dormant -in his nature. At such times Mozart was all emotion and music, and -unearthly harmonies flowed from his fingers! Only those who heard him -then could know the depth and extent of his musical genius; his spirit, -freed from every impediment, spread its bold pinions, and soared into -the regions of art." It could scarcely fail to be the case that in such -hours as these the subject of his improvisation should often be the work -of which his mind was full at the time; but it would be a mistake to -consider the improvisation as an express preparation for a subsequent -work, or as the actual source from which it sprang. The improvisation -was the embodiment of the mood of the moment, its form and extent were -limited by the conditions of the instrument on which it was played, and -it could by no means serve as an immediate foundation to a work to -be performed under entirely different conditions and with a definite -object. - -Mozart carefully separated his time for writing and his time for -improvising. To the end of his life he kept to his early habit of -writing in the morning (Vol. II., p. 208), and even when he had been out -the evening before, or had played far into the night, he was accustomed -to begin work at six or seven o'clock; in later days, however, he -indulged himself by writing in bed. After ten he usually gave lessons, -and never returned to the writing-table unless there were urgent -occasion. Such occasion arose often enough, it is - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(438) - -true. When he was composing "Figaro," his father tells Marianne -(November 11, 1785) how he postponed all his pupils until the afternoon, -so as to have the whole morning free for writing, and we have already -seen that he sometimes wrote in the evening, and even at night. Mozart's -marvellous improvisations were not confined to hours of solitude and -calm, nor to the satisfaction of his inner cravings; he showed himself -equally master of the art when the impulse came from without, as was -frequently the case, for people loved to hear him improvise. There is a -peculiar charm in this accomplishment which, while it at once identifies -the artist with his creation, requires the highest concentration of -artistic energy to satisfy the varied conditions on which the production -of a work of art depends. The improvising musician and his audience act -and react upon each other; the latter receive the direct impression of -the artist's individuality and power, and feel themselves, as it were, -let into the secret of his method of producing the works which delight -them, while the former is inspired to fresh efforts of genius by his -consciousness of possessing the sympathy of his hearers. Mozart was -always ready to play when he thought he should give pleasure, but he -improvised in his best vein only "when he spied out among the crowd -surrounding him one or more of the privileged few who were capable -of following the flights of his genius; oblivious of all others, he -addressed the elect in the hieroglyphics of his art, and poured -forth for them alone his richest streams of melody."[28] We have -much contemporary testimony as to the impression made by Mozart's -improvising. Ambros Rieder, who died in 1851 at eighty years of age in -Perch-tolsdorf--an enthusiastic musician and a worthy man--writes in his -"Recollections";[29]-- - - -{IMPROVISATION.} - -(439) - -In my youth I had opportunities of hearing and admiring many -distinguished virtuosi, both on the violin and the harpsichord; but -I cannot describe my amazement and delight in hearing the great and -immortal W. A. Mozart play variations and improvise on the pianoforte -before a numerous and aristocratic audience. It was to me like the gift -of new senses of sight and hearing. The bold flights of his imagination -into the highest regions, and again down to the very depths of the -abyss, caused the greatest masters of music to be lost in amazement and -delight. I still, in my old age, seem to hear the echo of these heavenly -harmonies, and I go to my grave with the full conviction that there can -never be another Mozart.[30] - -And Niemetschek, when an old man, said to Al. Fuchs: "If I dared to pray -the Almighty to grant me one more earthly joy it would be that I might -once again hear Mozart improvise; those who have not heard him can form -no idea of his extraordinary performances."[31] Repeated mention has -already been made of Mozart's readiness and skill in playing "out of -his head," as he used to call it (Vol. I., pp. 385-386). He avoided -the common error of improvising virtuosi in the introduction of long -cadenzas, "making a hash in the cadenza of what had sounded well enough -in the concerto," as Dittersdorf says (Selbstbiogr., p. 47). A new -fashion came into vogue about this time; instead of a long cadenza, a -simple theme was delivered, and then varied according to every rule of -the art; but Mozart used also frequently to improvise a free fantasia in -his concertos (Vol. II., p. 285). Rochlitz narrates[32] how at Leipzig -the audience wished to hear him alone at the close of one of his -concerts, and though he had already played two concertos and an -obbligato scena, and accompanied for nearly two hours-- - -He sat down at once, and played to the delight of all. He began simply -and seriously in C minor--but it is absurd to attempt to describe it. -As he was playing with special reference to the connoisseurs who were -present, he brought the flights of his fancy lower and lower, and closed -with the published variations on "Je suis Lindor." (Vol. II., p. 174). - - -{MOZART AS AN ARTIST.} - -(440) - -Stiepanek, writing of the concert which Mozart gave in Prague (February, -1787), says:-- - -At the close of the concert Mozart improvised on the pianoforte for a -good half-hour, and raised the enthusiasm of the delighted Bohemians -to its highest pitch, so that he was obliged to resume his place at the -instrument in compliance with their storm of applause. His second stream -of improvisation had a still more powerful effect, and the audience -again tumultuously recalled him. Their enthusiasm seemed to inspire -him, and he played as he had never played before, till all at once the -deathlike silence of the listeners was broken by a voice from among them -exclaiming, "Aus 'Figaro'!" whereupon Mozart dashed into the favourite -air, "Non più andrai," and improvised a dozen of the most interesting -and artistic variations upon it, ending his wonderful performance amid a -deafening storm of applause.[33] - -Niemetschek also speaks of this concert (p. 40):-- - -A sweet enchantment seized upon us in listening to Mozart's -improvisation on the pianoforte, which he continued for more than half -an hour, and we gave vent to our delight in a perfect storm of applause. -His playing surpassed anything that could be imagined, uniting all the -qualities of first-rate composition and perfect ease of execution. - -Such moments of inspiration as this gave his countenance an expression -which betrayed the artist within him.[34] At other times, his appearance -was in no way striking or distinguished. His head was somewhat too large -in proportion to his body; his face was pale, though not unpleasing, -but in no way uncommon, and the Mozart family nose asserted itself very -plainly as long as he continued to be thin. His eyes were tolerably -large and well shaped, with good eyelashes and bushy brows, but they -were not bright, and his look was absent and restless. He had a great -dislike to hearing his appearance commented on as insignificant (Vol. -I., p. 381), and was seriously angry once when the Prussian ambassador -gave him a letter of introduction, in which he said that he hoped -Mozart's insignificant personal appearance would cause no prejudice -against him.[35] "This absent creature," says the notice in -Schlichtegroll's "Nekrolog," "became another being as soon as he sat -down to the piano. - - -{MANUAL DEXTERITY.} - -(441) - -His spirit seemed to soar upwards, and his whole mind was absorbed in -what seemed the proper object of his being, the harmony of sound." "His -whole countenance would change," says Niemetschek, "his eye became calm -and collected; emotion spoke from every movement of his muscles, and was -communicated by a sort of intuitive sympathy to his audience." - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXXII. - - -[Footnote 1: A. M. Z., I., p. 290; cf. p. 52. Nissen, p. 520.] - -[Footnote 2: Genast, Aus d. Tageb. e. alten Schausp, I., p. 3.] - -[Footnote 3: Hoffmann, Fantasiestücke (Ges. Schr., VII., p. 68). The story has -lately been discussed (cf. Signale, 1862, p. 531).] - -[Footnote 4: C. M. von Weber deduces from his own experience "the ill results -upon the student's youthful mind of these marvellous anecdotes -concerning the masters whom he reverences and strives to follow." -(Lebensb., I., p. 177.)] - -[Footnote 5: Rochlitz has frequently expressed correct views as to Mozart's -method of working, especially in the article "Ein guter Rath Mozarts" -(A. M. Z., XXII., p. 297. Für Freunde der Tonk., II., p. 281).] - -[Footnote 6: A letter from Mozart to a certain Baron von P. upon this subject, -first printed by Rochlitz (A. M. Z., XVII., p. 561), and often -subsequently, is incontestably a fabrication as it stands. As it is -impossible to determine how far it is founded upon truth, it must remain -entirely out of the question.] - -[Footnote 7: Niemetschek, p. 84.] - -[Footnote 8: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 115. Für Freunde der Tonkunst, IV., p. -239.] - -[Footnote 9: Beethoven's expression is well known: "Handel is the unrivalled -master of masters; go and learn from him how with limited resources to -produce such grand results!" (Studien, Anhang, p. 22). Gluck took -Kelly (Reminisc., I., p. 255) into his bedroom, and showed him Handel's -portrait hanging near his bed, which he used reverently to greet each -morning on awaking.] - -[Footnote 10: Haydn declared that Handel was grand in his choruses, but mediocre -in vocal solos (Griesinger, Biog. Not., p. 115).] - -[Footnote 11: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 117.] - -[Footnote 12: A. M. Z., I., p. 147.] - -[Footnote 13: Nissen, p. 627.] - -[Footnote 14: Nissen, p. 694.] - -[Footnote 15: Niemetschek, p. 85. Rochlitz, A. M. Z., I., p. 113. Fur Freunde der -Tonkunst, II., p. 287.] - -[Footnote 16: Nissen, p. 560.] - -[Footnote 17: Niemetschek, p. 82.] - -[Footnote 18: Rochlitz, A. M. Z., XXII. p. 298. Für Freunde der Tonkunst, üI., p. -283.] - -[Footnote 19: An old leather case which was used for the purpose was jokingly -called by him his portfolio, for the preservation of his valuable -documents.] - -[Footnote 20: Cf. Niemetschek, p. 73.] - -[Footnote 21: When Stadler once complained to him of an awkward passage, and -wished it altered, Mozart said: "Have you the notes in your instrument?" -"Yes," said he. "Then," answered Mozart, "it is your business to bring -them out." Neukomm told me this anecdote.] - -[Footnote 22: The facsimile of the "Veilchen" affords an instance of Mozart's -handwriting during the time of the Vienna visit.] - -[Footnote 23: The list compiled by Abbé Stadler (Rechtf. der Echth. d. Req., -is given by Nissen (Anh., p. 18), and carefully revised by Köchel -(Anh., 12-109).] - -[Footnote 24: Nissen, p. 561. Bohemia, 1856, No. 22, p. 118. There are four -quadrilles, each with a country dance; some of them are specially named, -"La Favorite," "La Fenice," "La Piramide." In one of them a theme is -delivered by the piccolo and big drum, which Weber has employed as an -Austrian grenadier march in "Kampf und Sieg" (Schr., üI., p. 97). He had -probably heard it in Prague.] - -[Footnote 25: A. M. Z., I., p. 855; Nissen, p. 473.] - -[Footnote 26: Kelly, Reminisc., I., p. 258,] - -[Footnote 27: "From his childhood," says the article in Schlichtegroll's -Nekrolog, "he preferred playing at night; he seated himself at the -clavier at nine o'clock in the evening, and would remain at it until -midnight, having to be forced away even then; otherwise he would have -played through the whole night."] - -[Footnote 28: So a contemporary asserts (Wien. Allg. Mus. Ztg., 1818, No. 3, -p. 62). Rochlitz speaks of Mozart's humour as one of his special -characteristics (A. M. Z., III., p. 590): "I have heard most of the -distinguished performers on this instrument since Mozart, except -Beethoven; the playing of many of them was admirable, but the -inexhaustible _wit_ of Mozart was never approached by any."] - -[Footnote 29: N. Wien. Mus. Ztg., 1856, No. 25.] - -[Footnote 30: Cf. Schink, Litt. Fragm., II., p. 288. An article on Beethoven -says (A. M. Z., I., p. 525): "He shows to the utmost advantage in -improvisation. Since Mozart's death, _who will always remain to my mind -the non plus ultra in this respect_, I have never had so much enjoyment -as from Beethoven."] - -[Footnote 31: Deutsche Mus. Ztg., 1861, p. 322.] - -[Footnote 32: A. M. Z., I., p. 113.] - -[Footnote 33: Nissen, p. 517.] - -[Footnote 34: Cf. Nissen, p. 622. Niemetschek, p. 66.] - -[Footnote 35: Nissen, p. 692.] - - - - -CHAPTER XXXIII. MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC. - - -THERE can be no reason to doubt what has often been asserted and -maintained with proof, that Mozart was the greatest pianoforte-player -of his time. Although, however, the fame of a virtuoso among his -contemporaries is more brilliant and universal than that of a composer, -yet posterity can form but a vague idea of the performances which were -so enchanting to the hearers. It is impossible to give an accurate -or very intelligible account of Mozart's playing, but it will not be -without interest to note such of its characteristic features as are -still within our grasp. - -"He had small, well-shaped hands," says Niemetschek (p. 66), "and moved -them so gently and naturally over the keys, that the eyes of his hearers -were charmed no less than their ears." Like most pianoforte-players, his -hands used involuntarily to assume the position they would have had in -playing. The notice in Schlichtegroll's "Nekrolog" even observes that -constant practising had rendered his hands awkward in ordinary use, and -that it was only with extreme difficulty that he could cut up his meat -at table! - -"It was wonderful that he could do so much with them, particularly in -left-hand stretches. A great deal of his perfection must be ascribed to -the admirable fingering, which according to his own acknowledgment he -owed to a diligent study of Bach's works."[1] Mozart certainly appears -to have played Bach's clavier music from a very early age (in his - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(442) - -letters to Breitkopf the father frequently orders Bach's last -compositions); and once at a party at Doles', when the conversation -fell upon Bach's playing, Mozart declared: "He is the father; we are the -lads. Those of us who can do anything owe it to him; and whoever does -not admit that is a ------."[2] - -Mozart's criticisms on the playing of Nanette Stein (Vol. I., p. -361) and Vogler (Vol. I., p. 387) prove the value he attached to good -fingering as the foundation of firm and expressive execution. It is -well known that Ph. Em. Bach's[3] practical development of his father's -principles[4] laid the foundation of the present system of the art of -fingering, and it is equally certain that Mozart, and with and after -him Clementi, were the first to tread in the path so marked out.[5] He -insisted mainly that the player should have a "quiet, steady hand," the -natural ease, flexibility, and smooth rapidity of which should be so -cultivated that the passages should "flow like oil" (Vol. I., p. 361); -he did not counsel the practice of _tours de force_ which might be -prejudicial to these qualities. His first requirements were the delivery -of "every note, turn, &c., correctly and decidedly, and with appropriate -expression and taste" (Vol. I., p. 387). He cautions players against -over-rapidity of execution, not only of passages where the harmony is -strictly connected, but also of those where offences against strict time -seem more allowable. He was strongly opposed to violations of time.[6]He -believed (Vol. I., - - -{MOZART AS A VIRTUOSO.} - -(443) - -p. 361) that Nanette Stein would never acquire the power of playing in -time, because she had not been accustomed to it from childhood. His own -playing always excited admiration from his accurate time, never giving -way to a _tempo rubato_ in the left hand, while at the same time playing -with perfect expression and deep feeling--and without making grimaces, -to which he had a great aversion (Vol. I., p. 361). - -He placed correctness first in the list of qualities essential to -first-rate playing, and included among them ease and certainty in the -execution of unusual technical difficulties, delicacy and good taste in -delivery, and, above all, that power of breathing life and emotion into -the music and of so expressing its meaning as to place the performer for -the moment on a level with the creator of the work before him. We -must be content to accept the enthusiastic testimony of the public, of -connoisseurs, and of accomplished fellow-artists,[7] who all agreed -that Mozart indisputably ranked highest among virtuosi, by virtue of his -fulfilment of all these conditions.[8] When we find Clementi declaring -that he never heard any one play so intellectually and gracefully as -Mozart, Dittersdorf finding art and fine taste united in his playing, -and Haydn asserting with tears in his eyes that he could never forget -Mozart's playing, because it came "from the heart" (Vol. II., p. 350), -the simple expressions of such men are more eloquent than the most -emphatic hyperbole. - -The union in Mozart of the virtuoso and the composer caused his -performances as a virtuoso to be more directly influenced by his -compositions than was usually the case. His pianoforte compositions -have left us only an imperfect image of these combined accomplishments, -partly because - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(444) - -the living breath of genius cannot be reproduced, partly because the -greater number of these works were written under the influence of -external circumstances, which denied free scope both to the composer and -the performer.[9] - -Variations upon a well-known theme were at that time a favourite form of -improvisation, so much so that varying and improvising were terms often -used synonymously.[10] It is easy to understand the interest which -even a less educated public took in this form. A simple theme, either -familiar or of a kind to be easily understood, gives the hearers -something to be laid hold of, and it amuses them to recognise and -follow the air in its manifold disguises. The regular development and -elaboration of a motif, obliging constant attention from the hearers in -order to trace the connection of its different parts, was not expected -in these fashionable variations. What was looked for was such a -prominence given to some characteristic elements of the subject (whether -in the harmonic succession, in the rhythm or the melody) as should serve -constantly to suggest it to the mind, while affording a basis for a free -play of musical fancy. Such variations on a given subject may be in -some measure compared with arabesque and similar ornamentations in -architecture, which display complex and fantastic varieties of animal -and vegetable forms, but behind their apparent irregularities maintain a -constant reference to the constructive design. - -Mozart never cultivated any other than this easy style of variation; and -we find a contemporary critic expressing the wish that he would write, -"not only these florid variations, but others in the style of the -two Bachs, with scientific inversions and imitations, and in -counterpoint."[11] But amateurs were fond of the easier form, and he -found frequent occasion to write variations for his pupils or other -friends. He did not care about them himself, and took no pains to have -them published. But finding favour with - - -{PIANOFORTE VARIATIONS.} - -(445) - -the public, they were eagerly sought after and published,[12] often with -many inaccuracies; nor were all genuine that appeared under the name of -Mozart.[13] The following variations belong to the Vienna period, and -probably to the year 1784: - -1. "Unser dummer Pöbel," from Gluck's "Pilgrims of Mecca" (Vol. II., p. -285, 455 K.) - -2. "Come un agnello," from Sarti's "Fra Due Litiganti" (Vol. II., p. 345, -460 K.). - -In 1785 were composed:-- - -3. September 12 (500 K.) - -4. Duet, November 4 (501 K.) - -Then follow:-- - -5. "Upon a Minuet by Dupont," composed April 9, 1789 (573 K.) - -6. "Ein Weib ist das herrlichste Ding," from the second part of the "Two -Antonios," by Schikaneder, composed March 8, 1791 (613 K.) - -The following were announced in 1785, but some of them certainly belong -to an earlier date:[14]-- - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(446) - -7. "Lison dormoit" (264 K.). - -8. "La Belle Françoise" (353 K.). - -9. "Salve tu Domine," from Paesiello's "Eingebildete Philosoph" (398 -K.). - -10. "La Bergère Silimène," with violin (359 K.). - -11. "Hèlas, j'ai perdu mon amant," with violin (360 K.). - -In 1786:-- - -12. "Marche des Manages Samnites," by Grétry (352 K.). - -In 1787:-- - -13. "Ah, vous dirais-je maman?" (265 K.). - -In all these, even the more pretentious of them, there is no appearance -of a higher object than passing amusement, secured by means of the -contrast of the different variations in time and measure, major and -minor, prominence of the right hand or the left, with all of which -devices we are now so over-familiar. It never occurred to Mozart to give -a deeper meaning to his variations by the grouping of the movements, nor -still less to torture a simple theme into all sorts of fantastic forms. -He confined himself to a tasteful embellishment of the subject; harmonic -and contrapuntal treatment was not altogether absent, but it was little -more than suggested as a sort of seasoning to the music. In many of -the earlier variations mechanical difficulties are brought into the -foreground. Certain favourite difficulties, such as the passing over of -the hands, long shakes or chains of shakes in one hand, while the other -has the subject, were always to be found; passages which now offer -neither novelty nor difficulty display nevertheless, upon closer -inspection, both elegance and originality. The equal use made of the -two hands is worthy of remark; a considerable amount of execution in the -left hand is presupposed in these as in most of Mozart's compositions. -In the later variations (3, 5, 6, 17) there is little or no bravura. The -theme is easily and gracefully treated; and no attempt is made to invest -with undue dignity what is merely a light and passing expression of -fancy. As one of the most interesting and successful compositions of -this kind may be mentioned the four-handed variations (4), which are -both graceful and amusing. - - -{SHORT PIANOFORTE PIECES.} - -(447) - -Sometimes variations form a component part (the middle or last movement) -of a sonata, either with[15] or without accompaniment (284, 331, K.). -This has caused no essential difference in their treatment; they -are neither wider in conception nor freer in execution, nor are they -connected by intermediate passages so as to form one whole--a device -often and successfully employed by Haydn and Beethoven. - -Mozart's original themes are, for the most part, fresher and more -graceful than those he has borrowed. The accompanied sonatas give -greater scope for originality by the multiplication of the parts; and -very often the simple enunciation of the theme by one of the parts -allows a better defined expression of free contrapuntal treatment to -be given to it by the other parts. But, as we have said, these -modifications are unimportant; the form of the variation is here, as -elsewhere, simply light and entertaining.[16] - -Various short pianoforte pieces, for particular occasions and persons, -were written during Mozart's Vienna period, as, for instance, the three -rondos:-- - -1. In D major, composed January 10, 1786 (485 K.). - -2. In F major, composed June 10, 1786 (494 K.).[17] - -3. In A minor, composed March 11, 1787 (511 K.).[18] - -The two in F and D major are easy of comprehension and -execution--cheerful, but not striking music; the latter is peculiar in -that the oft-repeated theme recurs in different keys, thus necessitating -changing modulations in the episodes.[19] The third, in A minor, is very -original and beautiful.[20] The theme is somewhat piquant in its rhythm -and harmonic treatment, and suggestive of a national melody-- - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(448) - -a mode of characterisation not often used either by Mozart or Beethoven. -Its original modifications cause fresh surprise each time that it -recurs. The second theme, effective by contrast with the first, is in -itself both fine and expressive, and gives occasion for much appropriate -and interesting treatment. The short middle movement, in A major, is -lighter in style, but accords well with the chief theme, and leads -back to it by a striking modulation. The whole piece is original -in character; and the tone of melancholy which runs through it and -constantly asserts itself forms a most attractive contrast to the -restless movement of some of its parts. - -The short Adagio in B minor (540 K.) (composed March 9, 1788) is also -very beautiful, serious and even sad in tone, and otherwise interesting -by reason of its harmonic inflections. Although this piece is written in -perfectly regular form, in two parts with a coda, it reminds us in its -whole style of an improvisation. This is still more the case with the -so-called fantasias. It has already been remarked that preludes or -fantasias were often prefixed as introductions to various kinds of -compositions, either in the form of free improvisations or elaborate -pieces that could be used on different occasions. A fantasia of this -kind, prefixed to the beautiful fugue in C major, has already (Vol. II., -p. 391) been noticed. - -Mozart sent to his sister from Paris (July 20,1778) a short prelude, -"not a prelude to lead from one key to another, but a sort of capriccio, -to try the clavier," leaving the style of playing to her own judgment. -"She received it at four o'clock," writes the father (August 13, 1778), -"and at five, when I came home, she said she had thought of something, -and if I liked it, she would write it down. She then began to play the -prelude by heart. I rubbed my eyes and said: 'Where the deuce did you -get that idea?' She laughed and drew your letter from her pocket." This -is, no doubt, the unpublished prelude in C major (395 K.) which was in -the possession of Mozart's sister. The essential character of this, as -of the prelude in C minor (396 K.), is modulatory. There is no delivery -of a regular melody, or working out of a definite motif, but the whole -consists of varied and - - -{FANTASIAS.} - -(449) - -skilfully grouped passages and arpeggios, keeping both hands in equal -activity, and displaying an abundance of rapid and often curious and -striking changes of harmony. But even in this apparently unfettered -straying through harmonies we cannot fail to be aware of organisation -in the succession of the modulations, in the connection of the passages, -and in the whole conception. The C major is in several detached -contrasting movements, the C minor is founded on the definite form of a -two-part sonata movement, but very freely treated. - -The fantasia in D minor(337 K.-->(397 K. DW)) is of somewhat different -design, in so far that the melodic element is more prominent, but at -first only in oft-repeated phrases, which are continually prevented from -developing into a perfect cantilene by the occurrence of a contrasting -motif, or the outbreak of a quick stormy passage. The character of a -gradual concentration of force is very clearly expressed. The tender and -graceful theme which is at last allowed to assume its due proportions, -can, however, be in no way considered as the proper result of such -a preparation; it is not worked out, but first interrupted, and then -brought to a rapid but not a satisfying conclusion, so maintaining the -character of the piece as an announcement of something greater which was -to come. - -The well-known fantasia in C minor (475 K.), Mozart's performance of -which so surprised Jos. Frank (Vol. II., p. 279),[21] is better worked -out, and in every respect a more important work. Five movements, in -various keys and tempos, are closely bound together into a whole by -connecting passages or harmonic inflections. Each movement, though not -completely separate, has yet a certain independence, with melodies of -its own rounded into a simple song-like form; there is no attempt at the -elaboration, or even the full development, of a motif, but everything -presses onwards, each section leading as of necessity to the next, which -is intended to form a lively contrast to what has preceded it. In spite -of the - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(450) - -predominance of a slow tempo, the whole work has a restless character, -and the recurrence at the end of the serious and sustained commencement -leads only to a provisional and unsatisfying conclusion. Here again, -the essence of the fantasia is modulatory. The changes of harmony are -frequent--often bar by bar--rapid and striking; the passages and even -the melodies are so constructed as to lend themselves to this method. -In spite of its length the fantasia preserves the character of an -introduction, though not of necessity to the sonata with which it is -printed. The mood which is so distinctly expressed in the two first -bars of the adagio is preserved throughout the fantasia; it is a sad and -sorrowful mood of doubting and questioning, of struggling and striving, -of longing for deliverance from a heavy burden, for freedom from doubt -and care; disheartened by failure, unrefreshed by consolation, it sinks -at last into itself, and is heard no more. But there is no hopeless -despair, no cynical irony in this music. It is expressive throughout -of the composure of a man who even in combat never loses command over -himself. The boldness of its harmonies, and the consistency of its tone -were of unusual significance at the time of its composition. It is much -to be regretted that the letter concerning it, which Mozart addressed to -Frau von Trattnern (Vol. II., p. 279), has not been preserved.[22] - -Above and beyond such detached movements as these, the form of -pianoforte composition chiefly cultivated by Mozart was the sonata, -either with or without the accompaniment of one or more instruments.[23] -The foundation of the sonata proper, and of the definite form in which -the chief movement of the sonata, at least, was cast--was laid by -Kuhnau and Dom. Scarlatti, the latter of whom brought his extraordinary -technical knowledge to bear with effect on the treatment and style of -pianoforte music. From the middle of the last century the piano as -a solo instrument has been increasing in favour, especially among -amateurs, and it - - -{THE PIANOFORTE SONATA.} - -(451) - -naturally followed that this species of composition should be cultivated -with corresponding attention. Ph. Em. Bach and his disciple Jos. Haydn -fixed the form of the sonata in all essential respects, and by the -intrinsic worth of their compositions, and the charm of their execution, -brought the germ of perfection therein contained to the point of vital -development. To them succeeded Mozart, carrying on their work in his own -original manner. - -It has already been demonstrated (Vol. I., p. 292) that the clavier -sonata in its free development forms the basis of independent -instrumental composition, and that every advance in the one direction -acts favourably in the other; it will suffice here, therefore, to touch -briefly on the main points of this species of composition. - -The sonata now signifies a composition for a solo instrument, consisting -of several movements, differing in time, measure, and key, but -sufficiently allied in design and grouping to form a coherent whole. In -its earlier stage two movements often composed a sonata, but afterwards -three or four became the rule. One of the movements is in slow time, and -forms the appropriate expression of a calm, serious, or tender mood. -It soon became usual to place this movement in the middle, with the -instinctive feeling that a composed and self-concentrated mood ought -to succeeed to a demonstrative or passionate one. If the more animated -movement were preceded by the slow one, the latter would lose its -independent character, and become a mere introduction to the former. -The second of the lively movements served as a conclusion, and was -invariably cheerful, sometimes even merry in tone. The music being -principally intended for social entertainment, was so constructed as to -leave a pleasant, cheerful impression. When a fourth movement was added -it was generally in the same tone, and sometimes preceded, but more -often followed, the slow movement. During his Vienna period Mozart's -sonatas, both solo and accompanied, have but three movements, while his -symphonies, quintets, and quartets are always furnished with minuets. - -The three movements of the sonata have only gradually - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(452) - -assumed their present form. One of Mozart's earlier sonatas, in A major -(331 K), consists of an andante with variations, a minuet, and rondo; -another, in D major (284 K.), has a middle movement, consisting of a -rondo _en polonaise_, followed by a theme with variations. Afterwards, -however, he adhered to the regular sonata form, with the first movement -as its most characteristic part, forming the point of departure for -the development of all modern instrumental music. It has already been -remarked that the essential elements of the sonata movement consist -in the treatment of the principal motif in the first part, and in its -working out in the second. - -The contrapuntal elaboration of a theme in strict form was the -groundwork of the first part, and was followed by the characteristic -treatment of well-defined motifs, side by side with a free use of -figures and passages. An important point was the delivery of a second -theme, independent of the first and sharply distinguished from it. -This was always in the dominant of the principal major key (C major--G -major), or in the relative major of the principal minor key (C minor--E -flat major). These are the two main pillars of the movement. Their -further development, their connection by means of interludes, and the -conclusion of the part, are not further hampered by rule, except that -the part must close in the dominant. The province of the second part -was the working out of one or more motifs employed in the first part, -or altogether new. The treatment was either mainly harmonic or mainly -thematic, and had for its object the organic development of the given -elements, the enhancing of the interest, and the effective return to the -first part. Upon this elaboration, and leading back to the first theme, -were concentrated all the power and genius of the master. The repetition -of the first part entailed many modifications, partly because the second -theme was obliged to appear in the principal key in which the movement -closed; it allowed also of alterations in grouping the different -phrases, of amplifications or curtailments, and especially of such a -long-drawn climax at the close as should almost entitle the repeated -second part to be considered as a third part. - -{MOZART'S SONATAS.} - -(453) - -Mozart found these elements ready to hand, and gave them the stamp of -his own individual nature. In his hands the second subject, distinctly -enunciated, became not only an independent but a counter-subject rising -in characteristic relief from the body of the part. But his originality -is principally displayed in the formation of the themes. Their -predominant characteristic is songlike melody, which Nägeli (Vorlesungen -üh. Musik, p. 156), with a mistaken view of the nature of instrumental -music, considered to be the degradation and ruin of pianoforte-playing. -With truer judgment Mozart has followed the injunctions of Ph. Em. Bach, -and after him Haydn, and has striven to write melodiously. Mozart's -musical training was founded on song--and his inclinations led him to -song--in a greater degree than was the case with his two predecessors. -When once' the pianoforte composer had renounced the severe polyphonic -method--when once he had come to regard his theme not as material for -pedantic elaboration, but as a free melody capable of giving expression -to his artistic perceptions, then song became the point of departure -for all his melodies. A transference to the instrument of the forms -expressly constructed for the voice was impracticable; they could only -be employed by analogy, in conformity with the nature of the instrument. -Mozart never employed the form of the Italian cantilene in his -pianoforte compositions, nor in his instrumental works generally; a -glance at his Italian operas will show the difference in the treatment -of the melodies. Wherever a comparison of instrumental with vocal works -is possible, it must be made with the German operas, especially with the -"Zauberflöte." In his instrumental works Mozart gave his emotions their -natural expression without binding himself to any such set forms as -those of Italian opera; with equal freedom he treated song in his German -operas as the immediate outcome of his feelings. The developed forms -of German instrumental music suggested this treatment. The essential -conditions of a beautiful melody, founded on the relations of intervals, -rhythm and harmonies, were perfectly fulfilled in Mozart's pianoforte -compositions. Each melody is complete, uniform and full of his own charm -of grace and - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(454) - -euphony. The delivery of such melodies must have given special -prominence to those qualities in Mozart's playing which Haydn declared -came from his heart; we are sometimes surprised in the concertos, for -instance, to find the chief effect depending on a long, simply sustained -melody, which he must have played in masterly fashion. This songlike -and expressive treatment of the separate melodies was accompanied by an -extraordinary wealth of melody. Instead of the connecting phrases -which generally led out of the principal motif or were formed by free -passages, Mozart introduced new melodies. This was made an occasion -of reproach to him, as Dittersdorf says ("Selbstbiographie," p. 237): -"Mozart is unquestionably a great original genius, and I know of no -composer who possesses such an astonishing wealth of ideas. I only wish -he were a little less prodigal of them. He gives his hearers no time to -breathe; as soon as one beautiful idea is grasped, it is succeeded by -another and a finer one, which drives the first from the mind; and so -it goes on, until at the end not one of these beauties remains in -the memory." We shall certainly not echo this complaint of Mozart's -prodigality of ideas; but it cannot be denied that though the formation -of independent melodies is an important and necessary step in advance, -it does not reach the last stage of development. Mozart's melodies are -not strung together without connection, both external and internal; but, -in the shorter sonatas especially, where they are not worked out, they -strike us as the indicated points in a design wanting as yet the detail -of which it is capable.[24] - -The gain was important in two respects. The close juxtaposition of -melodies excluded, or greatly limited, the employment of connecting -passages without sense or meaning. Of these Mozart makes comparatively -little use. He used figures and passages chiefly as ornaments, and -not as independent members of the movement. But where this form of -transition seemed inevitable, he used it without ceremony, just as in -architecture supports are worked into the artistic design, - - -{SONATAS.} - -(455) - -without any disguise of their structional importance. We may instance -the broad and expressive treatment of his closes and half-closes, -which are now so striking as to appear to many a special peculiarity of -Mozart's style. This, however, they are not; they were then in general -use, and proceeded from the desire to maintain the key with firmness and -decision. - -The greater freedom of modern music in this respect, and the -substitution of graceful and original transition phrases for dry -commonplaces is an undoubted progress. Mozart's transition phrases -were, however, often elegant and interesting, as may be proved from a -reference to his returns to the theme in the second parts, and to the -varied development which he gives to the simple ground form of the organ -point. - -The second respect in which Mozart's method was a gain to music was in -the clearness which it gave to his designs. - -This clearness is an inseparable adjunct of Mozart's art; by means of -it the main points of his structure were as clearly defined as an -architectural ground-plan, and became the supports for elaboration and -development. Mozart himself was far from exhausting the resources of -the method which he founded; others have followed in his footsteps, and -Beethoven, his intellectual heir, has displayed all the depth and wealth -of that which he has inherited. - -In the choice and arrangement of his melodies Mozart invariably -displays delicate taste and discrimination. He is particularly happy in -surprising his hearers with a new melody when they least expect it--at -the close of the first theme, for instance, which generally brings with -it a certain sense of satisfied completeness. But his most inimitable -effect is produced when, just as the movement is drawing to a close, a -perfect melody starts up in all its charm of fresh sweetness, reviving -the interest of the hearers, and often giving an entirely new turn to -the whole. As a striking example, - -I may remind my readers of the first movement of the Symphony in C major -(551 K.). Who has not been charmed again and again by the last melody, -which, like a shining meteor, sheds light and cheerfulness around? -Similar, though not perhaps equally brilliant, effects are of constant -occurrence; they have not been achieved, have scarcely even - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(456) - -been attempted by any other musician. On the other hand, however, -the partiality with which Mozart has treated the close and other less -prominent points of his movements has been prejudicial to the so-called -second subject; this is usually the weakest part. It should have a -light and tender character, in contrast to the principal subject; it is -frequently, however, insignificant in comparison to the other motifs, -and gives the impression of having been neglected. - -The further development of the fundamental scheme was accomplished by -means not of the insertion of phrases connecting its principal members, -but of the thematic treatment of these members themselves. Mozart's -study of Bach and Handel led him in this direction, as was particularly -shown in his later pianoforte works; an interesting example is afforded -by the two movements in the Allegro and Andante in F major (553 K.), -which are throughout in counterpoint. This work must not be considered -as a relapse into the strict forms of counterpoint, such as the -canon and the fugue, but as the free development of the laws to which -polyphonic and contrapuntal forms are alike subject. Instrumental and -especially pianoforte music, freed from the fetters of strict form, -was in danger of advancing exclusively in the direction of homophonie -development, and so becoming insipid. It is Mozart's merit to have -brought polyphonic and thematic treatment, modified according to the -altered character of the music and the nature of the instrument, to its -freest and most beautiful expression. This is particularly noticeable in -the "working-out" divisions of the movements, on which the main emphasis -must necessarily fall, and which can only attain their full significance -by means of this treatment. Mozart does not indeed develop them in -length and breadth as Beethoven does, but he makes them, even when they -are so condensed as to appear mere transition movements, the culminating -point of the whole movement, the concentration of all its force and -action. The mode of treatment is as free as the choice of subject; but -the effect generally depends upon a thematic treatment which is often -very artistically designed and woven together. - -Not that the harmonic element is neglected--the boldest - - -{SONATAS.} - -(457) - -and most original modulations occur in the very places where close -examination discloses the thematic as the vivifying element, the -true impulse of the work. This free and intellectual treatment of the -polyphonic method was distasteful to many of Mozart's contemporaries, -who only accepted the traditional forms of counterpoint. Thus, a critic -expresses himself as follows concerning the E flat sonata for violin and -piano (481 K.):-- - -The pleasing style of this sonata by Herr M. will cause it to find -favour with all lovers of the art. It is to be wished, however, that -Herr M. would attach himself less closely to the passing taste of the -day; his works would thereby gain a more universal and lasting worth. -That Herr Mozart is not wanting either in the knowledge of harmony or -the wealth of imagination which would enable him to offer us stronger -meats is sufficiently vouched for by this and many other of his -well-known works. - -The same critic considered the working-out movement far too long:-- - -Although musical science has no actual rule in such cases, yet a -difference of three pages is out of all reason.[25] - -The slow middle movement and the last movement have not the accurate and -well-defined form of the first. Two essentially easier forms are mainly -employed, with many modifications, namely, variations and the rondo. -The slow movement is, as a rule, founded upon the song form, and is -therefore often designed in two parts; but the design is only very -seldom developed as broadly and fully as in the first movement; -the repetition of the theme more than once, with the then customary -additions and embellishments,[26] led naturally to the adoption of -variations. But in every case the first requirement was the composition -of a movement melodious in form and substance, and owing its expression -not to its connection with any other, but to its own intrinsic - - -{MOZART S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(458) - -feeling. The tone of sentiment then existing was favourable to the -production of just such movements, and they therefore undoubtedly belong -to Mozart's finest creations. These simple and expressive melodies, -exquisitely formed and firmly handled, full of warm and deep emotion or -of sentimental tenderness, seem to be the precious legacy of the time to -which we also owe the purest strains of our lyric poetry. The calm with -which they are for the most part permeated expresses in a rare degree -the enjoyment and satisfaction of artistic activity. The very ease with -which these movements are constructed, by means of the development -of the main idea of variations on it and of freely treated and often -contrasting secondary parts, shows how freely and naturally they -proceeded from the heart of the musician. As an instance of detail we -need only mention the delicacy and grace with which Mozart leads up -to the conclusion, and leaves his hearers with a parting impression of -perfect satisfaction. - -The last movements are not by any means of equal merit with the other -two. A large majority are in the easy rondo or variation form. The -incredible ease with which Mozart poured forth melodies is more than -ever apparent in these movements, but they are often loosely strung -together without development, and sometimes trivial in character. The -original intention of the movement, of enlivening the audience by a -cheerful dance or something similar, is generally kept in view; the tone -is one of more or less excited merriment, without depth or true humour. -Mozart's enjoyment of dances, games, and jests of all kinds found -expression in such performances as these. Their purity and grace of form -shows however that, like a true artist, he lifts every manifestation -of his nature into a higher sphere. Many of his last movements form -exceptions to what has been said above, both by reason of their stricter -form and of their more elevated tone. - -The list of sonatas for pianoforte alone which Mozart composed in Vienna -is not a very long one.[27] Of the first which appeared-- - - -{SONATAS--DUETS.} - -(459) - -Three sonatas, Op. 6 (330-332, K.), in C, A, F major. - -Three sonatas, Op. 7 (333, 284, K.), dedicated to the Countess Therese -Cobenzl, in B flat and C major; the third is with the violin (454 K.)-- - -some must certainly have been composed earlier; then follow:-- - -C minor, composed October 14, 1784 (457 K.), with the fantasia (475 K.) -published in 1785 as Op. 11. - -F major, composed January 3, 1788, in two movements (533 K.). - -"A Short Pianoforte Sonata for Beginners," in C major (545 K.), composed -June, 1788. - -B flat major, "for pianoforte alone," composed February, 1789 (570 K.). - -B flat major (_D major--DW_) composed July, 1789 (576 K.). - -Most, if not all, of these appear to have been composed for special -occasions. The most important is unquestionably the celebrated one in C -minor, the fire and passion of which, especially in the last movement, -surpass all previous efforts, and point to what Beethoven was to achieve -in the piano-forte sonata. The second, in B flat major, is pleasing and -gay; the working out of the first movement is free and full. The third, -in D major, is easy and cheerful, with more passages than usual. - -Three four-handed sonatas[29] are also preserved:-- - -D major, composed November, 1781, for Aurnhammer's Soirée (381 K.). - -F major, composed August 1,1786 (497 K.). - -C major, composed May 29, 1787 (521 K.). - -Pianoforte music for two performers was then far from having attained -the popularity which it now possesses, especially among amateurs. Those -who wished to play for the sake of playing, and to give full effect -to their performance, would not readily shackle themselves with a -fellow-performer, and lose their absolute sway over the instrument. -Duets were considered an exceptional kind of amusement, not without -its peculiar charm. This charm consisted in the richer elaboration of -material which they allowed, and in such a division and alternation of -the parts as should set the - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(460) - -two players in competition. Mozart, who excelled in this kind of -treatment, often employed it, and even transfers entire cantilene with -their accompaniments to the bass part, not always, as Marx rightly -observes ("Lehre von der Musikalischen Composition," III., p. 601), with -a good sound effect. Of the two great sonatas, that in F major is by -far the most striking; the emphasis is not here laid upon the -first movement. The adagio, and still more the rondo, are specially -interesting from their beautiful motifs and the seriousness--even to -grandeur--of their treatment. The other Sonata in C major is not trivial -in conception, but depends more upon brilliant execution, and leaves a -cheerful, pleasant impression. - -Compositions for two pianofortes were more popular, as affording more -scope for display to the performer, but the inconvenience attending -their performance has prevented the cultivation of this branch of -composition. It appears at one time to have been a favourite one with -Mozart, owing, no doubt, to some special circumstances. The Fugue in C -minor (426 K., Vol. II., p. 392) was composed on December 29,1783, and -the Sonata in D major (448 K.) at the beginning of 1784; the latter is -a capital bravura piece for the time at which it was written, effective -even now, and interesting from the interweaving of the two parts. The -first movement is the best, the working-out forcible and effective, -though not elaborate; the andante is somewhat tedious, owing to the -repetition of the entire first part. Several commencements now among the -sketches in the Salzburg Mozarteum fall within this perio.d. A second -fugue, in G major (45 Anh. K.), has already been noticed (Vol. II., -p.388); the commencements of an Allegro in C minor (44 Anh. K.) and of -an Adagio in D minor (35 Anh. K.) are so grand and forcible as to cause -regret that they were not continued; a last movement in B flat major (43 -Anh. K.) is calmer and more cheerful in character. It is remarkable how -these few bars confirm the observation that the choice of a minor key -was with Mozart an invariable sign of a special effort of his productive -powers. - -The sonatas with violin accompaniment composed by Mozart in Vienna were -few in number. The first collection - - -{SONATAS FOR PIANOFORTE AND VIOLIN.} - -(461) - -which appeared in November, 1781 (Vol. II., p. 187), Six Sonatas, Op. 2 -(376, 296, 377-380, K.), in F, C, F, B flat, G, E flat major, comprise -some sonatas written at an earlier date--those in C and B flat major -undoubtedly were, both upon external and internal evidence. That they -were all intended for one collection is evidenced by the differences in -their designs, probably for the sake of variety. Thus, the Sonata in -C major begins with an elaborate Adagio leading into the Allegro in G -minor (in depth of feeling these are the finest movements in the set); -the last movement is in variations. In the Sonata in F major, variations -are placed in the middle, and the last movement is a tempo di minuetto, -treated rondo fashion. The first movement is especially prominent in the -Sonatas in F major and E flat major. A Sonata in C major begun in 1782, -"Pour ma très chère épouse" (404 K.), is unfinished. The fragment of a -Sonata in A major, with an introductory Andante, followed by a Fugue -in A minor (402 K.), only half worked-out, and completed by Stadler, -belongs unquestionably to the period of Mozart's intercourse with Van -Swieten. These were followed by:-- - -B flat major, composed April 21,1784, for Strinasacchi (Vol. II., p. -336), (454 K.). - -E flat major, composed December 12, 1785 (481 K.). - -A major, composed August 24, 1787 (525 K.). - -F major, "Short Violin Sonata for Beginners," composed July 10, 1788 -(547 K.). - -The greater number of these were composed for pupils. The majority -of amateur pianists were then ladies, and it was usual for them to be -accompanied on the violin by their teachers or other friends; this -kind of music found favour also in social reunions.[30] It follows, -therefore, that these sonatas have no great depth of passion or -scholarly treatment, but are well supplied with beautiful melodies and -startling harmonic inflections, and are made interesting, sometimes even -brilliant, to please the performers. A notice of the first six sonatas -soon after their appearance says:--[31] - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(462) - -These sonatas are unique of their kind; rich in new ideas and signs -of the genius of their author, very brilliant and well suited to the -instrument. Besides this, the violin accompaniment is so artistically -combined with the pianoforte part that both instruments are kept in -constant activity, and the sonatas require a violin-player of equal -skill with the pianist. But it is impossible to give a full description -of this very original work. The connoisseur must play it through for -himself, and he will then be ready to acknowledge that we have not -exaggerated its merits. - -It appears from this that the violin part was usually treated as -subordinate, exclusively intended for accompaniment; but not so with -Mozart: his violin parts are completely independent, on an equality with -the piano, and composed with special reference to the idiosyncrasies -of the instrument. Indeed, the whole design of these sonatas avoids any -interweaving of the parts, which are generally in strict counterpoint; -even the simple form of imitation is comparatively seldom employed; -the parts relieve one another, exchange melodies and passages, or move -freely together. If, however, we compare the violin part so skilfully -added to the Sonata in B flat major (570 K.), we shall find that it is -no essential part of the design, but an evident addition; while in the -violin sonatas proper, simple as the violin part may be, it cannot be -subtracted without injury. The principal charm of these sonatas lies in -the rich development of their harmonies. In this respect, too, the later -sonatas are, as usual, superior to the earlier. With the exception of -the short sonata for beginners (547 K.), that in E flat major (481 K.) -is the easiest, but it is remarkably clear and pretty. The working-out -of the first movement is formed by the delicate harmonising of the -favourite subject already known to us (Vol. I., p. 259)--[See Page -Image] - -which recurs free in the second part, and is therefore judiciously used -to bring the whole movement to a close. In the B flat major sonata also -(454 K.) the interest of the working-out is essentially harmonic; the -return to the first subject is as striking to those who hear it now as -it could have - - -{PIANOFORTE TRIOS.} - -(463) - -been to Mozart's contemporaries. There are many similar touches which -suffice to convince us how great an effect of novelty and boldness these -sonatas must have produced. The first place must again be accorded to -the slow middle movements by reason of their beautiful melodies, in -the steady flow of which the art of not merely beginning well, but of -maintaining the interest, and knowing where to leave off, may be admired -and studied. In all of them a delicate and tasteful accompaniment, a -rich and bold harmonic treatment--I need only mention the effective -enharmonic changes in the andante of the B flat major sonata (454 K.), -and in the adagio of the E flat major (481 K.)--give to the simple -outlines a delicate warmth of colour. Each of these movements is fine of -its kind, but the andante of the Sonata in A major (526 K.) is specially -attractive from the earnestness of its tone. - -In the same class may be reckoned the trios, or, as Mozart called them, -terzets for piano, violin, and violoncello, which were also principally -intended for the social circle of amateurs. Their composition for -special occasions may be inferred from the fact that they all five fall -within the summer and autumn of 1786 and 1788:-- - -G major, composed July 8, 1786 (496 K.).[32] - -B flat major, composed November 18, 1786 (502 K.). - -E major, composed June 22, 1788 (542 K.).[33] - -C major, composed July 14, 1788 (548 K.). - -G major, composed October 27, 1788 (564 K.). - -In June of the latter year Mozart asked his friend Puchberg if he did -not intend to give a musical party soon, for he had written a new trio. -This was the trio in E major; and a later distinct mention of a trio -written for Puchberg probably refers to the same. There can at least -be no question as to the superiority of this trio in design and -originality, as well as in the effective treatment of the instruments. -The first movement is full of fire and energy, the imitative working-out -of the second subject being - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(464) - -wonderfully heightened in effect by a bold harmonic inflection. The -second movement, with something of the character of a national melody, -is fresh and charming, and has rhythmic and harmonic points which give -it a piquancy altogether modern. The last movement, though not devoid of -expression and delicacy, is inferior in vital energy to the first, -and seems somewhat too long, perhaps because an exclusive attention to -brilliancy loses its effect upon hearers of our day. External influences -account for the fact that the succession of the trios is not in -accordance with their merit and importance. The two last are inferior -not only to that just mentioned, but also to the two first. In these, as -usual, the middle movements stand highest; in the first movement of the -trio in B flat major (2) there is no new second subject, but the first -is employed again with some modification; the second part, therefore, -opens with an entirely new and independent melody. The trio in C -major (548 K.) is very easy, and seems to have been intended for some -particular person. The last (564 K.) was first written by Mozart as -a sonata for pianoforte alone. When he had occasion to add the two -stringed instruments, he had the original composition copied, added the -violin and violoncello parts, and altered what had to be altered for the -piano. The original sonata may be easily traced, except here and there, -where the alterations have gone deeper, and the different instruments, -except in the variations, have little independence. In contrast with the -emancipation of the violin part in the violin sonatas, the violoncello -part of the trios is always in the background. It is treated as a -bass instrument, and only exceptionally leads the melody or takes -an independent part; of bravura it has little or none, and thus the -original effects of which the combined instruments are capable seldom -occur. One remarkable instance of such an effect, however, is in the -last movement of the first trio (496 K.) at the passage in G minor, -where the violin repeats four times the melancholy bar--[See Page Image] - -and then slides on to the G, while the violoncello carries out - - -{TRIO FOR PIANOFORTE, CLARINET, AND VIOLA.} - -(465) - -an expressive bass passage in crotchets, and the piano in two parts -moves above both instruments in quavers; an effect of sound and motif -which has often been laid claim to in recent days as something new and -original. An insurmountable obstacle to the fuller development of -the trio (in which Beethoven later put forth all his creative powers) -consisted in the want of good violoncellists among the musical circles -for whom Mozart composed these works. - -A trio in E flat major, for pianoforte, clarinet, and viola (498 K.), -composed on August 5, 1786, for Franziska von Jacquin, is very original -(Vol. II., p. 278). The unusual combination of instruments necessitated -unusual treatment. The viola is not a bass instrument, and is only -available for middle parts, so that the usual violoncello part could -not be given to it; this necessitated an altogether original design and -execution, and a dependence for effect upon a peculiarly light colouring -and transparent clearness. The viola, whether accompanying or leading -the melody, is treated throughout with special partiality, and has even -a certain amount of bravura. Mozart was fond of taking the viola himself -in his later years, and Franziska von Jacquin was an excellent pianiste, -so that we can understand his providing himself with a good part to -perform with his friends. The deeper tones of the clarinet are not -used, out of consideration to the viola; its full liquid tones are -particularly well adapted for the delivery of the melody. The plan of -the movements deviates from the ordinary course. The first is not an -Allegro, but an Andante 6-8 (signifying formerly a moderately agitated -tempo) which is played straight through with no repetition of the first -part. It is in three tolerably equal divisions, in each of which the two -beautiful subjects are enlarged upon in an easy but attractive manner, -the first of them especially--[See Page Image] - -being scarcely ever lost sight of; the movement ends with a short coda. -The second movement is a minuet, the only one of the kind in Mozart's -pianoforte pieces, serious and - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(466) - -broad in tone, somewhat elaborated in the trio, the motif of which is -taken up in the coda; on the whole, a fine and characteristic movement. -The concluding rondo is full of pretty melodies and brilliant passages, -and the different parts are delicately and independently treated. - -A relatively much higher rank than that of the majority of the trios is -taken by the two quartets for pianoforte, violin, viola and violoncello, -of which the first, in G minor (478 K.), was composed on October 19, -1785; the second, in E flat major, on June 3, 1786 (493 K.). They are, -suitably to their enlarged resources, grander and broader in design, the -motifs are fuller, and thematic treatment comes to the foreground. The -details of the work are developed from within, and are made subservient -to the plan-of the whole. Notwithstanding, therefore, their more -elaborate treatment, the mode of expression is more definite, the -contents weightier, the expression more forcible and clearer. - -The inclination of the present day, since Beethoven has raised chamber -music both in substance and form to a hitherto unapproachable height, -is to make beauty of form[34] predominate over force and depth of original -expression; it will be instructive, therefore, to cast a glance over a -criticism by Rochlitz, written in the year 1800:[35]-- - -In these compositions, written for a select and limited circle, the -spirit of the artist is displayed after a rare and singular manner, with -the grandeur and sublimity of an appearance from another world; there -are moments, it is true, of melting sadness or cheerful humour, but they -are only moments, and the composer breaks forth again in the greatness, -even fierceness, of his strength, or writhes in bitter sorrow--the -struggle ending, as it were, only in victory or death. That this may not -be taken for mere empty raving, let any one hear, well-executed--(which -can only be by persons who possess, together with the requisite skill, -both a heart and an understanding for music)--Mozart's quartet for -pianoforte, violin, viola and violoncello, in E flat major. Let it be -heard, studied, and then heard again. - - -{QUARTETS.} - -(467) - -As an illustration of passionate feeling, amounting even to harshness in -the force of its expression, we should rather quote the first movement -of the quartet in G minor. The following account from Vienna of "the -latest musical novelties at grand concerts," written in 1788, will give -some idea of the reception which these quartets met with on their first -appearance, and of the difficulties they presented to contemporary -performers:[36]-- - -The favourite pianoforte composer among lady amateurs is Kozeluch, -but Pleyel is beginning to be a dangerous rival to him. Pleyel's music -contains humour and more of original invention than Kozeluch's, although -the latter possesses elegance, regularity of form, and a certain flow -of ideas. Mozart is at present residing in Vienna as imperial -kapellmeister. He is considered as a remarkable man by every philosophic -lover of music. His genius was precocious, and he both composed and -played in his eleventh year (even earlier) to the admiration of all who -heard him. But what is truly remarkable is that this precocious child -should have blossomed into maturity as an accomplished musician. We know -the usual rapid course of such a prodigy by sad experience! We look in -vain for its fruits, for its stability. Not so with Mozart! But now -a few words on a curious phenomenon which he (or his celebrity) has -brought to pass. A short time ago appeared a solitary quartet (for -piano, violin, viola, and violoncello), very artistically arranged, -requiring extreme accuracy of delivery in all the four parts, but even -under the most favourable circumstances not likely to please any but -musical connoisseurs in a _musica di camera_. The report, "Mozart has -written a new and very remarkable quartet, and such or such a princess -possesses it and plays it!" was soon spread abroad, excited curiosity, -and caused the indiscretion of the production of this original -composition at a grand noisy concert. Many pieces can sustain their -reputation even under a mediocre performance; but this work of Mozart's -in the hands of indifferent amateurs, carelessly rendered, is simply -unendurable. It was so performed innumerable times last winter; at -almost every place which I visited I was taken to a concert, and there -entered a town-bred miss, or some other conceited amateur, to play this -quartet to the noisy company who pretended to find it the _goût_. But -it gave no real pleasure; every one gaped with _ennui_ at the long -_tintamarre_ of four instruments who did not keep together for four -bars, and whose contradictory _concentu_ gave no impression of unity of -sentiment. The obstinacy with which it was forced down everywhere was -indescribable. It is not enough to stigmatise this folly as an ephemeral -_manie du jour_ for - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(463) - -it lasted throughout a whole winter, and (as far as I can learn) is -still only too often repeated. What a contrast if this masterpiece were -to be performed by four skilful musicians, in a quiet room where the -listening ear might catch the suspension of every note, in the presence -of only two or three attentive listeners! But this would give no -opportunity for display or the applause of the vulgar.[37] - -The quintet in E flat major (452 K.) for pianoforte, oboe, clarinet, -horn, and bassoon is a composition of peculiarly charming effect; it was -composed by Mozart on March 30, 1784, for a concert which he gave in -the theatre, and, being excellently performed, was received with great -applause. He himself considered it, as he tells his father (Vol. II., -p. 287), to be the best thing he had ever written, and he selected it to -play before Paesiello (Vol. II., p. 279). It must not be judged from the -various arrangements which have been made of it; it is accurately and -exclusively fitted for the instruments for which it was written. The -sound effects produced by the well-considered combinations of the wind -instruments are of surprising beauty, and the pianoforte maintains its -ground against its melodious rivals by means of its power of quicker -motion. The whole work is clear and easy in each of its multitudinous -details, and from beginning to end it is a true triumph of the art -of recognising and adapting the peculiar euphonious quality of each -instrument. This harmony of sound, combined with a somewhat strongly -accentuated harmonic treatment, constitutes the principal charm of the -work, which is not rich in thematic invention. Here and there Italian -echoes are heard in the melodies, but the German style predominates, as -it does in the quartets previously noticed.[38] Beethoven is known to -have emulated this work of Mozart's in his quintet (Op. 16); in no other -of his works, perhaps, does he so plainly appear to have set a - - -{PIANOFORTE CONCERTOS.} - -(469) - -pattern before him for imitation; for once he has not succeeded in -surpassing it.[39] - -The pianoforte concertos, of which Mozart wrote seventeen in Vienna, -must be considered from a somewhat different point of view.[40] They are -as follows:-- - -F major, composed end of 1782 A major, composed early in 1783 C major, -composed early in 1783 - -Op. 4 - -(413 K., part 12). (414 K., part 10). (415 K., part 3). - -E flat major, composed February 9, 1784, Op. 23 (449 K., part 14). - -B flat major, composed March 15, 1784, Op. 67 (450 K., part 14). - -D major, composed March 22, 1784, Op. 18 (451 K., part 13). - -G major, composed April 12, 1784, Op. 15 (453 K., part 9). - -B flat major, composed September 30, 1784, Op. 21 (456 K., part 11). - -F major, composed December 11, 1784, Op. 44 (459 K., part 10). - -D minor, composed February ro, 1785, Op. 54 (466 K., part 8). - -C major, composed March 9, 1785, Op. 82, 6 (467 K., part 1). - -E flat major, composed December 16,1785, Op. 82, 4 (482 K., part 6). - -A major, composed March 2, 1786, Op. 82, 5 (488 K., part 2). - -C minor, composed March 2, 1786, Op. 82, 5 (491 K., part 7). - -C major, composed December 4, 1786, Op. 82, 1 (503 K., part 16). - -D major, composed February 4, 1788, Op. 46 (537 K., part 20), -"Kronungsconcert." - -B flat major, composed January 5, 1791, Op. 82, 2 (595 K., part 15). - -The greater number of these were composed between 1783 and 1786, when -Mozart played much at concerts, and were intended for his own use; some -of them also for that of others (Vol. II., p. 294).[41] This accounts -for their great diversity of character and design. Of the three first -which were intended to come before the public together (Vol. II., p. -293), - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(470) - -Mozart wrote to his father, while still at work upon them (December 23, -1782):-- - -The concertos are a happy medium between too easy and too difficult; -they are very brilliant, pleasing to the ear, without, of course, -being empty. Here and there are places which appeal exclusively to -connoisseurs, but even ignoramuses will be pleased with them without -knowing why. - -It is plain that he knew what he intended. Of the later concertos he -writes (May 24, 1784):-- - -I cannot make a choice between the two concertos in B flat and D -(450, 451, K.). I consider them both tough morsels for the performers -(_Concerte die schwitzen Machen_): but the one in B flat is more -difficult than the one in D. I am very curious to hear which of the -three concertos in B flat, D, and G major (453 K.) you and my sister -like best; that in E flat does not belong to them, being quite peculiar -of its kind, and written for a small rather than a large orchestra. So -that we have only to do with the three concertos, and I am curious to -find whether your opinion agrees with the universal one here, and with -my own. They ought, it is true, to be heard with all the parts, and well -played. - -The emphasis which Mozart laid on the orchestra is very noticeable. -The essential merit and originality of his concertos consists in his -combination of the orchestra and the solo instrument into a whole, -by means of the co-operation of all their separate and independent -elements.[42] The prominence given to the orchestra (which, it must -be remembered, owed to Mozart its richer composition, both of wind and -stringed instruments) in those larger portions of the work where it -occurs independent of the piano, as in the tutti of the ritornelli, -gives a symphonic character to the concertos. Even in those places -where the pianoforte asserts itself as the solo instrument the orchestra -participates so directly in the course of the pianoforte part as to -form a not disjointed whole; in fact, the concertos have been aptly -designated as symphonies with a part for the pianoforte.[43] Mozart's -art of blending the tone-colouring of the orchestra, which drew - - -{PIANOFORTE CONCERTOS.} - -(471) - -tears from his old father at the hearing of one of his new pianoforte -concertos, shows his delicate sense of euphony and accurate knowledge -of instrumental effects. The pianoforte, with its comparative want of -sustained tone, is at a disadvantage even with solo stringed or wind -instruments, far more so with a combination of them. This was still more -the case at that time, in consequence of the defective mechanism of the -instrument; and both art and ingenuity were required to make it at all -effective. When, after an elaborate ritomello, which has given a sense -of fulness and satisfaction to the hearers, the pianoforte enters, -Mozart aims at producing such a contrast, either by means of extreme -simplicity or of a brilliant pianoforte passage, as shall gain over -the listener to the peculiar charm of the new element, and excite his -attention, which is then kept up by the competition of the rival forces. -The composer has no intention of confining the orchestra within the -narrow limits of a modest accompaniment (for in that case why should -he have appointed it so fully?); he means it to put forth its whole -strength, as well as to support and raise the pianoforte part. An -inexhaustible succession of fine effects is thus produced. The delivery -by the orchestra of the melody in sustained chords supports, as it were, -the tendrils thrown out by the pianoforte, and gives a firm basis for -figures and passages containing bold harmonic successions: But while it -thus seems subservient to the solo instrument, the intensive strength -and the tender fragrance of its sound effects are made to form -an admirable contrast to the light and brilliant versatility, the -sharpness, and clearness of the pianoforte. It seems scarcely necessary -to illustrate by an example the universal characteristics of the -species, but I may instance the wonderfully fine andante of the Concerto -in C major (467 K.) Here the orchestral part is rich in striking -harmonic detail, and in fine and original sound effects, which so -completely enchant and satisfy the ear as scarcely to allow of a climax. -In contrast to this we have a surprisingly simple pianoforte part, -displaying the distinctive properties of the instrument without effort -or difficulty, and hovering, as it were, like a higher spiritual element -over the - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(472) - -orchestral accompaniment, with which it is nevertheless inseparably -connected. Even Beethoven (who made a profound study of Mozart's -pianoforte concertos) cannot be said to have surpassed him in -this combination from within of different instrumental forces. The -superiority of his great pianoforte concertos rests upon other grounds. - -It must not be supposed, however, that Mozart had no higher qualities -than a finely cultivated sense for the blending of tone colours. The -invention, elaboration and distribution of the motifs were governed by -the nature of the resources at his command; these had to be taken into -account in the first sketch of the work, that so justice might be done -them in its completed form; the germ must contain the capacity for -development under the most varied conditions. There is scarcely -one instance in the concertos of an important motif confided to the -orchestra or the pianoforte alone; they are all shared in common. But -when a subject is broadly and elaborately treated by the orchestra, -it is naturally kept in the background by the pianoforte, while other -motifs, merely announced by the orchestra, are rendered with their full -effect and embellishments by the solo instrument. This competition of -the two forces is most evident in the alternating effects given to the -working-out of the different subjects, but even in the brilliant figures -and passages the orchestra appears like a well-proportioned edifice, -decked with a profusion of arabesque-like ornament by the pianoforte. -Thus the charm of these concertos, most rightly so called, depends upon -the active co-operation of the contrasted elements, by means of which -the whole work is richly and brilliantly grouped, as a picture is -grouped by a judicious disposition of light and shade. - -The division of the concertos into three movements, as well as the -formation of the movements after the analogy of the sonata, were found -ready to hand, and only further developed by Mozart. The first and -principal movement contains the essential ingredients of the sonata -form, namely, a second well-defined subject, and the working-out -division but it is freer, and, owing to its improved resources, more -fully appointed. A distinct first part with a repetition does not - - -{PIANOFORTE CONCERTOS.} - -(473) - -exist; in its place there appears the first ritornello, with the -solo movement belonging to it. The principal subjects, with their -working-out, are shared between the orchestra and the piano; but the -solo is no mere repetition of the orchestral part; it differs both -in the grouping and treatment of the subjects, and leads up to an -inevitable climax. A short ritornello brings this section to a close, -and introduces the working-out part, equally shared between the -pianoforte and orchestra. The severer forms of counterpoint are only -sparingly used, the harmonic element being the main support of an -animated figure treatment; the polyphonic and homophonie manner are -so blended throughout as to display the principal subjects from -ever-varying points of view, and to keep the interest alive and active -from first to last. This middle movement, on which as usual the main -interest is concentrated, leads back to the principal key and the -introductory ritornello. The latter is generally shortened, and the -first part is not literally repeated, but undergoes modifications in -arrangement and elaboration. The conclusion is formed by the customary -cadenza, which might also be introduced at other pauses, but was -invariable here. It gave opportunity for a free improvisation, -consisting of brilliant passages wrought into a sort of capriccio with -the addition of an elaborate variation on one of the subjects, or -of several subjects so condensed as to form a _resume_ of the whole -movement.[44] The cadenza thus forms the concluding coda of the -pianoforte part, and the orchestra brings the movement to an end in -similar fashion by a more or less elaborate ritornello. In this way the -first movements of the concertos are developed out of the general sonata -form, with such a regard to the relative claims of the orchestra and the -pianoforte as serves to distinguish them from corresponding movements of -the quartet and the symphony. - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(474) - -The two other movements are altogether simpler in design and execution. -The slow movement is in song-form, its working out sometimes that of a -rondo, sometimes varied, but always simple and clear, and abounding -in charming detail. Here again Mozart has displayed a fund of deep -and noble sentiment in its purest form, and the fantastic and romantic -elements, mingled with a dreamy resignation, and an earnest endeavour -after the expression of individual feeling, are more apparent in these -movements than in any other of his compositions. Startling harmonic -progressions, scattered touches of piquancy contrasting with vague -sentimentality, and rhythmical whimsicalities, give all the greater -charm that they in no way interfere with simplicity of conception or -purity of form. I need only adduce by way of illustration the simple and -beautiful romanze of the Concerto in G major (453 K.), or the pleasing -and highly original Siciliana of the Concerto in A major (488 K.). -The andante of the C major concerto already mentioned is, however, -incomparably the finest (467 K.). The emotion is so pure and lofty that -the sorrowful impulses which prompt it, harshly expressed though they -may be in places, such as the following--[See Page Image] - - -{PIANOFORTE CONCERTOS.} - -(475) - -penetrate the music like memories of a long since vanquished grief -that has no more power to trouble the pure serenity of a mind which has -mounted from resignation to holy joy. This example, among many others, -should teach us that beauty does not consist in the mere rejection of -all that is harsh or keen, but in the maturity of the conception which -gives birth to the work, and in the harmony of the conditions under -which it is represented. Such fruits as these can only be offered by an -artist who has discovered the true secret of life. - -The last movement of the concertos is always the easiest; it is -generally in rondo form, sometimes in variations, lively and cheerful -in tone; its predominant 2-4 time preserves its original character of -a dance; or sometimes it is in 6-8 time, after the fashion of a hunting -song, as in the rondo of the Concerto in B flat major (450 K.) -which closes in a long crescendo with a regular hunting flourish of -trumpets.[45] On the whole these last movements are more - - -{MOZART'S PIANOFORTE MUSIC.} - -(476) - -interesting than those of the other pianoforte compositions, and full of -graceful, even humorous, passages, of which the last movement of the -C minor Concerto (491 K.) may serve as an illustration. The peculiar -harmonic treatment gives the subject a character entirely its own, and -a new transition at the close invests it with a surprising charm. The -Concerto in D minor also (466 K.) confirms the oft-repeated observation -that Mozart's compositions in the minor keys are his deepest and most -important, for its last movement is distinguished above all others by -its fire and intensity of expression.[46] On the other hand, the middle -movements of these two symphonies (in E flat and B flat major), although -not wanting in grace, are inferior to their other two movements in force -and passion. It is true that the andante of the C minor symphony was -encored cm its first performance (Vol. II., p. 288), but the effect it -made depended not so much on its melodies, charming as they are, as on -the obbligato treatment of the wind instruments, which was an entire -novelty at that time. - -There can be no doubt that Mozart's concertos afford the best standard -for our judgment of him as a pianoforte composer. The majority of them, -written for himself in his best days, take the highest rank among his -works. The first three (413-415 K.) intended for large audiences are, -as Mozart rightly indicates, light in character; so is the Concerto in E -flat major (449 K.), written for Fräulein Ployer, and the Concerto in -B flat major, probably intended for Fraulein Paradies (456 K.); next to -these may be placed the Concertos in D major (451 K.) and F major (459 -K). They are all distinct in their main characteristics; some, such as -those in B flat major (450 K.), G major (453 K.), A major (414, 488 K.), -are cheerful and graceful; others, as the D minor (466 K.) and C -minor (491 K.), are passionately agitated; others again, serious and -self-contained, as the E flat major (452 K.) - - - -FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER XXXIII. - - -[Footnote 1: Cf. A. M. Z., I., p. 157.] - -[Footnote 2: So Rochlitz says (Für Freunde der Tonk., IV., p. 309), and the -expression sounds very like Mozart. But when he speaks of a visit paid -by Mozart to Bach in Hamburg, shortly before he went to Leipzig (1789), -he forgets that Bach died in 1788, and Mozart was never in Hamburg.] - -[Footnote 3: His "Versuch über die wahre Art das Klavier zu spielen" appeared -first in the year 1752; his numerous and widely known pianoforte -compositions aim principally at the enforcing of practical principles.] - -[Footnote 4: An account of J. S. Bach's scientific method is given by Forkel -(Ueb. J. S. Bach, p. 11); a notice of the system of fingering formerly -in use will be found in Becker (Hausmusik in Deutschland, p. 58).] - -[Footnote 5: A. E. Müller, in his "Anweisung zum genauen Vortrag der Mozartschen -Klavierkonzerte" (Leipzig, 1796), has applied the principles of Bach's -fingering to the more difficult passages of five concertos of Mozart.] - -[Footnote 6: "Nothing made Mozart so angry as the maltreatment of his operas -in public performances, principally by exaggerating the rate of the -tempos," says Rochlitz (A. M. Z., I., p. 84).] - -[Footnote 7: "It was his greatest and oft-lamented grievance," says Rochlitz (A. -M. Z., I., p. 49), "that he was generally expected to perform mechanical -juggling tricks and tight-rope antics on the instrument, which it amused -people to _see_."] - -[Footnote 8: "Mozart is the most finished and best pianoforte-player that I have -ever heard," writes a correspondent from Vienna in 1787 (Cramer, Mag. f. -Mus., II., p. 1273). "Never shall I forget the divine pleasure afforded -me," says Rochlitz (A. M. Z., I., p. 113), "partly by the spirituality -of his compositions, partly by the brilliancy, as well as the -heart-melting tenderness of his execution." (Cf. I., p. 387).] - -[Footnote 9: Frz. Lorenz, W. A. Mozart als Clavier-Componist (Breslau, 1866); a -fine description, rich in characteristic traits.] - -[Footnote 10: Cf. Vol. I., pp. 177, 200, 285.] - -[Footnote 11: Mus. Real-Ztg., 1788, p. 49.] - -[Footnote 12: In 1785 Torricella announced "Neueste Fantasie-Variationen von -Mozart," as follows: "The eagerness with which the works of this famous -master are everywhere looked for, and the certainty with which they -command the esteem of the connoisseur by their art and elegance, and -touch the hearts of all by their tender melodiousness, have induced me -to publish these very beautiful variations for the benefit of the most -fastidious lovers of music, to whom I offer a new work calculated to do -honour to its author. I shall endeavour from time to time to place all -the remaining variations of this admirable master in the hands of an -appreciative public." Fräulein Aurnhammer supervised the publishing of -several of Mozart's variations (Cramer, Magaz. d. Mus., II., p. 1274).] - -[Footnote 13: The variations on a theme by Dittersdorf (287 Anh., K.) are by -Eberl, according to his assertion in the Hamburg Correspondent (July 25, -1798, No. 118, Beil ), and his are also the variations so often printed -under Mozart's name on the theme, "Zu Steffen sprach im Traume" (288 -Anh., K.). The variations on a theme from Sarti's "I Finti Eredi" (289 -Anh., K.) are by Forster. Mozart's widow, in letters to Hartel (May -25, June 15, 1799), appealed to well-informed friends to support her -assertion that the variations "Une fièvre brûlante" (285 Anh., K.), -whose genuineness had already been doubted by Siebigke (Mozart, p. 68), -were not by Mozart, and she is undoubtedly right. 54 K. (after 547 K.) -and 137 Anh., K. (after 581 K.) are arrangements.] - -[Footnote 14: The following should certainly be placed earlier: 14, 15 (24, -25 K), composed in his ninth year. 16 (179 K.), on Fischer's minuet, -composed in 1774 (Vol. I., p. 323). 17. "Mio caro Adone," from -Salieri's "Fiera di Venezia" (180 K.). 18. "Je suis Lindor,"from -Beaumarchais'"Barbier" (354 K.). The two latter were published in -Paris (Vol. II., p. 70). In July, 1781, Mozart mentions three airs with -variations, without specifying them more exactly.] - -[Footnote 15: In the sonatas for piano and violin (377, 379, 481 K.), and in the -trios (496, 564 K. I.] - -[Footnote 16: Compare the remarks by Marx on Mozart's variations (Lehre von der -Musik. Kompos., III., p. 84).] - -[Footnote 17: It has been arbitrarily but not altogether unsuitably combined into -one sonata with two other movements, composed on January 8, 1788 (533 -K.).] - -[Footnote 18: The second Rondo in F major (616 K.) was originally written for a -musical box.] - -[Footnote 19: Cf. Widmann, Formenlehre, p. 111.] - -[Footnote 20: This Rondo is analysed by Marx (Lehre v. d. Mus. Kompos., III., p. -150).] - -[Footnote 21: It was composed May 20,1785, and published by Mozart, together with -the sonata in C minor (457 K.), as Op. 11.] - -[Footnote 22: A poetical exposition of this fantasia is given by Kanne (Wien. -Mus. Ztg., 1821, p. 386).] - -[Footnote 23: Cf. Im. Faiszt, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Klaviersonate bis C. P. -Em. Bach (Cäcilia, XXV., pp. 129, 201; XXVI., pp. 1, 73).] - -[Footnote 24: Cf. the excellent remarks by Marx (Lehre von der Musik. Kompos., -III., p. 588), and for a more profound criticism (Ibid., III., p. 215).] - -[Footnote 25: Musik. Real-Ztg., 1788, p. 50.] - -[Footnote 26: Ph. E. Bach says in the preface to his six sonatas for the piano -with altered repetitions (Berlin, 1759): "The alteration at the repeat -is in the present day indispensable. It is expected from every performer -that he should change every idea in repetition, without any allowance -being made for the construction of the piece or the ability of the -performer."] - -[Footnote 27: An analysis of them is given by Kanne (Wien. Mus. Ztg., 1821, Nos. -3-8, 19-30, 44-50). Cf. Lorenz, Deutsche Mus. Ztg., 1861, p. 321.] - -[Footnote 29: The variations for four hands in G major (Oeuvr., VIII., 3) have -already been noticed (Vol. II., p. 446).] - -[Footnote 30: Cf. the account iû C. Pichler's Denkwürdigkeiten, I., p. 90.] - -[Footnote 31: Cramer, Magaz. d. Musik, I., p. 485.] - -[Footnote 32: Notes and alterations have been inserted by Mozart in red ink.] - -[Footnote 33: The finale is extant in a second and unfinished arrangement.] - -[Footnote 34: By way of example I may remind the reader of the tender, yearning, -almost dreamlike impression made by the wonderful harmonic progression -in the larghetto of the Quartet in E flat major.] - -[Footnote 35: A. M. Z., III., p. 27.] - -[Footnote 36: Journal des Luxus und der Moden, 1788, p. 230.] - -[Footnote 37: Forkel, who otherwise takes no notice of Mozart, says of this -article that it is evident that the author is a dilettante, without any -knowledge of art, and therefore only capable of judging from outward -appearances (Musik. Alman., 1789, p. 119).] - -[Footnote 38: A second quintet for piano, oboe, clarinet, basset-horn, and -bassoon, was only commenced by Mozart (54 Anh., K.).] - -[Footnote 39: A kind of legend has grown up among reminiscence hunters, to -the effect that the few and unimportant motifs which recall Mozart, -especially in the second movement, were introduced by Beethoven as a -homage to Mozart. A comparison of the two quintets is given after his -fashion by Lenz (Beethoven, III., p. 160).] - -[Footnote 40: The most complete collection of Mozart's concertos in score, -agreeing with Breitkopf and Hartel's issue of the parts, is that -published in Paris by Richault; the collection begun in Offenbach by -André is not finished.] - -[Footnote 41: Sketches of pianoforte concertos (56-61 Anh., K.) bear further -testimony to Mozart's lively interest in this species of composition. A -Concerto Rondo in A major belonging to October 19, 1782, is completed, -with the exception of some gaps in the instrumentation (386 K.).] - -[Footnote 42: This is with justice emphasised by Rochlitz (A. M. Z., III., p. -28). Nägeli also testifies how Mozart "broke new ground for orchestral -compositions with his pianoforte concertos" (Vorles., p. 159).] - -[Footnote 43: Siebigke, Mozart, p. 69.] - -[Footnote 44: A collection of cadenzas to several concertos (175, 271,414, 435, -449, 451, 453, 456, 459, 488, 537, 595 K.) is preserved, and partially -published (624 K.). They appear to have been written down by Mozart for -pupils; they are neither difficult nor elaborate, and certainly give no -idea of his improvised cadenzas. Beethoven wrote cadenzas of his own to -the D minor concerto (466 K.) (Wien. Modeztg., 1836, Beil., 10. Werke, -70, 11, 12).] - -[Footnote 45: The last movement of the Concerto in F major (433 K.) is a -rondo-like "Tempo di menuetto," after the old style (Vol. I. p. 325), -similar to one in a violin sonata (377 K.).] - -[Footnote 46: The sketch of the beginning of a rondo first intended for this -concerto is prefixed to the Offenbach score of the Concerto in B -flat major (450 K.). Mozart rightly gave the preference to the very -dissimilar fiery theme of the present rondo.] - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Life Of Mozart, Vol. 2 (of 3), by Otto Jahn - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF MOZART, VOL. 2 (OF 3) *** - -***** This file should be named 43412-8.txt or 43412-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/3/4/1/43412/ - -Produced by David Widger - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, -set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to -copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to -protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project -Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you -charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you -do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the -rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose -such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and -research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do -practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is -subject to the trademark license, especially commercial -redistribution. - - - -*** START: FULL LICENSE *** - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at - www.gutenberg.org/license. - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy -all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. -If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the -terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or -entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" -or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the -collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from -copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative -works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg -are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project -Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by -freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of -this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with -the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by -keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project -Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning -the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United -States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate -access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently -whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, -copied or distributed: - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived -from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is -posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied -and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees -or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work -with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the -work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 -through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the -Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or -1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional -terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked -to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the -permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), -you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a -copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon -request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other -form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided -that - -- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is - owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he - has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the - Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments - must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you - prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax - returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and - sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the - address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to - the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." - -- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or - destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium - and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of - Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any - money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days - of receipt of the work. - -- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set -forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from -both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael -Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the -Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm -collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain -"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or -corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual -property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a -computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by -your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. -To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 -and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent -permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. -Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809 -North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email -contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the -Foundation's web site and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To -SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any -particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. -To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic -works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. -unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily -keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |