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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Life Of Mozart, Vol. 1 (of 3), by Otto Jahn
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
-
-
-Title: Life Of Mozart, Vol. 1 (of 3)
-
-Author: Otto Jahn
-
-Commentator: George Grove
-
-Translator: Pauline D. Townsend
-
-Release Date: August 7, 2013 [EBook #43411]
-Last Updated: January 17, 2018
-
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ASCII
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF MOZART, VOL. 1 (OF 3) ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by David Widger
-
-
-
-
-
-LIFE OF MOZART
-
-By Otto Jahn.
-
-Translated From The German By Pauline D. Townsend.
-
-With A Preface By George Grove, Esq., D.C.L.
-
-In Three Volumes. Vol. I.
-
-London:
-
-1882.
-
-CONTENTS.
-
-Preface to the English Edition.
-
-Introduction............
-
-Introduction to the Second Edition Translator's Note.........
-
-I.--Childhood.........
-
-II.--Early Journeys.....
-
-III.--Study in Salzburg......
-
-IV.--The First Opera in Vienna
-
-V.--The Italian Tour.....
-
-VI.---Works in Germany.....
-
-VII.--Opera Sbria........
-
-VIII.--Mozart's Early Operas
-
-IX.--Oratorio........
-
-X.--Opera Buffa........
-
-XI.--Mozart's "Re Pastore"..
-
-XII.--Sonos ...........
-
-XIII.--Church Music........
-
-XIV.--Instrumental Music.....
-
-XV.--Early Manhood.....
-
-XVI.--Munich and Augsburg
-
-XVII.--Mannheim
-
-
-
-
-VOLUME I.
-
-{PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION.}
-
-I HAVE been asked to say a few words by way of welcome to the
-translation of Jahn's Life of Mozart, and I do so with pleasure. The
-book has been long familiar to me, and I regard its appearance in an
-English dress as an event in our musical history. It will be a great
-boon to students and lovers of music, and it shows how much the study
-of music has advanced among us when so large and serious a work is
-sufficiently appreciated to repay the heavy expense attendant on its
-translation and publication. The book itself is what the Germans call an
-"epoch-making work." The old biographies of musicians, such as Forkel's
-Life of Bach (1802) and Dies's of Haydn (1810), are pleasant gossipy
-accounts of the outward life of the composers; but they concern
-themselves mainly with the exterior both of the man and his productions,
-and there is a sort of tacit understanding throughout that if the reader
-is a professional musician he will know all about the music, if he is
-an amateur it is altogether out of his reach. Characteristic traits and
-anecdotes there are in plenty, but as to how the music was made or came
-into being, what connection existed between it and the circumstances
-or surroundings of the composer, what relation it had to that of his
-predecessors or contemporaries, how far the art was advanced by the
-labours of this particular composer or player--all that is outside the
-province of the book. Schindler's Life of Beethoven (Muenster, 1840--a
-much smaller book than it afterwards became) was hardly more
-
-{PREFACE.}
-
-than this, and in addition is so deformed by want of method and by
-faults of style as to be very uninviting to the reader. A step in the
-right direction was taken in Moscheles' English translation (or rather
-adaptation) of Schindler (1841). Moscheles' residence in London had
-shown him that there was even then a public outside the professional
-musician to whom such works would be interesting, and he accordingly
-took pains, by inserting musical examples and other means, to make
-his edition attractive to this class. But the inherent defects of the
-original work prevented more than a moderate success.
-
-The first real attempt at a biography of a composer that should interest
-all classes was the work of an Englishman. Edward Holmes was not only a
-musician, but a cultivated man with a good literary style, and his Life
-of Mozart, including his Correspondence (1845), was very nearly all that
-such a book should be. It was derived from original sources, it was full
-and yet condensed, it blended admirably the portrait of the man with
-the portrait of the musician, it contained for that time a considerable
-amount of musical illustrations, and lists of the works; and in addition
-to this it was written in a style attractive to the amateur, and even to
-the ordinary reader. It was largely read, and has long since been out
-of print.* More than this, it extorted praise from a German writer, and
-that a German should praise any English work on a musical subject is
-indeed an event. The terms of warm commendation in which Jahn mentions
-it in his introduction are in striking contrast to
-
-     * A new edition, with notes by Ebenezer Prout, B.A., was
-     published in 1878 by Novello, Ewer & Co.
-
-{PREFACE.}
-
-those which he employs over some other German works. He calls it an
-"interesting and readable biography," "a trustworthy and, as far as
-was then possible, exhaustive account... the most trustworthy and
-serviceable that could be produced by skilful use of the materials
-generally accessible" (pp. ix., x.). In fact, it has been said with
-truth that whole pages may be found in which the two works are so
-closely alike that the one might be thought to be a translation of the
-other, the probability being that both Holmes and Jahn were borrowing
-from the same sources.
-
-Jahn himself enjoyed even higher advantages for his task than Holmes
-had done. He was not only a thorough practical musician, a careful and
-sympathetic critic, and a learned musical bibliographer, but he was a
-skilled _litterateur_; an adept in philology and archaeology and in
-the history of art and literature; the author of many original works on
-these subjects, and of innumerable editions of the classics, ancient
-and modern; and imbued with the true spirit of patient investigation
-and accurate research. His position, and the esteem in which he was held
-throughout Germany, gave him command of all the materials necessary for
-his work, even of the most private kind. How he entered on his task,
-with what true modesty and determination he pursued it, from its first
-suggestion, during the funeral of Mendelssohn in 1847, down to
-its completion in 1855,* may be seen from his own interesting and
-characteristic introduction (pp. i.-xxiv), as well as the pains which he
-took to revise his work for the second edition,** twelve years later,
-
-     * W. A. Mozart, von Otto Jahn (Leipzig, 1856-59). 4 vols.,
-     8vo.
-
-     ** Zwcite durchaos umgearbeitete Auflage (Leipzig, 1867). 2
-     vols., royal 8vo.
-
-{PREFACE.}
-
-and utilise the additional information acquired in the interval (pp.
-xxv.-xxviii.).
-
-The book which is the result of this combination of toil, intelligence,
-ability, knowledge, and affectionate devotion, could only have been
-successful by the addition to these qualities of a remarkable amount of
-literary tact and skill. The plan of the work is one which few English
-authors could by any possibility adopt. It is immense; at first sight
-its plan is bewildering. The book is not a Life of Mozart so much as
-an Encyclopaedia of musical art and biography. It opens with a minute
-account of Mozart's father, and of his method and his works, amounting
-to sixteen pages. Not only have we the narrative of the life of Mozart
-himself from his cradle to his grave in the smallest particulars, with
-a detailed examination of each work-in the case of the operas, both text
-and music, amounting in single operas to forty, fifty, and even ninety
-pages--but we have the history of the rise and progress of each branch
-of music that Mozart touched--and he touched them all--up to the date
-of his life. Witness the long notices of the Opera, the Oratorio, and
-Church music, and the chapter on Instrumental music in Vol. I.; the
-account of the French Opera, and of Lully, Rameau, Gluck, and Piccinni,
-in Vol. II. We have also full accounts of the social and musical
-condition of the various cities visited by Mozart, such as Paris,
-Mannheim, Salzburg, Munich, and Vienna; and biographical notices, longer
-or shorter, of every person with whom Mozart came into contact, or whom
-his biographer has occasion to mention.
-
-Such a work may well be called an Encyclopaedia; and to have steered
-through this ocean of material as Jahn has
-
-{PREFACE.}
-
-done, never losing the thread of the narrative, and maintaining the
-interest in the hero throughout, implies no ordinary tact and skill; for
-the book is remarkably readable, and there are few pages which are not
-enlivened by some anecdote or lifelike touch. Nor is it less remarkable
-for accuracy than for the other qualities already mentioned. The writer
-has used it constantly for many years, and has never yet discovered
-a mistake of any moment. Perhaps it would have been better if the
-secondary treatises of which we have spoken had been relegated to
-Appendixes; but this is directly opposed to the German method, and we
-must accept the work as we have it. There are indeed already nineteen
-Appendixes to the original work, as follows i. Family documents. 2.
-Marianne Mozart. 3. Testimonials, eulogistic poems, articles, &c. 4.
-Dedications. 5. Mozart's letters on his journeys. 6. Text of his church
-music. 7. Arrangements and adaptations of ditto. 8. His cousins. 9.
-Mozart as a comic poet. 10. Mozart and Vogler. 11. A letter of Leopold
-Mozart's. 12. Mozart's letters on the death of his mother. 13. The
-choruses for "King Thamos." 14. The text of "Idomeneo." 15. Alterations
-in that opera. 16. Mozart's letters to his wife. 17. The Requiem. 18.
-Mozart's residences in Vienna. 19. Portraits. Of these it has been
-considered necessary to retain only Nos. 2, 7, and 19, which form
-Appendixes 1, 2, and 3 of the present edition. Another has been added:
-namely, a classified list of the whole of his works, according to the
-complete edition now in course of publication, with the references to
-the invaluable Catalogue of Koechel. With these exceptions the English
-translation is exactly in accordance with the German original.
-
-{PREFACE.}
-
-A word of special praise is due to Miss Townsend, the translator, who
-has performed her laborious task with great accuracy and intelligence,
-and has established an additional claim on the gratitude of the student
-by her exhaustive Index, in which the original work is very deficient.
-
-The new branch of musical literature, founded by Holmes and Jahn,
-already shows some considerable monuments. Passing by the voluminous and
-accurate thematic catalogues of Mozart by the Ritter von Koechel (1862),
-of Weber by Jahns (1871), and of Beethoven and Schubert by Nottebohm
-(1868 and 1874), works which properly belong to a separate department of
-the subject--we already possess the Life of Handel by Chrysander (vol.
-i., 1858; II., 1860; III., 1867), that of Beethoven by A. W. Thayer
-(vol. i., 1866; II., 1872; III., 1879), that of Haydn by C. F. Pohl
-(vol. i., 1875; II., 1882)--all three still in progress--and that of
-Bach by Spitta (vol. i., 1873; II., 1880). But these laborious and
-conscientious works, while they rival and even surpass Jahn in their
-wide range and the manner in which they embalm every minute particular
-relating to the subject, are far behind him in lucidity, and in the ease
-with which he handles his vast materials. In these respects, as might
-be expected from his literary position, Otto Jahn stands hitherto quite
-alone.
-
-GEORGE GROVE.
-
-February 23, 1882.
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-To Professor Gustav Hartenstein.
-
-MY DEAR FRIEND,--I have little doubt that the afternoon of November 7,
-1847, is as fresh in your memory as in my own. We had assembled in the
-Johan-niskirche to accompany the remains of Mendelssohn on their last
-sad journey, and by chance (for I had not been long in Leipzig, and my
-acquaintance with you was slight) we walked side by side in the long
-line of mourners. From grief at the early loss of a master, whose
-cultivation, self-discipline, and endeavours after the good and the
-beautiful had exercised a truly beneficial influence over the art of our
-age, our grave talk turned to the more particular consideration of music
-in itself, and to the great masters of the past! This led us to the
-interchange of many ideas, and to a conviction of our unanimity of
-principle and sentiment on most subjects. Thus, for instance, we
-coincided in our experience that at a certain period of our mental
-development Mozart's music had seemed cold and unintelligible to our
-restless spirits, ever soaring into the unknown, and incapable of
-appreciating a master whose passions in their workings are not laid bare
-to view, but who offers us perfect beauty victorious over turbulence and
-impurity. Turning to him again in later years, we are amazed alike at
-the wondrous wealth of his art, and at our former insensibility to it.
-For my own part, I confided to you how, after severe illness, which had
-debarred me from music for many years, it was Mozart who first gave me
-courage and interest to turn to it again. We agreed, also, that minds
-which are able to receive and appreciate art for its own sake, must
-yield themselves captive to Mozart, but without sacrificing their
-freedom to recognise all that is grand and beautiful elsewhere.
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(ii)
-
-This conversation was the beginning of a more constant intercourse,
-leading to a friendship founded on such close agreement of principle
-in all matters of importance as to render it indissoluble: I have
-ever since, in joy or sorrow, been assured of your hearty sympathy and
-support.
-
-I should be perfectly justified in offering you this book as a testimony
-of my love and gratitude, even if its contents concerned you less. But
-music has ever played so important a part in our intercourse, whether I
-sat beside you at the piano, or stood behind your chair, or we wandered
-into talk; so great a share in the book belongs to you, who have ever
-urged me forward with the work, sometimes (I may acknowledge it now)
-even unmercifully, that I can offer it in its completed form to none
-with more pleasure and confidence than to yourself.
-
-And now you must give me leave to lay before you much that is on my mind
-concerning it. Let me imagine that I have come as of old to you and your
-wife for comfort and encouragement, and prepare for a long talk.
-
-You are aware, my dear friend, how this biography originated, and how
-it has gradually increased to an extent which has alarmed even myself.
-Occupied at first only with the biography of Beethoven, I soon saw that
-it would be impossible to do full justice to his great and original
-creations without a clear survey of the life and works of Mozart, the
-pioneer of the musical future, as whose natural heir Beethoven attained
-his pre-eminent position in the history of music. The exposition would
-have been too comprehensive for an introduction, and I determined to
-arrange the ill-digested and unreadable mass of biographical material
-which Nissen had collected into a readable treatise on the life of
-Mozart, to serve as a foundation for the observations which I meant to
-deduce therefrom. With this end in view, I gradually amassed so large a
-store of materials for the story of his life and the appreciation of his
-works, that there rose before me the duty of erecting a new structure
-upon a new foundation. But before I proceed to specify the sources
-whence I have drawn my materials,
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(iii)
-
-allow me to glance over all the biographies of Mozart hitherto
-published, so far as they are known to me.
-
-Soon after Mozart's death there appeared a biographical article upon him
-in Schlichtegrolls Nekrolog for 1791. This is precise and trustworthy
-so far as it relates to the period of his childhood, and rests on
-the testimony of his sister; but the notices of his later years are
-superficial; and the judgment passed upon him as a man rests upon a
-preconceived and unfavourable opinion which then prevailed in Vienna
-partly on professional grounds, and which took such deep root that even
-at the present day I know not if I shall succeed in establishing the
-truth. It was not surprising that Mozart's widow, in order to stop
-the circulation of such injurious representations, should buy up an
-impression of this article which appeared under the title of Mozart's
-Life (Jos. Georg Hubeck: Gratz, 1794).
-
-A biography which appeared the same year in Sonnleithner's Vienna
-Theater-Almanach (p. 94) is only an abridgment of the article in the
-Nekrolog; and a French translation was made by Beyle, under the _noms de
-plume_ of Bombet and Stendhal, as "Lettres sur Haydn suivies d'une vie
-de Mozart" (Paris, 1814). An English translation of the article appeared
-in London, 1817, and a revised French version in Paris, 1817.
-
-A "Life of the Imperial Kapellmeister Wolfgang Gottlieb Mozart, compiled
-from original sources by Franz Niemet-schek" (Prague, 1798), is founded
-partly on communications by the family, especially the widow, partly on
-personal acquaintance with Mozart: I have made use of the second edition
-of this work (1808). Unfortunately it does not enter into details so
-much as might be wished, particularly in its later portions; but all
-that this excellent, well-informed, and devoted friend records of Mozart
-is trustworthy and accurate.
-
-Something more was to be expected from Friedrich Rochlitz, who busied
-himself for a considerable time in writing a biography of Mozart. He
-had become acquainted with him during his stay in Leipzig in 1789, and
-moving much in musical circles with Doles and Hiller, he was so charmed
-with the genius and amiability of the master,
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(iv)
-
-that he even then carefully noted whatever appeared remarkable in their
-interviews.
-
-When he afterwards proposed to prepare a life of Mozart, both the widow
-and the sister supplied him with anecdotes and traits of character, and
-the widow further (as I gather from their letters) allowed him to make
-use of Mozart's correspondence.
-
-Some of the anecdotes and particulars supplied by the widow and sister
-or resulting from his own observation were published in the "Allgemeine
-Musikalische Zeitung" (A.M.Z., Vol. I., pp. 17,49,81,113,145,177,480;
-Vol. II., pp. 450, 493, 590), and Rochlitz often alluded in later issues
-to his acquaintance with Mozart; but there it remained, and I have
-failed to discover why he abandoned his idea of a biography. When
-Nissen's biography appeared he complained that he had not been called
-into counsel by Mosel, and was of opinion that "the widow must have
-changed very much in her old age, if she was not proved to have acted
-shabbily in this affair" (Vienna, A.M.Z., 1848, p. 209). I set on foot
-investigations as to whether Rochlitz had left behind any records or
-communications which, springing from now exhausted sources, might be of
-service to me in my work. This led to a discovery which, painful as it
-is to me to cast a slur on the memory of an otherwise deserving man, I
-must yet, in the interests of truth, reveal; I could not fail to observe
-that those particulars of Mozart's life which Rochlitz gives as the
-result of his own observation or as narrated to him by Mozart, are
-peculiar to himself in form and colouring, and that many of the
-circumstances which he relates with absolute certainty are manifestly
-untrue. I sought to account for these facts as slips of memory or
-the result of that kind of self-deception which confounds a logical
-inference with a fact springing from it. But my search led to the
-further discovery of a parallel (also printed in the A.M.Z.) between
-Mozart and Raphael, giving a detailed account of the circumstances of
-Mozart's marriage, and with express reference to Mozart's own narrative
-of the affair which Rochlitz was supposed to have written down the same
-night. Now for the period which is here treated of, that
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(v)
-
-is, between 1780 and 1783, Mozart's entire correspondence is preserved,
-and any error upon essential points is, as you will readily grant,
-impossible. All the statements of Rochlitz as to time, place, persons,
-and events are completely false. You will remember my consternation
-at this unwelcome discovery; no poetical license could account for it;
-unpleasant as it is, I consider it my duty to expose the affair,
-partly that it may teach caution, and partly that tedious and vexatious
-discussion may be avoided, should the narrative in question ever be
-printed.
-
-These anecdotes from the A.M.Z., together with the information of
-Schlichtegroll and Niemetschek have formed the chief material for the
-more or less complete accounts of Mozart which afterwards appeared; what
-was added consisted partly of anecdotes, generally badly authenticated
-and often ill-turned, such as gain currency among artists, and partly of
-phrases, or turns of speech which, as Zelter says, every one makes for
-himself. I must not spare you the enumeration of some of the works of
-this class.
-
-Cramer's "Anecdotes sur Mozart" (Paris, 1801), is a mere translation of
-the anecdotes; some of them, together with a general account, are also
-given by J. B. A. Suard,
-
-"Anecdotes sur Mozart," in his "Melanges de Litterature", (Paris, 1804),
-Vol. II., p. 337, as well as by Guattani, in the "Memorie Enciclopediche
-Romane" (Rome, 1806) Vol. I., pp. 107, 134. A work of more pretension is
-"Mozarts Geist. Seine kurze Biographie und aethetische Darstellung seiner
-Werke. Ein Bildungsbuch fuer junge Tonkuenstler" (Erfurt, 1803). Zelter
-asked Goethe to tell him who was the author of this "short biography
-half dedicated to Goethe," which was "neither short nor aesthetic, nor a
-good likeness of the man," and was not a little surprised to learn that
-Goethe knew nothing either of the work or its author ("Correspondence,"
-Vol. I., pp. 56, 67,65). It was, however, by J. E. F. Arnold, of
-Erfurt, whose subsequent publication, "Mozart und Haydn. Versuch einer
-Parallele" (Erfurt, 1810), was scarcely calculated to draw a more
-favourable expression of opinion from Zelter.
-
-Of no greater intrinsic value are Hormayr's statements:
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(vi)
-
-in the "Austrian Plutarch" (VII., 2, 15; Vienna, 1807), or Lichtenthal's
-"Cenni biografici intorno al celebre Maestro Wolfgango Amadeo Mozart"
-(Milan, 1816). I have not been able to procure the "Elogio' storico
-di Mozart del Conte Schizzi" (Cremona, 1817). The articles in Gerber's
-"Tonkuenstlerlexicon" are carefully compiled, but not complete; and
-"Mozarts Biographie," by J. A. Schlosser (Prague, 1828; third edition,
-1844), is a compilation altogether wanting in judgment.
-
-An unsuspected wealth of fresh resources was brought to light by the
-"Biographie W. A. Mozarts," by G. N. v. Nissen. Leipzig, 1828 (with an
-appendix). In order to estimate this book justly, and to make a right
-use of it, it is necessary to ascertain how and whence it proceeded, a
-task of considerably more difficulty than merely mocking and railing at
-it.
-
-Nissen, who came to Vienna, after Mozart's death, as a Danish
-diplomatist, became acquainted with his widow, and interested himself in
-her unprotected condition. He had a great turn for business matters, and
-was fond of arranging papers, writing letters, and even copying, without
-understanding what it was that he was occupied about. He therefore
-willingly undertook to put Mozart's effects in order, to assist
-the widow in all her business arrangements, and to carry on her
-correspondence. A long series of letters which he wrote in her name
-show him to have been a well-meaning, sensible man, somewhat
-over-circumstantial in his style of writing. After his marriage with
-Mozart's widow he felt it his duty to labour with the same conscientious
-care for his memory as he had formerly done for his property, and
-he employed the leisure of his remaining years, which were spent at
-Salzburg, in carrying out this design.
-
-We ought to own ourselves deeply indebted to him, for without his care
-the most important documents and traditions would have been hopelessly
-lost. Mozart's sister was then living at Salzburg; her recollections,
-and those of his wife, afforded an abundance of characteristic traits,
-and the carefully preserved papers and family correspondence, were a
-rich mine of authentic documents.
-
-INTRODUCTION.
-
-(vii)
-
-Besides a number of separate deeds, letters, and memoranda, he had at
-his disposal: Leopold Mozart's letters to Hagenauer during the journey
-to Vienna (September, 1762, to January, 1763); during the great
-journey (from June, 1763, to November, 1766); during the Vienna journey
-(September, 1767, to December, 1768); letters both of the father and son
-to their family during the Italian journey (December, 1769, to March,
-1771; from August 13, 1771, to December, 1771; from October, 1772, to
-March, 1773); from Vienna (July, 1773, to September, 1773); from Munich
-(December, 1774, to March, 1775); Wolfgang's and his mother's letters
-home, together with the answers of Leopold and his daughter during
-the journey to Paris (September, 1777, to January, 1779); Wolfgang's
-correspondence with his father and sister during his journey to Munich
-and residence in Vienna. Wolfgang's letters come down to 1784, his
-father's to 1781.
-
-Nissen possessed both the industry and the goodwill to turn these
-treasures to account; unhappily these qualities do not suffice for such
-an undertaking. Not to mention that he has no idea of adaptation or of
-description, he had neither taste nor cultivation in music, nor tact to
-distinguish what was trivial from what was important; nor was he capable
-of accurately conveying an idea. Having had at my service a portion of
-the documents made use of by him, I have been able to check him, and
-to form an idea of his mode of proceeding. He is never dishonest, never
-alters with intent to deceive; but he deals with his documents in the
-most summary manner possible. He seldom gives them entire, but only so
-much of them as he considers of interest. Unfortunately he is no judge
-either of what is musically important nor psychologically interesting,
-and thus his selection is often singularly unhappy. He was influenced,
-too, by consideration for distinguished living personages, and by the
-prejudices of his wife, who naturally wished many family circumstances
-to remain untouched; his sins, however, are always those of omission.
-But silence, by obscuring the connection of events, and by concealing
-the motives of actions, may be as prejudicial as actual
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(viii)
-
-misstatement to historical accuracy, and the sufferer by a too tender
-consideration for the feelings of others is invariably the person whose
-character it is attempted to depict. Fortunately, for the most important
-years of Mozart's life from 1777 onwards, I have been able myself to
-make use of the family correspondence; you will see what a different
-conception I have thereby been enabled to form of this period. It is of
-less importance, but nevertheless a drawback, that Nissen has thought
-good to alter the details of style and expression in many of the
-letters. Neither father nor son were in need of such emendations, both
-writing clearly and shrewdly, and with an individuality all their own;
-but even were this not the case, and Nissen the man (which he was not)
-to correct their defects, such an effacement of individual character
-would remain altogether inexcusable.
-
-Had Nissen confined himself to the publication of the letters and
-extracts, together with such information as he could gather from
-Mozart's wife and sister, or from other credible witnesses, he would
-have done posterity important service. But in attempting more than this
-he verified the saying of Hesiod that "the whole is less than the
-part." Many manuscripts, newspapers, journals, &c., treating of Mozart's
-professional doings, had been preserved among the family archives;
-not content with these, Nissen has taken incredible pains to collect
-whatever else had been written concerning Mozart; he has then copied
-out all that appeared to him important, and has arranged these extracts
-categorically as seemed to him good, putting together, for instance, all
-that related to one particular work; finally, he has huddled
-together these heterogeneous fragments without design, connection, or
-explanation. If this confused and ill-proportioned mass is to be made
-use of at all, it must be separated into its component parts, and these
-must be restored to their proper place and connection; it may fairly be
-taken for granted that where any idea or judgment is expressed, Nissen
-is not speaking in his own person. He has, however, simplified the task
-of restoring each fragment to its proper position by a catalogue of the
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(ix)
-
-writings in which Mozart is mentioned; and although some documents made
-use of by him have since disappeared,
-
-I have been able in almost every case to discover his authorities. In
-most cases these are of little value; but among much that is worthless,
-there are here and there communications resting on family traditions,
-which Nissen has tacitly appropriated with but slight alterations; it
-is undoubtedly desirable to be able to appeal to the original in such
-cases, but for the most part they speak for themselves, and are seldom
-of importance.
-
-The statements I have made were necessary for the proper use of Nissen's
-work; but you must not, therefore, imagine that I am unjust towards
-him. True the mass of printed matter is enough to drive one to absolute
-despair; but when it is remembered that a large proportion of the
-documents he embodies have since dissappeared, we must be grateful to
-the man who has enabled us to take so comprehensive a glance into
-an artist's life, and who has laboured with unselfish reverence for
-Mozart's memory, while a succeeding generation did not think it worth
-while even to preserve the documents which Nissen made use of.
-
-It must not be lost sight of either, that Nissen did not see his work
-through the press; he died on March 24, 1826, before it was put in hand,
-and it is quite possible that he would have improved it in many ways
-upon final revision.
-
-It is significant that although all were agreed that Nissen's book
-was unreadable without alteration and adaptation, no writer in Germany
-undertook the task, and that it was left to foreigners to turn the
-treasure to account. Fetis undertook
-
-it in his "Biographie Universelle des Musiciens," IV., p. 432 (Brussels,
-1840), VI., p. 222 (2nd edit., Brussels, 1864), so far as it could be
-done within the narrow limits of a general work of the kind.
-
-But the obvious task of compiling an interesting and readable biography
-by means of an orderly arrangement of the really interesting portions of
-Nissen's materials was first undertaken by Edward Holmes, in his "Life
-of Mozart, including his Correspondence" (London, 1845).
-
-Holmes has arranged the essential portions of the
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(x)
-
-correspondence with intelligence and discrimination, and has connected them
-by a narrative built upon previous notices; he has thus produced a
-trustworthy and, as far as was possible, an exhaustive account of
-Mozart's life. Holmes has, moreover, made use of Andre's published
-Catalogue of Mozart's Works, and the indications there given of their
-date of appearance. He undertook a journey through Germany to inspect
-the original manuscripts in Andre's possession, and to collect stray
-oral traditions. He took care to make himself acquainted with musical
-literature, and the result is a work which must be considered as the
-most trustworthy and serviceable biography that could be produced by a
-skilful employment of the materials generally accessible. Holmes has not
-attempted to draw from hitherto unknown sources; he neither carries
-his researches to any depth, nor offers any original opinions or
-explanations.
-
-The letters of both Mozarts, father and son, were edited by J. Goschler
-in a spirit which is indicated clearly enough by the title of his book,
-"Mozart; Vie d'un Artiste Chretien au XVIII. siecle." Paris, 1857.
-
-Alexander Ulibichefi proceeded from quite another point of view in his
-work, "Nouvelle Biographie de Mozart, suivie d'un apercu sur l'histoire
-generale de la musique, et de l'analyse des principales ouvres de
-Mozart" (Moscow, 1843), in three parts, which is generally known in
-Germany in the translations of A. Schraishuon (Stuttgart, 1847), and of
-L. Gantte (Stuttgart, 1859). The enthusiastic reverence of the author
-for Mozart speaks from every page, and involved many years of study and
-many real sacrifices; but this must not blind our judgment as to the
-intrinsic value of his work. I do not fear your reproaching me in
-the words of the old proverb about the kettle reproving the pot, if
-I express myself freely as to what I consider the weak points of this
-book. Ulibicheffs main object has been a critical and aesthetic analysis
-of Mozart's later works, on which his fame mainly rests, and which
-bear the most perfect impress of his genius. The author's
-observations, therefore, are confined to a definite portion of Mozart's
-compositions--the best known, because the greatest--and any idea of
-extending
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(xi)
-
-them does not seem to have occurred to him. Anything further in his
-works is meant to serve only as a foundation for those observations.
-He does not fail to perceive that the greatness of perfected genius
-can only be apprehended by a knowledge of the gradual stages of its
-achievement, and that, since Mozart takes his place in the history of
-music by something more than mere chance, the whole process of musical
-development is necessarily incorporated in his progress.
-
-Ulibicheff is content to extract all that seems to point to his
-conclusions from Nissen's account of Mozart's development. He makes up
-for his reticence in this direction by expatiating freely on the general
-history of the art. In fact, his review of the whole history of music
-results only in the observation that since any exceptional phenomenon is
-the sum and crown of all that has gone before, therefore the development
-of modern music in every direction, from Guido of Arezzo, onwards, has
-its _raison d'etre_ in the production of Mozart, who is to be considered
-as its perfect expression.
-
-No one knows better than yourself, my friend, the false conclusions to
-which this exaggeration of an idea, true and suggestive in itself, has
-led. The partiality of enthusiasm and dilettantism join issue here. It
-needs no great penetration to discover that Ulibicheffs epitome of
-the history of music is not the result of impartial research, or of a
-practical knowledge of even the more important works of past ages, but
-that it is compiled from a few easily recognised works with the express
-object of demonstrating that all that has gone before has its end and
-consummation in Mozart. An author who can seriously maintain that the
-great masters of counterpoint, Palestrina, Bach, and Handel were only
-called into being in order that the Requiem might be produced, an author
-who can only grasp and develop the idea of natural progress up to a
-certain point and no further--that author has surely mastered neither
-the idea of progress, nor the nature of the art, nor the work of
-the master whom he seeks to honour. Such a partial and exclusive
-appreciation of any artist may satisfy individual taste, for which it is
-proverbially impossible to account; but scientific investigation,
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(xii)
-
-which can always be accounted for, seeing that it proceeds from a
-rational basis, rejects it at once and altogether. You will, I know,
-agree with me that the critic who, like Ulibicheff, depreciates
-Beethoven in order to maintain Mozart on his pedestal, does not
-understand Mozart. The distortion and exaggeration of such an idea
-leads further to the neglect of those clues to a right understanding of
-Mozart's development which exist in the circumstances of his life, in
-his youthful works, and in the conditions of his age and surroundings.
-These had all direct effect upon his genius, and, in so far as they are
-disregarded, our conception of the man and the artist will be defective.
-
-I am, of course, far from denying that Uuebicheff has brought to the
-performance of his task considerable power of delicate aesthetic
-analysis, together with much spirit and ingenuity. But his analysis of
-particular works does not start from artistic form, the specific basis
-of all works of art; he never seeks to demonstrate how the universal
-laws of art, under certain conditions, govern all concrete forms
-according to the individuality of the artist (a difficult task in music,
-but still essential to its true understanding); instead of this he
-contents himself with giving us his own reflections on the various
-compositions he analyses, and the feelings and ideas which they suggest
-to himself. Such reflections are pleasant and entertaining when they
-proceed from a clever and cultivated mind; but they are usually more
-characteristic of the author than of his subject, and are mainly
-satisfactory to those who fail to grasp the substance of a work of art,
-and are fain to content themselves with its shadow.
-
-Uuebicheff invariably displays both intellect and cultivation, but it is
-the cultivation of a man of the world, not that of a musician, which has
-no bias of enthusiasm or dilettantism; his remarks seldom reach the
-root of the matter, and are often deceptive in their brilliancy, thus
-accomplishing little for a better appreciation of his subject.
-
-Do not be alarmed, my dear friend, at the invidious position in which I
-place myself and my work by my want of reserve as to others. My cause
-is that of knowledge, and I must have a clear understanding as to my
-powers,
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(xiii)
-
-and the means at my disposal, for accomplishing the task before me;
-least of all would I appear to deprecate censure on my own work by
-sparing it to that of others. You are aware that music has, from my
-youth up, occupied a large share of my time and thoughts, so much so,
-that my elders were in the habit of shaking their heads and auguring
-ill for my philological studies. They may have been right; I must at any
-rate acknowledge that music has ever been to me quite as serious a study
-as philology, and that I have striven to acquire such a thorough and
-scientific knowledge as should give me an insight into its nature and
-mechanism.
-
-I considered it therefore as a duty to myself to turn to account the
-labour that had occupied a good share of my life, and I embraced with
-eagerness the opportunity of dedicating my researches to the great
-masters, to whom I owed so much. I believed myself justified in
-considering that a representation of the life and works of a great
-master offers so many sides, and makes so many demands, that only united
-forces can prove themselves fully equal to the task. If, therefore, I
-was obliged, perforce, to leave much that was essential to the musician
-by profession, my greater practice in scientific method might advance
-the undertaking in other and not less important directions. Consoled by
-these reflections, I set to work.
-
-The task I proposed to myself was a thorough investigation of the
-sources available for a trustworthy and exhaustive account of Mozart's
-life, with special reference to all that was calculated to affect his
-moral and musical development in the general conditions of his time, and
-in the local and personal circumstances which influenced him; and,
-in addition, a history of his development as an artist, and a
-characterisation of his artistic performances as comprehensive as a
-thorough study and appreciation of his compositions could make it. No
-side of this task could be treated altogether independently, both the
-researches and the remarks resulting from them, touching now one, now
-the other; in the biography as in the individual, the artist and the man
-are indissolubly united
-
-I soon became painfully aware of the insufficiency of my
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(xiv)
-
-materials, and the scattered additions to Nissen's collection which
-came in from time to time were but scanty gleanings; it was essential to
-reach the original sources. My journey to Vienna in 1852 was undertaken,
-as you know, chiefly with the object of collecting such traditions of
-Beethoven as might remain there; I did not hope to find much which might
-lead to a closer knowledge of Mozart.
-
-Living testimony as to his life, person, or circumstances was almost
-extinct, little of what I learnt was from impressions at first hand, and
-it was generally necessary to guard against such communications as the
-result of book knowledge distorted by verbal transmission.
-
-Nevertheless, my visit was an instructive one even as concerned Mozart.
-Widely different as was the Vienna of 1852 from the Vienna of 1780 to
-1790, yet much was gained by actual observation and impressions, which
-could not be given by books, and which operates more in the colour and
-tone of the whole representation that in any precise details.
-
-Intercourse, also, with accomplished friends led to much which would
-otherwise have remained untouched.
-
-My valued friend Karajan in particular, with his musical knowledge and
-his intimate acquaintance with Vienna, rendered my stay in that city
-as instructive as it was agreeable. He had a good opportunity of
-experiencing how much trouble one is capable of giving to a friend who
-is always ready with explanations, and willing to enter on the driest
-search into matters of detail, if he can thereby help forward another.
-At the Imperial Library I found not only the different manuscripts of
-the Requiem which serve as the surest testimony on the much debated
-question of its authorship, but many other important manuscripts and
-rich material of all kinds, my access to which I owe to the unfailing
-courtesy of the custodian, A. Schmid.
-
-But the most important aid came from Aloys Fuchs. With extraordinary
-perseverance he had collected every writing that in any way related to
-Mozart, and with a disinterested liberality, rare among collectors, he
-placed at my service all that he possessed and all that he knew.
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(xv)
-
-His chronological catalogue of all Mozart's works, published and
-unpublished, was of the greatest service to me, as well as the long list
-of documents, newspapers, journals, and pamphlets, which he had either
-in the original or copies.
-
-I sometimes regretted, however, that the collection was made more in
-the spirit of a collector than in the interests of science; so that, for
-example, he has scarcely ever noted the source of his extracts; but much
-was brought to my notice which would scarcely otherwise have occurred to
-me, much trouble was spared, and a number of Mozart's letters were
-made known to me for the first time. I was unfortunately prevented
-from thoroughly examining Fuchs's valuable collection of Mozart's
-compositions in their different editions and copies; my time was short,
-and I hoped to be able to avail myself of a future opportunity for doing
-so. This hope was frustrated by the death of Aloys Fuchs a few months
-after I left Vienna. It has been a painful feeling to me not to be able
-to express my gratitude for so much friendly service by offering to him
-the book in which I know he would have taken pleasure.
-
-The greatest service which he rendered me, however, was the intelligence
-that all that were preserved of Mozart's letters had been presented to
-the Mozarteum in Salzburg by the Frau Baroni-Cavalcabo, to whom they
-were bequeathed by Mozart's son Wolfgang. In November of the same year I
-repaired, therefore, to Salzburg. I here found the only remains of
-that complete correspondence which Nissen had edited, viz., the letters
-between 1777 and 1784, just as he had made use of them; fortunately they
-embraced the most important period of the biography. A cursory glance
-convinced me that Nissen had been not only inexact and arbitrary in his
-selections in matters of detail, but that he had altogether suppressed
-the most important events affecting the proper understanding of the
-period. Here, then was much to be done; but it was richly worth the
-trouble. Through the kind assistance of the secretary of the Mozarteum,
-Dr. v. Hilleprandt, and of the custodian, Jelinek, I was enabled to
-give my whole attention to the work. I collated the letters printed by
-Nissen, like an
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(xvi)
-
-old schoolman, copying them entire or making voluminous extracts. One
-may boast of one's industry, and I can offer an unimpeachable witness of
-mine in old Theresa at the Golden Ox, who afterwards forgot my name, but
-remembered me as the professor who sat in his room for more than three
-weeks writing from morning to night. Fortunately, it was bad weather, or
-it would have been too hard a trial, even for a professor, to sit in his
-room all day at Salzburg. But the usually hateful task of transcription
-was on this occasion a real enjoyment. I could fancy myself in
-intercourse with the man himself as I lived his life again letter by
-letter.
-
-I could realise the emotions of joy or sorrow which had prompted his
-words, the impressions which they had made on the recipients, and even
-the variations in the handwriting grew to have their own significance.
-It is my most earnest wish that some breath of this feeling may have
-passed into my own performance, but it would scarcely be possible
-to' reproduce the inspiration which contact with the letters awoke in
-myself.
-
-On the completion of this task, I made researches for any of Mozart's
-compositions which might still remain in Salzburg; I failed, however,
-to discover any. Although Mozart's sister, his widow, and her sister had
-lived in Salzburg within the last ten years, it had occurred to no one
-to make inquiries concerning their great countryman, or to preserve to
-posterity the rich treasures of family tradition which encircled
-his whole life; I found, when I inquired, that all was as completely
-forgotten, as irrecoverably lost as his grave. Nor had anything further
-been preserved in the way of family papers and documents. (After
-the death of Mozart's eldest son Carl, all that he possessed of
-letters--written during the journeys of 1762 to 1775--and other
-documents, were placed in the Mozarteum.)
-
-Treasure such as that correspondence I could scarcely expect to excavate
-elsewhere; but through the kindness of friends and well-wishers
-many letters have been placed at my disposal which have added to the
-interest, more particularly of Mozart's later years. I have no doubt
-that many
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(xvii)
-
-documents are still hidden in autograph collections and elsewhere;
-perchance my book may open the eyes of the possessors to the true value
-of their treasures, and I shall consider it as a rich reward of my
-labours if they aid in bringing to light any such relics of Mozart.
-
-Assistance of another kind, not less important than the foregoing,
-came from Andre's collection. It is well known; that the Hofrath Andre
-purchased from Mozart's widow the entire collection of Mozart's original
-manuscripts, of printed and unprinted works, and this collection,
-with the exception of a few pieces disposed of at an earlier date, was
-preserved in Frankfort entire, in the possession of Andre's heirs, as
-denoted by a "Thematic Catalogue of the original manuscripts by Mozart
-in the possession of Hofrath Andre" (Offenbach, 1841). Leopold Mozart
-carefully preserved all Wolfgang's youthful works, and at his death they
-came into the son's possession: although not by any means so careless
-about his compositions as he has been represented, he, nevertheless,
-lost or gave away a considerable number. After his death, however, it
-was found that his works previous to %his residence in Vienna had been
-preserved almost entire, and by far the greater number of those of later
-years. Andre's collection contains further the enumeration, in Mozart's
-own handwriting, of his works from his earliest years in almost unbroken
-succession to his death. The more important and greater number of his
-compositions previous to 1780 are still unprinted, and many of the
-printed ones are so carelessly edited that a comparison with the
-original is indispensable. The importance of Andre's collection is
-manifest, and it is probable that none of equal value, historical
-and artistic, exists for any other great master, whatever be his art.
-(Unhappily, the apprehension that Germany could conceive no worthier or
-more lasting way of honouring Mozart than by the erection of statues and
-busts has been fulfilled, and Mozart's manuscripts have already been in
-great measure dispersed.)
-
-Convinced that a review of Mozart's musical development would be
-impossible without an exhaustive knowledge of his youthful works, I
-repaired to Frankfort in the summer
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(xviii)
-
-of 1853, in order to examine this remarkable collection. The brothers
-Carl and Julius Andre granted me ready access to it, and kindly prepared
-me an apartment in their house, where I had full liberty to study the
-MSS. and make what notes and extracts I pleased; a task which occupied
-five weeks. As it proceeded, I could not but feel that the most accurate
-notices could not give the fresh impression of the actual work. Here
-again, the brothers Andre came to my aid, displaying throughout a warmth
-of interest in my work, and a liberality which I could not have ventured
-to expect; they provided me, as my work progressed, with each particular
-manuscript on which I was engaged, so that my remarks could be grounded
-on the actual examination of every composition. Without the confidence
-and aid of these gentlemen, my book could not have succeeded in
-attaining that wherein I place its essential value. It is owing to
-their courtesy and kindness that I may boast, not only of a perfect
-acquaintance with all Mozart's works, with few and unimportant
-exceptions, but also of having enjoyed the singular happiness and
-advantage of studying the greater number of them in his own handwriting.
-
-You will perceive, my dear friend, that all this led, of necessity, to
-fresh disclosures, to a fuller and more accurate insight into that which
-had hitherto been only partially known; and you will further take for
-granted that I, as a "philolog," would not neglect such researches into
-the literature of my subject as should bring together the scattered
-materials available for my task. But you must keep in mind that
-musical literature is not so accessible as philological; and that many
-expedients, which lighten our labours in the latter path, are wholly
-wanting in the former. I am, therefore, far from flattering myself that
-I have even approached a complete study of the literature of my subject.
-I only aimed at such a study so far as it concerned main principles; for
-to become acquainted with, or even to quote, everything that has been
-thought, dreamt, or raved concerning Mozart's music was as far from my
-intention as from my desire. I was more than satisfied with what came in
-my way of this kind in the course of my reading, and my
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(xix)
-
-readers will be more than satisfied with what I offer them of it by way
-of example.
-
-My first aim, then, was the verification and authentication of facts,
-and their unbiassed statement, so far as this was of interest. The
-written or authentic verbal traditions of Mozart and his family were
-here my chief dependence, and, except where some special authority is
-adduced, Nissen's correspondence forms the basis of my narrative. But
-since it was my wish to bring together all that appeared of lasting
-interest, and to dispense with Nissen's collection, for all readers who
-do not desire to search and prove for themselves, I have, therefore,
-quoted verbally from the letters wherever it was feasible, and have
-not hesitated to displace them where it answered my purpose in the
-narrative. I have in every case indicated the letters by their date,
-without mentioning whether they have been printed by Nissen or not.
-(They may be readily referred to in the careful collection of L. Nohl,
-"Mozarts Briefe": Salzburg, 1865.)
-
-I must remark, by the way, that my version cannot be verified by Nissen,
-since his is neither accurate nor entire; and in order to avoid any
-misunderstanding, I may also mention, that besides the collections
-referred to above, many single letters of Leopold and Wolfgang Mozart
-have come to hand, to which I was able to make more exact reference. As
-a matter of course, I have made use of originals whenever they were to
-be had, and of Nissen's version only when they were wanting. From you,
-my dear friend, I need only request confidence in my scrupulous honesty
-as to these matters, and I have hope that my book may inspire the reader
-with a belief in the accuracy of my rendering. It need scarcely be
-said that I have not made the slightest alteration in the style and
-expressions of the letters. I have only taken a few liberties with
-the orthography in order not to distract the reader's attention
-unnecessarily from the characterisation. I have accurately indicated any
-reference to authorities other than the letters.
-
-It has been my aim to represent, not only what immediately concerns
-Mozart, but also the time in which he lived, his circumstances, and the
-persons with whom he came in
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(xx)
-
-contact, so far as all these affected the development of his genius. And
-here again I found the need of trustworthy information. Well informed
-as we may be on the history of literature and culture during the latter
-half of the eighteenth century, yet our information as to musical events
-and persons is meagre and obscure, and we know least of those regions
-which are of the greatest interest in the history of music. I doubt not
-that an historian, occupied with the study of this age, would discover
-much that has escaped me of interest, although I have heard even such
-complain of the poverty of material.
-
-I have striven with a certain amount of zeal to bring together all that
-appeared to render my narrative more graphic and lifelike, and have not
-refrained from adducing my authorities, partly for the sake of accuracy,
-partly to point the way to those who find the subject of interest. I
-have gone even further than this, and have added to the names of many
-persons, principally musicians, of whom mention had to be made, a short
-notice of their life and sometimes an epitome of their performances. It
-is probable that the minority of my readers will already have such facts
-in their minds, and they are essential to a clear perception of the
-whole work: I have been anxious to spare them the trouble of continual
-reference to a biographical dictionary.
-
-I have confined myself to the accessible and, of its kind, excellent
-Dictionary of Musicians by Gerber and Fetis, but my own investigations,
-leading me into the detailed history of this time, have not seldom
-supplied additional data for such notices; I remark this not to
-depreciate the merit of those works, but that it may not be supposed
-that my statements can always be verified by a reference to accessible
-authorities.
-
-You may perhaps smile at the zeal of the "philolog" betraying itself in
-such minute particulars. Be it so. I hold to my craft, and occasionally
-you will not find it amiss that I do so.
-
-I may remark besides, not to you, but to those who hold in horror notes,
-digressions, quotations, and references as the merciless weapons of
-pedantry, that they need not for this
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(xxi)
-
-reason at once reject my book. I have striven so to write that the text
-is complete in itself and requires no notes for its comprehension; and
-those who do not desire the information they contain, may contentedly
-pass them over. On the other hand, I hope that you will uphold my
-opinion that the application of the scientific method even to these
-researches, cannot but be to their advantage. This is perhaps most
-strikingly evident in the chronological notification of each separate
-work.
-
-We are well supplied with chronological information as to Mozart's
-compositions. From 1784 onwards we possess his own carefully compiled
-thematic catalogue which Andre has edited (Offenbach, 1805 and 1828).
-
-On earlier compositions the data is generally correctly given with the
-autograph signature, and the list of authentically dated works comprises
-by far their greater number. But not quite all; the autograph is wanting
-to many, and they are not all dated. It thus becomes necessary to
-resort to classification resting on the external evidence of paper and
-handwriting, and the internal evidence of style and technical treatment,
-as well as on the testimony of witnesses.
-
-Hofrath Andre compiled for his own use a chronological catalogue coming
-down to the year 1784, of which I have made use. It contains many
-suggestive remarks, and did me good service, although, of course, it
-could not spare me my own investigations, by means of which I have, in
-most cases, come to a solution of my difficulties. The catalogue which I
-have compiled with considerable pains will, I hope, recommend itself by
-its brevity, clearness, and trustworthiness. I was obliged to give up
-the idea of noting what had been already printed, where, and how often;
-to do this with completeness and exactitude would require an amount of
-time and study which it was out of my power to bestow.
-
-The treatment of historical facts, both in detail and as a whole, has
-its own secure and beaten path. Its final object is truth, and my sole
-concern has been to discover and set forth the truth. No consideration
-for others has led me to conceal what was essential or important for the
-due understanding of Mozart as a man and an artist; neither have I
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(xxii)
-
-been tempted to silence on points which were to his disadvantage.
-Public opinion on his achievements as a fully developed artist is firmly
-established, and is perhaps only susceptible of modifications of detail
-and degree; but my work is the first attempt that has been made towards
-a correct judgment of Mozart as a student and as a man. It has been a
-pleasure to me to find that as I proceeded, my admiration, esteem, and
-love for Mozart were constantly on the increase; but not on any account
-would I have my representation of his character considered in the light
-of an apology. It is my firm conviction that injustice is done to great
-men by concealing or slurring over their failings; we serve them best by
-seeking to make them understood just as they were.
-
-An attempt to lay Mozart's individuality before the reader seemed hardly
-complete without some presentation of his outward appearance. You will
-find, therefore, in this book, the charming picture of Mozart as a boy,
-engraved from the portrait in oils, painted in Verona in 1770; also
-the characteristic portrait from the family group in the Mo-zarteum at
-Salzburg, which was painted in 1780, and an engraving of Tischbein's
-portrait, painted at Mayence in 1790. I have thought it right, further,
-in a work which is intended to transmit traditions, to preserve the
-well-known profile of Posch's medallion, which served as a model for
-all early portraits, more and more unlike in every copy, and yet always
-like. Various fac-similes of Mozart's handwriting are also given, and
-I do not fear that you will find out of place a portrait of his father,
-also taken from the Salzburg family picture.
-
-May I add one word on the musical criticism contained in my work? I am
-quite aware that it must stand on its own merits, and I am only anxious
-to express my full consciousness of the difficulty of my undertaking.
-That the substance of a musical work cannot be verbally represented,
-and that its effect on the hearer is incapable of being reproduced
-by description, least of all by a climax of high-sounding adjectives,
-admits of no dispute. Properly speaking, as Schumann once wished for the
-musical critic, when a
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(xxiii)
-
-composition is discussed, there should be singers and instrumentalists
-ready at hand to perform it. But this being scarcely feasible, we are
-driven to a verbal attempt at reproducing the essence of the work. Such
-an attempt can only succeed by starting from artistic form, and
-showing how its laws and types, its technical conditions, its manifold
-application and development, are all represented in the most individual
-modifications. A general idea of the work, however, is all that can be
-arrived at by this means; the immediate impressions made upon the mind
-by its performance cannot be reproduced; neither can the attempt to
-express in words the artistic frame of mind which finds its expression
-in the forms of the work be altogether successful, and it is impossible
-to apprehend the degree in which the artistic mood imbues the artistic
-form otherwise than by observation of the work itself.
-
-Descriptions of musical works, therefore, since music cannot, like
-painting, borrow analogies from visible nature, must remain mere
-approximations of the original; they become more definite in proportion
-as they fall in with the reader's own experiences, and find in these
-analogies and, as it were, precedents for the new ideas it is sought
-to convey. The main difficulty consists in the fact' that among a large
-circle of readers (which I know you wish for me) the degrees of musical
-cultivation to which appeal may be made are necessarily very varied. It
-would be impossible, on this account, to treat the subject in the purely
-technical manner which would be the shortest and most convenient were
-musicians only addressed; neither can every separate point be treated
-from its very beginning, without a presupposition of some knowledge and
-comprehension on the part of the reader. There only remains then, as it
-seems to me, such a consideration of musical form from varied points of
-view, and proceeding in varied directions, yet always with reference
-to some particular case, as shall bring into play the reader's special
-musical experiences and assist him to a true understanding of the
-subject. If he should be struck with only one particular point and
-should feel it become a reality for
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART.}
-
-(xxiv)
-
-him, he will henceforward have a clue to the mastery of the rest. To
-this end I hope that my historical survey of the development of musical
-forms, and my general observations concerning the laws of the art, may
-tend. And here I must remark that I have had no intention of providing
-the technical musician with a theoretical analysis of separate works,
-but that my characterisation has been limited by the position of its
-object in the whole representation. I leave you to judge, my dear
-friend, how far, under these difficult circumstances, I have succeeded
-in expressing myself clearly and forcibly; I can only affirm with
-confidence that all that I have said has been realised and experienced
-by myself.
-
-The sympathy and assistance of my honoured friend Hauptmann has been a
-source of great gratification to me during the publication of my book.
-I do not desire to impose upon him any share of responsibility in it,
-by thanking him for the care with which he has overlooked the author
-as well as the compositor; but you will understand how I have been
-encouraged and refreshed during my labours by continual proofs of
-his friendly sympathy, and how sorely I miss my pleasant personal
-intercourse with him.
-
-The hour is late, my dear friend, later than it was our wont to separate
-after our musical revels, which, in the opinion of your amiable wife,
-often lasted far too long.
-
-Farewell, and accept my book with the same cordial sympathy and
-indulgence which I have hitherto found so invaluable.
-
-OTTO JAHN.
-
-Bonn, November 30, 1855.
-
-
-
-
-INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION.
-
-MY DEAR FRIEND,--I can scarcely describe to you the depression of
-spirits with which I laid aside my pen at the close of my foregoing
-letter to you. When I looked at the thick volume before me, which had
-grown so wonderfully under my hands, and reflected that several others
-were to follow, I felt a misgiving amounting to certainty that my work
-was ill-planned, badly executed, or altogether out of place. I should
-not have believed any one who had prophesied the result that was
-actually to follow. The gradual conviction that I had been mistaken,
-that the book was a success beyond anything I had dared to expect, the
-many proofs I received of acknowledgment and sympathy, were my best
-encouragement to apply my whole energies to the completion of my arduous
-task.
-
-When it became necessary to prepare a second edition, I rejoiced at
-the prospect of revising the whole work in the light of my acquired
-experience, and hoped that this labour of love would recompense me
-for all my pains. In this expectation I was, however, deceived; the
-revision, which I now lay before you, assumed the proportions of a heavy
-task, requiring the exertions of all my powers for its accomplishment.
-
-The gloom of the last few years cast its shadows even over my work, as
-you, who seek and recognise the living author behind his words, will
-not fail to discover; I trust that you will also find traces of the
-conscientiousness with which I have striven to perform my appointed
-task.
-
-You will agree with me in thinking that it would have been unadvisable
-to subvert the whole design of the book in substance and form, and that
-I must content myself with such improvements in matters of detail as
-would bring me
-
-{LIFE OF MOZART,}
-
-(xxvi)
-
-somewhat nearer to the end I had in view. It was, of course, my first
-endeavour to rectify such errors and remove such blemishes as had been
-observed either by myself or others, and I then proceeded to turn to
-account all the materials that had come to hand for the completion or
-enrichment of my narrative. I had become the fortunate possessor of
-copies of Mozart's complete correspondence, so far as I know it to
-exist. If, as I trust was the case, the extracts already before the
-public had been found useful and trustworthy, there could be no doubt
-that the completed version would render my narrative more accurate and
-lifelike. In addition, I had now Mozart's entire compositions, either
-autograph or copied, so that I could confirm my account and my criticism
-of each work by direct reference.
-
-Besides these efficient materials for the confirmation of my main
-authorities, I had received numerous separate communications, partly
-from friends to whom I owe much gratitude, partly from publications of
-the last ten years bearing upon my subject, some of which have been of
-great service to me.
-
-The most important aid, both to myself and to the readers of this
-edition, has been afforded by Ludwig v. Koechel's "Chronologischthematisches
-Verzeichniss sammtlicher Tonwerke W. A. Mozarts" (Leipzig,
-1862). The necessity for such a catalogue had so strongly impressed me
-that I had resolved on compiling it myself, when I fortunately learned
-that Koechel was at work upon it. I was speedily convinced that it was in
-far better hands than mine, and it gave me genuine pleasure to afford
-it such assistance as was in my power. Unexampled assiduity, sparing
-neither sacrifice nor exertion, has produced a work which, from the
-completeness of its research and the accuracy of its execution, may
-serve as a model. A few addenda and corrections were indeed unavoidable:
-Kochel has himself indicated some (Allg. Mus. Ztg., 1864, p. 493),
-and you will find two or three trifling ones in my book. The fact that
-Koechel's catalogue contains a complete chronological and biographical
-account of all Mozart's compositions freed my book from all the notices
-and references found necessary
-
-{INTRODUCTION.}
-
-(xxvii)
-
-in corroboration of my statements. A reference to the number in Koechel's
-catalogue became, in most cases, sufficient; and I was able also to omit
-notices of errors in the published works which Koechel had remarked upon.
-These, as far as the great operas are concerned, will soon be rendered
-still more superfluous by the projected new edition of the scores from
-the autograph originals. Koeche's friendship, which I regard as the
-greatest gain of our common labours, has aided and supported me
-throughout the preparation of this edition. I will not attempt to
-enumerate all that he has communicated, verified, and brought into
-agreement for me: he knows the amount of his aid and of my gratitude.
-Sonnleithner, Karajan, Pohl, Jul. Andre, have been equally obliging in
-satisfying my demands and inquiries. Special thanks are due to them
-if my book attains that accuracy of detail, wherein I place its chief
-value. I may claim to have made tolerably exhaustive use of all that has
-been published concerning Mozart during the last ten years, but you will
-scarcely expect me to enumerate all my corrections and improvements.
-It has been my aim to retain all that had been proved good in my work,
-while making such additions as served to place my subject more clearly
-and fully before my readers.
-
-If a perusal of my second edition should leave you with the impression
-that the task of revision and correction has been an easy one, I shall,
-whatever my convictions to the contrary, congratulate myself on having
-approached the object which I have kept steadily in view.
-
-Accept my book, then, in its new dress, with the old spirit of
-friendship, and gladden the heart of its author once more by the
-sympathy he has never yet found wanting.
-
-OTTO JAHN.
-
-Bonn, March 6, 1867.
-
-
-
-
-TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.
-
-CONSIDERABLE doubt has existed in the mind of the translator as to the
-proper English equivalent for the word "clavier" throughout this work.
-Clavier is a generic term in German, and is used to denote any keyed
-instrument, whether harpsichord, clavichord, or pianoforte. Mozart's
-compositions for the clavier are equally available for all these
-instruments, and in his early years he performed indifferently on the
-harpsichord or clavichord. His first introduction to the pianoforte was
-at Augsburg, in 1777, and he did not become familiar with the instrument
-until after his settlement in Vienna in 1781. It has been thought best,
-therefore, to leave the word _clavier_ untranslated up to this date,
-after which it is translated _pianoforte_, whether it is applied to
-Mozart's performances or to his compositions.
-
-It has not been thought advisable to give in the English edition of the
-work all the Appendixes which appear in the German. Many of them are of
-interest only in the original, others have already been translated
-among Mozart's correspondence. Those which seemed likely to interest
-the English reader have been translated. The musical Appendixes have all
-been omitted as bulky and unnecessary.
-
-The only part of Herr Jahn's work against which the charge of
-incompleteness can fairly be brought is the Index; an entirely new one
-has therefore been made for the English edition, and will, it is hoped,
-be found minute and accurate.
-
-
-
-
-
-LIFE OF MOZART.
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I. -- CHILDHOOD
-
-WOLFGANG AMADE MOZART came of a family belonging originally to the
-artisan class. We find his ancestors settled in Augsburg early in the
-seventeenth century, and following their calling there without any great
-success.[1001] His grandfather, Johann Georg Mozart, a bookbinder, married,
-October 7, 1708, Anna Maria Peterin, the widow of another bookbinder,
-Augustin Banneger.2 From this union sprang two daughters and three sons,
-viz.: Fr. Joseph Ignaz, Franz Alois (who carried on his father's trade
-in his native town), and Johann Georg Leopold Mozart, bom on November
-14, 1719, the father of the Mozart of our biography.8 Gifted with a
-keen intellect and firm will he early formed the resolution of raising
-himself to a higher position in the world than that hitherto occupied by
-his family; and in his later years he could point with just elation to
-his own arduous efforts, and the success which had crowned them, when he
-was urging his son to the same steady perseverance.
-
-When Wolfgang visited Augsburg in 1777, he gathered many particulars of
-his father's youth which refreshed the recollections of Leopold himself.
-We find him writing to his son (October 10, 1777) how, as a boy, he had
-sung a cantata at the monastery of St. Ulrich, for the wedding of the
-Hofrath Oefele, and how he had often climbed the broken steps to the
-organ loft, to sing treble at the Feast
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(4)
-
-of the Holy Cross (November 29, 1777). He afterwards became an excellent
-organist: a certain Herr von Freisinger, of Munich, told Wolfgang
-(October 10, 1777) that he knew his father well, he had studied with
-him, and "had the liveliest recollections of Wessobrunn where my father
-(this was news to me) played the organ remarkably well. He said: 'It
-was wonderful, to see his hands and feet going together, but exceedingly
-fine--yes, he was an extraordinary man. My father thought very highly
-of him. And how he used to jeer at the priests, when they wanted him to
-turn monk.'" This last must have been of peculiar interest to Wolfgang,
-who knew his father only as a devout and strict observer of the Catholic
-religion. But Leopold remembered the days of his youth, and wrote to
-his wife (December 15, 1777): "Let me ask, if Wolfgang has not of late
-neglected to go to confession? God should ever be first in our thoughts!
-to Him alone must we look for earthly happiness, and we should ever keep
-eternity in view; young people, I know, are averse to hearing of these
-things; I was young myself once; but God be thanked, I always came to
-myself after my youthful follies, fled from all dangers to my soul, and
-kept steadily in view God, and my honour, and the dangerous consequences
-of indulgence in sin."
-
-Long-continued exertions and self-denial laid the foundation of Leopold
-Mozart's character in a conscientious earnestness and devotion to duty
-in great things as in small; they had the effect also of rendering his
-judgment of others somewhat hard and uncompromising. This is observable
-in his relations as an official, and as a teacher, and in his dealings
-on matters of religion. He was a strict Catholic, and feared nothing
-so much for his children as the influence which a prolonged stay in
-Protestant countries might exert on their faith; he remarked with
-surprise that his travelling companions, Baron Hopfgarten and Baron
-Bose, had often edified him with their discourse, although they were
-Lutherans (Paris, April 1, 1764).
-
-When in London, he became acquainted with the excellent violoncellist
-Siprutini, son of a Dutch Jew, who had broken loose from Judaism and
-"was content to believe in
-
-{L. MOZART'S CHARACTER.}
-
-(5)
-
-one God, to love Him first, and his neighbour as himself, and to live
-an honest life"; L. Mozart gained an acknowledgment from him that of all
-the Christian creeds the Catholic was the best, and was not without hope
-of converting him altogether (September 13, 1764).
-
-He fulfilled all the duties which the Church requires of her children
-with conscientiousness and zeal; we find him ordering masses to be said,
-buying relics, &c., whenever occasion offers.
-
-The strictly orthodox, almost ascetic, rules of life which the reigning
-archbishop, Sigismund, followed and enforced in his court and in all
-Salzburg must have had the effect of deepening this side of L. Mozart's
-character; while the greater freedom in church matters enjoyed under
-Sigis-mund's successor, Hieronymus, was not without its influence,
-evinced by his becoming late in life a freemason. There can be no doubt
-that L. Mozart was a man of genuine piety, which stood firm amid strong
-temptations and the most trying circumstances. It was in accordance
-with his education and position in life that this piety found no better
-justification and expression than those provided by his Church. His
-performance of his duties to God and the Church was undertaken in the
-same rigorous spirit which characterised him in all the relations of
-life. But he was too sensible not to remonstrate with his daughter when
-she chose rather to endanger her health than to be absent from mass
-(July 28, 1786). He was entirely free from superstition, and when some
-one wrote to him of a ghost-story he declared that "it must be only
-an hysterical illusion of the maid-servant." Again, he had "invariably
-found that begging sisterhoods were the signs of much moral degradation
-concealed under the cloak of hypocrisy" (December 16, 1785). It would be
-a great mistake to consider the elder Mozart as a narrow-minded bigot.
-United to a shrewd, clear intellect, for the cultivation of which he
-made extraordinary efforts, he possessed a decided turn for raillery
-and sarcasm. His painful endeavours to work himself free of his petty
-surroundings, his habit of looking beyond the narrow horizon which
-encircled him, encouraged in him a cynical
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(6)
-
-turn of mind. It grew to be a settled conviction with him that
-selfishness is the only motive of human action on which we can safely
-reckon, and which, therefore, we must strive to turn to account: a
-belief in disinterested philanthropy or friendship is a folly which
-seldom goes unpunished. Nor should we have any faith in an innate love
-of truth. "Take it as an universal truth," he writes (October 6, 1785),
-"all men tell lies, and add to the truth, or take away from it, just
-as it suits their purpose. Especially must we believe nothing which,
-if known, would add to the reputation of the speaker or flatter his
-interlocutor, for that is sure to be false." This distrust of mankind he
-sought to implant in his son, but with very little success. Nor did his
-gloomy views of life stifle, even in himself, all emotion and sentiment.
-His theory, as so often happens, went farther than his practice. When
-Leopold Mozart analysed the conduct of men, his criticism was sharp and
-cutting, but he was always ready with counsel and assistance when they
-were needed. Notwithstanding his piety he expressed bitter contempt for
-the priesthood and priestcraft: he had occasion to know both intimately.
-He was never dazzled by the distinctions of birth and position. He
-judged those nearest and dearest to him, not excepting his beloved son,
-as severely as the rest of the world. It had the most wholesome effect
-on the development of Mozart's character and genius that his father, who
-loved him as only a father can love, who justly estimated and admired
-his artistic genius, was never dazzled by it, never ignored nor
-concealed his weaknesses, but warned and blamed him, and strove to bring
-him up with a conscientious fidelity to duty.
-
-Leopold Mozart was aware that the education of his son was the highest
-and greatest task of his life; but this absorbing care did not narrow
-his breadth of sympathy, nor lessen his consideration for others bound
-to him by natural ties; he proved himself always a devoted friend as
-well as, for one of his means, a liberal benefactor.
-
-The exertions which it had cost him to attain to even a moderate
-position, the unceasing thought which he was obliged to take for the
-supply of his daily needs gave him
-
-{L. MOZART'S EARLY LIFE.}
-
-(7)
-
-a high appreciation of the value of a secured worldly position, and as
-he became gradually convinced that his son was not likely to attach the
-same importance to this, he strove the more by his wisdom and experience
-to help to secure it for him. This care for economical details has been
-unjustly condemned. We may grant that a somewhat exaggerated anxiety
-increased by the hypochondria of old age was the natural result of the
-struggle with narrow circumstances which he had carried on all his
-life; but this is far more than counterbalanced by the singular union of
-general and of musical culture, of love and severity, of just judgment
-and earnest devotion to duty, which Leopold Mozart developed in the
-education of his son. Without them, Wolfgang would certainly not have
-been the man he became by their help.
-
-We have no detailed information of L. Mozart's youthful life. His
-recollections of his position at Augsburg are bitter and sarcastic.
-Even with his brothers and sisters, whom he accused of having turned
-the weakness of their mother to his disadvantage, he had no close or
-intimate connection, although they had never any scruples in applying
-for his support.
-
-"When I thought of your journey to Augsburg," he writes to Wolfgang
-(October 18, 1777), "Wieland's 'Abderiten' always occurred to me. One
-ought to have the opportunity of seeing in its naked reality that of
-which one has formed an ideal conception."
-
-After passing through school life in his native town, he went to
-Salzburg to study jurisprudence. The monastery of St. Ulrich belonged
-to the community of the Benedictines, which had founded and still partly
-maintained the university of Salzburg;[1004] this connection may have
-given Leopold a reason for going thither. But as he did not obtain
-employment, he was constrained to enter the service of Count Thurn,
-Canon of Salzburg. From his youth up, he had cultivated his musical
-talent with assiduity, and was a
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(8)
-
-thoroughly practical and well-informed musician. He had chiefly
-maintained himself in early youth by his singing, and afterwards by
-giving lessons, and had gained considerable reputation as a violinist,
-so much so that Archbishop Leopold took him into his service in the year
-1743. He afterwards became court composer and leader of the orchestra,
-and in 1762 was appointed Vice-Kapellmeister by Archbishop Sigismund.
-
-The pay of the choir was scanty, though their duties were heavy. Leopold
-Mozart submitted to these demands with his accustomed conscientiousness,
-and Schubart points him out as the man whose exertions had placed music
-in Salzburg on its then excellent footing.[1005] His official position
-necessitated his appearing as a composer; in this respect, too, he was
-indefatigable, and won for himself an honourable reputation.
-
-A list of his compositions compiled in 1757, no doubt by himself, gives
-an idea of his industry as a composer.[1006] We find a large proportion
-of church music. A Mass in C major is in the library at Munich, Julius
-Andre possesses a Mass in F major, the Credo of a "Missa brevis" in F
-major lies before me; a "Missa brevis" in A major is preserved in
-the cathedral of Salzburg, together with the Offertory, "Parasti in
-conspectu meo," three Loretto Litanies (in G, F, and E flat major),
-and a Litany "De venerabili" in D major, composed in 1762. This last,
-a carefully finished work, was sent by L. Mozart in December, 1774,
-to Munich, together with a grand Litany by his son. It is written for
-solos, chorus, and the usual small church orchestra of the day, and
-shows throughout the learning of a musician skilled in the use of
-traditional forms. The harmony is correct, the disposition of the parts
-skilful, and the contrapuntal forms are handled boldly; nor does the
-composer fail to introduce regular, well-worked-out fugues in the proper
-places; "Cum Sancto Spiritu," and "Et
-
-{L. MOZART'S COMPOSITIONS.}
-
-(9)
-
-vitam venturi saeculi" in the Mass, "Pignus futurae gloriae" in the Litany.
-
-But there is no originality or inventive power either in the
-compositions as a whole, or in isolated passages. Leopold Mozart's
-sacred music gives him a right to an honourable place among contemporary
-composers, but to no higher rank. Schubart, who prefers his church music
-to his chamber music, says justly, that his style was thorough, and
-showed great knowledge of counterpoint, but that he was somewhat
-old-fashioned.[1007] When Wolfgang was busy composing church music with
-Van Swieten at Vienna, he wrote to his father (March 29, 1783): "Some of
-your best church music would be very useful to us; we like to study
-all masters, ancient and modern, so please send us some as soon as
-possible." But to Wolfgang's regret this request was refused, for his
-father was quite aware of the change of taste in such music that had
-taken place since his day.
-
-Nothing certain is known of twelve oratorios composed according to
-custom for Lent,[1008] nor of "a host of theatrical pieces, as well as
-pantomimes."[1009]
-
-L. Mozart was an industrious instrumental composer. He enumerates
-upwards of thirty serenades, "containing instrumental solos," and a
-long list of symphonies, "some only quartets, others for all the usual
-instruments"; of
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(10)
-
-these, eighteen are thematically catalogued,[10010] and one in G major
-is by mistake attributed to Wolfgang, and printed in score. Very curious
-are the "Occasional Pieces" which are characteristic of the times, in
-their odd instrumental effects, and somewhat heavy touches of fun. Among
-these are a pastoral symphony with shepherds' horns and two obbligato
-flutes; a military piece with trumpets, drums, kettle-drums, and fifes;
-a Turkish and a Chinese piece; a pastoral, representing a rural wedding,
-and introducing lyres, bagpipes, and dulcimers; during the march, after
-each huzza, there was a pistol-shot, after the custom of rural weddings,
-and L. Mozart directed that whoever could whistle well on his fingers,
-was to whistle during the huzzas.
-
-But the musical "Sledge Drive" seems to have gained most applause;
-a pianoforte arrangement was afterwards printed, the effect being
-heightened by the accompaniment of five differently toned harness-bells.
-The following programme was printed by L. Mozart, for a performance of
-the Collegium Musicum in Augsburg, December 29, 1755:--
-
-MUSICAL SLEDGE DRIVE.
-
-Introduced by a prelude, consisting of a pleasing andante and a splendid
-allegro.
-
-Then follows:
-
-A prelude, with trumpets and drums.
-
-After this:
-
-The Sledge Drive, with the sledge-bells and all the other instruments.
-
-After the Sledge Drive:
-
-The horses are heard rattling their harness.
-
-And then:
-
-The trumpets and drums alternate agreeably with the oboes, French horns,
-and bassoons, the first representing the cavalcade, the second the
-march.
-
-After this:
-
-The trumpets and drums have another prelude, and
-
-The Sledge Drive begins again, but stops suddenly, for all the party
-dismount, and enter the ball-room.
-
-Then comes an adagio, representing the ladies trembling with cold.
-
-{L. MOZART'S COMPOSITIONS.}
-
-(11)
-
-The ball is opened with a minuet and trio.
-
-The company endeavour to warm themselves by country-dances.
-
-Then follows the departure, and, finally:
-
-During a flourish of trumpets and drums, the whole party mount their
-sledges and drive homewards.
-
-In consequence of the performance of these occasional pieces in
-Augsburg, L. Mozart received the following anonymous letter:
-
-"Monsieur et tres cher ami!
-
-"May it please you to compose no more absurdities, such as Chinese and
-Turkish music, sledge drives, and peasant weddings, for they reflect
-more shame and contempt on you than honour, which is regretted by the
-individual who herewith warns you and remains,
-
-"Your sincere Friend.
-
-"Datum in domo verae amicitice."
-
-Leopold Mozart was not a little annoyed by this act of friendship,
-which he was inclined to ascribe to the Kapellmeister Schmidt or to the
-organist Seyffert. It need scarcely be said that this "programme-music"
-is innocent either of originality or of instrumental colouring. Short
-characteristic pieces, such as Couperin and Rameau wrote, were composed
-by L. Mozart, in common with Eberlin, for a kind of organ with a
-horn stop, which had been erected by Joh. Roch. Egedacher on the
-fortifications above the town. Once a month, morning and evening, a
-piece was played on this instrument; in February it was the Carnival, in
-September a hunting song, in December a cradle song.[10011]
-
-Besides all this, L. Mozart wrote many concertos, particularly for
-the flute, oboe, bassoon, French horn, or trumpet (one of these is in
-Munich), innumerable trios (he offered a flautist, named Zinner, in
-Augsburg, fourteen trios for flute, violin, and violoncello), and
-divertimenti for various instruments,[10012] marches, minuets,
-opera-dances, &c. Three clavier
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(12)
-
-sonatas are printed,[10013] of which Faiszt remarks that they might well
-be the work of Leopold's great son, so strong is their similarity in
-form and spirit.[10014] is compositions were for the most part only in
-manuscript, as was almost all the music of that day.[10015] By way of
-practice in engraving, he engraved three trio sonatas himself in 1740,
-and revived the old accomplishment in 1778, when he engraved some
-variations for his son.
-
-In later years he composed little or nothing; his position in Salzburg
-was so little to his mind that he did not feel himself called on to
-do more than his duty required; besides, the education of his children
-engrossed his whole time, and when his son had come forward as a
-composer, he would on no account have entered into competition with
-him.[10016] L. Mozart was proud of the estimation in which his works
-were held abroad, as the following extract from a letter to his friend
-Lotter shows:
-
-November 24, 1755.
-
-I may tell you in strict confidence that I have received a letter from
-a distant place inviting me to become a member ------ don't be
-alarmed--or--don't laugh ---- a member of the Corresponding Society of
-Musical Science.[10017] Potz Plunder! say I. But do not tell tales out
-of school, for it may be only talk. I never dreamt of such a thing in my
-life; that I can honestly say.
-
-But the elder Mozart acquired his chief reputation as a musician by the
-publication in 1756 of his "Attempt towards a Fundamental Method for the
-Violin."[10018] This work was
-
-{L. MOZART'S VIOLIN METHOD.}
-
-(13)
-
-spread abroad in numerous editions and translations, and was for many
-years the only published instruction on the art of violin-playing;
-proof enough that it rendered important service in its day, as far as
-technical knowledge was concerned. What makes the book still interesting
-to us is the earnest, intelligent spirit which speaks from it, and
-shows us the man as he was. He sought to impart to his pupils a sound,
-practical musical education; they were not only to practise their
-fingers, but were always clearly to, understand _what_ they had to
-execute and _why_: "It is dispiriting to go on playing at random,
-without knowing what you are about" (p. 245); a good violinist should
-even be practised in rhetoric and poetry to be able to execute with
-intelligence (p. 107). He insists strongly that the pupil should not
-advance until he is quite able for what he has to learn: "In this
-consists the gravest error that either master or pupil can fall into.
-The former often lack patience to wait for the right time; or they let
-themselves be carried away by the pupil, who thinks he has done wonders
-when he can scrape out a minuet or two. Often, too, the parents or
-guardians of the beginner are anxious to hear him play some of these
-imperfect tunes, and think, with satisfaction how well their money has
-been spent on the lessons. How greatly they are mistaken!" (p.57,
-cf. 121.)
-
-The study is not to be made too easy or simple; the learner must exert
-himself and work hard. Thus he writes at the beginning of the exercises
-(p. 90): "These are the passages for practice. The more distasteful they
-are, the better I shall be pleased; I have striven to make them so";
-that is, to guard against their being played from memory.
-
-The same ability is displayed in his principles of taste.
-
-He exacts above all a "straightforward, manly tone"; "nothing can be
-more absurd than to seem afraid even to grasp the violin firmly; or just
-to touch the strings with the bow (held perhaps with two fingers), and
-to attempt such an artistic up-bow to the very nut of the violin that
-only a note here and there is heard in a whisper, without any idea what
-it means, it is all so like a dream" (p. 101).
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(14)
-
-Simple, natural expression is the highest aim of the violinist, so that
-the instrument may imitate as far as possible the art of song (p. 50);
-"who does not grant that to _sing_ their music has been the aim of all
-instrumentalists, because they have ever striven after nature?" (p.
-107.)[10019] He is severe on performers who "tremble upon every long
-note, or cannot play a couple of bars simply without introducing their
-senseless and ridiculous tricks and fancies" (p. 50). They are blamed
-the more as they are for the most part wanting in the necessary
-knowledge where to bring in their ornamentation without involving errors
-in the composition (pp. 209, 195). Other faults of the virtuoso are
-equally severely dealt with, such as the _tremolo_ of the player "who
-shakes away on every note as if he had the ague" (p. 238), or the
-constant introduction of the so-called "flageolet tones" (p. 107), or
-the alternate hurrying and dragging of the "virtuoso of imagination."
-"Many," says he (p. 262), "who have no conception of taste, disdain to
-keep uniform time in the accompaniment of a concerted part, and strive
-to follow the principal part. That is accompanying like a bungler, not
-like an artist. It is true that in accompanying some Italian singers,
-who learn everything by heart and never adhere to time or measure, one
-has often to pass over whole bars to save them from open shame. But
-in accompanying a true artist, worthy of the name, not a note must be
-delayed or anticipated, there must be neither hurry nor dragging, so
-that every note may have proper expression, otherwise the accompaniment
-would destroy the effect of the composition. A clever accompanist should
-also be able to judge of the performer. He must not spoil the _tempo
-rubato_ of an experienced artist by waiting to follow him. It is not
-easy to describe this 'stolen time.' A 'virtuoso of imagination' often
-gives to a semiquaver in an adagio cantabile the time of half a bar,
-before recovering
-
-{L. MOZART'S VIOLIN METHOD.}
-
-(15)
-
-from his paroxysm of feeling; and he cares nothing at all for the time:
-he plays in recitative."
-
-Technical instruction and skill are to him only the means to a higher
-end. The performer must be capable of expressing all the pathos of the
-piece before him, so as to penetrate to the souls and stir the passions
-of the audience (pp. 52, 253).[10020] As the most important requisite to
-the violinist for attaining this, he indicates the stroke of the bow
-(p. 122) as "the medium by the judicious use of which we are able to
-communicate the pathos of the music to the audience." "I consider," he
-adds "that a composer attains his highest aim when he finds a suitable
-melody for every sentiment, and knows how to give it its right
-expression." "Many a second-rate composer," he says (p. 252), "is full
-of delight, and thinks more than ever of himself when he hears his
-nonsensical music executed by good artists, by whose artistic expression
-even such miserable trash is made intelligible to the audience."
-
-It is plain that he was a sworn enemy to smatterers and pretenders.
-Thorough technical study and an intellect trained to clear and rational
-thought he considered absolutely indispensable to a true artist. He
-grants, indeed, that genius may atone for the want of learning, and that
-a man highly gifted by nature may lack the opportunity of studying his
-art scientifically. But this does not detract from the main proposition
-nor make his demands less just.
-
-The extracts given above illustrate the principles and the views with
-which L. Mozart undertook the musical education of his son, and these
-being united to a correct appreciation of the freedom and indulgence
-due to great natural powers, it must be acknowledged that no genius
-could have been trained under happier auspices.!
-
-This work, so remarkable for the age, met with suitable recognition.
-Marpurg, to whose judgment L. Mozart had
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(16)
-
-submitted it in his preface, speaks of it as follows: [10021] "The
-want of a work of this kind has been long felt, but hitherto in vain.
-A thorough and skilled performer, a sensible and methodical teacher,
-a learned musician, a man possessing all those qualities which singly
-command our respect, are here to be found united in one individual--the
-author. What Geminiani did for the English nation, Mozart has
-accomplished for the German, and their works are worthy to live side by
-side in universal approbation."
-
-After this it is not surprising that the first of the critical letters
-on music which were published under Marpurg's direction at Berlin in
-1759 and 1760 should be addressed to L. Mozart, with the declaration
-that the society which proposed to address each letter to some person
-of distinction, could not make a fitter commencement than with him.
-Schubart says,[10022] "He gained great reputation through his 'Method,'
-which is written in good German, and with admirable judgment. The
-examples are well chosen, and the system of fingering not in the least
-pedantic; the author doubtless inclines to the school of Tartini, but he
-permits greater freedom in the management of the bow." Zelter expresses
-himself in the same spirit:[10023] "His 'Violin Method' is a work
-which will be of use as long as the violin is an instrument. It is well
-written, too."
-
-The praise of the author's style of writing is characteristic and well
-deserved; it was then a far rarer distinction among artists than at
-present. L. Mozart's style is sharp and clear; his sarcastic turn of
-mind is so prominent that he apologises for it in the preface, although
-it is not unusual in the musical literature of the time. Both in
-this book and in his letters he proves himself a man who has not only
-acquired cultivation by intercourse with the world and by travel,
-but who is well acquainted with literature, has read with taste and
-discernment, and has well-defined and judicious opinions
-
-{L. MOZART'S POSITION IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(17)
-
-both on aesthetic and moral subjects. He addressed to the poet Gellert a
-letter so full of veneration that Gellert replied in the warmest terms,
-as the following extract will show:--
-
-I should be insensible, indeed, if the extraordinary kindness with which
-you honoured me had left me unmoved, and I should be the most ungrateful
-of men if I could have received your letter without acknowledgment. I
-accept your love and friendship, my dear sir, with the same frankness
-with which they are offered. Do you, indeed, read my works and encourage
-your friends to do the same? Such approbation, I can truly say, was more
-than I could have dared to hope from such a quarter. Does my last poem,
-"Der Christ," meet with your approval? I venture to answer myself in the
-affirmative. To this I am encouraged by the subject of the poem, your
-own noble spirit, as unwittingly you display it in your letters, and by
-my consciousness of honest endeavour.
-
-Baron von Bose presented "the little Orpheus of seven years old,"
-when in Paris, with Gellert's songs, recommending him to borrow their
-irresistible harmonies, "so that the hardened atheist may read and mark
-them, may hear them and fall down and worship God." Perhaps this gift
-gave occasion to the letter. Wolfgang informs his sister at a later
-date, from Milan, of the death of Gellert, which took place there.
-
-With this amount of cultivation, and the pretensions consequent on
-it, it is not surprising that Leopold Mozart felt himself isolated
-at Salzburg. He had his duties to perform at court, and the more
-contemptible their remuneration was, the more he and the other officials
-were made to feel their dependent position. He was employed as a teacher
-in most of the families of rank at Salzburg, for his instruction was
-justly considered as the best that could be had; but this did not imply
-any degree of friendly intimacy. He was too proud to ingratiate himself
-with them by flattery or obsequiousness, although, as a man of the
-world, he knew how to moderate his satirical humour, and was always
-affable and well-bred. He seems to have had little intercourse with his
-colleagues. This was partly owing to circumstances, but partly also to
-their want of musical proficiency or mental cultivation, joined to their
-looser, less earnest mode of life.
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(18)
-
-The social relations of the Mozart family were, however, cheerful and
-unconstrained; their intercourse with their friends had more of innocent
-merriment than of intellectual enjoyment. "The Salzburg mind," says
-Schubart,[10024] "is tuned to low comedy. Their popular songs are
-so drolly burlesque that one cannot listen to them without dying of
-laughter. The clownish spirit[10025] shines through them all, though
-the melodies are often fine and beautiful." This tendency would scarcely
-please so serious and critical a man as L. Mozart, whose humour was
-caustic, but not broad, and who appears to have entered with constraint
-into the ordinary tone of conversation.
-
-On November 21, 1747, Leopold Mozart married Anna Maria Pertlin (or
-Bertlin), daughter of the steward of the Convent of St. Gilgen. "To-day
-is the anniversary of our wedding," wrote L. Mozart (November 21, 1772);
-"it is, I believe, exactly twenty-five years since we were struck with
-the good idea of getting married, or rather it had occurred to us many
-years before. But good things take time."
-
-They were reputed the handsomest pair of their time in Salzburg, and
-their existing portraits do not contradict this. Frau Mozart was, as
-far as she can be represented by letters and descriptions, a very
-good-tempered woman, full of love for her family, but in no way
-distinguished; and the often verified experience that great men owe
-their gifts and their culture principally to their mothers was not
-proved to be true in the case of Mozart. She submitted willingly to the
-superiority of her husband, and left to his care and management with
-absolute confidence all that lay outside the sphere of the actual
-housekeeping. The possession by
-
-{WOLFGANG'S MOTHER AND SISTER--HIS BIRTH.}
-
-(19)
-
-each of those qualities necessary for the happiness of the other lay at
-the root of the heartfelt love and affection which bound them to each
-other and to their children, and the latter were provided with the
-surest foundation for their moral culture in the influence of a pure
-and harmonious family life. They were deeply attached to their cheerful,
-happy-tempered mother; but that she failed in authority was clear when
-she accompanied her son in his ill-considered visit to Paris. In spite
-of her better judgment she was unable either to control his impetuosity
-or to withstand his endearments.
-
-Though far inferior to her husband in cultivation, she was not without
-understanding, and had a turn for the humorous, which characterised her
-as a native of Salzburg. In this respect Wolfgang was her true son.
-
-Of seven children resulting from this union, only two survived: a
-daughter, Maria Anna (called Marianne or Nannerl in the family), born
-July 30, 1751, and a son Wolfgang, born January 27, 1756.[10026] His
-birth almost cost his mother her life, and her lingering recovery
-occasioned much anxiety to her friends.
-
-The daughter showed so decided a talent for music, that her father early
-began to give, her lessons on the clavier. This made a great impression
-on her brother, then but three years old; he perched himself at the
-clavier, and amused himself by finding out thirds, which he struck
-with much demonstration of delight; he also retained the more prominent
-passages in the pieces which he heard. In his fourth year his father
-began, in play, to teach him minuets and other pieces on the clavier;
-in a very short time he could play them with perfect correctness and in
-exact time. The impulse to produce something next awoke in him, and in
-his fifth year he composed and played little pieces,
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(20)
-
-which his father then wrote down.[10027] A music-book which was intended
-for Marianne's exercises, and preserved by her as a precious relic,
-was in 1864 presented by the Grand Duchess Helene to the Mozarteum
-in Salzburg.[10028] It contains minuets and other little pieces, and
-further on longer ones, such as an air with twelve variations, and is
-partly filled with passages by the composers Agrell, Fischer, Wagenseil,
-&c., of increasing difficulty, for the purpose of instruction, in the
-handwriting of the father and his musical friends. Wolfgang learned from
-this book. The following note is appended by his father to the eighth
-minuet: "Wolfgangerl learned this minuet in his fourth year." Similar
-remarks occur repeatedly; e.g., "This minuet and trio were learned by
-Wolfgangerl in half-an-hour, at half-past nine at night, on January 26,
-1761, one day before his fifth year." They are simple, easy pieces in
-two parts, but requiring an independence of the hands, not possible
-without a degree of musicial comprehension which is surprising in so
-young a
-
-The first of Wolfgang's compositions have his father's superscription:
-"Di Wolfgango Mozart, May 11, 1762, and July 16, 1762," little pieces
-modelled on those he had practised, in which of course originality
-of invention cannot be looked for; but the sense of simple melody and
-rounded form so peculiar to Mozart are there already, without any trace
-of childish nonsense.
-
-The book went with them on their travels, and Mozart used the blank
-pages to write down pieces, which afterwards appeared in the first
-published sonatas (1763).
-
-Most of the anecdotes of Mozart's childhood which testify to his
-wonderful genius, are contained in a letter from
-
-{SCHACHTNER.}
-
-(21)
-
-Schachtner, which is here given entire, as the direct testimony of a
-contemporary.
-
-Joh. Andre Schachtner (died 1795) had been court trumpeter at Salzburg
-from 1754, for which post a higher degree of musical attainment was
-necessary then than at the present day. He was not only a skilled
-musician, but displayed considerable literary cultivation, which he
-had obtained at the Jesuit school of Ingolstadt. The translation of a
-religious drama, "The Conversion of St. Augustine" from the Latin of
-Father Franz Neumayer, gained him the somewhat ambiguous praise of
-Gottsched, who writes: "We may even say that he wrote good German, nay,
-almost that he wrote good German poetry."[10029] We shall find him later
-acting as librettist to Mozart.
-
-He was intimate in Mozart's home, and his warm attachment is proved by
-the following interesting letter, written soon after Mozart's death to
-his sister.[10030]
-
-Dear and honoured Madam,--
-
-Your very welcome letter reached me, not at Salzburg, but at Hammerau,
-where I was visiting my son, who is coadjutor in the office of
-Oberwesamtmann there.
-
-You may judge from my habitual desire to oblige every one, more
-especially those of the Mozart family, how much distressed I was at the
-delay in discharging your commission. To the point therefore!
-
-Your first question is: "What were the favourite amusements of your
-late lamented brother in his childhood, apart from his passion for his
-music?" To this question no reply can be made, for as soon as he began
-to give himself up to music, his mind was as good as dead to all
-other concerns,[10031] and even his childish games and toys had to be
-accompanied by music. When we, that is, he and I, carried his toys from
-one room into another, the one of us who went empty-handed had always to
-sing a march and play the fiddle. But before he began to
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(22)
-
-study music he was so keenly alive to any childish fun that contained a
-spice of mischief, that even his meals would be forgotten for it. He was
-so excessively fond of me--I, as you know, being devoted to him--that he
-used to ask me over and over again whether I loved him; and when in joke
-I sometimes said "No," great tears would come into his eyes, so tender
-and affectionate was his dear little heart.
-
-Second question: "How did he behave to great people when they admired
-his talent and proficiency in music?" In truth he betrayed very little
-pride or veneration for rank,[10032] for, though he could best have
-shown both by playing before great people who understood little
-or nothing of music, he would never play unless there were musical
-connoisseurs among his audience, or unless he could be deceived into
-thinking that there were.
-
-Third question: "What was his favourite study?" Answer: In this he
-submitted to the guidance of others. It was much the same to him what
-he had to learn; he only wanted to learn, and left the choice of a
-field for his labours to his beloved father.[10033] It appeared as if
-he understood that he could not in all the world find a guide and
-instructor like his ever memorable father.
-
-Whatever he had to learn he applied himself so earnestly to, that he
-laid aside everything else, even his music. For instance, when he was
-learning arithmetic, tables, stools, walls, and even the floor were
-chalked over with figures.[10034]
-
-Fourth question: "What particular qualities, maxims, rules of life,
-singularities, good or evil propensities had he?" Answer: He was full
-of fire; his inclinations were easily swayed: I believe that had he been
-without the advantage of the good education which he received, he might
-have become a profligate scoundrel--he was so ready to yield to every
-attraction which offered.
-
-Let me add some trustworthy and astonishing facts relating to his fourth
-and fifth years, for the accuracy of which I can vouch.
-
-Once I went with your father after the Thursday service to your house,
-where we found Wolfgangerl, then four years old, busy with his pen.
-
-{SCHACHTNER'S LETTER.}
-
-(23)
-
-Father: What are you doing?
-
-Wolfg.: Writing a concerto for the clavier; it will soon be done.
-
-Father: Let me see it.
-
-Wolfg.: It is not finished yet.
-
-Father: Never mind; let me see it. It must be something very fine.
-
-Your father took it from him and showed me a daub of notes, for the most
-part written over ink-blots. (The little fellow dipped his pen every
-time down to the very bottom of the ink-bottle, so that as soon as it
-reached the paper, down fell a blot; but that did not disturb him in the
-least, he rubbed the palm of his hand over it, wiped it off, and went
-on with his writing.) We laughed at first at this apparent nonsense, but
-then your father began to note the theme, the notes, the composition;
-his contemplation of the page became more earnest, and at last tears of
-wonder and delight fell from his eyes.
-
-"Look, Herr Schachtner," said he, "how correct and how orderly it
-is; only it could never be of any use, for it is so extraordinarily
-difficult that no one in the world could play it."
-
-Then Wolfgangerl struck in: "That is why it is a concerto; it must be
-practised till it is perfect; look! this is how it goes."
-
-He began to play, but could only bring out enough to show us what
-he meant by it. He had at that time a firm conviction that playing
-concertos and working miracles were the same thing.
-
-Once more, honoured madam! You will doubtless remember that I have
-a very good violin which Wolfgangerl used in old times to call
-"Butter-fiddle," on account of its soft, full tone. One day, soon after
-you came back from Vienna (early in 1763), he played on it, and could
-not praise my violin enough; a day or two after, I came to see him
-again, and found him amusing himself with his own little violin. He
-said directly: "What is your butter-fiddle about?" and went on playing
-according to his fancy; then he thought a little and said:
-
-"Herr Schachtner, your violin is half a quarter of a tone lower than
-mine, that is, if it is tuned as it was, when I played on it last."
-
-I laughed at this, but your father, who knew the wonderful ear and
-memory of the child, begged me to fetch the violin, and see if he was
-right. I did, and right he was, sure enough!
-
-Some time before this, immediately after your return from Vienna,
-Wolfgang having brought home with him a little violin which some one in
-Vienna had given him, there came in one day our then excellent violinist
-the late Herr Wentzl, who was a dabbler in composition.
-
-He brought six trios with him, composed during the absence of your
-father, whose opinion on them he came to ask. We played these trios,
-your father taking the bass part, Wentzl playing first violin, and I
-second.
-
-Wolfgangerl begged to be allowed to play second violin, but your father
-reproved him for so silly a request, since he had never had any
-
-{CHILDHOOD.}
-
-(24)
-
-instruction on the violin, and your father thought he was not in the
-least able for it.
-
-Wolfgang said, "One need not have learnt, in order to play second
-violin," whereupon his father told him to go away at once, and not
-interrupt us any longer.
-
-Wolfgang began to cry bitterly, and slunk away with his little violin. I
-interceded for him to be allowed to play with me, and at last his father
-said: "Play with Herr Schachtner then, but not so as to be heard, or you
-must go away at once." So it was settled, and Wolfgang played with me.
-I soon remarked with astonishment that I was quite superfluous; I put my
-violin quietly down, and looked at your father, down whose cheeks tears
-of wonder and delight were running; and so he played all the six trios.
-When we had finished, Wolfgang grew so bold from our applause that he
-declared he could play first violin. We let him try for the sake of the
-joke, and almost died of laughter to hear him play, with incorrect and
-uncertain execution, certainly, but never sticking fast altogether.
-
-In conclusion: Of the delicacy and refinement of his ear.
-
-Until he was almost ten years old, he had an insurmountable horror of
-the horn, when it was sounded alone, without other instruments; merely
-holding a horn towards him terrified him as much as if it had been a
-loaded pistol. His father wished to overcome this childish alarm, and
-ordered me once, in spite of his entreaties, to blow towards him; but,
-O! that I had not been induced to do it. Wolfgang no sooner heard
-the clanging sound than he turned pale, and would have fallen into
-convulsions, had I not instantly desisted.
-
-This is, I think, all I can say in answer to your questions. Forgive my
-scrawl, I am too much cast down to do better.
-
-I am, honoured Madam,
-
-With the greatest esteem and affection,
-
-Your most obedient Servant,
-
-Andreas Schachtner,
-
-Court Trumpeter.
-
-Salzburg,
-
-24 April 1792
-
-
-
-
-NOTES TO CHAPTER I.
-
-
-
-[Footnote 1001: An artist named Anton Mozart is mentioned by P. v. Stetten as
-settled in Augsburg, in the seventeenth century (Kunstgesch d. Stadt
-Augsburg, p. 283).]
-
-[Footnote 1002: An oil portrait, preserved in the Mozarteum at Salzburg, shows
-him to have been a tall, handsome man, but with no resemblance either to
-his son or grandson.]
-
-[Footnote 1003: A description of Leopold Mozart is given by Hamberger
-(Christenthum u. moderne Cultur, p. 25).]
-
-[Footnote 1004: R. P. Hist. Univ. Salisb., pp. 29, 90 (s. Meyer d. ehem. Univ.
-Salzburg.)]
-
-[Footnote 1005: Schubart's Aesthetik der Tonkunst, p. 157.]
-
-[Footnote 1006: Marpurg, Hist. krit. Beitr., III., p. 183.]
-
-[Footnote 1007: Schubart's Aesthetik d. Tonk., p. 157.]
-
-[Footnote 1008: "Have you a good subject for an oratorio?" writes L. Mozart to
-Lotter (December 29, 1755). "If I had it in time I would compose
-another for Lent. Have you the one which I composed last year, Christus
-begraben? We have to produce two Oratoria every Lent, and where are
-we to find subjects enough? It must not be de passions Christi, but it
-might be some penitential story. Last year, for instance, we produced
-one on Peter's Repentance, and another is now being composed on David
-in the Wilderness." He must have composed the above-mentioned oratorio
-twice, for as early as 1741 it had been printed in Salzburg as "Christus
-begraben; Cantata for three voices: Magdalena, Nicode-mus, Joseph von
-Arimathaea. Chorus of disciples and friends of our Lord. Words by S. A.
-Wieland. Music by J. G. L. Mozart]."]
-
-[Footnote 1009: Gerber includes among these "Semiramis," "Die verstellte
-Gartnerin," "Bastien und Bastienne," compositions of Wolfgang's, of
-which the scores were left in his father's possession. "La Cantatrice ed
-il Poeta," an intermezzo mentioned by Gerber, is quite unknown to me.]
-
-[Footnote 10010: Catalogo delle sinfonie che si trovano in manuscritto nella
-officina musica di G. G. J. Breitkopf in Lipsia, P. I. (1762), p. 22.
-Suppl. I. (1766), p. 14. Suppl. X. (1775),p. 3.]
-
-[Footnote 10011: Mozart published it in 1759 with the title "Der Morgen und
-Abend den Inwohnern der hochfurstl. Residenzstadt Salzburg melodisch
-und harmonisch angekuendigt." A notice of it is to be found in Marpurg's
-Histor. krit. Beitr., IV., p. 403.]
-
-[Footnote 10012: A "Divertimento a 4 instr. conc., Viol., Violone., 2 Co.," is
-included in Breitkopfs Cat., Suppl. II. (1767), p. zi.]
-
-[Footnote 10013: Haffner's Ouvres melees (Wuerzb.), V. 4, VI. 5, IX. 4.]
-
-[Footnote 10014: Cacilia, XXVI., p. 82.]
-
-[Footnote 10015: A Max d'or (about thirteen shillings) was paid to him for copies
-of four flute concertos, a ducat for a pastoral symphony, and a florin
-for two shorter ones.]
-
-[Footnote 10016: A. M. Z., XXIII., p. 685.]
-
-[Footnote 10017: This was the Society of Musical Science, founded at Leipzig
-in 1738 by Mag. Lor. Mitzler; s. Mitzler's Musik Bibl., III., p. 346;
-Musik. Almanach, 1782, p. 184. In his Violin Method, p. 7, L. Mozart
-praises this Society, and hopes that it will direct its scientific
-researches to questions of practical interest in music]
-
-[Footnote 10018: A long series of letters to his friendly publisher J. J. Lotter,
-at Augsburg, written during 1755 and 1756, when his work was in
-the press, testify to L. Mozart's care for accuracy of expression,
-orthography, and printing.]
-
-[Footnote 10019: Ph. Era. Bach advises clavier-players to hear as much good
-singing as possible; "it gives the habit of thinking in song, and it
-is well always to sing a new idea aloud to oneself, so as to catch the
-right delivery" (Versuch ueber die wahre Art das Klavier zu spielen, I.,
-p. 90).]
-
-[Footnote 10020: "Wherein consists good execution?" says Ph. Em. Bach (Versuch
-ueber die wahre Art das Klavier zu spielen, I., p. 86). "In the power
-of expressing musical ideas to the ear correctly and with full effect,
-whether singing or playing."]
-
-[Footnote 10021: Marpurg's Hist. krit. Beitr., III., p. 160.]
-
-[Footnote 10022: Schubart's Aesth. d. Tonk., p. 157.]
-
-[Footnote 10023: Briefw. m. Goethe, V., p. 191.]
-
-[Footnote 10024: Schubart's Aesth. d. Tonk., p. 158.]
-
-[Footnote 10025: Stranitzky, who introduced the buffoon (Hanswurst) on the Vienna
-stage, gave him the Salzburg dialect (Sonnenfels ges. Schriften, VI.,
-p. 372), and the buffoon was ever afterwards a native of Salzburg. The
-people of Salzburg were credited not only with boorish manners, but with
-a dulness of intellect amounting to stupidity. Mozart complains of it,
-and there was a proverb in Salzburg itself: "He who comes to Salzburg
-becomes in the first year stupid, in the second idiotic, and in the
-third a true Salzburger."]
-
-[Footnote 10026: The full name in the Church Register is Joannes Chrysostomus
-Wolfgangus Theophilus (Gottlieb, the father writes), and in his earlier
-letters he adds his "Confirmation name" Sigismundus. On several of his
-early works and on the Parisian engraving of 1764 his signature is J. G.
-Wolfgang, but afterwards he always signed Wolfgang Amade.]
-
-[Footnote 10027: I have taken this account from Schlichtegroll's Nekrolog, which
-is founded on communications from Wolfgang's sister.]
-
-[Footnote 10028: Recensionen, 1864.x., p. 512. The exercise-book is a square
-folio, with the title "Pour le Clavecin. Ce livre appartient a Marie
-Anne Mozart. 1759." It was perfect when Froehlich saw it (A. M. Z., XIX.,
-p. 96); now, unfortunately, a number of leaves are wanting. Nissen has
-given specimens from this book, some of the earliest compositions.]
-
-[Footnote 10029: Das Neueste aus der anmuth. Gelehrs., 1761, p. 60.]
-
-[Footnote 10030: The original is in the possession of Aloys Fuchs, who
-communicated it to me. Schlichtegroll and Nissen have both made use of
-it.]
-
-[Footnote 10031: "Both as a child and a boy you were serious rather than
-childish," writes L. Mozart, February 16, 1778, "and when you were at
-the clavier, or otherwise engaged with music, you would not suffer the
-least joking to go on with you. Your very countenance was so serious
-that many observant persons prophesied your early death on the grounds
-of your precocious talent and serious expression."]
-
-[Footnote 10032: "As a boy, your modesty was so excessive that you used to weep
-when you were overpraised," writes L. Mozart (February 16, 1778).]
-
-[Footnote 10033: He was so docile, even in trifles, that he never received
-corporal punishment. He loved his father with unusual tenderness. The
-latter reminds him (February 12, 1778) how, every evening at bedtime, he
-used to make him sit on a stool by his side and sing with him a melody
-of his own finding with nonsensical words, Oragnia figa taxa, &c., after
-which he kissed his father on the tip of his nose, promised to put him
-in a glass case when he grew old, and give him all honour, and went
-contentedly to bed.]
-
-[Footnote 10034: Upon a separate scrap of paper.]
-
-====
-
-
-
-
-{EARLY JOURNEYS}
-
-(25)
-
-CHAPTER II. EARLY JOURNEYS
-
-It was in January of the year 1762 that L. Mozart first turned to
-account the precocious talent of his children in an expedition to
-Munich. Their visit extended over three weeks, and both Wolfgang and his
-sister were summoned to play before the Elector, and were well received
-everywhere. Their success encouraged their father to a bolder attempt,
-and on September 19, of the same year, they set out for Vienna.[2001]
-
-Their journey was made by easy stages. At Passau they remained for five
-days, at the request of the Bishop, who wished to hear the boy-prodigy,
-and having done so, rewarded him with--one ducat! Thence they proceeded
-to Linz. Canon Count Herberstein travelled with them, and Wolfgang's
-distress at seeing an old beggar-man fall into the water impressed him
-so much that, as Bishop of Passau, in 1785 he reminded L. Mozart of
-it. At Linz they gave a concert, under the patronage of Count Schlick,
-Governor-General of the province. Count Palfy, a young nobleman who was
-paying his respects to the Countess Schlick on his way through Linz,
-heard from her such a glowing account of the boy-prodigy that he left
-his travelling-carriage at the door of her residence and went with her
-to
-
-{EARLY JOURNEYS.}
-
-(26)
-
-
-the concert; his amazement was unbounded. From Linz they continued
-their journey by water. At the Monastery of Ips, while their travelling
-companions, two Minorite monks and a Benedictine, were saying mass,
-Wolfgang mounted to the organ-loft, and played so admirably that the
-Franciscan friars, and the guests they were entertaining, rose from
-table and came open-mouthed with astonishment to listen to him.
-
-On their arrival at Vienna, Wolfgang saved his father the payment of
-customs duties. He made friends with the custom-house officer,
-showed him his harpsichord, played him a minuet on his little fiddle,
-and--"That passed us through!" Throughout the journey Wolfgang showed
-himself lively and intelligent, readily making friends, especially with
-officials; his engaging manners attracted as much love as his playing
-excited admiration.
-
-The fame of the two children had preceded them to Vienna. Count Schlick,
-Count Herberstein, and Count Palfy had raised expectation to the highest
-pitch, and the children were assured of a good reception at court
-and among the nobility, who vied with each other in their devotion to
-everything connected with art.
-
-The imperial family took more than a passive interest in musical
-affairs.[2002] Charles VI. was an accomplished musician, and used to
-accompany operatic or other performances at court upon the clavier,[2003]
-playing from the figured bass, according to the custom of conductors at
-the time. He caused his daughters to study music, and the future Empress
-Maria Theresa displayed at an early age both taste and talent. In 1725,
-when only seven years old, she sang in an opera by Fux, at a fete given
-in honour of her mother, the Empress Elizabeth. It was in allusion
-to this that she once, joking, told Faustina Hasse that she believed
-herself to be the first
-
-{VIENNA, 1762--WAGENSEIL.}
-
-(27)
-
-of living virtuose.[2004] In 1739 she sang a duet with Senesino so
-beautifully that the celebrated old singer was melted to tears.[2005] Her
-husband, Francis I., was also musical, and gave his children a musical
-education.[2006] The Archduchesses appeared frequently in operatic
-performances at court, acquitting themselves "very well for
-princesses."[2007]
-
-The Emperor Joseph sang well, and played the harpsichord and the
-violoncello.
-
-Anecdotes of Mozart's genius had excited much interest at court, and
-on September 13, before he had even solicited the honour, L. Mozart
-received a command to bring his children to Schoenbrunn. A quiet day was
-chosen, that the children might be heard without fear of interruption.
-Their playing surpassed all expectation, and they were afterwards
-repeatedly summoned to court. The Emperor took special delight in the
-"little magician" and enjoyed inventing new trials of skill for him.
-He jestingly told him that playing with all his fingers was nothing;
-playing with one finger would be true art; whereupon Wolfgang began to
-play charmingly with only one finger. Another time he told him that
-it would be true art to play with the keyboard covered; and Wolfgang
-covered the keys with a cloth, and played with as much decision and
-vivacity as if he could see them. This _tour de force_ was often
-repeated on subsequent occasions, and always received with great
-applause.
-
-But music was, generally speaking, a serious matter to Wolfgang, and
-even at court he refused to play except before connoisseurs. Once,
-seeing himself surrounded by a fashionable assemblage, he said before he
-began: "Is Herr Wagenseil here? Let him come; he knows something about
-it." (Georg Christoph Wagenseil--born in Vienna, 1688; died, 1779)--was a
-pupil of Fux, and one of the first
-
-
-{EARLY JOURNEYS.}
-
-(28)
-
-clavier-players and composers of his time: he taught the Empress and afterwards
-her children.[2008] The Emperor moved aside to let him come near Mozart,
-who exclaimed: "I am going to play one of your concertos; you must turn
-over for me." At court, as elsewhere, Mozart was a bright, happy child.
-He would spring on the Empress's lap, throw his arms round her neck and
-kiss her, and play with the princesses on a footing of perfect equality.
-He was especially devoted to the Archduchess Marie Antoinette. Once,
-when he fell on the polished floor, she lifted him from the ground and
-consoled him, while one of her sisters stood by: "You are good,"
-said Wolfgang, "I will marry you." The Empress asked him why? "From
-gratitude," answered he; "she was good to me, but her sister stood by
-and did nothing."[2009] The Emperor Joseph reminded him in after years of
-his playing duets with Wagenseil, and of Mozart's standing in the
-antechamber among the audience, calling "Pfui!" or "Bravo!" or "That was
-wrong!" as the case might be.[20010]
-
-The favour of the court was further displayed in substantial honours and
-rewards. In addition to a gift of money Marianne was presented with
-a white silk court dress, belonging to one of the Archduchesses, and
-Wolfgang with a violet coloured suit, trimmed with broad gold braid,
-that had been made for the Archduke Maximilian. His father had his
-portrait painted in this magnificent attire. As might have been
-expected, the children became the rage in society; "all the ladies
-fell in love with the lad." The music-loving Prince von Hildburghausen,
-Vice-Chancellor Count Colloredo, Bishop Esterhazy, all invited the
-Mozarts; and before long they were indispensable at every fashionable
-assembly. They were generally carried to and fro in the carriage of
-their entertainers, and received many handsome presents of money and
-trinkets. This prosperous course
-
-{SECOND JOURNEY, 1763.}
-
-(29)
-
-was, however, suddenly interrupted by an attack of scarlet fever, which
-kept Wolfgang in bed for a fortnight. The dangerous part of his illness
-was soon over, and the greatest sympathy was everywhere expressed for
-him; but the fear of infection was then very great, and the interest
-taken in his convalescence was accompanied by considerable reluctance to
-his society.
-
-An invitation from the Hungarian magnates induced L. Mozart, although he
-had already exceeded his leave of absence, to undertake an expedition
-to Pressburg on December 11. The weather was very unfavourable, and
-made the return journey through roadless Hungary not a little dangerous.
-Their stay in Vienna was not much further prolonged, and early in
-January, 1763, they found themselves once more in Salzburg.
-
-Having once tested the powers and popularity of his children, Leopold
-Mozart could not settle contentedly in Salzburg again, and he soon
-determined on the bolder venture of making their talents known beyond
-Germany. Paris was his ultimate goal, but he intended to exhibit the
-children at any of the German courts which did not lie too far out of
-their way. The class from which at the present day the musical public,
-properly so called, is drawn was then altogether uncultivated; and even
-where there were no courts, as in the imperial towns, the nobles and
-rich merchants kept up similar distinctions of rank.
-
-L. Mozart lays complacent stress upon the fact that throughout their
-tour, their intercourse was confined to the nobility and distinguished
-persons, and that both for their health's sake and the reputation of
-their court, they were obliged to travel _noblement_. Being summer,
-therefore, the travellers avoided the capitals and visited the country
-seats to which, at this season, the courts were wont to repair.[20011]
-
-{EARLY JOURNEYS.}
-
-(30)
-
-The journey began on June 9, and not prosperously; for in Wasserbrunn
-the carriage broke down, necessitating the delay of a whole day. "The
-last new thing is," writes the father, "that in order to pass the time
-we went to look at the organ, and I explained the pedal to Wolferl. He
-set to work to try it on the spot; pushed aside the stool, and preluded
-away standing, using the pedal as if he had practised it for months. We
-were all lost in astonishment. What has caused others months of
-practice comes to him as a gift of God." Wolfgang performed on the organ
-constantly throughout the journey, and was, his father says, even more
-admired as an organist than as a clavier-player.
-
-Arrived at Munich on June 12, 1763, they proceeded at once to
-Nymphenburg, the summer residence of the Elector. Here the introduction
-of the Prince von Zweibruecken gained them a favourable reception,
-and they played repeatedly before the Elector and Duke Clement; it is
-specially mentioned that Wolfgang executed a concerto on the violin with
-cadenzas "out of his own head." Here they fell in with two travellers
-from Saxony, the Barons Hopfgarten and Bose, with whom they formed a
-cordial friendship, cemented during their stay in Paris. At Augsburg
-they took up their abode for a fortnight with the Mozart family, and
-gave three concerts, at which the audience were almost exclusively
-Lutherans. The Salzburg "Europaische Zeitung" (July 19, 1763) reports
-from Augsburg, July 9:--
-
-The day before yesterday, Herr Leopold Mozart, Vice-Kapellmeister
-at Salzburg, left this place for Stuttgart, with his two precocious
-children. The inhabitants of his native town have fully appreciated
-the privilege accorded them in witnessing the manifestation of the
-marvellous gifts bestowed by Providence on these charming children; they
-recognise also how great must have been the paternal care, the result
-of which has been the production of a girl of eleven and, what is still
-more incredible, a boy of seven years old as ornaments to the musical
-world. The opinion pronounced on these prodigies by a correspondent from
-Vienna, which will be found on another page, enthusiastic as it appears,
-will be confirmed by all musical connoisseurs.
-
-At Ludwigsburg, the summer residence of the Wurtemburg court, they did
-not succeed in obtaining audience of the Duke, although they had brought
-introductions from
-
-{LUDWIGSBURG, 1763--JOMELLI.}
-
-(31)
-
-Canon Count Wolfegg, both to the Master of the Hunt, Bar. v. Poelnitz,
-and to Jomelli. L. Mozart was inclined to ascribe this to the influence
-of Jomelli, who figured as Kapellmeister from 1754 to 1768,[20012] with a
-salary of 4,000 fl. (more correctly 3,000 fl.), the keep of four horses,
-fuel and lights, a house in Stuttgart and another at Ludwigsburg, and
-2,000 fl. pension for his widow. Leopold Mozart announces all this
-to Hagenauer, with the question: "What do you think of that for a
-Kapellmeister's pay?" He maintained that all native artists had to
-suffer from Jomelli's influence, who spared no trouble to drive Germans
-from the court and to admit none but Italians; this was the more
-possible, as he was in high favour with the Duke.
-
-He and his countrymen, of whom his house was always full, were reported
-to have said that it was incredible that a child of German birth could
-have such musical genius, and so much spirit and fire. _Ridete Amici!_
-he adds. Granted, however, that musical taste in Ludwigsburg had been
-thoroughly Italianised by Jomelli's influence and position,[20013] there
-is no doubt that this account of him is prejudiced and exaggerated.
-Metastasio pictures him as courteous and affable,[20014] and in Stuttgart
-he had the reputation of giving all due credit to German artists,[20015]
-so that L. Mozart's accusation is probably without much foundation. He
-himself acknowledges that Jomelli's unlimited power had been principally
-the cause of the excellence of musical performances in Ludwigsburg;
-though here again, Schubart complains that the orchestra was spoilt by
-the numerous amateur members who could not agree, and who were fond
-of introducing ornamentations in their separate parts, quite out of
-character with the whole.[20016]
-
-Of the really superior amateurs who were then at
-
-{EARLY JOURNEYS.}
-
-(32)
-
-Ludwigsburg L. Mozart mentions only Tartini's pupil, P. Nardini (died
-1793) who "was unsurpassed in taste, purity, and delicacy of tone, but
-not by any means a powerful player."
-
-From Ludwigsburg they proceeded to Schwetzingen, and presenting
-recommendations from the Prince von Zweibruecken and Prince Clement of
-Bavaria, were well received by the Elector Palatine Karl Theodor. On
-July 18 the court assembled to hear them from five to nine o'clock; the
-children set all Schwetzingen in commotion, and the electoral household
-were enchanted with them. L. Mozart praises the admirable flute-playing
-of Wendling, and speaks of the orchestra as the best in Germany,
-being entirely composed of young men of good birth, who were "neither
-tipplers, nor gamblers, nor miserable ragamuffins" (a hit at Salzburg),
-and who were as estimable in their private as in their professional
-capacity. He goes on to inform pious Frau Hagenauer, that since they
-left Wasser-burg they had found no holy water, and rarely a crucifix
-in their bedrooms, and that they found it difficult to procure fast-day
-meals: "Everybody eats meat, and perhaps so have we, without knowing it.
-After all, it is no fault of ours!"
-
-Making an excursion to Heidelberg, Wolfgang played the organ in the
-Church of the Holy Spirit, and so astonished his audience that the Dean
-ordered his name and the particulars of his visit to be inscribed as a
-memorial of it on the organ. Unfortunately no trace of the inscription
-remains.
-
-At Mayence, owing to the illness of the Elector, Joseph Emnrerich (von
-Breidtbach), they could not appear at court, but made 200 florins at
-three concerts. Here they met the singer, Marianne de Amicis, who was
-returning with her family from London.
-
-At Frankfort, which they went out of their way to visit, Mozart's first
-concert, on August 18, was so successful that they decided on giving
-three more. The newspaper announcement, of August 30, 1763, shows
-what an astonishing performance was offered to the public. It runs as
-follows:[20017]--
-
-{FRANKFORT, COBLENZ, COLOGNE.}
-
-(33)
-
-The universal admiration excited in the minds of the audience by the
-astounding genius of the two children of Herr L. Mozart, Kapellmeister
-at the Court of Salzburg, has necessitated the threefold repetition of
-the concert which was announced to take place on one occasion only.
-
-In consequence, therefore, of this universal admiration, and in
-deference to the desire of many distinguished connoisseurs, the next
-and positively the last concert will take place this evening, Tuesday,
-August 30, in the Scharfischen Saal, on the Liebfraoenberge.
-
-The little girl, who is in her twelfth year, will play the most
-difficult compositions of the greatest masters; the boy, who is not yet
-seven, will perform on the clavecin or harpsichord; he will also play a
-concerto for the violin, and will accompany symphonies on the clavier,
-the manual or keyboard being covered with a cloth, with as much facility
-as if he could see the keys; he will instantly name all notes played at
-a distance, whether singly or in chords on the clavier, or on any
-other instrument, bell, glass, or clock. He will finally, both on the
-harpsichord and the organ, improvise as long as may be desired and in
-any key, thus proving that he is as thoroughly acquainted with the
-one instrument as with the other, great as is the difference between
-them.[20018]
-
-Here, too, Goethe heard him. "I saw him as a boy, seven years old," he
-told Eckermann, "when he gave a concert on one of his tours. I myself
-was fourteen, and I remember the little fellow distinctly with his
-powdered wig and his sword."[20019]
-
-At Coblenz, Mozart was presented to the Elector of Treves, Johann
-Philipp (von Walderdorf), by Baron Walderdorf and the Imperial
-Ambassador, Count Bergen, and appeared at court on September 18. He was
-also frequently invited by the Privy Councillor and Imperial Knight von
-Kerpen, whose seven sons and two daughters all either sang or played
-some instrument. At Bonn, the Elector of Cologne, Maximilian Freidrich
-(Count of Konigseck-Rothenfels), being absent, they only remained long
-enough to see and admire the splendours of the residential palace;
-the magnificent beds, the baths, the picture galleries, concert halls,
-decorations, inlaid tables, chairs, &c.; also the numerous curiosities
-at Poppelsdorf and Falkenlust. At Cologne, on the other hand, they only
-note the "dingy cathedral." At Aix, the Princess Amalie, sister
-
-{EARLY JOURNEYS.}
-
-(34)
-
-to Frederick the Great, and a zealous lover and patroness of music, was
-taking the waters. She endeavoured to persuade L. Mozart to take his
-children to Berlin, but he would not alter his plans.
-
-"She has no money," writes the practical man. "If the kisses she bestows
-on my children, particularly on Master Wolfgang, were each a louis
-d'or, we should be well off; as it is, neither our hotel bill nor our
-post-horses can be paid with kisses." At Brussels, where Prince Charles
-of Lorraine, brother of the Emperor Francis I., resided as Governor
-and Captain-General of the Austrian Netherlands, they were delayed some
-time, but succeeded in giving a grand concert.
-
-Thence they proceeded direct to Paris, where they arrived on November
-18, and were kindly received and hospitably entertained by the Bavarian
-ambassador, Count von Eyck. His wife was a daughter of the high
-chamberlain at Salzburg, Count Arco. Mozart was furnished with
-introductions to the most distinguished persons then in Paris; but
-all these were worth nothing, L. Mozart writes, in comparison with one
-letter given to him by a merchant's wife at Frankfort, and addressed
-to Grimm. Friedrich Melchior Grimm, the pupil and disciple of
-Gottsched,[20020] had lived in Paris since 1749. As secretary to Count
-Friesen, and afterwards to the Duke of Orleans, he had admission to the
-highest circles of society. His amiable disposition and the important
-share he took in the literary struggles of the encyclopedists gained
-him a still more exalted position as a sort of literary and artistic
-arbiter. His judgment on musical matters was eagerly sought after, and,
-as it came within his special province to bring to light anything out
-of the common way, he was of all others most fitted to appreciate
-Wolfgang's performances. He had genuine sympathy with his countrymen,
-too, and could understand such a nature as L. Mozart's. He had not yet
-been created baron and ambassador, was still active and energetic, and
-exerted all his personal and literary influence for the Mozart family.
-Leopold ascribes
-
-
-{PARIS--1763-64, GRIMM, MDME. DE POMPADOUR.}
-
-( 35)
-
-all their subsequent success to this "powerful friend." "He has done
-everything--opened the court to us, managed the first concert, and is
-going to manage the second. What cannot a man do with sense and a kind
-heart? He has been fifteen years in Paris, and knows how to make things
-fall out as he wishes."
-
-Their first object was the introduction at court. The most important
-personage at that time at Versailles was, of course, Madame de
-Pompadour. "She must have been very beautiful," writes L. Mozart to
-Madame Hagenauer, "for she is still comely. She is tall and stately;
-stout, but well proportioned, with some likeness to Her Imperial Majesty
-about the eyes. She is proud, and has a remarkable mind." Mozart's
-sister remembered in after days how she placed little Wolfgang on the
-table before her, but pushed him aside when he bent forward to kiss her,
-on which he indignantly asked: "Who is this that does not want to kiss
-me?--the Empress kissed me."[20021] The King's daughters were much more
-friendly, and, contrary to all etiquette, kissed and played with the
-children, both in their own apartments and in the public corridors. On
-New Year's Day the Mozart family were conducted by the Swiss guard to
-the supper-room of the royal family. Wolfgang stood near the Queen,
-who fed him with sweetmeats, and talked to him in German, which she was
-obliged to interpret to Louis XV. The father stood near Wolfgang, and
-the mother and daughter on the other side of the King, near the Dauphin
-and Madame Adelaide.
-
-Once having played at Versailles, they were sure of access to the most
-distinguished society.[20022]A small oil painting, now in the Museum at
-Versailles, shows little Wolfgang at the clavier in the _salon_ of
-Prince Conti, the centre of an assemblage of great people. Finally,
-having established their
-
-(36)
-
-{EARLY JOURNEYS.}
-
-position in private society they gave two great concerts (on March 10
-and April 9, 1764) in the rooms of a certain fashionable M. Felix, who
-had built a little theatre for private representations. The permission
-to give these concerts was a favour obtained with difficulty, as they
-infringed the privileges both of the Concert Spirituel and of the
-French and Italian theatres. The result was in every respect a brilliant
-success. Marianne Mozart played the most difficult compositions of the
-musicians then living in Paris, especially of Schobert and Eckart, with
-a precision and correctness that could not have been surpassed by the
-masters themselves.
-
-Schobert was a native of Strasburg, cembalist to the Prince de Conti;
-as a composer he was famous for his grace and fire, especially in
-allegros,[20023] but as a man he was not all he should have been, according
-to L. Mozart. He was a false flatterer, his religion was _a la mode_,
-and his envy was often so ill-concealed as to excite ridicule. Eckart,
-on the contrary, was a worthy man, and quite free from jealousy; he
-had come from Augsburg to Paris in 1758, and was highly esteemed as a
-clavier-player and teacher.
-
-Wolfgang's performances on the clavier, organ, and violin, extraordinary
-as they were, were thrown into the shade by the proofs he gave of almost
-incredible musical genius.[20024] He not only accompanied at sight Italian
-and French airs, but he transposed them [prima vista].
-
-At that time, accompanying meant more than the playing of prepared
-passages for the piano or clavier; it involved the choice at the moment
-of a fitting accompaniment for the
-
-{FIRST PRINTED COMPOSITIONS.}
-
-(37)
-
-several parts of the score, or the supplying of harmonies to the bass.
-
-On the other hand, the simplicity of the harmony, and the adherence to
-certain fixed forms, gave to such exercises facilities not afforded
-by the license and want of form of modern music. Grimm relates in
-his correspondence a truly astonishing instance of the boy's genius.
-Wolfgang accompanied a lady in an Italian air without seeing the music,
-supplying the harmony for the passage which was to follow from that
-which he had just heard. This could not be done without some mistakes,
-but when the song was ended he begged the lady to sing it again, played
-the accompaniment and the melody itself with perfect correctness, and
-repeated it ten times, altering the character of the accompaniment for
-each. On a melody being dictated to him, he supplied the bass and the
-parts without using the clavier at all; he showed himself in all ways
-so accomplished that his father was convinced he would obtain service at
-court on his return home. Leopold Mozart now thought the time was come
-for introducing the boy as a composer, and he printed four sonatas for
-the piano and violin, rejoicing at the idea of the noise which they
-would make in the world, appearing with the announcement on the
-title-page that they were the work of a child of seven years old.
-He thought well of these sonatas, independently of their childish
-authorship; one andante especially "shows remarkable taste." When it
-happened that in the last trio of Op. 2, a mistake of the young master,
-which his father had corrected (consisting of three consecutive fifths
-for the violin), was printed, he consoled himself by reflecting that
-"they can serve as a proof that Wolfgangerl wrote the sonatas himself,
-which, naturally, not every one would believe." The little composer
-dedicated his first printed sonatas (6, 7, K.), to the good-natured
-Princesse Victoire, both she and her sisters being very fond of music.
-The next (8,9, K.), were dedicated to the amiable and witty Comtesse de
-Tesse, lady-in-waiting to the Dauphiness.
-
-Grimm had written a dedication in Mozart's name, in which both he and
-the Dauphiness were well touched off.
-
-{FIRST JOURNEY.}
-
-(38)
-
-To L. Mozart's vexation she declined it as too eulogistic, and a simpler
-one had to be substituted.
-
-The prodigies were overwhelmed with distinctions, complimentary verses,
-and gifts. M. de Carmontelle, an admirable amateur portrait painter,
-made a charming picture of the family group;[20025] it was engraved by
-Delafosse at Grimm's instigation.
-
-The unprecedented success of the two children was the more significant
-since musical culture was not nearly so predominant in Paris as in most
-of the German courts. "It is a pity," says Grimm, "that people in this
-country understand so little of music."
-
-L. Mozart notes the standing war between French and Italian music, and
-the position which Grimm took up on the side of the Italians served to
-confirm him in his preconceived opinions. According to him none of
-the French music was worth a groat; in church music all the solos and
-everything approaching to an air, were "empty, cold, and wretched,
-in fact French." But he did justice to the choruses, and lost no
-opportunity of letting his son hear them.[20026] In instrumental music
-the German composers, among them Schobert, Eckart, and Hannauer, were
-beginning to make their influence felt, so much so that Le Grand[20027]
-abandoned the French style and composed sonatas after German models.
-The revolution to be wrought by Gluck, was as yet, indeed, not to be
-foreseen; but L. Mozart hoped that in ten or fifteen years the French
-style would be extinguished.
-
-On April 10, 1764, the Mozart family left Paris. At Calais, Marianne
-notes in her diary, "how the sea runs away and comes back again." Thence
-they crossed to Dover in a small vessel, the packet being over full, and
-were very sea-sick; an experienced courier, whom they had brought with
-them from Paris, arranged the journey direct
-
-{LONDON, 1764-65.}
-
-(39)
-
-to London.[20028] They were heard at court on April 27, and their reception
-surpassed all expectation. "The favour shown to us by both royal
-personages is incredible," writes L. Mozart; "we should never imagine
-from their familiar manner that they were the King and Queen of England.
-We have met with extraordinary politeness at every court, but this
-surpasses them all. A week ago we were walking in St. James's Park; the
-King and Queen drove past, and although we were differently dressed,
-they recognised us, and the King leant out of the window smiling and
-nodding, especially towards Wolfgang."
-
-George III. was a connoisseur and passionate admirer of Handel's music,
-and Queen Charlotte sang and played; both had German taste, and
-gave special honour to German artists, as Jos. Haydn found in later
-years.[20029] The Mozarts were summoned to court on May 19, and played
-before a limited circle from six to ten o'clock. Pieces by Wagenseil,
-Bach, Abel, and Handel were placed by the King before the "invincible"
-Wolfgang, who played them all at sight; he surpassed his clavier-playing
-when he sat down to the King's organ; he accompanied the Queen in a
-song, a flute-player in a solo, and, finally, he took the bass of an
-air by Handel and improvised a charming melody to it. None took more
-interest in the young musician than the Queen's music-master, Joh.
-Christian Bach,[20030] the son of Sebastian Bach, settled in London since
-1762, and the author of several popular operas and numerous pianoforte
-compositions. He looked upon his art after an easy careless fashion;
-but his kindness and goodwill won Wolfgang's heart for ever. He liked to
-play with the boy; took him upon his knee and went through a sonata with
-him, each in turn playing a bar with so much precision that no one would
-have suspected two performers. He began a fugue, which Wolfgang took up
-and completed when Bach broke off.
-
-{FIRST JOURNEY.}
-
-(40)
-
-At last L. Mozart thought the time had come to introduce to the public
-"the greatest wonder of which Europe or the world can boast," as the
-grandiloquent announcement ran. Not without due calculation, the concert
-was fixed for June 5, the King's birthday, which was sure to bring a
-large public to London. The speculation succeeded, and L. Mozart "was
-terrified" by taking one hundred guineas in three hours--a satisfactory
-sum to send home. On the 29th Wolfgang played at a concert given
-at Ranelagh Gardens, with a charitable object, and "astonished and
-delighted the greatest connoisseurs in England." This prosperous career
-was, however, temporarily cut short; Leopold Mozart was seized with
-dangerous inflammation of the throat, and retired with his children to
-Chelsea, where they remained seven weeks before his cure was completed.
-During this time Wolfgang, out of consideration for his father, left his
-instrument untouched; but he set to work to write orchestral symphonies,
-and his sister tells[20031] how he said to her, sitting near: "Remind me
-to give something really good to the horn." The horn was at that time
-a favourite instrument in England, and in many of Wolfgang's youthful
-compositions it has a prominent part. The first symphony, in E flat
-major (1 K.), in the three usual movements, has many corrections which
-the boy made, partly to improve the instrumentation, partly to moderate
-the too rapid transition to the principal theme of the first movement.
-Originality is scarcely to be expected, but it is something that a due
-regard to form and continuity should be everywhere apparent. He worked
-so diligently that at the next concert it was announced that all the
-instrumental pieces were of Wolfgang's composition. Three symphonies
-(17,18,19, K.), in B flat major (with two minuets, the instrumentation
-not quite complete), in E flat major (with clarinets, instead of oboes,
-and bassoons), and in D major (Londra, 1765), which all fall within the
-London visit, show marked progress. The subjects are better defined,
-the disposition of the parts is freer and more orchestral, and some
-instrumental effects
-
-{LONDON, 1764-65.}
-
-(41)
-
-begin to be heard. On October 29, they were in town again, and invited
-to court to celebrate the fourth anniversary of the King's accession. As
-a memento of the royal favour, L. Mozart printed six sonatas for piano
-and violin or flute, composed by Wolfgang, and dedicated to the Queen on
-January 18, 1765, which dedication she rewarded with a present of fifty
-guineas.[20032] The opening of the Italian Opera House on November 24,
-1764, had no small influence on Wolfgang's genius; here, for the first
-time, he heard singers of note. Giovanni Manzuoli (born in Florence,
-1720),[20033] whose singing and acting were then exciting the London public
-to the highest enthusiasm,[20034] became acquainted with the Mozart family,
-and gave Wolfgang lessons in singing. His voice was, of course, a boyish
-treble; his style that of an artist. The following year, in Paris, Grimm
-declared that he had so profited by Manzuoli's instruction as to sing
-with extreme taste and feeling, notwithstanding the weakness of his
-voice. Thus early did Mozart acquire, as if by natural instinct, all the
-requisites for a great composer which are, to most men, the result of
-years of painful study.
-
-During Lent, he enjoyed the opportunity of hearing Handel's Oratorios,
-but we hear nothing of any special influence which they may have had
-on his mind; indeed, he knew little of Handel in later years, until Van
-Swieten made him acquainted with his works.
-
-On February 21, the "Wonder of Nature" reappeared in public at a concert
-which had been often postponed. The political situation and the illness
-of the king made the time an unfavourable one, and the receipts were not
-so great as had been expected.
-
-Another concert, on May 13, took place only after repeated announcements
-of the approaching departure of the Wonder of Nature, and at a reduced
-rate. "It was quite enchanting," declares the "Salzburger Zeitung"[20035]
-"to hear the sister
-
-{FIRST JOURNEY.}
-
-(42)
-
-of twelve years old play the most difficult sonatas on the harpsichord,
-while her brother accompanied her impromptu on another harpsichord."
-Wolfgang performed on a harpsichord with two manuals and a pedal which
-the musical instrument maker Tschudi had constructed for the King of
-Prussia;[20036] Tschudi "rejoiced that his extraordinary harpsichord should
-be played for the first time by the most extraordinary performer in the
-world." After this, L. Mozart repeatedly invited the public to hear and
-test the young wonder in private daily from twelve to two o'clock; at
-first these performances took place in their own lodging, afterwards
-in a tavern, not of the first rank. It was promised as something
-extraordinary that the two children should play a duet on the same
-clavier with the keyboard covered. It was for these occasions that
-Wolfgang composed his first duet, according to L. Mozart, the first
-sonata for four hands ever written.
-
-The Hon. Daines Barrington, a man highly esteemed as a lawyer and a
-philosopher, undertook a repeated and searching trial of the boy's
-skill, and has left a circumstantial report of the result.[20037] He
-obtained a copy of Wolfgang's registry of baptism, in order to be sure
-of his age, and made other minute inquiries concerning him. Besides the
-usual tests of playing difficult pieces at sight, and of singing and
-accompanying with proper expression a score hitherto unknown to him, he
-demanded an improvisation. He told Mozart to improvise a love-song such
-as Manzuoli might sing in some opera. The boy at once pronounced
-some words to serve as a recitative, then followed an air on the word
-_affetto_ (love) of about the length of an ordinary love-song in the
-regulation two parts. In the same way he composed a song expressive of
-anger on the word _perfido_ which excited him so much, that he struck
-the clavier like one possessed, and several times sprang up from his
-seat. Barrington remarks that these improvised compositions, if not very
-astonishing, are
-
-{HOLLAND, 1765.}
-
-(43)
-
-yet far above the ordinary run, and give proofs of decided inventive
-power. Not only has Mozart's technical education so far advanced, that
-he handles freely the forms and rules of composition; he begins now to
-display the inspired imagination of an artistic genius.
-
-It is interesting to note the first stirrings of the dramatic element
-in Mozart, and how he was able already to give articulate expression to
-various passions as they were suggested to him.
-
-An instance of this is a tenor song, "Va dal furor portata" (21 K.),
-composed in London, 1765, in which the Da capo form is rigorously
-adhered to, and which, though wanting in originality displays much sense
-of characteristic expression.
-
-Before the end of their London stay they visited the British Museum,
-the natural history and ethnographical curiosities being duly noted
-by Marianne. In deference to an expressed wish, Wolfgang presented the
-Museum with his printed sonatas and with a manuscript composition (20
-K.), consisting of a short madrigal in four parts, "God is our Refuge,"
-the melody being possibly suggested.[20038] Notwithstanding this, the
-treatment of it is an extraordinary proof not only of the boy's skill,
-but of his readiness in apprehending and adhering to an unaccustomed
-form.[20039]
-
-On July 24, 1765, they left London, remained one day in Canterbury, and
-passed the rest of the month at the country seat of Sir Horace Mann.
-In obedience to the repeated and earnest solicitations of the Dutch
-Ambassador, speaking as the mouthpiece of the Princess Caroline, of
-Nassau-Weilburg, L. Mozart, contrary to his original plan, consented to
-visit the Hague. He probably lays stress on this pressing invitation to
-excuse his lengthened absence from Salzburg. His leave of absence had
-long ago expired,
-
-{FIRST JOURNEY.}
-
-(44)
-
-and he was repeatedly urged to hasten his return; but he was firmly
-resolved with God's help, to carry out what he had begun. They had
-proceeded as far on their journey as Lille, when Wolfgang was seized
-with an illness which necessitated a delay of four weeks, and from which
-he had not quite recovered when he was in Ghent playing on the great
-organ of the Church of St. Bernard. They reached the Hague in the
-beginning of September, and met with a very gracious reception from
-the Prince of Orange and his sister the Princess of Weilburg. But now,
-Marianne, in her turn fell dangerously ill; was delirious for a week
-together, and received the last sacrament. "No one," writes the father,
-"could have heard unmoved the interview between myself, my wife, and
-daughter, and how we convinced the latter of the vanity of the world and
-the blessedness of early death, while Wolfgang was amusing himself with
-his music in another room." They did not neglect to have masses for
-Marianne's recovery said in Salzburg.
-
-On the Sunday that she was at her worst, Leopold opened the Gospel at
-the words: "Lord, come down, ere my child die;" but a new treatment of
-the case by Herr Schwenckel, physician to the Princess of Weilburg,
-was so successful, that he was soon able to acknowledge the prophetic
-significance of the words: "Thy daughter sleeps; thy faith hath saved
-thee."
-
-Scarcely was the father relieved from this anxiety when he was subjected
-to a still greater trial. Wolfgang was seized with a violent attack of
-fever, which reduced him to extreme weakness for several weeks. But even
-illness did not cripple the boy's mental activity. He insisted on having
-a board laid across his bed, on which he could write; and even when his
-little fingers refused their accustomed service he could scarcely be
-persuaded to cease writing and playing.
-
-In January, 1766, we find him composing a song, "Conservati fedele" (23
-K.), for the Princess of Weilburg, which consists of a pleasant, flowing
-melody, and here and there characteristic touches, happily expressed by
-changes of harmony.
-
-{HOLLAND, 1765-66.}
-
-(45)
-
-He was able before the end of this month to go on to Amsterdam, where
-they spent four weeks. Wolfgang gave two concerts at which all the
-instrumental pieces were of his own composition. Among them was a
-Symphony in B flat major (22 K.), in three movements, which had been
-written at the Hague, and which contains noteworthy instances of
-thematic elaboration and well-rounded phrasing. Although it was Lent,
-and all public amusements were strictly forbidden, these concerts were
-permitted because the "exhibition of the marvellous gifts of these
-children redounds to the glory of God," a resolution which, though it
-was formulated by Lutherans, was nevertheless cordially accepted by so
-devout a Catholic as L. Mozart.
-
-On March 8, 1766, they travelled back to the Hague, to assist at the
-festivities given in honour of the Prince of Orange, who came of age
-on that day. Wolfgang was ordered to compose six sonatas for piano
-and violin for the Princess of Weilburg, which were printed with a
-dedication (26 to 31, K.). In addition, he wrote several songs for the
-same princess, and other "trifles," which were also printed, among them
-pianoforte variations on an air composed for the occasion (24 K.),
-and upon another air, "which is sung, played, and whistled all over
-Holland." This was the song, "Wilhelmus von Nassau,"[20040] written and
-composed by Philipp von Mamix (d. 1598), on the Prince of Orange (d.
-1584), which soon spread far and wide[20041] and became the national song
-of Holland. Mattheson cites it as an instance of a national war-song,
-which had inspired a whole people to great deeds, and had played an
-important part in the war and in the celebration of peace, in 1749.[20042]
-For one concert, Wolfgang composed an orchestral piece after the manner
-of a "Concerto grosso," in which a clavier obbligato was introduced with
-the other instruments and called it a "Galimathias musicum." Sketches
-for this in Wolfgang's handwriting, with his father's corrections here
-and there, have
-
-{FIRST JOURNEY.}
-
-(46)
-
-been preserved (32 K).[20043] After an easy andante, which serves as an
-introduction, come thirteen movements, generally only in two parts,
-varying both in measure and time. There is a variety of instrumentation
-unmistakably present, and the horns are specially favoured; there is one
-passage which imitates the bagpipes.
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-The whole winds up with an elaborate movement on the first part of the
-national song--
-
-which is partly fugued, partly worked out in a free imitation, showing,
-as one might expect, the uncertain hand of a boy. But it is plain that
-he was considered as an established composer. His father's talent, too,
-met with flattering recognition; his Violin Method was translated into
-Dutch, and dedicated to the Prince of Orange on his accession.[20044] The
-publisher brought it to Leopold Mozart, accompanied by the organist, who
-invited Wolfgang to play on the great organ at Haarlem, which he did on
-the following day. At length they travelled by way of Mechlin to Paris,
-where they arrived on May 10, and established themselves in a lodging
-provided by their friend Grimm. The progress made both by Wolfgang
-and his sister was acknowledged by all; but the public are more easily
-excited by the phenomenal performances of an infant prodigy than by the
-incomparably more important development of an extraordinary genius, and
-the interest in the children does not appear to have been so great as on
-their former visit. Nevertheless, they played repeatedly at Versailles;
-the Princess of Orleans, afterwards Duchess of Conde, thought herself
-honoured in presenting Wolfgang with a little rondo for piano and
-violin of her own composition.[20045] Prince Karl Wilhelm Ferdinand von
-Braunschweig, the Braunschweig Achilles, as Winckelmann calls him,[20046]
-who
-
-{PARIS, SWITZERLAND, 1766.}
-
-(47)
-
-had won his laurels in the seven years' war, sought them out in Paris.
-"He is pleasant, handsome, and amiable," writes L. Mozart, "and as soon
-as I went in, he asked me if I were the author of the Violin School." He
-had not only intelligence and good taste in music, but played the violin
-himself so well "that he might have made his fortune by it."[20047] He said
-of Wolfgang that many a kapellmeister had lived and died without having
-learnt as much as the boy knew now. He entered into competition with the
-most distinguished artists on the organ, the piano, or in improvisation,
-and either came off victor or with abundant honour. On June 12, he
-composed a little Kyrie for four voices with stringed accompaniment (33,
-K), that is precise and simple, but in style and form, and in the purity
-of its melody, approaches nearer to the Mozart of after life than any
-other composition of his boyhood.
-
-Leaving Paris on July 9 they obeyed the summons of the Prince of Conde
-to Dijon, where the Estates of Burgundy were assembled. Next they stayed
-a month at Lyons, and made the acquaintance of a certain Meurikofer,
-a merchant, who was never tired of the joke of making Wolfgang sing an
-Italian song with spectacles on his nose. At Ghent, where they found
-everything in confusion, they made no stay; at Lausanne they remained
-five days at the request of several distinguished persons, especially of
-Prince Louis of Wurtemberg, brother of Duke Charles; they were a week
-at Berne, and a fortnight at Zurich; guests of the Gessner family, from
-whom they received much kindness, and parted with regret. Among other
-books presented to them as keepsakes, Salomon Gessner gave them a copy
-of his works, with the following inscription:--
-
-Accept this gift, dear friends, in the same friendly spirit in which I
-offer it. May it preserve my memory fresh among you. May you, venerable
-parents, long enjoy the sight of the happiness of your children wherein
-consists the most precious fruit of their education; may they be as
-happy as their merit is extraordinary! In the tenderest youth
-
-{FIRST JOURNEY.}
-
-(48)
-
-they are an honour to their country and the admiration of the world.
-Happy parents! happy children! Never forget the friend whose esteem and
-love for you will never be less lively than at this moment.
-
-Salomo Gesner.
-
-Zurich, August 3, 1766.
-
-Taking Winterthur and Schafhausen by the way, they journeyed to
-Donaueschingen, where they were expected by Prince Joseph Wenzeslaus von
-Fuerstenberg. They remained here twelve days, and played every evening
-from five to nine o'clock, always producing some novelty; they
-were richly rewarded by the Prince, who was moved to tears at their
-departure. At Biberach, Count Fugger von Babenhausen arranged an organ
-competition between Wolfgang and Sixtus Bachmann, who was two years
-older than Wolfgang, and had attracted great admiration by his musical
-performances. "Each tried his utmost to surpass the other, and the
-competition increased the fame of both."[20048] Then they went by way of
-Ulm, Guenzburg, and Dillingen to Munich. Arriving here on November 8,
-they dined with the Elector on the following day. Wolfgang sat next to
-him and composed a piece in pencil, taking for theme a few bars which
-the Elector hummed to him; this piece he played after dinner to the
-astonishment of all the party.
-
-An indisposition with which Wolfgang was here seized seems to have put
-a stop to a journey to Regensburg which had been planned, and about the
-end of November, 1766, the Mozart family re-entered Salzburg.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES CHAPTER II.
-
-
-
-
-
-[Footnote 2001: We have a somewhat more detailed account of this journey from
-letters of L. Mozart to the merchant, Lorenz Hagenauer, in whose house
-he was living when Wolfgang was born (opposite the tavern "Zu den
-Alluerten"). Hagenauer proved himself a true friend; always ready with
-support and counsel in business matters, even to the extent of making
-considerable loans, so that it was natural that Mozart should keep him
-informed as to the pecuniary results of his journey. Many characteristic
-traits are given by Schlichtegroll, probably derived from Wolfgang's
-sister, and confirmed after examination by Niemetschek (p. 8).]
-
-[Footnote 2002: Cf. L. v. Koechel's Die Pflege der Musik am oesterr. Hofe vom Schlusse
-des 15, bis zur Mitte des 18. Jahrh. Wien, 1866.]
-
-[Footnote 2003: Apostolo Zeno, Lettere III., p. 447. Oehler's Gesch. des
-Theaterwesens zu Wien, II., p. 4.]
-
-[Footnote 2004: In the year 1735 the Archduchess again appeared in an opera on the
-Empress's birthday. Metastasio, who wrote it, and rehearsed it with her,
-is enthusiastic in his praises of her grace and cleverness (Opp. post.,
-I., p. 175).]
-
-[Footnote 2005: Burney, Reise, II., p. 186.]
-
-[Footnote 2006: Metastasio's Opp. post., I., p. 401.]
-
-[Footnote 2007: Burney, Reise; II., p. 187.]
-
-[Footnote 2008: Metastasio's Opp. post., II., p. 31. Bumey, Reise, II., p. 241.
-Marpurg's criticism is not favourable (Krit. Briefe, II., p. 141).]
-
-[Footnote 2009: So Nissen relates the anecdote. Niemetschek, doubtless from respect
-to the Royal Family, says nothing about the marrying.]
-
-[Footnote 20010: A. M. Z., I., p. 856.]
-
-[Footnote 20011: Chief sources of information are L. Mozart's letters to Hagenauer
-(of which only a few are preserved) and some family reminiscences given
-by Nissen. L. Mozart's memoranda made on the journey are interesting, as
-containing addresses of people whom they met, remarks on the inns and
-on the various sights they visited. They display a habit of close
-observation. There are some few similar notes made by Marianne still in
-existence.]
-
-[Footnote 20012: P. Alfieri's Not. biogr. di Nic. Jomelli, p. 15.]
-
-[Footnote 20013: Schubart's Aesthetik, p. 150. Selbstbiographie, I., 12, p. 122.]
-
-[Footnote 20014: Metastasio, Lettere (Nizza, 1787), IV., p. 185. Cf. Opp. post, I.,
-pp. 35g, 386; II., pp. 129, 320. Burney, Reise, I., p. 137.]
-
-[Footnote 20015: Schubart's Aesthetik, p. 78. Selbstbiogr., I., 12, p. 126.
-Betracht. d. Mannh. Tonsch., I., p. 153.]
-
-[Footnote 20016: Schubart's Aesthetik; p. 156. Selbstbiogr., I., 12, p. 127.]
-
-[Footnote 20017: Belli-Gontard Leben in Frankfurt, V., p. 25.]
-
-[Footnote 20018: To this is added: "Each person pays half-a-dollar. Tickets may be
-had at the Golden Lion."]
-
-[Footnote 20019: Eckermann's Gespraeche mit Goethe, II., p. 180.]
-
-[Footnote 20020: Danzel's Gottsched, p. 343.]
-
-[Footnote 20021: He was particularly proud of the Empress's notice. When they were
-encouraging him to play at a small German court, where there were to
-be some persons of high rank, he answered that he had played before the
-Empress, and was not at all afraid.]
-
-[Footnote 20022: L. Mozart made a list "a page long" of the persons of rank and
-distinction with whom they had come in contact.]
-
-[Footnote 20023: Hiller's Woechentl. Nachr., I., p. 135. Schubart's Aesthetik, p.
-230, Junker's Zwanzig Componisten, p. 89. He died from eating poisonous
-mushrooms in 1767 (Goethe's Briefe an Leipziger Freunde, p. 242).]
-
-[Footnote 20024: Suard gives the following notice (Mel. de Litt., II., p. 337): Il
-avait 6 a 7 ans. Je l'ai entendu jouer du clavecin au Concert Spirituel
-et dans des maisons particulieres. Il etonnait tous les amateurs par sa
-facilite et la precision avec laquelle il executait les pieces les
-plus difficiles. Il accompagnait sur la partition a la premiere vue.
-Il preludait sur son instrument et dans des capricci improvises, il
-laissait echapper les traits du chant les plus heureux et montrait deja
-un sentiment profond de l'harmonie.]
-
-[Footnote 20025: Mme. du Deffand, Lettres, I., p. 207.]
-
-[Footnote 20026: Compare with this what Burney (Reise, I., pp. 12,16) says on the
-same side in 1770 upon French contemporary music in relation to Italian.]
-
-[Footnote 20027: Cf. Schubart's Aesthetik, p. 270.]
-
-[Footnote 20028: The most authentic account is given by F. Pohl, Mozart und Haydn in
-London. Vienna, 1867.]
-
-[Footnote 20029: Griesinger's Biogr. Notizen ueber Haydn, p. 57.]
-
-[Footnote 20030: Parke's Mus. Mem., I., p. 347. Reichardt's Mus. Aim., 1796.]
-
-[Footnote 20031: A. M. Z., II., p. 301.]
-
-[Footnote 20032: The sonatas were advertised as for sale on March 20, 1765.]
-
-[Footnote 20033: Metastasio's Opp. post., II., p., 272.]
-
-[Footnote 20034: Burney's History of Music, IV., p. 485. Kelly's Reminiscences, I.,
-p. 7.]
-
-[Footnote 20035: Europ. Zeitg., 1765, No. 63, Aug. 6.]
-
-[Footnote 20036: Burney, Reise, II., p. 104.]
-
-[Footnote 20037: Philosophical Transactions, 1770, Volf XL.; repeated in
-Barrington's Miscellanies on Various Subjects (London, 1781), p. 279.]
-
-[Footnote 20038: F. Pohl (A. M. Z., 1863, p. 853).]
-
-[Footnote 20039: The letter of thanks runs as follow: July 19, 1765. Sir,--I am
-ordered by the standing committee of the trustees of the British Museum
-to signify to you, that they have received the present of the musical
-performances of your very ingenious son, which you were pleased to make
-them, and to return you their thanks for the same.--M. Maty, Secretary.]
-
-[Footnote 20040: Hoffmann von Fallersleben, Horae belgico, II., p. 96.]
-
-[Footnote 20041: Grenzboten, 1864, III., p. 128.]
-
-[Footnote 20042: Mattheson, Mithridat, p. 12, published in Weimar. Jahrb., IV., p.
-162.]
-
-[Footnote 20043: The identical compositions are said to have been lately discovered
-in Paris.]
-
-[Footnote 20044: Mozart Grondig Onderwys in het behandelen der Violin met 4
-Konst-plaaten en een Tafel. Harlem, 1766, 4.]
-
-[Footnote 20045: So says Nissen, p. 114.]
-
-[Footnote 20046: Winckelmann's Briefe, III., pp. 95,98,104. Cf. Goethe, Briefe an
-Fr.v. Stein, III., p. 96.]
-
-[Footnote 20047: Burney, Reise, III., p. 258.]
-
-[Footnote 20048: "Christmann Musik. Corresp.", 1790, p. 164.]
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-By Author
-
-
-
-{RETURN HOME.}
-
-(49)
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III. STUDY IN SALZBURG.
-
-LEOPOLD MOZART had every reason to be satisfied with the result of
-his tour; the extraordinary talents of his children had been duly
-appreciated,[1] honours of every kind had been heaped upon them, and
-the three years exertions had produced a not inconsiderable pecuniary
-gain.[2] In spite of repeated, and sometimes severe, attacks of illness,
-the children returned to Salzburg in full health and vigour, and, what
-was of not less importance, with their childlike simple minds unspoiled
-by the exceptional degree of notice and admiration they had everywhere
-excited. The little Orpheus rode round the room on his father's stick,
-and sprang up to play with his favourite cat, in the middle of his
-improvisations on the clavier.
-
-During the journey he had amused himself by constructing an imaginary
-kingdom, which he called Ruecken; it was inhabited by children, of whom
-he was king, and his invention of fresh gifts and qualities for his
-kingdom and subjects was inexhaustible. So vividly was it impressed
-on his imagination, that he made a servant, who was something of a
-draughtsman, draw a map of it, to which he supplied the names of the
-places.[3] A very favourite idea of his was to compose an opera, to be
-performed entirely by young Salzburgers, of whom he drew up a list
-with his father. His tenderness of heart was constantly displayed. One
-morning on awaking, he began to cry bitterly, and
-
-{STUDY IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(50)
-
-being asked the reason, answered that he longed to see his friends in
-Salzburg, all of whom he then mentioned by name. When he heard that
-Hagenauer's son Dominicus had entered the Monastery of St. Peter's
-he burst into tears, imagining that he should never see him again.
-Reassured on this point, he planned a visit to St. Peter's immediately
-on his return home, and talked of the games that he and his friend would
-play together.
-
-Occasionally, Wolfgang displayed a considerable amount of
-self-assertion. A gentleman of rank in Salzburg was uncertain how to
-address the boy in conversation. The formal pronoun _Sie_ appeared
-unbefitting a child, while _Du_ was too familiar for so celebrated an
-artist; he took refuge in _Wir_, and began: "So _we_ have been in France
-and England"--"_We_ have been introduced at court"--"_We_ have been
-honoured"--when Mozart interrupted him hastily: "And yet, sir, I do not
-remember to have seen you anywhere but in Salzburg."
-
-But L. Mozart's satisfaction was not entirely without alloy. He was
-too intimately acquainted with the Salzburg court to feel certain of
-obtaining such a position as would enable him to educate his children
-in a way befitting their talents. On this point he had written to
-Hagenauer, shortly before their return:--
-
-Everything depends on my having a position at home which is suitable to
-my children. God (all too merciful to me, miserable sinner) has endowed
-my children with such genius that, laying aside my duty as a father, my
-ambition urges me to sacrifice all else to their education. Every moment
-lost, is lost for ever, and if I never realised before how precious
-the time of youth is, I know it now. You know that my children are
-accustomed to work; if they once had an excuse for idleness, such as an
-inconvenient house, or want of opportunity for study, my whole fabric
-would fall to the ground. Custom is an iron path, and Wolfgang has still
-much to learn. But how shall we be treated in Salzburg? Perhaps we shall
-be only too glad to take our knapsacks on our backs and be off again.
-At any rate, I offer my children to my country. If it will have none of
-them, that is not my fault, and will be my country's loss.
-
-So shrewd a man of the world had no idea of burying the pound that might
-produce such excellent interest.
-
-{INSTRUCTION IN COUNTERPOINT.}
-
-(51)
-
-The uneventful stay of nearly a year which L. Mozart made with his
-children in Salzburg was employed in mechanical practice, and perhaps
-still more in the study of composition. A detailed account of these
-studies is not obtainable; but L. Mozart's wise and earnest views, his
-clear apprehension that genius entails twofold labour and exertion on
-its possessor, leave no doubt as to the severity and thoroughness of
-his instruction to his son. An exercise book containing exercises
-in thorough-bass and counterpoint is preserved in the Mozarteum at
-Salzburg, bearing no date, but evidently falling within this period. The
-intervals and scales are followed by a long list of short lessons on a
-given melody generally in three parts, to be worked out harmonically and
-according to the different kinds of simple counterpoint. (_Nota contra
-notam; duoy quatuor nota contra notam; cum ligaturis; floridum_.) The
-choral tunes which serve as Cantus firmus are taken from Fux's Gradus
-ad Pamassum, which was no doubt employed as a textbook.[4] The lessons,
-corrections, and brief notes are generally in the father's writing, the
-working out and the fair copies of the corrected lessons are of course
-made by Wolfgang; on one occasion he jokingly notes the different parts
-as _Il Sign. d'Alto, il Marchese Tenore, il Duca Basso_. An observation
-of the compositions of this period, which are still preserved, will show
-us the result of the studies.
-
-Archbishop Sigismund, incredulous of Wolfgang's powers, caused him, so
-Barrington says, to be locked up for a week, seeing no one, during which
-time he was to compose an oratorio, for which the Archbishop provided
-the subject. Wolfgang stood the test triumphantly, and the oratorio was
-publicly performed, with great success, during Lent, 1767.
-
-This composition (35 K.) was printed in Salzburg (1767) with the
-title:--
-
-{STUDY IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(52)
-
-The Obligation of the First and Greatest Commandment, Mark 12, v. 30:
-Thou shalt love the Lord Thy God with all thy hearty with all thy mind,
-with all thy soul, and with all thy strength.
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-After this preface, the declaration "that there is no more dangerous
-state for the soul than lukewarmness in the work of salvation" is given
-as a reason for this musical representation "by which it is intended not
-only to delight the mind but to elevate the soul."
-
-In the first part the understanding and judgment of the lukewarm
-Christian are stirred by the loving and indefatigable zeal of the
-Christian Spirit, with the assistance of Divine Mercy and Justice. In
-the second part, right
-
-{FIRST ORATORIO, 1767.}
-
-(53)
-
-judgment is victorious, the will is prepared for surrender, to be
-finally and completely freed from fear and wavering in the third and
-last part.
-
-The verses, richly garnished with Latin texts, have quite the prosaic
-bombastic character of the period.
-
-Mozart's original score[6] has the title in his father's writing:
-"Oratorium di Wolfgango Mozart composto nel mese di Marzo, 1766." As
-they were then in the Netherlands, we must suspect an error. But the
-date 1766 is established by the "10 years old" on the title-page; he
-must have set to work immediately after his return, quite at the end
-of 1766, and the representation must have taken place in March of the
-following year.
-
-The score, which fills 208 pages, bears unmistakable traces of boyish
-workmanship in the blotted notes, and in the uncertain writing and
-spelling of the text of the songs (that of the recitatives is in another
-and a firmer handwriting), but there is not a sign of boyishness in the
-music itself. The whole composition is modelled on the Italian oratorio,
-and shows a complete mastery of its forms. The introductory symphony is
-an allegro in the usual two parts, simple in its execution, and with no
-actual thematic elaboration, but precise and well rounded. The dialogue
-is in recitative, and maintained throughout with correct declamation,
-here and there displaying a fine sense of fitting expression, which
-tells more for the independent power of comprehension than even
-the surprising technical skill exhibited. Here and there comes an
-accompanied recitative, with an effort after originality, depending
-chiefly on the expression of the words, which are poor stuff in most
-cases. For instance, after the lines--
-
-     Und der Verkehrte will sich bald ergeben,
-     Wenn ihnen fuehlbar sollte vor ihnen schweben
-     Das Pein-und Schreckenbild des offnen Hoellengrund,
-
-{STUDY IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(54)
-
-which have been given in secco-recitative, comes the strongly accented
-passage:--
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-{FIRST ORATORIO, 1767.}
-
-(55)
-
-They are in the usual form, the principal subject elaborated and
-repeated after a short intermediate subject, with ritornellos differing
-in length and character, according to the commonly accepted varieties.
-The perfect decision of style and composition leaves the inexperienced
-hand of the scholar hardly visible, and it is plain that the boy has
-taken in and turned to account all that he has heard. But although the
-work may be considered on a level with most of the similar compositions
-of the time, it cannot be said to be distinguished from them by
-individual character. It conforms on all important points to the Italian
-style, although there is now and then a sentimental colouring suggested
-by Graun's German verses.
-
-The melodies are simple and good, with here and there a pure and
-dignified phrase, and a delicate expression of deep feeling. Witness
-the passage in the second soprano air, "Du wirst von deinem Leben genaue
-Rechnung geben," which is afterwards well made use of in the recitative.
-The very moderate embellishment of the whole work is in great measure
-the father's addition. The third tenor air rises above the level of the
-rest; the words, although themselves certainly not inspired, have given
-opportunity for the expression of a tender earnest mood in a charming
-flowing melody whose well-chosen harmonies and admirable instrumentation
-shadow forth unmistakably the later Mozart. He must himself have felt
-the charm of this air, for, as we shall see, he repeated it in his first
-opera. The finale of the oratorio is a pleasing terzet for two soprani
-and tenor, with the parts in easy imitation. The orchestra is the
-usual one of the day, stringed instruments, bassoons, seldom used
-independently, two horns, and two oboes, sometimes replaced by two
-flutes. The parts are, as was usual, carefully put together, but without
-any pretence to more than technical skill; only the second tenor air has
-an obbligato alto trombone accompaniment suggested by a reference in the
-text to the trump of doom.[7]
-
-{STUDY IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(56)
-
-A little cantata for two voices was also evidently composed for this
-Lent. It bears the title "Grab-Musik, 1767" (42 K.), and is a dialogue
-between the Soul and an Angel, the verses having a decided smack of the
-local poet of Salzburg. The Soul is intrusted to a bass voice, which
-was not employed in the oratorio. The cantata begins at once with a
-Recitative for the Soul:
-
-     Meines Jesu gottlichs Herz
-     Das reget sich nicht mehr,
-     Und ist von Blut und Leben leer.
-
-     Was fuer ein hartes Eisen
-     Konnt dieses suesseste und allerliebste
-     Herz zerreissen!
-
-Then follows the air--
-
-     Felsen spaltet euren Rachen, &c.
-
-Here Wolfgang has striven to express the somewhat whining pathos of the
-text both by the voice and the instruments, and the result is a bravura
-song, handled with great skill. There can be no doubt that this song
-made a great effect at the time, though its want of good taste shocks
-us now. The succeeding soprano air, on the other hand, which closes with
-the warning--
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-{GRAB-MUSIK, 1767.}
-
-(57)
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-expresses a soft, not unpleasing sentimental mood, which is still
-more toned down in the concluding duet. Yet even here we have fanciful
-passages--accepted at the time as legitimate both in music and poetry,
-as corresponding to a complex state of feeling.
-
-For a later performance, probably before 1775, Mozart added a final
-chorus, introduced by a short recitative, in unjson throughout, thus
-bringing the whole piece simply and melodiously to a conclusion. A
-little song (146 K.): "Kom-met her, ihr frechen Suender, seht den Heyland
-aller Welt," not in any way remarkable, belonging probably to the
-beginning of 1770, was also intended for a Lenten performance.
-
-Not long after Wolfgang's return from Paris, he paid a visit to the
-Monastery of Seeon, where he was on friendly terms with the monks.
-During dinner the abbot expressed his regret that no offertory had been
-composed for the festival of St. Benedict. Wolfgang took advantage of
-the first pause
-
-{STUDY IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(58)
-
-to leave the dining-hall, and leaning on the ledge of the window
-opposite the door, he wrote his offertory "Scande coeli limina" (34
-K.). It begins with a pleasing soprano solo, a gentle flowing melody
-accompanied by the violins; then comes a lively chorus with drums
-and trumpets, somewhat cramped in style and pedantic in the imitative
-arrangement of its parts.
-
-Among the monks was a certain Herr v. Haasy, called Father Johannes,
-who was very fond of Wolfgang. The boy sprang towards him as soon as
-he entered the monastery, climbed on his neck and stroked his cheeks,
-singing the while:--
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-This scene excited great amusement, and the monks were never tired of
-teasing him about his tune. When the fete-day of Father Johannes came
-round, Wolfgang presented him with an offertory (72 K.). It begins in a
-joyous burst with the words (Matth. xi. 11), "Inter natos mulierum non
-surrexit maior"; then with the words "Ioanne Baptista" he introduces
-the above melody as a birthday greeting to his friend. Apart from this
-charming display of childish affection, the offertory, which in any
-case belongs to his early boyhood, is a beautiful piece of music. The
-subject, which is pursued throughout with a natural, easy movement of
-the parts, has the caressing little melody running through it, and is
-twice interrupted by the words (S. John i. v. 29), "Ecce Agnus Dei qui
-tollit peccata mundi," given in a quiet, serious manner, that has a
-charming effect. The greeting breaks out once more in the "Alleluia,"
-which ends the piece.[8]
-
-In the spring of 1767, Wolfgang again came forward as a composer in his
-native town.
-
-It was the general custom at the university to celebrate the close of
-the scholastic year by a dramatic representation
-
-{APOLLO ET HYACINTHUS.}
-
-(59)
-
-among the students. In the year 1661, a large theatre, supplied with
-twelve scenes, was built to replace the smaller one hitherto used, and
-excited great admiration.[9] According to custom, a Latin play, written
-by the Professor of Poetry, or some other ecclesiastic, was represented
-by the "Benedictine Muses," i.e., by the students. The subject was taken
-from the Old or New Testament, more rarely from heathen mythology, and
-was always intended to point some particular moral.[10] Following an old
-usage, musical portions were interspersed through the tragedy or comedy,
-as they were also in the Italian spoken drama, so that a short Latin
-opera of a congenial tendency, with one part serving as a prologue, was
-introduced between the acts of the drama, just as in the opera seria
-the intermezzi or ballets came between the acts. Members of the
-chapel undertook the composition, and some of the singers assisted the
-performance by taking the more difficult parts.
-
-On May 13, 1767, the Syntax, that is, the students of the second
-class, performed the tragedy, "dementia Croesi." This time the
-musical supplement was entitled "Apollo et Hyacinthus seu Hyacinthi
-Metamorphosis," and composed by Wolfgang, who is set forth in the
-printed text-book thus: _Auctor operis musici nobilis dominus Wolfgangus
-Mozart, un-decennis, filius nobilis ac strenui domini Leopoldi Mozart,
-Capello Magistri._
-
-The old myth is treated with considerable freedom, after the manner of
-an Italian opera; for the edification of pious youth Melia becomes the
-beloved of Apollo and Zephyrus, Hyacinthus a comparatively insignificant
-personage. The piece ends _en regle_ with a betrothal. A regular
-dramatic treatment is not even attempted, only long detached airs and
-duets, old-fashioned in style and form, and adapted of necessity to
-the Latin text. The dialogue is in Iambics, the choruses and songs are
-rhymed. The text is correct enough, but devoid of taste, and imitates in
-some particulars the
-
-{STUDY IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(60)
-
-libretti of the Italian opera. After a short overture in two parts,
-simple and well put together, the action begins with a recitative
-between Hyacinthus and Zephyrus, who betrays his love for Melia and
-jealousy of Apollo; AEbalus and Melia appear and sacrifice to Apollo,
-who is invoked by the chorus:--
-
-     Numen o Latonium
-     Audi vota supplicum,
-     Qui ter digno te honore
-     Certant sancte colere.
-     Nos benigno tu favore
-     Subditos prosequere.
-
-The sacrifice is not accepted; a thunderbolt scatters them all, and
-AEbalus tries to reassure Hyacinthus in an air:--
-
-     Saepe terrent numina,
-     Surgunt et minantur,
-     Fingunt bella
-     Quae nos angunt
-     Mittunt tela
-     Quae non tangunt;
-     At post ficta nubila
-     Rident et iocantur.
-
-Then Apollo appears, and begs for the protection of AEbalus, Jupiter
-having banished him; after many civilities on either side, Apollo
-returns thanks in an air. Hereupon follow the two first acts of the
-tragedy. Then AEbalus informs his daughter that Apollo demands her
-in marriage; she willingly consents, and expresses her delight in an
-elaborate air.
-
-     Laetari, iocari
-     Fruique divinis honoribus stat,
-     Dum hymen optimus
-     Taedis et floribus Grata, beata
-     Connubia iungit et gaudia dat?
-
-But now comes in Zephyrus with the tidings that Hyacinthus is slain by
-Apollo. Melia thereupon declares that she cannot accept him, OEbalus
-wishes to banish him, and Zephyrus expresses in an air the hopes to
-which these
-
-{APOLLO ET HYACINTH US.}
-
-(61)
-
-events give birth. Then enters Apollo, overwhelms Zephyrus with abuse,
-and causes him to be borne away by the winds; Melia, enraged by this
-fresh deed of violence, reproaches Apollo, and a duet follows, in
-which she rejects and dismisses him, while he bewails his love and her
-cruelty.
-
-Hereupon follow the third and fourth acts of the tragedy. Then
-Hyacinthus is borne in dying, and declares in an accompanied recitative
-that Zephyrus is his murderer, which gives occasion to AEbalus to rage
-duly in an air, followed by a duet between him and Melia, dreading the
-anger of the offended god. But Apollo appearing, changes Hyacinthus into
-a flower, extends his forgiveness to AEbalus and Melia, and betrothes
-himself to the latter.
-
-A concluding terzet expresses the general satisfaction.
-
-This composition manifests throughout great decision of style, and in
-many respects a very marked progress. The songs--in the old-fashioned
-aria form--are more freely treated, the handling of the parts is more
-independent, and a disposition to the imitative form is more marked than
-heretofore. In the duet between Melia and AEbalus, for instance, and in
-the first chorus, where the voices are treated harmonically, the violins
-have an imitative phrase in the accompaniment.
-
-Mistakes here and there in the text prove Wolfgang's Latin to be still
-that of a learner. A droll little note written in 1769, to Madame
-Hagenauer, shows that he was then working hard at it. The note runs as
-follows:--
-
-Dear Friend,--I hope you will excuse the liberty I take in troubling
-you with these few lines; but since you told me yesterday that you
-understood everything, and that I might write Latin to you as much as I
-chose, I cannot refrain from sending you at once some Latin lines, and
-when you have read them please send the answer back by one of your own
-servants, for our girl cannot wait. (But you must send me the answer in
-a letter.)
-
-Cuperem scire, de qua causa, a quam plurimis adolescentibus ottium usque
-adeo aestimetur, ut ipsi se nec verbis, nec verberibus, ab hoc sinant
-abduci.
-
-Even if the text were translated and explained to him, it would have
-been strange if he had found no difficulty in the
-
-{STUDY IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(62)
-
-language; and it is only another proof of the boy's musical apprehension
-that his setting of the familiar German sacred texts has a more
-distinctive character than that of this piece of declamatory school
-rhetoric; the mere fact of being set to produce a brilliant work as
-a task had its influence on the music, which is cold and stiff, and
-sometimes devoid of taste. No doubt the long passages, the peculiar
-turns given to the pompous or amorous melodies, all that appears to us
-most tiresome was then most loudly applauded, and the truly surprising
-ability shown in the working out may have passed at that time for
-original productive power, which is just what we cannot grant it to have
-been. Still, there are not wanting signs even of this, and the young
-artist asserts his individuality at once whenever he has to express a
-simple emotion, such as he can comprehend and enter into.
-
-There is a little solo in the first chorus (G major, 3-4) which, in its
-expressive simplicity, almost reminds us of Gluck. Again, in the duet
-between Melia and Obalus there is a long well-worked-out cantilene,
-which is not without beauty and expression, and is further distinguished
-by original instrumentation. In this the first violins (muted) lead the
-melody, the second violins and bass accompany _pizzicato_, two tenors
-_coll' arco_, and two horns are introduced; a very striking variation on
-the otherwise simple orchestral accompaniment, consisting of the string
-quartet, two oboes, and two horns.
-
-The duet between Melia and Apollo shows most dramatic talent, being the
-only expression of an exciting situation and contrasting emotions. The
-recitatives are not distinguished by characteristic expression in the
-same degree as those of the sacred pieces; they are easy and flowing,
-but quite in the style of the ordinary recitative of Italian opera; no
-doubt because Mozart felt that such an expression of feeling as suited
-the elevated, lyrical emotions of the cantata was unsuited to the
-dialogue of an opera.
-
-It is an astonishing proof of the productiveness and constant industry
-of the young composer that, between December and May, three important
-works were completed and performed. In the summer of 1767 we find him
-preparing
-
-{VIENNA, 1767.}
-
-(63)
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-for a journey to Vienna, and composing four clavier concertos (37,39-41
-K.), in F (April), B flat ( June), D and G major ( July), with the usual
-orchestral accompaniment; once, only, trumpets are added. The form is
-the usual one in three movements, like the symphony. The compositions
-are not above the ordinary level, and have little either of original
-or technical interest. It is noteworthy that even in these works, which
-were to serve as show pieces, we can trace no signs of boyish pleasure
-in odd or artificial effects; the love of tuneful melody, and the
-endeavour to blend the orchestra and the solo part into an harmonious
-whole, are as observable in his first compositions as in his last.
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-[Footnote 1: A marvellous account is given in the Historisch moralischen
-Belustigungen des Geistes (Hamb., 1765), Stueclc VII. Aristide ou le
-Citoyen, XVI. discours du 11 Octobre, 1766 (Lausanne). Hiller woech.
-Nachr., 1766,1., p. 174.]
-
-[Footnote 2: Those who please can make an approximate calculation from L.
-Mozart's different entries, of the whole sum received and expended
-on the tour. The children received so many presents in jewellery and
-trinkets that they might have set up a shop with them.]
-
-[Footnote 3: So says Marianne Mozart (A. M. Z., II., p. 300).]
-
-
-[Footnote 4: L. Mozart, who was well versed in theoretical literature, possessed
-the original edition in Latin. (Vienna, 1725.)]
-
-[Footnote 5: According to Kochel's probable conjecture, Joh. Adam Wieland was
-born 1710; Curate in 1734; Vicar of Gotting and Anthering, 1766; Pastor
-of Friedorfing, 1767; and died, 1774.]
-
-[Footnote 6: The autograph was found by F. Pohl, in the Royal Library at Windsor,
-A. M. Z., 1865, p. 225.]
-
-[Footnote 7: The Agnus of L. Mozart's Lauretanian Litany in E flat major is a
-solo, with obbligato alto trombones.]
-
-[Footnote 8: These traditions, resting on the authority of Max Keller, the
-Hofkapell-organist at Altoetting, are alluded to by Prof Schafhutl in
-his preface to the Offertorium, published at Munich, 1851.]
-
-[Footnote 9: Hist. Univ. Salisb., p. 110.]
-
-[Footnote 10: A list of the pieces produced from 1621 to 1727 is given in Hist.
-Univ. Salisb., p. 112.]
-
-
-====
-
-
-MOSART
-
-By Author
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV. THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.
-
-THE approaching marriage of the Archduchess Maria Josepha with King
-Ferdinand of Naples furnished Leopold Mozart with a pretext for
-repairing to Vienna with his whole family; this he did in the beginning
-of September,
-
-1767, with every expectation that the public of that brilliant capital
-would recognise the progress made by Wolfgang since their former
-visit.[1]
-
-They travelled quickly; were invited to dine with the Bishop at Lambach;
-and at the Monastery of Moelk, where Wolfgang tried the organ, his
-playing was at once recognised by the organist.
-
-Misfortune awaited them at Vienna. The charming and universally beloved
-Princess Josepha fell ill of the small-pox, which carried her off in
-less than a month. This, of course, put a stop to any appearance at
-court, or at the houses of the nobility.
-
-Leopold Mozart had been advised when in Paris to follow the example of
-the Duke of Orleans, who had set the fashion
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(64)
-
-of inoculation with his own children in 1756, and to "graft the
-small-pox" in his little boy. "But I prefer," he wrote (February 22,
-1764), "to leave it all in God's hands; let Him, in His divine mercy,
-dispose as He will of the life of this wonder of nature." Now, however,
-he took instant flight to Olmuetz with his children, but they did not
-escape; first Wolfgang sickened, then Marianne. Count Leopold Anton von
-Podstatzky, Dean of Olmuetz and Canon of Salzburg (which would account
-for his acquaintance with Mozart), out of compassion to the distracted
-father, took the whole family into his house, making light of the risk
-of infection. In the deanery, well cared for, and skilfully doctored,
-the children passed through all stages of the disease, which, with
-Wolfgang at least, was so severe, that he lay blind for nine days.
-
-"Again is the saying proved true," writes L. Mozart: "In Te Domine
-speravi, non confundar in aeternum." "What extraordinary and unexpected
-good fortune it was that Count P. should have been willing to receive
-a child with the small-pox! I cannot tell you with what kindness and
-goodness we were treated; who else would have received a family under
-such circumstances, and that from an impulse of pure humanity? This good
-deed shall redound to the honour of the Count in the biography of our
-little one which I intend to publish some day, for I consider that it is
-the commencement of a new epoch in his life."
-
-He endeavoured also to bring about an expression "of gratitude, or at
-all events of approbation" on the part of the Archbishop towards the
-Count. For several weeks after his recovery, Wolfgang was obliged to
-be very careful of his eyes, and his daily visitor, the Archbishop's
-chaplain, Hay, afterwards Bishop of Konigsgraz (brother to Frau von
-Sonnenfels),[2] strove to relieve the tedium of his enforced idleness by
-teaching him card-games, in which the boy soon became as great an adept
-as his instructor. He threw himself with the same zeal into the practice
-of fencing,
-
-{IMPERIAL CONDESCENSION--VIENNA, 1768.}
-
-(65)
-
-having at all times a great love of exercises demanding bodily
-activity.[3] When his recovery was complete, he composed an aria for the
-little daughter of his physician, Wolf, of which her father reminded him
-in later years (May 28, 1778).
-
-On their return journey to Vienna they stayed for a fortnight at Brunn,
-where they were received with great kindness by Count Franz Anton
-Schrattenbach, brother to Archbishop Sigismund, of Salzburg: all the
-nobility residing at Bruenn treated them with the "highest distinction."
-
-But at Vienna, which they re-entered at the beginning of January, 1768,
-difficulties crowded thick upon them. At court, indeed, their reception
-took place sooner than they had dared to hope. The Empress Maria Theresa
-had scarcely recovered from the small-pox, when she remembered her
-admiration of the children, and sent for the family.
-
-The Emperor himself came into the ante-chamber, and conducted them
-to his mother, no other person being present but Duke Albert of
-Sachsen-Teschen, and the Archduchesses. They passed two hours in the
-midst of this family circle. The Empress, a motherly woman, conversed
-intimately with Frau Mozart, and questioned her on all details of
-the children's illness, pressing her hands and stroking her cheeks
-compassionately, while the Emperor discussed musical and other matters
-with Wolfgang and his father, and "made Nannerl blush very often."
-
-This unusual condescension was gratifying to the patriotic feelings
-of the Mozart family, but it was not directly profitable. The Empress
-presented them with a pretty medal of small value; but as she had
-visited neither the opera nor the theatre since the death of her
-consort, and had discontinued all musical parties, a summons to play
-at court could only come from the Emperor. But Joseph showed little
-inclination to liberality in the cause of art, and others, besides L.
-Mozart, complained of his parsimony.
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(66)
-
-The nobility followed the example of the court, and avoided any
-appearance of extravagance in order to ingratiate themselves with
-the Emperor. Dancing was the only amusement during the carnival,
-but, whereas, formerly the nobles vied with each other in costly
-entertainments, at which distinguished artists were nearly always
-present, they now gave their balls in public rooms and at small
-expense. L. Mozart suspects that the court made its advantage by this,
-contracting for all dances, masquerades, and balls, and sharing the
-profits with the contractor. Under these circumstances, the good
-recommendations Mozart had brought with him were of little use. He had
-letters to the Master of the Horse, Count von Dietrichstein, who was
-high in the Emperor's favour, to Fraeulein Josepha Guttenberg, "the
-Empress's right hand," and to the court physician, L'Augier,[4] a
-travelled and accomplished man of considerable talent, and excellent
-judgment in music; all that was refined and cultivated in Viennese
-society flocked to his assemblies. Among Mozart's patrons was also Duke
-Joh. Carl v. Braganza, a man of the first importance, who had proved his
-spirit and courage at the earthquake of Lisbon, and as a volunteer in
-the Austrian army;[5] frequent travels had increased his knowledge and
-enlarged his views;[6] he was an excellent companion and a thorough
-musical connoisseur.[7]
-
-Gluck dedicated to him his "Paride ed Elena" (1770), and in the
-well-known dedication explained that he sought in the Duke, not so much
-a patron as a judge, of thorough knowledge, fine taste, and unprejudiced
-opinions.
-
-The Mozarts were further favourably noticed by Prince Kaunitz, an
-elegant connoisseur, but a man of such exaggerated anxiety on the
-subject of his health, that he would not admit Wolfgang into his
-presence as long as the traces of the small-pox remained on his face.
-
-{MUSIC IN VIENNA, 1768.}
-
-(67)
-
-But the Viennese generally were not enthusiastic for art. Leopold Mozart
-gives the following account of them:--
-
-The Viennese public, as a whole, has no love of anything serious or
-sensible; they cannot even understand it; and their theatres furnish
-abundant proof that nothing but utter trash, such as dances, burlesques,
-harlequinades, ghost tricks, and devil's antics will go down with them.
-You may see a fine gentleman, even with an order on his breast, laughing
-till the tears run down his face, and applauding with all his might some
-piece of senseless buffoonery; whilst in a most affecting scene, where
-the situation and action are alike irresistibly fine and pathetic, and
-where the dialogue is of the highest order, he will chatter so loud with
-a lady that his better-informed neighbours can scarcely hear a word of
-the play.
-
-Recollecting the efforts that were being made just at this time
-by Sonnenfels and his colleagues to introduce a higher style
-of entertainment in Vienna,[8] this description will not appear
-exaggerated. Indeed, L. Mozart fails to animadvert on the main
-entertainment of the Viennese, the barbarous baiting of wild animals.
-Under these circumstances, it is conceivable that the same people who
-raved about the performances of the little prodigy, felt little interest
-in the development of an artist's genius. To this passive indifference
-on the part of the public was added the active opposition of envious
-musicians living by their profession, who had been ready to applaud the
-precocity of a child, but who saw with quite other eyes the arrival in
-their midst of an accomplished musician ready to meet them on their own
-ground.
-
-L. Mozart says of them:--
-
-I soon found that all the clavier-players and composers in Vienna were
-in opposition to us, Wagenseil only excepted, who, being ill, could be
-of little use to us. The plan adopted by these people was to avoid
-all opportunities of seeing us or of learning the extent of Wolfgang's
-attainments. Why was this? In order that when they were asked whether
-they had heard the boy, and what they thought of him, they might reply
-in the negative, and deny the possibility of what they were told; that
-they might assert his performances to be impostures and
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(68)
-
-mere buffoonery, got up beforehand, and all that he pretended to compose
-to have been previously learnt. Now you see why they avoided us. They
-knew very well that if they saw and heard they would not have a word to
-say without the risk of losing their honour. But I set a trap for one
-of these good folks. I persuaded some one to give me quiet notice of
-his presence, and to induce him to bring an extraordinarily difficult
-concerto, which was to be laid before Wolfgang. This all took place, and
-he had the satisfaction of hearing his concerto played by Wolfgang as
-if he knew it by heart. The astonishment of this composer and
-clavier-player, the expressions of which he made use in his admiration,
-let us all into the secret of what I have told you above. He ended
-by saying: "I must honestly declare my opinion that this boy is the
-greatest musician in the world; I could not have believed it."
-
-But a solitary triumph of this sort could not do much against the secret
-enmity of an envious cabal. The Emperor himself furnished a better
-weapon by a proposal which was calculated to display Wolfgang's powers
-in the most brilliant light. He ordered him to compose an opera, and
-intimated a wish that the boy should himself conduct the work at the
-clavier.
-
-Both father and son eagerly seized on this proposal, the more so as
-success would not only insure their position in Vienna, but would pave
-the way for the young artist to Italy and the Italian stage.
-
-The Emperor announced his wish to the theatrical manager, Affligio.
-Leopold Mozart, knowing that the fate of an opera greatly depends on the
-performers, strove to win the goodwill of the artists, male and female;
-this was not difficult to accomplish, for it was felt that unusual
-applause would be given to the work of so young an artist, and Affligio
-was urged on all sides to undertake the production of the work. He was
-ready enough to consent; and concluded a contract to produce the opera,
-with an honorarium to the composer of 100 ducats.
-
-The singers available for opera seria were not by any means of the first
-rank.
-
-On September 29, 1767, L. Mozart gives as his opinion that Hasse's
-opera ("Partenope") is fine, but the singers, considering the occasion,
-indifferent; Tibaldi was the tenor; Rauzzini, of Munich, the best male
-soprano; the
-
-{GLUCK'S "ALCESTE."}
-
-(69)
-
-prima donna was Elizabeth Deiberin (Teyber), daughter of a Viennese
-court violinist, and pupil of Tesi and Hasse. Gluck had not been willing
-to entrust his "Alceste" to these singers. "Alceste" was brought out
-in Vienna on December 16, 1767; Bemasconi made a great sensation as
-Alceste, but Tibaldi took Admetus. The Mozarts were then at Olmtitz, but
-they had an opportunity on their return of hearing what L. Mozart calls
-"Gluck's melancholy 'Alceste.'"
-
-It is a remarkable coincidence, that in the act of writing his first
-opera, Wolfgang should have witnessed in Gluck's "Alceste" the most
-marked attempt yet made for the reform of dramatic music; and it is not
-unlikely that early association may have been partly the cause that he
-afterwards studied "Alceste" with unquestionable partiality.
-
-L. Mozart's ideas were too firmly rooted in the tradition of Italian
-music to enable him to appreciate Gluck's innovations. That the public
-in general were of his opinion is evident from Sonnenfels' mimicry of
-the gossip, not of the gallery, but of the boxes of the nobility:--
-
-"This is edifying! Nine days without a play, and on the tenth we get a
-De profundis--What? This is meant to be pathetic? Well, perhaps we shall
-shed a few tears presently--from _ennui_."
-
-"Come, this is throwing money away! It is too absurd, a fool of a woman
-dying for her husband!"
-
-The members of the Opera Buffa, on the contrary, were of first-rate
-excellence;[9] the die was cast, therefore, for an opera buffa. The text
-was furnished by Marco Coltellini, who had been "Theatrical Poet" in
-Vienna since 1764, and in 1772 was made "Imperial Poet" at the court
-of St. Petersburg. He wrote after the manner of Metastasio, who
-complimented him highly;[10] his principal libretti were for Gassmaun
-("Amore
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(70)
-
-Psiche"), Hasse ("Piramo Tisbe"), Salieri ("Armida"),[11] and for
-Mozart "La Finta Semplice," in three Acts (51 K). Wolfgang set to work
-at once in order that the opera might be ready by Easter. As soon as
-the first act was completed it was distributed among the singers, who
-expressed their entire satisfaction and admiration. But delay was caused
-by the poet, who proceeded so leisurely with the alterations in the text
-required both by composer and performers, that he had not finished
-them until after Easter. Mozart, nothing daunted, composed eagerly and
-industriously, wrote new airs whenever they were demanded, and had soon
-completed the score of 25 numbers and 558 pages, in three parts. In
-the meantime intrigues were set on foot from all sides to hinder the
-production of the opera. Advantage was taken of a natural feeling of
-repugnance at seeing a boy of twelve years old conducting in the place
-usually occupied by Gluck. Leopold suspected Gluck of being concerned
-in these intrigues. It is true he wrote at first: "I have brought Gluck
-over to our side, and even if he is not quite sincere, he has to keep it
-to himself, for his patrons are also ours;" but later he says, in plain
-language: "So far, all the composers, with Gluck as their leader,
-have left no stone unturned to hinder the progress of this opera." The
-decision with which Gluck proceeded on the path he had marked out for
-himself may have caused him to take less interest in Mozart's youthful
-genius than seemed to the father right, and the latter may have been
-still further repelled by Gluck's unsociable manners;[12] but envy and
-intrigue directed against struggling talent are inconsistent with the
-composer's proud and upright character. Nevertheless, the music was
-condemned beforehand as being "not worth a groat, suiting neither the
-words nor the metre, in consequence of the boy's not understanding
-Italian sufficiently well." Thereupon Leopold caused Hasse, a man
-honoured for his reputation, beloved for his gentle disposition, and
-justly called the "father of music,"[13] and Metastasio, as the
-
-{PROFESSIONAL INTRIGUES.}
-
-(71)
-
-highest authority, to pronounce their opinion in opposition to Gluck and
-Calsabigi,[14] that of thirty operas produced in Vienna Wolfgang's was
-incomparably the best, and worthy of the highest admiration.
-
-Then the mode of attack was changed. The composition, it was said, was
-not Wolfgang's at all, but his father's. This assertion also could be
-disproved. At a large assembly, where there were present Prince
-Kaunitz, Duke of Braganza, Bono, Kapellmeister to the Prince von
-Hildburghausen,[15] Metastasio, and Hasse, a favourite volume of
-Metastasio was opened, and a song taken at random was given to Mozart to
-compose and write down with orchestral accompaniments--a proof which
-at least left no doubt of the boy's technical skill and readiness.
-Niemetschek confirms this through the testimony of "credible persons,"
-who had been present at similar tests.
-
-In spite of all L. Mozart's exertions the unceasing slanders issuing
-from "the stirred-up hell of music" reached at last the artists who
-were to represent the opera. The orchestra were encouraged to resent the
-leadership of a boy; the singers, although they had one and all declared
-themselves fully satisfied with the music, now that they saw the
-strength of the opposition, began to fear the effect of the opera before
-the public. It became their interest to postpone its production, and
-to shrug their shoulders over the composition whenever they saw an
-opportunity.
-
-L. Mozart complains bitterly of the duplicity of the singers, some of
-whom scarcely knew their notes, and had to learn everything by ear,
-and assures Count Zeil, who thought that all the musicians were in
-Wolfgang's favour, that he must not judge from the outside, but must
-learn the "innate malice of the creatures."
-
-Soon the impresario, who had undertaken the production of the opera
-chiefly on account of the effect likely to be produced by the boyish age
-of the composer, began to reflect on
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(72)
-
-the risk he was running, and to draw back. Affuegio was an adventurer and
-a gambler, who had procured an officer's commission by swindling, and
-had risen to be lieutenant-colonel; his utter want of sympathy with art
-was illustrated by the anecdote that being present at a bull-baiting
-where two dogs were pitted against a Hungarian ox, he remarked to a
-friend, "Believe me, I prefer these dogs to Aufrene and Neuville" (two
-excellent actors, then high in favour with him).[16] His name acquired
-an unhappy immortality by the share which he took more than once in the
-struggle of the legitimate drama against the buffoonery of the age.[17]
-He was at last sent to the galleys for forgery, and there ended his
-career.[18]
-
-With such a man as this had Mozart to do. He postponed the opera on
-every possible pretext from Easter to Whitsuntide, then to the Emperor's
-return from Hungary, and so on continually, putting one opera after the
-other into rehearsal, and as often as L. Mozart wrung from him the
-order to copy and rehearse Wolfgang's opera, so often was it secretly
-recalled. The Emperor's interest in the work remained unabated, and
-he frequently inquired after its progress from Wolfgang; but even his
-influence could not prevail against Affligio, who held his position
-quite independent of the court. He had the theatre on a lease, and
-bore all the expenses, the imperial family having the privilege of free
-ingress.
-
-Affligio had promised the nobles, and especially Prince Kaunitz, to
-revive the French drama, discarded in 1766. He accomplished this in
-1768, but, according to L. Mozart, at a cost of 70,000 gulden and a
-great loss to himself; Prince Kaunitz strove to make the loss good by an
-appeal to the Emperor to share in the expenses; but this attempt failed
-signally. Under these circumstances, no influence from this quarter
-could be brought to bear on Affligio, and nothing remained for L. Mozart
-but to overcome his evasions step by step. When at last Affligio was
-driven to bay he declared
-
-{TREACHERY OF AFFLIGIO--FAILURE.}
-
-(73)
-
-that he would give the opera if L. Mozart insisted on it, but that it
-should not benefit him much, for he would take care that it was hissed
-off the stage. After this threat, which would certainly have been
-fulfilled, nothing remained but to give up the production of the opera.
-On September 21, L. Mozart justified himself to the Emperor by a formal
-complaint against Affligio, which was intrusted for delivery to the
-Court Director of Music (Hof und Kammer-Musik-director), Count Joh.
-Wenzel Spork, a zealous musical friend; but, as might have been
-foreseen, it was without result.
-
-For nine months the affair had thus dragged on, during which time L.
-Mozart had been living with his family at Vienna almost entirely on the
-proceeds of their previous tour. His receipts at Vienna could not but be
-insignificant, and the salary which he drew at Salzburg as professor
-of the violin in the Royal Chapel, and leader of the orchestra, was
-withdrawn in March of this year with the observation that he might
-remain away as long as he chose, but that he would not be paid during
-his absence.
-
-He was too proud to use the influence of his patron, Count
-Schrattenbach, brother to the Archbishop, in soliciting the continuance
-of a salary which, "in the firm opinion of most of the court officials,"
-he did not deserve.
-
-But he could no longer count with certainty on the future security of
-his position at Salzburg, and a rumour even reached him that this
-was imperilled by the gossip which represented his gains in Vienna as
-enormous, and fixed on 2,000 gulden as the sum which had been paid for
-Wolfgang's opera.
-
-L. Mozart sought to justify himself with the Archbishop by a reference
-to Affligio's want of faith, which it had been impossible to foresee;
-and by declaring that had the work been an opera seria instead of an
-opera buffa, requiring all the strength of the Viennese company, he
-would not have hesitated to shake the dust of Vienna from his feet, and
-lay his son's first important composition at the feet of his rightful
-and gracious lord. The honour of the Archbishop himself Mozart
-considered to be concerned, that artists employed
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(74)
-
-and recommended by him should not be treated as "charlatans, liars, and
-impostors, who go abroad with his permission to throw dust in people's
-eyes like common conjurors"; and the Archbishop was implored to
-undertake Wolfgang's cause as identical with his own against people,
-who "because they sniff the air of the town where the Emperor happens to
-reside, look with disdain on those who serve foreign princes, and speak
-disrespectfully of the foreign princes themselves."
-
-Nay, he calls upon him as a Christian to convince the unbelievers
-that the Almighty has worked a miracle in the birth of this prodigy at
-Salzburg:--
-
-If ever I considered it my duty to convince the world of this miracle
-I do so now, at a time when every effort is made to bring miracles into
-disrepute and ridicule. What greater joy and triumph could I enjoy than
-to hear the astonished exclamation of a follower of Voltaire (Grimm):
-_Now for once in my life I have seen a miracle; it is the first._ But
-because this marvel is too patent and too open to be denied, every
-effort is made to suppress it, and to deprive the Lord of the glory due
-to Him. There is an idea that in a few years the wonder will cease and
-will fall back into the natural. So it is to be hidden away from the
-eyes of the world; for what could manifest it more openly than a public
-performance in a large and populous city?
-
-This tone was undoubtedly adopted as an appeal to the Archbishop's
-bigoted piety.
-
-In spite of all discouragements, L. Mozart never swerved from his main
-object. He had an immovable faith in the Providence which had "so often
-and so evidently urged him on or held him back, and always led him in
-the right way." Just as firm was his confidence in the artistic gifts
-of his son, for whose glorious future he considered it his mission to
-prepare the way. His conviction that the opera in Vienna would be the
-pioneer on the road to Italy made him ready to sacrifice to it even his
-official position in Salzburg:--
-
-I reckon upon this as a means of extorting permission for the journey to
-Italy, a journey which, all things considered, cannot be long delayed,
-and for which the Emperor himself has given me every possible assistance
-in the imperial towns, and in Florence and Naples. Failing
-
-{FORTITUDE OF L. MOZART.}
-
-(75)
-
-this, we must pine at Salzburg in the vain hope of better fortune,
-until I shall have grown too old to make the journey at all, and until
-Wolfgang has grown up, and his performances are deprived of everything
-marvellous. Can it be that the first step of this opera in Vienna shall
-have been made in vain, and that my son is not to advance with rapid
-strides along the path so plainly marked out for him?
-
-However bitterly he felt that ill-will and disappointment pursued him
-in Vienna as they had never done abroad, and that his opponents were
-Germans seeking to oppress a German, whom foreigners had treated with
-justice and liberality, yet intrigues and slanders never deprived him of
-patience and self-command:--
-
-It is just the way of the world; if a man has no talent he is unhappy
-enough, but if he has talent, then envy follows him in proportion to his
-ability. All we can do is by patience and perseverance to convince the
-world that our adversaries are malicious liars, slanderers, and covetous
-wretches, who would laugh in their sleeve if we allowed them to frighten
-or weary us.
-
-It is impossible to withhold our sympathy from L. Mozart's shrewd and
-patient endeavours to bring to light his son's work, in the full
-belief of its worth; but we must ascertain also how far this belief
-is justified by the work itself. The opera is preserved in Mozart's
-handwriting, and a detailed examination of it serves to confirm the
-judgment of contemporary critics, that it is not only on a level with
-the numerous comic operas of the time, but far superior to the majority
-of them.[19]
-
-The text goes far to justify Coltellini's want of success as a
-librettist. The poverty of the plot, the unreality of the characters,
-and the stupidity of the jokes, all prove the truth of Nicolai's severe
-criticism of the "outlandish musical zany in Vienna, whose pieces are as
-poor as those of any mountebank."[20]
-
-The plot is somewhat as follows:--
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(76)
-
-Fracasso, a Hungarian officer, is quartered with his servant Simone
-in the house of two rich bachelors, Cassandro and Polidoro, who have a
-beautiful sister Giacinta. Fracasso and Simone are of course carrying
-on a love intrigue with Giacinta and her maid, Ninetta, of which the
-brothers know nothing. The latter are broad caricatures. Polidoro, the
-younger of the two, is simple and timid, but amorous by nature, which
-he does not dare to betray to Cassandro, who, by virtue of his wealth,
-talent, and good looks, of which he is inordinately vain, tyrannises
-over his household, and though not less amorous than his brother, feigns
-a contempt for women. In order to outwit the brothers and force them
-into a consent to their union, the two pair of lovers plot that Rosine,
-Fracasso's sister, who is expected on a visit, shall, under Ninetta's
-instruction, make both brothers in love with her. Rosine enters with
-'feigned simplicity,' and with a marvellous show of _naivete_ throws
-herself at the head of the two brothers. Each of them, delighted at her
-demonstration of love, wishes to marry her at once. The tricks which she
-plays on them, the Complications which ensue when each brother in turn
-surprises her with the other, their attempts to ingratiate themselves
-with her, and their awkward manners form the main subject of the opera,
-which is devoid of dramatic action, and consists of detached burlesque
-scenes. We will note a few characteristic traits. At their first
-meeting, after a very few words, Polidoro proposes marriage on the spot
-to Rosine. She shows herself not averse but _"domanda un matrimonio i
-passi suoi, s' am a da prima, e poiche qualche visita almeno, qualche
-gentil biglietto, qualche bel regalo."_ He is nothing daunted; as for
-love he declares, it exists already; for the visits, he has just paid
-one. Ninetta shall write a love-letter for him, and, by way of present,
-he thrusts a purse of gold into her hand. In a subsequent scene he is
-formally instructed in the duties of a husband.
-
-Cassandro fares no better. At their first interview, Rosine begs for a
-ring which he wears, and, on his refusal, she teases him into lending
-it, whereupon he plainly expresses his doubt of ever receiving it back
-again. In the following act he comes in intoxicated and is consequently
-forced by Rosine to converse with her from the opposite corner of the
-stage; she expresses herself in pantomine, which he misunderstands, and
-at last goes to sleep. Then she puts the ring on his finger again and
-leaves him.
-
-Fracasso enters, and Cassandro complains that his sister has kept the
-ring; but as it is shown to be on his finger, a duel is the consequence,
-in which Cassandro makes full display of his cowardice. To bring matters
-to a point the brothers are informed that Giacinta and Ninetta have
-decamped with gold and jewels, and are induced to promise the hands
-of these young ladies to whomsoever shall bring them back. Fracasso and
-Simone are happy enough to accomplish this; Rosine having given her hand
-to Cassandro, clears up all misunderstandings, and the piece ends amid
-general rejoicings.
-
-{LA FINTA SEMPLICE.}
-
-(77)
-
-The noble and refined genius of young Mozart now, as ever, raising to a
-higher sphere all with which it came in contact, was able to transform
-and quicken even such miserable trash as this. The jesting is confined
-to the dialogue; the songs have a higher tone, and in the finales, which
-are unquestionably burlesque in their situations, the poor fun of the
-text is made subordinate to the strongly marked individuality of the
-composer. A talent for musical delineation of character is clearly
-visible in this work, and must be entirely ascribed to the genius of the
-youthful composer, who had no help from the poet. The part of Polidoro
-is the most favourable instance of dramatic power. It was written for
-Caribaldi, whose beautiful voice was very telling in slow movements, but
-who had a poor execution, and strove unsuccessfully to imitate Caratoli
-in his acting.[21] Mozart has contrived to give a simple, noble
-expression to the genuine feeling of love which invests even the poor
-simple dupe with a certain dignity; and yet the comic element is never
-lost sight of. His first air (7), in which he describes the impression
-made on him by Rosine, is the crown of the whole opera. The naive
-emotion of a youth, who is as yet unconscious of the strength of his own
-passions, is so naturally and heartily expressed, that we may well ask
-how the boy had acquired such a degree of psychological insight. We are
-reminded of Cherubino in "Figaro," but Polidoro is not to be compared
-to the Page in fire and spirit. All Mozart's later characteristics,
-the quiet beauty and easy flow of the melodies and harmonies, the
-symmetrical blending of the details into a whole, and the intrinsic
-unity of style, are already to be traced, and we may fairly rank this
-song with those of his maturer works.
-
-The instrumentation is carefully and effectively worked out. The first
-violins and the voice go together, the second violins have a simple
-accompaniment, the basses
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(78)
-
-play _pizzicato_. Two tenors and bassoons, generally in unison, supply
-the shadows to this outline (as it may fairly be termed), and two oboes
-let in the appropriate lights; the horns, made use of only in long-drawn
-notes, keep the whole together. The skilful employment of these simple
-means produces an effect of light and shade which is at once striking
-and beautiful.
-
-As we have already observed, this air was taken, with slight
-modifications, and with the omission of the middle movement in G minor,
-and of the Da capo, from Mozart's earlier oratorio (p. 55). This species
-of borrowing was common enough at the time, but Mozart never made use of
-it except in this instance; his having done so here proves how strongly
-the young composer himself felt the beauty of his music.
-
-Polidoro's air in the second act (17) has far more of dramatic energy.
-Rosine, insulted by Cassandro, bursts into tears; Polidoro, indignant
-with his brother, but more than half-frightened at his own temerity,
-seeks to console her. The contrast between his strong feeling of
-attraction to Rosine and the effort which he makes to overcome his fear
-of his brother is well marked by modulations of time and measure, and by
-the instrumentation; the accelerated part has much of the ordinary buffo
-character.
-
-Next to Polidoro we may rank Rosine. The part was publicly announced for
-Clementine Baglioni, whose voice "had a silvery tone, was as easy and
-fluent as could be desired, and carried admirably"; she sang "without
-audacity and correctly; her gestures were easy and becoming."[22] "The
-same simplicity and truthfulness of expression is observable here as
-in the part of Polidoro. The first song (6) in which she undertakes to
-show--
-
-     Che si puoe senza rossore
-
-Gradir tutti ed un solo amar, is fresh and lively, and the passages are
-so natural and graceful, that even in the present day it does not sound
-
-{ROSINE, CASSANDRO.}
-
-(79)
-
-antiquated. The first part of the second song (9) is especially
-beautiful, and the principal melody reminds us, in dignity and
-expression, of the Countess in "Figaro." The words--
-
-     Senti I' eco, ove t' aggiri,
-     Susurrar tra fiori e fronde
-     Ma se gridi, o se sospiri
-     Quello sol 1' eco risponde,
-     Che ti sente a ragionar.
-
-give opportunity for descriptive music, the _susurrar_ being expressed
-by a phrase for the violins, while a solo oboe enacts the part of Echo,
-repeating the end of each phrase.
-
-But this trifling is kept in the background, and does not in the least
-interfere with the tender character of the air. The second part (Allegro
-grazioso, 3-4), although light and cheerful, does not approach the first
-in originality and depth. The cavatina in the second act (15) expresses
-a simple, fervent emotion in a beautiful melody; the whole piece, both
-in design and execution, shows Mozart's manner most unmistakably; and
-is marked by a certain individuality of conception which transcends all
-technical readiness and skill. On the other hand, the song (17) which
-Rosine sings in her _role_ of affected simplicity, is cheerful and
-fresh, but not particularly striking.
-
-The part of Cassandro is not on a par with the two we have been
-considering. Caratoli, for whom it was written was past his best days
-as a singer, but he was an excellent actor, and "knew how to dispense in
-some measure with singing"; he generally played old men, and his desire
-to please the multitude led him into occasional extravagances.[23] His
-part is specially adapted to the peculiarities of the Italian buffo; it
-contains rapid declamation, well-applied pauses, strong contrasts, and
-other similar conventional effects; but not much original conception of
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(80)
-
-comic character. In one song, indeed, we have a clever expression given
-to the not over-refined words:--
-
-     E son come un can barbone,
-     Fra la carne ed il bastone,
-     Vorrei stender lo zampino
-     E al baston piu m' avvicino
-     E abbaiando, mugilando
-     Piglio il porco e me ne voe.
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-
-{CASSANDRO.}
-
-(8l)
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-We must not indeed compare such jesting as this, however it may have
-been applauded at the time, with the delicate humour of Figaro. The
-composer is not at his best; but much of the blame lies at the door of
-the poet who wrote such trash, and of the performer who would accept
-only slight indications of the music to be sung, that he might win
-applause by his own elaboration of it. But youthful inexperience and
-ignorance of the minds of men must also naturally have narrowed the
-boy's ideas. It is a sufficient proof of his thoroughly artistic nature
-that his fun was exempt from childish extravagance.
-
-The two pairs of lovers are not of equal prominence. The somewhat timid
-and indolent Giacinta is a difficult subject for musical representation.
-In her first song she declares(3)--
-
-     Mari to io vorrei, ma senza fatica,
-     Averlo, se commoda, lasciarlo, se intrica;
-
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(82)
-
-the husband is to be--
-
-     Un uoroo d' ingegno
-     Ma fatto di legno.
-
-This is not exactly the state of mind for a prima donna. The music that
-she sings is harmonious and pleasing, but, with the exception of a happy
-turn here and there, not above the average. Only the song in the third
-act (24) expresses dismay at the pretended flight with a tragic pathos,
-which, though of course exaggerated, is well sustained, both by the
-voice and the accompaniment. The conception of this part was doubtless
-influenced by the individuality of the singer for whom it was written.
-According to Sonnenfels this was Signora Eberhardi.
-
-"She has an agreeable contralto voice, and a style which pleases
-universally. Her shakes certainly degenerate sometimes into a quake, and
-if the tempo is taken very fast she fails to keep pace with it. In her
-acting she suffers the natural to pass into the artificial, and her
-conventional gestures are often constrained."[24]
-
-Fracasso is a lover of the usual type, rough and impetuous as becomes a
-Hungarian officer, quarrelsome with the two brothers, but without marked
-individuality. This it was impossible for so young a composer as Mozart
-to evolve out of such commonplace and insignificant materials. The part
-was cast for Laschi, whom Sonnenfels[25] praises as a cultivated artist,
-and a buffo actor of the most refined and intelligent type. He still
-played first lover's parts, but was much commiserated on account of the
-loss of certain notes of his voice, a defect which he sought to hide by
-transposing airs and passages.
-
-Simone is an ordinary valet, blunt rather than rude, and merry, all
-which is well represented by the music, the part seldom rising,
-however, above the ordinary buffo level. Most genial and telling is the
-song(13)--
-
-     Con certe persone Vuol esser bastone--
-
-
-{NINETTA--SOLO SONGS.}
-
-(83)
-
-and the concluding refrain "Madama, bastone!" is pretty and comical.
-Poggi, who took the servants' and peasants' parts, possessed a fine bass
-voice and correct execution, together with a charming style of acting,
-and was the favourite of connoisseurs.[26]
-
-The character most devoid of colour is that of Ninetta, and we find
-in it no foretaste of a Susannah or a Despina. It can only have been
-intended for Bemasconi, who had made a great sensation as Sandrina in
-Piccini's "Buona Figliola," and in Sacchini's "Contadina in Corte."[27]
-It is indicative of the healthiness of Mozart's genius that some of the
-songs for these less important personages were rewritten several times,
-no doubt at the request of the performers.[28] Where any natural emotion
-or characteristic situation is to be represented, his judgment is at
-once correct and decided; but in unimportant matters he is ready to
-yield to the wishes of the singers and the public, and to attempt
-various modes of expression in search of what is pleasing and
-harmonious.
-
-In accordance with the prevailing fashion, solo songs abound in this
-opera; each character has two or three, Rosine has four, and the total
-number amounts to twenty. The majority are formed on the same model, the
-usual one of the day.
-
-They have a long ritomello, and consist of two movements, differing in
-time, measure, and key, which are generally both repeated; each movement
-is woven into one long thread, the motifs being sometimes repeated, but
-never really worked out. This clumsy form gives few opportunities
-for dramatic effect, and is especially adapted for the singer who is
-desirous of displaying his own,
-
-As a matter of course, those songs which have most originality disregard
-such rules, and their form is rounder,
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(84)
-
-more self-contained and complete. In these, little opportunity is given
-for a display of execution; the melodies are simple, ornamental passages
-and runs few in number,[29] and little beyond the cadenzas is left to
-the singers' discretion. The natural expression of feeling in the songs
-is never inconsistent with the style of an opera buffa; all is cheerful,
-light, and easy of apprehension.
-
-By the side of these numerous airs, there is only one duet between
-Fracasso and Cassandro (19), of a purely comic character; Cassandro
-assumes an air of arrogant importance, but, terrified in reality, seeks
-by any means to escape from the proposed duel. This is animated, and
-must have been very effective at the time; but it is in reality a solo
-for the bass buffo, for Fracasso has only detached ejaculations, and the
-two voices never go together.
-
-Each act of the opera ends with a finale, in which the action,
-increasing in intensity through the several scenes, is wound up and
-represented to the audience in a connected and coherent form. Clearly
-defined rules left little scope for originality in the arrangement and
-composition of these finales. Changes of time, measure, and key took
-place according to rule with every change of situation; and each
-movement formed a complete and detached whole. When the action becomes
-animated, or the dialogue rapid, the orchestra, by means of retaining
-and developing a characteristic motif, supplies a framework from which
-individual dramatic features can be detached without risk of the whole
-falling asunder.
-
-The skilful modelling of a composition from its purely musical aspect,
-is as important to true artistic workmanship as is the vivid delineation
-of individual character; only a consummate master of his art can
-be expected to bring both these elements to perfection. The first
-predominates in these finales.
-
-The design and modelling of each subject is firm and
-
-{FINALES--OVERTURE.}
-
-(85)
-
-flowing. The voices are not artificially involved, but free and
-independent throughout; the orchestra is cleverly handled and treated
-with due consideration, whether it comes to the front, or remains as an
-accompaniment in the background.
-
-The instrumentation is rich, and even where the rapid progress of the
-action causes difficulties, it is full of effects of light and shade.
-
-The wind instruments are frequently employed independently; and there
-is already visible the germ of Mozart's inimitable art of combining
-orchestra and voices with mutual independence into perfect unity. The
-situations and characters are fitly and dramatically expressed by the
-orchestra, though not in so striking a degree as in the airs. Creative
-power is not so prominent here as the dexterity with which the various
-parts are moulded together. Even with his extraordinary gifts, such a
-mere boy could not satisfy in an equal degree the very great and varied
-demands made upon him face to face with such a task as this; the only
-wonder is that Mozart did not yield to the temptation of producing
-brilliant effects at the cost of artistic unity.
-
-These finales make a perfectly harmonious effect, and wanting as they
-are in depth and vigour, preserve throughout the genuine character of an
-opera buffa. The last movement of each finale is for four voices, and is
-sung by all the personages present; a similar movement opens the opera.
-They are very simple, the voices in harmony, to a varied figure on the
-violins, generally only a sort of paraphrase of the principal subject;
-the other instruments fill in the harmonies, so that the whole has a
-rapid, busy effect.
-
-The overture (Sinfonia) is, according to established custom, in three
-movements, the two first being in two divisions. It is a symphony,
-composed previously on January 16 (45 K.), and prefixed to the opera
-with the omission of the minuet. There are a few minor alterations,
-chiefly in the instrumentation. The symphony had originally trumpets
-and drums, which were omitted in the overture, while flutes and bassoons
-were added. This is unquestionably the weakest part of the opera, and
-the middle movement is
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(86)
-
-especially poor; but little importance was then attached to the
-overture, and it is not worse than others of its day.
-
-To sum up our criticism, the opera was a worthy rival to those already
-in possession of the stage, and portions of it may fairly be said
-to surpass them in nobility and originality both of invention and
-execution, while it points unmistakably to a glorious future for its
-composer. Surely this is extraordinary praise for the work of a boy!
-
-The manuscript score is clearly a fair copy, but not without
-corrections. Some of these are of mistakes in the copying; others,
-although seldom, are alterations probably demanded by the performers,
-either curtailments or additions. The additions are for the most part
-to the closing phrases, which Mozart, as a rule, cut very short; the
-singers, mindful of a good exit, demanded their prolongation. The hand
-of L. Mozart is discernible throughout; the indications of the tempo,
-of the persons, instruments, &c., the minute directions as to execution,
-are almost all in his handwriting.
-
-There are also some indications of his having revised the composition in
-unimportant trifles. But this score, being a copy, can offer no evidence
-as to the influence of L. Mozart's advice and corrections on the
-compositions of his son; we can well understand that at the time this
-influence was thought to be overpowering; now that Wolfgang's career and
-development lie open before us, we rate it at next to nothing.
-
-Although L. Mozart was denied the satisfaction of witnessing the public
-recognition of his son's genius by the performance of this opera, yet
-a good opportunity was afforded him of asserting his dramatic talent
-before a small circle of connoisseurs. The Mozarts became acquainted
-with a Dr. Messmer,[30] who had married a rich wife, and who kept
-
-{ROUSSEAU'S "DEVIN DU VILLAGE."}
-
-(87)
-
-open house for a select and cultivated circle. Heufeld was among the
-number of his friends. Dr. Messmer was musical, and had built an amateur
-theatre; here was performed, a little German opera composed by Wolfgang,
-with the title "Bastien und Bastienne" (50 K.).
-
-We must here revert to J. J. Rousseau's intermezzo, "Le Devin du
-Village," the origin of which he describes in the eighth book of his
-"Confessions."[31] The pleasure which he had derived during his stay
-in Italy from the performances of the opera buffa was revived in 1752 at
-Passy, where he encountered a zealous musical friend, Musard, who
-shared the same tastes. This suggested to Rousseau the idea of placing
-something of the same kind on the French stage; in a few days the plan
-of the piece, the text, and some of the music were sketched out, and
-within six weeks, the poem and composition were complete. At a private
-rehearsal, which Duclos arranged, the operetta made a great sensation,
-and attracted the attention of the manager _des menus plaisirs_, De
-Cury, who ordered and directed a performance of it at court.
-
-It was twice (on October 18 and 24,1752) performed before the King at
-Fontainebleau, Mdlles. Fel and Jeliotte singing Colette and Colin, with
-great applause. Then it was given publicly in Paris before the Academie
-Royale de Musique on March 1, 1753, and met with great and universal
-approbation.[32] From the King, who, "with the worst voice in his whole
-kingdom," sang "J'ai perdu mon serviteur," downwards, the couplets
-of the operetta were in every one's mouth, and it became popular to
-a remarkable degree. In 1774 it received almost as much applause as
-Gluck's "Orpheus,"[33]
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(88)
-
-and even in 1819 and 1821 German musicians were astonished at its
-popularity. It did not finally disappear from the stage until 1828.[34]
-The plot could not be simpler:--
-
-Colette, a village maiden, is inconsolable for her faithless swain,
-Colin, and goes to a soothsayer for advice and assistance. He informs
-her that the lady of the manor has entangled Colin in her toils, but
-that he is still faithful at heart, and will return to his first love;
-she must punish him by pretended indifference, so as to inflame his
-desires afresh; this she promises. Colin then enters; he is healed
-of his madness, and returns to his Colette. On being informed by
-the soothsayer that she loves another, he, too, begs for help; the
-soothsayer undertakes to summon Colette by magic, but Colin must himself
-do the rest. Colette appears, and somewhat unsuccessfully plays the
-prude; her lover thereupon rushes off in despair, she calls him back,
-and then follow reconciliation and renewed assurance of love and
-constancy. The soothsayer receives thanks and reward, and the assembled
-villagers take part in the joy of the lovers.
-
-The simplicity and naive sentiments, which atone for the poverty of
-the plot, are also characteristic of the music. A certain inequality
-in technical details, and here and there gross errors, betray the
-amateur;[35] but there is a natural feeling in the melodies, and a
-playful tenderness in the whole composition, which must have had an
-extraordinary effect at the time of its production. Rousseau, who
-aimed at unity of tone before all things in this little sketch, was not
-satisfied with furnishing the couplets with easy flowing melodies,
-but bestowed great care on the recitatives, which, in imitation of
-the Italian, were intended to be pieces of artistic and studied
-declamation.[36] The minute care with which he indicated the smallest
-detail in the delivery of his recitatives is almost incredible; it is
-plain that he gave credit to the performers for no musical feeling or
-power of expression whatever.
-
-Rousseau's opera coincided in point of time with the first
-
-{THE PARODY, "BASTIEN ET BASTIBNNE."}
-
-(89)
-
-appearance of Italian opera buffa in Paris; and though he had avowedly
-taken, this as his model, comparison serves only to prove the complete
-originality of his work. It bore unmistakable traces of its nationality,
-and was French in feeling and tone.[37] The abiding impression created
-by it is best shown by the innumerable operas of the same kind, which
-followed closely in its rear,[38] such as "Rose et Colas," "Annette et
-Lubin," "La Clochette." The Comedie-Italienne ratified the success of
-the "Devin du Village" in yet another way. According to the custom, by
-which every piece of any importance was parodied as soon as it appeared
-on the stage, a parody of Rousseau's intermezzo appeared at the
-Italiens, September 26, 1753, with the title: "Les Amours de Bastienet
-Bastienne."[39]
-
-It was composed by the witty and agreeable Madame Favart and Hamy,[40]
-and, without attempting to disparage the original, it transforms the
-Arcadian idealism of Rousseau's shepherds into the unromantic realism of
-country life. Genuine French peasants express appropriate sentiments in
-their patois, and the whole piece is rustic and natural.
-
-The dialogue is strung together by well-known melodies, as was always
-the case in vaudeville. The piece was highly applauded, owing its
-success in great measure to the lively and natural acting of Madame
-Favart. She was the first actress who ventured to appear in the genuine
-simple costume of a peasant woman, and her appearance in sabots created
-a great sensation. Her portrait was painted in this
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(90)
-
-character, and it had much to do in laying the foundation of her
-fame.[41]
-
-The parody was elaborated into a German operetta. In Vienna, low comedy
-had never entirely renounced the aid of music; Haydn composed his
-operetta "Der neue Krumme Teufel" for Kurz-Bemardon. When the more
-refined comic opera was introduced by Hiller, it was accepted and
-imitated in Vienna. In 1764 Weiskem translated Madame Favart's parody
-with some slight alterations,[42] and to this text Mozart composed the
-music.[43] The piece is a continuous dialogue, interrupted by isolated
-songs and duets at appointed places. These, consisting of eleven solo
-songs, three duets, and one terzet do not always correspond to those
-of Rousseau's opera, which was unknown to the adapter; many songs have
-several verses, of which Mozart has only transcribed the first.
-
-The French parody has been most unskilfully travestied, as will be seen
-by a comparison of the first song in its various forms.
-
-ROUSSEAU.
-
-     J'ai perdu tout mon bonheur;
-     J'ai perdu mon serviteur:
-     Colin me delaisse.
-     Helas! il a pu changer!
-     Je voudrois n'y plus songer:
-     J'y songe sans cesse.
-
-MADAME FAVART.
-
-     (Air: J'ai perdu mon aene.)
-     J'ons pardu mon ami!
-     Depis c' tems-la j'nons point dormi,
-     Je n' vivons pu qu'a d'mi.
-     J'ons pardu mon ami,
-     J'en ons le cour tout transi,
-     Je m' meurs de souci.
-
-
-{MOZART'S "BASTIEN ET BASTIENNE."}
-
-(91)
-
-WEISKERN.
-
-     Mein liebster Freund hat mich verlassen,
-     Mit ihm ist Schlaf und Ruh dahin;
-     Ich weiss vor Leid mich nicht zu fassen,
-     Der Kummer schwaecht mir Aug' und Sinn.
-     Vor Gram und Schmerz Erstarrt das Herz,
-     Und diese Noth Bringt mir den Tod.
-
-The verses are equally tame and clumsy all the way through; and even
-taking into account the prevailing low standard of cultivation and
-taste, it is difficult to believe that this operetta could have been
-produced at a private house of any importance.[44]
-
-Mozart has given his music a strictly pastoral character, indicated,
-wherever possible, by its outward form. The orchestral introduction
-(Intrada) an Allegro (3-4) of about seventy bars, begins with a pastoral
-theme--
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-interrupted by quick passages for oboes and horns, plainly intended to
-express a disturbance of the peaceful shepherd's life; this passes into
-a tender pianissimo, prefiguring Bastienne's song. Holmes remarks that
-the subject reminds one of Beethoven's Sinfonia Eroica, and still more
-so as the overture proceeds; but no one, it is to
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(92)
-
-be hoped, would think of an actual reminiscence. Both the melody and
-its accompaniment, particularly the holding down of the bass note or the
-fifth, often of both, are meant to suggest bagpipes.
-
-Only the stringed instruments are employed; and a curious effect is
-produced by the first violins giving the fundamental note to the melody
-on the open string of G or D. The bagpipes are imitated again in a
-little passage, with which Colas enters, playing the bagpipes:--
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-In this passage Mozart has jokingly introduced a G sharp to imitate the
-sound between G and G sharp, which wind instruments sometimes emit,
-when unskilfully handled.[45] All these little tricks had already been
-brought in to his "Galimathias" (p. 45).
-
-Comparing this operetta with the "Finta Semplice," we find that the
-former is as distinctively German in execution and colouring as the
-latter is Italian. What amount of direct influence Hiller's operas had
-upon "Bastien and Bastienne"
-
-(Op. 30, 5), and others in Mendelssohn's "Midsummer Night's Dream."
-
-{MOZART'S "BASTIEN ET BASTIENNE."}
-
-(93)
-
-it is difficult to say, but there can be no doubt that the intention of
-both composers was the same.
-
-Simplicity and directness of expression being essential, the songs are
-destitute both of runs and florid passages, and the fashioning of the
-melodies is decidedly German, generally taking the ballad form; where
-a more elaborate working is attempted, we may indeed trace Italian
-influence, but the style is invariably simplified.
-
-The conventional form of the aria in two parts, with the repetition of
-the first or both, and the usual variations, is not adhered to: and
-when an aria consists of two parts, it has no Da capo.[46] So, too, the
-cadence, which had become almost a rule in Italian songs--is employed
-only once or twice.
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-The whole composition displays little inventive faculty,. and there
-are no pieces of the same significance as some of those in the Italian
-opera; here and there is a slight uncertainty of rhythm or harmony, and
-occasionally also obsolete turns of expression.
-
-On the other hand', there are not wanting passages full of grace and
-tenderness, the harmony is often well chosen and even bold, and the
-operetta is so far Mozart's best expression of simple sentiment coming
-direct from the heart.
-
-His dramatic talent again asserts itself unmistakably; the three
-characters are boldly sketched, and many little comic touches are
-thrown into relief, as, for instance, the song in which Colas practises
-hocus-pocus, the duet in which Bastienne to all Bastien's despairing
-resolutions answers only: "Viel Glueck!" and others. The technical
-working-out is very simple. Neither in the duets nor in the closing
-terzet are the voices interwoven; but they
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(94)
-
-alternate with each other, or proceed together in simple harmony;
-only in one instance does there occur a short imitative passage. The
-orchestra usually goes with the voice, to which a simple, well-arranged
-bass is provided, the other parts filling in the harmonies. An
-accompaniment with any independent phrasing is rarely met with.
-The accompaniment is mainly intrusted to the stringed instruments,
-strengthened by oboes (on one occasion by two flutes) and horns, but
-only to fill in the harmonies. Horns are also employed obbligato, and
-with charming effect, in Bastienne's second song, "Ich geh jetzt auf die
-Weide."
-
-It says much for the artistic feeling and true discrimination of a boy
-of twelve years old, that he not only displays a mastery of operatic
-form, and a rare dramatic and inventive genius, but that he is able
-to grasp and appreciate the essential differences, both artistic and
-national, between German and Italian opera.
-
-It is noteworthy that his first dramatic attempts should, so to
-speak, touch the two extremes, which it was to be his mission to bring
-together. One song of Bastien's (10), with slightly altered words
-and clavier accompaniment, "Daphne, deine Rosenwangen," and another,
-"Freude, Koenigin der Weisen" (52, 53, K.), were printed in a musical
-serial,[47] the editor, no doubt, thinking to make his profit with the
-name of the youthful prodigy.
-
-Among the occasional compositions, which were numerous during Mozart's
-stay in Vienna, two symphonies must be mentioned. The first, in F major
-(43 K.), falling within the year 1767, is only noticeable for its middle
-movement, which is an elaboration of the duet in "Hyacinthus," already
-mentioned (p. 62 ). The second, in D major, dated December 13,1768 (48
-K.), is very animated, and has some striking features.
-
-Considerable doubt still exists on the subject of a quintet, in B flat
-major (46 K.), which, according to Kochel's unimpeachable authority is
-preserved in Mozart's boyish
-
-{QUINTET IN B FLAT MAJOR, AND SERENADE.}
-
-(95)
-
-hand-writing in the archives of the Austrian Musikverein; it has many
-corrections, and the date appended, in a strange hand certainly,
-but coinciding with the composition, is "d. 25 Januar (Mozart writes
-Janner), 1768." This quintet, for two violins, two tenors, and
-violoncello, contains the four principal movements (omitting the second
-minuet, the romance, and the variations) of the great serenade for wind
-instruments belonging to the year 1780 (361 K); the substance is here
-in its integrity, with only the necessary alterations to adapt it for
-strings.
-
-Close examination leaves hardly any doubt that the composition was
-originally intended for wind instruments; finer effects are produced in
-the serenade, and are obviously not interpolated; the quintet betrays
-itself as an arrangement by evident efforts to bring out given effects.
-
-Accordingly the serenade must be considered also as a very early work,
-and the omission of the three movements in the quintet affords no reason
-for ascribing them to a different period. Nevertheless, the conception
-and workmanship of these movements, and the scientific mastery of the
-art therein displayed, belong to the maturity of manhood, and make it
-difficult to give credence to the handwriting of the manuscript rather
-than to this internal evidence.
-
-L. Mozart's hope of seeing an opera by Wolfgang on the Vienna stage was,
-as we have seen, destroyed; but he was not altogether deprived of the
-satisfaction to be afforded him by a public display of his son's genius.
-They had become acquainted with the celebrated Father Ign. Parhammer, a
-Jesuit, who had been especially zealous in purifying the land since
-the emigration of the Protestants from Salzburg in 1733; [48] he took a
-prominent position in Vienna, and became father confessor to the Emperor
-Francis I. in 1758. In the following year he was made director of
-the Orphan Asylum, which he extended and reorganised with remarkable
-activity, making it at length one of the most noted of such
-institutions.[49] In all similar institutions conducted by the Jesuits
-in Germany, the musical education of the orphans was
-
-{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
-
-(96)
-
-considered next in importance to their religious duties,[50] and in this
-case the result was so striking that the Emperor intended employing them
-in his operatic company.[51] Parhammer sometimes invited the Mozarts;
-and when the foundation stone of a new chapel was laid in the summer
-they were present and met the Emperor, who conversed with Wolfgang about
-his opera. Soon after he was commissioned to prepare the music for the
-mass to celebrate the dedication of the chapel, with the addition of an
-offertory and a trumpet concerto, to be performed by one of the boys.
-The latter is not preserved; the Mass in G major (49 K.), the first
-which Mozart had written, betrays, as might be expected, the uncertainty
-of boyish workmanship more than any previous work. It is written for
-chorus and solos which do not merely alternate with the chorus in short
-phrases; "Et in Spiritum Sanctum" is an independent solo for the bass;
-Benedictus, a solo quartet. The plan, modelling, and execution of the
-music are quite of the conventional type of a Missa brevis; it is almost
-devoid of original invention, and bears no signs of those stirrings of
-genius which we have remarked in previous works. This want has not
-been without influence on the working-out of the music. The imitative
-phrasing is stiffer and less free than elsewhere; only the little
-regulation fugue "Et vitam" shows the result of study; and the impetuous
-Osanna--
-
-{FIRST MASS IN G MAJOR.}
-
-(97)
-
-[See Page Image]
-
-is vigorous and well finished. The Offertory, "Veni, Sancte Spiritus"
-(47 K.), in C major is lively and brilliant, with trumpets and drums.
-The closing "Alleluia" is almost too gay, but it is pretty and fresh,
-reminding one of Caldara's easier pieces.
-
-The performance, which Wolfgang conducted, took place on December 7,
-1768, in the presence of the imperial court, and confirmed, as the
-father writes home, that which their enemies by opposition to the opera
-had sought to disprove; convincing the court and the numerous audience
-assembled, of Wolfgang's right to a place of honour among composers.
-
-The following is the testimony of a contemporary journal:[52]
-
-On Wednesday, the 7th, his Imperial Majesty, with the Archdukes
-Ferdinand and Maximilian, and the Archduchesses Maria Elizabeth and
-Maria Amelia were pleased to repair to the Orphan Asylum on the Rennweg,
-in order to be present at the first festival service and dedication of
-the newly erected chapel.
-
-On either side of the entrance to the chapel were stationed the
-companies of body guards with their bands. The royal party were received
-by his Eminence the Cardinal Archbishop of this place with his attendant
-clergy, amid the flourish of trumpets and drums, and the discharge of
-guns and cannons. The service of the dedication was conducted by his
-Eminence, and the mass by the suffragan Bishop Marxer, with repeated
-discharge of fire-arms.
-
-The entire music, sung by the choir of orphans, was composed for the
-occasion by Wolfgang Mozart, son of Dr. L. Mozart, Kapellmeister at
-Salzburg, a boy twelve years of age, well known for his extraordinary
-talent; it was conducted by the composer with the utmost precision and
-accuracy, and was received with universal applause and admiration.
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-[Footnote 1: The extracts from L. Mozart's letters given by Nissen are almost our
-only sources of information for this journey.]
-
-[Footnote 2: G. Forster, Schriften VII., p. 270.]
-
-[Footnote 3: A.M. Z., II., p. 301.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Burney, Reise, II., p. 182. Duten's Mem., I., p. 353.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Garat. Mem. sur Suard, II., p. 218. Duten's Mem., I., p. 347.]
-
-[Footnote 6: Zimmermann, Briefe, p. 96.]
-
-[Footnote 7: Burney, Reise, II., p. 189.]
-
-[Footnote 8: Gervinus, Gesch. der poet. National-Litteratur, IV., p. 384.
-Devrient, Gesch. der deutschen Schauspielkunst, II., p. 191; and see
-also how Sonnenfels expresses himself (Ges. Schr., V., pp. 157, 191, or
-in a letter to Klotz, I., p. 2) in the same year, 1768.]
-
-[Footnote 9: Sonnenfels gives a detailed description of the company (Ges. Schr.,
-V., p. 290).]
-
-[Footnote 10: Metastatio, Opp. post., II., pp. 278, 290, cf. Arteaga, Le
-rivoluzioni del teatro musicale Italiano, III., p. 126 (II., p. 397).]
-
-[Footnote 11: Cramer, Magasin d. Mus., I., p. 365. Metastatio, Lettere ined.
-(Nirza, 1796), p. 46.]
-
-[Footnote 12: Burney, Reise, II., p. 188.]
-
-[Footnote 13: Mane ini, Rifless. prat, sul canto fig., p. 30.]
-
-[Footnote 14: Burney, Reise, II., p. 172.]
-
-[Footnote 15: Dittersdorff, Selbstbiographie, p. 7.]
-
-[Footnote 16: Muller, Ab8chied v. d. Buehne, p. 72.]
-
-[Footnote 17: Mueller, zuverl. Nachr., I., p. 13.]
-
-[Footnote 18: Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 82. Kelly, Remin., I., p. 103.]
-
-[Footnote 19: It is mentioned only, so far as I am aware, by Biedenfeld. Die
-Komische Oper., p. 69.]
-
-[Footnote 20: Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 574.]
-
-[Footnote 21: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 296. He reappeared in Rome in 1780,
-a toothless old man. (Teutsch. Merc., 1789, III., p. 210.)]
-
-[Footnote 22: Sonnenfeu, Ges. Schr., V., p. 300.]
-
-[Footnote 23: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 291. Burney, Reise, I., p. 63.
-Mueller zuverl. Nachr., I., p. 73. He died at Vienna in 1772, at the age
-of sixty-seven. (Ibid. II., p. 132.)]
-
-[Footnote 24:Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 301.]
-
-[Footnote 25: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 293.]
-
-[Footnote 26: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 293. Mueller, zuverl. Nachr., I., p.
-73. Kelly, Remin., I., p. 66.]
-
-[Footnote 27: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 299.]
-
-[Footnote 28: One of Fracasso's songs was twice composed, so was the middle
-movement of another, and an inserted song for Ninetta.]
-
-[Footnote 29: In the beautiful aria for Polidoro, before described, a tedious
-passage was afterwards judiciously struck out by Mozart.]
-
-[Footnote 30: Nissen has incorrectly given the idea that "the well-known Dr.
-Messmer, the friend of the Mozarts," was the celebrated magnetiser of
-that name. Helfert (Die oesterr. Volkschule, I., p. 132.) identifies
-Mozart's Messmer, who became a member of the medical faculty in 1767.
-In 1773 his wife inherited a half share in a house on the Landstrasse,
-consistently with which L. Mozart writes to his wife from Vienna
-(August) that Fr. v. Messmer has come into considerable property since
-the death of her mother. A "young Herr. v. Messmer," a cousin, was
-director of the Normal School in 1773.]
-
-[Footnote 31: E. Schelle, Berl. Mus. Ztg. Echo, 1864, No. 38.]
-
-[Footnote 32: "'Le Devin du Village' est un intermede charmant dont les paroles
-et la musique sont de M. Rousseau," writes Grimm (June 23, 1753) to
-Gottsched (Danzel, Gottsched, p. 351). He speaks of it again on December
-15, 1753 (Corr. Litt., I., p. 92), as an "intermede agreable, qui a eu
-tres-grand succes a Fontainebleau et a Paris;" and again, in February,
-1754, as an "intermede francais tres-joli et tres-agreable" (Ibid.,p.
-112). He passes it over, however, in his account at a later date of
-Rousseau's musical works, and mentions only his unsuccessful opera, "Les
-Muses Galantes."]
-
-[Footnote 33:La Harpe. Corr. Litt., II., p. 59.]
-
-[Footnote 34: A. M. Z., XXI., p. 841. XXIII., p. 141. Berlioz, Voy. Mus., I., p.
-389.]
-
-[Footnote 35: Adam (Souv. d'un Music., p. 198), suggests that Rousseau's score
-may have been revised by Francoeur.]
-
-[Footnote 36: On the subject of recitative, Rousseau speaks exhaustively and to
-the point, both in his Dictionnaire de Musique, and in the Lettre sur la
-Musique Francaise. (Ouvres, XI., p. 296.)]
-
-[Footnote 37: It was maintained by some that Rousseau only wrote the words, and
-intrusted the composition to a musician in Lyons (A. M. Z., XIV., p.
-469; Castil-Blaze; Moliere Musicien, II., p. 409), an accusation which
-Gretry contradicted. Rousseau tried to refute it by a second opera,
-which, however, did not succeed. (La Harpe, Corr. Litt., II., p. 370.
-Adam, Souv. d'un Mus., p. 202.)]
-
-[Footnote 38: An English adaptation by Burney failed in London in 1766 (Parke,
-Mus. Mem., II., p. 93). German versions were produced by Leon (Teutsch.
-Merc., 1787, II., p. 193) and C. Dielitz (Berlin, 1820).]
-
-[Footnote 39: Theaetre du Favart, V., 1 (Paris, 1763). A book of the words,
-printed at Amsterdam in 1758, has the remark: "Represente a Bruxelles,
-Nov., 1753, par les Comediens Francois sous les ordres de S. Alt. Roy."]
-
-[Footnote 40: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IV., pp. 400, 417.]
-
-[Footnote 41: Dictionn. d. Theaetre, VI., p. 228; Theaterkal. 1776.]
-
-[Footnote 42: "Bastienne, eine franzoesische opera-comique. Auf Befehl in einer
-freien Uebersetzung nachgeahmt von Fr. W. Weiskern. Wien, 1764." The
-French melodies were retained for some of the songs, and new ones
-composed for others. The piece was produced at Vienna (Mueller, Zuverl.
-Nachr., I., p. 31), also in 1770 at Bruenn (Ibid., II., p. 213), in
-177a at Prague (Ibid., II., p. 163), and in 1776 at Hildesheim (Mueller,
-Abschied v. d. Buehne, p. 137).]
-
-[Footnote 43: Nissen gives Schachtner as the librettist. His co-operation was
-probably confined to the versification of the prose dialogue, a few
-scenes of which Mozart afterwards composed in recitative; a useless
-labour, never completed.]
-
-[Footnote 44: A comparison of the examples which Hiller (ueber Metastasio, p. 17)
-quotes from a translation of Metastasio, which appeared in Vienna in
-1769, will show some similarity.]
-
-[Footnote 45: A similar instance may be found in Weber's composition of Voss's
-songs
-
-[Footnote 46: This is noticed also by Hiller as especially characteristic in
-style (Woeehentl. Nachr., I., p. 376; II., p. 118).]
-
-[Footnote 47: Neue Sammlung zum Vergnuegen und Unterrich (Wien, R. Graffer, 1768),
-IV., pp. 80, 140.]
-
-[Footnote 48: Nicolai, Reisc, IV., p. 648.]
-
-[Footnote 49: Nicolai, Reise, III., p. 228.]
-
-[Footnote 50: Burney, Reise, II., p. 107.]
-
-[Footnote 51: Mueller, Abschied v. d. Buehne, p. 237.]
-
-[Footnote 52: "Wien. Diarium," 1768, 10 Christmon. No. 99.]
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DW
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V. THE ITALIAN TOUR.
-
-
-THE Archbishop could not but feel flattered at the accomplishments of
-the young Salzburger, and he endeavoured, as far as lay in his power,
-to complete the partial success of the visit to Vienna by ordering a
-performance of Wolfgang's opera in Salzburg, notwithstanding that it was
-"an opera buffa,
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(98)
-
-requiring performers of a buffo character." The programme, recovered by
-Koechel[1] gives the following [See Page Image] [2]cast:--
-
-The performance must have taken place on the fete-day of the Archbishop
-or some similar festive occasion, and upon a stage specially erected in
-the archiepiscopal palace.
-
-{SALZBURG--MASS IN D MINOR.}
-
-(99)
-
-1748, "La Clemenza di Tito" was given by the Signori Paggi di Corte, who
-played even the female parts, or of the chapel.
-
-It was the custom on such occasions at the close of the performance to
-address the person in whose honour it was given, generally in the form
-of an air with recitative, concluding with a chorus; this peroration,
-which had no connection with the body of the opera, was called
-_licenza_) Two such, composed by Wolfgang for Archbishop Sigismund,
-are still preserved; a tenor air (36 K.) and a soprano air (70 K.), both
-with long recitatives, giving testimony to increasing dexterity in the
-treatment of form.
-
-The performance of the opera was followed on the side of the Archbishop
-by the announcement of Wolfgang's appointment as Concertmeister, and he
-was accordingly so entered in the Court Calendar of 1770.
-
-The greater part of the year 1769 was spent quietly at Salzburg in
-studies of which we know but little. The only compositions which can
-certainly be ascribed to this year are seven minuets for two violins and
-bass, composed January 26, 1769,[3] and two masses; they are all of the
-nature of studies. The first of the masses, in D minor, dated January
-14, 1769 (65 K.), noteworthy on account of the minor key, is a missa
-brevis, and keeps strictly to that form, both in choruses and solos; in
-the Credo the words "Genitum, non factum--consubstantialem Patri--per
-quem omnia facta sunt," are distributed to three voices, and sung
-together. The different phrases, though well formed, have a certain
-abruptness, showing that the skill to continue and develop the
-suggestions of the mind was still wanting. But the ordering of the
-details and the counterpoint are both excellent, and bear many marks of
-originality.
-
-As an example the fugue--
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(100)
-
-is unusual, but has a striking effect in this place. Mozart evidently
-enters more into the spirit of his work as the mass proceeds, and
-gives his impulses freer play. The Benedic-tus apparently gave him some
-trouble. First, it was written for all four voices, then for soprano
-solo, and lastly as a duet for soprano and alto, this last arrangement
-being twice elaborated. The alterations in the details show how precise
-he was in this work. [See Page Image]
-
-The beginning of the Dona--
-
-Do - na, do - na no - bis
-
-{PATER DOMINICUS MASS.}
-
-(101)
-
-promises well, but fails to maintain the same level to the end. [See
-Page Image]
-
-The second mass, in C major (66 K.), the "Pater Domini-cus Mass," was
-composed in October, 1769, on the occasion of the first celebration of
-mass by Hagenauer's son, whose entrance into a monastery had formerly
-caused Wolfgang to shed tears (p. 50).[4] The young composer put forth
-all his powers to produce a truly grand and brilliant festival mass.
-
-Every part is well conceived and worked out, and considerable progress
-is observable in the mechanical details of the whole. The subjects
-are more important, and the passages for the violins, which are very
-prominent, have more distinct character; the different parts, too, have
-freer play. But it is at the same time to be noted that the substance of
-the work is not yet on a level with its broader scheme. A succession of
-independent solos, which evidently served as the special embellishment
-of the mass, show a considerable effort to avoid a light operatic tone,
-and to combine dignity with easy and attractive grace.
-
-Mozart's unequalled talent for pure and noble melody is as discernible
-here as elsewhere, though it is crippled by a certain amount of
-confusion of ideas. Curiously enough the Benedictus, a solo quartet, is
-accompanied only by the first violin, which plays round the voices with
-a continuous running passage. There is a good effect in the Dona nobis,
-where the chorus answers the short solo phrases--
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(102)
-
-with changes of lead and harmony. [See Page Image]
-
-This mass serves as a proof that L. Mozart did not confine himself to
-educating his son as an operatic composer, but that he made him pass
-through a course of severe study in every branch of his art, with the
-just conviction that his genius, when fully trained and developed, would
-mark out a line for itself.
-
-L. Mozart's intention of taking Wolfgang to Italy remained firm as ever,
-and he considered their stay in Vienna as the first step towards its
-accomplishment. At that time, Italy was to musicians what she now is
-to painters and sculptors; a residence there was necessary to give the
-finishing touches to their education, and _eclat_ to their reputation.
-
-Music in Italy was not only an art universally diffused and esteemed, it
-was _the_ Art _par excellence_. All classes shared the insatiable desire
-for music everywhere--in the churches, the theatres, the streets, and
-their own homes; and the delicate appreciation and enthusiasm for what
-was excellent were increased by practice and education. So in Italy
-a national tradition for production as well as for taste had been
-gradually formed, a sort of musical climate, in which artists found
-it easy to breathe. They knew that they might rely confidently on the
-appreciation of the public, whose attention and intelligence urged
-them to fresh efforts, while rewarding each success with sympathetic
-applause.
-
-Opera and church music were almost in equal favour, and afforded mutual
-support to each other. It was accordant with the brilliancy of royal
-courts and rich cities to give operatic performances either at Carnival
-time or on special festive occasions; no expense was spared to
-engage the most famous singers, male and female, and for every season
-(_stagione_) new operas were written, if possible by famous and
-favourite composers. Again, the dignity of the Church required, at least
-on great holy days, that the musical part of the worship should be grand
-and imposing; and the more
-
-{MUSIC IN ITALY.}
-
-(103)
-
-richly endowed churches and monasteries were quite able to rival the
-theatres. There was on every side a steady demand for musical production
-and execution, which offered abundant opportunity for the exercise of
-every kind of talent.
-
-The musical education of youth was principally intrusted to the Church.
-Monasteries and religious institutions were careful to train the musical
-strength, which was later to be at their disposal; special
-institutions were founded, which were in part the origin of the future
-Conservatoires, whose mission it was to train their scholars as
-singers, instrumentalists, or composers, and in every case as thoroughly
-cultivated musicians. In Venice there were four such foundations in
-which boys, and more especially girls, received musical instruction,
-preparatory to devoting themselves to the service of the Church: the
-Ospidale della Pieta, intended for foundlings; Ospedaletto, where
-Sacchini was kapellmeister at this time; Gli Mendicanti, and Gli
-Incurabili, then under Galuppi's direction.[5] In Naples were similar
-establishments, De Poveridi Gesu-Christo; Della Pieta de' Turchini; S.
-Onofrio; Loretto. Though all were originally intended as nurseries
-for church music, yet they were of almost equal service to music of a
-secular nature; indeed, the most highly gifted among the scholars were
-likely to prefer the more brilliant and profitable career of the opera
-stage. But the separation was never complete; operatic composers for
-the most part worked also for the churches, where opera singers and
-even professional instrumentalists were often heard. Ecclesiastics,
-too, practised music in various branches, often with zeal and success.
-Although this union of musical forces, through the overpowering
-influence of the opera, worked in time prejudicially on the dignity and
-purity of church music, yet there can be no doubt of its good effect on
-the study of form and musical science. The result was all the greater,
-since the almost instinctive steadfastness of the national taste
-preserved musicians from aberrations which are only to be checked by
-rigid limitations as to style and form. An art so formed,
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(104)
-
-with so one-sided a cultivation, must of course die out in the end; but
-the extraordinary accomplishments of numerous Italian masters cannot
-fail to impress us with admiration of the share which Italian music,
-in its fulness of life and activity, had in producing a true musical
-atmosphere. It was indeed, this firm foundation of scientific knowledge
-which made possible a liberation of music from its confined Italian
-limits without abandoning the laws of artistic formation.
-
-Under these circumstances Italy enjoyed undisputed and unlimited
-sovereignty in all matters relating to music. Spain and England
-acknowledged it almost without reserve; in France, where the impulse
-proceeding originally from Italy, had been modified by national
-characteristics, the influence of Italy was now beginning to reassert
-itself. In Germany alone, the works of great masters (we need only
-remind our readers of the Bach family as representatives of German
-church music; of Keiser, the creator of German opera in Hamburg) bore
-witness to an independent development of music. Even here it was not as
-"German as the German oaks," and bore many traces of Italian or French
-influences; but the comprehension and cultivation of form, the substance
-and spirit of the music, are purely German. This German music, however,
-was principally confined to Protestant North Germany; it was nourished
-by no favour from the great, and the colder artistic mind of North
-Germany hindered it from attaining the popularity which was enjoyed
-by music in Italy. At all the German courts, Protestant as well as
-Catholic, the opera was Italian; the Catholic church music was under the
-exclusive sway of Italian composers; all singers, male and female, were
-either born or educated in Italy, and so, for the most part, were the
-instrumentalists, although it was in instrumental music that Germany
-first challenged the supremacy of Italy.
-
-The curious attraction of Germans to Italy, which has existed in all
-ages under different manifestations, must have worked with peculiar
-power on musicians.[6] The German
-
-{LEOPOLD' MOZART'S HOPES.}
-
-(105)
-
-composers of the last century (with the exception of the North German
-Protestant church composers) all studied and laid the foundation of
-their fame in Italy, even those who, like Handel and Gluck, possessed
-original power enough to enable them later to strike out a path for
-themselves.[7]
-
-It may be said that, in this sense, Mozart's pilgrimage to Rome was the
-last of its kind; to him it was accorded, not, only to attain to the
-highest aim of Italian opera but to break the bonds of nationality, by
-lending depth and substance to the Italian perfection of form, while,
-with the wealth of knowledge acquired in Italy, he furnished artistic
-form and expression to the national opera of Germany.
-
-In taking his son to Italy, L. Mozart had a twofold end in view.
-Wolfgang was not so much to continue his scholastic training (that he
-could have done at home) as to emerge from a narrow provincial existence
-into the great world of art, and by extended experiences to gain the
-refined taste of a cultivated man of the world. He was also to gain
-fresh laurels, and to prepare the way for a prosperous and glorious
-future. L. Mozart expected from the excitable Italians special interest
-and applause on account of Wolfgang's youth; and in this he was
-not disappointed. But he soon found that no pecuniary gain was to be
-expected from this journey, since all concerts (_accademie_) were given
-by exclusive companies, or by a public institute without entrance money;
-so that the artist could count on no receipts but a voluntary fee from
-the _entrepreneur_, which was not usually large. Soon after his arrival
-in Italy L. Mozart remarks to his wife, a remark often repeated, that
-although not rich he has "always a little more than is absolutely
-necessary"; and so bearing his main object in view, he is quite content.
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(106)
-
-Considering the constant fulfilment of duty as the most important factor
-in education, he insisted on Wolfgang's continuing his regular studies
-during their journey. A long list of compositions, partly suggested by
-passing events, partly set studies, bear witness to this. Wolfgang,
-who was very fond of arithmetic (p. 22), asks his sister to send his
-arithmetic book after him, so that he may go on with his sums. In Rome
-he had a present of an Italian translation of the "Arabian Nights,"
-which amused him very much. Soon after we find him reading "Telemachus."
-L. Mozart was too well informed himself to look upon this journey as
-instructive merely from a musical point of view. His letters show
-that he took interest in politics and social life, in nature, art, and
-antiquity; he sends home long descriptions of the journey, which are
-to serve as preliminaries to future conversations over the books and
-engravings he is collecting. Wolfgang evinced the same fresh interest in
-everything he saw, and offered no opposition to the care his father
-took of his health. "You know that he can be moderate," writes L. Mozart
-(February 17,1770), and I can assure you that I have never seen him so
-careful of his health as in this country. He leaves alone all that he
-does not think good for him, and many days he eats but little; yet he
-is always fat and well, and merry and happy the whole day long. And from
-Rome he writes (April 14, 1770), that Wolfgang "takes as much care of
-his health as if he were a grown man."
-
-Neither the honours with which he was everywhere overwhelmed, nor
-his performances as a musician, had any effect in spoiling the
-unsophisticated nature of the boy; he was always bright and animated,
-full of jokes and merry absurdities, and retaining a strong attachment
-to home and the home circle amid all the distractions of the journey. In
-his letters to his sister, he falls into a ludicrous jargon, composed of
-any number of different languages, and of childish jokes and teasings,
-after the manner of brothers and sisters who have grown up together and
-are under no sort of restraint in their intercourse.
-
-But whenever the subject is connected with music, through all the joking
-tone can be traced a lively interest and a
-
-{INSPRUCK--ROVEREDO, 1770.}
-
-(107)
-
-decided and impartial judgment; and the whole tone of his letters
-breathes hearty sympathy and amiability. Fortunate circumstances and a
-sensible education had combined with the happiest result; and there can
-be no doubt that the concentration of Mozart's early training on one
-object had the indirect effect of keeping at a safe distance much that
-might have been hurtful to his disposition.
-
-The father and son left Salzburg at the beginning of December, 1769.[8]
-Many threads of personal recommendation stretched thence into the Tyrol
-and upper Italy, partly from mercantile connections, partly through the
-noble families belonging to the Cathedral Chapter, and the travellers
-had introductions which gained them admittance into widely different
-circles. Their first stay was at Inspruck, where they were well received
-by Count Spaur, brother to the Salzburg Capitular. On December 14, at
-a concert given by the nobility at the house of Count Kuenigl, Wolfgang
-played a concerto at sight, which had been put before him as a test of
-his skill; at the close he was presented with it, and twelve ducats
-in addition. The Inspruck newspaper testified (December 18) that "Herr
-Wolfgang Mozart, whose extraordinary musical attainments have made him
-famous alike in the imperial court, in England, France, Holland, and
-throughout the Holy Roman Empire," had given in this performance the
-most convincing proofs of his marvellous skill. "This youthful musician,
-who is just thirteen years old, has added fresh brilliancy to his
-fame, and has commanded the unanimous approbation of all musical
-connoisseurs."
-
-As soon as they entered Italy the marks of honour with which the young
-artist was received became more animated and enthusiastic. At Roveredo
-the nobles arranged a concert at the house of Baron Todeschi, who
-had known Mozart at Vienna. "There is no need to say how Wolfgang is
-received," writes his father. When he wanted to play the organ at the
-principal church, the report of it spread through
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(108)
-
-the town, and the church was so full that it took two strong men to
-clear the way to the choir, and then it was a quarter of an hour before
-they could get to the organ, they were so besieged by the audience.
-
-The enthusiasm in Verona was still greater. As there was an opera every
-evening, a week elapsed before a concert could be arranged; but in the
-meantime invitations poured in from the Marchese Carlotti, Count Giusti
-del Giardino, Locatelli, &c.
-
-Wolfgang performed a symphony of his own composition before a select
-assembly of connoisseurs, besides playing difficult pieces at sight, and
-composing a song to some dictated words, which he afterwards sang. The
-scene at Roveredo was repeated when he went to play the organ at St.
-Thomas's Church. The press was so great that they were obliged to get
-into the church through the monastery, and even then they could hardly
-have reached the organ had not the monks formed a ring round them, and
-so made a way through the crowd. "When it was over, the noise was still
-greater, for every one wanted to see the little organist."
-
-Newspapers and poets vied with each other in extolling the marvellous
-apparition. The Receiver-General, Pietro Lugiati, chief among
-intellectual dilettanti, caused a life-size portrait of Wolfgang at
-the clavier to be painted in oils, and acquainted his mother with this
-honour in a long letter which contained warm expressions of admiration
-for the "raro e portentoso giovane."[9]
-
-On January 10 they entered Mantua well and hearty in spite of the cold;
-but Wolfgangerl looked, his father said, owing to the fresh air and
-the heat of the stove, "as if he had gone through a campaign, a sort of
-reddish brown, particularly round the eyes and mouth, something like
-his Majesty the Emperor." Here too, they were warmly received by all the
-distinguished dilettanti of the place; Signora Bettinelli in especial
-lavished all a mother's care on
-
-{PROGRAMME OF CONCERT AT MANTUA, 1770.}
-
-(109)
-
-the boy, and wept at parting from him. A Signora Sartoretti invited
-them to dine with her, and sent by her servants a vase with a beautiful
-bouquet tied with red ribbon, and in the middle of the ribbon a piece of
-four ducats folded in a poem addressed by the Signora to Wolfgang.
-
-On January 16, the concert of the Philharmonic Society was given
-in their capital hall, Wolfgang being the principal performer. The
-programme, which we append, gives some idea of Wolfgang's performances
-in Italy.
-
-Serie delle composizione musicali da eseguirsi nell' accademia pubblica
-filarmonica di Mantova la sera del di 16 del corrente Gennajo, 1770.
-
-In occasione della venuta del espertissimo giovanetto
-
-Sign. Amadeo Mozart.
-
-1. Sinfonia di composizione del Sign. Amadeo.
-
-2. Concerto di Gravecembalo esibitogli e da lui eseguito all im
-prowiso.
-
-3. Aria d'un Professore.
-
-4. Sonata di Cembalo all improwiso eseguita dal giovine con variazioni
-analoghe d'invenzione sua e replicata poi in tuono diverso da quello in
-cui e scritta.
-
-5. Concerto di Violino d'un Professore.
-
-6. Aria composta e cantata nell' atto stesso dal Sign. Amadeo all'
-
-improwiso, co' debiti accompagnamenti eseguiti sul Cembalo, sopra parole
-fatte espressamente; ma da lui non vedute in prima.
-
-7. Altra sonata di Cembalo, composta insieme ed eseguita dal medesimo
-sopra un motivo musicale propostogli improwissamente dal primo Violino.
-
-8. Aria d'un Professore.
-
-9. Concerto d'Oboe d'un Professore.
-
-10. Fuga musicale, composta ed eseguita dal. Sign. Amadeo gul Cembalo;
-
-e condotta a compiuto termine secondo le leggi del contrappunto, sopra
-un semplice tema per la medesima presentatogli all' im-prowiso.
-
-11. Sinfonia dal medesimo, concertata con tutte le parte sul Cembalo
-sopra una sola parte di Violino postagli dinanzi improwisamente.
-
-12. Duetto di Professori.
-
-13. Trio in cui il Sign. Amadeo ne suonera col Violino una parte all
-improwiso.
-
-14. Sinfonia ultima di composizione del Suddetto.
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(110)
-
-The result was brilliant, the applause indescribable, and, according to
-a newspaper account, the musicians in Mantua were unanimous in declaring
-that this youth was born to surpass the most accomplished masters of the
-art.
-
-This notice and others dwell chiefly on the precocious performances of
-the youthful prodigy. But wonderful as were Wolfgang's accomplishments
-as a clavier-player, violinist, and vocalist, they were thrown into the
-shade by his talents as a composer. Even in his public performances the
-prominence given to improvisation is remarkable, and the readiness
-with which he adapted the most varied subjects, always fulfilling the
-conditions of musical art, presupposes not only great liveliness of
-imagination, but a perfect mastery of mechanical form. In estimating
-Mozart's early acquirements, the most impressive fact to be noticed is
-the absence of any exaggeration of feeling or over-cultivation; all is
-natural and unstrained. His talent was no forced exotic, which springs
-up quickly and as quickly withers away; it was a plant of healthy
-growth, coming gradually to maturity; and the mechanical skill acquired
-in youth was the best foundation for the free creative power of manhood.
-
-Father and son arrived at Milan before the end of January, and found a
-safe and comfortable lodging in the Augustine monastery of San Marco. A
-lay brother was appointed to wait on them, even to the warming of their
-beds, which attention caused Wolfgang to be "delighted when bedtime
-came." Their warm friend and patron was the Governor-General, Count Carl
-Joseph von Firmian (b. 1716). He had been partly educated at Salzburg
-(where his elder brother Joh. Bapt. Anton was Archbishop until 1740),
-and had there founded a literary society, whose earnest endeavours after
-a freer method of scientific inquiry had led to many hard struggles with
-authority.[10] He afterwards studied at Leyden, and acquired cultivation
-and taste by frequent travels in France and Italy. As Ambassador at
-Naples, he won the heart of Winckelmann, who speaks of
-
-{MILAN, 1770.}
-
-(111)
-
-him as one of the greatest, wisest, most humane, and most learned men of
-his time and country.[11] Count Firmian was appointed Govemor-General
-of Lombardy in 1759, and spared no efforts to promote the material
-well-being as well as the intellectual and artistic improvement of his
-province.
-
-Like Muenchhausen,[12] he was not only a patron, but an accomplished
-judge of science and of the arts, and his support and hospitality were
-freely bestowed on artists and scholars. The Mozarts found a ready
-sympathiser in him, and his introduction to families of rank obtained
-for them all the pleasures of the Carnival; they were invited to balls
-and masquerades, and were obliged to follow the fashion, and order
-dominos and _bajuti_ (caps, which covered the face to the chin and fell
-back over the shoulders).[13] L. Mozart thought they were exceedingly
-becoming to Wolfgang, but shook his head over his own "playing the fool
-in his old age," and consoled himself with the thought that the things
-"could be used for linings afterwards."
-
-At the opera, where they were often present, they made the acquaintance
-of the Maestro Piccinni, who was producing his "Cesare in Egitto."
-Wolfgang's performances at a public concert excited here as elsewhere
-the wondering admiration of artists and amateurs. "It is the same
-in this place as in others," writes L. Mozart, "I need not
-particularise."[14] The friendship which Wolfgang struck up with two
-clever young singers, of fourteen and fifteen years old, led to his
-composing for them two Latin motetts.
-
-But Count Firmian imposed a severer task on the young musician. He gave
-a brilliant soiree at his Palace, graced by the presence of the Duke of
-Modena and his daughter, and the Cardinal Archbishop of Milan. Wolfgang
-was commissioned to prepare for this soiree three songs to Metastasio's
-words as a proof of his power to produce serious dramatic music.
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(112)
-
-The principal piece was a grand aria with an accompanied recitative from
-"Demofoonte," the celebrated and often-composed "Misero pargoletto"
-(77 K.). The recitative is very elaborate, in high tragic style; its
-forcible character is rendered chiefly by the orchestra.
-
-The air consists of an Adagio with a Poco allegro interposed in the
-same tone throughout. The two other songs (78, 79 K.) from Metastasio's
-"Artaserse," "Per pieta bel idol mio" and "Per quel paterne amplesso,"
-have each only one movement; the last song has a short introductory
-recitative. In the two latter songs the simple Cantabile is embellished
-by bravura passages, which are wanting altogether in the first. They
-are all written for a soprano voice,[15] and stood the test as
-representative of the dramatic song of the time. Count Firmian presented
-Wolfgang with a snuff-box and 20 gigliati,[16] together with a copy of
-Metastasio's works. But the most important result of this soiree, and of
-their stay in Milan, was that Wolfgang was commissioned to write the new
-opera for the next season; the first singers--Gabrielli, with her sister
-and Ettore--were to be engaged for it, and the remuneration was fixed at
-100 gigliati and free quarters in Milan during their stay. The libretto
-was to be sent after them, so that Wolfgang might make himself familiar
-with it, the recitative was to be forwarded to Milan in October, and the
-composer to be there himself at the beginning of November, to complete
-the opera in the neighbourhood of the singers, and to rehearse it
-for production at Christmas. These conditions were both agreeable and
-convenient, as they did not interfere with the journey through Italy,
-and allowed Wolfgang ample time to complete the opera quietly.
-
-Mozart's first quartet was composed on the way from Milan to Parma, and
-dated Lodi, March 15, 7 o'clock in the evening (80 K.). At Parma the
-celebrated singer Lucrezia Agujari, called "la Bastardella," invited
-them to sup with her, and sang so as to justify the reports they had
-heard of
-
-{"LA BASTARDELLA"--BOLOGNA, 1770.}
-
-(113)
-
-her execution and the fabulous compass of her voice. "I could not have
-believed that she could sing to C in altissimo," writes L. Mozart, "had
-I not heard it with my own ears. The passages which Wolfgang has written
-were in her song, and she sang them somewhat softer than the deeper
-notes, but as clearly as an octave pipe in an organ. In fact, the trills
-and all were note for note just as Wolfgang has written them down.
-Besides this she has good alto notes, as low as G. She is not handsome,
-but certainly not ugly; has a wild look in her eyes at times, like
-people who are subject to fits, and she limps with one leg. She has
-always conducted herself well, and has therefore a good name and
-reputation."
-
-On March 24 they arrived at Bologna. Here they were received by Field
-Marshal Count Pallavicini in a way that reminded them of Count Firmian.
-"They are two noblemen," writes L. Mozart, "who possess identical tastes
-and modes of thought, and are equally amiable, generous, and dignified."
-The Count arranged a brilliant concert in his own house, attended by
-150 persons of the high nobility, among them the Cardinal Legate Antonio
-Colonna Branci-forte, and the chief of connoisseurs--Padre Martini.
-The company assembled at 8 o'clock, and did not disperse until near
-midnight.
-
-L.. Mozart considered that Wolfgang made a greater effect in Bologna
-than elsewhere, that city being the seat of so many artists and learned
-men. Here they met the celebrated Spagnoletta (Gius. Useda), from Milan,
-the kapellmeister, Vincenzo Manfredini, known also as an author, who had
-visited them at Salzburg, on his journey from St. Petersburg in 1769,
-and the famous alto, Gius. Aprile.[17] Bologna, the father thought, and
-thought rightly, was the best centre whence Wolfgang's fame could spread
-over Italy, since he had there to stand the severest tests from Padre
-Martini, the idol of the Italians, and the acknowledged arbiter in all
-matters of art. The Franciscan Giambattista Martini[18]
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(114)
-
-(born 1760) was esteemed not only as the composer of short, concise,
-artistically worked-out sacred pieces, but, from his thorough and
-comprehensive researches, as unquestionably the most learned theoretical
-musician of his day. Only one volume of his pedantic "Storia della
-Musica" had as yet appeared, and his classical work on counterpoint was
-only in preparation;[19] but he was already considered infallible on
-all musical questions, both in Italy and abroad. His possession of
-an unequalled musical library[20] placed him in correspondence with
-numerous musicians, scholars, and princes. Disputed points were
-submitted to his arbitration, and his advice was sought in the bestowal
-of official places. A recommendation from Padre Martini was the
-best possible key to success. His authority was the more readily
-acknowledged, since he united to his rare attainments a singular degree
-of modesty, and a ready alacrity to afford instruction, counsel,
-or assistance whenever required. He preserved, even in his learned
-disputes, invariable dignity and amiability,[21] with a certain amount
-of cautious reserve. L. Mozart might well be anxious to win the favour
-of such a man for his son. Whenever they visited him Padre Martini
-gave Wolfgang a fugue to work out, which was always done to the great
-contrapuntist's entire satisfaction.
-
-The companion figure to this learned monk was a musical celebrity of
-quite another kind, whose acquaintance Mozart also made in Bologna.
-Farinelli (Carlo Broschi, b. 1705), a pupil of Porpora, first appeared
-in 1722 in Metastasio's "Angelica," and an intimacy resulted between
-the singer and the poet (who called him his _caro gemello_) which had an
-important effect on the development of Italian opera. Farinelli's career
-in Italy was an unbroken success, and he was enthusiastically received
-in Vienna and London.[22] Arriving in Spain in 1736, his singing had
-power to dispel the
-
-{FARINELLI--FLORENCE, 1770.}
-
-(115)
-
-melancholy of Philip V.; he was summoned daily to the king's presence, and
-became his acknowledged favourite, a position which he retained under
-Ferdinand VI. and Queen Barbara. On the accession of Charles III., in
-1761, Farinelli was obliged to leave Spain, and living in wealthy ease
-at Bologna, indulged his tastes for art and science. He practised the
-amiable and refined hospitality of a cultivated man of the world in his
-beautiful villa, and took peculiar interest in his fellow-artists, who
-never failed even in his old age to be charmed with his singing.[23]
-
-The reports that have come down to us concerning the compass and beauty
-of his voice, concerning his way of taking breath, his _portamento_,
-his declamation,[24] are as wonderful as was the success of this king
-of artists both in public and at court. He appears almost as a
-personification of the greatness and power of song in the last century,
-of which we can scarcely form a true conception, and which cause the
-history of music in that age to be mainly a history of song and singers.
-The period of Mozart's musical education was still under this influence,
-and, although the absolute sovereignty of song was soon to decline, the
-impression made on him in his youth by Farinelli and other great singers
-was not likely to be forgotten.[25]
-
-On March 30 the travellers reached Florence. Their Austrian
-introductions secured them a most favourable reception in this city.
-The imperial ambassador, Count Rosenberg, immediately made known their
-arrival at court, where they were very graciously received by the
-Archduke Leopold, He recollected their former stay at Vienna, and
-inquired after Nannerl. Wolfgang played at court on April 2, accompanied
-by Nardini, the celebrated violinist; the Marquis de Ligniville,
-director of music, laid the most difficult fugues before Wolfgang to
-work out; he accomplished everything "with as much ease as eating a
-piece of bread."
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(116)
-
-The Marquis de Ligniville, Duca di Conca, &c., was considered one of the
-most thorough masters of counterpoint in Italy. As a proof of his skill
-he had written a "Salve Regina"[26] and "Stabat Mater" for three parts,
-in the form of different kinds of canon. To the latter work is prefixed
-a long treatise (dated April 11, 1767) for the Philharmonic Society in
-Bologna, of which he was a member; the object of the treatise was to
-show that in accurate contrapuntal works the traditions of the old
-Roman school were preserved. In accordance with this view Ligniville
-apologises ironically to followers of the gusto moderno for the disuse
-of drums and trumpets, and for the simple old modulations to which
-he confines himself as being ignorant of the new lights. He allowed
-Wolfgang to study his works; and the latter copied neatly nine movements
-of the thirty canons of the "Stabat Mater." (Anh. 238 K.) Not satisfied
-with this, Wolfgang aimed at himself becoming a master of counterpoint.
-A "Kyrie a cinque con diversi canoni" in three five-part canons in
-unison was evidently an imitation of Ligniville's compositions, and
-was only one of many studies in the same difficult art.[27] A loose sheet
-contains besides the first canon of the Kyrie, a design for a four-part
-canon, and five close canons or riddle canons, the first part and the
-number of parts only being given, [See Page Image] expressly noted di
-Mozart:--
-
-{STUDIES IN CANON-WRITING, 1770.}
-
-(117)
-
-2. Canon.--Ter temis canite vocibus. [See Page Image]
-
-3. Canon.--Ad duodecimam: clama ne cesses.
-
-Con - fi - te - bor ti bi Do - mi-ne in gen - ti -bus et no -mi - ni to
-- o can - ta -. - - - - - bo.
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(118)
-
-4. Canon.--Tertia pars si placet.
-
-Con - fi - te.. bor ti-biDo - - - - - mi-ne in gen- ti-bu" et no -mi-ne
-tu - o can - ta bo.
-
-5. Canon.--Ter voce ciemus.
-
-[See Page Image] Nos. 1, 3, 4 of these are copied from the vignettes
-with which Padre Martini's "Storia Universale" is adorned. [28] He had
-made Wolfgang a present of his book, and the latter probably set to work
-at once to find out the knack of writing canons. We can see the ease
-with which he mastered his task.
-
-At Florence, they fell in with their old London acquaintance Manzuoli,
-and Wolfgang was rejoiced to hear that there was a probability of his
-being engaged to sing in his opera at Milan.
-
-In order to incite Manzuoli's ardour, Wolfgang gave him all his songs to
-sing, including those he had composed in Milan.
-
-At Florence, too, Wolfgang formed a tender friendship with Thomas
-Linley, a boy of fourteen, the son of an English composer; he was a
-pupil of the celebrated violin-player Nardini, and played so exquisitely
-as almost to surpass his teacher. The two boys met at the house of
-Signora Maddalena Morelli, who was famous as an improvisatrice, under
-the name of Corilla,[29] and had been crowned as a poetess on the
-capitol in 1776;[30] during the
-
-{ROME, 1770--ALLEGRI'S MISERERE.}
-
-(119)
-
-few days that the Mozarts stayed in Florence the boys were inseparable,
-and performed together or by turns, "more like men than boys." They
-parted with many tears, and Tommasino, as Linley was called in Italy,
-brought to Wolfgang, as a parting gift, a poem which Corilla had written
-for him.
-
-According to Burney,[31] Tommasino and little Mozart were talked of
-throughout Italy as two geniuses of the greatest promise, and in later
-life at Vienna, Mozart spoke with warmth of Linley,[32] and the hopes
-which had been frustrated by his early death.[33]
-
-It was with regret that they left Florence; Leopold Mozart wrote to his
-wife: "I wish that you could see Florence, its neighbourhood, and the
-situation of the city; I am sure you would say that it is a place to
-live and die in." But time pressed, if they were to be in Rome for the
-carnival.
-
-They had a fatiguing journey, in dreadful weather, that reminded them
-of Salzburg rather than of Rome, and passed through uncultivated country
-with wretched inns containing plenty of filth but little to eat, except
-perhaps a couple of eggs and some cabbage. They arrived in Rome
-about midday on Wednesday in Holy Week, amidst a storm of thunder and
-lightning, "received like grand people with a discharge of artillery."
-There was just time to hurry to the Sistine Chapel and hear Allegri's
-Miserere. It was here that Wolfgang accomplished his celebrated feat of
-musical ear and memory.[34]
-
-It was the custom on Wednesday and Friday in Holy Week for the choir
-of the Pope's household to sing the Miserere (Ps. 50), composed by Dom.
-Allegri, which was arranged alternately for a four and five-part chorus,
-having a final
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(120)
-
-chorus in nine parts.[35] This performance was universally considered
-as one of the most wonderful in Rome; the impression made by it in
-conjunction with the solemn rites it accompanied was always described
-as overpowering.[36] "You know," writes L. Mozart, "that this celebrated
-Miserere is so jealously guarded, that members of the chapel are
-forbidden, under pain of excommunication, to take their parts out of
-the chapel, or to copy or allow it to be copied.[37] We have got it,
-notwithstanding. Wolfgang has written it down, and I should have sent
-it to Salzburg in this letter, were not our presence necessary for
-its production. More depends on the performance than even on the
-composition.[38] Besides, we must not let our secret fall into other
-hands, _ut non incurramus mediate vel immediate in censuram ecclesiae_."
-When the performance was repeated on Good Friday, Wolfgang took
-his manuscript with him into the chapel, and holding it in his hat,
-corrected some passages where his memory had not been quite true. The
-affair became known, and naturally made a great sensation; Wolfgang
-was called upon to execute the Miserere in presence of the Papal singer
-Christofori, who was amazed at its correctness. L. Mozart's news excited
-consternation in Salzburg, mother and daughter believing that Wolfgang
-had sinned in transcribing the Miserere, and fearing unpleasant
-consequences if it should become known. "When we read your ideas about
-the
-
-{MOZART'S RECEPTION IN ROME.}
-
-(121)
-
-Miserere," answered the father, "we both laughed loud and long. You need
-not be in the least afraid. It is taken in quite another way. All Rome,
-and the Pope himself, know that Wolfgang has written the Miserere, and
-instead of punishment it has brought him honour. You must not fail to
-show my letter everywhere, and let his Grace the Archbishop know of it."
-
-The Mozarts prepared at once to take part in all the festivities of Holy
-and Easter weeks. "Our handsome dress," writes L. Mozart, "our German
-speech, and the want of ceremony with which I call to our servant to
-order the Swiss guard to make way for us, help us through everywhere."
-He appears to have been flattered that Wolfgang was sometimes taken for
-a German nobleman or prince, and he for his tutor. At the cardinals'
-table Wolfgang stood near the seat of Cardinal Pallavicini, who asked
-him his name. On hearing it he inquired in surprise, "What! are you the
-famous boy of whom I have heard so much?" talked to him kindly, praised
-his Italian, and spoke broken German to him.
-
-At the conclusion of the Easter festivities they set to work to present
-their numerous letters of introduction, and were warmly received by the
-noble families of Chigi, Barberini, Bracciano, Altemps, and others: one
-assembly followed another, all in Wolfgang's honour. The astonishment
-at his performances increased, according to L. Mozart, the farther
-they proceeded into Italy; "but Wolfgang," he adds, "does not remain
-stationary; his acquirements increase day by day, so that the greatest
-masters and connoisseurs cannot find words for their astonishment." For
-the Academies he appears to have written a Symphony (81, K.) and two
-soprano songs (82, 83, K.)from Metastasio's "Demo-foonte,"[39] "Se ardire
-e speranfca" and "Se tutti i mali miei." In the midst of more serious
-study he found time to send his sister a new country dance, in return
-for which she was to send him some new minuets by Haydn. About this time
-they fell in with Meissner, who was on his way from Naples to Salzburg;
-Wolfgang appeared with him at the German Jesuit College, where Herr v.
-Moelk, of Salzburg, was studying.
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(122)
-
-On May 8, they quitted Rome, where their stay had been in every way
-agreeable; they had been comfortably lodged in the house of the Papal
-courier Uslinghi, on the Piazza del Clementino; their hostess and her
-daughter treated them with every attention and kindness, making them
-feel quite at home in the house, and refusing to hear of payment when
-they left. The journey to Naples was one not to be undertaken without
-some apprehension. The roads were unsafe, a merchant had lately been
-assassinated, and "sbirri and bloodthirsty Papal soldiers" were in
-pursuit of the murderer; L. Mozart hoped that similar measures would
-be taken in Naples. He thought it well, therefore, to travel with four
-Augustine monks, which was further an advantage, as it assured them a
-friendly welcome and hospitality in all the monasteries which lay on
-their way. In Capua, they were allowed to be present as guests at the
-taking of the veil by a nun of high rank.
-
-Naples, where they remained from the middle of May to the middle of
-June, impressed our travellers with the irresistible charm of beautiful
-nature.
-
-At first they suffered from cold, but this soon turned to excessive
-heat, and Wolfgang, who had always longed to look brown, saw his wish
-in a fair way to be accomplished. They had good recommendations to the
-court from Vienna. Queen Caroline, whom Wolfgang had lately seen in
-Vienna, received them graciously, accosting them whenever they met;
-but Wolfgang was not summoned to play at court. The King, although not
-unmusical, cared for nothing that required any cultivation; "what
-he is," writes L. Mozart, "can be better told than written." The
-all-powerful minister Tanucci, placed his major-domo at their service,
-to show them all that was worth seeing. Other nobles followed this
-example; and every evening a magnificent equipage was placed at their
-service, in which they joined the brilliant _passeggio_ of the nobility
-on the Strada Nuova or on the quay, clad in elegant summer costumes. L.
-Mozart had ordered for himself a coat of maroon-coloured watered silk
-with sky blue velvet facings, and Wolfgang rejoiced in an apple-green
-coat with rose-coloured facings and silver
-
-{NAPLES, 1770--LADY HAMILTON.}
-
-(123)
-
-buttons. Among Wolfgang's patrons was the old Princess Belmonte, the
-friend of Metastasio, and interesting to musicians as having been roused
-from deep melancholy by the singing of the tenor Raff.
-
-The rendezvous of artists and scholars was the house of the British
-ambassador, Sir Wm. Hamilton, whose acquaintance the Mozarts had made in
-London. He himself was a violin-player, and pupil of Giardini; and his
-charming first wife was not only a cultivated judge of music, but was
-considered the best pianoforte-player in Naples; her "brilliant shakes
-and turns" were not less admired than the touching expression of her
-playing, which was in accord with her gentle nature.[40] It was not
-without triumph that L. Mozart narrated her having trembled at playing
-before Wolfgang.
-
-They found other old friends in the Swiss Tschudi, from Salzburg, and in
-a Dutchman named Doncker, who had been kind to them in Amsterdam; every
-one pressed forward to offer hospitality and assistance. Under these
-favourable circumstances, a public concert was given on May 28, with
-the most brilliant success; a success the more welcome, as they were
-not likely to find their tour a profitable one for some time to come.
-L. Mozart was delighted with the situation, fertility, animation, and
-curiosity of Naples; but he was shocked by the wretchedness of the
-population, and above all by the superstition which prevailed not
-only among the lazaroni, but also in the higher ranks of society. He
-witnessed an example of it when Wolfgang played at the Conservatorio
-della Pieta; the skill with which he used his left hand suggested to the
-audience that there was magic in a ring he wore; when he drew it off and
-played without it the wonder and applause were redoubled.
-
-The time of their stay in Naples was favourable to musical interests.
-Simultaneously with the excellent representations of comic opera in the
-Teatro Nuovo, there was opened on May 30, the King's fete-day, the Grand
-Opera in San Carlo,
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(124)
-
-for which Jomelli, Caffaro, and Ciccio di Majo were engaged; Anna de
-Amicis was prima donna, Aprile principal male singer. By a curious
-coincidence, Wolfgang was a witness of the first attempt made by
-Jomelli, who had left Stuttgart for Naples in 1768, to regain the favour
-of his countrymen. De Rogatis' opera "Armida Abbandonata," in which
-he made his reappearance, was designed to satisfy the higher claims
-of dramatic music, and to bring the results of his studies in Germany
-before the Italians, who were, however, slow to appreciate them.
-Wolfgang thought the opera fine, but too pedantic and old-fashioned for
-the theatre. This seems to have been the universal opinion; and later
-the increasing distaste to Jomelli's operas obliged the withdrawal
-of his "Iphigenia in Aulide," and the substitution of "Demofoonte"
-(November 4, 1770).[41]
-
-The Mozarts found Jomelli polite and friendly. Through him they
-became acquainted with the impresario Amadori, who offered Wolfgang a
-_libretto_ for San Carlo; but this, owing to his previous engagement in
-Milan, he was obliged to refuse, together with similar offers which had
-been made to him in Bologna and Rome.
-
-On June 25, they travelled with post-horses back to Rome. Through the
-fault of a clumsy postilion their carriage was upset; Leopold saved
-his son by springing out before the danger came; he himself sustained
-considerable injury to his leg. Wolfgang was so tired by the journey
-(they had driven twenty-seven hours without a stop), that after he had
-eaten a little he fell asleep in his chair and was undressed and put to
-bed by his father, without waking.
-
-This stay in Rome, during which they were present at the illumination
-of St. Peter's, at the delivery of Neapolitan tribute, and other
-ceremonies, brought Wolfgang a new distinction; he was invested by the
-Pope, in an
-
-{"RITTER MOZART"--BOLOGNA, 1770.}
-
-(125)
-
-audience of July 8, with the order of the Golden Spur, which the father
-announces, not without pride, as "a piece of good luck."[42] "You
-may imagine how I laugh," he writes, "to hear him called _Signor
-Cavaliere_."
-
-The honour apparently made little impression on Wolfgang. For some years
-his father insisted on his signing his compositions "Del Sign. Cavaliere
-W. A. Mozart," and advised him to wear his order in Paris; but later he
-let it drop, and one never hears of _Ritter Mozart_, whereas Gluck,
-who like Klopstock, wished to be outwardly recognised as the prophet of
-higher culture, was very tenacious of his dignity as a _Ritter_. Mozart
-was too simple-natured, and too essentially a musician, to set any store
-by outward distinctions.
-
-On July 10, they left Rome, where Pomp. Battoni had painted a
-fine portrait of the young maestro, and travelled by way of Civita
-Castellana, Loretto, and Sini-gaglia to Bologna. They arrived on July
-20, intending to remain here quietly until the completion and rehearsal
-of his opera should render Wolfgang's presence in Milan indispensable.
-L. Mozart's injured leg was still troublesome, and he was otherwise
-unwell, so that the friendly invitation of Count Pallavicini, to pass
-the hot season at his country-house in the neighbourhood of Bologna, was
-joyfully accepted. They found the coolest, best-appointed rooms prepared
-for them; couriers and servants were placed at their disposal, and their
-intercourse with the noble family was pleasant and unrestrained.
-The father was most carefully tended, and Wolfgang struck up a firm
-friendship with the young Count, who was just his own age, played
-the piano, spoke three languages, had six tutors, and was already a
-chamberlain.
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(126)
-
-Wolfgang composed industriously, and writes to his sister about four
-Italian symphonies, five or six songs, and a motett, which he had
-written. His only distress was that he had lost his singing voice; he
-had not five clear notes left, either high or low, and could no longer
-sing his own compositions. At Bologna they made the acquaintance of the
-operatic composer, Joh. Misliweczeck (1737-1781), who was finishing an
-oratorio for Padua, and was to write the opera in Milan for 1772. "He
-is an honest man," writes L. Mozart, "and we have become great friends."
-But their principal intercourse was with Padre Martini, with whom they
-became very intimate, visiting him daily, and holding long musical
-discussions. The discourse and instruction of the great contrapuntist
-could not be without influence on Wolfgang's work. A list of sketches in
-difficult contrapuntal forms, which according to the handwriting belong
-to this time, must have been studies suggested by Padre Martini. Of
-peculiar interest is a three-part Miserere for alto, tenor, and bass,
-with figured Continuo, superscribed _Del Sigr. Caval. W. A. Mozart, in
-Bologna_, 1770 (85 K.). It is evidently written under the influence of
-Allegri's Roman Miserere, generally harmonic, with some few imitative
-introductory passages, simple and very beautiful. The three last
-movements, Quoniam, Benigne, Tunc acceptabis, are written by another
-hand, and evidently not composed by Mozart; the subjects are severer and
-more simple. Probably Padre Martini wound up the youth's exercises by
-these movements of his own composition.[43]
-
-The Philharmonic Society of Naples, whose festival performance Mozart
-had attended in company with Burney,[44]
-
-{ELECTION TO THE ACCADEMIA FILARMONICA.}
-
-(127)
-
-honoured him with a signal proof of admiration and esteem. This famous
-society, founded in 1666, upon the presentation by Wolfgang of a
-memorial, and his accomplishment of a prescribed task, elected him a
-member of their body as _Com-positore_. This honour was eagerly sought
-after by the most distinguished composers. For composers of church music
-it was important, since Benedict XIV., in a bull of 1749, had given a
-kind of overseership to the Philharmonic Society; only its members could
-become kapellmeisters to churches in Bologna, and by a Papal decree this
-membership was allowed to take the place of any examination.[45] The
-distinction was the greater since members were required[46] to be twenty
-years old, to have been admitted into the first class of compositore,
-and to have been a year in the second class of cantori and sonatori.
-Leopold describes the election as follows:--
-
-At 4 o'clock in the afternoon of October 9 Wolfgang was required to
-appear at the hall of the society. There the Princeps Academiae and the
-two censors (who are old kapellmeisters) gave him an antiphon from
-the Antiphonary; he was then conducted by the verger to a neighbouring
-apartment and locked in, there to set it in three parts. When it was
-ready it was examined by the censor, and all the kapellmeistem and
-composers, who voted on it by means of black and white balls. All the
-balls being white he was called in, and amid clapping of hands and
-congratulations the Princeps Academiae in the name of the society
-announced his election. He returned thanks, and the thing was over.
-I was all the time on the other side of the hall cooped up in the
-Academical Library. Every one was astonished that he was ready so
-soon, for many have spent three hours over an antiphon of three lines.
-N.B.--You must know that it was not an easy task, for this kind of
-composition excludes many things of which he had been told beforehand.
-He finished it in exactly half an hour.
-
-The task was, according to the old statute, a Cantus firmus from the
-Gregorian Antiphonary, to be elaborated contrapuntally for four, five,
-or eight voices _a capella_ (in duple time); it was to be executed
-strictly according to rule, adhering to the singular treatment of the
-harmonies belonging to the old
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(128)
-
-style of church music. After 1773, the examination became more
-severe,[47] and an Italian who stood the test at the beginning of this
-century, speaks of it as consisting of three separate compositions.
-First, the given subject was to be arranged for four voices in
-_falsobordone_, i.e., in plain harmonics, after the fashion of our
-congregational chorales. The second test consisted of a _disposizione di
-parte_. One voice retained the Cantus firmus, the others were to be set
-to it in canonic or imitative mode. The motifs were often taken from the
-Cantus firmus itself, in a rhythmical, diminished form. Strict imitation
-was not enjoined; it sufficed that the voices should follow each other
-with similar passages. The third task was a _fuga reale_, a perfect
-fugue, according to the rules of the church mode of the Cantus firmus,
-in which one phrase is carried through as a theme, the other parts
-serving as intermediate phrases.
-
-Wolfgang did not go through this examination without preparation. An
-elaboration in his boyish handwriting of the Cantus firmus "Cibavit eos
-in adipe" (44 K.) is probably an exercise made under Padre Martini's
-directions. His trial work was a Cantus firmus from the Roman
-Antiphonary, a freely imitative contrapuntal arrangement of the
-accompanying parts overlying the Cantus firmus of the bass, which is
-only to be adhered to in its melodic progressions, and may be modified
-in its rhythmical divisions. The original from Mozart's hand is in the
-archives of the Philharmonic Society, where it was found by Gaspari in a
-volume of various test works chiefly by Martini's pupils.[48] Next to it
-among the documents was a second elaboration written by Padre Martini,
-and copied by Wolfgang. Of this a second copy is in the Mozarteum, from
-Wolfgang's hand, with his father's subscription: _Dal Sigr. Cavaliere
-Amadeo Wolfgango Mozart di Salisburgo, Scritto nella sala dell'
-accademia filarmonica in Bologna li 10 d' Ottobre, 1770_. This was
-published as Wolfgang's own test work (86 K.).[49] Probably Padre
-Martini went
-
-{MILAN--"MITRIDATE."}
-
-(129)
-
-through the boy's work, which was not free from faults, and was entered
-in the protocol as "satisfying the conditions," and showed him how
-the task might have been executed; he took the copy of the corrected
-exercise to Salzburg when he returned there.
-
-On October 18 they arrived at Milan, and set vigorously to work on
-the completion of the opera. The subject chosen was "Mitridate, Re
-di Ponto," opera seria in three acts, versified by Vittorio Amadeo
-Cigna-Santi of Turin, where it had already been produced in 1767 with
-the music of the kapellmeister Quirico Gasparini. It was first necessary
-to finish the recitatives begun in Bologna, and Wolfgang worked so hard
-at them that he excused himself to his mother for not writing: "His
-fingers ached so from writing recitatives." Every air in the opera was
-written after consultation with the singers, male and female, as to what
-was best suited to their voice and style. By studying the taste of
-the vocalists and so engaging their zeal, the composer found the best
-security for the favourable reception of his work. If he were not
-fortunate enough to please his singers, either the whole must be
-rewritten to suit them, or he must be prepared to hear his music fall
-flat before the audience, if indeed something quite different were not
-substituted by the performer. When the composer possessed true talent
-and judgment, this co-operation was less detrimental to the work than
-if it had been left altogether to the discretion of the performers;
-nevertheless, the danger of undignified subjection to their caprices was
-considerable.
-
-Wolfgang strove to extricate himself, as best he might, from the
-difficulties and intrigues which hindered his work. These were the more
-vexatious, as the singers arrived in Milan so late as to give him little
-time for composition. His father was careful not to allow him to overtax
-his strength, and especially insisted on his not working immediately
-after eating, unless under the pressure of great necessity; they usually
-went for a walk first. The mental strain of so important a task had
-a sobering effect on the boy's spirits, and he repeatedly enjoins his
-mother and sister to pray for the success of the opera, "so that we may
-all live happily
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(130)
-
-together again." Leopold begs his friends in Salzburg to be charitable
-enough to write them cheerful, jocular letters, to distract Wolfgang's
-mind, There was, of course, the usual petty spite of the "Virtuosen
-canaille" to combat; they were not likely to leave unmolested a
-kapellmeister at once "a youth and a foreigner"; but the father shrank
-from no difficulties which could be overcome by "presence of mind and
-good sense," and declared they would gnaw through them all, "as the
-Hanswurst did through the Dreckberg."
-
-The prima donna was not Gabrielli, but Antonia Bernasconi, daughter of
-a valet of the Duke of Wurtemberg, who had been educated as a singer
-by her stepfather, Andrea Bernasconi (kapellmeister at Munich since
-1754).[50] With her was "the first battle to fight," for it was through
-her that the envious cabal sought to overthrow the young composer. An
-unknown opponent of Wolfgang tried to persuade her to reject the songs
-and duets which he had composed for her, and to substitute those
-of Gasparini. But Bernasconi withstood this infamous proposal. She
-declared, on the contrary, that she was "beside herself with joy" at the
-songs which Wolfgang had written "according to her will and desire"; and
-the experienced old maestro Lampugnani, who rehearsed her part with
-her, was never tired of praising the compositions. Another cloud in the
-theatrical heavens appeared in the person of the tenor, the Cavalier
-Guglielmo d' Ettore, who had performed with great success at Munich and
-Padua.[51] This storm, too, was happily allayed, but it must have been a
-threatening one, for L. Mozart reminds his son of it later, to encourage
-him, in Paris. The last arrival was the primo uomo--not Manzuoli, but
-Santorini, who had lately been singing at Turin, and had known them in
-Bologna. He was not at Milan till December 1, and the representation was
-to take place on the 26th.
-
-The rehearsals began under favourable circumstances; even the copyist
-had performed his task so well that he
-
-{"MITRIDATE"--HOPES AND FEARS.}
-
-(131)
-
-had made only one mistake in the recitatives, and the singers proved
-excellent. "As far as I can judge, without fatherly partiality," wrote
-L. Mozart on December 8, "I believe that Wolfgang has written the opera
-well and with spirit." On December 17 the first rehearsal with full
-orchestra[52] took place in the Redoutensaal, and the second two days
-later in the theatre; the verdict was altogether in favour of the new
-opera:--
-
-Before the first rehearsal with the small orchestra, there were not
-wanting people who condemned the music beforehand as youthful and poor;
-they prophesied, as it were, declaring it impossible that so young
-a boy, and a German to boot, could write an Italian opera;[53] they
-acknowledged him to be a great performer, but denied that he could by
-any means understand the _chiaro ed oscuro_ needed in the drama. But
-since the first rehearsal these people are all dumbfoundered, and have
-not another word to say. The copyist is delighted, which is a good sign
-in Italy, for when the music pleases, the copyist often gains more by
-distributing and selling the songs than the kapellmeister by composing
-them;[54] the singers, male and female, are highly satisfied, and the
-duet between the primo uomo and prima donna is especially praised."
-
-The _professori_ (instrumentalists) in the orchestra were pleased, and
-declared that the music was clear, distinct, and easy to play. Mozart's
-friends were as cheerful as his detractors were gloomy, and the most
-noted musicians, such as Fioroni, Sammartini, Lampugnani, and Piazza
-Colombo were decidedly in favour of the opera. Under these circumstances
-(although the first opera of the season was usually
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(132)
-
-the least esteemed) they could look forward with calmness to the
-representation. This took place on December 26, under Wolfgang's
-conductorship, and the result surpassed all expectation. Every song,
-except those of the subordinate personages, was received with deafening
-applause, and with the cry "Evviva il maestro! evviva il maestrino!"
-Contrary to all custom at a first representation a song of the prima
-donna's was encored. At the second performance the applause was still
-greater, two songs and a duet being encored; but as it was Thursday, and
-the audience wished to go home to supper before midnight, so as not to
-encroach on Friday (fast day) the performance was cut short; it lasted,
-however, including the ballets at the end of each act, six good hours.
-On January 5, 1771, L. Mozart wrote home to his wife:--
-
-Our son's opera is received with general approbation, and may be
-considered, as the Italians say, _dalle stelle_. Since the third
-performance we are alternately in the pit and the boxes, hearing or
-seeing, and every one is curious to talk with or look closely at the
-Signor Maestro, for the maestro is only bound to conduct the opera three
-evenings; Lampugnani accompanied at the second pianoforte, and now that
-Wolfgang does not play, he takes the first, and Melchior Chiesa the
-second. If any one had told me fifteen or eighteen years ago, when
-I heard so much of the opera songs and symphonies of Lampugnani in
-England, and Melchior Chiesa in Italy, that these two men would perform
-your son's music, and take his place at the piano to accompany his
-opera, I should probably have directed such a person to the madhouse as
-an idiot. We see by this how the power of God works in us men when we do
-not bury the talents that He has graciously bestowed on us.
-
-The opera was repeated twenty times, and always with growing applause
-and a full house. The "Milan News," (January 2, 1771) assures its
-readers, that the youthful composer "studia il bello della natura e ce
-lo rappressenta adomo delle piu rare grazie musicali." Wolfgang received
-from the public the appellation of the "Cavaliere Filarmonico," which
-was confirmed by the Accademia Filarmonica at Verona, who elected him as
-their kapellmeister on January 5, 1771.
-
-Professional cares [55]did not engross all Mozart's time and attention. They
-became on intimate terms with the young
-
-{VENICE--PADUA--SALZBURG, 1771.}
-
-(133)
-
-difficult concerto at sight. They had a trip to Turin, saw a splendid
-opera, and were back in Milan on January 31,[56] leaving again shortly
-for Venice, where they arrived on the Monday in Carnival week. They
-were hospitably received by a merchant, Wider, a business friend of
-Hagenauer's.
-
-They enjoyed in all comfort the pleasures of a Venetian carnival,
-and, having introductions to all the nobility, splendidly appointed
-gondoliers were always at their service; one invitation followed
-another, and almost every evening was passed at the opera, or at some
-other place of amusement. A concert was given by Mozart with brilliant
-success.
-
-On the return journey, undertaken on March 13, they stayed one day
-in Padua, visiting the musical celebrities Franc. Ant. Ballotti
-(1697-1780), one of the first organ-players in Italy, and almost as
-good a theorist and contrapuntist as Padre Martini himself,[57] and the
-composer and Munich kapellmeister, Giov. Ferrandini[58]--Tartini had
-died the year before. Wolfgang played on the excellent organ in Santa
-Giustina. At Padua, too, he received a commission to write an oratorio
-to be completed at home as opportunity offered. At Vicenza they remained
-some days at the request of the Bishop, a Cornero, who had made their
-acquaintance at Venice; and at Verona they stayed with their old friend
-Luggiati, who gave a brilliant reception in Wolfgang's honour.
-
-On March 28, 1771, Wolfgang was in Salzburg again, enriched with many
-experiences and loaded with honours, his talents matured and his tastes
-improved; but his nature as simple, modest, and childlike as when he had
-set out. The most direct result of the great success of his opera was
-a commission from the impresario in Milan for the first opera of the
-Carnival of 1773, with an increased remuneration of 130 gigliati.
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(134)
-
-At Verona, L. Mozart had already heard rumours of a document on its way
-from Vienna to Salzburg, which was to bring his son "immortal honour."
-They had scarcely arrived in Salzburg, when Count Firmian commissioned
-Wolfgang, in the name of the Empress Maria Theresa, to compose a
-theatrical serenade or cantata in celebration of the marriage of the
-Archduke Ferdinand with the Princess Maria Ricciarda Beatrice, daughter
-of the hereditary Prince Ercole Rainaldo, of Modena. As the marriage was
-to take place in October of the year 1771, it follows that the stay in
-Salzburg was not of long duration. During this interval he composed,
-principally no doubt to satisfy the demands of his official position, a
-"Litany" (109 K.), and a "Regina Coeli" (108 K.) in May, and a Symphony
-(110 K.) in July. Leopold Mozart had little hope that even Wolfgang's
-success in Milan would serve to advance his cause with the Archbishop in
-case of any more lucrative post becoming vacant. Such considerations did
-not trouble Wolfgang himself so much as his father; he took advantage
-of this interval to fall in love for the first time. His letters to his
-sister are full of hints of a nameless beauty, of unspeakable emotions;
-and the fact that the young lady married about the same time makes the
-picture complete of the first love of a boy of sixteen, which had, as
-might be expected, no lasting effect on his natural good spirits.
-
-On August 13 they left Salzburg, and after a short stay in Verona
-arrived at Milan on August 21. The marriage was fixed for October 15,
-but the libretto had not yet been returned from Vienna, where it had
-been sent on approbation; in those days it was considered that a maestro
-should be so sure of his art that it should stand him in stead at all
-times and seasons.[59] Wolfgang was under no apprehension on this score;
-he was delighted with his gracious reception by the royal bride, and
-enjoyed the delicious fruit, eating a double share of it, as he says,
-out of brotherly love to his
-
-{MILAN, 1771--GABRIELLI.}
-
-(135)
-
-sister. When at last the book arrived at the end of August it was
-detained some days longer by the poet to make the numerous alterations
-required, and not until the beginning of September was it finally
-delivered over to Wolfgang. Then he set to work, composing so vigorously
-that on September 13 the recitatives and choruses were finished, and
-his father was of opinion that the whole opera with the ballet would be
-ready in twelve days, which indeed it was; and no wonder that Wolfgang
-complained that his fingers ached. In the room above that where he wrote
-was a violinist, in the room below another; a singing master lived
-next door, and an oboist opposite. "It is capital for composing," says
-Wolfgang; "it gives one new ideas."
-
-During this visit to Milan they made the acquaintance of the great
-soprano, Catarina Gabrielli, famed for her intrigues no less than
-for her musical genius. The impression made by her on Wolfgang may
-be gathered from a letter to his father written later from Mannheim
-(February 19, 1778):--
-
-Those who have heard Gabrielli must and will acknowledge that she is a
-mere executant; her peculiar style of delivery excites admiration, but
-only for the first three or four times of hearing her. In the long
-run she is not pleasing; one gets tired of passages, and she has the
-misfortune of not being able to sing. She cannot sustain a note in
-tune; she has no _messa di voce_; in a word, she sings with art, but no
-understanding.
-
-The intercourse of the Mozarts with their fellow-artists, "really good
-and famous singers, and sensible people," was cordial, and undisturbed
-either by intrigues or cabals. Wolfgang's assured position with regard
-to the public, as well as the favour in which he was held at the
-imperial court, doubtless contributed to preserve harmony. The tenor
-Tibaldi and Manzuoli, who was really engaged this time, came almost
-daily at 11 o'clock, and remained sitting at the table till one;
-Wolfgang composing all the time.
-
-But the most satisfactory connection was that with Hasse, who was
-composing an opera on Metastasio's "Ruggiero," for the same festive
-occasion.[60] It was of no small significance
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(136)
-
-that men like Hasse and Metastasio, who had brought Italian opera to its
-highest point, and a famous poet, such as Gius. Parini, in Milan,[61]
-should have been content to place themselves on a level with young
-Mozart. It was momentous in the history of music, this handing over of
-the sceptre by the man who had ruled the Italian stage throughout his
-long career to the youth, who was not indeed destined to acquire equal
-fame living, but to whom posterity was to allot a far more glorious
-place. Hasse himself is said to have exclaimed: "This boy will throw us
-all into the shade."[62] It was like him to recognise without envy the
-artistic greatness of Mozart; all young artists[63] found him ready to
-appreciate and help forward their efforts,[64] and Mozart himself had
-been grateful for his support when fighting with the musical cabal in
-Vienna.[65]
-
-The festivities[66] which had attracted a crowd of strangers to Milan
-began with the triumphant entry of the Duke, followed by the marriage
-ceremony in the cathedral; then came a concert and reception at court.
-On the 16th a public banquet was given to more than four hundred bridal
-couples, to whom the Empress had given dowries, and in the evening
-Hasse's opera "Ruggiero" was performed in the newly decorated theatre,
-with two gorgeous ballets in the _entr'actes_, "La Corona della gloria,"
-by Pick, and "Pico e Canente," by Favier.
-
-On the 17th, after a splendid procession on the Corso, Wolfgang's
-serenata "Ascanio in Alba" (111 K.), an allegorical pastoral play in
-two acts, with choruses and dances, (by Favier) was produced. After the
-first rehearsal, L. Mozart had been able to predict to his wife that the
-success of the work was assured. "Because, to begin with,
-
-{"ASCANIO IN ALBA."}
-
-(137)
-
-not only are Signor Manzuoli and the other vocalists in the highest
-degree pleased with their songs, but they are as anxious as ourselves to
-hear the serenata with the full orchestra; secondly, because I know what
-he has written, and the effect it will have, and am quite convinced that
-it is excellent, both for the singers and the orchestra." He had not
-deceived himself, the applause was extraordinary; the serenata was
-repeated the next day, and until the close of the festivities was more
-frequently given than "Ruggiero." "I am sorry," writes L. Mozart, "that
-Wolfgang's serenata should have so entirely eclipsed Hasse's opera."
-
-He refers his home circle to the judgment of a young Salzburg merchant,
-Kerschbaumer, "who, on the 24th, was a witness how the Archduke
-and Archduchess not only applauded two of the songs until they were
-repeated, but leaning from their box, both during and after the
-performance, they bowed towards Wolfgang, and testified their approval
-by cries of
-
-'Bravissimo! maestro,' and clapping of hands, an example followed by all
-present." This time, too, Wolfgang received more substantial marks of
-favour; besides the stipulated fee, the Empress presented him with a
-gold watch set with diamonds, having on its back an admirably executed
-miniature of herself in enamel.[67]
-
-Among the festivities, which lasted until the end of the month, were a
-splendidly appointed masked procession of _facchini_, in the costume of
-the surrounding peasantry, on the 19th; races for horses (barberi) on
-che 27th, for chariots (calessetti) on the 28th, and the _cuccagna_
-on the 24th, when masses of viands were given up to the plunder of the
-people, and fountains of wine were opened.[68] On this occasion the
-Mozarts narrowly escaped a great danger. One of the great scaffoldings
-erected for spectators fell, and more than fifty persons were killed or
-injured. It was only an accidental delay which had prevented Wolfgang
-and his father from taking the seats which had been allotted them on
-this
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(138)
-
-erection, and had caused them to seat themselves in the court gallery.
-
-After the close of the opera, Mozart wrote a symphony (112 K.) and a
-divertimento (113 K.), probably for a concert, but at all events to
-order. During this stay in Milan a contract was entered into with the
-theatre of S. Benedetto in Venice, by which Wolfgang was commissioned to
-write the second opera of the Carnival of 1773. How this was possible,
-since the contract stipulates for residence in Venice at the same time
-as it had been already promised in Milan, it is not easy to see, unless
-some indulgence on the part of the Venetian impresario was looked for,
-perhaps even promised.[69] The contract, however, was never fulfilled;
-Nau-mann became Mozart's substitute, arriving in Vienna just in time
-to undertake the opera. He produced his "Soliman" with very remarkable
-success.[70]
-
-The return of the Mozarts to Salzburg was delayed until the middle of
-December, on the 30th of which month Wolfgang composed a symphony (114
-K,), and was soon after seized with severe illness.[71]
-
-Their arrival at home coincided with the death of Archbishop Sigismund,
-which took place after a lingering illness on December 16,1771. His
-successor was elected on March 14, 1772, in the person of Hieronymus
-Joseph Franz v. Paula, Count of Colloredo, Bishop of Gurk; to the
-universal surprise and grief of the populace, who had little prosperity
-to hope for under his rule.[72] An opera was required to form
-
-{"IL SOGNO DI SCIPIONE"--SALZBURG, 1772.}
-
-(139)
-
-part of the festivities accompanying his installation, and this Wolfgang
-was commissioned to compose.[73] The subject chosen was "Il Sogno di
-Scipione" (126 K.), an allegorical _azione teatrale_, by Metastasio,
-which had been performed with music by Predieri on the birthday of the
-Empress Elizabeth, October 1, 1735. It was written with reference to the
-unfortunate military events in Italy, and stress was laid on the bravery
-and steadfastness of a great general, even in defeat. How far this
-subject was applicable to the circumstances of Bishop Hieronymus does
-not seem to have been inquired; even the words of the Licenza were left
-unaltered, except that the name of Girolamo was substituted for Carlo.
-It is amusing to note that Mozart composing from his Metastasio, writes
-the words under his score: "Ma Scipio esalta il labbro e _Carlo_ il
-cuore," then effaces the name and writes _Girolamo_.
-
-We do not know how far indifference towards the person of the new
-Archbishop is responsible for the fact that this opera betrays more of
-the character of an occasional piece written to order than any other
-composition by Mozart. It was probably produced in the beginning of May,
-1772.[74]
-
-The remaining compositions which fall authentically within this period
-are a symphony (124 K.), composed on February 21, and a litany, "De
-Venerabile" a very important work (125 K.), in March. January was lost
-by illness, and in April, Mozart was busy with his opera; but in May, a
-"Regina Coeli" (127 K.) and no fewer than three symphonies (128-130 K.)
-were ready; in June, a great divertimento (131 K); in July and August
-three more symphonies (132-135 K.); three quartets, or divertimenti
-(136-138 K.), fall also within the year 1772. These clearly identified
-compositions can scarcely be all that belong to this period. If the fact
-surprises us that Mozart, instead of
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(140)
-
-making studies for the new opera which he was to produce in the autumn,
-employed this interval almost entirely on church and instrumental music,
-we must look for an explanation of it in his position at Salzburg, from
-which we cannot doubt that he felt an intense longing to free himself.
-
-A correspondent of Burney who was at Salzburg in the summer of 1772
-informs him that he has visited Mozart the father, and heard Wolfgang
-and his sister play duets together; Wolfgang, he says, is undoubtedly
-a master of his instrument, but he appears to have reached his climax,
-and, judging from his orchestral music, he affords another proof
-that premature fruits are more rare than excellent.[75] It would be
-unreasonable to take this false prophecy amiss, for it no doubt reflects
-something of the state of opinion in Salzburg at the time.
-
-On October 24 they set forth once more on the journey to Milan, in order
-to be there in good time for the new opera. On the way, "to make time
-pass," Wolfgang composed a pianoforte duet; his fete-day was merrily
-kept with the brothers Piccini, in Ala (October 31); and after the usual
-stay with Luggiati in Verona, they arrived at Milan on November 4. L.
-Mozart, who had lately been very well, appeared to profit by the change
-and irregularity of a travelling life, but at Milan the old complaint
-reappeared. Giddiness and numbness in the head, attributable to a bad
-fall, seized him more especially when he had been composing, and he
-could not free himself from "Salzburg thoughts," in which he would be
-unconsciously plunged for some time, and only with an effort banish them
-from his mind "like the wicked thoughts with which the devil used to
-tempt him in his youth." They were no doubt the reflection of his almost
-unendurable relations with the new Archbishop. He foresaw a troubled
-future, unless he could succeed in extricating Wolfgang from his
-undefined position in Salzburg, and placing him on a secure footing; and
-to this end he bent all his endeavours.
-
-The opera which Wolfgang was to compose was "Lucio
-
-{"LUCIO SILLA"--MILAN, 1772.}
-
-(141)
-
-Silla," the words by Giovanni da Camera, a poet of Milan. This time
-Wolfgang brought part of the recitative with him, but he did not gain
-by so doing; for the poet had in the meantime submitted his text to
-Metastasio, who made many alterations, and added a new scene.
-
-He had plenty of time, however, to rewrite the recitatives and to
-compose the choruses and the overtures, for of the singers only Signora
-Felicita Suarti (who sang in Parma in 1769, and now took the part of
-secondo uomo), and the ultimo tenore had appeared. They found Milan very
-empty, every one still in the country; only the D'Aste family received
-them into the same intimacy as before.
-
-Next arrived the primo uomo Venanzio Rauzzini (b. 1752), an excellent
-singer, an accomplished pianist, and a not inconsiderable composer. He
-had been in Munich since 1776, when Burney made his acquaintance, and
-learned that he was to sing in Mozart's opera.[76] His first song
-was soon ready; L. Mozart thought it incomparably beautiful, and that
-Rauzzini sang it "like an angel."[77] At last the prima donna De Amicis
-arrived, after a tedious journey from Venice. It was time, for the
-representation was fixed for the 26th December, and there were still
-fourteen pieces to be composed, among them the terzet and the duet,
-"which might be reckoned as four."
-
-"I cannot possibly write you a long letter," wrote Wolfgang on the 5th
-December, "for I have nothing to say, and do not know what I am writing;
-my thoughts are always in my opera, and I am in danger of writing you a
-whole song instead of words."
-
-Maria Anna de Amicis (born about 1740), a pupil of Tesi, had been
-brought from the opera buffa as prima donna to the opera seria by Chr.
-Bach in London (1762). She had been married five years to Buonsolazzi,
-an official in Naples,
-
-{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}
-
-(142)
-
-and she brought her little daughter Sepperl with her to Milan.[78]
-Although the Mozarts had made her acquaintance during their Parisian
-tour, she was at first a little inclined to create difficulties; but the
-most friendly relations were soon established between them.
-
-When she had mastered her three songs she was "in high delight, because
-Wolfgang had suited her so wonderfully well." He had furnished the
-principal song with some new and marvellously difficult passages.[79] L.
-Mozart wrote after the rehearsals, that she both sang and acted like an
-angel, and all Salzburg would be amazed to hear her.
-
-There was still wanting the tenor Cardoni, and news at length arrived
-that he was so seriously ill he could not appear. Suitable messengers
-were at once despatched to Turin and Bologna, to seek for another good
-tenor, who was to be not only a good singer, "but especially a good
-actor, and a person of presence, to represent Lucio Silla with proper
-dignity." But such an one was not to be procured, and there was nothing
-for it at last but to take a church singer from Lodi, Bassano Morgnoni,
-who had occasionally sung in the theatre there, but never on a larger
-stage. He arrived on December 17, when the rehearsals were going on, and
-the following day Wolfgang wrote two of the four songs allotted to him.
-On December 21, 22, and 23 there were large parties of the nobility at
-Count Firmian's, at which vocal and instrumental music was performed
-from five o'clock in the evening until eleven. Wolfgang played each
-time, and was favourably noticed by all the great people.
-
-The grand rehearsal passed off well; and the first representation on
-December 26, in spite of some drawbacks, was a great success. The opera
-began, according to custom, an hour after Ave Maria, and at half-past
-five the theatre was
-
-{PERFORMANCE OF "LUCIO SILLA."}
-
-(143)
-
-quite full. Just before Ave Maria the Archduke had risen from table, and
-retired to despatch five autograph congratulations on the New Year to
-Vienna; as might be expected, this took some time. The performers, male
-and female, in all the agitation of a first performance, and the hot
-impatient public were obliged to wait the arrival of the court until
-past eight o'clock. Unhappily the Lodi tenor had to express his anger by
-gestures during the prima donna's first song; in his efforts to surpass
-himself he gesticulated so wildly, "that he appeared to wish to box her
-ears, or hit her in the face with his clenched fist." Thereupon a laugh
-broke out; this confused De Amicis, who did not know for whom it was
-intended, and she sang ill the whole evening, especially after Rauzzini
-had been received on his first entry with applause from the Archduchess.
-Rauzzini had contrived to inform the Archduchess that he should be
-nervous at singing before her, and so had assured himself of the
-applause of the court. De Amicis was consoled by an invitation to court
-the next day, and then the opera went altogether well.
-
-It was given more than twenty times to houses so full "that one
-could scarcely squeeze in." Each time some of the songs were encored,
-generally the prima donna's, which had "the upper hand."[80]
-
-Wolfgang wrote a motett, "Exultate," for Rauzzini, (165 K.), which was
-performed before the actors on January, 1773. It is on the plan of a
-great dramatic scene, and maintains that style throughout. To a long and
-elaborate allegro succeeds a short recitative leading to a long, simple
-slow movement. The finale is an animated "Alleluia," cheerful and
-brilliant. Later (February 6) his father says he is busy with a quartet.
-
-L. Mozart continually postponed their departure, at first with the
-expectation of seeing the second opera, which was much later than usual,
-owing to the many representations of "Lucio Silla," and afterwards under
-the pretext of an attack
-
-{WORKS IN GERMANY.}
-
-(144)
-
-of rheumatism, which confined him to bed. In point of fact he had, with
-the powerful support of Count Firmian, proferred a request to the Grand
-Duke Leopold at Florence that the latter would attach Wolfgang to his
-court. The Grand Duke at first showed gracious dispositions, and L.
-Mozart must have wished to continue the negotiations from Milan. Even
-after their ultimate failure he thought he might count on powerful
-recommendations from Florence, and his thoughts turned again on a great
-professional tour. "Only be economical," he wrote, "for we must have
-money if we are to undertake a tour; I grudge every penny spent in
-Salzburg."
-
-Towards the close of their stay a colleague from the Salzburg chapel,
-the horn-player Leutgeb, came to Milan, and was well received there.
-
-At the beginning of March they really set out; for they might not be
-absent from their places on the anniversary of the Archbishop's election
-(March 14).
-
-The remarkable success of the opera, and the lively interest excited by
-Wolfgang's person, leaves scarcely any doubt that further overtures were
-made to him in Italy; their non-acceptance must have been owing to the
-Archbishop's refusal of an extended leave of absence.
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-
-
-[Footnote 1: A. M. Z., 1864, p. 495. "La Finta Semplice," dramma giocoso per
-musica, da rappresentarsi in corte per ordine di S. A. Rev. Monsigr.
-Sigismondo Conte di Schrattenbach,Arcivescovo di Salisburgo, &c.
-Salisb., 1769.]
-
-[Footnote 2: Metastasio speaks of the different ways of delivering these. (Opp.
-post, I., p. 300.)]
-
-[Footnote 3: Communicated to me by Koechel, from the autograph in the possession
-of R. v. Pfuesterschmied, at Vienna.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Dominicus Hagenauer became "Praelat des St. Peterstifts," in 1786.
-[Footnote Koch-Sternfeld.] Die letzten dreiss. Jahre., pp. 78, 299, 326.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Burney, Reise, I., p. 101. Cf. the extracts from Th. Fr. Maier's
-description of Venice. I., 1787, in the Musik. Realzeitung, 1788, p.
-108.]
-
-[Footnote 6: Zelter Briefw. mit Goethe, II., p. 177.]
-
-[Footnote 7: A remarkable exception, and a fortunate one for the development of
-German music, was Joseph Haydn, although even he was initiated into the
-Italian school through his lessons from Porpora, and his intercourse
-with Metastasio. But his numerous Italian operas, which he himself
-considered as equal to the works of any of his contemporaries, brought
-him no renown. His fame always rested on his instrumental compositions,
-which were thoroughly German; and his two great oratorios were composed
-at a time when Italian music was on the decline.]
-
-[Footnote 8: L. Mozart's letters during the tour, of which Nissen gives extracts,
-are almost all in the Mozarteum. at Salzburg.]
-
-[Footnote 9: The portrait has been recovered by Sonnleithner's exertions, and in
-now in his possession.]
-
-[Footnote 10: S. Mayr, Die ehem. Univ. Salzburg, p. 12.]
-
-[Footnote 11: Winckelmann, Briefe, pp. 271,279, 324; II., p. 48.]
-
-[Footnote 12: Schlozer's Life, I., pp. 96, 276, 313. Cf. Duten's Mem., I., p.
-327. Teutsch. Mercur, 1789, III., p. 301.]
-
-[Footnote 13: Teutsch. Mercur, 1775, III., p. 247.]
-
-[Footnote 14: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 15. Carpani, Haydine, p. 56.]
-
-[Footnote 15: The song "Misero tu non sei" (Anh. 2 K.), which Wolfgang composed
-in Milan, is from Metastasio's "Demetrio" (Act i, sc. 4), which he had
-heard shortly before in Mantua; it has not been preserved.]
-
-[Footnote 16: A gigliato, Florentine goldgulden, was about equal to a ducat.]
-
-[Footnote 17: Cf. Kelly's Remin., I., p. 74.]
-
-[Footnote 18: G. Gaspari, La Musica in Bologna, p. 19.]
-
-[Footnote 19: Esemplare osia saggio fondamentale pratico di contrappunto. Bol.,
-1774-75.]
-
-[Footnote 20: Burney, Reise, I., p. 144.]
-
-[Footnote 21: This was shown in his conduct to Gretry (Mem., I., p. 91), Naumann
-(Meissner, Biogr., I., p. 150), and Burney (Reise, I., p. 142).]
-
-[Footnote 22: Chrysander, Handel, II., p. 378.]
-
-[Footnote 23: Burney, Reise, I., p. 150.]
-
-[Footnote 24: Mancini, Rifless. sul Canto Figurato, p. 152.]
-
-[Footnote 25: Dittersdorfs account in his Autobiography of his stay at Bologna in
-1762, and his intercourse with P. Martini and Farinelli, will be found
-interesting (p. 110).]
-
-[Footnote 26: Burney, Reise, I., p. 149.]
-
-[Footnote 27: A short Osanna in four parts, with accompaniment for strings, in
-complicated canon form (223 K.) shows the same tendency.]
-
-[Footnote 28: Cf. for the mottoes of these, Padre Martini, Esemplare, II., p.
-xxv.]
-
-[Footnote 29: Cf. Barthold, Die geschichtl. Persdnl., in Casanova's Memoiren,
-II., p. 177.]
-
-[Footnote 30: Cf. Schubart, Deutsche Chron., 1776, pp. 499, 554, 613.]
-
-[Footnote 31: Barney, Reise, I., p. 185.]
-
-[Footnote 32: Kelly, Remin., I., p. 225.]
-
-[Footnote 33: He was drowned at a water party (Parke, Mus. Mem., I., p. 204).
-Holmes says that his brother Ozias Linley preserved an Italian letter
-from Mozart to Thomas Linley.]
-
-[Footnote 34: Rochlitz (Fuer Freunde d. Tonk., II., p. 284), highly coloured as
-usual.]
-
-[Footnote 35: On Holy Thursday, the Misereres of Anerio, Naldini, and Scarlatti
-were performed in turns, until in 1714 Bai's Miserere displaced them.
-Since 1821 Allegri's Miserere has only been sung once. Baini, Mem. Stor.
-Crit., II., p. 195. Kandler, G. Pierluigi da Palestrina, p. 96.]
-
-[Footnote 36: Cf. Burney's more critical account (Reise, I., p. 203) and
-Mendelssohn's (Reise-briefe, pp. 122, 163).]
-
-[Footnote 37: So at least it was said; but Burney says that the Pope had copies
-made for the Emperor Leopold, the King of Portugal, and Padre Martini,
-and that the Papal kapellmeister, Santarelli, gave him a copy, which he
-had printed in London, 1771 (Reise, I., pp. 202, 208): he heard it
-again in Florence, and was offered a copy. In face of these statements,
-Baini's assurance (Caecilia, II., p. 69) that no copy or score of the
-Miserere had ever been made, must be held to be exaggerated.]
-
-[Footnote 38: Metastasio declares (Lett., I., p. 99) that the Miserere, which had
-thrown him into ecstasies in Rome, made no impression at all in
-Vienna, performed by singers who were _secondo il corrente stilo
-eccellentissimi._]
-
-[Footnote 39: Metastasio, Opp. post., III., p. 258.]
-
-[Footnote 40: Burney, Reise, I., p. 241. Cramer, Magaz. d. Mus., I., p. 341.
-Kelly, Remin., I., p. 29.]
-
-[Footnote 41: Burney, Reise, I., p. 252. L. Mozart writes (December 22, 1770)
-from Milan, "Jomelli's opera has so completely fallen to the ground,
-that it is to be withdrawn. This is the celebrated maestro about whom
-the Italians make such an astounding fuss. But he was a little foolish
-to undertake to write two operas in the year for the same theatre,
-particularly as he might have seen that the first was no great success."]
-
-[Footnote 42: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiographie, p. 84: "The order is bestowed in
-Rome, and the members bear the title of 'Comites Palatina Romani.' They
-receive a diploma written on parchment, and authenticated by a great
-seal. They enjoy all the rights of the nobility in Rome and the Papal
-States, have free entry into the Papal palace, and hold the same
-position there as the kammerherren of other reigning courts. Their
-insignia is a yellow enamelled gold Maltese cross. They wear it round
-the neck with a purple ribbon, and sometimes a smaller one of plain
-gold, with a red ribbon on the breast."]
-
-[Footnote 43: Three short movements in counterpoint for four voices, with a
-figured bass. "Adoramus" (327 K.), "Justum deduxit Dominus," and
-"0 sancte fac nos captare" (326 K.), are preserved among Wolfgang's
-sketches in L. Mozart's handwriting. They may be examples, perhaps
-by Padre Martini, copied for study. Not even a conjecture can be made
-concerning two four-part movements, "Salus infirmorum," and "Sancta
-Maria" (324, 325, K.), of which only the commencing bars are preserved
-by Andre.]
-
-[Footnote 44: Burney, Reise, I., p. 166: "I must not neglect to inform my musical
-readers that I recognise in the son of Mozart the musician, that little
-German, whose precocious and supernatural talent amazed us all in London
-some years ago, when he was a mere child. He has been much admired, both
-in Rome and Naples."]
-
-[Footnote 45: Gretry, Mem., I., p. 91. Kandler, G. A. Hasse, p. 21.]
-
-[Footnote 46: Statuti ovyero costituzioni de' Signori Accademici Filarmonici di
-Bologna. Bologna, 1721.]
-
-[Footnote 47: Gaspari, La Musica in Bologna, p. 27.]
-
-[Footnote 48: Gaspari, p. 28. Fetis, Biogr. Univ., VI., p. 226. Koechel, A.M.Z.,
-1864, P- 495.]
-
-[Footnote 49: Nissen, p. 226. A. M. Z.. XXII., Beil. I.]
-
-[Footnote 50: Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper zu Muenchen, I., p. 138.]
-
-[Footnote 51: Burney, Reise, I., p. 96.]
-
-[Footnote 52: It consisted, according to L. Mozart, of 14 first and as many
-second violins, 2 claviers, 2 double-basses, 6 violoncelli, 2 bassoons,
-6 viols, 2 oboes, and 2 "flautraversen," "which always play with 4 oboes
-when there are no flutes," 4 corni di caccia, and 2 clarini, in all, 60
-performers.]
-
-[Footnote 53: A Bolognese exclaimed of Dittersdorf's playing, "Come e mai
-possibile, che una tartaruga tedesca possa arrivare a tale perfezione!"
-(Selbstbiogr., p. III.)]
-
-[Footnote 54: The score remained in Milan after their departure, for the copyist
-had orders for five complete copies, besides single songs.]
-
-[Footnote 55: L. Mozart here relates a musical event that seemed to him hardly
-credible in the Italy of that day: "We heard two beggars, man and wife,
-singing in the street, and they sang in fifths without missing one note.
-I never heard the like in Germany. In the distance I thought it was two
-persons, each singing a song; but as we came nearer we found it was a
-duet in exact fifths."]
-
-[Footnote 56: L. Mozart here relates a musical event that seemed to him hardly
-credible in the Italy of that day: "We heard two beggars, man and wife,
-singing in the street, and they sang in fifths without missing one note.
-I never heard the like in Germany. In the distance I thought it was two
-persons, each singing a song; but as we came nearer we found it was a
-duet in exact fifths."]
-
-[Footnote 57: Burney, Reise, I., p. 94.]
-
-[Footnote 58: Meissner, Biographie Naumanns, I., p. in.]
-
-[Footnote 59: Hasse declared that six months were necessary for a good opera
-(Man-fredini reg. armon., p. 134), that was plenty of time; Naumann
-writes, that in Venice an opera had to be written, learnt, and produced
-within a month.]
-
-[Footnote 60: Metastasio, Opp. post., III., pp. 116, 164.]
-
-[Footnote 61: Orelli, Beitr. z. Gesch. der Ital. Poesie, II., p. 3.]
-
-[Footnote 62: Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 83. Kandler, Cenni int. alia vita del G. A.
-Hasse, p. 27: "Questo ragazzo ci fara dimenticar tutti"]
-
-[Footnote 63: Marpurg, Krit. Beitr., I., p. 227.]
-
-[Footnote 64: Meissner, Biogr. Naumanns, I., pp. 120, 227, 283.]
-
-[Footnote 65: Cf. Betrachtungen d. Mannh. Tonsch, I., p. 307.]
-
-[Footnote 66: Parini's Descrizione delle feste celebrate in Milano per le nozze
-delle L.L.A.A.R.R. l'arcid. Ferdinando e l'arcid. Maria Beatrice. Milan,
-1825.]
-
-[Footnote 67: Mozart bequeathed this watch to Joseph Strebl, a Vienna merchant,
-with whom he used to play bowls.]
-
-[Footnote 68: Teutsch. Mercur, 1775, III., p. 240.]
-
-[Footnote 69: L. Mozart writes to Breitkopf (February 7, 1772): "We arrived at
-home from Milan on the 15th of December, and my son, having gained
-great credit by the composition of his dramatic serenata, has been
-commissioned to write the first Carnival Opera for Milan next year, and
-the second opera for the same Carnival at the Theatre of S. Benedetto,
-in Venice. We shall, therefore, remain in Salzburg until the end of next
-September, and then for the third time repair to Italy."]
-
-[Footnote 70: Meissner, Biographie Naumanns, I., p. 279.]
-
-[Footnote 71: This is inferred from a statement made by his sister to
-Regierungsrath Sonnleithner (Salzburg, July 2, 1819) about a portrait of
-Mozart, that "it was painted when he returned from the Italian tour, at
-sixteen years of age; but as he was just recovering from severe illness,
-the picture is sickly and yellow."]
-
-[Footnote 72: [Koch-Sternfeldj Die letzten dreissig Jahre des Hochstifts und
-Erzbisthums Salzburg (1816), p. 36.]
-
-[Footnote 73: Leopold Mozart had ordered new oboes and bassoons from Dresden in a
-great hurry, when the election of an archbishop was imminent.]
-
-[Footnote 74: It would almost appear that it was performed a second time later
-on, at least the songs of the "Licenza" occur in a second composition,
-which may be referred to a later period, and is far superior to the
-first; but it might be that they were used for an altogether different
-composition.]
-
-[Footnote 75: Burney, Reise, III., p. 263.]
-
-[Footnote 76: Burney, Reise, II., pp. 93, no.]
-
-[Footnote 77: Naumann, also, in whose "Armida" he appeared in Padua, says of him,
-"he has every good quality, sings like an angel, and is an excellent
-actor." From the year 1778 he lived in England as a singer, and then as
-a teacher till 1810. Kelly, Remin., I., p. 10. Parke, Mus. Mem., II., p.
-51. Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper. zu Muenchen, I., p. 149.]
-
-[Footnote 78: Afterwards she sang only in private society. Berl. Musik.
-Wochenblatt, p. 4.]
-
-[Footnote 79: The Abbe Cardanelli, a contemporary of Mozart, relates that de
-Amicis required Wolfgang to submit the sketches of his songs for her
-approval, but that he brought her a finished song, which she found
-excellent; and he then composed the same words again twice over, and
-placed them at her disposal (Folchino, Elogio Stor. di W. A. Mozart.
-Cremona, 1817, p. 26). A. M. Z., XX., p. 93. Not very likely!]
-
-[Footnote 80: The result of the opera appears to have been the subject of great
-anxiety. Naomann notes in his Diary for January 2, 1773: "I went to
-Colloredo, to hear the news of the Milan opera."]
-
-====
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-By David Widger
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VI. WORKS IN GERMANY.
-
-AT Salzburg during May, 1773, Wolfgang composed a symphony (181 K.), a
-concertone for two violins (190 K.), and a mass (167 K.) in June.
-
-In the summer of this year the Archbishop repaired to Vienna, and
-Leopold Mozart seized the opportunity of following him thither with
-Wolfgang. He looked forward only to a short absence, but when they
-presented themselves before the Archbishop in Vienna he gave them
-permission to extend their stay, as he intended himself to go into the
-mountains and to Gmuend.
-
-Of the precise object of this tour we know nothing, only that L. Mozart
-hints mysteriously that he cannot tell his
-
-{VISIT TO VIENNA, 1773}
-
-(145)
-
-plans to every one, and that he must avoid anything that would excite
-attention either at Vienna or Salzburg, and cause obstacles to be thrown
-in their way. When the good people of Salzburg connected the illness of
-the kapellmeister Gassmann with his journey, he answered indignantly:
-"Herr Gassmann was ill, but is now better. I do not know what connection
-this may have with our journey to Vienna; but fools will be fools, all
-the world over."[1] There can be no doubt, however, that he was anxious
-that Wolfgang should be permanently attached to the court, either at
-Vienna or elsewhere. The Empress, of whom they immediately sought an
-audience, was very gracious, but that was all. The Emperor only returned
-from Poland towards the end of their stay, and they do not appear to
-have spoken to him at all.
-
-They arrived on the 18th of July, and went straight to their old
-lodgings, where they surprised old Frau Fischer at supper; she was
-delighted to see them, and to provide them once more with comfortable
-apartments. Many old friendships were renewed: L'Augier, Martinez,
-Novarre, honest old Bono, Stephanie and his lovely wife, Dr. Auerbrugger
-and his two daughters, Franziska and Mariane, "who played charmingly and
-were thorough musicians,"[2] all welcomed the Mozarts eagerly; Wolfgang
-had grown so as never to be recognised unless his father were with him.
-
-But their warmest welcome was from the Messmers, who only regretted that
-they had come without Frau Mozart and Marianne. Since the Mozarts' last
-visit, they had decorated their garden with statues, &c., and had built
-a theatre, an aviary, a dovecot, a summer-house looking over the
-Prater, and they were now turning their house into a comfortable winter
-residence. The whole family were together, including Fraeulein Franzl,
-who was seriously ill, and Fraeulein Sepperl, an inveterate match-maker,
-interesting herself in the love affairs even of the cook and the
-footman. Here they met their old friends Heufeld, Greiner, Steigentesch,
-
-{WORKS IN GERMANY.}
-
-(146)
-
-Grill, Bono, &c.; and music was the invariable theme of conversation.
-Messmer had learned to play the harmonica from Miss Davis, and had an
-instrument made at a cost of 50 ducats, which was finer than that used
-by Miss Davis. He played it very well, and so did his little son, who
-showed considerable talent; Wolfgang tried the harmonica, and "wished he
-had one too." The Messmers soon after went farther into the country to
-Rothmuehl, which interrupted this pleasant intercourse.
-
-The great public event of the day during their stay in Vienna was the
-suppression of the order of Jesuits. L. Mozart, who followed their
-expulsion with great interest, thought that many good Christians would
-consider the Pope had only jurisdiction in matters of faith, and that
-the Jesuits would probably have been left unmolested if they had been
-as poor as the Capucines. In Rome the property of the Jesuits had been
-seized ad pias causas, which was easily done, since all that the Pope
-appropriated was ad pias causas; the Emperor thought differently, and
-had reserved to himself the right of dispensing the property of the
-Jesuits. Mozart thinks, too, that the millions taken from the Jesuits
-will awaken the appetite for more of such confiscations.[3]
-
-Wolfgang had taken some work with him. A grand serenata for some fete in
-the family of their friend Andretter was sent from Vienna and performed
-at Salzburg in the beginning of August under Meissner's conductorship
-(145 K.). Then he set to work to write six quartets (168-173 K.),
-whether by order or not is uncertain; nothing more important, however,
-came to hand. The Jesuits performed the P. Dominicus Mass (66 K.) at
-court during the Octave of S. Ignatius' day; L. Mozart conducted, and
-the applause was great. The Theatin monks invited them to their service
-and banquet on the feast of S. Cajetan, and, the organ not being
-available, Wolfgang had the boldness to execute a concerto on a violin
-borrowed from his young friend Teyber. This made such an impression that
-in 1782 a lay brother, to whom Wolfgang
-
-{COMPOSITIONS IN SALZBURG, 1773-74.}
-
-(147)
-
-remarked that he had eight years before played a violin concerto in the
-choir, at once addressed him by his name. Of money receipts during this
-visit to Vienna we hear little or nothing; on the contrary, L. Mozart
-writes to his wife that his body grows fat in proportion as his purse
-grows thin; and he consoles her for the fact that he has had to borrow
-money by declaring that it only proves his having need of money, but
-not of a doctor. Notwithstanding, he considered he had good reasons for
-remaining in Vienna. "Things must and will mend; take courage, God will
-help us!"
-
-With the end of September they were again in Salzburg, and in December
-Wolfgang wrote a quintet for stringed instruments (174 K.) and a
-pianoforte Concerto in D major (175 K.), the first of the long list
-after his early attempts. Almost the whole of the year 1774 was passed
-quietly at home; Wolfgang wrote some important church music, two Masses
-in F and D major (192,194, K.), a great litany (195 K.), two psalms
-for a Vesper (193 K.), various symphonies (199-202 K.), two complete
-serenatas (203, 204, K.), and an interesting divertimento (205 K.). Then
-came a commission from Munich to write a comic opera for the Carnival
-of 1775. It is probable that the influence of the Prince Bishop of
-Chiemsee, Count Ferdinand von Zeil, an enthusiastic patron of Mozart,
-had been exerted on his behalf. The Elector Maximilian III. had also
-shown great interest in Mozart in former years, and on this account it
-was impossible for the Archbishop of Salzburg to refuse Wolfgang leave
-of absence. The Elector had a decided talent for music, which he had
-cultivated by study; he composed church music, and played the bass-viol,
-as Naumaun wrote to a friend, "divinely"; Burney declared he had heard
-no such bass-viol-player since the celebrated Abel. The Elector's sister
-also, the widowed Electress of Saxony Maria Antonia Walburga, known as
-a poetess, was then on a visit to Munich; she both composed and sang
-operas for which she had written the verses.[4] It followed, therefore,
-
-{WORKS IN GERMANY.}
-
-(148)
-
-that much was done in Munich for orchestra and singers both in the
-opera and the churches, although the performances fell short of those in
-Mannheim.[5]
-
-On December 6 Wolfgang set out with his father for Munich, where they
-found a small but comfortable lodging with a _Chanoine et grand custos
-de Notre Dame_; this good man showed them honour and hospitality
-above their deserts, as they considered, and often sacrificed his own
-convenience to theirs from sheer friendliness. The intense cold of the
-journey had, in spite of precautions, brought on Wolfgang's habitual
-malady, severe toothache, and he was confined to his room with a swelled
-face for several days. As soon as possible they made the acquaintance
-of those with whom they were to be associated, and were well received
-everywhere.
-
-The opera "La Finta Giardiniera" is very rich in airs, and Mozart,
-finding a wealth of resources in Munich ready to hand, went to work more
-seriously, both with the voices and the orchestra, than was customary
-with an opera buffa. It is impossible to ascertain how much of the opera
-he brought with him, or how much was altered or composed in Munich. The
-first rehearsal did not take place till near the end of December, and
-the performance was consequently postponed to January 5, 1775, so that
-the singers might be more sure of their parts than could have been the
-case had they played, as intended, on December 29.
-
-"You must know," writes L. Mozart, "that the maestro Tozi, who is this
-year writing the opera seria ('Orfeo ed Euridice'), wrote last year at
-this time an opera buffa, and exerted himself to the utmost in order
-that it might surpass the opera seria of Sales (of Trier): he succeeded
-in quite eclipsing Maestro Sales' opera.[6] Now it so turns out that
-Wolfgang's opera is ready just before Tozi's, and all those who heard
-the first rehearsal are saying that Tozi is paid back in his own coin,
-since Wolfgang's opera will
-
-{"LA FINTA GIARDINIERA"--MUNICH, 1775.}
-
-(149)
-
-throw his quite into the shade.[7] I do not like this sort of thing,
-and have tried all I can to put an end to the gossip; but the whole
-orchestra, and all who heard the rehearsal, declare that they
-never heard more beautiful music; all the songs are beautiful." The
-performance on January 13,1775, was a brilliant success; the court and
-the public overwhelmed the composer with applause and honours, as he
-himself informs his mother.
-
-The Secretary of Legation, Unger, notes in his journal (January 15,
-1775): "_Vendredi L.A.R.E., assisterent a la premiere representation
-de Vopera buffa, 'La Finta Giardiniera'; la musique fut applaudie
-generalement; elle est du jeune Mozart de Saltzbourg qui se trouve
-actuellement ici. C'est le meme qui a l'aege de huit ans a ete en
-Angleterre et ailleurs pour se faire entendre sur le clavecin, qu'il
-touche superieurement bien_."[8] And Schubart writes in the "Teutsche
-Chronik" (1775, p. 267): "I also heard an opera buffa by the wonderful
-genius Mozart; it is called "La Finta Giardiniera." Sparks of genius
-flash out here and there, but it is not yet the calm flame from the
-altar, rising to heaven in clouds of incense--a perfume meet for the
-gods. If Mozart does not turn out to be a hothouse-reared plant, he will
-undoubtedly be one of the greatest composers that has ever lived."
-
-It was said of the performers that Rossi and Rosa Manservisi were
-specially suited for opera buffa. Rossi was as good as his brother in
-Stuttgart in merry, waggish parts; Manservisi was above the average of
-singers in voice, execution, and personal appearance.[9]
-
-This time Wolfgang's sister enjoyed the pleasure of witnessing his
-triumph. During her visit to Munich she was placed under the care of
-a certain Frau v. Durst, a sensible well-educated widow, who provided
-Marianne with a room to herself and a piano, on which her father took
-care she should practise diligently. Other Salzburg friends arrived for
-the
-
-{WORKS IN GERMANY.}
-
-(150)
-
-Carnival, Eberlin Waberl, Fraeulein v. Schiedenhofen, And-retter, and
-young Molk, who went into such raptures over the opera seria, it was
-plain that he had heard nothing outside Salzburg and Inspruck.
-
-Another involuntary witness of Mozart's triumph was the Archbishop of
-Salzburg. He had occasion to pay a visit to the Elector of Bavaria
-in January, 1775,[10] and though he arrived in Munich after the
-representation of the opera, and had left before its repetition, he
-was forced, as L. Mozart remarks with satisfaction, to listen to the
-eulogies pronounced by the electoral suite and all the nobility, and to
-receive the congratulations which were poured on him. He was so taken
-aback that he could only answer by shaking his head and shrugging his
-shoulders. It was little likely that such a scene should have raised
-Mozart in the favour of a man like Hieronymus.
-
-The repetition of the opera, which could only be given on Fridays,
-brought difficulties, inasmuch as the seconda donna, who was wretched
-even at her best, fell seriously ill, and the opera had to be
-considerably curtailed, in order to dispense with her. It took place on
-Wolfgang's birthday, and he thought it indispensable that he should
-be present at the performance, as otherwise his opera might not
-be recognised. The orchestra was in great confusion, since it was
-shamefully neglected by the director Tozi, who was at that time enacting
-the romance in real life with the Countess Toerring-Seefeld, of which L.
-Mozart writes to his wife:--
-
-Signor Tozi has gone. He had an old-standing love intrigue with
-the Countess v. Seefeld, in which her brother, Count Sedlizky, was
-implicated, as well as a certain tenor, Signor Guerrieri. The Countess
-left Munich six weeks ago on pretence of visiting her estates, but she
-has quite deserted her husband and children, and carried off money
-and jewels. The complicity of her brother and the two Italians was
-discovered by a letter; Count Sedlizky was placed under arrest,
-Guerrieri thrown into prison, and Tozi took refuge with the Theatin
-monks. The Elector sent him an assurance that he should not be
-imprisoned if he would submit to an examination. He issued from his
-hiding-place, but
-
-{MUNICH, 1775.}
-
-(151)
-
-immediately took flight to Italy. Count Sedlizky confessed everything;
-Guerrieri denied everything, but to little avail, since the jewels
-were found in Guerrieri's lodgings, sewed up in an old cushion. It is
-suspected that the Countess is in Holland; there she sits forlorn, since
-her projected escort has not joined her.
-
-L. Mozart writes to his wife to tell this story, "just to show people
-that Italians are rascals all the world over."[11]
-
-The opera did not put a stop to Wolfgang's church music. His Grand
-Litany (125 K.) in B major was performed at the court chapel on New
-Year's day, as well as one of his father's; and later on two small
-Masses, no doubt those in F and D major (192, 194 K.). A few days
-before their departure, as Wolfgang writes to Padre Martini, the Elector
-expressed a wish to hear an offertory, contrapuntally worked out, which
-was to be composed, copied, and practised before the following Sunday.
-It was the "Misericordias Domini," to which Padre Martini accorded
-great praise.[12] As a matter of course, Wolfgang made his mark also as a
-clavier-player; with this object he had taken his concerto with him,
-and his sister was to bring some of his sonatas and variations. Schubart
-writes in his "Teutsche Chronik" (1776, p. 267): "Only think, my
-friends, what a treat! Last winter, in Munich, I heard two of the
-greatest clavier-players, Herr Mozart and Herr v. Beecke. My host, Herr
-Albert, who is enthusiastic for all that is great and beautiful, has an
-excellent pianoforte in his house. So these two giants strove together.
-Mozart can play any difficulties, and whatever is laid before him at
-sight. But nevertheless, Beecke far surpasses him--winged speed, grace,
-melting sweetness, and a marvellous amount of taste, are weapons which
-none can wrest from the grasp of this Hercules."
-
-The great and universal applause bestowed on Wolfgang inspired his
-father with the hope that he would be intrusted
-
-{WORKS IN GERMANY.}
-
-(152)
-
-with the opera seria for the next year; why this was not the case we
-are not aware. The rumour current in Salzburg that Wolfgang was about to
-enter the Elector's service, L. Mozart ascribes to his enemies, and to
-those whose consciences told them what good cause he had for taking
-such a step; he was used to such childish folly, and did not allow it to
-trouble him in the least. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that nothing
-would have pleased him more; but, as a prudent man, he did not wish to
-cut himself adrift from Salzburg before having secured a safe anchorage
-at Munich.
-
-After enjoying to their close the pleasures of the Carnival, which
-lasted too long for the father, they returned to Salzburg on March
-7,1775. In April the Archbishop of Salzburg was honoured by a visit
-from the Archduke Maximilian, youngest son of Maria Theresa (b. 1749),
-afterwards Archbishop of Cologne; he had been spending the Carnival
-in Paris, where his want of tact had placed the Queen in considerable
-embarrassment,[13] and had also paid a short visit to Munich. Court
-festivities were arranged, chiefly consisting of musical performances,
-for which the singer Consuoli and Becke, the flautist, were summoned
-from Munich. A serenata by Fischietti was performed on April 22, and on
-the following day Mozart's "Re Pastore," which had been very hurriedly
-composed. On April 24, according to the report of one of the Archduke's
-suite, "Music was the entertainment provided, as on the preceding days;
-at the conclusion of the performance, young Mozart placed himself at
-the piano and played various pieces from his head, with equal skill and
-grace." Whether he appeared as a violinist we do not know; he had, at
-any rate, composed his first violin concerto on April 14 (207 K.), and
-the fact that this was followed by four others in the same year (211,
-216, 218, 219, K.) is a proof that he was applying himself energetically
-to the violin; possibly because it would be easier to find a good
-situation if he were an accomplished violin-player.
-
-The next two years passed quietly and busily at Salzburg. Extracts from
-a diary kept by young Schiedenhofen show how
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC--"HAFFNER-MUSIK," 1776.}
-
-(153)
-
-limited their circle of friendly intercourse was, and Wolfgang's
-authentically dated compositions afford proofs of his activity and
-progress.
-
-The year 1776 was especially rich in church music; four masses (257,
-258, 259,261, K.) fall in this year, three of them in its last quarter,
-while in March a Grand Litany in E flat major (243 K.) was written,
-besides an Offertory, "Venite populi," for two choirs (260 K.). To
-1777 belong a Mass (275 K.), and a Graduale, "Sancta Maria" (273 K.). A
-series of organ sonatas were furnished for the services of the church,
-and for the court a number of divertimenti for wind instruments,
-probably as table music. In other respects, doubtless in consequence of
-the ill-will of the Archbishop, Wolfgang appears to have held aloof from
-the court concerts; no symphonies belong to this time. The serenatas
-were written for other occasions. On wedding-days, fete-days, or the
-like, these nocturnal pieces were usually performed in the street, not
-excepting the solos;[14] they were introduced by a march, in which any
-of the company who could handle a bow might take part; the rest listened
-from the windows above. Such music was either ordered and paid for, or
-offered as a tribute of esteem.
-
-On the wedding-day of the Salzburg citizen F. X. Spath with Elise
-Haffher, daughter of the worthy merchant and Buergermeister Sigmund
-Haffner[15] (July 22,1776), a serenata by Mozart was performed,
-afterwards known as the "Haffner-musik" (249, 250, K.). Another
-opportunity offered in the fete-day of the Countess Antonia Lodron, for
-whom in 1776 and 1777 Wolfgang wrote several specified nocturnes;[16]
-Schiedenhofen was present at the rehearsal of one of them, and he tells
-us also that on July 25, 1777, there was a
-
-{OPERA SERIA.}
-
-(154)
-
-rehearsal of a serenata at the house of the grocer Gusetti, composed by
-Wolfgang for his sister's fete-day; it consisted of a symphony, a
-violin concerto played by himself, and a flute concerto played by Cosel.
-Probably the divertimento composed in July, 1776 (251 K.) was also
-intended for his sister's fete-day. A Finalmusik (185, 215, K.) produced
-on August 23, 1775, and a "Serenata Nottuma" (239 K.) in January, 1776,
-are both for unknown occasions.
-
-The clavier compositions were also mainly written for pupils or
-amateurs; for example, the Concerto in C major (246 K.) for the Countess
-Litzow or Luetzow, wife of the Commandant of Hohen-Salzburg; that in E
-flat major (271 K.) for a Madame Jenomy (January, 1777), whom Wolfgang
-had met in Paris; the Concerto for three pianofortes for the Countesses
-Antonie, Luise, and Josepha Lodron (242 K.), February, 1776. While the
-Mozarts were at Munich, in 1775, a landed proprietor, Buron Duemitz, had
-ordered some pianoforte sonatas, which were duly forwarded (279-284 K.);
-but he altogether forgot to send the promised payment in return. Two
-four-hand sonatas, mentioned by his father (December 8, 1777), were
-probably intended for Wolfgang and his sister; Schiedenhofen heard them
-play a duet on August 15, 1777.
-
-Having taken this biograpical survey, it is now time to bestow a closer
-inspection on Wolfgang's compositions.
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-[Footnote 1: After Gassmann's death in 1774, Jos. Bono (1710-1788) was appointed
-kapellmeister (Dittersdorf Selbstbiogr., p. 209).]
-
-[Footnote 2: Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 554. Cramer, Magaz. f. Mus., I., p. 928.]
-
-[Footnote 3: Cf. K. L. Reinholds Leben, p. 5, and the description by Car. Pichler
-(Denkw., I., p. 36),]
-
-[Footnote 4: Fuerstenau, Beitr. z. Gesch. d. saechs. Kap., p. 151. Zur Gesch. d.
-Mus. in Dresden, II., p. 183. Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper zu Muenchen, I., p.
-142.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Burney, Reise, II., p. 90. Schubart, Leben, Abschn. 16, I., p. 196.
-Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper zu Muenchen, I., p. 129.]
-
-[Footnote 6: A favourable criticism was given by Schubart, Teutsche Chronik,
-1774, p. 100 (Rudhart, p. 157).]
-
-[Footnote 7: Calsabigi's words were adapted by Coltellini, and an act was added.
-Schubart gave a severe criticism (Teutsche Chronik, 1775, p. 239), which
-he afterwards modified (Ibid., p. 265). Rudhart, I., p. 163.]
-
-[Footnote 8: Weber, Marie Antonie, II., p. 43.]
-
-[Footnote 9: Rudhart, I., p. 161.]
-
-[Footnote 10: [Koch-Stemfeld] Die letzten 30 Jahre d. Hochst. Salzburg, p. 348.]
-
-[Footnote 11: It is noticed anonymously in Schubart's Teutsche Chronik, 1775, p.
-324, Cf. Rudhart, I., p. 102.]
-
-[Footnote 12: "Nissen is mistaken in saying that it was composed in Munich in
-1781. The "Offertorium in Contrapunkt in D minor," of which Mozart had
-a copy made at Augsburg in 1777, was, according to a letter from his
-father (December n, 1777), this same "Misericordias Domini."]
-
-[Footnote 13: Mdme. Campan, Mem. sur Marie Antoinette, V., p. 107. Ires, III., p.
-224.]
-
-[Footnote 14: Sammartini's Serenate were performed in the open air at Milan
-(Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 58).]
-
-[Footnote 15: [Koch-Sternfeld] Die letzten 30 Jahre, pp. 30,187.]
-
-[Footnote 16: Mozart mentions the "zwei Caesationen fur die Grafin," which his
-father calls the Lodron Nocturnes. The "last Cassation in B," which
-Wolfgang played at Munich (October 6, 1777), is the divertimento (287
-K.) for quartet and horns; the earlier one is a similar divertimento in
-F major, composed in June, 1776 (247 K.).]
-
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-By David Widger
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VII. OPERA SERIA.
-
-THE OPERA[1] owes its rise to the attempt which was made in Florence at
-the beginning of the sixteenth century to discover the musical method of
-ancient tragedy and to reproduce it in conformity to the spirit of the
-Renaissance.[2]
-
-{GRADUAL RISE OF OPERA.}
-
-(155)
-
-In opposition to the predominant madrigal style of part-singing, worked
-out in counterpoint, there arose strivings after a method which should
-give freedom and independence to the solo singer, and which should
-render the poet's words comprehensible and sympathetic to the hearer.
-The conviction that this was accomplished to perfection in ancient
-tragedy led to a search after lost musical traditions, traces of which
-are observable in the opera seria, even in its latest development.
-First, recitative was introduced as a middle course between song and
-ordinary speech, distinguished by accent and rhythm, and sustained by
-a simple harmony, which emphasised the dialogue. Time and effort were
-needed to establish this compromise between song and speech, and to
-convert recitative into the pliable, expressive instrument of musical
-dialogue.
-
-The first attempt to place an opera in this _stilo rappresentativo_
-on the stage was made by Jac. Peri with Ottavio Rinuccini's "Dafne,"
-performed in 1594 at the Palazzo Corsi;[3] the same poet's "Euridice"
-followed in 1600, publicly performed on the occasion of the marriage
-of Henry IV. with Marie de Medicis. The whole dialogue is rendered in
-a simply accompanied recitative, without the introduction of anything
-resembling an air; to this are added choruses, after the example of the
-old tragedies, not worked out in contrapuntal form like madrigals, as
-was already the custom with the intermedii of spoken tragedies, but in
-simple harmonies, and in a key corresponding to the recitatives.
-
-A similar experiment was made in Rome in 1600 by Emilio de' Cavalieri
-with his oratorio "Dell' Anima e del Corpo," and in Florence the same
-year by Giulio Caccini with another, "Euridice," which displayed the art
-of the singers by its numerous embellishments and passages.
-
-Musical language, however, could only attain its full effect when
-the more elevated sentiments received their due expression in an air,
-independent in character and
-
-{OPERA SERIA.}
-
-(156)
-
-perfect in form. The development of solo singing released from its
-contrapuntal bondage, and made expressive by melody, was largely due
-to Caccini. The merit of connecting the air with the recitative
-in opera--for which a precedent was found in the monody of ancient
-tragedy--belongs to Claudio Monteverde, who also made use of the whole
-available instrumental wealth of the time. His operas of "Orfeo,"
-composed in Mantua (1607), and "Arianna" (1608) were followed in Venice,
-where he was appointed kapellmeister (1613), by "Proserpina rapita"
-(1630), "Adone" (1639), &c. Here, then, were the elements of the opera
-seria. To follow its continuous development step by step would require
-such a searching study of details as has not yet been undertaken. The
-majority of existing accounts are made apparently at random, and without
-any idea of connection or dependence. A sketch of the leading points in
-the progress of this development will suffice for our purpose.[4]
-
-Ancient tragedy being taken as a model, it followed that the stories of
-ancient mythology or history (they were always considered on the same
-level) were almost exclusively chosen, although treated for the most
-part in a widely different spirit.
-
-Opera soon formed an important feature in court festivals, and it
-became customary to give the text a reference to the festival or person
-honoured by turning it into an allegory, in which poetical fancy vied
-with personal flattery.[5] In imitation of ancient tragedy mimic dances
-were connected with the singing, but the union of the arts tended more
-to sensual enjoyment than to poetical effect. The naive freedom with
-which the ancient myths were handled gave ample license for gaudy
-costumes, scenery, and decorations, and the same taste was carried into
-the fantastic outcome of these festival representations known as the
-German magic opera.
-
-The courts of Italy and France vied with each other in
-
-{DEVELOPMENT OF OPERA--SCARLATTI.}
-
-(157)
-
-the costly splendour lavished on the opera by scene-painters,
-decorators, and costumiers; and Vienna, Munich, Dresden, and Stuttgart
-were not slow to follow their example. The elegantly printed books of
-the words, adorned with careful copper-plate engravings, which were
-distributed for these performances, give some idea of the style in which
-they were put on the stage, and of the dazzle and glitter in the midst
-of which the music became a very secondary consideration.
-
-Such operas as we have described could, on account of the expense, only
-be given at royal courts on special occasions; but the general public
-soon began to demand a share in the entertainment and a regular
-repetition of it. It became the established custom to make the opera the
-main festivity of the Carnival, and although generous patrons were
-not wanting, prepared to support the managers (_impresarii_), yet the
-latter, who naturally wished to make a profit by the opera, generally
-found it necessary to reduce the cost of the representations. The
-libretti, which sought to excite interest by showy scenery, and a
-mixture of pathetic and burlesque situations, without the least regard
-to consistency or psychological accuracy, were far from satisfactory to
-any cultivated taste. But the cultivation of the art of song exercised
-the highest of all influences on operatic music. It had reached a height
-from which it was able to govern the musical public, and to render the
-pleasure of the eye subservient to that of the ear. In proportion as the
-vocal art asserted its superiority, it exacted a simplification of all
-other means of attraction, and the universal striving after regularity
-was materially assisted by the necessity for clear and decided forms in
-vocal music.
-
-This transformation of the opera, which took its final form from
-poet and composer under the quickening influence of great singers,
-is commonly ascribed to Alessandro Scarlatti (1659-1725). He was the
-disciple, although perhaps not the pupil, of the Roman kapellmeister,
-Giacomo Carissimi (who was nearly ninety in 1672), who did such good
-service to the development of recitative and dramatic solo singing, that
-he may be considered the founder of modern song.
-
-Scarlatti, excellent alike from his thorough musical
-
-{OPERA SERIA.}
-
-(158)
-
-knowledge, and from the wealth and grace of his invention, displayed
-astonishing fertility in the different departments of musical art.
-In the year 1715, according to his own account, he had composed 106
-operas.[6] At Naples, where he passed the greater part of his life,
-he founded the school from which (more especially under his successor
-Francesco Durante, 1693-1755) a long list of composers issued, who for
-the most part wrote admirable church music, but whose chief mission it
-was to maintain throughout the last century an uninterrupted succession
-of operatic music. If we glance down the long list of the more
-famous--Nic. Porpora (1685 or 1687-1767), Dom. Sarri (1688-1732), Leon.
-Vinci (1690-1734), Franc. Feo (1694-1740), Leon. Leo (1694-1756?),
-Ad. Hasse (1699-1783), Terradeglias (17...-1754), Nic. Logroscino
-(17...-1763), Pergolese (1707-1739), Pasq. Cafaro (1708-1787), Duni
-(1709-1775), Dav. Perez (1711-1778), Nic. Jomelli (1714-1774), Rinaldo
-da Capua (b. 1715), Tom. Traetta (1727-1779), Guglielmi (1727-1804),
-Nic. Piccinni (1728-1800), Sacchini (1735-1786), Pasq. Anfossi
-(1736-1797), Giac. Paisiello (1741-1816), Franc, de Majo (1745-1774),
-Dom. Cimarosa (1754-1801)--we shall be astonished to find that of the
-numerous members of the Neapolitan school only four were born out of the
-kingdom of Naples,[7] viz., Hasse, Terradeglias, Pergolese, and Guglielmi.
-The rest of Italy was quite unable to compete with this wealth.
-
-Venice, however, took an important place in the development of Italian
-opera, both by the splendour of the performances given in the theatre,
-which was erected in 1637,[8] and by excellent institutions for musical
-education. The fame of the Venetian school was upheld by many celebrated
-composers, among them Carlo Pallavicini (16...-1688), Agost. Steffani
-(1655-1730). Franc. Gasparini (1665-1737), Ant. Lotti
-
-{ITALIAN INFLUENCES ON OPERA.}
-
-(159)
-
-(1667-1740), Giov. Porta (16...-1740), Ant. Caldara (1678-1763), Buranello
-(1703-1785), Ferd. Bertoni (1725-1813).
-
-Bologna too had its share in the history of the opera, maintaining
-a firm tradition of careful performances,[9] and excellent schools for
-singing and composition; Giov. Buonon-cini (1672-1752) and Gius. Sarti
-(1729-1802) were trained here.
-
-Rome was looked upon as the city where the keenest enthusiasm either
-of applause or adverse criticism was to be expected, consequently where
-artistic reputations were most often made or destroyed;[10] but Rome was
-neither the birthplace nor the seminary of any famous operatic masters.
-
-It is not necessary here to inquire into the details of the part taken
-by Scarlatti in the erection of Italian opera as it now exists. His
-operas are truly epitomes of the history of musical development, and
-his many imitators and successors pass before us like the shadows of the
-Homeric shades; but we have only to do with him or with them in so far
-as concerns the main features of that form of operatic composition which
-Mozart found ready to hand.[11]
-
-The stability with which operatic development kept close to the path
-which had at first been marked out was due partly to circumstances and
-the influence of public opinion, partly to the character of the Italian
-people. Beauty, appealing immediately and directly to their lightly
-kindled imaginations, required that its sensual charm should be clearly
-and unreservedly expressed; and for this they were willing to sacrifice
-novelty and characterisation. Again, the art of music was developed in
-accordance with natural laws; and having once acquired forms indicative
-of its essential elements, it grasped these firmly, and refused to
-abandon them until they had become completely obsolete. It was the task
-of the great masters of the eighteenth century to
-
-{OPERA SERIA.}
-
-(160)
-
-maintain this course of steady imperceptible progress, and, by raising
-to successive stages each hardly won step towards perfection, to
-establish in the end a new and more admirable whole.
-
-The chief component parts of the opera were the recitative and the song,
-or aria.[12] Recitative, intended for the rendering of conversation,
-approaches in rhythm and intervals as near as possible to ordinary
-speech, and leaves the singer ample scope for an animated and expressive
-delivery. This is assisted by a simple harmonious accompaniment, the
-basses giving the fundamental, the clavier the harmony. The simplicity
-of the musical treatment lends itself to characteristic declamation, and
-impressive situations are thrown into relief generally by sudden changes
-of harmony; numerous instances show the importance that was attached to
-this mode of delivery. But very soon it became the fashion to treat this
-_recitativo secco_ as subordinate, and the composer strove to do away
-with it as far as possible. Certain turns, certain harmonic progressions
-and interrupted cadences, were as indispensable to recitative as many
-turns of speech are to social intercourse. As the course and development
-of the action of the piece depend almost entirely on the recitative,
-it follows that any neglect of the latter must affect one of the most
-important elements of the opera. The need for attaining the power of
-expressing a momentary passion or inspiration which would not admit of
-an elaborate representation led to the introduction of the so-called
-accompanied (obligate) recitative. For this the orchestra (at first only
-the whole body of stringed instruments) was made use of, and accompanied
-the alternations of emotion with corresponding musical phrases
-or interludes. Recitative, without abandoning its distinctive
-characteristics, became more strongly accentuated, and in process of
-time passed over into song. Such vocal melodies as seemed thus to be
-called forth by the emotions of the situations were called _cavata_ or
-_cavatina_. At first they were
-
-{RECITATIVE--THE ARIA.}
-
-(161)
-
-considered as an ingredient or embellishment of the recitative, but later
-on they were treated independently. _Arioso_ in the recitative indicates
-an interpolated passage of vocal melody. A rapid alternation of varied
-or contending emotions in monologue or dialogue called for accompanied
-recitative, which generally passed into a song, where a definite emotion
-might find its due expression. It was here that singers and composers
-sought to accomplish the highest degree of dramatic expression, and
-although in the aria they might be tempted to an undue regard for
-musical display, to the neglect of dramatic effect, here at least they
-strove for a faithful portrayal of human sentiment.
-
-The aria was the almost exclusive form given to regular artistic song.
-Choruses, which formerly concluded every act, were afterwards only
-exceptionally employed, generally when the occasion, being a court
-festivity, required additional outward show; they very seldom formed
-an integral part of the performance.[13] Ballets, which were originally
-combined with the choruses, became by degrees quite distinct, and
-were given between the acts of the opera. Concerted vocal pieces were
-confined within limits more and more strictly defined, until the rule
-came to be that in every opera there should be a duet for the prima
-donna and the primo uomo, and a terzet in which the primo tenore also
-took part; even the places for these, at the end of the second and third
-acts, were appointed. Further restrictions were imposed on the character
-of these concerted pieces by the necessity of giving all possible effect
-to the voices. They do not pretend to represent a conflict of struggling
-passions, pressing onward to the catastrophe; rather does some definite
-mood, the natural result of the situations which have preceded it, find
-its fitting expression in their regular concerted form, which affords
-ample scope for the display of varieties in quality and style of the
-individual voices.
-
-The aria, which gave expression to a fixed lyrical mood, was seldom
-the culminating point of a dramatic situation; its connection with the
-action of the piece was, for the most
-
-{OPERA SERIA.}
-
-(162)
-
-part, only sufficient to give it a certain local colour. It was the task
-of both composer and singer to make the aria fit in to the drama; but
-the claims of the vocalist were paramount in its composition. As the
-canons of operatic construction became more and more strictly defined,
-distinctions arose between different kinds of arie, each having its
-own character and form; the _aria cantabile_ was for sentimental
-declamation, _di portamento_ for long drawn-out tones, _di mezzo
-carattere_ for dramatic expression, _aria parlante_ or _agitata_ for the
-expression of passion, _aria di bravura (agilita)_ for the display of
-artistic skill of every kind.[14] The poet and composer had only to be
-careful to suit the arie to the performers, and so to distribute them
-through the opera that their variety should place the performances of
-each character in their most favourable light.[15] But a certain
-fixed form served as a groundwork to all arie, and kept them within
-well-defined bounds. It is easy to trace the simple expressive phrase as
-it is extended and rounded into a well-formed melody, and then to
-follow the different subjects so obtained until, by progressions and
-interludes, they are welded into a whole. But this led to a petrifying
-formalism, and to a tedious lengthening of the aria, which sacrificed
-character to vocal display.
-
-An aria regularly consists of two parts differing in key, time, and
-measure. An allegro in common time usually begins, introduced by a
-slower passage in triple time; but as to this there is no fixed rule,
-and free scope as to details is given to the composer. The first
-movement is broadly conceived, always with a view to the skill of the
-performer; he repeats one or more of the principal melodies in different
-positions, but without thematic elaboration, and inserts runs and
-passages.
-
-In the second part the composer, granting some repose to the singer,
-made a display of his own art by selected harmonies, elaborate
-accompaniments, and so forth. It was
-
-{THE ARIA.}
-
-(163)
-
-essential to the singer's reputation as an artist that he should be
-able to vary the modulation and embellishment of the melody each time
-it recurred, the composer supplying a mere outline, and leaving the
-execution of the cadenzas entirely to the discretion of the performer.
-This task became more difficult as the custom grew of repeating the
-whole of the first part at the close of the second, thus turning the
-latter into a middle movement; for no singer would be deterred from
-enhancing the interest of each repetition by a fresh mode of delivery.
-So that the public performers of that day displayed their taste and
-cultivation not only, as at present, by execution and declamation; they
-worked of necessity side by side with the composer, whose special glory
-it was to inspire his singers with a spark of his own creative genius.
-
-The influence thus exerted by the executive artist could not fail
-to determine, to a great extent, the path of development in operatic
-composition. The great names of the more celebrated singers are to us
-indeed but names, for contemporary notices give us no clear idea of
-their performances,[16] and the music written for them, deprived of
-the direct charm of their personal impression, affords a most imperfect
-standard of judgment.
-
-From the middle of the last century the tendency to sacrifice all
-consideration to execution (bravura) became more and more marked; until
-at last, dramatic propriety, and the soul-inspiring calm of beautiful
-song, were alike buried beneath the weight of ornamentation and
-exaggerated flourishes,[17] serving only to display the pretensions of
-the vocalist and the dexterity of the composer. In this way the dramatic
-element of the opera became more and more neglected, until at last
-it was regarded as a superfluous and disturbing adjunct to the
-vocalisation.[18]
-
-{OPERA SERIA.}
-
-(164)
-
-The public too grew accustomed to confine their attention to the
-individual exploits of their favourites;[19] and the composer, unwilling
-to waste his energy on thankless parts, followed the example, and
-devoted his whole powers to a few individuals.[20]
-
-The enormous salary paid to celebrated singers, male and female, had the
-effect of limiting the number of principal parts to three or four, each
-distinguished as primo.[21] The remaining parts were treated by both
-the poet and the composer as subordinate, not only on account of the
-mediocre powers available for their representation, but also and chiefly
-because it would have been against the interests of the great singers
-that secondary characters should attract notice or applause. They
-controlled all secondary parts, suppressing or appropriating any song
-which they considered too brilliant, and leaving the author to arrange
-the piece as best he might.[22] There was a fixed code of etiquette in
-all stage arrangements. The prima donna, for instance, was entitled to
-have her train borne by one, or if a princess, by two pages; she took
-the place of honour at the right of the stage, being, as a rule, the
-most important personage of the piece. When Faustina Hasse played
-Dircea, in "Demofoonte" (1748), who is not recognised as a princess
-until late in the piece, she claimed precedence over the acknowledged
-Princess Creusa, and Metastasio himself was obliged to interfere in
-order to induce her to yield the point.[23]
-
-Thus all influences combined to mould the opera seria into a narrow
-conventional form, in which all other considerations were sacrificed
-to executive effect, and the display of skill and sensibility in the
-rendering of the music.
-
-We can form no clear conception whatever of the operatic
-
-{INSTRUMENTATION--THE OVERTURE.}
-
-(165)
-
-orchestra in its earliest form; both the use and the effect of various
-instruments are very imperfectly known, and the instrumentation is
-consequently more or less incomprehensible. But here too development
-proceeded in the way of simplification, and at the time of Scarlatti
-the treatment of instrumental accompaniment and the disposal of the
-orchestra was determined as to essentials for all future times.
-
-In the plain recitative of the dialogue, the fundamental note was
-given by the bass, and the chord was struck on the piano (at which the
-composer or kapellmeister conducted) and repeated as often as necessary.
-In the songs and _ensembles_ the instruments came in as accompaniments,
-freed from the obligation of following a given melody step by step with
-a given bass, according to the rules of thoroughbass for filling up
-harmonies. Scarlatti and the earlier masters kept this accompaniment
-very simple, seldom introducing more than one part in addition to the
-bass and the voice. But, as practised contrapuntists, they could handle
-the accompanying parts broadly and freely, and could give animation
-by simple means. This art gradually decreased, and the accompaniment,
-although fuller, became more mechanical and dependent, Only here and
-there suggesting contrapuntal elaboration. The orchestra was used
-independently only in the symphonies which repeated the motifs of the
-songs, in the short interludes of accompanied recitative, and finally in
-the introductory overture or sinfonia.
-
-Italian operatic composers began by making use of the form of overture
-which Lully had established in France, beginning with an adagio,
-followed by a quick movement, often in the form of a fugue, and passing
-again into an adagio, which concludes the overture. Later, the form
-was determined which has remained ever since, of three movements:
-an allegro, a slower, shorter movement contrasting in time,
-instrumentation, and expression, and a concluding allegro, animated and
-often noisy.
-
-These main features were capable of rich and varied development, were it
-not that in Italy little importance was attached to the overture, which
-was commonly regarded as a
-
-{OPERA SERIA.}
-
-(166)
-
-means of reducing the audience to silence and attention. The three
-movements, therefore, generally preserved their gradations without
-marked characteristics, and the attempt to express the effect of the
-first scene by means of the overture was soon abandoned.[24]
-
-The grouping of Scarlatti's orchestra was in its main points identical
-with that of the present day. The stringed instruments, violins, tenors,
-and basses formed its main strength; but their application was very
-simple. The violon-celli go regularly with the double-basses, and the
-tenors serve generally only to strengthen the bass; where they are
-independent they are often divided, like the violins, which however
-frequently go together. The oboe has the chief part among the wind
-instruments, the flutes serving mainly for variety and special
-characteristics; the bassoons strengthen the bass, and are rarely used
-independently. Soon horns were employed, and drums and trumpets when
-special splendour was required; trombones were used in the churches,
-never in the opera.
-
-In this manner even the largest orchestras were arranged down to the
-close of the last century; an example is afforded by the construction
-and arrangement of the Dresden orchestra by Hasse, which was considered
-as a model.[25] [See Page Image]
-
-{THE ORCHESTRA--INSTRUMENTALISTS.}
-
-(167)
-
-The well-appointed bass parts are the most striking, intended as a firm
-foundation for the vocal melody, which is not seldom strengthened by the
-violins and oboes or flutes. But to avoid any effect of poverty, it
-must not be forgotten that the accompanist at the piano filled in the
-harmony. To strengthen this, and to give variety to the intonation, was
-the task of the wind instruments. But when the orchestra was treated
-as a whole there was seldom any attempt to render lights and shades
-by alternations of the instruments; to attain this end, concerted solo
-instruments were employed.
-
-Italy was, during the eighteenth century, at once the mother and
-the nurse of instrumental musicians. A succession of first-rate
-violinists--Arcang. Corelli (1653-1713), Franc. Geminiani (1680-1762),
-Ant. Vivaldi (16...-1743), Gius. Tartini (1692-1770), Pietro
-Nardini (1722-1793), Gaet. Pugnani (1727-1803), Ant. Lolli
-(1733-1802)--established the glory of violin-playing, and raised it to
-an extraordinary height of excellence; while as oboists the brothers
-Besozzi, Alessandro (1700-1775), Antonio (1707-1781), Gaetano
-(1727-1793) were performers of the first merit. Trumpets were at that
-time more especially considered as solo instruments.
-
-Not until later could Germany compete successfully with Italy, as far
-as the orchestra was concerned; in France, although the precision
-of Parisian orchestras was always remarkable, the development
-of instrumental music was longest delayed. Scarlatti introduced
-instrumental soloists in the operatic orchestra, and the effect was the
-same as on the stage; it worked against the careful striving after a
-perfect whole, and the tendency of the instrumental artists to enter
-into competition with the vocalists led in no small degree to that
-treatment of the voice as a mere instrument which was so much to be
-deplored. Notably Farinelli in 1722 established his reputation in Rome
-by a contest with a wonderful trumpeter, whom he twice vanquished in the
-sustenance and artistic delivery of a long note, and in the execution of
-difficult passages.[26]
-
-{OPERA SERIA.}
-
-(168)
-
-The first step towards simplifying opera seria in its new form was made
-in the diction and treatment of the plot. The subject-matter continued
-to be taken from the stories of mythology or ancient history; but
-effects of magic and show were abolished, and a connected well-developed
-plot was substituted, simple in action, and confined to a small number
-of personages. Next, the previous mixture of the tragic and comic
-elements was abolished, and everything approaching to burlesque strictly
-interdicted. The chief efforts in this direction were made by the Roman
-Silvio Stampiglia (d. 1722), to whom Apostolo Zeno awards more of genius
-and spirit than thorough cultivation,[27] and whom Arteaga calls dry and
-unmusical.[28] Apostolo Zeno himself (1688-1750) followed in the
-same path as court poet to Charles VI. He was a man of education and
-learning, and as such sought to model the opera on ancient tragedy in
-its best and most manly form, and strove for a naturally developed plot,
-correct delineation of character, and simplicity of language. He proved,
-said Metastasio,[29] that the opera and good sense are not absolutely
-contradictory terms. The fact that his operas were often and
-successfully performed during the first half of the century bears
-testimony to the simplicity and earnestness of the musical taste of the
-time; later on, as the field of music extended its limits, his text was
-found pedantic.[30] His indisputable merit[31] was thrown into the
-shade by Metastasio's works;[32] these denote in a remarkable degree the
-spirit of the time which produced them, a spirit that they themselves
-fostered and encouraged.
-
-Metastasio (Pietro Trapassi, 1698-1782) distinguished himself as a
-boy by his talent for improvisation; he received a thorough learned
-education from the celebrated Roman
-
-{METASTASIO.}
-
-(169)
-
-jurist Gravina, which led to his adoption of classical antiquity as his
-model; while his connection with the singer Marianna Bulgarini early
-gave him an insight into the technical requirements of the opera. He
-began his career as a librettist in 1724 with "Didone" at Naples; in
-1730 he went to Vienna as court poet, where he lived on the best
-of terms with the Imperial family,[33] and highly esteemed by the
-cultivated public. Following Apostolo Zeno, he sought to supply his
-operas with a true dramatic form, and he made it his chief aim to
-portray the effect of different characters and passions upon the
-development of the action. Metastasio had no large or powerful
-conceptions, nor could he grasp strong passions; his psychological
-vision is clear and cool, but limited, just as his sentiments are
-correct and good, but neither wide nor free. In his dramas, therefore,
-the representation of character and the plot are well-considered,
-suitable, and consistent, but with a certain mediocrity running through
-the whole; he chiefly concerns himself with the exemplification of
-principles and experiences, and individualises but little.[34] He makes
-love the animating element of his drama, and the starting point of his
-psychological study of motives. His characters want neither life nor
-passion, but softness and veiled sensuality are the characteristic
-features of what he endeavoured to make an imitation of actual life. The
-public were gratified at recognising themselves and their love affairs
-glorified on the stage, and were grateful to Metastasio for allowing
-them to enjoy themselves in their own way, and not preaching moderation
-and self-control. They admired his language too, which is correct, and
-charmingly melodious and natural in expression, not more rhetorical
-than the Italian language and poetry demands, and never overlaid with
-conceits.
-
-To these qualities of a dramatic poet, Metastasio joined that of an
-operatic composer; he was a musician. He had cultivated his musical
-talent by intercourse with singers and
-
-{OPERA SERIA.}
-
-(170)
-
-composers, and had a ready perception of what was necessary to a work
-written for composition. He sang "come un serafino" (as he writes
-jokingly to Farinelli),[35] played the clavier, and composed a little
-himself;[36] he found it a pleasant incitement to poetical activity to
-seat himself at the clavier and improvise. He said himself he had
-never written a song without composing it himself, according to his own
-conception of its musical character.[37]
-
-Metastasio confines the development of the plot as a rule to the
-recitative and the arie (or duet, or terzet), expressing at the close
-of each scene the sentiment which is the result of the previous action.
-This they always did so clearly and precisely that the composer had both
-incentive and scope for musical treatment.
-
-The too numerous figures and metaphors (which he was fond of borrowing
-from the sea) express the taste of the time, and so far from troubling
-the musician, gave him opportunities for musical painting which was sure
-to be admired. The melodious language met the music half way, while the
-simple yet varied rhythm, the contrast of ideas, and the construction
-of the verse, aided the composer, without fettering him, in the musical
-phrasing of his work.
-
-It was no wonder that Metastasio reigned supreme over the stage and its
-composers, and that he was the model of the later operatic poets; they
-succeeded best in imitating his defects, and gave Naumann occasion to
-say with justice, "The oldest of Metastasio's operas is more pleasing to
-me than any written by our present poets."
-
-Metastasio was well aware that the poet only supplies a stem to the
-opera, which the composer clothes with foliage and blossom;[38] but he
-was far from allowing the composer absolute dominion over the poet, and
-prided himself on the
-
-{CONDITIONS OF LIBRETTO-WRITING.}
-
-(171)
-
-fact that his operas had been played with applause as tragedies without
-music both in France and Germany.[39]
-
-He chose to consider the composer as the interpreter of the poet, and
-bound to follow his indications of character and style.[40] This was in
-his opinion the chief merit of the old composers, and in his later years
-he was never weary of deploring the decline of music, which was the
-consequence of the license taken by vocalists, destroying alike truth
-and beauty of expression.[41]
-
-The poet not less than the composer found himself hemmed in by
-conditions as well as by traditional formulas. He too performed his task
-to order, and was hampered by circumstances, and by the limited means at
-his command in his choice of subject and characters.
-
-It was in no way favourable to Zeno and Metastasio that they received
-their commissions from the court;[42] besides the direct influence
-of the taste of the _somme padrone_, the whole atmosphere tended to
-effeminacy and a uniform level in style. The impresarii chose the
-libretti for the composers they had engaged, partly according to the
-applause the subjects had already received, but more to suit the singers
-they had at command. They were altered to suit the occasion sometimes by
-the poet himself, but more often some local poet undertook the necessary
-curtailments and additions, whereby the work seldom profited.[43]
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(172)
-
-The absolute monarchy of Zeno and Metastasio, whom all other poets
-slavishly imitated, would alone suffice to explain the fact that in
-the course of the last century opera seria received the fixed and
-unalterable form it still retains; we have seen that the tendency was
-the same as regards the music. This makes it comprehensible that in
-reading the text or the scores in the present day we have so lively an
-impression that they are but copies of one original. In no art does the
-feeling for what is enduring pass so easily and quickly into the taste
-for what pleases the age as in music. What affords most delight to the
-present often expresses only a transitory mood with a momentary
-truth, and when the smoke and the fragrance which surrounded it have
-disappeared, only an empty form remains; just as a mask keeps the
-impression of the features without the play of the muscles, which alone
-give life and expression.
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-
-[Footnote 1: It is not known when this term came into use--both before and after
-others were customary: Dramma musicale, dramma per musica, melodramma
-[Footnote Menestrier]. Des representations en musique (Paris, 1684), p. 248.]
-
-[Footnote 2: Rochlitz, Fuer Freunde d. Tonk., I., p. 262. Winterfeld, Gabrieli,
-II., p. 12. Kiesewetter, Schicks. d. welt. Gesanges, p. 24. E. O.
-Lindner, Zur Tonkunst, p. 1.]
-
-[Footnote 3: "Daphne" was adapted by Opitz, and composed by H. Schuetz as the
-first German opera; it was performed in Torgau, 1627 (Fuerstenau, Zur
-Gesch. d. Musik in Dresden, I., p. 97).]
-
-[Footnote 4: AEsthetic criticism forms the chief part of Steff. Arteagas'
-well-known work, Le Rivoluzioni del Teatro Musicale Italiano (Bologna,
-1783-88. Ven., 1785, three vols.; translated by Forkel. Leipzig, 1782.
-8). Less authentic are G. W. Fink, Wesen u. Gesch. d. Oper (Leipzig,
-1835), G. Hogarth's Memoirs of the Opera (Lond., 1855), S. Edwards'
-History of the Opera (London, 1862).]
-
-[Footnote 5: Cf. Winterfeld, Zur Gesch. heil. Tonkunst, II., p. 337,]
-
-[Footnote 6: An old copy of his Telemacco indicates it as "opera centesima nona,
-recitata in Capranica l'anno 1718."]
-
-[Footnote 7: Villarosa, Memoria dei Compositori di Musica del Regno di Napoli
-(Neap. 1840).]
-
-[Footnote 8: Ant. Groppo, Catal. di tutti Drammi per Musica recitati ne' Teatri
-di Venezia dell' a 1637-1745 (Ven., 1745).]
-
-[Footnote 9: [Al. Machiavelli] Serie cronologica dei Drammi recitati su de' publ.
-Teatri di Bologna dell' a 1600-1737 (Bol.f 1737).]
-
-[Footnote 10: Burney, Reise, I., p. 293. Cramer, Magaz. f. Mus., II., p. 50.
-Kelly, Remin., I., p. 65.]
-
-[Footnote 11: An account of the scheme of Italian opera is given in the Lettre
-sur le Mecanisme de l'Opera Italica (Naples, 1756).]
-
-[Footnote 12: Many interesting remarks may be found in Vine. Manfredini's Regole
-Armoniche (Veo., 1797), IV., 6, p. 119, dello stile serio.]
-
-[Footnote 13: Metastasio, Opp. post., I., p 357.]
-
-[Footnote 14: J. Brown, Letters upon the Poetry and Music of the Italian Opera
-(Edinb., 1789), p. 29.]
-
-[Footnote 15: Goldoni enumerates the practical directions given to him for
-writing an operatic libretto. Mem., I., p. 102.]
-
-[Footnote 16: Mancini gives an account of the more important among them. Rifl.
-prat, sul canto fig., p. 14.]
-
-[Footnote 17: Even in 1752 Metastasio bitterly complains of this perversion of
-dramatic] Binging (Opp. post., II., pp. 94, 99, 215, 330).]
-
-[Footnote 18: Gretry declares that he once saw a singer go behind the scenes to
-suck an orange, while another on the stage continued to address him as
-though he were present (Mem., I., p. 119).]
-
-[Footnote 19: Gretry, Mem., I., p. 114.]
-
-[Footnote 20: Arteaga (cap. 12) gives a graphic account of the downfall of the
-opera, which had been incessantly bewailed ever since the publication of
-Marcello's bitter satire, Il Teatro alla modo (Ven., 1722, 1738). Cf. Le
-Brigandage de la Musique Italienne (Amst., 1780).]
-
-[Footnote 21: Raguenet (Parallele des Italiens et des Francois, 1702, Sec. 26, in
-Mattheson's Musik. Kritik, I., p. 141).]
-
-[Footnote 22: Metastasio, Opp. post., II., p. 145.]
-
-[Footnote 23: Metastasio, Opp. post., I., p. 282.]
-
-[Footnote 24: Arteaga, Rivol., 13 t., II., p. 172 (II., p. 239, trans.),
-contradicted by Manfredini (Dif. d. Mus. Med., p. 128. Cf. Rousseau,
-Dictionn. de Mus., Ouverture. Weber, Hinterl. Schr., I., p. 68).]
-
-[Footnote 25: Rousseau, Diet, de Mus., Orchestre. Kandler, Vita di Hasse, I.
-Furstenau, Zur Gesch. d. Mus. in Dresden, II., p. 290.]
-
-[Footnote 26: Sacchi, Vita di C. Broschi (Ven., 1784), p. 8. Burney, Reise, I.,
-p. 153.]
-
-[Footnote 27: Ap. Zeno, Lettres, IV., p. 21.]
-
-[Footnote 28: Arteaga, Rivol., 10, I., p. 67 (II., p. 56).]
-
-[Footnote 29: Metastasio, Opp. post., II., p. 409.]
-
-[Footnote 30: Gretry, Mem., I., p. 114.]
-
-[Footnote 31: Cf. Arteaga, I., p. 69 (II., p. 58). Goldoni, Mem., I., p. 176.]
-
-[Footnote 32: Arteaga's criticism (Le Riv., c. 11) is in the main correct.
-Hiller's (Ueber Metastasio u. seine Werke. Leipzig, 1786) is far more
-partial. See also Rousseau, Dictionn. de Mus., Genie; Jacobs Nachtr. zu
-Sulzer, III., p. 95; Herder, Briefe z. Bef. d. Hum., VII., p. 117; A W.
-Schlegel, Vorles, 16 W, V., p. 350.]
-
-[Footnote 33: Karajan, Aus Metastasio's Hofleben (Vienna, 1861).]
-
-[Footnote 34: Burney remarks how the character of Metastasio is 'displayed in all
-his works (Reise, II., p. 170).]
-
-[Footnote 35: Metastasio, Opp. post., I., p. 384.]
-
-[Footnote 36: He mentions trifling compositions (Opp. post., I., pp. 386, 402);
-some are printed--e.g., 36 Canoni (Vienna Artaria, 1782).]
-
-[Footnote 37: Metastasio, Opp. post., I., p. 384.]
-
-[Footnote 38: Metastasio, Opp. post., II., p. 47.]
-
-[Footnote 39: Metastasio, Opp. post., II., p. 329. Cf. Mancini, Rifl. prat,
-sul canto fig., p. 234. Goldoni, Mem., I., 20, p. 110. Hagedom was of
-opinion that some of Metastasio's operas were perfect tragedies (Werke,
-V., p. 113), and Bodmer agreed with him (Ibid., p. 184).]
-
-[Footnote 40: Metastasio, Opp. post., II., p. 355. In an interesting letter to
-Hasse (Opp. post., I., p. 344), he dissects his Attilio Regolo,
-which Hasse was about to compose, so that he may grasp the musical
-characteristics; he enters into detail so minutely as to leave no doubt
-of his familiarity with musical technicalities.]
-
-[Footnote 41: Metastasio, Opp. post., II., pp. 38, 355.]
-
-[Footnote 42: Ap. Zeno writes in his own justification (Lett., III., p. 91):
-"Ho caricata poi l' opera di sentiment!, poiche questi sono cioe che piu
-piace alla Corte e mas-simamente al Padrone." Metastasio complains of
-Farinelli's writing an opera for the court ladies, who would only play
-virtuous parts (Opp. post., II., p. 39).]
-
-[Footnote 43: Zeno (Lett., II., p. 413; VI., pp. 100, 194, 287) and Metastasio
-(Opp. post., II., III., p. 164) complain bitterly of this.
-As an instance: to a finished opera for five characters a sixth was
-required to be added (Opp. post., II., p. 37).]
-
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII. MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.
-
-MOZART found rules as to the form and technicalities of the opera[1]
-seria rigidly laid down even to the minutest details, and he was the
-less tempted to disregard these, since the extraordinary ease of
-his invention prevented his ever finding a prescribed form to be a
-burdensome restriction. Mozart's mission was not to overstep the bounds
-of custom, but quietly and gradually to bring to perfection all that was
-genuine and true in the diverse elements of his time. He found the opera
-already in the hands of the vocalists, and execution had by this time
-asserted its victory over characterisation. He did not attempt to
-enter the lists against singers and public, but contented himself
-with striving for fair conditions. He was willing to write to the
-satisfaction of the singers, and for the display of their powers, but he
-saw no necessity for
-
-{"MITRIDATE."}
-
-(173)
-
-sacrificing to this object either musical beauty or dramatic force. At
-times the dramatic situations in Mozart's early operas are true and even
-striking; but the dramatic element yields on the whole to execution and
-euphony. It must not be overlooked that the apprehension of dramatic
-truth and character varies with different times and different nations,
-and that the genius of first-rate artists could inspire life into what
-now appears a lifeless assemblage of notes. But it must at the same time
-be allowed that Mozart's operas of this period come under the influence
-of a taste perverted in many respects, which the youthful master had not
-yet overcome; and his forced compliance with many purely conventional
-demands must of necessity have left traces on his work as deep and
-lasting as those of his creative genius.
-
-The opera of "Mitridate, Re di Ponto" (87 K.) was first adapted from
-Racine by the Abbe Parini, and revised by Vitt. Am. Cigna-Santi. The
-dramatis persona are as follows:--[See Page Image]
-
-On the news of the death of Mithridates the inhabitants of Nymphaea
-deliver up the keys of the town to his son Sifares. Aspasia seeks his
-protection against the suit of his brother Pharaaces, thereby betraying
-her partiality for Sifares, which he secretly returns. Pharaaces
-attempts to force his hand on Aspasia, whereupon Sifares throws himself
-between them; Arbates separates the contending brothers with
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(174)
-
-the news of the landing of Mithridates; they are reconciled, and agree
-to keep secret from their father what has passed. Marzio promises to the
-ambitious Phamaces the help of the Romans against his father.
-
-Mithridates enters, proud and courageous in spite of the defeat he has
-just suffered, and is received by his sons; he introduces to Pharnaces
-his destined bride Ismene, who regards Pharnaces with little favour.
-The demeanour of his sons awakens the suspicions of Mithridates, and on
-Arbates revealing to him the passion of Pharnaces for Aspasia, he falls
-into an extravagant rage. Pharnaces acknowledges to Ismene that he no
-longer loves her; whereat, wounded alike in her pride and her love,
-she complains to Mithridates. The latter resolves to punish him, and
-suspecting from Aspasia's cold demeanour towards himself that she
-returns the love of Pharnaces, he sets Sifares to watch her. The lovers
-of course now come to an understanding, but Aspasia virtuously commands
-Sifares to leave her for ever to the fulfilment of her duty.
-
-Mithridates, in order to test the fidelity of his sons, consults with
-them on the prosecution of the war; he discovers the complicity of
-Pharnaces with the Romans, and orders his imprisonment; Pharnaces
-acknowledges his cuilt, but accuses Sifares of the greater guilt
-of complicity with Aspasia. In order to try her, Mithridates offers
-generously to resign her hand to Pharnaces, which draws from her the
-confession of her love for Sifares; this so infuriates Mithridates that
-he resolves to slay his two sons and Aspasia. This is the crisis at
-which the second act is brought to a conclusion by a duet, in which the
-lovers declare death preferable to separation.
-
-In the third act, Ismene, repenting her resentment, strives to soften
-Mithridates, and Aspasia solicits Sifares' life with an assurance of
-his innocence; but, as she refuses to give her hand to Mithridates, he
-maintains his resolve, and the triple execution is to take place during
-a sally which he makes on the Roman host besieging the city. Aspasia is
-on the point of emptying the fatal bowl, when Sifares, who has been
-set free by Ismene, snatches it from her, and rushes against the enemy.
-Pharnaces, who has been released from his dungeon by the besieging
-Romans, is seized with compunction and returns to his obedience, setting
-fire to the Roman fleet. The Romans are defeated, but Mithridates is
-mortally wounded; before he dies he unites Aspasia and Sifares, and
-pardons Pharnaces, who has made his peace with Ismene.
-
-The opera consists of twenty-four numbers without counting the overture;
-they are all solo songs, except one duet and the concluding quintet.[2]
-The original score appears to be lost; but several detached numbers of
-this opera are
-
-{ANALYSIS OP "MITRIDATE."}
-
-(175)
-
-preserved in different forms of composition, showing that Mozart had
-made various experiments, more, doubtless, to please the singers than
-himself. Of the first air of Mithridates (7), "Se di lauri il crino
-adomo," there are four different sketched studies; Aspasia's song (13),
-"Nel grave tormento," is begun in a different form, but breaks off at
-once; five other numbers are completely worked out, but have given place
-to later arrangements.[3]
-
-This opera comes in all respects within the rules of the existing opera
-seria. Musical etiquette is strictly adhered to; the principal and
-secondary parts are divided in the usual way; the secondary parts are
-easier (not always simpler), and their character is tamer and less
-important, so that they may act as foils and connecting links to
-the principal parts. The chief singers had to be furnished with
-opportunities for making effect as soon as they appeared; and must have
-at least one great aria in each act. All this is carefully provided
-for. The compass and executive skill of the artists, more especially of
-Bernasconi and d' Ettore, must have been extraordinary. The division of
-the aria into two movements, which prevails here as elsewhere, favours
-the elaboration of details by affording more than one principal subject.
-We must not expect to find a uniform florid song, the ornamental
-passages growing out of and entwining the chief melody, like an
-architectural ornamentation; they form an integral part of the
-composition. The taste in such passages is essentially
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(176)
-
-fleeting, for it depended chiefly on the skill of the individual
-performer; what is most admired in one age is least pleasing to the
-next. The same dismemberment made itself apparent too, in the cantilene.
-The various vocal tricks, long notes, sustained melodies, long jumps,
-syncopated passages, &c., to which due effect had to be given, could
-not be thrown together without some connecting principle. For this
-the subjects of the songs were made use of, but the effect was still
-disjointed and inartistic. The detached phrases were usually still
-further separated by a full or a half cadenza, to which an instrumental
-interlude was often attached. No doubt this wealth of variety was then
-considered a great charm; now we miss unity of form and conception.
-The turns of harmony are generally monotonous and poor, the form of the
-cadenza with its trills is just as stereotyped as that of the present
-day with its suspended sixth, and both the singer and the public
-expected and required that this should be so. No doubt the freedom which
-was allowed to the singer in delivery often gave quite a different
-form to the cadenza, but the want of conception could at best but be
-concealed.
-
-These shortcomings are not to be ascribed in Mozart's case to youthful
-immaturity, but to the musical conditions of the time at which he
-wrote; they are equally observable in the works of the most experienced
-contemporary musicians, and were indeed hardly regarded as blemishes.
-The question involuntarily arises what there was in these early operas
-which could so enchant the public and draw from a master like Hasse the
-prediction that this youth would eclipse them all. A witty artist once
-declared that the public always requires novelty, but it must be novelty
-that they are acquainted with; anything really new demands too great an
-effort of comprehension from them. In this case, no doubt, the public,
-agreeably prepossessed by the readiness with which the work complied
-with all existing conditions, were quick to appreciate the skill and
-taste which were manifest, as well as a certain youthful freshness, and
-here and there traits more significant still of genius; traits in which
-Hasse recognised the germ of future development. We, who know Mozart in
-the full perfection of his powers, seek eagerly in
-
-{ANALYSIS OF "MITRIDATE."}
-
-(177)
-
-these earlier works for such indications as there are of his future
-greatness. Sometimes, even in the bravura songs, pure, grand touches of
-melody light up their conventional surroundings; these are usually
-in the second part, and in the minor key. The more dramatic
-"situation-songs" in which the composer made fewer concessions to the
-singers, are not only conciser in form, but more pregnant and original
-in expression.
-
-The most striking among them is the song of Aspasia (4). Upon the
-news of the arrival of Mithridates, whereby she knows Sifares to be
-in danger, and her love for him rendered hopeless, she utters these
-words:--
-
-     Nel sen mi palpita dolente il core
-     Mi chiama a piangere il mio dolore,
-     Non resistere, non so restar.
-
-     Ma se di lagrime umido e il ciglio
-     E solo, credimi, il tuo periglio
-     La cagion barbara del mio penar.
-
-Grief, which seems too deep for words, here breaks forth in such an
-uncontrollable flood of song, expressed with so much truth and nature,
-that a dramatic artist like Bernasconi would be sure to make an
-extraordinary effect by it. The simple, purely musical means
-employed, the expressive flowing melodies, rich harmonies, suitable
-accompaniments, and charming moderation of expression--all these show us
-the genuine Mozart.
-
-Should it be objected that the milk-and-water heroism of the piece
-is still further debased by gallantry in powder and gold lace, we can
-nevertheless claim for it, after all deductions made, a certain amount
-of stateliness and dignity. These qualities are indeed displayed more
-according to court etiquette than to classical antiquity, but they
-are unmistakably there, conformably to the manners of the time and the
-nation, and their artistic significance is not small. Mithridates,
-who has most of individual character after Aspasia, never forgets, as
-Sonnleithner justly observes, that he is first tenor as well as king;
-but on the other hand he always remembers that he is king as well as
-first tenor.
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(178)
-
-The text of the opera "Lucio Silla," composed in 1772 (135 K.), was
-written by Giovanni da Camera, and according to the preface, revised by
-Metastasio. The programme runs:--[See Page Image]
-
-Cecilio, a senator, banished by Silla, has secretly returned to Rome to
-learn the fate of his betrothed Junia, daughter of C. Marius; his friend
-Cinna warns him that Silla has spread the rumour of his death in
-order to win the hand of Junia; Cinna counsels him to meet her in a
-burial-place. Silla, whose suit has been repulsed by Junia, resolves
-to slay her. Cecilio awaits his betrothed in the dusky burial-place,
-surrounded by the trophies of Roman heroes. She enters, accompanied by
-noble youths and maidens, who call for vengeance on Silla, and lament by
-the urn of her father. When she is alone, Cecilio reveals himself. She
-takes him at first for a ghost, and they then express their joy in a
-duet.
-
-In the second act Aufidio, Silla's evil counsellor, advises him publicly
-to declare Junia as his betrothed, and thereby reconcile the contending
-factions; she will not be able to oppose the universal wish. Celia, his
-sister, who always counsels well, informs him of the ill-success of her
-appeal to Junia; he promises to unite Celia to her lover Cinna. Silla
-has scarcely departed, when Cecilio rushes in to murder him in obedience
-to a vision; Cinna counsels postponement, to which Cecilio at last
-consents. Ciana is now so engrossed in his plans for revenge that he
-scarcely heeds Celia, who tells him of their approaching happiness, and
-tries to persuade Junia to a feigned submission, and the murder of Silla
-in his bed-chamber. But she refuses to be guilty of high treason, and he
-resolves to slay Silla himself.
-
-Junia, who declares that she will never give her hand to Silla, is
-threatened with death, but nevertheless counsels Cecilio, who wishes to
-avenge her, to remain in concealment. Celia seeks in vain to persuade
-her by the portrayal of her own happiness, but cannot stifle gloomy
-
-{"LUCIO SILLA."}
-
-(179)
-
-anticipations. Silla announces from the capitol his intended union with
-Junia, and is answered by acclamations, but Junia endeavours to stab
-herself, which is prevented. Cecilio rushes in with drawn sword, is
-disarmed, and his death on the following day decreed by Silla; Cinna,
-entering also with drawn sword, sees that his plot has failed, and
-feigns to have come to Silla's protection. A terzet between Junia,
-Cecilio, and Silla concludes the act.
-
-In the third act Cecilio in fetters is informed by Cinna of the
-ill-success of his plot, and calls on him for vengeance. Junia declares
-her resolve to slay herself before Cecilio. Aufidio comes to fetch him,
-and the lovers take leave.
-
-Silla declares before the assembled people that this day shall give him
-vengeance and his heart's desire. Junia accuses him as the mur" derer of
-her betrothed, and calls on the people to avenge her. Silla pardons her
-and Cecilio, and unites the loving pair. Seized with compunction Cinna
-reveals his plot against Silla; he, too, receives pardon and the hand of
-Celia. Finally Silla forgives Aufidio his evil counsels, lays down the
-dictatorship, and restores freedom to Rome.
-
-The consideration of such a libretto as this renders comprehensible
-the esteem in which Metastasio's texts were held. There is no trace
-of psychological study of motive; Silla, a sort of distorted Titus,
-alternates between cruelty and remorse, and finally empties a perfect
-cornucopia of generosity on to the stage; Junia too is unequal and
-weak. The situations are one and all as if purposely arranged to lead to
-nothing; the poet has with difficulty disposed the numerous scenes so
-as to introduce the necessary songs in their proper order. And the verse
-itself is very far removed from the grace and melody of Metastasio.
-
-The score of the opera is preserved entire in Mozart's handwriting; it
-is in three parts, and has 610 pages. It contains besides the overture
-twenty-three numbers, among them three choruses (6, 17, 23), one duet
-(7), and one terzet (18). No wonder that the composer paid court to
-the singers! The mishap that deprived the opera of its tenor has been
-already narrated (p. 142). As the part devolved in the end on a very
-unpractised singer, the greater part of it was omitted, leaving only
-what was necessary for the coherence of the plot. The two songs (5, 13)
-are written for a singer whose voice and execution do not rise above the
-average, without any passages, and with a
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(180)
-
-moderate compass; the more elaborate instrumentation alone betrays that
-they are intended for a principal performer. Two other songs for Silla
-which are in the libretto were not composed at all, in order, no doubt,
-as Sonnleithner conjectures, to give the tenor as little as possible to
-do.
-
-All the more stress is laid on the parts of De Amicis and Rauzzini.
-Junia has four songs, which are all for a singer of the first rank.
-The special bravura song (II) is in the second act, "Ah, se il crudel
-periglio del caro ben ramento." Long passages of varied structure are
-here the chief considerations. One example among many will serve to show
-that Mozart was right in afterwards calling them "dreadful":--[See Page
-Image]
-
-Notwithstanding the bravura character of this song, its style is far
-from well defined; that of the entering song, "Della sponde tenebrose"
-(4), and of the third aria (16) is more marked. This last, "Parto, m'
-affretto, ma nel partire il cor si spezza, mi manca la anima," consists
-of a continuous and progressive allegro assai. An agitated phrase for
-the first violins--supported by an accompaniment for the second, runs
-through it almost without intermission; the harmonising is interesting
-
-{"LUCIO SILLA"--JUNIA.}
-
-(181)
-
-and varied; particularly effective is the immediate juxtaposition of
-major and minor keys; the whole song is strikingly expressive of an
-unsettled wavering mood.
-
-Passages such as--[See Page Image] are brilliant, but not, properly
-speaking, characteristic. At least they do not stamp the actual
-situation with individuality; they seem designed only to define the
-character and mood of the acting personage in their main features, like
-the masks of ancient tragedy. The more detailed analysis was left to
-the art and individuality of the performer, to whom the composer offered
-only the means of combining dramatic force with song. We can still
-recognise the essential features of the characters; but we are quite
-unable to realise either the animation with which great artists inspired
-them, or the effect they produced on the minds of contemporaries. It
-is a mistake to consider bravura and character as opposite terms;
-ornamental passages are quite susceptible of characteristic expression,
-if they are delivered at the right time and in the right way. Junia's
-songs express the character of a proud strong Roman woman, and an
-opportunity for dramatic analysis is offered to the performer even in
-the more florid songs. But the true dramatic expression is undisturbed
-in Junia's last song (22), "Fra i pensier piu funesti di morte veder
-parmi l' esangue consorte." The long adagio, followed by an allegro,
-is a distinct foreshadowing of the later form. The treatment of the
-orchestra too is significant. The flutes, oboes, and bassoons are in
-unison, and contrast with the stringed instruments, after a fashion not
-usual at the time: and in the allegro the orchestra is in significant
-opposition to the voice part, which is simple and unadorned, although
-calculated to give due effect to a fine voice; its dramatic expression
-is quite excellent.
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(182)
-
-In the part of Cecilio, written for Rauzzini, the regard paid to
-the singer is very apparent both in the compass of the voice, which
-comprises two octaves, and in the style. He was what may be called a
-scholarly singer, theoretically educated, and a composer himself, and
-difficulties are introduced evidently with a view to this. Thus, for
-instance, the recitative preceding his second aria is full of curious,
-sometimes harsh, turns and transitions in the harmonies; in the third
-aria such jumps as the following occur--[See Page Image] requiring no
-small certainty of execution. The first song (2), introduced by a fine
-expressive recitative, begins, as these male sopranos loved, with a
-long-sustained note, and'contains various brilliant passages; but it is
-quite without original invention. The second song (9) expresses a
-proud, free mood with strength and animation; the last (21) can only be
-explained as a freak of the performer. Cecilio, in the act of being led
-to execution, moved by Junia's tears, turns to her with the words--
-
-     Pupille amate
-     Non lagrimate!
-
-These tender, trifling words, are treated by Mozart with an exquisite
-grace which is quite foreign to the character and the situation of
-Cecilio, and, as Sonnleithner observes, would be much more suitable to a
-soubrette. Probably Rauzzini chose this way of ingratiating himself with
-the public.
-
-Besides the solo songs the opera contains a duet for J unia and Cecilio,
-and a terzet for the same and Silla, which are cleverly constructed,
-but not otherwise remarkable. The duet (7) consists of an andante and a
-somewhat tedious allegro, in which the voices go together for the most
-part in thirds or sixths, with little attempt at imitation. The terzet
-
-{"LUCIO SILLA"--ENSEMBLES.}
-
-(183)
-
-is well conceived. Each of the three voices has a characteristic motif,
-which is not elaborated, but set in contrast with the others; afterwards
-the lovers are set in opposition to Silla, and the expression is
-heightened by occasional use of the three voices together; in short,
-some traces are here discernible of the talent for musical architecture
-which Mozart afterwards displayed is so remarkable a degree.
-
-The scene which precedes the close of the first act deserves special
-notice; it is both conceived and executed with true dramatic force. In
-a hall (atrium), decorated with the trophies of his ancestors, Cecilio
-awaits in the twilight the coming of Junia. The varied emotions roused
-in him by the contemplation of the graves of departed heroes, and
-the yearnings of love, are graphically expressed in an accompanied
-recitative. Junia appears, escorted by noble Romans of both sexes. The
-chorus calling on the spirits of the heroes for support and vengeance
-is serious to solemnity, with striking harmonies and an independent
-treatment of parts, giving animation to the whole--an altogether
-excellent piece of music, with much dramatic effect. Junia joins in with
-a prayer to the shade of her father. The pain of a proud, strong spirit
-is expressed in a simple and dignified adagio, which gives a fine
-soprano voice full scope for the display of its capabilities. The prayer
-is followed by a curse pronounced on Silla by the chorus, powerful and
-animated, and a fitting close to this truly dramatic musical scene.
-A resemblance to the first chorus in Gluck's "Orfeo," pointed out
-by Sonnleithner, is too slight to be considered more than a mere
-suggestion.
-
-Among the secondary parts that of Celia has the most independence of
-character. Her two first songs (3 and 10) are, on the whole, simple and
-graceful, especially the second. Passages in Cinna's three songs (1,
-12, 20) and in the air for the second tenor, Aufidio, are calculated
-to display the powers of the artists, but the songs, as a whole, have
-little or no individuality.
-
-There are two choruses besides that which we have noted, but neither
-of them are so impressive. In the second act Silla's appearance on the
-capitol is greeted by a chorus which
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(184)
-
-is powerful, and supported by a running accompaniment. The last act is
-brought to a conclusion by a chorus, alternating with the solo voices,
-but the movement is unimportant.
-
-The overture consists of the usual three movements (Molto allegro 4-4,
-Andante 2-4, Molto allegro 3-8), and pretends to no connection with the
-opera itself, being altogether after the ordinary pattern. The treatment
-of the orchestra is not unusual. Trumpets are frequently used, and
-sometimes kettledrums; but this is of little moment--more interesting is
-the fact that the wind instruments are often freer and less subordinate
-to the strings than usual. An attempt is evident to render the
-accompaniment full and lively; the second violins have characteristic
-and occasionally imitative passages. But these are merely attempts;
-the influence of the traditional form overpowers all endeavours after
-a freer method; it displays itself in many mechanical habits, as, for
-instance, in the harmonic turn which almost invariably precedes the
-singers' cadenzas:--[See Page Image]
-
-The two festival operas composed in 1771 and 1772 belong in essentials
-to the opera seria, but were subject to certain special rules. The festa
-(azione) teatrale, also called serenata, were arranged with immediate
-reference to the person in whose honour they were given. They were
-usually also allegorical, the advantage of this kind of poetry being
-that it was capable of expressing more or less open flattery. A pastoral
-character was almost always given to the treatment of the old myths,
-so that the dramatic element was thrown into the background, and the
-brilliancy of the entertainment was left to depend principally on the
-magnificent costumes and scenery. The musical treatment became more
-openly and unreservedly undramatic, and the composer was satisfied with
-affording a means of display to the singers. The serenata was in the
-traditional three acts, but not bound by the scenic divisions of the
-opera
-
-{"ASCANIO IN ALBA," 1771.}
-
-(185)
-
-seria; as it originally served as an interlude to other festivities,
-it was usually also shorter. As a rule, it was only performed once; and
-took the second rank after the opera seria.[4] It was on this account
-that the festival piece was intrusted to young Mozart, the opera to
-Hasse.
-
-In "Ascanio in Alba" (111 K.) Parini[5] had endeavoured to produce
-a work worthy of a festivity such as the marriage of the Archduke
-Ferdinand with the Duchess Marie Beatrice d'Este. Divinities, heroes,
-and shepherds form the dramatis persona, and there are abundant
-choruses, ballets, and spectacular effects, with no lack of flattering
-by-play. The programme will serve to show what distinguished artists[6]
-were engaged to represent this piece:--[See Page Image]
-
-Venus, preceded and accompanied by a chorus of genue and graces, descends
-from heaven with her grandson Ascanio, and informs him that she desires
-to unite him with Silvia, a lovely and virtuous nymph of this her
-beloved land. Silvia is of the race of Hercules, and Cupid having caused
-her to see Ascanio in a vision, she already glows with secret love for
-him. Ascanio is filled with joy, and being counselled by Venus to
-prove Silvia's constancy before declaring himself to her, he expresses
-impatience at this postponement of his happiness. Fauno comes to the
-sacrifice with a chorus of shepherds, and reverently extols the
-goodness of Venus to the country and the people. Silvia then draws near,
-accompanied by Aceste and a chorus of nymphs and shepherds. The priest
-Aceste informs Silvia, whom he has brought up, that Venus herself
-intends to unite her to Ascanio, and to found a new city with their
-progeny, and expresses his
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(186)
-
-joy in a long aria. Silvia is amazed, and declares her love for the
-youth whom she has seen in her dreams; Aceste consoles her by saying
-that Venus must have sent the dreams, and she in her turn sings a long
-song denoting her joy. After all have retired to prepare the sacrifice
-Ascanio declares in an aria his delight with the charming Silvia; but
-Venus exacts that he shall yet make trial of her virtue.
-
-A ballet follows this act, in which the nymphs and graces astonish
-the shepherds by changing the grove into a splendid temple, the first
-building of the newly founded city.
-
-Silvia beholds this new erection with admiration, and utters her longing
-for the yet unknown beloved, in which she is supported by a chorus of
-shepherdesses. When Ascanio appears she recognises her lover in him; but
-as he feigns not to know her, she remains doubtful, and Fauno confirms
-her in the error that it is not he; she swoons. Ascanio laments that
-he cannot show himself in his true form, and departs, whereupon she
-revives, and makes known her anguish and determination to remain true
-to her duty in a long recitative and aria. Then he returns, and throws
-himself at her feet. She repulses him with the words, "Io son d'
-Ascanio," and flees, which gives him opportunity for a song full of
-tender admiration. Aceste, to whom she confides all, praises her for
-her virtue. Venus appears with the chorus of nymphs and shepherds, and
-presents Ascanio to Silvia as her spouse. After the lovers and Aceste
-have announced their joy in a terzet, Venus exhorts the young rulers to
-fulfil their duties faithfully to their subjects, and ascends to Olympus
-among the expressions of gratitude uttered by Aceste in the name of the
-people; and a joyful chorus brings the whole to a conclusion.
-
-The description which Fauno gives of the guardian divinity of the
-country, and the address of Aceste to Venus as she departs, contain so
-many allusions to Maria Theresa that non-recognition was impossible.
-Silvia too, of the race of Hercules (the name of Ercole was common in
-the family of D'Este), the pupil of Minerva and the muses, the pattern
-of virtue and modesty, is undoubtedly the Princess Beatrice, whose
-intellect, literary cultivation, and amiability were universally
-admired.[7] There was less to be said of the Archduke Ferdinand; nothing
-could be made of him but a fair youth with rosy cheeks. It is worthy
-of note that although mutual liking founded on beauty and spiritual
-endowments is highly extolled, yet, as became a royal wedding, the
-subjection of inclination to duty is made the
-
-{"ASCANIO IN ALBA," 1771.}
-
-(187)
-
-theme of highest praise. The union had not been consummated without
-difficulty,[8] and some anxiety was felt as to the relations of the
-young couple.
-
-"The Archduke and his wife are well and very happy," writes L. Mozart,
-"which must be a great satisfaction to Her Majesty the Empress, because
-it was feared that he would not think much of his wife, she not being
-beautiful; but she is uncommonly amiable, pleasant and virtuous,
-consequently beloved by every one, and she has quite captivated the
-Archduke, for she has the best heart and the most engaging manners in
-the world."
-
-The original score, in two volumes of 480 pages, is preserved: it
-contains twenty-two numbers. At the close of the first act we have
-the bass part of the ballet in nine numbers, written by a copyist,
-and affixed, doubtless as a guide to the conductor. L. Mozart writes
-expressly that the ballet which connects the two acts was to be composed
-by Wolfgang (September 7, 1771); there must have been a special score
-for the manager of the ballet which has not been preserved.
-
-We cannot help wondering that Hasse should have founded his prophecy
-of Mozart's future greatness on this opera, for it seems to us less
-original than its predecessors. It certainly displays talent and
-assurance, but there is not an original idea in any of the fourteen
-songs to be compared with those of the former operas. The accompanied
-recitatives do not arrest attention, the most animated among them being
-the recitative (13) in which the lovers, seeing each other for the first
-time, express their agitation in asides. Contrary to custom, the wind
-instruments are employed in the recitative; but otherwise the treatment
-of the orchestra calls for no remark. One song of Silvia's (11) is
-accompanied by four horns (two in G, two in D) without any singular
-effects; the last song of Ascanio (18) has, besides horns, bassoons and
-flutes, two serpentini (in F), instruments which, Schindler suggests,
-resembled the English horn.
-
-The most prominent among the singers was Manzuoli, for whose part Mozart
-now applied the instruction he had
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(188)
-
-formerly received from him in London (p. 41). It is written for a
-mezzo-soprano, keeps always to the middle notes, and has no passages
-at all; only here and there easy embellishments. The simple lingering
-melody is not without feeling, which, however, never rises to passion.
-The first song (2) begins with a long-sustained note, whilst the last
-resembles those in "Lucio Silla" in its tender playful grace.
-
-There is more variety in the part composed for Maria Ant.
-Girelli-Aguilar, who sang in Gluck's "Aristeo" and "Orfeo" in Parma
-(1769). The first cavatina (7) is simple, graceful, and complete
-in design and treatment; two others (8, 11) are bravura songs, with
-brilliant passages, the melody having an air of dignity, which is also
-apparent in the last song (16), both in the adagio and the allegro.
-
-Gius. Tibaldi, whom Gluck had summoned to Vienna, where in 1767 he sang
-the part of Admetus[9] in "Alceste," was already in years, and his voice
-past its prime; his two songs (6, 19) are adorned with long passages,
-which imply a very fluent singer.
-
-In the closing terzet (21) the voices are at first contrasted in
-detached characteristic motifs; but afterwards the soprano and tenor
-are grouped together with alternating passages, while Manzuoli's part
-retains its simplicity of character.
-
-Of the two secondary characters, to each of whom two songs were
-assigned, it is to be noted that they have a higher compass than the
-principal singers. Their songs, too, are richly provided with passages;
-but their character is perceptibly subordinate.
-
-The choruses, seven in number, were a great ornament to the piece.
-They do not interfere with the action, and five are in connection with
-dances. Also in the overture, on the conclusion of the first animated
-allegro, the second movement changes into a dance "of eleven females,"
-as L. Mozart writes, "either eight nymphs and three graces, or eight
-graces and three goddesses," and instead of the third
-
-{"ASCANIO IN ALBA"--CHORUSES.}
-
-(189)
-
-movement[10] a chorus of nymphs and graces with corresponding ballet is
-introduced, the orchestra retaining the character of a third movement
-of the overture, and the voices (four or two-part) filling out the
-harmonies after the manner of wind instruments, but in a freer, more
-flowing style. The chorus is repeated on both occasions when Venus
-ascends to heaven. Most of the other choruses are also repeated like
-refrains on appropriate occasions; the second (3) is given six times.
-It is in two parts, for tenor and bass, and remarkable for its
-accompaniment of 2 flutes, 2 oboes, 2 bassoons (and violon-celli), 2
-horns, and double-bass, but not otherwise original. The following chorus
-(5), introduced by a short intrada, which announces Silvia's approach
-(four-part, but interrupted by two short three-part movements) is
-blithe and animated. The accompaniment has an independent passage in
-dance-measure for the violins; the voices move with spirit and freedom.
-The second act begins with two female choruses. The first, two-part
-(12), acquaints Silvia of the approach of her lover, and is lively and
-fresh; the two voices alternate easily in imitative phrases.
-
-Still more animated is the next three-part chorus (17), when, Silvia
-having repulsed Ascanio and fled, the chorus express surprise in a short
-imitative movement addressed to Venus. The following chorus (20), which
-is repeated three times, has simple harmonies, but is powerful and
-effective. The concluding chorus (22) is effectively worked up after the
-manner of the first into a quick animated movement, followed by a full
-ballet.
-
-The choruses, heightened by the scenic arrangements, must have
-contributed greatly to the success of the opera. They display so much
-freedom and assurance, such perfect mastery of method in order to attain
-the truest effect, that perhaps it was here that Hasse recognised the
-footprints of the lion.
-
-The second festival piece, composed in honour of the
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(190)
-
-newly elected Archbishop Hieronymus in 1772, was Metas-tasio's "Sogno
-di Scipione" (126 K.), an allegorical poem in one act, on a classical
-model.[11]
-
-To the younger Scipio, asleep in the Palace of Massinissa, appear
-Steadfastness (Costanza) and Fortuna, and require him to decide which of
-the two he will choose for his guide through life. On his demanding
-time for consideration, Fortuna depicts in a song her fleeting, unstable
-nature. Costanza answers his question as to where he is by telling
-him he is in heaven, instructs him on the harmony of the spheres, and
-informs him that he is in that region of heaven where his departed
-ancestors abide. These approach him in a chorus, and from their midst
-steps out the elder Scipio Africanus, who acquaints him with the
-immortality of the soul, and the reward of the good in another life.
-Then Scipio's father, Emilius Paulus, draws near; he shows him the earth
-as a little point in boundless space, and warns him of the nothingness
-of all earthly things in comparison to the heavenly. Struck by this,
-Scipio wishes at once to leave earth and remain with his forefathers,
-but Africanus refuses, telling him that he is destined to save Rome, and
-that he must therefore tarry on earth, and earn by his great deeds the
-reward of immortality. Africanus refuses also to influence by his advice
-Scipio's choice between the two goddesses, who now demand his decision.
-Fortuna, who has more than once expressed her impatience, again depicts
-her omnipotence, which Costanza opposes with a representation of her
-victorious strength. On Scipio's declaring himself in favour of the
-latter, Fortuna threatens him with her heaviest penalties, the dazzling
-apparition disappears, a tremendous storm breaks forth, and Scipio
-awakes in the Palace of Massinissa, and declares himself true to
-Costanza.
-
-The allusions to the circumstances under which the piece was first
-produced on October 1, 1735--the birthday of Charles VI., who had
-suffered severe defeats in Italy--are evident enough, especially in the
-speeches of Africanus and Costanza. Nevertheless, the Licenza comes at
-the conclusion, making a direct address to the hero of the occasion,
-and winding up with a formal congratulation in the form of an aria and
-chorus.
-
-{SOGNO DI SCIPIONE," 1772.}
-
-(191)
-
-This occasional piece was considered by the Salzburg authorities to be
-a suitable greeting to the new Archbishop without any alteration,
-apparently on account of its philosophic moral reflections, and it may
-indeed be considered as a good example of the dramatic treatment of such
-reflections.[12] Dramatic the treatment can hardly be called; it is a
-kind of concert in costume. It is difficult to comprehend how Scipio can
-act or sing songs while he is supposed to be dreaming; yet Metastasio
-makes him awake from his dream at the end of the piece.[13]
-
-Mozart's composition, of which the original score, in one volume of 315
-pages, is preserved, has more of a concert character than any other of
-his dramatic works of the period. It keeps strictly within the customary
-limits, and is poor in original invention, giving just the impression of
-work done to order; the score bears traces also of great haste.
-
-The overture closes with the second and slower movement, which prepares
-the scene for the slumbering Scipio by a change from the principal key
-of D major to E major, and a _decrescendo_ to _pp_.[14] This, and the
-accompanied recitative, that closes with the storm in the midst of
-which Scipio returns to earth, are the only dramatic or characteristic
-movements. It is curious that the opportunity for an obbligato
-recitative (for instance, at the description of the harmony of the
-spheres) is never taken advantage of; the long speeches are all in plain
-recitative.
-
-Not one of the ten songs has any dramatic characterisation; even the
-parts of Fortuna and Costanza do not offer any marked contrast. Each
-of them has two songs--one freely conceived in a broad style, with full
-orchestral accompaniments, the other of smaller design, and both richly
-provided with high passages. First, Fortuna sings her principal song
-(2), and Costanza her shorter one (3); afterwards the case is
-
-{MOZART'S EARLY OPERAS.}
-
-(192)
-
-reversed (8, 9); but the character, pitch, and formation of the songs
-differ so little that apart from the words they might easily be mistaken
-the one for the other. There is a second composition of the Licenza
-in existence, pointing by its handwriting, firm structure, and the
-independence and delicate treatment of the orchestra, to a considerably
-later date.
-
-The three Roman heroes all sing tenor. Africanus has a great bravura
-song (5), with passages as high as C in alt; his second is quieter and
-simpler, and makes an attempt at characterisation; the image of the
-rock, standing immovable in the sea, is sketched in sober colours. The
-song of Emilius Paulus has a kind of dance measure, not very lively, and
-reminding us of a polonaise; the words "un fanciullin che piange" are
-illustrated by a chromatic scale. Finally, Scipio has two bravura songs
-(1, 10) with many passages, the second being remarkable for its length.
-
-But, indeed, most of the songs are of great length, and introduced by
-long ritomelli. Where there is no distinct second part, the Da capo
-comes into use; the middle movements are short and lightly treated. The
-orchestra displays some freedom and independence, but is not equal to
-"Ascanio."
-
-The two choruses are of the usual opera type. The first (4), in which
-Scipio is greeted by his ancestors, is not without power and dignity,
-but it has no characterisation, and is almost throughout in harmony;
-only once the voices make an attempt during a few bars at independent
-movement.
-
-In the concluding chorus (12) the voices complete the harmony in the
-usual way to a running accompaniment.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-[Footnote 1: Leop. v. Sonnleithner has treated thoroughly and well of Mozart's
-earlier operas. (Cacilia, XXIII., p. 233; XXIV., p. 65; XXV., p. 65).]
-
-[Footnote 2: The quintet is omitted in the copy at the Paris Conservatoire, but
-is present in that at the British Museum (A. M. Z., 1864, p. 495).
-A song in the third act of the libretto, for Aspasia, is altogether
-omitted.]
-
-[Footnote 3: They are as follows:--]
-
-(1) Aria for Aspasia, "Al destin che la minnacia," in G major, elaborate
-and rather stiff.
-
-(8) Aria for Ismene, "In faccia al oggetto," in B major 3-4., with
-a middle movement, in G minor 2-4, Allegretto; pretty but not very
-striking.
-
-(12) Aria for Sifare, "Lungi da te mio bene," in D major, Adagio; a
-long-sustained but somewhat spiritless cantilene. It breaks off in 'the
-middle movement in G major 3-4.
-
-(17) Duet in E flat major, much more elaborate; both the Adagio and
-Allegro are repeated. The duet has many passages in thirds, but is also
-somewhat stiff.
-
-(19) Aria for Mitridate "Vado incontro al fato estremo," in F major.
-The rhythm is forcible and haughty, the harmonies unusually bold and
-striking. Perhaps this led to its rejection by the singer; the aria
-which was inserted in its stead doss not rise above the average in these
-respects.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Marpurg, Krit. Beitr., III., p. 44.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Opere 41 Gius. Parini publicate ed illustrate da Franc. Reina
-(Milan, 1802).]
-
-[Footnote 6: The three chief characters had already appeared together at
-Bologna in 1762, in Gluck's "Trionfo di Clelian Bologna" (Dittersdorf,
-Lebensbeschr.,p. 108).]
-
-[Footnote 7: Bjoernstahl, Briefe, II., p, 296. Teutsch. Mercur, 1789, III., p.
-299.]
-
-[Footnote 8: Erinnenmgen an Meyer, I., p. 77.]
-
-[Footnote 9: Hiller, Woech. Nachr., III., p. 132.]
-
-[Footnote 10: Andre conjectures that a separate last movement of a symphony (120
-K.) which is identical in paper and writing with the score of Ascanio,
-was intended to serve as a conclusion to the overture when it was
-performed independently.]
-
-[Footnote 11: The subject is taken from Cicero's Somnium Scipionis, which is
-followed even in details; Metastasio has incorporated the myth of Silius
-Italicus, who in the fifteenth book of his "Punica" makes Virtus and
-Voluptas appear to Scipio, that he may choose between manly courage and
-sensual enjoyment; Metastasio makes the apparitions Costanza and Fortuna
-ta suit the occasion.]
-
-[Footnote 12: G. A. Moreschi, Riflessioni intorno le feste ed azione teatrali
-(vor Metastasio, Opp., XII., p. IV.).]
-
-[Footnote 13: Metastasio recommends this ending to Farinelli's imitation. (Opp.
-post, I., p. 301).]
-
-[Footnote 14: This overture has also been prepared for independent performance by
-the addition of a closing movement (161 K.).]
-
-
-===
-
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-CHAPTER IX. ORATORIO.
-
-THE commonly received opinion[1] that the oratorio originated in the
-devotional exercises held in the oratories of monasteries,
-
-{ORIGIN OF ORATORIO.}
-
-(193)
-
-and thrown into the form of a musical drama by Filippo Neri (1515-1595),
-is without foundation. All that can confidently be asserted is that he
-caused _laudi spirituali_, a kind of motett,[2] to be sung by way
-of recreation, and that he organised carnival performances
-("rappresentazioni") which withdrew the mind from worldly follies;[3]
-whether, and in what degree, music had to do with these we do not
-know.[4]
-
-The "Rappresentazione dell' Anima e del Corpo," by Emilio de' Cavalieri,
-who sought to reproduce the old tragedy on the same principles as Peri
-in the opera, was arranged for representation on a stage ("palco"),
-with scenery, costumes, and dances, and contained recitatives and
-choruses.[5] One performance took place, according to the preface to the
-score, in February, 1599, in the oratorium of the church of S. Maria,
-in Vallicella,[6] and this Della Valle remembered having attended when a
-boy.[7] Henceforward sacred dialogues and
-
-{ORATORIO.}
-
-(194)
-
-dramas set to music were frequent in Rome and elsewhere, and were given
-not only before the congregation _dell' oratorio_,[8] but in churches,
-monasteries, and palaces. The history of the development of these
-rappresentazione or azione sacra, also called oratorio,[9] has not yet
-been traced in detail.[10]
-
-In time the performances were confined to Lent, when no opera was
-given, and although action and costume gradually disappeared from the
-churches,[11] and the whole assumed more and more the form of a concert,
-yet the dramatic element, or at least the dialogue, always remained.
-
-The connection with the service of the church was so far maintained that
-a mass and an address from a boy preceded the oratorio, and a sermon was
-delivered between its two parts.[12]
-
-The growth of the azione sacra kept pace with that of the opera seria.
-
-Apostolo Zeno defined the form of the oratorio by giving it unity of
-action, time and place, and strict dramatic treatment, and Metastasio
-carried on and completed the work just as he had done in the opera.
-Its division was into two, not three parts, otherwise the arrangement
-corresponded altogether with that of the opera. The characters enter
-speaking; recitative is employed for the dialogue, and the airs serve
-
-{"LA BETULIA LIBBRATA," 1773.}
-
-(195)
-
-to express the higher emotions; concerted songs occur but seldom, but
-the choruses are frequent, and more often form a part of the action than
-in the opera.
-
-The subject-matter is borrowed from the Bible, generally the Old
-Testament, or from some old legend; but both persons and plot must of
-necessity be devised, so as to represent the story in a succession of
-dialogues. An effort is made to preserve the biblical diction in the
-poetry, but the animated rhetorical style of Italian poetry decidedly
-gets the upper hand. Moral and religious reflections are the almost
-invariable themes of the songs and choruses, which have rarely any
-individual character. In this respect, as well as in the dearth of
-dramatic action, the azione sacra comes nearer to the so-called azione
-teatrale than to the genuine opera seria.
-
-The legend of Judith is treated as follows by Metastasio, in his
-oratorio "La Betulia Liberata," which has often been composed.[13]The
-_dramatis persona_ ("interlocutori") are:--[See Page Image]
-
-Ozia reproaches the desponding inhabitants of Bethulia for their
-cowardice, and declares his resolution not to give up the city to the
-enemy. Amital and Cabri oppose him, describing the sufferings of the
-people from famine and sickness. In vain he reminds them how the Lord
-has helped their fathers, they demand admission to Holofernes, and it is
-with difficulty that he obtains a delay of five days, and calls upon God
-for help, with the chorus. Then Judith enters; horrified at
-
-{ORATORIO.}
-
-(196)
-
-the decision, she upbraids them for their cowardice which dares to doubt
-God's mercy and set a limit to His power: "il primo e vile, temerario
-il secondo." Her song (5) may serve as a standard for the style of this
-poetry:
-
-     Del pari infeconda
-     D' un flume e la sponda,
-     Se torbido eccede,
-     Se manca d' amor.
-     Si acqaista baldanza
-     Per troppo speranza,
-     Si perde la fede
-     Per troppo rumor.
-
-She exhorts the trembling people to trust and patience, and informs them
-that she has formed a great resolve, which as yet she can communicate
-to no one; while she prepares herself, all are to unite in prayer;
-the former chorus is repeated. Carmi brings Achior as a prisoner, who
-relates that, having told Holofemes of the courage of the Israelites and
-the wonderful power of their God, who renders them invincible as long
-as they trust in Him, he has been sent into the city to share its
-destruction. Judith approaching, is left alone with Ozia, who is
-surprised to see her richly adorned; she demands egress from the town
-with her maid, and departs, the chorus (in the distance) expressing
-astonishment at her enterprise.
-
-In the second part Ozia seeks to convince the heathen Achior that there
-is but one God. Before his arguments have been quite successful Amital
-enters and describes the death-stillness, expressive of the extreme
-of need and despair, which hangs over the city. Shrieks and tumult
-interrupt him; Judith returns, and relates how she has slain Holofernes;
-she holds the decapitated head before the incredulous Achior, who swoons
-for fear. After Judith's song, he comes to himself and declares his
-conversion to the faith of the God of Abraham. Carmi enters, and relates
-that at Judith's bidding they had raised a war-cry; the Assyrians,
-discovering the death of Holofernes, were seized with terror and fled
-precipitately.
-
-A song of thanksgiving to God, in which Judith leads the chorus, forms
-the conclusion.
-
-The composers treated the oratorio in the same way as the opera
-seria,[14] only that the want of dramatic variety favoured the adoption
-of the concert style of music. In its form there was no important
-difference; we find the same treatment of the recitatives, secco and
-obbligato, of the songs and of all important parts, including the
-choruses; only
-
-{"BETULIA"--OVERTURE.}
-
-(197)
-
-that the bass voice is made use of in solo singing. We might expect to
-find the musical conceptions inspired by earnestness and reverence;
-and this was so far the case that the oratorio excluded all that was
-trifling, voluptuous, or that related to the passion of love. But a
-religious tone was entirely wanting, and the operatic style was only
-modified, not essentially altered. Every song in an oratorio would have
-been quite in place at a corresponding point in an opera seria, and many
-operatic songs might have been transferred to an oratorio with perfect
-propriety. The bravura of the vocalists was considered as appropriate in
-the churches as on the stage, only that a certain amount of moderation
-was becoming.
-
-During Lent, when the opera was closed, the public looked for
-entertainment to the oratorios, and flattered themselves that they were
-at the same time fulfilling a religious duty, because the performance
-took place in a church.
-
-Mozart's music to "Betulia Liberata" (118 K.) is quite on this level.
-There are unfortunately no indications of time or place on the original
-score, which exists in two volumes of 382 pages and fifteen numbers; the
-handwriting and composition place it undoubtedly between 1770 and 1773.
-As we know that Mozart received a commission for an oratorio at Padua
-in March, 1771, it may safely be conjectured that this was the "Betulia
-Liberata," and that it was performed in Padua in 1772.[15]
-
-The three movements of the overture in D minor are quiet and more
-concentrated than usual; the arrangement of the parts is more
-independent, with attempts at imitative treatment. Besides oboes and
-bassoons, there are four horns (in D and F), and trumpets (in D), used
-frequently and in the same manner as at present.
-
-{ORATORIO.}
-
-(198)
-
-A secco recitative follows the overture; the music never rises above the
-dialogue, with its long, sermonising speeches and rhetorical bombastic
-reflections. There are only two accompanied recitatives: the first
-occurs when Judith upbraids the people; short and skilfully modulated
-instrumental phrases interrupt the animated declamation, and the whole
-is lively and expressive. Later on Judith delivers the long narrative
-of her adventure with Holofemes (II) in an accompanied recitative.
-The stringed instruments strike the chord in a high pitch, with which
-Judith's alto voice strongly contrasts. There are but few agitated
-passages; but, indeed, even in stirring moments the music never reaches
-anything like characterisation. The prayer of Judith at the most
-critical point of the piece is not conspicuous either for tunefulness or
-varied accompaniment.
-
-The solo parts are distributed among all the four voices: for Amital,
-Cabri and Carmi are soprani, Judith alto, Ozia tenor, and Achior bass;
-they are never united in an ensemble, and there is not one duet.
-
-Judith has three airs, besides a solo with chorus. The first (5)
-approaches as near as possible to a bravura song. The words are
-expressed with grace and animation. The passages are neither predominant
-nor tedious, which is doubtless due in part to the singer for whom the
-part was composed, for the second song (7), powerful and dignified as
-it is, is also without passages; it begins with the favourite
-long-sustained note. The chief movement of the last song (11)--a long
-adagio with a carefully composed accompaniment--is finely descriptive
-of Judith's mood, but there is no appeal to the feelings by beautiful
-melody. The whole part is not bravura in the strictest sense; the deeper
-alto notes are only occasionally employed.
-
-That this moderation of style was not inseparable from the character
-of oratorio music, may be seen from the parts of Amital and Ozia. The
-second song for Amital (10) and the first for Ozia (1) are regular
-serious bravura songs, with passages, long-sustained notes, and florid
-accompaniments. Amital's last song (13) is solemn and earnest, to suit
-the words, but still keeps the performer well in view; Ozia's
-
-{"BETULIA"--ARIE, CHORUSES.}
-
-(199)
-
-second song is soft and graceful, and the first which reminds us of
-Mozart's later style.
-
-The bass part of Achior is less carefully written, and not nearly so
-bravura in style. The first song (6) is more noisy than vigorous, both
-in voice and accompaniment. This boisterous treatment of the bass voice
-was then common, and it was on that account excluded from the opera
-seria.[16] In this place it accords with the dread apparition of
-Holofernes which is described. The second song of Achior, after his
-conversion (12), is very simple and insignificant; the accompaniment is
-partly imitative.
-
-The two airs of Cabri (2) and Carmi (14) are, as usual with secondary
-parts, simple, and not without expression, but in no way original.
-
-The traditional aria form is adhered to in almost all the songs. The
-second part, distinct from the first in composition if not in time and
-measure, is short and superficially treated; generally only the last
-part of the first movement is repeated. The latter is broadly conceived,
-with long ritomelli; the invariable cadenza is brought in in the usual
-way. The accompaniment resembles that of operatic songs, but is
-more carefully worked out. Original passages for the second
-violins--sometimes, too, for the violas--occur, here and there, as well
-as attempts at imitation; and the wind instruments are occasionally
-employed independently. All these attempts show decided talent, but
-they are few and far between, and the orchestra has not the stamp of
-independent vigour.
-
-The choruses, although occupying more space in the composition, do not
-materially differ from those of the opera. The concluding chorus of the
-first part (8) is like a study for a recitative, turned into a chorus
-by means of the accompaniment, which consists of two alternate strongly
-marked subjects. The elaboration is not contrapuntal, but
-
-{ORATORIO.}
-
-(200)
-
-harmonic, and a simple but rich modulation gives significance to the
-movement. The voices give the full harmony, and a moderate amount of
-agitation in the melody and rhythm appears when the declamation demands
-it. The favourable pitch, the interesting modulation, the characteristic
-accompaniments, and the dignified seriousness which runs through the
-whole, all combine to make this chorus effective and excellent of its
-kind.
-
-The two other choruses are prayers connected with solos. The first (4)
-is very simple. Ozia sings a melodious, beautifully conceived cantilene,
-full of feeling, which is accompanied by the violins pizzicato, and the
-chorus ends with a repetition of the two last lines. The second verse,
-with a change of composition, preserves the same character; after which
-the first is repeated, and leads with effective climax to a full close.
-
-The last chorus is more grandly conceived. Judith answers the
-thanksgiving of the chorus in two strophes descriptive of the victory,
-and then the chorus falls in again; this is repeated three times, and
-a moral reflection follows as a closing chorus. Mozart has chosen an
-ancient church melody for the refrain of the chorus:--[See Page Image]
-
-The melody is four-part, the partially varied harmony dignified and
-powerful, and interesting in its simplicity; the voices are well treated
-and animated. At the fourth
-
-{"BETULIA"--COMPARISON WITH HASSE.}
-
-(201)
-
-repetition Mozart has assigned the Cantus firmus, somewhat altered in
-the second part, to the tenor voice:--[See Page Image]
-
-Thence he passes to the closing chorus. The solo part of Judith, simple,
-dignified, and earnest, resembles a regular song; but the declamatory is
-more prominent than the melodious element. Although somewhat overpowered
-by the chorus, the character of Judith is here most significantly
-expressed. Whenever Mozart allows himself free play, he exhibits
-originality, truth, and earnestness.
-
-The closing chorus is lively and brilliant, but kept in moderation, and
-its character is not without strength and dignity.
-
-That this conception of the oratorio was not peculiar to Mozart, but was
-the then commonly received one, is plain from a comparison of this with
-other contemporary oratorios--with those, for instance, by Hasse, which
-are reckoned among his most important works. Whoever should form, on
-the strength of the eulogies pronounced by Hiller on the oratorio
-"Sant-Elena al Calvario,"[17] a conception of this
-
-{ORATORIO.}
-
-(202)
-
-and similar pieces founded on our present ideas of sacred music, would
-find himself much deceived. Here, as in all Hasse's oratorios, the
-art of the vocalist is the determining element, and the expression of
-emotion coincides in essentials with that of the opera. The differences
-in Mozart's oratorio are unimportant, and are founded on variations in
-the taste of the time and of the composer.
-
-Hiller speaks with great admiration of the pilgrims' chorus, to which
-Hasse has set the chorale "O Lamb of God" in such a way "that its whole
-attraction consists in the alternation of the voices and of the various
-instruments among whom the melody is divided; the bass and violin are
-in unison throughout, and give animation to the whole, with a simplicity
-that is worth more than ten fugues, and which betrays more insight into
-the true beauty of song than the most artistic counterpoint." It almost
-seems as if Hiller wished to point at J. S. Bach, and remembering some
-of the marvellous creations of Bach--for instance, the first chorus in
-the St. Matthew "Passion Music"--the contrast between different artistic
-tendencies and personalities can hardly be better exemplified than by
-comparing him and Hasse. Hasse has succeeded in bringing the chorale
-into accordance with the Italian style of his oratorio, but he loses
-thereby the proper significance and effect of the chorale. The way in
-which Mozart has introduced the Catholic church melodies unaltered is,
-from this point of view, grander and more striking. And Hasse was looked
-upon in Mozart's day as a representative of the good old times in the
-traditions of which he had been educated.
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-
-[Footnote 1: Winterfeld, Gabrieli, II., p. 146. Kiesewetter, Schicks. d. weltl.
-Ges., p. 58.]
-
-[Footnote 2: P. J. Bacci, vita di S. Filippo Neri (Rom., 1646), I., 19,4 p. 81:
-Che si cantasse ordino qualche laude spirituale per sollevamento degli
-animi degli ascoltanti.]
-
-[Footnote 3: Bacci, II., 7,11: Nel tempo del camevale per levar loro 1' occasione
-di andar al corso o aile commedie lascive era solito far fare delle
-rappresentationi.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Menestrier (Des Repres. en Musique, p. 191)--followed by Bonnet,
-Hist.de Musique, p. 373, or Bourdelot, Hist, de Mus. I., p. 295--ascribes the
-introduction of "musique dramatique" to Filippo Neri: "faisant composer
-par les plus habiles maitres de musique des recits et des dialogues sur
-les principaux sujets de l'ecriture sainte, il faisoit chanter par les
-plus belles voix de Rome ces recits dans son eglise," and brings forward
-as examples "Jesus and the Samaritan Woman," "Job and his Friends," "The
-Annunciation," &c. But he seems to have forestalled later performances.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Burney,Gen. Hist, of Mus., IV., p. 96. Kiesewetter, Schicks d.
-weltl. Ges., p. 44.]
-
-[Footnote 6: Schelle thought that the vastness of the oratorium of the Chiesa
-Nuova was unsuited for such performances (N. Zeitschr. f. Mus., LX., p.
-79); but there is decided testimony against this view.]
-
-[Footnote 7: P. delle Valle, in a letter written 1640. Doni, Opp., II.]
-
-[Footnote 8: The celebrated male soprano, Vittorio Loreto, who entered the Papal
-Kapelle in 1620 (Lindner zur Tonkunst, p. 43), enchanted the public with
-a Magdalene's song, probably by Dom. Mazocchi (Kircher, Musurg., VII.,
-9 t. I., p. 674), which he executed in sacello patrun congregations
-oratorue (Erythraeus, pinac. II., 68).]
-
-[Footnote 9: According to Quadrio (Stor. di ogni poes., V., p. 425) the term
-oratorio was first used by Franc. Balducci (d. 1642); in Allacci's
-Dramaturgia (Ven., 1755) it often occurs after 1659; historians of
-literature, such as Muratori (d. Perfetta Poesia, III., 5) or Apostolo
-Zeno (Fontanini, Bibl. d. Eloq. Ital., I., p.489) use it as the
-customary one.]
-
-[Footnote 10: The treatises of Fink (in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopedie, III., 4
-p. 405) and Keferstein (A. M. Z., XLV.,p. 873) are very unsatisfactory,]
-
-[Footnote 11: During Lent oratorios were performed in the theatres even at
-a later date. Goethe (Werke, XIX., p. 182) saw "The Destruction
-of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar" in Naples. Cf. Dittersdorfs
-Lebensbeschreibung, p. 144. Teutsch. Mercur, 1789, III., p. 218.]
-
-[Footnote 12: Hiller, Woechentl. Nachr., I., p. 47. Burney, Reise, I., p. 276. At
-Vienna oratorios were regularly performed in the Imperial Chapel, and
-afterwards in the theatre, for charitable objects.]
-
-[Footnote 13: It was first brought out at Vienna in 1734, with music by Reutter;
-afterwards composed by Flor. Gassmann (Dittersdorfs Selbstbiogr., p.
-203), and partially adapted by Salieri in 1821 (Wiener mus. Ztg., V.,
-p. 294). It was also composed by Jomelli, Cafaro, Bernasconi in
-Munich, 1754, Sales in Coblenz, 1783, Schuster and Naumann in Dresden
-(Reichardt, Berl. mus. Ztg., I., p. 171), and by Mussini in Berlin
-(Ibid., II., p. 39), &c.]
-
-[Footnote 14: Scheibe, Krit. Musi eus, 22, p. 216.]
-
-[Footnote 15: Andre informs me that, according to a book of words with which I
-am unacquainted, this oratorio was performed in Lent of 1786 (not at
-Vienna, as Sonnleithner inferred), and Mozart appears to have composed
-another introductory chorus, "Qual fiero caso," and a quintet, "Te solo
-adoro," which Andre conjectures to be in Berlin; they have not been
-found, however (Nohl, Musiker-briefe, pp. 335, 337)]
-
-[Footnote 16: Mattheson, Critica Musica, I., p. no: "Dass die tiefen Singbaesse
-einer Harmonie viele Majestaet, viele Harmonie und force geben, ist
-unstreitig; ob aber allemahl etwas agreable, und nicht vielmehr sehr
-oft was rude und entsetzliches dabei vermacht sey, will dem Zuhoerer
-uberlaasen."]
-
-[Footnote 17: Hiller, Woechentl. Nachr., I., pp. 326, 343, 353.]
-
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-
-
-CHAPTER X. OPERA BUFFA.
-
-OPERA BUFFA was a gradual outgrowth from the opera seria, in which
-originally comic characters took part in burlesque scenes.
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(203)
-
-Even so late as 1718, when Scarlatti's "Telemacco" was produced,
-there were scenes of coarse humour between Tersite and Silvina in
-this otherwise conventionally correct opera.[1] When, however, the
-discrepancy between these and the dignity and purity of the opera seria
-came to be fully felt, the comic scenes were detached, generally
-without much difficulty, and given as independent additions, between the
-acts.[2] It had long been the custom to interpose between the acts of
-the spoken drama--tragedies as well as comedies--musical representations
-which had no connection with the piece itself, and were called intermedi
-or intermezzi, and in the opera both the comic scenes and the ballets
-were gradually loosed from their connection with the main body of the
-work and placed between the acts. The relish of the audience for these
-comic interludes soon led to the production of independent comic pieces
-called intermezzi, which took the place of the disjointed scenes from
-the opera. As a rule there were but two characters, one male and one
-female, and there was no continuous plot even when the same characters
-appeared in the different intermezzi. The dialogue was carried on in
-plain recitative, and there were neither solo songs nor duets
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(204)
-
-to interfere with the main opera. In the intermezzi which Metastasio
-himself composed for his "Didone Abbandonata" in 1724, the characters
-are Ribbio, a poet, composer, singer, and impresario, who is desirous
-of establishing a theatre on the Canary Islands, and Dorina, the prima
-donna whom he wishes to engage; after many affectations she sings a song
-before him, whereupon he produces others, of his own composition, and
-they vie with each other in mutual compliments. In the second intermezzo
-Dorina, dressed for the stage, displays her tragic powers to Ribbio as
-Cleopatra; finally they conclude a romantic contract, which includes a
-prospect of tender relations between the two.
-
-Great effect was caused by the caricaturing and ridiculing of the opera
-seria, and by the exposure of the personal relations of stage heroes and
-heroines; elements which have always played a great part in opera buffa.
-
-The intermezzo gives, as it were, the back view of the opera seria,
-not with the intention of destroying the ideal effect by sarcastic
-criticism, but rather in order to heighten it by force of contrast. Even
-the independent opera buffa preserved much of this parodying reference
-to the opera seria.
-
-Pergolese's "Serva Padrona" which was first produced in Naples in 1730,
-was another example of an intermezzo for two characters; it met with
-great success not only in Italy, but in France[3] and Germany,[4]
-and set the fashion for similar pieces. Very soon an intrigue was
-introduced, a connected plot was supplied, and the number of characters
-increased first to three, then to four.[5] The development of the
-intermezzo was rapid, and before long the inconvenience of carrying on
-two independent dramas simultaneously caused the complete emancipation
-of opera buffa from opera seria.[6] Equal rank with the latter it never
-attained. It came to
-
-{THE INTERMEZZO.}
-
-(205)
-
-maturity on the boards of the smaller theatres ("teatrini"), and was
-long in gaining admission into the larger theatres. Even then it was
-only exceptionally introduced during the season or stagione, side by
-side with the opera seria, although in the German court theatres an
-opera seria and a buffa were not seldom played alternately during the
-carnival. In Italy comic operas were only admitted in summer, and
-at those times when there was no grand opera. They did not pass for
-exhibitions of perfect vocal art, and fewer calls were made on the
-powers of the singers apart from their comic talent in delivery and
-action. There is no doubt that this external subordination was of
-inestimable value to the development of the opera buffa.
-
-It received a firm foundation of musical configuration--recitative,
-aria, ensemble--without the necessity of submitting to limitations and
-laws so fixed as to have become absolute. The bass voice, which was
-considered most suitable to comic characters, and had already been
-appropriated to them in the old opera, was made the chief vehicle for
-comic effects in the intermezzo. Volubility of utterance, mimicry, and
-comic action were as necessary as a fine voice. The highly paid male
-soprano might therefore be dispensed with in opera buffa; the unnatural
-conventionality of the opera seria would have been insupportable in
-representations of daily life. By this means the voices were brought
-into their proper relations; the lover's part was allotted to the
-tenor, and the performance generally gained in variety and in the natural
-grouping of the parts.
-
-The distinction of primary and secondary parts was disregarded, as well
-as the limitation to a small number of vocalists; though these seldom
-went beyond seven.[7] There were usually three female parts; the most
-decidedly comic was the sly, pert waiting-maid (a standing figure of the
-opera buffa), or a scolding old woman, an unsophisticated peasant-girl,
-&c.
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(206)
-
-The tenor part was usually the sentimental, unhappy lover, and required
-most from the singer, but there were often two tenor parts, in which
-case one was comic; the buffo tenor was not however nearly so well
-defined a part as the buffo bass. The bass parts were decidedly comic;
-a blustering old man and a cunning or a stupid servant were seldom
-wanting. When the lover was a bass, he was either jovial or comical.
-
-In spite of all this freedom, certain typical features were formed that
-recur in all the varieties of grouping and disguise. The opera buffa was
-far from adopting in dialect or costume the well-defined character, of
-the Italian popular comedy, but the resemblance in form is unmistakable.
-It was in imitation of the popular plays that the comic parts were made
-caricatures, the effect of which depended on striking but exaggerated
-peculiarities. The music was made to display these,[8] and there can
-be no doubt that the want of individual character in the opera seria
-favoured the passage to the opposite extreme in the opera buffa. As a
-relief to the caricatures, _mezzo carattere_ were invented, in which the
-purely musical element was more pronounced.
-
-Intermezzi required an easy and loosely connected plot; the popular
-jokes would not have come out so well from a studied, well-connected
-drama, as from effective situations where favourite characters could
-follow their bent. If the situations were of ample variety, lively and
-humorous in their rendering, the audience was quite ready to forget how
-weak the thread was which held them together. The opera buffa was always
-written for a specified company, and the
-
-{FORMS OF OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(207)
-
-poet, limited both as to characters and effective situations, found his
-labour simplified by such a skilful use of the conditions ready to hand
-as should secure him applause and success.[9] Opera buffa, being held in
-little esteem, was seldom taken in hand by poets of note; even
-Goldoni's texts are, as he acknowledges himself,[10] unworthy of esteem.
-Goethe,[11] when he was studying the comic opera in Rome with the
-composer Kayser, remarked, that "there were a hundred things to be
-observed, to which the Italians sacrificed the spirit of the poetry; for
-instance, each character was to be brought forward in a certain order
-and a certain degree--each singer must have pauses, &C."[12] His own
-experience gave him a very just judgment on opera texts, and he rightly
-ascribed a certain amount of simplicity, which, apart from the music,
-made them appear poor and meagre, to a tendency to treat the subject
-fancifully, like a child's fairy story.[13] But the majority of comic
-libretti are disconnected and absurd, without spirit or delicacy,
-depending entirely on the effect of humorous exaggeration; and the
-universal opinion was a just one, that the words of the comic opera were
-as poor as the music was charming.[14]
-
-The musical forms of the opera seria were modified and remodelled by
-the comic composers with very unequal skill and success. The recitative
-needed little transformation; the more trivial treatment of the dialogue
-suggested itself, and the accompanied recitative was only varied to suit
-the comic situations. The aria, on the contrary, belonged essentially to
-musical art, and had been developed at the cost of dramatic truth; opera
-buffa did not concern itself with either of these facts. It adopted
-the forms of the opera seria (unless when it parodied them) only in the
-parts _di mezzo car ottere_ which it had appropriated from the opera
-seria.
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(208)
-
-The contrasting of different motifs was preserved as an essential
-condition of musical composition, but the rules as to method and
-succession were no longer regarded as binding. The subjects were more
-slender and fugitive, so as to be more easily united, and they profited
-thereby in freedom of movement and form. In many airs which have only
-one tempo, the constituent parts of the original aria can be clearly
-recognised, but the subjects are arranged and repeated according to
-circumstances, the subordinate subjects are more important and longer,
-and the means at command are more freely used. Piccinni was the first to
-introduce the rondo form, which repeats the main subject several times
-with freely treated intermediate movements. It met with great applause,
-and was variously developed, being at last adopted in opera seria.[15]
-But the simpler form of the cavatina was more usual, and received many
-modifications; the ballad style was also not infrequent.
-
-This freedom and many-sidedness of treatment was more especially
-favourable to the dramatic aspect of the piece, and brought the plot
-into closer relationship with the music, particularly in the ensembles.
-Duets, terzets, and quartets were introduced wherever the situation
-required, and this musical dramatic character reached its highest point
-in the finales, which are true musical representations of a dramatic
-climax ascending to a catastrophe. These finales, products of the
-continual struggle to render music not the ornament but the helpmeet of
-the drama, are the property of the opera buffa.
-
-Nic. Logroscini, who was considered as the inventor of comic opera, and
-the deity of the _genre bouffon_,[16] is said to have written the
-first finale, the main subject of which was developed in one continuous
-movement. Nic. Piccinni (whose "Buona Figliuola" was so well received in
-Rome in 1761, that it may serve as a date for the recognition of opera
-
-{DEVELOPMENT OF OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(209)
-
-buffa as a distinct branch of the art) treated each scena of the finale
-as a separate movement, and displayed far greater variety and more
-effective working-up.
-
-Many of the deficiencies of the text must have had considerable
-influence on the music. The latter was constantly striving after
-dramatic effect and characteristic situations, and was as constantly
-dragged back by caricature and absurdity. The custom also arose of
-providing unworthy comic effects for the buffo characters, such as the
-mimicry of natural sounds, quick speaking, and others that have become
-gradually extinct. On this point the severe mentorship of the opera
-seria exerted a wholesome influence in preventing the complete sacrifice
-of form to fun; so that, to the observer of the present day, regularity
-of form is more observable in comic opera than freedom of treatment.
-
-From opera seria too the comic opera received its main principle, viz.:
-that the essence of the opera is in music, and more especially in song,
-on the suitable treatment of which it depends for all its effect.
-
-The majority of dramatic composers have tried their hand at opera buffa;
-besides Nic. Logroscini (17...-1763), Bald. Galuppi (1703-1765),
-Nic. Piccinni (1728-1800), we may particularly note Pietro Guglielmi
-(1727-1804), Pasq. Anfossi (1736-1797), Giov. Paisiello (1741-1816),
-Domen. Cimarosa (1754-1801), all men of prominent parts and thorough
-musical training. Add to this the innate love of the Italians for beauty
-of form, and it will be easily comprehensible that in spite of many
-excrescences opera buffa should have blossomed into a musical art, which
-in creative genius and intellectual power soared far higher than its
-elder sister, whom it soon surpassed in the favour of the public.[17]
-
-The greater freedom of style was of advantage also to the instrumental
-parts, which took an independent share in the characterisation. Many
-situations were heightened by the orchestra coming to the foreground--as
-for instance during the frequently recurring _parlando_ where it falls
-to the instruments to give the clue to the intended expression.
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(210)
-
-The instrumental scores which Piccinni was blamed for overloading
-and making unnecessarily prominent appear to us indescribably
-poverty-stricken.[18] But it was thus that the orchestra gradually
-developed into such an independence as makes it capable of following the
-rapid emotions of the actors, and of serving at the same time as a firm
-foundation for the whole artistic organism.
-
-The overture in three movements was not the only one permissible;
-symphonies in two parts were frequent, as also a somewhat more elaborate
-allegro movement, which served as an instrumental introduction.
-
-Anfossi's "Finta Giardiniera" had met with great success in Rome in
-1774, whilst Piccinni's opera was hissed off the stage. In spite of its
-miserable text it was produced in 1775 at Vienna,[19] and in 1778 at
-Paris;[20] and at Munich Mozart received the libretto to compose for the
-Carnival of 1775--
-
-The dramatis persona are as follows:--[See Page Image]
-
-The Marchesa Violante Onesti has been wounded by her lover Conte
-Belfiore in a fit of jealousy, and he, believing that he has slain her,
-flees. She sets forth in disguise to seek him, accompanied by a faithful
-servant, Roberto; they both enter the service of Don Anchise, Podesta of
-Lagonero, as gardeners, she under the name of Sandrina and he as
-
-{"LA FINTA GIARDINIERA," 1775.}
-
-(211)
-
-Nardo. The Podesta falls in love with Sandrina and neglects for her the
-waiting-maid Serpetta, to whom he has been paying his addresses. Nardo
-strives in vain for Serpetta's favour; the two intruders are equally
-obnoxious to her. Ramiro, Don Anchise's guest, and the accepted lover of
-his niece Arminda, is deserted by the latter, who becomes affianced to
-Belfiore.
-
-At the opening of the opera the inhabitants of Lagonero are busily
-employed decorating the garden for the reception of the betrothed
-couple; Ramiro informs the Podesta that an unhappy love torments him,
-and departs. The Podesta sends Nardo and Serpetta to a distance, in
-order that he may declare his love to Sandrina; this she seeks to
-evade, while Serpetta continually contrives to interrupt them, so giving
-occasion for a comic aria from the Podesta. Thereupon Sandrina announces
-to Nardo her intention of leaving the place to escape the attentions of
-the Podesta, and complains of the faithlessness of men; Ramiro entering,
-bewails the inconstancy of women, and Nardo the cruelty of Serpetta.
-Arminda, who has just arrived, behaves whimsically to the Podesta and
-Serpetta; Conte Belfiore enters, greets her as his bride, and comports
-himself like a vain affected fop, boasting to the Podesta of his
-nobility, his wealth, his good looks, his conquests, and his love for
-Arminda.
-
-Serpetta and Nardo having quarrelled, we next find Sandrina busy in the
-garden. Arminda informs her that she is about to wed Conte Belfiore;
-upon which Sandrina swoons. Arminda calls Belfiore, and leaves
-the unconscious Sandrina to his care while she runs for her
-smell-ing-bottle; when she returns Ramiro enters, and the four lovers
-recognise each other in extreme confusion; the Podesta, entering, seeks
-in vain for a solution of the mystery; they all go out, and leave him
-alone. Before he can recover from his astonishment, Serpetta, to excite
-his jealousy, relates that she has seen Belfiore and Sandrina holding
-tender intercourse, and he withdraws in order to watch them. Belfiore
-tries to extort from Sandrina the confession that she is Violante; at
-first she denies it, but then forgets herself and reproaches him for
-his infidelity. As he falls repentant at her feet, Arminda enters
-with Ramiro, all the rest rush in, overwhelm him and Sandrina with
-reproaches, and the act closes amid universal confusion.
-
-The second act opens with Ramiro reproaching Arminda for her
-inconstancy, while she does the same to Belfiore; then Serpetta makes
-fun of Nardo. Sandrina, who, in her own despite, still loves Belfiore,
-is surprised by him in the garden, forgets herself again, and overwhelms
-him with reproaches; when he remorsefully sues for her love again, she
-recollects herself, and explains that she has known Violante, and has
-only been giving expression to her feelings. Quite confused, he makes
-her tender excuses, and tries to kiss her hand, but seizes instead that
-of the Podesta, who has drawn near unobserved, and goes out confounded.
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(212)
-
-The Podesta first reproaches Sandrina, then makes her a formal
-declaration of love, which she seeks in vain to evade. Ramiro enters
-with a letter, wherein Belfiore is denounced as the murderer of the
-Marchesa Onesti, and requires the Podesta to institute a formal inquiry;
-to Arminda's disgust the Podesta declares the marriage postponed, and
-Ramiro is filled with fresh hope. The Podesta interrogates Belfiore,
-who, in spite of the whispered hints of Arminda and Serpetta, becomes
-confused, and draws great suspicion on himself; then Sandrina appears,
-and explains that she is the Marchesa Violante who was wounded, not
-killed; they do not believe her, and treat her with contempt. When she
-is alone with Belfiore, and he in delight renews his expressions of
-love, she tells him she is not Violante, but has only impersonated her
-to save him. Amazed and horrified, he loses his senses and begins to
-rave, but soon comes to himself.
-
-Serpetta informs the Podesta and Ramiro that Sandrina has fled, but when
-they have hurried forth to seek her, betrays to the listening Nardo that
-Arminda has had her rival conveyed to a hiding-place in the neighbouring
-wood, in order to prevent any interference with her union to Belfiore.
-
-Next we see Sandrina left alone in darkness, want, and despair; in
-quick succession there enter Belfiore led by Nardo, the Podesta seeking
-Sandrina, and Arminda and Serpetta to make sure that she is secure; in
-the darkness the Podesta declares himself to Arminda, and Belfiore
-to Serpetta, both believing that they are addressing Sandrina, to the
-delight of Nardo, who now enters, followed by Ramiro with torches,
-calling upon Belfiore to renounce the hand of Arminda. When the party
-recognise each other there is first great consternation; then all break
-into abuse and reproaches; Sandrina comes to an understanding with
-Belfiore, they both imagine themselves shepherds, and amid the universal
-hubbub sing pastoral ditties; then she enacts Medusa, he Hercules, and
-at last they dance with delight, while the others are beside themselves
-with anger and astonishment.
-
-In the third act, Nardo is again scorned by Serpetta, then Belfiore and
-Sandrina attack him, making passionate love to him in their madness, and
-he escapes with difficulty. The Podesta is beset by Serpetta, whom he
-repulses, by Arminda, who wants to wed Belfiore, and by Ramiro, who
-demands Arminda's hand, though she again declares that she detests him.
-
-Belfiore and Sandrina having fallen asleep in the garden, awake to soft
-music, cured of their madness; they recognise each other, and after some
-resistance she listens to his suit. Upon this Arminda resolves to bestow
-her hand on Ramiro, and Serpetta on Nardo, and only the Podesta remains
-unmated.
-
-It was no easy task even to follow these clumsily connected situations,
-too incoherent to be called a plot; and it
-
-{"LA FINTA GIARDINIERA"--GERMAN VERSION.}
-
-(213)
-
-would have taxed the efforts of any composer to save such a work from
-utter oblivion.
-
-Only the second and third acts of Mozart's original score (196 K.) are
-preserved, in two volumes, containing together 344 pages; the first
-is lost, and there is no known copy of the Italian score, so that the
-recitatives of the first act are unknown.
-
-The opera was later produced in German; the German text is inserted in
-the original score by L. Mozart, with trifling alterations of a note
-here and there to suit the declamation. Besides these there are numerous
-abbreviations, both in the recitatives and in some of the songs (13,
-17, 19, 25), which were made for the first performance at Munich, and
-indicated by rough chalk strokes and erasures; with the same end, Mozart
-recomposed the whole of an abridged scene.
-
-The abridged songs are adopted in the German version, but one air (20),
-which was marked in chalk "to be omitted," is retained. That Wolfgang
-was himself concerned in this adaptation is proved by the fact that on
-certain pages the accompanied recitatives which were retained in the
-German opera are rewritten in his own hand. Spoken dialogue takes the
-place of the plain recitatives, and the German cues are inserted by
-a third hand. In Rei-chardt's "Theaterkalender," the operetta, "Das
-verstellte Gartner-Madchen" has been included among Mozart's works since
-1781, and it was performed under this title at Frankfort in 1789.
-Mozart probably undertook the adaptation after his return from Paris to
-Salzburg, when he busied himself with the improvement of German opera.
-The translation may safely be ascribed to Schachtner. The score is
-preserved in duplicate; and a selection of the songs was printed by
-Andre under the title "Die Gaertnerin aus Liebe."[21]
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(214)
-
-This opera takes an unquestionably higher rank both as to originality,
-technical skill, and vivid characterisation than any that had preceded
-it. The seven personages, all drawn in firm outline with a sure hand,
-are not all comic characters.
-
-The part of Ramiro is avowedly written for a male soprano, probably for
-the celebrated Tomm. Consoli (b. 1753), who entered the Munich Kapelle
-in 1744, and was summoned to Salzburg for the approaching festival
-performance. The part is throughout a serious one; Ramiro is the
-sentimental unfortunate lover, who only becomes comic by his alternate
-hopes and fears, as, true to his first inclinations, he opposes
-Arminda's jealous resentment.
-
-In his first unimpassioned song (2) he declares that, being scarcely
-healed from his first unhappy attachment, he recoils from all fresh
-enticements; he has not yet seen his faithless beloved again, the sight
-of whom afterwards causes him to forget all in the desire to win her.
-The cavatina (18) renders the sentiment of true and hopeful love simply
-and tenderly. Finally, resentment against his faithless mistress is
-expressed in an agitated air (21) with strongly accentuated declamation
-and rapid changes of harmony. All three songs render consistently the
-exalted mood of a man of sentiment, whose passions, nevertheless, are
-not consumed by their own intensity; the individuality of the singer
-may doubtless have lent itself to this treatment of the part. This
-individuality is also evident in the fact that Ramiro's songs pay chief
-regard to the singer in the passages, and adhere closely to the older
-forms. But there is unmistakable progress in the richer and freer
-grouping of the subjects, and in the delicate feeling with which the
-digression in the middle movement is treated, and gradually led back to
-the main subject.
-
-Arminda stands next to Ramiro. As an imperious, passionate girl, who
-ill-uses her faithful lover, and runs after another man, she is more
-repulsive than comic. Musical characterisation, by giving to her
-violence an air of pettishness, has introduced a comic element into her
-first air (7) which brings the noble lady very near the soubrette. The
-air (13) in which she threatens the Count with vengeance for
-
-{"LA FINTA GIARDINIERA"--SANDRINA.}
-
-(215)
-
-his inconstancy has a caricatured expression of the pathetic, which
-parodies the manner of the opera seria, and might, therefore, produce a
-comic effect. The absence of all bravura in this part, in spite of the
-style of the songs, which seems to call for it, was no doubt to suit the
-particular singer--a seconda donna.
-
-The part of Sandrina was expressly written for Rosa Manservisi, who
-was highly thought of, both as a singer and an actress.[22] It is comic
-neither in intention nor fact. An unhappy woman, of deep and
-delicate feelings, injured and deceived, is forced by adverse fate to
-dissimulate; the difficulties into which she is led by her disguise are
-not ludicrous, but painful, and excite only sympathy. It was common at
-the time to introduce persons and situations of a sentimental character
-into opera buffa, without any regard to the incongruity of different
-styles.[23] The principal scena given to Sandrina at the close of the
-second act quite oversteps the boundary of opera buffa. Left deserted
-in the dark and gloomy forest, she gives vent to her despair in a song
-(21), which strikingly expresses the breathless anguish of a tender,
-timid maiden, in the face of unknown dangers.
-
-A characteristic passage for the violins--[See Page Image]
-
-the agitated nature of which is increased by syncopated notes in the
-accompaniment, and by the strong accent thrown on the last fourth of
-every bar--goes through the whole movement of the allegro agitato in
-varied modulation; the voice comes in with detached exclamations, and
-once a melodious phrase silences the accompaniment for a moment, until
-the orchestra again takes up its restless movement. The song passes
-immediately into an expressive accompanied
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(216)
-
-recitative, in which Sandrina becomes calmer, and assures herself,
-by looking round, of her forsaken condition. This is followed by the
-cavatina (22)--
-
-     Ah dal pianto, dal singhiozzo
-     Respirar io posso appena,
-     Non ho voce, non ho lena,
-     L' alma in sen mancando va--
-
-which carries the expression of long-restrained feeling to its highest
-point. Throughout a restless, hurrying Allegro agitato (6-8) the voice
-has almost always interrupted passages, and seldom tries its powers in a
-sustained note or a melodious phrase. The orchestra remains in continual
-motion; at first a tender violin passage is introduced, then the oboes
-and bassoons alternate with each other, and with the voice. The whole is
-a single continuous thread of lovely melody and richly varied harmony,
-with one fundamental idea as its starting-point, and upon it rests the
-magic of grace and beauty. To the expression of excited passion follows
-that of resignation; both are manifestations of a nature tender and
-noble indeed, but neither grand nor strong.
-
-Mozart's correct judgment led him to moderate the expression of passion
-in Sandrina to a degree befitting the heroine of a comic opera, while
-giving due prominence to her dignity and grace when she appears as the
-gardener's girl. She displays her true self most unreservedly in the
-cavatina (11) in which she bewails her unhappy love:--
-
-     Geme la tortorella
-     Lungi dalla compagna,
-     Del suo destin si lagna
-     E par, che in sua favella
-     Vogli destar pieta.
-     Io son la tortorella, &c.
-
-Sonnleithner has noted the happy effect produced by the entrance of the
-voice, not at the beginning of the theme, but a little behind it, as if
-roused from abstraction:--
-
-{"LA FINTA GIARDINIERA"--BELFIORE.}
-
-(217)
-
-[See Page Image] A gentle spirit, not altogether lost in sadness, yet
-not able entirely to throw it off, is in Sandrina united to tender
-womanly grace, and both find due expression in the music. Even when she
-plays the gardener's girl, she does it with pleasant mirth never sinking
-to vulgarity. The air (4) in which she undertakes the defence of women
-against men to Ramiro (a rondo with a lively coda, 6-8), is gay and
-sparkling, but not very pronounced in tone.
-
-When she seeks by her cajoleries to appease the sulky Podesta without
-exactly telling him that she loves him, she reveals a certain amount
-of coquetry, and in her exaggerated expressions of dismay at his
-reproaches, approaches the buffo character; but even here the
-moderation, delicacy, and grace of Sandrina's character is in strong
-contrast to that of Serpetta.
-
-Both the comic and the pathetic aspects are combined in the Contino
-Belfiore, whose burlesque character appears to have been excellently
-represented by the buffo Rossi. His attempt on Violante's life sets him
-before us as a man of passion; the wavering of his inclinations between
-Arminda and Violante is the less comical, since he expresses his
-admiration of Arminda's beauty with simple and manly
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(218)
-
-dignity (6), but gives vent to his love for Sandrina, whom he recognises
-as Violante, in a fine outburst of true emotion. The conclusion of this
-song (15), being buffo in character, readjusts the situation. He has not
-remarked that Sandrina has gone out, and the Podesta taken her place,
-and he seizes the hand of the Podesta to kiss it; his confusion and
-annoyance required comic expression. He takes part elsewhere in comic
-scenes and situations; but his first appearance as a vain, supercilious
-coxcomb is misleading and inconsistent, and only intended to give
-occasion for a grand buffo air (8). The pride and loquacity with which
-Belfiore details his genealogy are wittily rendered by Mozart; but as
-a buffo song this evident concession to the taste of the singer and the
-public is without marked individuality. Still less happy is the idea of
-making the Contino, and afterwards Sandrina, go crazy. Madness is only
-representable in music in so far as sympathy with it as a misfortune can
-be aroused, which deprives it of any comic effect; the absurdities which
-excite to laughter cannot be rendered musically, and only in rare
-cases can music produce an analogous effect. In the second finale, when
-Sandrina and Belfiore, surrounded by bitter enemies, suddenly imagine
-themselves Arcadian shepherds, and sing shepherd songs, a contrast might
-be produced which would at least support the idea of insanity. But
-their mythological illusions: "Io son Medusa orribile! Io son Alcide
-intrepido!" could not be expressed by the music. In the terzet (24)
-Nardo, in order to escape the importunities of the crazy pair, points
-towards heaven, and tells them with increasing animation how the sun and
-moon quarrel, and the stars engage in love adventures; when he has set
-the pair gazing fixedly upwards, he makes off. Broadly represented,
-this gay, lively terzet must have made an effect, but it would have been
-equally comic had Nardo fixed their attention on anything else, since
-the effect depends on the vivacity and humour with which the composer
-grasps the situation, and withdraws the attention of the audience from
-the nonsense which the poet has put into the mouths of the characters.
-
-But even this was impossible in the accompanied recitative during which
-Belfiore loses his senses before the eyes of the
-
-{"LA FINTA GIARDINIERA"--BUFFO PARTS.}
-
-(219)
-
-audience (19). At first, when he is beset by contending emotions, music
-is in its place; when he believes himself to be dead and in Elysium,
-Mozart has certainly constructed a characteristic, well-rounded
-movement, but a specific expression of the illusion it is not and cannot
-be. The song in which, restored to his senses, he expresses his joy at
-still living (in tempo di minuetto) is lively, and appeals to the senses
-like dance music, but after what has gone before it makes no comic
-impression.
-
-The first bar of this--[See Page Image] reminds us, as Sonnleithner has
-remarked, both of the minuet and trio of the Symphony in D major (385
-K.), and of a couple of bars in the first allegro of the Symphony in E
-flat major (543 K.).
-
-The Podesta is a genuine buffo, proud, amorous, consequential in virtue
-of his office, easily excited, easily perplexed, but good-natured
-at bottom; the genuine type of a comic old man; there was probably a
-personal reason for making this character tenor instead of bass, though
-the course was not an unusual one.[24] The musical conception of the
-character is that of the traditional buffo. The first air (3) depicts,
-according to a fashion of the time, different instruments which are
-heard in the orchestra in a concerted accompaniment. This song has
-nothing in common with the situation or with the character of the
-Podesta, and is an interpolation for the German version.
-
-The Italian text contains a song for Sandrina, "Dentro il mio petto io
-sento," which Mozart composed, as we learn from a letter of his father's
-(December 2, 1780), who had it copied for Schikaneder. The other two
-songs (17, 25) are genuine buffo--lively, rapidly uttered--a continual
-struggle between false dignity, anger, vexation, and perplexity.
-
-The servants are also, according to custom, comic
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(220)
-
-personages. Serpetta contrasts with Sandrina in want of refinement;
-disappointed in her hopes of the Podesta, she becomes envious and
-spiteful to every one, and especially to her lover, Nardo. Besides a
-neat, pretty little song, of which each character sings a verse (9),
-she has two songs (10, 20) of a distinctly soubrette character, gay and
-pleasing, not without grace, but as yet without the delicate wit with
-which Mozart later endowed his soubrettes.
-
-Nardo, as the attached and faithful servant of Violante, displays an
-address which is inconsistent with his roele of the simple lover who
-pursues Serpetta in spite of all her ill-treatment. The first words of
-the mock-heroic air (5), "A forza di martelli il ferro si riduce," have
-suggested an accompaniment--[See Page Image] which gives the song a
-peculiarly rhythmical character. In the second air (14) the rondo form
-is employed with striking effect. Nardo seeks to win Serpetta's hand by
-compliments in different languages and styles, which form alternating
-interludes to the main theme; this is pretty enough, but the other jokes
-are obsolete.
-
-The ensembles are of a far higher character than the solos, both as
-regards characterisation and musical execution.
-
-The introduction is immediately connected with the overture, and borrows
-its lively chorus from the third movement, but its development is
-completely independent. The overture itself consists of an Allegro
-molto, precise in its subjects and execution, but fresh and cheerful,
-and of a somewhat tedious Andante grazioso.
-
-Sandrina, Serpetta, Ramiro, the Podesta, and Nardo, are discovered
-in the garden, awaiting the arrival of the wedding guests, and their
-festive mood is expressed by a joyous choral movement. Then each
-character in a short soliloquy explains the position of affairs, and
-indicates the main elements of the plot. In these soli, which pass from
-one to the other in the same tempo, and without a pause, Mozart
-
-{"LA FINTA GIARDINIERA"--ENSEMBLES.}
-
-(221)
-
-has displayed his rare power of individualisation, and without the
-sacrifice of interdependence in the parts of a great whole. The
-moonstruck Ramiro, the amorous Podesta, the excitable, prying
-Serpetta--each is admirably touched off, without any disregard to
-unity of tone. The repetition of the first chorus, with which the piece
-concludes, is led up to by the accompaniment, and the whole forms as
-complete a musical rendering of the text as was possible.
-
-The later ensembles belong immediately to the action of the piece. At
-the close of the third act Sandrina and Belfiore awake from refreshing
-sleep healed of their madness. Belfiore seeks acceptance of Sandrina,
-who now acknowledges herself to be Violante, but she, abashed at his
-declarations of love, bids him depart, and prepares to go herself.
-Neither, however, can summon resolution to part, and after several
-attempts, they sink at last in one another's arms, forgetful of all but
-their newly found happiness. This situation, somewhat coarsely rendered
-by the poet, has been transformed by the composer into an admirable
-piece of character-painting (27). A long accompanied recitative passes
-into an elaborate and effective Adagio, in which professions of love
-alternate with reproaches. The Andantino (3-8), which follows is lighter
-in tone, and well expresses alternations of repulsion and attraction.
-The oboes are employed with a charming effect of longing appeal to
-the words: "_Cont_. Lei mi chiama?--_Sandrina_. Signor, noe. Lei
-ritoma?--_Cont._ Oiboe, oiboe!" Finally, the joy of the united pair flows
-forth in an Allegro, which gives full opportunity for display on the
-part of the singers. Especially to be admired is the art with which the
-intense and genuine expression of emotion is tempered by the timidity of
-the Count and the coquetry of Sandrina, in a happy union of the pathetic
-and the comic which keeps the whole within the limits of' opera buffa.
-The rapid winding-up of the plot in the recitative dialogue, and the
-short animated ensemble with which the opera concludes (28) are no doubt
-intended not to weaken the effect of the great duet.
-
-The finales (12, 22) of the first and second acts are masterpieces; the
-separate characters act and react on each other
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(222)
-
-in a way which is admirably true to life. Two conditions are essential
-to the elevation of such pieces into musical works of art; important
-points in the action or the characters must be brought out by prominent
-motifs, and the fundamental idea of the situation must be grasped and
-maintained in one motif which shall serve as a clue to the whole.
-
-The task of the musician is the combination and elaboration of the
-detached elements into an interdependent whole, in which the laws of
-musical and dramatic art are in unconscious harmony; the master makes
-good his claim to the title by the depth with which he grasps the idea,
-by the delicacy with which he apportions the claims of individuals to
-independence, and by the strength and truth with which he gives life
-to his creations. Mozart's genius amply satisfies all these conditions.
-When there are few characters, and they are consequently brought nearer
-together, the characteristics of each are sharper and more detailed; but
-when the relations of the characters to each other are more involved,
-the musical grouping becomes more careful, so that, just as in an
-architectural masterpiece, the parts are merged in the whole. Each motif
-has its own peculiar expression, but is capable of such manifold effects
-of light and shade, that an oft-used motif in a new combination is as
-effective as if it appeared for the first time.
-
-The form and style of opera buffa are maintained in all essential
-points, but with great freedom of treatment. The usual means are
-employed of the repetition of a short phrase with increasing intensity,
-the _parlando_ while the orchestra carries on the motif, the comic
-effect produced by rapid speaking, sudden pauses, strong contrasts, &c.;
-but to these are added many traits of original invention.
-
-In the earlier operas the boy's skill in the management of accepted
-forms was what we had chiefly to notice; here for the first time we
-are amazed at the originality of his musical powers. The wealth
-of characteristic, well-moulded, well-rounded melodies is quite as
-surprising as the organic dependence in which they mutually stand
-related to each other, not merely joined together. This fertility is of
-course
-
-{"LA FINTA GIARDINIERA"--ORCHESTRA.}
-
-(223)
-
-more prominent as the development of the plot renders the musical
-elements more complicated; especially admirable is Mozart's power of
-giving character and suggestiveness to his melodies in their first and
-simplest form. One subject from the last Allegro but one of the first
-finale--[See Page Image] will not fail to remind the reader of one
-almost identical from the first finale of "Figaro." But if the mode of
-treatment of the simple motif in the two instances be compared, it will
-be clearly seen that inventive power does not consist merely in the
-combination of notes. That of the later opera is of course by far
-superior, but even the earlier leaves little to wish for in its wealth
-of harmonic variety, in its union with other subjects, and in the effect
-of climax produced by imitation in the several parts.
-
-It may finally and with justice be maintained of the melodies of this
-opera that they, as well as the whole intellectual conception, are high
-above the ordinary level; their grace, delicacy, and purity--in short,
-their beauty--belongs to Mozart, and to him alone.
-
-The orchestra is treated quite otherwise than in the opera seria. The
-individual peculiarity of each instrument is
-
-{OPERA BUFFA.}
-
-(224)
-
-brought out, and tone-colouring as a means of characterisation is
-delicately and skilfully employed. In Sandrina's cavatina (22), for
-instance, the fine effect of the oboe and bassoon in contrast to the
-violin is due to the individualities of the instruments; in Ramiro's
-song (18) the treatment of the bassoon is original; and in the first
-finale an oboe solo comes in with startling effect (the Munich oboist,
-Secchi, was very famous).[25] The horns are also frequently made
-the means of effective tone-colouring; twice (13, 26) four horns are
-employed in a minor key to heighten the effect of a dramatic climax.
-More important than these detached instances is the altered relation
-of the orchestra to the whole work.[26] It no longer serves as an
-accompaniment in the sense of sustaining the voices and filling up
-necessary pauses; it is no longer a mere adjunct to the vocal parts,
-but takes its share in the effective working of the whole, filling out
-details which the vocal parts leave imperfect, and obeying not so
-much the requirements of the vocalist as the conditions of artistic
-perfection. This altered relationship required an altered organisation;
-each component part of the orchestra must have a distinct existence,
-so that each, according to its place and kind, might contribute to the
-general effect. The single example of the treatment of the basses will
-serve to make this clear. Hitherto the basses had served merely as the
-fundamental of the melody, indispensable indeed, but often clumsy
-and insignificant; but here, without losing their character as the
-ground-work of harmonic elaboration, they have an independent movement;
-they serve not only to support the superincumbent mass, but their
-quickening power sets in motion and gives the impulse to its formation.
-
-By the side of these many excellencies the too great length of most of
-the pieces, especially of the songs, is felt as a defect throughout; a
-defect due, no doubt, to the taste of the time and to the youth of the
-composer. The influence of the broader form of the opera seria, and the
-pleasure of the
-
-{"IL RE PASTORE," 1775.}
-
-(225)
-
-public in the mere hearing of music, were combined with the fact that
-Mozart was not yet capable of that self-criticism which rejects all that
-is superfluous, even when it is good in itself.
-
-It may well be conceived that the opera was performed with extraordinary
-success in Munich (1775), and that it soon attained pre-eminence among
-the most admired contemporary comic operas. Nissen informs us that it
-made little effect in Frankfort (1789); the clumsy German adaptation may
-have been in part to blame for this; but the chief cause was doubtless
-the altered taste of the public, brought about by the French operettas
-and Mozart's "Entfuehrung."
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-[Footnote 1: Opitz's "Dafhe" (1627) follows Rinuccini's original in fidelity to
-the ancient style; a second adaptation, performed in 1672 and 1678, with
-music by Gius. Peranda and G. A. Bontempi (Fuerstenau, Zur Gesch. d. Mus.
-in Dresden, I., pp. 234, 251, 254), is enlarged, chiefly by comic scenes
-of great coarseness between Jakels the piper, Kaethe the peasant-girl,
-and her father Chremes. It was similarly treated in Hamburg. (Lindner,
-Die erste Deutsche Oper, p. 52).]
-
-[Footnote 2: There are two thick volumes in the collection of the King of
-Saxony, containing comic scenes from nineteen operas by Al. Scarlatti,
-Gasparini, Giovanni Buononcini, Luigi Manci, Gius. Aldovrandini, and
-Severo de Luca.]
-
-[Footnote 3: Grimm, Corresp. littM I., p. 203.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Goethe, Werke, XIX., p. 421.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Goethe's Scherz, List und Rache, is an intermezzo thus increased
-(Werke, XIX., p. 421.).]
-
-[Footnote 6: Rousseau, Dictionn. de Mus., Intermidd. CL Hiller, Woech. Nachr., I.,
-p. 145.]
-
-[Footnote 7: The opera bnffa had no strict rule even as to its divisions. Either
-the two acts of the intermezzi were preserved, or the opera might be
-divided into three or four acts.]
-
-[Footnote 8: Mattei (Riforma del Teatro vor Metastasio, Opp. III., p. xix.): Le
-com-medie (per musica) presso di noi son piene di caratteri caricati,
-e la lingua specialmente Napoletana non e altro che un ammasso di
-espressioni caricate; non ci e aria, in cui non si esprime o il cane, o
-la gatta, o gli uccelli, o la ruota che gira o il cannone che spara, e
-altre cose simili; qui troverete un ubbriaco, la un matto; qui un che
-parla e sconnetta, la un che balbuttisce ec. Quelle cose son facilissime
-ad esprimersi in musica (se ben gl' ignoranti le ammirano e restano
-attoniti) in quella maniera stessa, ch' e facile a un pittore esprimere
-un volto caricato: poiche comunque riesca il ritratto, basta, che vi
-si vegga quel lungo naso, o quel occhio Iosco del principale: ognuno lo
-conosce, ognuno giura che desso.]
-
-[Footnote 9: Arteaga's recipe for an opera buffa (Rivol., c. 15, III., p. 140.;
-Part II., p. 440) may be recognised in the majority of comic opera
-libretti.]
-
-[Footnote 10: Goldoni, Mem., II., p. 226.]
-
-[Footnote 11: Goethe, XIX., p. 420.]
-
-[Footnote 12: Goethe, XIX., p. 443.]
-
-[Footnote 13: Goethe, XIX., p. 451. Briefw. m. Zelter, II., p. 19.]
-
-[Footnote 14: Goldoni, Mem., II., p. 305. Arteaga.]
-
-[Footnote 15: Arteaga, Rivol., c. 13, II., p. 298; Part II. p. 263. Manfredini,
-Difesa d. Mas. Mod., p. 194. Mattei, Rif. del Teatro vor Metastasio,
-Opp. III., p. 37.]
-
-[Footnote 16: Laborde, Essai, III., p. 198.]
-
-[Footnote 17: Arteaga, c. 15, III., p. 138; Part II., p. 409.]
-
-[Footnote 18: Burney, Reise, I., p. 229.]
-
-[Footnote 19: Sonnleithner has furnished me with a book of the words, published
-in Vienna.]
-
-[Footnote 20: Castil-Blaze, L'Opera Ital., p. 242.]
-
-[Footnote 21: Director Franz Hauser possesses the copy of a score of the first
-act as far as the beginning of the finale, with German words, in
-which the music has undergone numerous alterations, especially with a
-reference to the stronger orchestras of the present day. It is not known
-by whom this arrangement was undertaken.]
-
-[Footnote 22: Schubart, Teutsch. Chron., 1775, p. 267. Burney, Reise, II., p.
-109. Mozart met her again in 1789, in Dresden, where she died at an
-advanced age.]
-
-[Footnote 23: Arteaga, Riv. del Teatro, 15, III., p. 143; Part II., p. 412.]
-
-[Footnote 24: Arteaga, Riv. del Teatro, c. 15, III-, p. 415.]
-
-[Footnote 25: One or two less important echoes of "Figaro" are also to be found.]
-
-[Footnote 26: Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper zu Muenchen, I., p. 159.]
-
-
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XI. MOZART'S "RE PASTORE."
-
-(226)
-
-{MOZART'S "RE PASTORE."}
-
-
-THE last opera of the series we have been considering is the festival
-opera, "Il Re Pastore," composed in honour of the Archduke Maximilian,
-at Salzburg, in 1775, to the text of Metastasio (208 K.).
-
-The characters and plot are as follows:[1]--
-
-Alessandro, re di Macedonia.
-
-Aminta, pastorello, amante d' Elisa, che, ignoto a se stesso, si scuopre
-poi l' unico legittimo erede del regno di Sidone.
-
-Elisa, nobile ninfa di Fenicia, dell' antica stirpe di Cadmo, amante d'
-Aminta.
-
-Tamiry principessa fuggitiva, figliuola del tiranno Stratone; in abito
-di pastorella, amante di Agenore.
-
-Agenore, nobile di Sidone, amico di Alessandro, amante di Tamiri.
-
-Alexander having conquered Sidon and slain the tyrant Strabo, determines
-to place on the throne Abdalonymus,[2] son of the last rightful king,
-who has been secretly brought up as a shepherd under the name of Aminta,
-by a faithful dependent of his father.
-
-At the opening of the piece we find him in the midst of his flocks,
-while Elisa brings him the joyful tidings of the probable consent of
-her parents to their union. She has scarcely left him when Alexander,
-conducted by Agenore, enters, in order to convince himself if Aminta
-is worthy of the throne he intends to offer him; Aminta's virtuous
-moderation stands every test. While he is watering his flocks there
-enters Tamiri, Strabo's daughter, disguised as a shepherdess; Agenore
-extols to her Alexander's generosity, and promises to intercede on
-her behalf. The assurance of his faithful love consoles her, and she
-resolves to await his answer, concealed by Elisa. Elisa now enters,
-bearing to Aminta her father's full consent to their union; in the midst
-of their transport, Agenore makes Aminta acquainted with his destiny,
-hands him the crown, and summons him to the presence of Alexander. The
-lovers pledge their faith anew with much rejoicing.
-
-In the second act, Elisa and Tamiri come to the camp of Alexander,
-in order to see their lovers. Tamiri, unable to overcome her fear,
-withdraws; Elisa seeks in vain to speak to Aminta, Agenore informing her
-that Aminta is occupied with more important concerns, at the same time
-that he respectfully reminds Aminta, who is impatient to find Elisa,
-of his duties as a monarch. At last Alexander appears and receives the
-grateful homage of Aminta, who expresses most virtuous resolutions for
-his future rule. On Alexander expressing regret that Tamiri should shun
-his presence, Agenore takes the opportunity of acquainting Alexander
-with her near approach. To Agenore's dismay Alexander resolves to unite
-her with Aminta. With the idea, however, that this will conduce to
-Tamiri's happiness, Agenore controls his desires, and counsels Aminta
-to renounce Elisa. Before the unwilling lover is convinced, Tamiri and
-Elisa enter, and, seeing their lovers stand confused and silent, believe
-them to be faithless.
-
-At the opening of the third act, Aminta, after many scruples, informs
-Agenore of his determination to fulfil the duty which he believes
-himself to owe to Alexander. These tidings are carried by Agenore to
-Elisa, who refuses to doubt Aminta's truth, and will not be persuaded
-that submission to her fate will best prove her love for Aminta.
-Agenore's own constancy is put to a severer test when Tamiri vehemently
-accuses him of having deserted her for Aminta's sake, but he remains
-firm.
-
-Then there appears before Alexander, who is preparing for the
-celebration of the union, first Tamiri, who declares her love for
-Agenore, and refuses to break her faith with him, even for the sake of a
-throne; then Elisa, who tells the claims she has on Aminta's heart;
-and finally Aminta himself, dressed as a shepherd, returns his crown
-to Alexander, being unable to renounce Elisa's love. Moved by all this
-nobleness and devotion, Alexander unites the lovers, reinstates Aminta
-as King of Sidon, and promises to conquer another realm for Agenore.
-
-{"IL RE PASTORE," 1775.}
-
-(227)
-
-Metastasio wrote this opera in 1751 for performance at court by four
-maids of honour and a cavalier;[3] he paid due regard to fitting
-costumes, and to the virtue and nobility of each character.[4] The
-pains he took at the rehearsals were requited;[5] Bono's music was
-excellent,[6] the scenery and costumes most brilliant, the noble
-performers acquitted themselves to perfection, and all was applause and
-approbation.[7] No wonder that he recommended the piece to Farinelli as
-a suitable festival opera;[8] it has, in fact, been composed very often
-since.[9]
-
-It was considerably curtailed for representation at Salzburg. The
-second and third acts were compressed into one, whereby not only was the
-dialogue abridged, but several songs were omitted without serious injury
-to the text. There were other small alterations and some few additions,
-but nothing essential was disturbed. Instead of Aminta's first air (act
-1, sc. 2) another was introduced with an accompanied recitative, and
-before the duet at the end of the first act an accompanied recitative
-was omitted. Instead of the short concluding chorus, a kind of finale
-was inserted, in which soli and tutti alternate. The part of Agenore was
-given to a tenor,[10] Aminta to the male soprano Consoli; beyond this we
-know nothing of the cast or of the performance.
-
-Mozart's composition, of which the original score in two volumes of 284
-pages has been preserved, has the same finish of execution and invention
-which was so marvellously seen in the "Finta Giardiniera"; but the
-conventionalities of form are far more of a hindrance here than in the
-previous
-
-{MOZART'S "RE PASTORE."}
-
-(228)
-
-work. No scope was allowed for dramatic force or true passion; the
-work must be kept strictly within the limits of the festival opera. The
-Salzburg singers too, seem to have preferred the beaten track to any
-extraordinary displays of skill.
-
-This is most apparent in the tenor part of Alexander. His three songs,
-whose commonplace virtuous reflections give little scope for musical
-treatment, have, like the regular bravura songs, a long ritornello,
-bravura passages, the shake at the end, the usual cadenza. In details,
-the effort to metamorphose the form is apparent; the second part appears
-as a second subject, and the passages are made more interesting by their
-harmonic treatment, and by the prominence given to the accompaniment.
-The melodies are better built up, they have more musical substance;
-the accompaniment takes up detached portions of the chief melodies, and
-gives a firmer connection to the parts. The words of the first air
-(4) give occasion for some of the then favourite musical painting;
-lightning, thunder, and rain are depicted by the orchestra, but
-without undue prominence. The second air (9) is interesting through the
-obbligato treatment of the wind instruments, the flute competing with
-the voice in passages. Joh. Bapt. Becke (b. 1743), who had been trained
-under Wendling to become an admirable flautist, was summoned from Munich
-for this performance. The third air (13) is in the serious conventional
-style, not wanting in dignity.
-
-More individuality is given to the parts of Aminta and Elisa; at first
-the prevailing element is pastoral, as was usual in festival operas. The
-overture, consisting of one movement (Molto allegro) leads directly to
-Aminta's first song (1), by a pleasant pastoral melody. It is a simple
-shepherd's song characterised by its 6-8 time, and by the flute and
-horn accompaniment. For the better contentment of the singer (the
-soprano Consoli from Munich), his second song is a genuine bravura (3).
-In its division into a brilliant Allegro aperto (4-4), and an elegant
-Grazioso (3-8), as well as in details, the old style is apparent; but
-all is so much freer, fuller, and, in spite of its fragmentary
-
-{"IL RE PASTORE"--THE DIFFERENT PARTS.}
-
-(229)
-
-construction, so much more connected, that one feels a new spirit
-floating through the obsolete forms. Aminta's last air (10), when he
-declares himself true to his love, shakes itself quite loose from the
-fetters. It has the rondo form; the principal theme, twice relieved by
-an interlude, recurs three times, and winds up with a coda. The beauty
-of this cantilene is enhanced by a violin solo (written doubtless
-for Brunetti) equally simple and tuneful in style. The muted strings
-accompany the principal subject with a slightly agitated passage; the
-wind instruments (two flutes, two English horns, two bassoons, and two
-horns) are treated independently, and as delicately and tenderly as the
-tone of the piece requires.
-
-Elisa's first song (2) unites in a singular degree the pastoral with the
-bravura character: the noble lady depicts the happiness of living as a
-shepherdess near her beloved Aminta. The traditional form has been
-so skilfully modified, and an almost playful grace is so freshly and
-charmingly expressed, that this song may justly be placed on a level
-with some of Mozart's later concert songs. The second air (8) is more
-strictly according to rule; the situation does not lend itself to
-freedom of treatment, and Mozart has contented himself with composing a
-harmonious and effective song.
-
-The duet between Elisa and Aminta at the close of the first act (7) is
-light and pleasing, surpassing former efforts of the same kind in its
-clever management of the voices and in the originality of its subject.
-It is a charming idea and an appropriate one, to carry on the subject of
-the Andante with altered rhythm into the Allegro.
-
-The parts of Tamiri and Agenore are quite secondary, scarcely more than
-stop-gaps. Tamiri's first air (6) is a bravura song of the ordinary
-type, the second (11) is almost soubrette-like in its airy lightness.
-Agenore's first air (5) is tender and pleasing, not much in accord with
-the situation. His second air (12) is pathetic, in a minor key, and
-stands alone of its kind. Restless agitation is portrayed by a varied
-and striking harmony, emphasised by
-
-{MOZART'S SONGS.}
-
-(230)
-
-strongly accented chords for the wind instruments--four horns besides
-oboes and bassoons. But neither the character of Agenore nor the
-moralising words give any opening for pathos.
-
-The finale consists of a brilliant four-part tutti movement, which is
-repeated entire, or in part, several times; passages for single voices
-are inserted, alternating cleverly and with a pleasing effect.
-
-Mozart's evident longing to break loose from the fetters of
-conventionality and tradition is nowhere more apparent than in the
-accompaniment and in the orchestral movements, where we find a fulness
-and freedom of thought hitherto only shown in detached passages. Even
-when the old fashion is retained of employing only oboes and horns,
-there is an evident appreciation of the special powers of the
-instruments expressed, it may be, in a few notes. The orchestra has its
-own significance, and Mozart turns to account his intimate knowledge of
-the orchestra of opera seria. Trifling as these instrumental effects may
-appear, the main point, that instrumental music was henceforth to
-take an active part both in serious and comic opera, was one of great
-importance in the history of their development.
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[Footnote 1: Metastasio cites Justinian (XI., 10) and Curtius (IV., 3), who
-relate that Alexander set on the throne of Sidon a distant descendant of
-the royal house, Abdalonymus, who was living in poverty as a gardener,
-but who was worthy of the honour by reason of his beautiful form and
-noble mind.]
-
-[Footnote 2: The care with which Metastasio avoids this discordant name (un nome
-ipocondriaco) is characteristic. (Cf. Opp. post., II., pp. 12, 35.)]
-
-[Footnote 3: Metastasio, Opp. post., II., p. 34.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Cf. Grimm, Corresp. litt., VI., p. 17.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Metastasio, Opp. post., II., p. 33.]
-
-[Footnote 6: Metastasio, p. 31.]
-
-[Footnote 7: Metastasio, p. 34, cf. p. 4.]
-
-[Footnote 8: Metastasio, p. 30.]
-
-[Footnote 9: By Sarti, 1752; Jomelli, 1755; Hasse, Gluck (Metastasio, lett. V.,
-p. 35), 1756; Guglielmi, 1767.]
-
-[Footnote 10: Metastasio himself counselled Farinelli to make this alteration.
-(Opp. post., II., p. 31.)]
-
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XII. SONGS.
-
-WE must here cast a glance at a number of separate songs composed by
-Mozart, either for insertion in operas or for performance at concerts.
-
-The earliest of them, composed for the two Licenze at Salzburg (p. 99),
-and those belonging to the first Italian journey, call for no special
-remark. Yet there occurs in the air composed at Rome, "Se tutti i mali
-miei" (183 K.), a change of key produced by enharmomic progression which
-deserves to be noticed:--
-
-{BUFFO SONGS, 1775-76.}
-
-(231)
-
-[See Page Image] No such songs are known to belong to the years
-immediately following, but in 1775 we find several composed at Salzburg,
-probably for performance by foreign vocalists visiting the city. Two
-tenor airs belong to May, 1775. In one of them, described as "Aria
-buffa" (210 K.) the singer is supposed to be flattering some one to his
-face with the greatest fluency, while he makes all sorts of rude remarks
-aside:--
-
-     Con ossequio, con rispetto
-     Io m' inchio e mi profondo
-     A un sapiente si perfetto,
-     Che l' egual non v' e nel mondo,
-     E l' eguale non verra--
-     Per l' orgoglio e l' ignoranza e la gran bestialita.
-
-The orchestra maintains a single theme (Allegro assai) without
-intermission, and the voice is almost throughout _parlando_ in rapid
-vivacity; the union of a certain amount of dignity with burlesque
-fluency of tongue is very comical, the whole song being simply conceived
-and easily and consistently worked out. This song could only have been
-meant for performance on the stage, and the second (209 K.), "Si mostra
-la sorte propizia all' amante," is scarcely of importance enough for a
-concert-room. It is the complaint of a bashful lover, but has so little
-pathos as to be only
-
-{SONGS.}
-
-(232)
-
-suitable for opera buffa. It is simple both in design and execution, and
-may have been inserted to suit the powers of some singer in the place of
-another song. It was no doubt also for insertion in an opera buffa that
-an air for Dorina (217 K.), "Voi avete un cor fidele," was composed
-(October 26, 1775); it is in the style of a soubrette, superior to those
-of its kind in the "Finta Giardiniera," and equal to Despina's songs
-in "Cosi fan tutti." An Andantino grazioso and an Allegro, the latter
-considerably elaborated, are both repeated, then a few bars of the
-Andantino recur, and the whole is wound up by rather a long Coda in
-allegro. The exact repetition of both movements makes the effect of
-the whole somewhat stiff, but the details are fresh, animated, and very
-characteristic.
-
-The tone of melting tenderness at the beginning, the mocking _parlando_
-of the questions, and finally the fervency of the words, "Ah! non
-credo," are so strikingly expressed, and the whole effect is so cheerful
-and even droll, that we cannot fail to recognise the hand of a master
-of his art. The subjects and the passages in the allegro are neat and
-graceful, and the orchestral parts are lively and appropriate.
-
-A tenor song (256 K.), "Clarice cara mia sposa," composed for Signor
-Palmini, September, 1776, is a true theatrical buffo air, and
-bears lively testimony to Mozart's comic talent. A Capitano prates
-nonsensically, with much swagger, of how he will have his own way in
-spite of everybody; a Don Timoteo seeks in vain to interrupt the flow
-of his talk, which seems to run over in an unintermittent succession of
-triplets falling like heavy rain, and, as it were, drenching the hearer
-in an instant.
-
-The monotonous _parlando_ is provided with just so much of melody as
-to indicate that it is sung, not spoken. The orchestra maintains a very
-simple subject--[See Page Image] with varied harmonies, in a light, even
-sketchy manner, but with considerable musical interest. Even the few
-words in
-
-{ALTO SONG, 1776.}
-
-(233)
-
-recitative, thrown in by Don Timoteo, do not allow the singer to take
-breath, and only serve to make the next paroxysm still more comical.
-
-Another song, composed in the same month for the alto Fortini, may have
-been intended for performance at a concert. Mozart justly considered
-this song worthy to live, for he writes from Vienna (April 12, 1783)
-to beg that the rondo for an alto voice may be sent to him which he had
-composed when the Italian troupe were at Salzburg. The idea is the usual
-one of the leave-taking of a disconsolate lover. The introduction is a
-not very long, but an expressive recitative. The transition from this
-to the air itself is charming and very touching; it is the involuntary
-expression of the pain of parting welling out from the innermost depths
-of the heart:--[See Page Image]
-
-Both the movements of the song, Andante moderato and Allegro assai,
-are repeated; then the Andante recurs for the third time, makes its way
-through an Allegretto to the Allegro assai, and from this a subject is
-selected, which leads through an effective crescendo to a pause on the
-
-{SONGS.}
-
-(234)
-
-seventh. Then the opening bars of the Andante are repeated, stop short,
-and the song is rapidly concluded 'by the Allegro. The hesitation and
-irresolution of the lover, who cannot bring himself to depart,
-find ready expression in this change of movement. A deep, calm, and
-restrained emotion, corresponding admirably to the character of an alto
-voice, is well portrayed by the simple, unornamented song, interrupted
-only by the stronger accents of intense grief. The orchestral
-accompaniment is so managed as skilfully to heighten the peculiar effect
-of an alto voice.
-
-Repeated mention is made in the letters of the year 1777, and
-afterwards, of a scena composed for Madame Duschek.[1] In the summer of
-1777, Josepha Duschek, a singer and pianoforte-player of celebrity, and
-a young, vivacious woman, came for a visit from Prague to Salzburg. The
-foundation was laid of a friendship with Wolfgang, of which we shall
-frequently have occasion to speak. The scena in question is probably the
-grand aria of Andromeda (272 K.), "Ah, lo previdi," belonging to August,
-1776, not long before his departure from Salzburg, and one of the
-greatest compositions of the kind. An agitated recitative is followed
-by a long, elaborate Allegro, expressive of the passion of a brave and
-noble mind. Scorn for perfidy overpowers even pain at the loss of the
-beloved one; tones which seem to scorch and wither pour forth like
-glowing metal on the betrayer; then comes a subject which has already
-made itself heard more than once in the orchestra as a cry of suppressed
-pain, and this leads to a gentler mood; grief for the lost love is
-expressed in a beautiful recitative, and dies away into calm and
-composed melancholy with a Cavatina, which concludes the scena.
-
-The psychological truth of the details, the blending of the transitions,
-the unity of the tone, are qualities quite as much to be admired in this
-song as the musical originality and skill
-
-{"AH, LO PREVIDI," 1777--LIEDER.}
-
-(235)
-
-displayed in its composition. The last movement is perhaps a little
-spun out; although the strain of long-continued violent emotion seems to
-require a correspondingly gradual cessation.
-
-The orchestra is as simply managed as in the earlier songs; for wind
-instruments only horns, bassoons and oboes are employed, with,
-more seldom, flutes; in the recitatives there are only stringed
-instruments.[2]
-
-It is indicative of the taste of the time that among so many vocal
-compositions the song proper (_lied_) seldom or never appears. Five very
-simple Lieder with clavier accompaniments belong to the earlier Salzburg
-epoch (147-151 K.); they are more pedantic than any other of the
-compositions, and interest us chiefly through the words by Guenther and
-Canitz, which Mozart has selected for composition.
-
-HE years of Mozart's development at Salzburg were fruitful not only of
-operatic compositions, but of others which arose from the circumstances
-of his residence there. First among these stands church music.
-
-Church music had long been fostered at Salzburg, and was especially
-encouraged by Archbishop Sigismund; his severe and world-contemning
-piety caused him to keep the service of the church continually before
-the eyes both of singers and composers. The prospect of a moderate
-pension induced many clever artists to settle in Salzburg, in spite
-of the poor payment they received for their services. Sigismund's
-successor,
-
-Hieronymus, extended his parsimony even to the members of the Kapelle,
-whom he estranged by his overbearing manners; on the whole, music rather
-declined than advanced under his rule,[3] although he cared more than
-Sigismund for the splendour of his court.[4]
-
-
-
-
-THE FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER 13
-
-[Footnote 1: His father tells him (December 15, 1780) that Fr. Duschek considered
-herself indebted to him for the former song, and pressed for another,
-which he had refused as impossible at that time.]
-
-[Footnote 2: A song (119 K.) printed only with German words, "Der Liebe
-himmlisches Gefuhl," is a bravura song in the old style, of undoubted
-early Italian origin.]
-
-[Footnote 3: [Koch-Stemfeld] Die leiten dreissig Jahre des Erzbisthums Salzburg,
-p. 255. Cf. Burney, Reise, III., p. 260. Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 157.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Cf. "Nachricht von dem gegenwartigen Zustande der Musik St.
-Hoch-furstlichen Gnaden des Erzbischofs zu Salzburg im Jahre 1757,"
-in Marpurg's Krit. Beitr., III., p. 183, probably by L. Mozart. Many
-notices are given in the Mozart correspondence. Ben. Pillwein's
-Lexikon Salzburgischer Kuenstler (Salzburg, 1821), and the Biographien
-Salzburgischer Tonkuenstler (Salzburg" 1845), are too superficial for
-musicians.]
-
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIII. CHURCH MUSIC.
-
-
-FIFTEEN choristers were maintained at the cost of the Archbishop in the
-Kapellhaus, and educated by
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(236)
-
-special instructors. They afterwards entered the choir as singers or
-passed into the service of the court; if they showed extraordinary
-talent, they were sent to finish their training in Italy, and then took
-their place as solo singers.[3] Archbishop Sigis-mund allowed the male
-sopranos to die out, and did not replace them with others; on the other
-hand he sent the daughter of the cathedral organist, Maria Magd. Lipp,
-to be educated as a singer in Italy, and on her return in 1762 he
-appointed her court singer; she soon afterwards married Michael Haydn,
-lately arrived at Salzburg. In 1778 Hieronymus again took a male soprano
-into his service, Ant. Ceccarelli, a singer of moderate powers and bad
-moral character.
-
-The orchestra belonging to the choir was an ample one for the time, and
-was strengthened by a trumpet band for the support of the voices in the
-church. There were further two bands of six trumpets and drums, which
-did not properly belong to the court, but to the chamberlain's office,
-and which ranked between the equerries and the lackeys.[4] But no one
-was taken into this service who could not also, at need, strengthen the
-stringed instruments.
-
-In 1762, when Lolli was kapellmeister, and Leopold Mozart
-vice-kapellmeister, Joh.Michael Haydn[5] (1737-1806), the younger
-brother of Joseph, was appointed concertmeister and director of the
-orchestra, on the recommendation of a
-
-{MICHAEL HAYDN.}
-
-(237)
-
-nephew of Archbishop Sigismund, at Grosswardein, where Haydn had been
-kapellmeister since 1757. The personal intercourse between the families
-of Haydn and Mozart was not over friendly. Haydn was fond of sitting
-over a glass of beer or wine, which was all the more reprehensible in
-the sight of the temperate and conscientious Mozart, since it caused
-frequent neglect of duty.
-
-"Who do you think," he writes to Wolfgang (December 29,1777), "is
-appointed organist at the Holy Trinity? Herr Haydn! Every one laughs.
-He is an expensive organist; after every litany he drinks a quartern of
-wine, and he sends Lipp to the extra services, who drinks too." (June
-29, 1778): "This afternoon Haydn played the organ for the litany and the
-Te Deum (at which the Archbishop was present), but so badly that we were
-all horrified.... Haydn will drink himself to death soon; or at least,
-being lazy enough already, he will become still lazier the older he
-gets."[6]
-
-The conduct of Frau Haydn also must have been objectionable. Wolfgang
-writes mockingly to Bullinger (August 7, 1778): "It is quite true that
-Haydn's wife is ill; she has carried her rigours too far; there are few
-like her! I only wonder that she has not lost her voice long ago through
-her constant scourgings, wearing of sackcloth, prolonged fasts, and
-midnight prayers." Neither was Haydn's cultivation such as to cause L.
-Mozart to wish for nearer intercourse between the families. "I should
-like to hear him speak Italian in Italy," he writes (December 4,
-1777); "the people would certainly say, 'Questo e un vero Tedesco!"'[7]
-Personal difference and trifling jealousies, such as easily arise in
-small communities, may have had some influence on this unfavourable
-criticism of Michael Haydn; it did not extend, however, to his merits as
-an artist. It is true that L. Mozart was of opinion when Michael Haydn,
-in 1787, composed the opera "Andromeda e Perseo," that he had no talent
-for
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(238)
-
-dramatic music, and that his principal songs might have been written for
-a choir-boy. But he praised, in strong terms, the _entr'acte_ music
-for Zaire, which Haydn had composed in 1777, and analysed it carefully,
-telling his son that the Archbishop had done him the honour to say to
-him at table, that he could not have believed Haydn capable of composing
-such music; and that instead of beer he should drink nothing but
-Burgundy. Haydn received a reward of six kronthaler (October 1 and
-October 9, 1777). But when L. Mozart writes to his son: "Herr Haydn is a
-man whose musical merits you will not deny" (September 24, 1778), he
-is referring to his church music, which Wolfgang was in the habit
-of copying for study. Writing from Vienna, he asks for "small paper,
-Eberlin's Counterpoint, bound in blue, and some of Haydn's things";[8]
-and shortly after (March 12, 1783): "The 'Tres sunt' (M. Haydn's) is
-in score, in my handwriting." He wanted these things for the Sunday
-performances at Van Swieten's, and asked also for Michael Haydn's latest
-fugue. "The 'Lauda Sion,'" he writes (March 12, 1783), "was a great
-success; the fugue, 'In Te Domine speravi,' was much admired, as also
-the 'Ave Maria' and 'Tenebrae.'" Among Mozart's remains were found
-two fugues, 'Pignus futurae gloriae,' copied by his own hand from Michael
-Haydn's Litanies.
-
-{ADLGASSER--CHURCH FORMS.}
-
-(239)
-
-The cathedral organist, appointed in 1751, was Anton Cajetan Adlgasser
-(1728--1777), a pupil of Eberlin, who had been sent by the Archbishop to
-study in Italy, a first-rate organ-player and accompanist, whose
-sacred compositions were afterwards performed and highly appreciated
-at Salzburg. Less remarkable was the second organist, Franz Ign. Lipp,
-Haydn's father-in-law.
-
-The kapellmeister and organist did not confine themselves to conducting
-performances of church music: they made it a point of honour to
-provide suitable music for special festival occasions. At such time new
-compositions were considered indispensable; indeed, throughout the year
-a constant variety of music was sought to be provided. This activity in
-church music was of the greatest service to young composers, who
-never wanted an opportunity for bringing out new compositions, nor for
-learning by hearing and comparing.
-
-It was not the less beneficial in the way of training that they were
-obliged to keep within the limits of certain clearly defined forms,
-and to be content with the often scanty means which they found ready
-to hand. Through the influence of transmitted customs and individual
-peculiarities, as well as of the taste of those in authority, local
-traditions grew up, whose narrow rules hindered freedom of development.
-Such control is most irksome in church matters, wherein all, even
-what is in itself unimportant, must be considered as partaking of the
-sanctity of the whole. The counterbalancing gain of such training is
-technical finish, the indispensable foundation for the development of
-genius, with which alone can any effort to break loose from what is
-false in tradition be successful.
-
-Mozart found the rules and forms of church music as clearly defined as
-those of the opera. Both had been formed in the Neapolitan school,
-and the impulses given up each had been in the same direction. The
-turning-point was the introduction of melodies which had their own
-significance as expressions of emotion, without regard to their harmonic
-or contrapuntal treatment. No sooner had melody gained recognition in
-opera and cantata, as the natural and
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(240)
-
-legitimate form of musical expression, than it made a way for itself into the
-church by means of oratorio. The simple grandeur of the older church
-music (particularly that of the Roman school, with Palestrina as its
-representative) depended chiefly on the fact that the chorus of
-voices was treated as an organic whole, of which no one part could be
-recognised as a distinct entity apart from the rest. The impression made
-by such music resembles that of the sea. Wave follows upon wave, and
-each one seems to be like the last; yet underlying the apparent monotony
-there exists an ever-varied life, an invincible strength, manifesting
-itself alike in peaceful calm and raging storm, and filling the mind
-with a sense of sublimity and grandeur, without satiety and without
-fatigue. But so soon as one melody was distinguished above the rest the
-union and equality of the voices was disturbed. Separate voices became
-more or less prominent as occasion required; and it could not fail to
-follow that the other voices should be employed merely to fill up and
-support the principal melody. A certain amount of independence and
-character might indeed be given to the accompanying voices by skilful
-management, but the principle remains unaltered, so long as a melody and
-its accompaniment are in question.
-
-The change became more marked when instrumental music gained admission
-into the church. At first the organ and trumpets were employed merely to
-support and strengthen the voices. But when stringed instruments, and by
-degrees the various wind instruments of the orchestra, came into use
-in churches, they gradually adopted in church music, as in secular, the
-part of accompaniment to the voices. This tendency was most apparent of
-course in solo singing; but a manner of orchestral accompaniment to the
-choruses was gradually elaborated which could not fail to influence
-the treatment of the voice parts. The use of the severest contrapuntal
-method had hitherto been considered an essential condition and
-embellishment of church music; but on this point also an alteration of
-opinion and taste gained gradual ground.
-
-The perfection of contrapuntal treatment, consisting in the absolute
-freedom and independence of the several parts,
-
-{COUNTERPOINT IN CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(241)
-
-with their due correlation, can only be obtained by strict obedience
-to well-defined laws; added to which must be a firm conception of some
-simple fundamental idea whose many-sided development shall give unity
-and cohesion to the whole work. This form of composition is therefore
-peculiarly appropriate to the delivery of serious and weighty ideas; it
-is however but a form, and can be endued with life and significance only
-by the matter which it contains, and by the spirit which animates it.
-In old times the madrigal served to illustrate contrapuntal forms in
-secular music; and even in the present day canons and fugues, sometimes
-with comic effect, sometimes giving expression to very varied emotions,
-are often so skilfully constructed that the uninitiated have no
-suspicion of the artistic learning with the effect of which they are
-charmed. Although counterpoint is in itself neither spiritual nor
-ecclesiastical, it is conceivable that in proportion as secular music
-freed itself from the trammels, the error should arise of imagining
-severity of form and structure to be peculiarly appropriate to church
-music. This identification of counterpoint with ecclesiastical ideas
-caused its development to proceed side by side with those other forms
-which had made good their footing in church music. The opposition which
-was felt to exist between severe methods and methods not severe led to
-a compromise; certain parts of the liturgical text were treated
-contrapuntally, and others freely. The proportions depended greatly on
-personal and local influences, but the main points of the division were
-decided by the Neapolitan school.
-
-The moral tendency of this change of construction must not be
-overlooked. The free treatment of melody gave to subjective emotion,
-with its ever-varying alternations, a suitable method of musical
-expression, and an art which was developing in this direction must have
-had extraordinary influence. The effort to make church music subject to
-this influence was the necessary consequence of a newly awakened life in
-art. The musician felt himself impelled to represent religious emotion
-in its full strength and truth, and with all the means at his command;
-the liturgy called forth the expression of the liveliest and most
-passionate emotion, it
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(242)
-
-offered opportunities for representing the most vivid dramatic
-situations; even the glory of worship called on its votaries to bring
-the splendour of music, as well as of painting and sculpture, into the
-Divine service. But the direction taken by the intellectual progress
-of that time, especially in Italy, was fraught with the dangers which
-invariably threaten an art which is struggling to free itself from
-tradition. The Church was tolerant towards the aspirations of art, so
-long as they afforded an effective means for her glorification, but she
-sternly repressed any efforts to break loose from the fetters of her
-ordinances and customs. On the other hand, men rejoiced in what had
-been so easily and rapidly gained, and satisfied themselves with the
-superficial freedom which they had attained. Proportionally was the
-development of a formalism in accordance with the Italian character,
-which seeks for beauty always in set forms, and demanded the adoption of
-such forms by church music. The opera was the model; thence sprang the
-moral and artistic element which became manifest in the forms of church
-music, appealing not so much to the faith of the congregation as to the
-taste of musical connoisseurs. Any attempt to transport operatic forms
-directly into church music was forbidden by the liturgical form
-of Divine service, to which the music must be subordinate. But the
-connection was severed with the old church modes from which ancient
-church music borrowed its subjects, treating them after a long since
-obsolete tone-system; and a merely devotional musical symbolism was
-renounced for the freedom of original creation. For though subjects
-were borrowed in later times from the old church modes, they lost their
-significance when detached, and were, besides, treated according to the
-new lights. Finally, the sway of the singer was mighty in church music
-as elsewhere. The habit of delighting in the finished performances
-of the vocalist was united with the idea that he who could most fully
-satisfy the prevailing taste was also the most worthy to serve the Most
-High and to exalt the glory of worship. We shall therefore find the
-church music of the latter half of the eighteenth century composed
-of the same materials as operatic music, and exercising much the same
-effect.
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC IN GERMANY.}
-
-(243)
-
-The same influence which had been won by Italian operatic music in
-Germany penetrated to the churches of Catholic Germany, and attained to
-complete sovereignty. But there was a difference, important, though not
-at the time generally or consciously felt. The conception and mode of
-expression of Italian church music was, although secularised, yet in its
-essence national, and in its appeals to religious emotion it might count
-upon universal comprehension and sympathy.
-
-But transplanted to Germany both the ideas and their mode of execution
-were strange, and could only be adopted after a preliminary artistic
-training; what in Italy had grown up in the course of national
-development was transmitted to Germany as mere form. The delicate
-sense of beauty and of grace, the excitable, passionate nature of the
-Italians, could not be transplanted, and the external adjuncts were
-even more superficially treated than on the soil from which they sprang.
-Contrapuntal work, especially the fugue, was haunted by the school
-traditions of church usages, which conduced to a spiritless formalism
-of routine. Thus, carelessness and pedantry, superficiality and dulness
-were combined, and church music declined more rapidly and visibly than
-the opera. The difference between the true essence and its extinct form
-is the more apparent and significant the deeper it lies; and to this
-must be added the fact that the continuous demand for church music' gave
-rise to the production of a mass of inferior work, from which the opera
-was preserved in deference to the taste of the public. Under these
-circumstances it was impossible even for a surpassing genius to do
-more than distinguish himself in some particulars; the efforts of
-an individual after thorough-going reform could only be successful
-supported by the spirit of the age and of the nation.[9]
-
-This general position held by church music was modified in different
-regions by local peculiarities of the liturgy, by the tastes of church
-authorities, and by the differences in the
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(244)
-
-musical forces at command. The peculiar circumstances under which Mozart
-wrote in Salzburg are described by himself in a letter to Padre Martini
-(September 4, 1776):[10]--
-
-I live in a place where music prospers but little, although we have some
-good musicians, and some especially good composers of thorough knowledge
-and taste. The theatre suffers for want of singers; we have few male
-sopranos, and are not likely to have more, for they require high pay,
-and over-liberality is not our weak point. I busy myself with writing
-church and chamber music, and we have two capital contrapuntists, Haydn
-and Adlgasser. My father is kapellmeister at the metropolitan church,
-which gives me the opportunity of writing as much as I like for the
-church. But as my father has been thirty-six years in the service of the
-court, and knows that the Archbishop does not care to have people of
-an advanced age about him, he takes things quietly and devotes himself
-chiefly to literature, which has always been his favourite study. Our
-church music differs widely and increasingly from that of Italy.
-
-A mass, with Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, the Sonata at the Epistle, the
-Offertorium or Motett, Sanctus and Agnus Dei, must not last longer than
-three-quarters of an hour, even on festivals when the Archbishop himself
-officiates. This kind of composition requires special study. And yet the
-mass must have all the instruments, trumpets, drums, &c. Ah, if we were
-not so far from each other, how much I should have to tell you!
-
-We have further information on the arrangements made for church music in
-the cathedral.[11] "The cathedral contains a large organ at the back by
-the entrance, four side organs in front of the choir, and a little choir
-organ below the choir where the choristers sit. The large organ is only
-used on grand occasions and for preludes; during the performance one of
-the four side organs is played, generally that next to the altar on
-the right side, where the solo singers and basses are. Opposite, by the
-left-side organ, are the violinists, &c., and on the two other sides
-are two choruses of trumpets and drums. The lower choir organ and
-double-bass join in when required."[12]
-
-{MOZART'S MASSES.}
-
-(245)
-
-Among Mozart's compositions for the Church, his masses.[13] by reason
-of their importance in Divine service, take the first place.[14] In
-the divisions of the several parts, we find him following in the beaten
-track of the Neapolitan school. The different parts of the text coincide
-with the prescribed pauses made by the officiating priest, but are
-very differently worked out.[15] Where the composer has free scope,
-the separate sections are usually treated as independent pieces, with
-regular alternations of solo and chorus. But such elaborate masses
-were only performed on solemn occasions (Missa solemnis) or through the
-preference of an influential personage--they took up too much time for
-the regular service.
-
-In the short mass (Missa brevis) the larger divisions were treated in
-the main as a connected musical movement of which the separate sections
-were detached indeed, but not independent of each other; the degree of
-connection is of course very varied.
-
-The thrice-repeated cry, "Kyrie eleison! Christe eleison! Kyrie
-eleison!" is regularly developed into a lengthy movement. It was
-formerly the custom[16] to prefix a short, slow and solemn movement on
-the words "Kyrie eleison," to an agitated more elaborate one[17] (49,
-65,66, K.); but afterwards the whole became one movement. The prayer for
-the mercy of God is animated, and though devoid of depth, never sinks to
-mere trifling. A more serious mood is generally indicated by the severer
-contrapuntal treatment of the voices (192, 194, 262, K). The words
-"Christe eleison" are regularly accentuated, usually with an expression
-of beseeching melancholy, and often by solo voices. The solo voices and
-choruses generally alternate in the Kyrie.
-
-The Gloria[18] is divided into several movements,
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(246)
-
-conformably to the successive invocations of which it consists. The
-character of the whole is one of exulting praise, the tone being
-indicated by the opening words, "Gloria in excelsis Deo." The effort to
-express the solemn dignity of divine worship by external splendour, is
-apparent in the animated, fervent, and often stately progress of this
-movement. The opening subject is revived at appointed places, usually at
-the Quoniam, and forms a connecting thread throughout the piece. A solo
-is often introduced at the words "Lau-damus Te and, even without much
-intentional expression, the four commas of the words, "Laudamus Te,
-benedicimus Te, adoramus Te, glorificamus Te," form natural pauses, and
-regulate the musical and rhythmical division of the passage.
-
-But the contrast of solo and chorus is determined less by the sense of
-the words than by the necessities of art, requiring variations of light
-and shade. As a rule, the words of highest import are given to the
-chorus; the solos serve for ornament, or as a preparation for a chorus
-of renewed and increased strength.
-
-The central point of this part of the mass is formed by the
-thrice-repeated cry:--
-
-    Qui tollis peccata mundi, miserere nobis!
-    Qui tollis peccata mundi, suscipe deprecationem nostram!
-    Qui sedes ad dexteram patris, miserere nobis
-
-Here we have a mood expressed of deep agitation, offering excellent
-opportunity for musical treatment, both in feeling and form. The "Qui
-tollis" is the nucleus of all Mozart's Glorias; he enunciates it simply
-enough through the chorus, relying for effect on the charm of rich and
-original harmonies, as bold in conception as they are clear and decided
-in rendering. The words which follow, "Quoniam Tu solus sanctus, Tu
-solus Dominus, Tu solus altissimus, Jesu Christe," are
-
-{GLORIA--CREDO.}
-
-(247)
-
-treated as a song of praise,[19] in order to relieve the gloom of the
-"Qui tollis," and to give stronger emphasis to what is to follow. For
-the last words, "cum Sancto Spiritu in gloria Dei Patris, Amen," are
-treated without regard to the context, as an independent fugue. In
-Mozart's early masses the fugue is short (49, 65, K.), but they
-soon became long and often elaborate (60,115,139,167,192, 262, K.).
-Archbishop Hieronymus, however, had an aversion to fugues; and in
-Mozart's later masses the Gloria came to an end in a short choral
-passage (220, 257, 258, 259, K.).
-
-The Credo offered the greatest difficulties to musical treatment. A long
-movement, whose several parts are dependent on one emphatic verb placed
-at the beginning, cannot be musically rendered in such a way that the
-connection remains apparent to the hearer; each phrase disturbs the
-grammatical construction of the period. In order to overcome this
-difficulty the word "credo" was repeated at fitting points (192,257,
-K).[20] But although logical requirements are thus to a certain degree
-satisfied, the repeated "credo" does not fit into the grammatical
-structure, and the contrast between the spoken and the musical
-expression is in reality only intensified.
-
-In close connection with this is the further difficulty that the
-delarations of faith belong essentially to the domain of speculation,
-and can rarely work directly on the feelings; neither does the form
-into which they are thrown incite the fancy to musical expression.
-These difficulties might be surmounted at a time when music with all
-her powers and capacities placed herself unreservedly at the disposal
-of worship, accepting the prescribed words with perfect faith in
-their sanctity, and only anxious to give them their fullest and truest
-expression. There was as little question of
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(248)
-
-individuality in art as in faith; the unquestioned law of ecclesiastical
-infallibility impressed on every work the stamp of the subjection of
-art to religion. Even the forms of the music followed the ancient and
-hallowed traditions of the cultus, and embodied ecclesiastical formulas
-in strict counterpoint. But as by degrees subjective emotion and
-expression gained ground in church music, and as the old severity of
-form gave place to a wealth of means and expedients, the ecclesiastical
-text fell under the criticism of the musicians, who subjected it to the
-test of the conditions required for the production of a perfect work of
-art. Composers learned to look upon the Credo as material to be worked
-up into an artistic musical form, even when it did not lend itself
-easily to the process. A sort of type was gradually evolved, that was
-closely adhered to in many particulars. One such, for instance, is the
-strong accentuation of death in the words, "judicare vivos et mortuos,"
-and "resurrectionem mortuo-rum," the tone-painting of the "descendit de
-coelis," the repetition of the "non" in the words "cujus regni non
-erit finis," and others of the same kind. Such an evident tendency to
-emphasise details at the cost of the whole, only shows how composers
-took refuge in whatever was capable of musical expression, in order to
-extricate themselves as far as they could from the burden of the rest.
-
-The main passages on which the musical strength of the Credo was
-concentrated are those in which the mention of the incarnation,
-crucifixion, and resurrection of Christ appeal most vividly to the
-senses and the imagination. It had become customary to connect the
-words, "Qui propter nos homines et propter nostram salutem descendit de
-coelis," whether made prominent by solo singing or not, with those which
-preceded them, and to make a pause with "Et incarnatus."[21] These
-words are generally rendered by a tender solo voice, as if they would
-fain hover round the cradle of the heavenly Child, to express the
-gratitude of mankind for his incarnation. Then solemnly and sadly the
-chorus depicts
-
-{CREDO.}
-
-(249)
-
-the deep pain of "Crucifixus etiam pro nobis sub Pontio Pilato, passus
-et sepultus est," breaking out at "Et resur-rexit" &c., into joyful
-trust in the resurrection. In all this Mozart's wonderful genius
-succeeded in awakening imagination and emotion which, again, his
-artistic moderation knew how to calm; his firm grasp of his art enabling
-him to produce the most striking effect with the simplest means, and
-to gather up the details, so that each sustains and elevates the other
-without injuring the consistency of the whole Credo. This unusual
-combination of qualities gives to this part of the mass a high degree of
-artistic finish even when the treatment is most simple and confined.
-
-The words "Et in Spiritum Sanctum" are usually given to a solo
-voice,--more, however, from custom than for any special signification of
-their own (49, 65, 139, K.); they are introduced by a long instrumental
-prelude (262 K.). Apart from the interests of the Church, which might
-have some influence here, the necessity could not but be felt for
-a strong contrast between this and the following passages. For what
-follows, "Et unam sanctam catholicam et apos-tolicam ecclesiam," &c.,
-is given by the whole strength of the chorus. The last words, "et vitam
-venturi saeculi. Amen," is again treated as a fugue. Here, again, we
-find first a short fugued movement (49, 65, 192, K.), but later a long
-and cleverly worked-out fugue (139, 167, 262, K.), until the influence
-of Archbishop Hieronymus led to the conclusion of the Credo, like the
-Gloria, in a short animated chorus (257, 258, 259, 275, K.).
-
-Various methods were employed to gather the phrases of the Creed into a
-consistent musical work. The repetition of the word "credo" (167,
-257, K.), even in places where it somewhat disturbs the grammatical
-construction, serves to combine the musical texture of the movements
-
-The periodical recurrence of the musical phrase conduces to careful
-mechanism, and gives opportunity for variety and increased intensity in
-the treatment of the subject. Apart from this, unity is provided for
-by a pregnant rhythmical passage or a carefully finished subject which
-marks the beginning of the Credo, and underlies its several divisions,
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(250)
-
-forming a sort of background from which the more impressive images stand
-out.
-
-The appropriate elaboration of this subject is the special task of the
-artist, and the text is to be considered only as a _point de depart_
-to it. The mode of treatment varies and is sometimes contrapuntal,
-sometimes harmonic; in one part the voices predominate, in another the
-instruments, in which latter case the then favourite running passage for
-the violins is frequently employed.
-
-The general character of church music was more prominently displayed
-in the Creed than elsewhere. An animated and elevated frame of mind was
-vividly portrayed, with more cheerfulness and brilliancy than solemnity
-or earnest devotion, and only at moments does the music show a
-consciousness of the deep significance of the text. Mozart pays tribute
-to his time; but his artistic nature did not allow him to sink into
-triviality or commonplace; symmetry, beauty, and delicacy are never
-found wanting. The remaining sections of the mass lend themselves more
-readily to musical treatment. They express deep and universal sentiments
-in words as simple as those of the Kyrie, and musical both in sound and
-suggestion.
-
-The Sanctus falls naturally into three well-defined parts. The first
-words, "Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth!" intended to convey an impression
-of the most exalted sublimity, are generally treated as a solemn
-introduction to the more animated and fervent words, "Pleni sunt coli et
-terra gloria Tua." Agitation rises into joyful emotion in the Osanna, to
-which the form of a short fugal movement is usually given.
-
-The Benedictus,[22] on the other hand, strives to express the secret
-thanksgiving of the heart at the coming of the Lord. A mild fervour
-penetrates the simple words, which seem to cast illumining beams on
-every side. Mozart's artistic originality has so clearly stamped the
-impress of his genius on the traditional form of the Benedictus that
-his interpretation of it has become the customary one. It is, as a rule,
-given
-
-{BENEDICTUS.}
-
-(251)
-
-to solo voices, to which more prominence is given here than elsewhere.
-Now and then single voices (65,139,194, K.), but more often all
-the four--now alternately, now in unison--announce the message of
-consolation; obbligato organ accompaniments serve still further to mark
-the prominence given to this movement (259 K.). It has a charming
-effect (258 K.) when the chorus recurring at intervals during the solos
-enunciates with sustained expression the word "benedictus." The Osanna
-is usually repeated either entire or abridged from the Sanctus, but it
-is sometimes interwoven into the Benedictus (139, 262, K.)
-
-The last movement falls naturally into two strongly contrasting
-sections. The first, expressing the sentiments of contrition, of
-anguished appeal for mercy, was treated with great partiality. The cry,
-"Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi," and the prayer, "miserere nobis,"
-furnish a natural grouping not seldom employed for alternations of solo
-and chorus; the mood expressed is very favourable to musical treatment.
-
-The "Dona nobis pacem" is in complete contrast, and in no movement of
-the mass is the alteration in the spirit of church music more apparent.
-The peace which is prayed for is vividly represented, and just as vivid
-is the tone of cheerful confidence with which the prayer is offered.
-The devout hearer was to be dismissed with a pleasant impression on his
-mind, and therefore the deep earnestness of this petition for peace was
-sacrificed in order to produce a feeling of self-satisfied enjoyment.
-The music of the Dona maintains throughout this cheerful tone, and
-though Mozart's variety and grace are as marked and effective here as
-elsewhere, even with him earnestness and depth are rarely to be met
-with.
-
-We may now conclude this general description with a glance in detail
-on Mozart's masses. We have already spoken of his first attempts. Some
-unfinished masses, presumably the result of his studies under Padre
-Martini, exist, bearing date 1771 and 1772. The furthest advanced, in
-C major (115 K.), breaks off at the ninth bar of the Sanctus. It is
-accompanied only by a figured organ bass,
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(252)
-
-and is strictly treated with the exception of the two fugues; it is
-worked out in severe contrapuntal form almost throughout, as the Kyrie,
-introduced by five bars of Adagio, will serve to show:--[See Page Image]
-
-{MASS IN C MAJOR, 1772.}
-
-(253)
-
-The whole work reminds us forcibly of Padre Martini's church
-compositions, and it is not surprising that the hand of a learner should
-be here apparent. A Mass in F major (116 K.), which breaks off at the
-words "sedet ad dexteram patris," is of the same kind, as well as a
-Kyrie in C major (221 K.). An Osanna in C major (223 K.) and a Credo
-("in remissionem" to "mortuorum") belonging to it seem also to have been
-studies in counterpoint.
-
-A Mass in C major (139 K.), probably belonging to the year 1772, is an
-effort in quite another direction. Every means is employed to produce
-an extraordinary effect, and it may be conjectured that this, like the
-Pater Dominicus mass, was composed for some special occasion.[23] Every
-section is treated as a detached independent movement.
-
-The Kyrie begins with a slow pathetic passage in C minor, followed by
-an animated allegro in C major 3-4, and by the Christe eleison as a solo
-quartet, after which the Kyrie is repeated.[24] The solo voices are much
-used in different combinations, apart from the short passages inserted
-between the choruses. Laudamus is a duet for soprano and alto, Domine
-a duet for tenor and bass, Quoniam a soprano solo, Et incarnatus a duet
-for soprano and alto, Et in spiritum a tenor solo, and Benedictus a
-soprano solo, to which the chorus sings Osanna. Even the Agnus Dei
-begins with a tenor solo followed by a chorus; the last appeal before
-the Dona is given to the solo quartet. These solo movements are well
-rounded, and are both preceded and followed by long symphonies; the
-effort to produce a pleasing effect is apparent in the whole work, and
-a moderate amount of operatic bravura is not disdained. This brings into
-stronger relief the pathos which is given to every passage capable of
-it. The Qui tollis, Crucifixus, and Agnus, as well as the Kyrie, are in
-the
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(254)
-
-minor key; striking harmonies are emphasised by means of the
-accompaniment, and three trumpets contribute to the orchestral effects.
-The solemn Crucifixus--[See Page Image]
-
-{MASS SS. TRINITATIS, 1773.}
-
-(255)
-
-follows in evident contrast immediately upon the soprano solo--[See Page
-Image] whereupon the chorus and orchestra, with three trumpets, fall in.
-
-But the youthful master does not neglect the display of his skill in
-counterpoint. Besides some few instances of more or less elaborate
-imitation, the two customary fugues, the first on the theme--[See Page
-Image] the second "et vitam" are furnished with two subjects and every
-requisite for complete fugues. It is true that the strongly contrasting
-original ideas exist only as such, and form no united whole, so that
-we are all the more struck by the conventional treatment of the greater
-part of the work; but it must be conceded, notwithstanding, that
-progress has been made, and that the power is making itself felt which,
-with a wider field, shall produce better and more original work.
-
-The mass composed in 1773 "In honorem SS. Trinitatis" (167 K.) is for
-chorus alone, without any solo movements: it displays no very high aim,
-but earnestness and ability throughout. The Kyrie is long and elaborate,
-without any sustained subject. In the Gloria the voices sustain
-the harmony, accompanied by a lively violin passage. The Credo is
-interesting through the persistent attempt to mould it into a firm
-musical organism. Three motifs occur quite at the beginning,
-apportioned in different combinations to the voices, viz., a rhythmical,
-characteristic passage--[See Page Image] a more melodious phrase--
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(256)
-
-and a running passage:--[See Page Image]
-
-{MASS SS. TRINITATIS, 1773.}
-
-(257)
-
-These three subjects form the essential substance of the Credo, the
-first, with changing harmonies, forming the root whence the others
-spring at fitting places, by which means the due expression of the words
-and the musical exigences of the composition are alike provided for. The
-continuous agitation is only once interrupted, at the short but grave
-and dignified "Et incarnatus est," and at the words "Et in Spiritum
-Sanctum." These points are emphasised by their separation from the rest
-through a long symphony, and by a digressive mode of treatment which
-reminds one of a solo. Towards the end of the broadly elaborated fugue,
-"Et vitam," the violins return to the first motif of the Credo, the
-voices take up the second motif with the "Amen," and the violins,
-asserting the supremacy of the first, bring the whole to a conclusion.
-
-The Benedictus is unusually grave for a chorus, but is relieved by
-the easy grace of the violins. The thematic treatment of the principal
-subject of the Dona--[See Page Image] gives it firmness and consistency;
-the accompaniment becomes more prominent in the middle, and the
-admirably well-sustained conclusion is dignified in mood and expression.
-
-The Mass in F major (192 K.), composed on June 24,1774, is the work of a
-finished artist, and has rightly been placed
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(258)
-
-next after the Requiem.[25] The whole mass, which reminds us of the
-finest examples of the older Neapolitan school, is in the strictest
-form of composition, none of the smaller sections forming an independent
-movement; the most delicate use is made of the simplest materials. The
-chorus and solos alternate throughout, the solo voices (never concerted)
-supplying the finer shadows to the chorus, which in return serves for
-response or repetition and conclusion. The accompaniment consists
-only of a bass (figured for the organ) and two violins, but it is
-independently worked out and effective both in tone-colouring and as a
-contrast to the voices.
-
-Every section of the mass is in counterpoint, and shows the firm hand of
-a master. The unity of the whole and of the several parts, which is
-the necessary consequence of this musical method, is apparent here to
-a surprising degree. The parts combine to express and dilate upon
-a well-defined idea, the separate features of which are not thrown
-together arbitrarily or by chance. A subject which in one place is
-merely indicated or foreshadowed becomes in another the main subject; in
-short, the independence of each separate part produces the uniform clear
-texture of the whole. Thus the Gloria begins with an important subject
-for the soprano--[See Page Image]
-
-{MASS IN P MAJOR, 1774.}
-
-(259)
-
-which is the groundwork of the whole movement, and--now entire and
-unaltered, now abridged or modified--appears in different positions as
-Cantus firmus; while the remaining parts, treated contrapuntally, give
-due emphasis to each change of mood, until the whole concludes with a
-grand Amen in unison. The same thing occurs in the Credo. The link here
-is a motif--[See Page Image] which, borrowed from the intonation of the
-Magnificat or of the Gloria in the third tone, has been often employed,
-by Al. Scarlatti,[26] for instance, in a mass, and by Michael Haydn in a
-gradual (Qui sedes, No. 3), as Alleluia. Mozart has made frequent use
-of it. We find it again in the Sanctus of another mass (257 K.) in a
-Symphony in B flat major (319 K.) composed in 1779, in a pianoforte
-Sonata in L flat major, composed in 1785, each time easily treated as
-a connecting subject, until it finally appears as the theme of the last
-movement of the Symphony in C major (551 K.) In the present work it
-recurs again and again as Cantus firmus, or in imitation, always the
-bond and support of the detached articles of faith. Then it becomes
-the root of the subjects for single phrases, such as the magnificent
-Crucifixus, the Confiteor and the fugued Et vit am. We scarcely
-know whether to admire most the masterly skill which makes light of
-difficulty, or the inventive imagination which can develop an idea from
-so many and such varied-points of view, making the same subject express
-calm faith in the Credo, bitter pain in the Crucifixus, and joyful
-confidence in the Et vit am.
-
-The Sanctus and Benedictus are short, fine contrapuntal movements, the
-Benedictus especially simple and full of grace. The Agnus Dei is freer
-in form. Three solo voices make the appeal, which the chorus answers
-with "miserere nobis." The harmonic successions, and the beautiful
-violin passage in the accompaniment, give a peculiarly affecting
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(260)
-
-character to this movement, which suggests a comparison with the
-Requiem. The Dona is fine and pure, but the effort to give it a cheerful
-and agreeable tone has robbed it of depth and significance.
-
-Even the accompaniment of this mass has an importance of its own, and
-there is more art and beauty contained in the two violin parts than in
-many a fuller score. Not content with giving an independent course to
-the voices, Mozart allows the accompaniment also to go its own
-way, usually with a subject proper to it, treated freely, often in
-counterpoint, and always with visible partiality.
-
-Inventive genius, technical scholarship, and deep, clear comprehension,
-are more evidently displayed by Mozart in this mass than ever before;
-the subjects have an intensity, a charm of beauty which had scarcely
-yet been suggested. Here, for the first time, we become aware of
-that wonderful beauty, Mozart's most special endowment, which we
-may designate sweetness, if we mean by that the perfect harmony of
-a naturally developed artistic organism. The maiden freshness of its
-manifestation here only increases the charm, and points to future
-expansion.
-
-The Mass in D major (194 K.), composed on August 8, 1774, has been
-rightly placed next to the one we have been considering.[27] The whole
-plan, the strict form, the flowing treatment, contrapuntal throughout,
-the mature beauty, offer many points of resemblance, but the effort
-after gracefulness is more apparent in the later mass, and is achieved
-at the sacrifice of gravity and ideality. The Kyrie displays a very
-similar conception. With the opening words of the soprano--[See Page
-Image]
-
-the foundation is laid on which the whole structure of the movement is
-built. In part in imitative combinations, in part extended into a longer
-subject, and in part connected with opposing subjects for the voices and
-the violins, this
-
-{MASS IN D. MAJOR, 1774.}
-
-(261)
-
-short theme is elaborated into a fine long movement, as interesting as
-it is expressive. The Gloria and the Credo do not reach the same height;
-the contrapuntal elaboration is only apparent in isolated passages, the
-solos are expressive, but over-graceful, the music proceeds in a fine
-flow, and delights the listener, but only now and then stirs deeper
-feelings. On the other hand, the Sanctus, Benedictus (a solo quartet),
-Agnus (alternate solo and chorus), are highly finished and tersely
-composed movements, in which beauty of form and sentiment combine.
-The somewhat lengthy Dona preserves its pleasing character, without
-degenerating into trifling. The effort to please by mere gracefulness is
-most predominant in the Mass in B flat major (275 K.), the date of which
-is not known. The commencement with a soprano solo[28]--[See Page Image]
-is characteristic of the whole mass. The solo element pre-dominates,
-and a wealth of lovely, seductive, and expressive melodies is scattered
-around; but neither the conception nor the execution takes a deep hold
-on the mind. The chorus is generally full, one might almost say merry;
-where harmonic or contrapuntal treatment comes to the front, it is
-executed with masterly ease; and such passages stand out in all the
-clearer relief against their surroundings. The principal passage of the
-Credo is striking:--[See Page Image]
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(262)
-
-According to Lorentz it is a reminiscence--perhaps an accidental one--of
-a favourite Volkslied, "Bauer hang' den Pummerl an." The introduction of
-the following theme--[See Page Image]
-
-{LATER MASSES, 1775-77.}
-
-(263)
-
-after a highly original and striking harmonic progression, cannot
-fail to injure the effect. The Sanctus is a short fugued movement,
-the Benedictus an unusually melodious soprano solo with an original
-accompaniment; the Agnus goes deepest, and is serious in feeling as well
-as wonderfully sweet. Works like the Masses in F and D major prove what
-Mozart was capable of in church music if his genius could have had free
-scope. But the "rapid advance of ecclesiastical reformation in
-Salzburg under the wise and immortal prince, Archbishop Hieronymus
-von Colloredo,"[29] had its effect on the treatment of the mass. The
-limitation of its duration and the abolition of solo singing proper and
-of fugues might appear to be the result of ecclesiastical rigour. But
-Hieronymus was far more inclined to favour secular taste in church
-music; and he was fond besides of displaying a royal magnificence and
-splendour. This external influence is apparent in the conception and
-treatment of the later masses composed after 1775, more particularly
-in one belonging to 1776 (262 K.), with a Kyrie in counterpoint and two
-elaborate fugues. Especially earnest and beautiful, both as to technical
-workmanship and expression, are the movements on which the musical
-treatment was becoming more and more concentrated, the Qui tollis (of
-which the accompaniment recalls the fugue, Quam olim Abrahae in the
-Requiem), the Et incarnatus est, and Agnus Dei. Even the Benedictus
-(where the chorus answers the "Benedictus" of the solos by "Osanna")
-and the Dona are sustained in style. How fundamentally this mass differs
-from that in F major is clearly shown by the ground-tones of the
-Gloria and the Credo, which are animated and brilliant, but without any
-intensity or depth of meaning. The same tendency is still more marked in
-the remaining masses (220, 257, 258, 259, K.).[30] Increasing maturity
-is manifest in the
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(264)
-
-firm and skilful handling of all available means, and the subjects
-display uncommon fertility of invention. But real creative inspiration
-is crushed by the obligation to compose after a set fashion.
-
-We do not need to look further than such church music to become aware
-that the Archbishop loved to bring the pomp and glitter of his royal
-station into the services of the church. Such a task obliges the artist
-to use his art more and more consciously as a means to an end. The
-inevitable result is inequality and exaggeration, his genius and his
-work being often at variance; the charm of mere grace leads to the
-danger of softness and effeminacy, and fluent animation becomes
-meaningless superficiality. The effort to be light and pleasing is
-manifest in these masses by their superfluity of detail. We find an
-over-abundance of beautiful melodies and harmonies, combined with
-great freedom in the treatment both of voices and orchestra, and in the
-working-out of the subjects.
-
-There are isolated instances of deeper sentiment and more poetic
-conception which are heightened in effect by the earnest technical
-skill displayed in their working-out, and which give glimpses of happy
-inspiration, not belonging of necessity to the fundamental conception of
-the work.
-
-Unhappily it is on these masses, in the composition of which Mozart's
-genius could only move within very confined limits, that his fame as a
-composer of church music chiefly rests; and musicians who have taken
-him as their model have striven most to imitate these, his least
-satisfactory works.
-
-The great resemblance in plan and mechanism of the masses of
-contemporary composers, such as Hasse, Nau-mann, Joseph and Michael
-Haydn, proves a strict adherence to the rules of composition then in
-force. A consideration of their works serves to heighten the effect of
-Mozart's higher and nobler conceptions, of his poetical sentiment, and
-of that sense of proportion which regards a work of art as a whole,
-and recognises the limits imposed on it from without as the necessary
-conditions of artistic production. Many excellent qualities may be
-conceded to these musicians, but none of them attained to the harmonious
-beauty of Mozart.
-
-{CIRCUMSTANCES AFFECTING CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(265)
-
-The artists of a later age, who imitated and exaggerated the cramped and
-obsolete forms, which had been the result of many circumstances, as
-if they were in themselves an all-sufficient musical method, judged
-Mozart's works by their own standard, and found them in many respects
-unsatisfactory.[31]
-
-Before condemning Mozart's readiness to adapt his compositions to
-external conditions, we must consider the mode of thought of the time.
-All art, more especially music, stood in the closest connection with
-the ordinary affairs of life; operas, masses, instrumental works
-were composed when, where, and how they were required, for particular
-occasions, and particular performers. Occasions of the kind were eagerly
-sought for, and furnished an impulse and incitement to the composer,
-even when they somewhat hampered his productive powers. Exaggerated as
-the reference to external circumstances and mechanical resources became,
-it formed the groundwork, rightly understood, of thorough artistic
-production.
-
-The demand for church music was one that came with peculiar authority
-at Salzburg, since the priest who commanded it was considered as the
-mouthpiece of the Church; he also stood in the place of the sovereign,
-arranging the performances and paying for them: respect for his position
-was both natural and proper. Mozart was by nature easily led, so long as
-his deeper feelings of antagonism were not stirred; then he was firm and
-decided. Trained under the discipline of his father to fulfil every
-duty conscientiously, and to turn to the best account whatever was
-inevitable, he endeavoured, as long as circumstances made it advisable,
-to satisfy the demands of the archbishop, and to make them conducive to
-his own improvement.
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC}.
-
-(266)
-
-In this he was guided by a nature so completely that of an artist as not
-to feel cramped or bound even by real restrictions. Composition was a
-joy and necessity to him, and a trifling impulse only was needed to
-set his poetical activity in motion; this once accomplished, external
-conditions served him for tools, and their just and appropriate use soon
-became second nature to him.
-
-The statement often made, and for the most part with a very imperfect
-knowledge of the subject, that Mozart's masses are his weakest
-works,[32] cannot be accepted without large reservations; and we have it
-in our power to give a decided contradiction to Thibaut's assertion[33]
-that "Mozart thought little of his masses, and often when a mass was
-ordered, he objected that he was only made for opera. But he was offered
-one hundred louis d'or for every mass, and that he could not refuse;
-only he used to say, laughing, that he would take whatever was good in
-his masses and use it in his next opera."
-
-The apparent particularity of this story is pure invention, employed, as
-so often happens, to give a colour to mere conjecture; and the invention
-is clumsy. Mozart only wrote for the church in Salzburg; in Vienna he
-did not compose a single mass to order, and only one, the unfinished one
-in C minor, on his own account. Such fees as that above mentioned never
-put his constancy to the test; we know that he received one hundred
-ducats for an opera. Again, thoughtlessness in the composition of church
-music is imputed to Mozart. He had strongly biassed opinions, but
-they were honest convictions; and his church work was always thoroughly
-earnest. Rochlitz tells us that at Leipzig,
-
-{MOZART'S VIEWS ON CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(267)
-
-in conversation on church music, Mozart declared that a Protestant could
-not possibly conceive the associations which the services of the Church
-awoke in the mind of a devout Catholic, nor the powerful effect which
-they had on the genius of an artist.[34]
-
-Mozart's education was calculated to make him a good Catholic; a
-conscientious observance of all that the Church prescribes and reverence
-for her usages were combined in him with a clear and penetrating
-intellect.[35] After his betrothal he wrote to his father (August 17,
-1782), that he had heard mass and been to confession with his Constanze:
-"It seems to me that I have never prayed so earnestly, or confessed
-and communicated so devoutly as by her side--and it is the same with
-her."[36]
-
-I find no trace whatever of Mozart's having looked with disdain upon
-church music. His way of expressing himself to Padre Martini directly
-disproves the assertion; he took his church music with him on his
-journeys, expecting to gain credit by it; and sent for some of it from
-Vienna that it might be heard by Van Swieten, a severe critic.
-
-So far from giving himself out as a mere operatic composer, who has a
-mean opinion of church compositions, he recommends himself for the post
-of under-kapellmeister, by saying, "The learned kapellmeister Salieri
-has never devoted himself to church music, while I have made it my
-peculiar study from my youth up."
-
-It is an unjust reproach also that Mozart robbed his masses for his
-operas. Among his numerous compositions of both kinds, a single Agnus
-Dei (317 K.)--a soprano solo--contains in its opening bars a slight
-suggestion of the aria "Dove sono," from "Figaro."
-
-Next in importance to masses must be reckoned litanies and vespers; and
-here we find the influence of the opera much more decided. The words
-did not readily lend themselves to musical expression, nor to the
-arrangement of
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(268)
-
-the movements. If the severity of ecclesiastical form was once relaxed,
-the easier and more pleasing forms were most likely to be employed in
-those places where the words were most opposed to musical expression.
-The dissimilarity of the different parts was increased by the supposed
-necessity of also representing the severe style, and of balancing a
-_tour de force_ of counterpoint by a _tour de force_ of execution. In
-this way certain conventional rules had become law, leaving little scope
-for variety or originality.
-
-Common to all litanies are the Kyrie with which they begin, and the
-Agnus Dei with which they close; that which lies between (the petitions
-varying according to the circumstances under which the litany was
-composed) determines its musical character. In the Kyrie, other
-petitions are added to the "Kyrie eleison" and "Christe eleison," which
-give scope for a broader and more varied treatment, whereby the Kyrie
-becomes one of the most important and impressive movements. The Agnus
-Dei does not close with "Dona nobis pacem," but with "Miserere nobis,"
-which prevents any suggestion of cheerfulness; the expression of anxious
-beseeching was generally softened into deep solemnity at the close.
-
-The invocations which form the substance of litanies are too numerous,
-disconnected, and wanting in climax to be well adapted for composition;
-and most of the petitions recited by the priest are equally incapable of
-definite musical expression. The musical setting of the service, to
-be appropriate, must be strictly liturgical, and the recurring refrain
-stamps it with a typical formulistic character. Should this tradition
-once be forsaken, its place must be taken by a setting full of lights
-and shades, often heterogeneous in treatment, and accentuated in
-accordance with form rather than reason. The distinguishing refrain
-could only be used to link together conflicting elements, or else as a
-vehicle for shades of sentiment, and a variety of expression would be
-given to the simple petitions, "Ora pro nobis," "Miserere nobis," which
-would be quite foreign to their nature.
-
-The Litanies to the Virgin (Litaniae Lauretanae) were, on the whole,
-cheerful and pleasing. When the devout
-
-{LITANY TO THE VIRGIN, 1771.}
-
-(269)
-
-worshipper turned to the Virgin Mother, the image that rose to his mind
-was that of a pure and holy maiden, and the veneration for all that
-is womanly which her worship induced was apparent in the music as
-elsewhere. The tone of the litanies sung in Italy before the images of
-the Virgin in the streets is echoed in the compositions of most of
-the Italian musicians, and is perceptible in many parts of Mozart's
-litanies.
-
-The first Litany in B flat major (109 K.), composed in May, 1771,
-is precise in form, and firmly and ably treated, although in no very
-elevated strain. The Kyrie, as in short masses, is composed of a single
-animated choral movement, without any definite development of the
-subject. The first part of the litany proper is divided between the
-chorus and solo voices, the soprano being most prominent; the whole
-work is interesting, melodious, simple in its harmonies, and singularly
-popular in tone. Upon the delivery of the solemn "Salus infirmorum"
-by the chorus follows a quick, vigorous choral passage to the words
-"auxilium Christianorum." The solo voices raise the appeal "Regina
-angelorum" to the Queen of Heaven, who seems to shed the glory of her
-manifestation upon the minds of her worshippers. In the last movement,
-the chorus comes in with "Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi," the
-solo voices answer with the prayer, and the chorus winds up with the
-"Miserere nobis." The tone is composed, more serious than melancholy,
-and rising in intensity towards the close. The actual mechanism is
-simple; the voices are seldom in true counterpoint, the modulations are
-freely and firmly handled: the accompaniment makes little attempt at
-independent significance.
-
-Far more important is the second Litany in D major (195 K.), belonging
-to the year 1774, the same in which the Masses in F and D major and the
-"Finta Giardiniera" were written; the maturity of its conception and the
-carefulness of its execution make it worthy to take a place beside these
-works. The Kyrie is a grand, lovingly elaborated movement, a solemn
-Adagio, followed by a serious sustained Allegro. The parts are
-throughout in strict counterpoint, principal and accessory subjects kept
-well in hand
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(270)
-
-and carefully elaborated; the orchestra, too, is independently treated.
-The expression is appropriate and dignified, and over the whole is
-spread a peaceful calm, bespeaking the nature of the music to which it
-forms the introductory movement.
-
-The first section of the Litany proper gives us the impression of
-a cheerful--one might almost say _sensuous_--spirit pervading each
-petition, but always with a tone of delicate moderation. The musical
-formation betrays the unmistakable influence of the opera, both in the
-solo soprano passages and in the aria-like treatment of the principal
-subject. Refrain is used with happy effect in the chorus, and the
-accompaniment is easy and flowing throughout. The whole movement is
-melodious, and full of tender grace and harmony. In quite another
-style is the Adagio next following, where the words "Salus infirmorum,
-refugium peccatorum, consolatrix afflictorum, auxilium Christianum,"
-are taken together. The construction of this movement, the arrangement
-and gradations of the details, the alternations of solo and chorus, the
-characteristically careful elaboration of the accompaniment, are all so
-admirably calculated and balanced, and the whole movement is pervaded
-with so much earnestness and depth of sentiment, that beauty and
-grandeur seem here indeed to be wedded together. The following section,
-"Regina ange-lorum," is again in a lighter vein; the choruses are fresh
-and animated, but the interpolated tenor solo is operatic in form and
-weak in invention and expression. The "Agnus Dei" is divided between a
-solo soprano and the chorus; the former, though evidently composed for
-executive display, is not without feeling and dignity; the short choral
-passages are excellent, both in workmanship and expression.
-
-Very evident, also, is the loving care bestowed on the orchestral score;
-its main strength lies in the delicately elaborated string quartet, but
-the wind instruments are also effectively made use of to produce lights
-and shadows. The mature and harmonious beauty of the numerous motifs and
-characteristic passages conveys the unmistakable impression of Mozart's
-genius.
-
-Of a third Litany for four voices without accompaniment,
-
-{LITANY TO THE HOLY SACRAMENT, 1772.}
-
-(271)
-
-the opening bars of the Kyrie (340 K.) and Sancta Maria in C major (325
-K.), and of the Salus infirmorum in C minor (324 K.) are unhappily all
-that is preserved.
-
-The Litany to the Holy Sacrament, (Litaniae de venerabili altaris
-sacramento), has a more serious character than the Litany to the Virgin.
-But appeals to the holy sacrament being of necessity abstract and
-dogmatic, are less suggestive of a musical rendering than those
-addressed to the Virgin Mary. On this account an operatic style is
-more avowedly employed; but it is combined with solemn dignity and
-thoughtfulness, and the two Litanies of this kind by Mozart are largely
-conceived and carefully executed compositions.[37]
-
-The first in B flat major (125 K.), composed in March, 1772, after the
-Italian tour, strikes throughout the tone of the heroic opera, elevated
-by deep and earnest feeling. The Kyrie is introduced by an instrumental
-passage, announcing the principal subject, which, after a short, solemn
-Adagio, is taken up by the chorus in Allegro molto. The plan of the
-whole movement, containing a second subject placed as contrast to the
-oft-repeated principal one, and a running orchestral accompaniment,
-follows the operatic mode of construction.
-
-The first movement of the Litany proper, "Panis vivus," is a soprano
-solo which might have been transferred bodily from an opera seria; the
-chief passages are given to the word "miserere." The solemn chorus
-which follows, "Verbum caro factum," interesting from its delicate
-modulations, and a characteristic passage for the violins, serves as an
-introduction to the agitated "Hostia sancta." Four solo voices give the
-chief motif in succession, with different modifications, and unite at
-last to rise to an appropriate climax; the chorus twice interposes with
-a short but weighty rhythmical passage,
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(272)
-
-giving cohesion and dignity to the whole movement. A new climax occurs
-in the Adagio, where the chorus repeats the word "Tremendum" with an
-expression of solemn awe. The short, lively passage given to the next
-words, "ac vivificum sacramentum," is only to serve as a contrast to the
-"Tremendum." The movement which follows "Panis omnipotentia verbi caro
-factus," is again nothing but an operatic tenor song, full of passages
-and pleasing expression. The grave harmonies of a short Adagio in B
-minor, "Viaticum in domino morientium," prepare the way for something
-new.[38] It was the custom to write a movement in elaborate counterpoint
-on the words of "Pignus futurae gloriae," and Mozart was not one to shrink
-from such a task. The bass theme, answered by the wind instruments in
-a passage afterwards much employed, is announced with the force and
-decision of joyful confidence, and is then exhaustively worked out into
-a long fugue.[39] The one theme, hardly ever abridged or altered, runs
-through the whole, but it is developed with an amount of variety,
-especially in the modulation and in the orchestral climax, and with so
-much fresh tunefulness, that this work alone would prove the youth of
-fifteen years old to be possessed of the genius of maturity.
-
-The Agnus Dei is a soprano solo, ornamented with many passages, all
-alike truly and simply conceived and full of grace.[40] The chorus takes
-up the Agnus Dei at the third repetition, and brings the movement to a
-calm conclusion, making use of the solo motif altered and simplified.
-The "Finis, I.O.D.G.," inscribed by Mozart, contrary to his custom, at
-the end of his score, show that he set considerable store by this truly
-admirable work.
-
-The second Litany in E flat major (243 K.), composed in
-
-{LITANY IN E FLAT MAJOR, 1776.}
-
-(273)
-
-March, 1776, also a carefully worked-out piece of music, displays the
-same arrangement. The operatic treatment of some of the parts is more
-conspicuous, because its tinsel glitter is in more marked contrast to
-the mature earnestness of the work as a whole. The Kyrie, expressive of
-mild calm, relieved by the agitation of the accompaniment, is simple
-in plan and execution. Solo and chorus alternate; the principal motif
-recurs at the end, after a middle part of smaller motifs grouped
-together. The Miserere is delicately shaded and finely expressed.
-After such harmonious renderings of a calm and collected mood, we
-are surprised by the words "Panis vivus" as an elaborate tenor song,
-altogether in the style of opera seria. In the succeeding movements,
-where the text seldom lends itself readily to musical adaptation, the
-hand of the master is visible in the admirable grouping of the larger
-sections and of the separate subjects, not less than in the true and
-beautiful expression of sentiment, and in the finely graduated and
-shaded unity of tone. The words "Verbum caro factum" are used as a
-solemn introduction; the Miserere has-a fine effect, commencing without
-an accompaniment, as if moaned forth from an overburdened breast, then
-increasing in intensity to a cry of anguish, and gradually sinking back
-into itself. The next succeeding Hostia sancta stands out against this
-dark background, its general tone as mild and consolatory as that of the
-Kyrie. Solemn grandeur predominates again in the Tremendum ac vivificum
-sacramentum, where the words "Tremendum" and "vivificum" are not
-separated, but are compacted into a connected, symmetrical movement with
-the words "Panis omnipotentia verbi caro factus, incruentum sacrificium,
-cibus et conviva." The disposition of the harmonies is in strongly
-marked but cleverly arranged opposition, intensified by the orchestra;
-the stringed instruments elaborate a forcible passage, opposed by the
-united oboes, horns, bassoons, and trombones. This noble and deeply
-impressive movement stands alone, both as to form and intention. The
-next following, "Dulcissimum convivium," a soprano solo resembling a
-cavatina, is soft and tender in expression, and pre-eminently operatic;
-the charm
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(274)
-
-of style, displayed also in the careful accompaniment, does not
-compensate for fundamental weakness.
-
-The "Viaticum in Domino morientium" is full of earnestness, and very
-original in treatment. The soprano voices give out as subject the
-chorale of the hymn to the Holy Sacrament, "Pange lingua gloriosi," as
-a Gregorian plain-chant, accompanied by the wind instruments (oboes,
-horns, bassoons, and trombones), and two muted violas, while the violins
-are occupied with a quaver passage in _pizzicato_, generally in divided
-chords. The effect of the whole is surprisingly serious and dignified.
-The Pignus futurae gloriae follows. It is in counterpoint, and of
-complicated workmanship. The chief subject of six bars comprises the
-words "Pignus futurae gloriae, miserere nobis," but in the third bar, at
-the words "miserere nobis," the three remaining parts are added--[See
-Page Image]
-
-and the subject given to them is differently elaborated along with the
-continuation of the chief theme. After the first working-out a second
-independent theme occurs--[See Page Image]
-
-{UNFINISHED VESPER, 1774.}
-
-(275)
-
-and is thoroughly worked out, together with the first. We see more
-of the actual workmanship in this than in others of Mozart's works
-in counterpoint, and the voices are treated less as such and more as
-abstract vehicles for contrapuntal development. The Agnus Dei is a
-soprano solo; the passages for the voices, and the concerted treatment
-of the accompanying instruments, give a uniform impression of grace and
-elegance. This movement has a certain resemblance to many passages of
-Mozart's later operas. At the close the chorus (as sometimes with Haydn)
-takes up again the principal subject of the Kyrie, and works it into a
-simple and appropriate ending to the Litany.
-
-Mozart seems never to have composed an entire Vesper during this period,
-but the two final movements of one, Dixit and Magnificat in C major
-(193 K.), written in July, 1774, are preserved, and are serious works
-in clever counterpoint. The Dixit is quite in the style of a short mass,
-the different sections in counterpoint full of force and animation. The
-Gloria Patri is an independent movement, with a slow introduction to
-a short fugal movement on the words "et in saecula saeculorum," with a
-charming organ point. [See Page Image]
-
-The Magnificat is grander in design and execution. The Virgin's song
-of praise forms a grand movement (Allegro moderato), the theme of which
-from the third plain-song tone of the Magnificat--
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(276)
-
-is introduced by the tenor, the bass immediately interposing a
-counter-subject:--[See Page Image]
-
-These give the groundwork of the whole movement, elaborated in various
-forms of counterpoint, and bound together by other freely treated
-episodical subjects. The Doxology is again independently treated in two
-movements. The first is slow, and is animated by a varied accompaniment;
-the second is a lively and conventional fugue.
-
-First among minor church pieces we may consider the "Regina coeli." Two
-of these works, belonging to May, 1771 and 1772 (108, 127, K.), are
-of similar plan and treatment. The first line is made into an animated
-chorus, with the constantly recurring Alleluia as a refrain; the second
-is more moderate in tone, a soprano solo alternating with the chorus.
-The "Ora pro nobis" is an Adagio for the solo soprano; the chorus chimes
-in at the close with the Alleluia. The character of the whole is lively
-and cheerful, almost merry, according to the prevailing tendency of the
-age. Full opportunities for display are given to the solo voice, and
-many of the turns and passages are operatic.[41] The earlier of the two
-compositions, in C major, reminds us more of opera seria; the later,
-in B flat major, is freer, and both voices and accompaniment have more
-independent life. A third Regina coeli, evidently of later date (276
-K.), in C major, combines the whole into a lively movement, in which the
-solo voices interrupt the chorus. The claims of the vocalist are here
-kept in abeyance, and the work is full of life and energy, with here and
-there passages of a deeper significance, such as the beautiful "Ora pro
-nobis."[42]
-
-{SMALLER SACRED PIECES.}
-
-(277)
-
-A "Tantum ergo" in B flat major (142 K.), for soprano solo, with a
-responding phrase for the chorus, closing with a lively Amen, is not
-remarkable. A second composition, in D major, (197 K.) for full chorus,
-if by Mozart at all, must have been written very hurriedly.
-
-A Motett in C major (117 K.) must, according to the handwriting, be
-ascribed to a very early date.[43] A lively chorus Benedictus sit Deus,
-without actual thematic elaboration but with a free arrangement of the
-parts, forms the introduction to a soprano air, Introibo domum tuam
-domine treated like a cavatina, simply, although not altogether with
-out embellishment. The conclusion is formed by a second lively chorus,
-Jubilate Deo, of which the second subject is the eighth psalm tone--[See
-Page Image] supported by the four parts of the chorus in succession, to
-a florid accompaniment of the orchestra, the full chorus each time
-responding with a lively "Jubilate." [44]
-
-An Offertorium of uncertain date, "Benedicite angeli" (342 K.), is
-exclusively founded on the fifth psalm tone. The verse--[See Page
-Image] is repeated in unison eight times by the whole chorus, while the
-orchestra, consisting of stringed instruments with two
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(278)
-
-horns, keeps the whole together, and gives it intensified expression by
-means of a lively and varied accompaniment.
-
-Some smaller choral works are some of them harmonic, some in more or
-less strict counterpoint. To the former belongs the "De profundis" (93
-K.), in which the words of Psalm cxxix. and the appended doxology are
-set to music without abridgment, with little more rhythmical flow than
-the declamation of the words demands, and in the simplest harmonic
-progressions. A symmetrical work, quiet and serious, though without
-great depth of tone, is formed out of these very simple materials.
-
-The "Te Deum" (141 K.) resembles in its first movements many of the
-shorter masses; the words are sung once, without a developed theme
-or well-defined passages. The essential character of the work is
-modulatory, the connection depending on the arrangement of the harmonies
-and the harmonic groups; the voices merely sustain the harmonies,
-without any prominent melodic peculiarities. The conclusion forms an
-exception, the words, "In Te Domine speravi, non confundar in aetemum"
-being worked into a conventional, moderately long fugue, issuing into a
-powerful and effective closing phrase.
-
-A motett, "Misericordias Domini" (222 K.), which Mozart composed at
-Munich in 1775 as an exercise, is in counterpoint throughout. Padre
-Martini, to whom he sent it (September, 1776), pronounced, as his
-judgment on it, that it contained all which modern music demands--good
-harmonies, rich modulations, moderation in the violin passages,
-a natural and good arrangement of the parts--and he added that he
-congratulated the composer on the progress he had made. It was not
-without intention that the representative of counterpoint on the
-principles of the old Roman school emphasised modern music, the "buon
-gusto" of which did not altogether content him.[45]
-
-Mozart divided the sentence "Misericordias Domini cantabo in aeternum"
-(Psalm lxxxviii.). The first words,
-
-{MISERICORDIAS, 1775.}
-
-(279)
-
-"Misericordias Domini," are delivered in slow notes, the second half in
-an agitated fugal passage, without change of tempo (moderato). The two
-alternate, and are developed with much originality, especially the
-first movement, where long-sustained notes for the voices serve as an
-organ-point against a passage for the violins, and give rise to striking
-harmonic transitions and progressions. The counterpoint of the second
-part is artistic and elaborate; besides the principal subject of
-the fugue there are two others leading out of it, treated in part
-independently, in part in combination with the principal subject and
-each other; the episodes are in strict counterpoint. The subject,
-as Stadler remarked,[46] is borrowed from an offertory by Eberlin,
-"Benedixisti Domine"; but Mozart's treatment, as a glance at the
-opening will show, is thoroughly original.[47] This admirable work
-has been overrated by Ulibicheff,[48] but very unfairly criticised by
-Thibaut.[49] He says:--
-
-The words are capable of division into two short sections: Misericordias
-Domini (the mercy of the Lord), cantabo in aeternum (I will sing for
-ever), but the division is not a real one. For there can be only one
-fundamental idea--either "Misericordias Domini" or "cantabo in aeternum."
-If the former, then the "cantabo" should be subordinate; if the latter,
-the "Misercordias" must be included in the exultation. Mozart has so far
-given way to the love of the picturesque, to which Handel also made
-many sacrifices, that the "Misericordias" is to be sung softly, but the
-"cantabe in aeternum" energetically and in a lively fugued passage. When
-the last motif has been worked out, the Grave is repeated, and then
-again the fugue.
-
-It is evident that the law by which thoughts are expressed in _speech_
-does not altogether apply to _musical_ expression, but that with the
-introduction of a new element new rules are
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(280)
-
-imposed. Since the words, intelligently interpreted, give the keynote to
-the whole conception, it is the musician's task to embody the sentiments
-inspired by them in such forms as he has at his disposal. The necessity
-for avoiding contradictions or inconsistencies is no barrier, but rather
-an incentive to his creative energy. But a contradiction may arise not
-only from a misconception of ideas, but from the undue prominence of
-some one point which, detached from the context, injures the effect
-of the whole. This would be the case here, if, as Thibaut seems to
-indicate, the idea of the mercy of God, and that of the praise offered
-to it, were treated in absolute opposition and mechanical alternation
-one with the other. But this is not so. The motifs given to the words
-"cantabo in aetemum," both in themselves and in their working-out,
-express nothing but firm conviction and desire to act upon that
-conviction; we seem to view the spiritual condition of a human being
-who, in spite of adverse fate and sorrowful experiences, is never weary
-of praising the Lord. The "cantabo" is placed just as Thibaut demands
-that it should be, as a contrast to the "Misercordias Domini and the
-contrast is so harmoniously expressed and so consistently sustained as
-in no way to injure the musical effect of the work as a whole.[50]
-
-A very interesting composition, belonging to the year 1776, is the
-Offertorium de Venerabili (260 K.), "Venite populi," for two choruses,
-scored in eight parts.[51] It is imitative throughout, less strict in
-form than usual; the voices seem to take actual delight in their free
-movement; the two choruses and the separate parts are clearly divided
-while maintaining natural relations with each other, and the whole work
-is sharply cut and characteristic both in harmonies and in rhythm. The
-principal movement is divided in the middle by a short, slow movement,
-having the same motif, but in different combinations.
-
-{VOICES AND ORCHESTRA.}
-
-(281)
-
-A "Sancta Maria, mater Dei" (273 K.), for chorus, composed in September,
-1777, and an "Alma redemptoris mater" (277 K.), for solo and chorus,
-of about the same date, judging by the style, are very differently
-conceived: they are simple in design and in treatment, quiet and mild
-in expression. Delicate lights and shades betray the hand of a master
-conscious of his power to stir the feelings and satisfy the sense of
-beauty of his hearers. Equal genius is displayed in the selection of
-simple meins, and the ease with which the right effect is given at the
-right moment; and every now and then a delicate harmonic inflection, or
-a charming little motif in the accompaniment, leaves us in no doubt as
-to Mozart's individuality.[52]
-
-The survey we have taken of Mozart's church music will give some idea
-of the industry with which he strove to master the various forms of his
-art, as well as of the ease and fertility of his production, and the
-truth of his artistic feeling. Remembering his activity in operatic
-music, we are amazed at the wealth of his many-sided genius; but the
-unceasing exercise of all his musical powers serves to explain in part
-that marvellous acquaintance with all the technicalities and forms of
-his art which not even the possession of great genius can account for in
-so youthful a composer.
-
-External circumstances influenced not only the conception and treatment
-of church music, but the means at disposal for its performance. Mozart's
-chief dependence in Salzburg was on the chorus, as is shown in a
-letter (November 4, 1777), where he says that none of his masses can
-be performed at Mannheim, because the chorus was bad, and the orchestra
-must be the first consideration. This is confirmed by the works
-themselves, of which the choruses are always the main substance; Mozart
-found his materials ready to hand in the carefully instructed church
-singers and chapel choir. He had himself received vocal training. Even
-as a boy the correct delivery and good management of his voice excited
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(282)
-
-astonishment; and though he lost his voice on attaining manhood, his
-intercourse with trained singers gave him an accurate knowledge of
-the voice and its treatment. Careful as Mozart is to arrange each part
-easily and conveniently for performance, yet he always reckons
-on well-trained singers, and even exacts from the choristers, where
-occasion requires, not a little skill in taking intervals and in
-execution and intonation. Above all, he demands the intelligent delivery
-of a singer who knows how much depends upon it.
-
-The treatment of the solo voices as regards execution does not differ
-in church and operatic music. Frau Haydn and Meissner, Marie Anna
-Braunhofer and Jos. Spitzeder, had received good practical training,
-but they were not such remarkable performers as to call forth new or
-original creations. When the solo voices are not treated with a view to
-executive display they are altogether in the style of chorus parts.
-
-The organ, as the instrument appropriate to the church, invariably
-accompanies the singing, so that in all Mozart's church compositions the
-bass part is carefully figured, sometimes by his father's hand; it is
-sometimes, but rarely, employed obbligato, as in the Benedictus (259
-K.), and then treated in easy style. Next to the organ come three
-trombones, essentially the support of the chorus, played in virtue of
-his office by the "stadtthuermermeister" and two of his subordinates.
-[53]
-
-Following ancient tradition they sounded in the tutti in unison with
-the three lower voices of the chorus; the trombones were generally left
-unindicated in the score, and only the places marked where they were to
-be silent. This curious prominence of the brass instruments, whereby the
-soprano part is left unrepresented, was usual at that time, and
-could not be dispensed with in the church. Trombones are seldom used
-independently by Mozart, and then in the simplest manner.
-
-The stringed instruments served as independent orchestra, and were
-generally only two violins and violoncello; the
-
-{ORCHESTRA.}
-
-(283)
-
-tenors strengthened the violoncello, which went with the organ bass. The
-stringed instruments were strengthened as far as possible and treated
-so as to counteract the disadvantage they were at in contrast with the
-chorus, trombones and organ. When the violins are not with the voices,
-the passages are disposed so as to have the best effect, and they
-frequently play in unison; this explains the partiality for running
-passages for the violins, which are not expressive in themselves, but
-serve to amplify the rest. It was a higher task to give the violins a
-character really independent of the chorus--to make them carry out their
-own motif either in one part only, in opposition to the chorus, or in
-joint development. In almost all Mozart's masses the effort is
-visible, at any rate in some places, to treat the stringed instruments
-independently; as his artistic sense matured, they were used more
-freely, and with more careful reference to sound effects. As a variation
-in later works, the damper was sometimes employed, and more rarely, the
-_pizzicato_.
-
-Besides stringed instruments, trumpets and drums were generally used,
-being almost indispensable for solemn high mass. The constant use of
-trumpets, as of trombones (sackbuts), was founded on the Bible, which
-speaks of their employment in the Jewish temple worship; and also
-careful and highly elaborated trumpet music played so considerable a
-part in court festivities, that it could not well be dispensed with in
-church ceremonials. In two masses (139, 167, K.), Mozart has employed,
-in addition to the two usual trumpets called "clarini," a tromba,
-which has only to sound the low notes C and G, and to strengthen the
-drums.[54] As regards other wind instruments, we know that in 1757,
-"Oboes and German flutes were seldom heard in the cathedral, and the
-French horn, never."[55]
-
-This severity was afterwards relaxed, until the oboe was used alone or
-as the principal wind instrument, generally to support the voice or to
-strengthen the harmony. It was
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC.}
-
-(284)
-
-allowed to assert its own individuality at a later time, but this could
-only be when it retained its proper place among the different combined
-wind instruments. Flutes were only rarely used to replace the oboe in
-soft passages; there were no clarinets in Salzburg. Bassoons served, as
-a rule, only to strengthen the bass; in various places where they, like
-the violoncello, were treated with some degree of independence it was
-so indicated in the score. Also when the tenors were associated with
-the wind instruments to complete the harmony they were supported by
-the bassoons. The horns at first closely followed the trumpets, but
-gradually attempts were made, by the use of sustained notes, to produce
-the sound effects peculiar to this instrument. The freer treatment of
-the wind instruments passed to the church from the opera, and those
-pieces which were altogether more freely treated than masses, prepared
-the way for the change. The orchestra of Mozart's two last Litanies is
-just as elaborate and careful as that of his operas, and the later one
-does not only employ obbligato solo instruments, but in many of its
-sections approaches modern instrumentation.
-
-We are unfortunately in considerable ignorance as to what masters were
-studied by Mozart. What has usually been said of his diligent study
-of Bach, Handel, and the Italian masters, is neither demonstrable nor
-probable. There would scarcely be much opportunity at Salzburg for the
-study of any but Salzburg or south German musicians. It is well known
-that some of these, such as Eberlin, Michael Haydn, and Adlgasser, were
-earnestly studied and highly esteemed by Mozart. But he first became
-acquainted with Sebastian Bach[56] through Van Swieten in Vienna,
-although he may have come across detached organ or pianoforte
-compositions in Salzburg. He heard Handel's oratorios as a boy in
-London, but that was all, and even at Mannheim he took no great interest
-in the "Messiah." It was again Van Swieten who led him to this master.
-
-We may grant a stronger influence to the Italian masters,
-
-{ITALIAN INFLUENCE.}
-
-(285)
-
-although the older Italian church music was only exceptionally used at
-Salzburg.
-
-Leopold Mozart speaks of a Gradual with which he had been much pleased
-as being the work of "the celebrated long-since deceased Lotti"
-(November 13, 1777). But we have seen with what zeal Mozart studied in
-Italy; and a youth with his genius learned rapidly, and could at once
-apprehend and retain whatever would be likely to benefit him. He must
-also have taken home with him from Italy much material for future use,
-as we have seen in the case of the compositions of Padre Martini. But
-what direction these studies took, and how far they extended, we are not
-informed. It is not probable that Mozart studied the old masters with
-the intention of forming his own style on theirs, but rather that he
-might gain that surer practice in technicalities which the tasks before
-him required.
-
-
-
-
-THE FOOTNOTES OF CHAPTER 13
-
-
-[Footnote 3: Schubart, Teutsch. Chron., 1775, p. 408; Dressier, Theaterschule, p.
-42.]
-
-[Footnote 4: J. E. Altenburg, Anleitg. zur heroisch-musik. Trompeter-
-Pauker-Kunst. (Halle, 1795,1., p. 26).]
-
-[Footnote 5: [Schinn und Otter] Biographische Skizze von Michael Haydn (Salzburg,
-1808).]
-
-[Footnote 6: K. R[isbeck] expresses himself to the same effect, Briefe e. reis.
-Franz, I. p. 357. Michael Haydn became very industrious later in life.]
-
-[Footnote 7: Wolfgang says of Schweizer (December 3, 1777), that he is as "dry
-and sleek as our Haydn, only his language is more refined."]
-
-[Footnote 8: This book (mentioned in Caecilia IV., p. 290) contains the following
-scores, in Mozart's handwriting:--
-
-M. Haydn, In Te Domine speravi, fuga, a 4 voci, 2 viol., org.
-
-Eberlin, Missa canonica, a 4 voci, org.
-
-Eberlin, Hymnus, Recessit Pater noster, a 4 voci.
-
-Eberlin, Hymnus, Tenebrae factae sunt, a 4 voci, org.
-
-Eberlin, Graduale pro dominica in palmis, Tenuisti a 4 voci, org.
-
-Eberlin, Offertorium pro dominica in palmis Improperium, a 4 voci, org.
-Eberlin, Communio pro dominica in palmis, Pater si potest, a 4 voci,
-org.]
-
-M. Haydn, Tenebrae, a 4 voci, org.
-
-Eberlin, Three Motetti. In nomine Domini; Christus factus est; Domine
-Jesu, a 4 voci.
-
-M. Haydn, Ave Maria, pro adventu Domini, a sopr. solo c. rip.
-
-Eberlin, Benedixisti, a 4 voci, org.
-
-Eberlin, Cum Sancto Spiritu, fuga, a 4 voci.
-
-Eberlin, Kyrie, fuga, a 4 voci.
-
-Eberlin, Cum Sancto Spiritu, fuga, a 4 voci.]
-
-[Footnote 9: Frz. Lorenz's "Haydns, Mozarts und Beethovens Kirchenmusik und
-ihre katholischen und protestantischen Gegner," is a plea for impartial
-judgment. Breslau, 1866.]
-
-[Footnote 10: Cf. A. M. Z., XXIII., p. 683.]
-
-[Footnote 11: Marpurg, Krit. Beitr., III., p. 195.]
-
-[Footnote 12: A similar disposition is described by Mattheson (Neu eroeff. Orch.,
-I., p. 158).]
-
-[Footnote 13: A short account is given by L[orenz], Deutsche Mus. Ztg., 1862, p.
-265.]
-
-[Footnote 14: The text of the masses and of other important church compositions
-is given in Appendix VI. [to the German original of this work].]
-
-[Footnote 15: They are denoted in the text by large initial capitals.]
-
-[Footnote 16: Biogr. Skizzen von Michael Haydn, p. 48.]
-
-[Footnote 17: The beginning of such a Kyrie is preserved. (Anh. 18 K.).]
-
-[Footnote 18: The first words "Gloria in excelsis Deo" are intoned by the priest
-from the altar in the prescribed way, and the choir fall in with the
-words "et in terra pax"; the same thing occurs at the beginning of the
-Credo, which the choir takes up at the words "Patrem omnipotentem."
-The first words are consequently frequently left uncomposed; sometimes,
-however, the choir repeat the words intoned by the priest.]
-
-[Footnote 19: In accordance with this, the word "quoniam" is repeated before each
-comma in some masses. (257 K.)]
-
-[Footnote 20: The Credo of this mass (257 K.) is mutilated in the printed score,
-the repeated--[See Page Image] with all that belongs to it having been
-struck out.]
-
-[Footnote 21: In earlier times the chief emphasis was laid on the words "et homo
-factus est," which Beethoven makes so emphatic in his Mass in D.]
-
-[Footnote 22: Mozart writes from Mannheim (November 4, 1777): "It is not the
-custom here to write a Benedictus, but the organist has to go on playing
-all the time."]
-
-[Footnote 23: L. Mozart mentions a mass for Count Spaur, which may be this.]
-
-[Footnote 24: In Italy three independent movements were made of the Kyrie,
-Christe, Kyrie, the last being an elaborate fugue. In Dresden also this
-was customary, and is to be found in the masses of Hasse, Naumann, and
-other Dresden composers, as also in Bach's B minor mass.]
-
-[Footnote 25: A. M. Z., XIX., p. 368.]
-
-[Footnote 26: A. Reissmann's Gesch. d. Mus., III., p. 39.]
-
-[Footnote 27: A. M. Z., XI., p. 460.]
-
-[Footnote 28: The date upon a copy at St. Peter's, in Salzburg, December 22,
-1777, can only refer to the performance.]
-
-[Footnote 29: Biogr. Skizze von Michael Haydn, p. 18.]
-
-[Footnote 30: The Masses (220, 257-59,262, K.), were bound together in a little
-blue book, with the title in the father's hand, "V. Missae in C," and
-a suggestion of the subjects. The first has been taken out, and was
-evidently the one which Wolfgang gave to the Abbot of the Holy Cross at
-Augsburg, as he writes to his father (November 20, 1777).]
-
-[Footnote 31: Sometimes his church music was mutilated and distorted, sometimes
-operatic and other compositions were arranged for church performance. A
-great deal was given out with his name in which he had little part,
-such as a Mass in G Major (Anh., 23a K.), rightly omitted by Seyfried
-(Caecilia, V., p. 77; cf. VI., p. 129), another doubtful Mass in B flat
-major (Anh., 233 K.), and finally, an unauthenticated Mass in G major
-(140 K.), which, in my opinion, is unworthy of Mozart, but which Koechel
-and Lorenz consider to be genuine.]
-
-[Footnote 32: A. M. Z., XVI., p. 612. The criticism of Rochlitz (fur Freunde
-der Ton-kunst, IV., p. 237) is feeble and colourless. Thibaut does not
-scruple to include Haydn and Mozart in his censure on those who write
-"our new masses and other church music in a purely amorous style, giving
-them an altogether operatic stamp, and imitating the most popular, and
-therefore the least refined operas" (Ueber Reinheit der Tonkunst, p.
-10). The tendency of the romantic school was to favour the early Italian
-church music, very often ignorantly, and to the prejudice of Mozart. Cf.
-Tieck Phantas., I., p. 468.]
-
-[Footnote 33: Ueber Reinheit der Tonkunst, p. 11.]
-
-[Footnote 34: A. M. Z., III., p. 494.]
-
-[Footnote 35: A. M. Z., III., p. 493.]
-
-[Footnote 36: A. M. Z.f I., p. 116.]
-
-[Footnote 37: It is very interesting to compare Michael Haydn's Litaniae de
-venerabili sacramento in G minor (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Haertel), which
-was written at the same time and under similar circumstances. It is an
-excellent work, displaying the cultivation of a master both in design
-and execution. The fact of its being on the whole less graceful, and
-more serious, only shows the difference of the artistic nature of the
-two masters; the general conception is not essentially different, and
-Michael Haydn also yields to operatic influence.]
-
-[Footnote 38: This movement ended originally in B flat major. Mozart rightly
-preferred to close the introduction in the dominant (F major), and thus
-gave greater breadth to the finale.]
-
-[Footnote 39: Mozart has abbreviated it in three places, and has altered wherever
-necessary. The shortened fugue is printed in Cantate I.]
-
-[Footnote 40: L. Mozart wrote at the beginning: "The solo of the Agnus Dei is
-written in the bass for Herr Meissner."]
-
-[Footnote 41: One of these Regina coeli--we do not know which--was composed for
-Frau Haydn, and afterwards sung, as L. Mozart writes (April 12,1778), by
-Ceccarelli.]
-
-[Footnote 42: I have grave doubts of the genuineness of a short Salve Regina for
-solo voices and chorus (92 K.).]
-
-[Footnote 43: Perhaps this is one of the motetts which Wolfgang composed in
-Milan in 1771. A second aria in cavatina form, "Quaere superna," with
-an introductory recitative, "Ergo, inter est," in G major (143 K.), was
-evidently intended for an interpolation.]
-
-[Footnote 44: When Mozart was travelling in 1777, his father wrote to him
-(October 4): "I inclose the chorale, which may be useful and even
-necessary to you at some time or other; you ought to know everything."]
-
-[Footnote 45: P. Martini, Storia Univ., II., p. 281.]
-
-[Footnote 46: Stadler's Defence of the Authenticity of Mozart's Requiem, p. 10.]
-
-[Footnote 47: An analysis is given in A. M. Z., X., p. 43; cf. XIII., p. 305.]
-
-[Footnote 48: Ulibicheff, II., p. 333: Pour rompre la monotonie que des paroles
-tant de fois repetees sur le meme sujet devaient introduire dans un
-morceau de 160 mesures, d'un mouvement grave, le compositeur avait les
-ressources inepuisables de la modulation et de l'analyse contrapontique.
-Il les employa avec la science de Bach, avec la gravite onctueuse des
-maitres catholiques du XVIIme siecle, avec le sentiment profond et le
-gout qui n'appartenaient qu'a Mozart.]
-
-[Footnote 49: Thibaut, Ueber Reinheit der Tonkunst, p. 109.]
-
-[Footnote 50: Zelter was not satisfied with Thibaut's judgment (Briefw. m.
-Goethe, IV., p. 37). Rochlitz (A. M. Z., XXVII., p. 461) attempts a lame
-apology for Mozart.]
-
-[Footnote 51: Two violin parts, _ad libitum_, meant for support, are added.]
-
-[Footnote 52: The Offertory, Sub tuum praesidium (198 K.), a duet for soprano and
-tenor, is simple and melodious, and has the soft and tender character
-appropriate to the worship of the Virgin.]
-
-[Footnote 53: Marpurg, Krit. Beitr., III., p. 195.]
-
-[Footnote 54: Altenburg, Anl. z. Tromp.-Kunst, p. 108.]
-
-[Footnote 55: Marpurg, Krit. Beitr., III., p. 195.]
-
-[Footnote 56: Rochlitz's remarks on Bach's influence over Mozart are unfounded
-(A. M. Z II., p. 641).]
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIV. INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.
-
-DURING the last half of the eighteenth century it had become the fashion
-in Italy and elsewhere to perform detached instrumental pieces as
-introductions or intermezzi during the pauses in Divine service.[1] They
-were written in the then customary symphony form; music of a lively and
-secular tone not being thought out of place in churches.[2] Brilliancy
-of effect was provided for by doubling the orchestra and other
-mechanical means,[3] besides forcible composition. Further innovations
-were made in allowing solo vocalists an opportunity of displaying their
-powers in church music;
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(286)
-
-and, as a necessary consequence, distinguished instrumental performers
-also were allowed to add their share to the attractions of Divine
-worship.[4] Instrumental concertos were played usually at the conclusion
-of the service, without any regard to an ecclesiastical character.[5] We
-gather from Dittersdorf's account[6] of his competition with Spagnoletti
-at the festival of St. Paul at Bologna and its result, that fine
-performances were thought as much of in the churches as in theatres and
-concerts.
-
-At Salzburg, as Mozart tells Padre Martini (p. 244), a sonata was
-introduced between the epistle and the gospel, until Archbishop
-Hieronymus replaced it by a gradual in 1763.[7] Seventeen compositions
-by Mozart of this kind are preserved. The earliest of certain date
-belongs to 1775 (212 K.), and others to 1776 (241, 244, 245, 263, K.)
-and 1777 (274, 278, K.), but there are several almost certainly of
-earlier date. His sacred sonatas were performed even during his absence,
-according to his father (September 25, 1777). After his return, he
-composed three pieces of the kind, the last in March, 1780 (328, 329,
-336, K.).
-
-They are all inscribed as sonatas, and all consist of a lively movement
-of moderate length in two parts, and in regulation sonata form. The
-church sonatas (sonad di chiesa) differ, indeed, from chamber sonatas
-(sonad di camera) in being serious, dignified, often fugued and in
-counterpoint, but the style has nothing in it that suggests a sacred
-performance. The tone is neither solemn nor devotional, nor is the style
-severe. The tone and treatment of the commencement remind us of the
-first movements of the smaller sonatas and quartets; the subjects are
-small, sometimes very pretty'; the treatment is free and skilful, and in
-the later pieces not without touches of Mozart's originality. They are
-usually written for two violins and violoncello, to which the organ was
-always added, but never
-
-{ORGAN SONATAS--NOBLE AMATEURS.}
-
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-
-obbligato nor with any regard to executive display; it has often only
-its customary office of accompaniment to the violoncello, in which case
-a figured bass part is written. Even when the organ part is independent
-it is for the most part limited to what the skilful organist can make
-out of the _continuo;_ its independence is very modest, and it never
-aspires to a solo or any passages. Sometimes trumpets and drums are
-added (263 K.) as well as oboes (278 K.) and horns (329 K.). With the
-extension of the orchestra the design and treatment became grander and
-more impressive, but still kept within comparatively narrow limits.
-Unhappily these organ sonatas give us not the faintest idea of Mozart's
-much-admired organ-playing.
-
-Not only were these compositions composed for special occasions, but
-all instrumental music at that time was in this sense occasional music.
-Orchestral compositions were, with few exceptions, written with a
-definite aim and under given conditions.
-
-Musical performances were the customary evening entertainments given
-by distinguished or wealthy persons, in default of better, such as
-the theatre. Those who maintained their own _Kapelle_ required
-daily performances, and in the evening, whether they were alone or
-entertaining company, a well-appointed concert. Sometimes noble gentler
-men became so proficient on some instrument that it pleased them to take
-personal part in such concerts. Not to mention the noted examples of
-Frederick the Great and the Emperor Joseph, the Elector Maximilian III.
-of Bavaria was a performer on the bass-viol, and took part in the court
-concerts, where his sister, Maria Antonia of Saxony, appeared as a
-singer; sometimes also he played the violin in the symphony.[8] The
-flute was an instrument much in vogue with noble amateurs, and was
-played by the Margrave Friedrich von Bayreuth,[9] Duke Karl von
-
-INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.
-
-(288)
-
-Curland,[10] and Prince Joseph Friedrich von Hildburghausen;[11] the
-Elector Karl Theodore, played the violoncello,[12] Prince Nicolaus
-Esterhazy the baritone,[13] Archduke Maximilian the tenor.[14]
-Archbishop Hieronymus adopted the violin[15] as his instrument, after
-the example of the Emperor Peter III.[16] and the Crown Prince Karl
-Wilhelm Ferdinand von Braunschweig, and he amused himself with it alone
-after dinner;[17] in the evening he took part in the concerts given by
-his choir.[18] L. Mozart writes to his son, who had a great dislike
-to violin-playing in court music: "As a connoisseur, you will not be
-ashamed of the violin-playing in the first symphony, any more than the
-Archbishop and all the cavaliers who take part in it." The distinguished
-amateurs did not indeed always improve the orchestra. On one occasion,
-the Empress Maria Theresa having remarked in an undertone to Haydn
-that she wondered what would become of four noble amateurs, who were
-performing with him, if left to themselves, he played her the joke
-of quietly absenting himself with his next colleague, and enjoyed the
-complete discomfiture of the gentlemen. Brunetti, who always stood at
-the Archbishop's side, used at difficult places quietly to take down his
-viola and strike in; the Archbishop let it pass, and used even to say
-when he came to these places, "now Brunetti will come in." Mozart had
-not the most favourable opinion of the Archbishop's musical knowledge.
-He writes to his father (Vienna, September 26, 1781) about the famous
-bass singer, Fischer, "who has certainly an excellent bass voice,
-although the Archbishop told him he sang too low for a bass, upon which
-I assured His Grace that he would sing higher next time."
-
-{COURT CONCERTS---THEIR LENGTH.}
-
-(289)
-
-Public performers took the principal parts in these concerts, which fact
-was taken into consideration in forming the choir; care was taken to
-attract foreign artists, and in the larger towns many public performers
-depended on the daily concerts for their means of subsistence.[19] The
-performances were long, and included a great deal of orchestral music.
-Count Firmian's musical soirees lasted from five to eleven o'clock, and
-at one concert several symphonies by J. C. Bach and four symphonies
-by Martini were played.[20] Dittersdorf produced twelve new violin
-concertos by Benda on one evening;[21] at a concert given by the Elector
-of Bavaria Burney heard two symphonies by Schwindl, a song by Panzacchi,
-a scena by the Electress of Saxony, a trio for bass-viols by the
-Elector, a song by Rauzzini, a song by Guadagni, and a bass-viol solo by
-the Elector;, and at a private concert in Dresden both parts contained a
-symphony, a violin concerto, a flute concerto, and an oboe concerto.[22]
-The evening's amusement was generally further provided for by
-card-playing and conversation. Archbishop Hieronymus limited the
-duration of his concerts. L. Mozart wrote to his son (September 17,
-1778) that they only lasted from seven to a quarter past eight, and
-included only four pieces--a symphony, a song, another symphony or
-concerto, another song, and then _addio_.[23] The court composer took
-the direction of the court music in turn with the kapellmeister every
-alternate week, and the director for the time being had the choice and
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(290)
-
-arrangement of the music[24] except so far as it was dictated by
-superior authority.
-
-The position of Mozart's father gave him constant opportunities of
-bringing his son's instrumental compositions before the public. The
-fame of the band was enhanced by the performance of works by one of the
-members, and at every festival something new was performed. Dittersdorf
-relates that for the fete-day of the Bishop of Grosswardein he composed
-not only a grand cantata with choruses and a solo cantata, but also two
-grand symphonies at the beginning and close, a middle symphony, with
-obbligato wind instruments, and a violin concerto.[25] In a similar
-position, under Prince Esterhazy, Josef Hadyn produced his incredibly
-numerous instrumental compositions. Mozart's fertility during the period
-of his independent activity at Salzburg, from 1770 to the autumn of
-1777, was equally great, but the merit of industry and fertility was one
-which these great masters shared with many contemporary lesser ones.
-
-The skilful treatment of the orchestra rests mainly on the composer
-being so imbued with the spirit of the work as a whole as to be able to
-render the separate parts conducive to the general effect. This can only
-be accomplished by continuous practical study.
-
-Most especially fortunate was Mozart, whose numerous appointed tasks,
-not being merely abstract exercises, served him as studies for his
-works. The danger was indeed great that the influence of the schools and
-the force of traditional forms would tend to mechanical routine, but
-it afforded another proof of Mozart's creative nature, that his
-unintermittent labour in mastering the technicalities of his art never
-interfered with the spiritual side of his genius.
-
-Many forms were in use for instrumental composition during the last
-century, of which, at the present day, we can scarcely even distinguish
-the names or define the limits. The so-called French symphony (or
-overture) introduced by Lulli, and established through the school of
-Scarlatti,
-
-{SYMPHONIES OR OVERTURES.}
-
-(291)
-
-consists of a short slow movement preceding a longer and more varied
-one, and repeated at the close. This was opposed to the Italian
-symphony, which contained three movements: an allegro at the beginning
-and another at the end, separated by a slow movement in effective
-contrast to them both. The first and the last allegro were, however,
-different in character, the second being the quicker and more cheerful
-of the two.
-
-It was easy to sever the slender connection between the symphony and
-the opera; and operatic symphonies were soon performed alone, as may
-be proved by the symphonies to the "Finta Semplice," the "Sogno di
-Scipione" and "Lucio Silla."
-
-The continual demand for new symphonies co-operated with the increasing
-capacity of the instrumentalists, and the fuller appointments of the
-orchestra, in developing their importance and independence. In Italy,
-Sammartini, commissioned by the governor, Pallavicini, first wrote
-symphonies for full orchestra; he divided the tenors from the
-violoncelli, gave the second violins an independent part, and rendered
-service also to the technicalities of playing.[26] In Germany the
-composers of the Mannheim Kapelle, who were of the first rank,
-introduced this kind of composition with great success;[27] but Jos.
-Haydn, who surpassed them all in his inexhaustible wealth of productive
-power and in his thorough knowledge of his art, threw them quite into
-the shade, and may justly be considered as the creator of the symphony.
-
-The three movements were originally connected; but when the symphonies
-became independent of the opera, this was only exceptionally the case
-(74, 181, 184, K.).
-
-The last Symphony of the year 1773 shows that even in its maturity an
-artistic mind may cling to long-established customs. The delicately
-elaborated Andante, full of original
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(292)
-
-and tender sentiment, forms the climax of the work. The animated Allegro
-which precedes it is, with just discrimination, toned down towards the
-end to prepare for the Andante, whose yearning pathos leaves the mind
-unsatisfied, and whose subjects are arranged to favour the transition
-to the lively and restless concluding movement. As a rule, however, each
-movement was treated as a self-contained whole, which gave freer scope
-for the development of a definite idea.
-
-In the formation of the separate movements the clavier sonata (in the
-perfect form given to it by Ph. Eman. Bach, acknowledged as a master by
-Haydn himself)[28] had a very considerable influence.
-
-The first allegro was always in two parts; a short slow movement,
-perhaps a reminiscence of the French symphony, was prefixed to it by
-Haydn often, by Mozart rarely. A compact arrangement of well-defined
-subjects takes the place of the long-drawn thread of loosely connected
-phrases of the older symphonies. The first subject gives the tone of the
-movement, a second follows, contrasting in expression and structure, and
-generally a third is added; the connection is by means of free passages.
-It was long held as a fixed rule that the first theme should close on
-the subdominant, and that the second theme should be in the key of the
-dominant, in which also the first part of the movement concludes. In the
-second part the elaboration of the subjects begins. The composer might
-please himself as to which of the subjects, or how many or in what new
-combinations they were to be carried on; nor was there any definite rule
-as to the method of elaboration, except that it always led back to the
-principal key and the first theme, which closed on the dominant, and was
-followed by the second theme, also in the principal key; the first part
-might either be simply repeated with these modifications, or the change
-of key might be thoroughly carried out. Sometimes the second part was
-also repeated; and then followed the final winding-up by a coda, which
-recurs to one or more of the chief subjects, and which was employed even
-when the
-
-{THE SYMPHONY.}
-
-(293)
-
-second part was not repeated. The elements of this form had already been
-given in the aria, with its one main idea and its contrasting
-motifs; but the organic perfection of the form was first attained by
-instrumental music.
-
-Ph. Eman. Bach declared that the chief and best quality of music was
-melody,[29] and this principle once recognised, the laws of song were
-adopted by instrumental music, although with many modifications, to
-suit the different characters of the instruments and the necessities of
-thematic elaboration. The chief improvement was the spirited development
-of one or more subjects to replace the tedious middle movement of the
-aria. The artistic development of the separate elements, according to
-their true significance, introduced both contrast and climax; unity was
-assured, since nothing foreign either to the form or the substance
-was admitted; while the repetition of the first part, like a dialectic
-exposition of an argument, provided a clear and satisfying conclusion.
-This working-out part did not always receive its due share of honour,
-and was often treated as a form of harmonic transition; but it asserts
-itself more and more as the proper nucleus of the whole movement, and
-has an important reaction on the formation and phrasing of the first
-part. This becomes, as it were, the foundation prepared for the future
-development which first displays the whole extent of the conception.
-The coda was usually confined to a lengthened development of the closing
-phrase, and gathered to a point in pregnant brevity the most essential
-elements of the movement. It had its counterpart in the cadenza of the
-aria. After what manner great vocalists constructed their cadenzas we
-are unfortunately ignorant, but instrumental cadenzas reproduced the
-principal subjects of the movement, just as was the case in the coda.
-Beethoven, who brought the coda to perfection, has himself worked out
-the cadenzas in the Concerto in E flat major; the cadenza in the
-first part is identical in mechanism with the coda of one of his great
-symphonies.
-
-The original middle movement has preserved a slower
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(294)
-
-tempo and a moderate tone, with simplicity both of design and
-composition. The point of departure is the air (lied, romanze), or the
-cavatine of operatic creation. Mozart, for instance, took a melodious
-duet from his opera of "Hyacinthus," for the Andante of a symphony (p.
-94). There is no question here of artistic symmetry or elaboration of
-subjects; one main subject dominates the whole, often smothered with
-embellishments, as the original stem of a tree is hidden by the creepers
-which grow from its roots. The Andante is often, though not necessarily,
-divided into two parts, one or both of them to be repeated, sometimes
-with a coda added. In the second part a new statement of the subject
-generally takes the place of its actual development, and the contrast
-of major and minor keys is made use of. Frequent repetition of a simple
-theme led to the introduction of variations, sometimes strict, sometimes
-free in form, but in depth and originality always far inferior to
-thematic elaboration in the proper sense of the term. The Andante,
-therefore, long continued to be of minor importance, both as to length,
-form, and substance.
-
-It required not only the mastery of musical theory, but the complete
-absorption of the individual in the artist before the innermost
-sentiments of the human heart in all their depth and fulness could be
-expressed in simple form, as the poet expresses them in lyric verse. The
-Adagio of instrumental music is, in its most perfect form, essentially
-a German creation, but it became what it is apart from the influence of
-the newly awakened German poetry; each in its separate sphere felt the
-vivifying spirit of the age like the fresh breath of spring, and awoke
-together to life and beauty.[30] As the substance of the slow movement
-grew in interest and importance, the form also became fuller and richer,
-without, however, any essential alteration; the most magnificent of slow
-movements have all the main points that we have
-
-{SUITE--MINUET.}
-
-(295)
-
-noticed above, and are only in details freer and more full of life and
-significance.
-
-The closing movement, generally in 3-8, 6-8, or 2-4 time, has something
-of a dance tone, though not of set purpose. The rondo form, very
-freely treated, soon became predominant. The impressiveness of frequent
-repetition of the same melody, the freedom and ease with which the
-connecting phrases could be treated, the surprises to which ingenious
-returns to the theme gave rise, all made this easy form very appropriate
-to a closing movement. What was demanded from instrumental music was
-such a pleasant sense of enjoyment as should relax the mind without
-straining the attention, and a cheerful conclusion was considered
-essential. But by a singular inconsistency the last movement was
-sometimes made the field for the display of skill in counterpoint;
-masters of the art required that a genuine artist should know how
-to render cheerfulness and whimsicality, spirit and fun, even in
-the strictest forms. So it is customary to this day to introduce
-contrapuntal work into the scherzo, the proper field for musical wit and
-humour. This, too, is a production of German instrumental music.
-
-To the three original movements of the symphony the minuet was added
-as a fourth, suggested probably by the Suite. The Suite, whether for
-orchestra or clavier, came to perfection in the seventeenth century, and
-consisted of a succession of dances in the same key, but differing
-in time, rhythm, and expression, and for the most part highly
-characteristic. Mattheson enumerates them as follows: minuet, gavotte,
-bourree, rigaudon, gigue, polonaise, anglaise (country-dances, ballads,
-hornpipes), passepied, sarabande, courante, allemande;[31] others give
-allemande, courante, gigue, passa-caille, gavotte, minuet, chaconne,
-the chief forms being allemande, courante, sarabande, and gigue. An
-introduction, prelude, fantasia, or overture, preceded the dances,
-consisting, after the French fashion, of a slow and a lively
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(296)
-
-movement, the latter generally elaborated, and returning to the former
-as a conclusion.[32] It is evident that the suite was the foundation of
-the Italian operatic symphonies--not of our modern symphony and sonata
-forms--but much was doubtless borrowed from the long list of dances as
-embellishment to the symphony proper. Whether or not Josef Haydn was the
-first to introduce the minuet into the symphony, it was he undoubtedly
-who gave it its peculiar and typical character. The minuet was the
-dance of good society, affording opportunity for the display of dignity,
-grace, and deportment. We cannot hear those minuets which best reflect
-the character of the dance without thinking of powder and hoops; and
-now that the manners it suggests have become obsolete, it can only be
-humorously reproduced.[33] Haydn did not parody the minuet of his time,
-but he divested it of its distinguishing dignity; he took it as it was
-danced by the middle-classes, and filled it with national cheerfulness
-and good-humour. He represented a certain amount of joviality and
-rollicking fun which would have been inadmissible in the _salons_ of the
-_noblesse_, and he was inexhaustible in witty suggestions and surprises,
-without any taint of vulgarity or carelessness of musical treatment.
-This was being popular in the best sense of the word; the spirit was
-genuinely national, the form truly artistic; and so the minuet took its
-place in the symphony, and kept it. The position given to it in relation
-to the longer movements varied in early days; Mozart generally places it
-after the andante.
-
-Mozart's first symphonies have only three movements, and it is perhaps
-not merely accidentally that the minuet is first introduced in the
-symphonies composed at Vienna in 1767 and 1768, but it is sometimes
-wanting in later works.
-
-It is interesting to trace in his youthful works Mozart's
-
-{MOZART'S SYMPHONIES.}
-
-(297)
-
-gradual progress in mechanism and practical skill. At first there is
-little melodious invention, but a sense of effect and a knowledge
-of form always exist, and by degrees the symphonies acquire body and
-character. Command of the orchestra makes itself felt by degrees; first
-the separate parts become free and independent, a special movement is
-given to the second violins by characteristic passages and imitative
-treatment, and the basses too gain life and independence; they are
-in free imitation for the first time in a Symphony in G major (no K.)
-belonging to the year 1771. As development proceeded the subjects became
-fuller, and the whole work gained in consistency and substance, although
-it still wanted finish and elaboration. The peculiar character of the
-string quartet became more and more prominent; for a long time it formed
-the nucleus of the symphony, the wind instruments strengthening
-the harmonies and emphasising some particular melody, but only very
-gradually contributing to effects of light and shade. Oboes and horns,
-trumpets too (generally without drums), are combined according to rule,
-and gave the orchestra a sharp clear tone, which was then admired;
-flutes were employed in movements of a gentle character, usually with
-muted stringed instruments. It was not until later that the bassoons
-were made independent of the basses, and then they served, like the
-tenors, for middle parts. Many and diverse experiments were made in the
-employment of new instrumental forces before the various parts of the
-orchestra were successfully combined into a self-contained and living
-whole.
-
-Nothing whatever is known of Mozart's models in his instrumental music.
-We may take for granted that he knew Josef Haydn's symphonies, and
-that they were not without some influence on his genius; but few actual
-traces of them can be discovered, while his conception of the minuet was
-altogether different, and remained peculiarly his own.[34]
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(298)
-
-The jovial humour and the delight in musical drollery which are Haydn's
-characteristics are never predominant with Mozart; he preserves
-a national tone, truly, but the interest it excites is due to the
-ennobling and beautifying spirit which he throws into it. This side of
-Mozart's nature appears even in his earlier works, and makes us the more
-ready to ascribe any lapse into fun and drollery to the direct influence
-of Haydn. The last symphony, in E flat major, which is avowedly
-ambitious in conception, betrays undoubted external influence. Both
-the minuet and the lengthy and elaborate concluding rondo are decided
-imitations of Haydn. The andante is somewhat constrained ami unnatural,
-but there is a second and later andante at the close, which is much
-simpler.
-
-Mozart's instrumental compositions up to the year 1772 are only
-interesting in so far as they show us how gradually and surely he gained
-possession of all the means his art could place at his command;[35]
-but from this date they begin to acquire an independent interest. It is
-remarkable that we possess no symphonies composed by Mozart between 1775
-and 1777. Reflecting how carefully all the compositions of this time
-have been preserved, it is not probable that any can have been lost by
-accident. On the other hand most of the great serenades and concertos
-for violin and piano fall within these years; and it is quite possible
-that Mozart's growing discontent with his position and the displeasure
-of the Archbishop may have caused him to desist
-
-{MOZART'S SYMPHONIES.}
-
-(299)
-
-from writing symphonies which were primarily intended for performance
-at court concerts. We have further proof that Mozart wrote no symphonies
-during these years in a letter from his father, on September 24, 1778,
-where he says: "When a thing does you no credit, it is better that it
-should be forgotten. I have sent you none of your symphonies because
-I feel sure that when you have come to riper years, and have a clearer
-judgment, you will be glad that they are forgotten, even though you may
-be satisfied with them now."
-
-Even the more important among the later symphonies are sparing in the
-use of means, and precise in form, as indeed they were obliged to be,
-considering that several symphonies were performed in one evening.
-
-And yet Mozart writes to his father from Paris (September 11, 1778) that
-he could not produce his symphonies there, since they did not suit the
-French taste: "We Germans like long pieces, but in truth they are better
-short and good." Progress is shown in greater freedom of treatment; the
-first movement of a Symphony in D major (202 K.) and the last movement
-of the Symphonies in G major (199 K.) and C major (200 K.), all
-belonging to 1774, are full of life and vigour. These qualities
-presuppose more individuality in the details, the interludes are
-developed with more independence, and the loosely connected violin and
-violoncello passages disappear altogether. Many of Mozart's special
-characteristics exist side by side with turns of expression common to
-the time; for instance, the second theme is sometimes an offshoot from
-the first, and the introduction of a new subject at the close of the
-part often gives a new impetus to the movement.
-
-The Symphonies in G minor (183 K.) and in A major (201 K.) may serve as
-very opposite examples of Mozart's works of the kind. The first has a
-serious tone from the first subject onwards, the minuet and finale more
-especially being almost gloomy in tone, and the andante the same, only
-somewhat softened down. The second is full from beginning to end of
-cheerful humour and tender grace, and may serve as an example of the way
-in which a work of art
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(300)
-
-of perfect mechanism and delicate shading may be produced from the
-simplest materials.
-
-If the minuets alone of the two symphonies be compared, it will be
-acknowledged that an artist who within such confined limits can produce
-impressions of delicate wit and humour on the one hand, and of gloomy
-discontent and agitation on the other, has a full mastery of the forms
-and capabilities of instrumental music.
-
-The symphonies of that time do not, as a rule, attempt to express
-passion or tragic emotion. They were, with few exceptions, intended to
-promote social enjoyment; consequently their essential characteristics
-are animation and brilliancy, or else calm serenity. The composer
-concentrated his efforts on the form and mechanism of his composition;
-to express deep feeling or the secrets of his own heart would have been
-alike impossible to him as an artist and contrary to the spirit of the
-time. A sharp line of division was drawn in theory and practice between
-human and artistic emotions, and any display of subjective emotion was
-discouraged. In the year 1774 "Werther" appeared; the strivings and
-conflicts of the time which produced it had their influence on music;
-but music had to pass through a longer and more arduous struggle before
-attaining to a like freedom of inspiration and expression.
-
-The evident striving of the youthful Mozart to express himself and his
-innermost feelings in his music affords a significant indication of his
-development as an artist. Life had not taught him the lessons of passion
-and disappointment, and his nature was too sound and healthy to attempt
-to anticipate or represent emotions which had not touched him; he shows
-himself to us as he is.
-
-The symphony was not then, as it is now, the grandest and most
-comprehensive form of orchestral music. The first place was given to
-the so-called serenata, a name originating in the circumstances of its
-composition, and scarcely applied to a fixed or well-defined form. The
-serenata was distinguished from the symphony in its narrow sense by
-greater variety and wealth of ideas and treatment. Several instruments
-are often grouped together in different combinations,
-
-{THE SERENADE.}
-
-(301)
-
-and solo instruments are variously employed; also the number of separate
-movements often reaches as many as eight.
-
-For the arrangement and manipulation of the movements the perfected
-forms of the symphony are employed, but with numerous modifications.
-
-Serenades were introduced and sometimes also concluded by a march
-(39, K.). This was concise in form and simple in treatment, very often
-without even a trio; it was generally lively and cheerful. The detached
-marches by Mozart which are preserved were doubtless intended for
-introductions to serenades; they were often transferred from one to
-another, and so were written separately.
-
-The minuet is almost invariably inserted between each andante and
-allegro, and therefore occurs two or three times in the symphony. The
-omission of all the other forms of dance music, so amply represented
-in the suite, is a proof that this form of instrumental music was not
-intended for practical use, at least in this juxtaposition. Variations
-were sometimes made in the character of the minuets by changes in
-the instrumentation, more especially in the trio. Several trios were
-frequently given to one minuet with appropriate instrumentation, making
-use of obbligato violins (185, 203, 204, 250, K.), flutes (204 K.),
-trumpets (250 K.), and sometimes the stringed instruments alone (100,
-250, K.).
-
-A grand allegro in two parts, as a commencement, and an allegro or
-presto at the close, sometimes introduced by a short adagio, form the
-main substance of the serenade as well as of the symphony, and the
-movements are similarly treated. The slow movement between them is in
-its turn between two minuets (62 K.), and there are sometimes two
-slow movements, each with a minuet appertaining to them (99 K.), and
-characterised by varied instrumentation. As time went on, an allegro was
-inserted between the two slow movements, which, however, was rendered
-distinct from the two principal quick movements by its lighter colouring
-and tone; the instruments, too, are grouped with more diversity. For
-instance (185 K.), the oboe and horn are employed obbligato in the first
-andante and the
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(302)
-
-following allegro, and in the second andante flutes are combined with
-the stringed instruments.
-
-A singular use is sometimes made of obbligato violins in the serenade
-(185,,203, 204, 214, 215, 237, 239, 250, K.). After the first allegro,
-the solo violins lead in three movements, viz.: andante, minuet, and
-allegro (rondo, 250 K.) which are in a measure complete in themselves,
-and form, apart from their surroundings, a complete symphony. The
-expression "finalmusik," which frequently occurs in Mozart's letters,
-seems to prove that these lengthy compositions, with their concerted
-solo instruments, formed the conclusion of the concert. The
-"concertantsymphonie" of the two last serenades belonging to 1774
-and 1775 (204, 250, K.), are conspicuous from their peculiar
-instrumentation. In the other movements the usual oboes, horns, and
-trumpets are used as accompaniment to the obbligato violins, flutes,
-horns, and bassoons, and in the last movement especially the combination
-and treatment are quite modern. These two serenades show altogether a
-marked improvement on the earlier ones, which do not essentially differ
-from symphonies. The orchestra is firmly handled, and the orchestral
-subjects freely elaborated. Each of the many movements of the last
-serenade is worked out as carefully and lovingly as if it were the
-only one, and the ideas and motifs are so full of meaning and of jovial
-good-humour that it is impossible not to feel that Mozart has here put
-forth his best powers.
-
-A short serenata (239 K.), consisting of a march, minuet, and rondo,
-interrupted by a short adagio, was written in January, 1776, for
-stringed instruments and drums only. A sort of chorus of two solo
-violins, accompanied by violas and violoncelli, is opposed to another,
-composed of two violins, viola, and violoncello, with the drums, all
-treated as tutti parts. Such admirable use is made of the contrast and
-combination of the two choruses, of the tutti parts and of varied sound
-effects, such as _pizzicato, &.c_., and even the drum is so skilfully
-employed, that this little work has taken a highly original colouring;
-with true tact the separate movements are made short, in order that the
-
-{SERENADES--CASSATIO, 1771.}
-
-(303)
-
-singular charm of the piece may not suffer from the fatigue of the
-ear.[36]
-
-The same praise may be bestowed on a nocturne (286 K.) for four
-orchestras, each consisting of a stringed quartet and two horns, so
-arranged as to represent a threefold echo. When the first orchestra has
-played a connected phrase the second orchestra falls in at the last bar
-with the same, or with the four last bars of the same, the third follows
-the second at the last bar with the three last bars, and the fourth
-comes in in the same way with the two last bars; then the
-first orchestra continues the theme. In this way all the three
-movements--andante, allegro, and minuet--are managed, with but slight
-modifications; only the trio of the minuet is played by one orchestra
-alone, or by all together. It need scarcely be said that the omission of
-the echoes does not affect the connection of the parts. The main point
-in such a trifle as this is to carry it out with as little visible
-constraint as possible.
-
-There is an especially good effect in the minuet where short passages
-follow each other in rapid succession, falling in at different parts
-of the bars, and the way in which in the first part the horns alone
-conclude a phrase with--[See Page Image] cutting each other short in
-the most impatient manner, is truly comical.
-
-Similar instrumental compositions to this are called by the name of
-divertimento or cassatio (which last term has never been satisfactorily
-explained), in which the various parts are simply arranged.[37] The
-first of these (113 K.), composed in Milan in 1771, "Concerto ossia
-Divertimento," has the four movements of the symphony, the last in rondo
-form, and
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(304)
-
-resembles the symphonies of that time also in the brevity and
-preciseness of its arrangement. The strings are not obbligato, the wind
-instruments--two clarinets and two horns--although not concertante,
-are more than usually independent. For a later performance, probably in
-1773, two oboes, two English horns, and two bassoons were so added that
-the clarinets might be omitted.[38] The stringed instruments were left
-untouched; the strengthening of the wind instruments was utilised for
-the alternations, with slight and clever modifications.
-
-In the next divertimento, belonging to June, 1772 (131 K.), consisting
-of seven movements, the combination of the different instruments (four
-horns,[39] flutes, oboes, and bassoons) is varied with evident care. The
-first adagio is for strings alone, the second for wind instruments; the
-first minuet is for strings, the wind instruments alternate with each
-other in the three trios, and all the instruments unite in the coda. In
-the second minuet the four horns are especially prominent; in the
-third movement, an allegretto, the flute is obbligato and the horns
-are silent; in the first and last movements all the instruments work
-together.
-
-A divertimento, singular in many respects, in six movements, for oboes
-and two horns, together with stringed instruments, seems to have been
-written quickly for some special occasion in July, 1776 (54 K.), and
-then to have been laid aside. The score is hurriedly jotted down on
-already used music paper of different shapes, with abbreviations,
-directions for the copyist, and various corrections. The second minuet
-has no trio, but is three times varied. The oboe is prominent and
-striking, not in passages, but in sustained notes and tuneful melodies.
-The stringed instruments, without being actually concertante, enliven
-the whole
-
-{DIVERTIMENTI, 1776-77.}
-
-(305)
-
-by their free arrangement of parts. The national German character of the
-melodies is very noticeable; they remind us in style of popular German
-songs.
-
-The alliance of the horns with the strings was a favourite one at the
-time, although the instruments do not readily blend. The freer the
-thematic elaboration of the string parts the more difficult it became
-for the horns to keep pace with them, although now and then fine effects
-might be produced by their means.
-
-The difficulty was so to engraft, as it were, the horns on the stringed
-instruments as to leave them free play for their own natural effects,
-and to produce a certain richness and depth of colouring not attainable
-without their aid.
-
-In a divertimento, written about 1773 or 1774 (205 K.), two horns are in
-union with violin, tenor, and violoncello, strengthened by a bassoon.
-It is short and precise, but cleverly written. The adagio is a duet for
-violin and tenor, to a very simple bass, the horns being silent. It must
-be remembered that such pieces as these were always accompanied on the
-clavier.
-
-Two divertimenti or cassationi, as they are oftener called in the
-letters, for string quartet, with two horns (247, 287, K.),[40] were
-written in June, 1776 and June, 1777, for the fete-day of the Countess
-Ant. Lodron; they are finished works of the genuine Mozart type. Both
-have six elaborately worked-out movements, and abound in grace and
-fertility of invention, and in skilful harmonic treatment. The style
-is that of a true quartet, that is, the instruments have each their
-independent part, but the first violin, as a solo part, is markedly
-predominant; in the first divertimento, in F major (247 K.), it sustains
-the melody in every movement, but is bravura and concertante only in the
-adagio.
-
-In the second divertimento, in B flat major (287 K.), which is grand in
-design and composition, the first violin is treated as a solo instrument
-throughout, with a strong
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(306)
-
-tendency to bravura, the remaining instruments co-operating in such
-a way as to display the creative spirit of an artist in every detail,
-however delicate or subordinate. In the very first thematically
-elaborated passage the solo passages for the violin occur, which it
-is the chief concern of the second part to elaborate. The second
-place--which in the former divertimento (247 K.) was given to a simple,
-exceedingly graceful andante grazioso, a kind of song without words--is
-occupied in the latter (287 K.) by an air with variations, in which all
-the instruments take part, but the violin more prominently, and with
-more of executive bravura than any of the others. This is most apparent
-in the two minuets, but it is very decided also in the broadly conceived
-adagio, where the second violin and tenor are muted, the violoncello
-plays pizzicato, while the first violin leads a melody richly adorned
-with figures and passages, and requiring the execution of a finished
-performer. The use of muted strings, especially in slow movements, was
-very frequent at that time in accompaniments, as well as in symphonies
-and quartets, and was intended to produce variety of tone-colouring;
-the violoncello not being muted, but _pizzicato_, afforded a contrast
-of tone. The concluding movement is introduced by an andante with a
-recitative for the first violin, not too long, and so worked out that
-the whole compass of the instrument is characteristically displayed. A
-long molto allegro follows this introduction, in 3-8 time, which keeps
-the violinist in constant movement, and gives him an opportunity of
-displaying the variety of his technical skill; but the movement is
-carefully planned and composed, due consideration being given to each
-part in its place. The recitative recurs at the end, followed by a short
-and brilliant conclusion. The tone of this movement is not as cheerful
-as usual; it is full of impulsive haste and changeful humour, and its
-stronger accent betrays a certain intensity, even in the introductory
-recitative.
-
-The third divertimento, in D major (334 K.), may be most fitly noticed
-here, although it was not composed till 1779 or 1780, since it accords
-in every respect with the two last
-
-{"HARMONIEMUSIK."}
-
-(307)
-
-mentioned.[41] In breadth of conception and grandeur of composition, it
-stands nearest to that in B flat major; the first violin is perhaps less
-elaborately treated, and the tone of the whole is somewhat calmer and
-more cheerful. Mastery of form in plan, grouping, and arrangement
-is perfect in both compositions, as well as freedom and ease in the
-elaboration of the subjects, as if they sprang spontaneously forth as
-expressions of thought, each in its proper place and degree. Perhaps
-the first movement is grander in design, and has broader motifs than the
-later work; but the adagio is deeper and more elaborate, and the
-last movement is more original in the B flat major divertimento. The
-remaining movements are fairly equal.[42]
-
-It was the B flat major divertimento that Mozart played at Munich in
-1777, "as if he was the first violinist in Europe," so that "every one
-stared." It is evident that difficulty of execution in his composition
-for the violin, which is more noticeable after 1773, kept pace with
-Mozart's progress as a violinist.[43]
-
-A style of composition much in vogue at that time was the so-called
-"harmoniemusik," for wind instruments alone. Sometimes it was used
-as serenades, sometimes people of rank had performances of six- or
-eight-part harmoniemusik morning and evening, during meals, in which
-they were imitated by the more pretentious tavern-keepers. There
-was opportunity enough for cultivating this branch of composition at
-Salzburg.
-
-In form these compositions, which were generally called divertimenti or
-partite (partie) resembled those just described. They consist of three,
-four, or sometimes more movements, which were grouped without any fixed
-rule. One
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(308)
-
-divertimento (186 K.) closes with a contredanse en rondeau; another (240 K.)
-has an andante as first movement; then follows a minuet, and then a
-polonaise; a third (253 K.) begins with an andante and variations.
-
-The two first pieces of this kind are both scored for ten parts, two
-oboes, two clarinets, two English horns, two French horns, and two
-bassoons. Since one of the divertimenti (166 K.) was composed at
-Salzburg on March 24, 1773, and the other probably at much the same
-time; and since there were no clarinets in the usual Salzburg orchestra,
-they must have been composed for some very special occasion. But neither
-the plan nor the composition are on a larger scale than usual; the work
-is wanting both in extent and expression, and the instrumentation is
-neither free nor forcible.
-
-There are two striking partites, one consisting of ten, the other of six
-movements, which were written for two flutes, five trumpets (in C and
-D), and four drums (in C, G, D, A) (187, 188, K.), about the year 1773
-or 1774, apparently to employ the trumpet orchestra on some festival
-occasion. Whether the union of flutes with trumpets was founded on
-precedent or not I cannot say. The flutes lead the melody, and have
-allotted to them musical passages, connected, but short and unimportant
-in substance and style. The trumpets seldom take part in the melody,
-but are for the most part employed either together or separately as
-accompaniment; the object has apparently been to preserve the effect
-of a body of sound in the trumpets as far as possible, while aiming at
-giving them a definite musical form. In the earlier and more prosperous
-times of the trumpeters' guild, accomplished masters of horn-playing
-would not have needed the support of flutes.
-
-It is of more interest to note how a great master works within narrow
-limits, and with small means at his command, by a consideration of the
-six divertimenti for two oboes, two bassoons, and two horns (213, 240,
-252, 253, 270, 289, K.), which were composed between 1775 and 1777.
-
-The destination of these trifling pieces, as table-music or such-like,
-allows neither greatness of conception nor any
-
-{THE QUARTET--JOS. HAYDN.}
-
-(309)
-
-expression of deep feeling; all must be pleasing, cheerful, and quickly
-over. But Mozart was not content with satisfying these conditions;
-his harmonie-musik is full of delicacy and grace, tender and pure in
-conception, and touched with the firm hand of a master. The details
-are carefully and neatly handled, without any exaggeration; little side
-touches are scattered freely about--here an imitation, there an original
-passage or turn in the middle parts, making the whole interesting
-and full of life; happy instrumental effects abound, and by varied
-combinations and changes of tone-colouring the outline of the
-symmetrical structure is thrown into clear relief, in spite of the
-limited means at command; just as a painter in monochrome shades his one
-colour with such skill as to give a plastic roundness to his forms.[44]
-
-This species of instrumental composition as it developed became limited,
-curiously enough, to stringed instruments, for the most part in quartets
-for two violins, tenor, and bass (replaced by the violoncello), more
-rarely in quintets, with either the tenor or the violoncello doubled, or
-in trios. They were still called divertimento or cassation, and did not
-originally differ from this class of composition, either in form or in
-liberty as to the number and arrangement of movements.
-
-The rule that the quartet (as the whole species came to be called)
-should consist, like the symphony and the sonata, of four fixed
-movements, was laid down by Joseph Haydn. It was his inexhaustibly
-fertile invention and his freedom in the treatment of form which
-nourished and developed the germ of this chamber-music, until it bore
-the most beautiful blossoms of German musical art. Mozart, destined
-later to surpass in this direction his freely acknowledged example,
-displays evident tokens of Haydn's influence even in his youth. On the
-whole, however, quartet music does not seem to have enjoyed much favour
-in Salzburg; Mozart's
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(310)
-
-not very numerous attempts fall in earlier years, and were not all
-written in Salzburg.
-
-Mozart's first quartet, in G major (80 K.), was composed on the first
-journey to Italy, at Lodi, on March 15, 1770, at seven o'clock in
-the evening--a circumstance of which he preserved the memory long
-afterwards. The concluding rondo is written in a later hand on different
-paper; and perhaps the whole consisted originally of only three
-movements--adagio, allegro and minuet.[45] A clear insight into the
-essential conditions of quartet style, freedom and independence of all
-the parts, a concentration of the whole work into a well-defined form,
-together with a perfection of thematic elaboration, are all plainly
-discernible in this first attempt, which, unimportant and wanting in
-originality as it may be, yet gives the impression of a well-rounded
-piece of workmanship. The second violin is worked out independently,
-with special care, in which the tenor participates; less success has
-attended the effort for a free movement for the bass. Attempts
-in counterpoint--as, for instance, at the beginning of the second
-part--are, as might be expected, learner-like, but they show that he
-knew what he was about. The last movement betrays a firmer hand from the
-very beginning.
-
-Three short divermenti follow, in D, B flat, and F major (136-138, K.),
-each having three movements, composed at Salzburg in 1772, precise and
-fresh in treatment, but evidently only meant for exercises.
-
-On the journey to Milan at the end of October, 1772, Wolfgang beguiled
-the tedium of the way by composing a "quattro"; and in Milan he
-was again (February 6, 1773) busy with a quartet under his father's
-directions. This no doubt belongs to a succession of six quartets in
-D, G, C, F, B flat, and E flat major (155-160, K.), which, judging from
-style and handwriting, fall within this period. They consist each of
-three movements, two closing with the minuet (156, 158, K.), while the
-presto, 3-8, with which the first begins has quite the form of a closing
-movement. The adagio
-
-{QUARTETS, 1772.}
-
-(311)
-
-which follows it is unusually serious--a simple melody with a uniform
-accompaniment in rich harmonies. This is erased and another substituted,
-which is longer and more elaborate, with a freer movement of the parts
-and a lighter expression. In other cases the andante begins (as in 137
-K.), and is followed by the allegro. These quartets are not of wide
-scope, nor are the different movements actually elaborated, but greater
-practice in composition is evident throughout.
-
-The different motifs are better adapted for elaboration, and there is
-a remarkable increase of skill in dealing with the smaller divisions of
-each part, on the working out of which depend the life and unity of the
-whole conception. The opening phrases, repetitions, &c., are freer and
-better fitted in; two-part imitation is sometimes neatly introduced and
-fluently and gracefully carried out.
-
-The composer's power has evidently grown as he worked, and the later
-quartets are by far the most original. The second movement of the fifth
-(159 K.), an allegro 3-4 in G minor, following an andante in B flat
-major, has, through its rhythm and modulation, an expression of dry
-humour that is quite suggestive of one of the later scherzos.
-
-Six quartets, composed in August and September of the same year, at
-Vienna, stand on a far higher level, and were probably written to order
-(168-175, K.). The superscription of the first shows that the whole six
-were planned together; they were written in quick succession, and their
-variety represented the different tendencies of the quartet style.
-In Vienna, of all places, the birthplace and domain of Haydn's
-chamber-music, the ambitious youth would exert himself to satisfy the
-demand for the highest class of compositions. Most of them have the
-approved four movements, and the composer's invention and execution keep
-pace with the more extended scope of the composition. The quartets are
-manlier and more mature than in the earlier works of the kind; but the
-singular beauty of form, the grace and freshness of Mozart in his full
-development, only show themselves in momentary gleams of inspiration.
-
-An effort to mould the raw material into form by means of skilful
-workmanship, and to make it subservient to the
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(312)
-
-spirit, is apparent throughout. We can see traces already of the study
-and preparatory work which resulted in the fine and serious compositions
-of the following year--the Masses in F and D major, and the Litany in D
-major. First and foremost is apparent the effort to analyse and vary the
-musical materials ready to hand by means of counterpoint. The first
-and last quartet end with a thoroughly worked-out fugue, complete with
-stretto and inversions. The close of the first fugue ended abruptly;
-Mozart has therefore erased the last four bars, and has substituted the
-subject in unison, thereby producing a lengthened and very effective
-conclusion. The second fugue is not by any means so fresh and lively
-as the earlier one, but it is richer in artistic work. Nor are Mozart's
-studies in counterpoint apparent here only. An adagio (168 JK.) begins
-with a four-part canon and retains the same character, although not so
-strictly carried out; in tone and substance this is one of the best
-of the series. Imitation is the rule in the elaboration of the first
-movements; and in the last quartet the whole of the first movement in
-D minor is built upon one characteristic motif. A free movement of the
-parts, a skilful employment of passages, variety of instrumentation,
-and other such means for giving life and animation to the music, are
-carefully provided, more especially in the minuets. An examination into
-details will discover traces of careful and delicate handling throughout
-the work.
-
-There are more instances of fantastic ideas, generally rhythmical in
-form, than are usually found in Mozart; this is owing, no doubt, to
-Haydn's influence. The slow movements are for the most part expressive
-of simple feeling, the andantino grazioso of the last quartet
-being especially tender and graceful. The closing rondos are least
-significant; they are not worked out, and the different parts are put
-together without any true connection. The demands on the instruments are
-increased in comparison to the earlier quartets, but there is still no
-bravura; the first violin leads the parts, but is not treated as a solo
-instrument. In fact all four instruments are treated in essentials as on
-an equality, so that the tone and character of the
-
-{QUINTET, 1772.}
-
-(313)
-
-whole regulate every detail, thus fulfilling a fundamental law in the
-composition of quartets.
-
-It must have been as a result of his Vienna studies that Mozart wrote a
-quintet (174 K.) after his return in December of the same year; perhaps
-the example of Michael Haydn had some influence. Mozart writes from
-Munich (October 6, 1777) that he had invited Herr Dubreil, a pupil
-of Tartini, and that they played "Haydn's two quintets." Joseph Haydn
-declares, in answer to A. Romberg, who asked him why he has not written
-any quintets, that he had never been commissioned to do so;[46] on the
-other hand, three quintets by Michael Haydn in F, C, and G major,
-dating between 1770 and 1780, now lie before me. Mozart's quintet shows
-unmistakable progress; both the plan and execution are broader, and
-there is more of the true Mozart spirit in the conception of the
-motives. It is especially interesting to compare two different
-elaborations of the finale which exist.[47] Mozart has taken the primary
-subject of the first work, and treated it independently in the second,
-thereby providing a just standard of criticism against himself. The
-first theme in the later elaboration is quite new, and gives the key to
-the character of the movement; then follows as a contrasting motif the
-chief subject of the former work with suitable alterations. Originally
-this consisted of eight bars, and was in three parts--[See Page Image]
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(314)
-
-but afterwards the two first bars form the subject, taken up by one
-part after the other; while the minims, which are appended to the rapid
-semiquavers, give an effect of rhythmical and harmonious climax:--[See
-Page Image]
-
-It results from this that the divisions next following are easier and
-more flowing; while, on the other hand, the preparation for the third
-principal motif is broader and calmer. This third motif gives occasion
-for an especially happy modification. Originally it ran thus--[See Page
-Image]
-
-and was then repeated entire; but now only the first four bars are
-retained, the four last are omitted, and movement and expression
-are provided by a shake passage. The conclusion of the first part
-is rendered more impressive by a new and broader motif, and more
-homogeneous and concentrated by the recurrence of the first subject. The
-working-out of the second part, which was confined to the elaboration of
-the two first bars of the original motif, is partially retained; but it
-is extended by the recurrence and elaboration of the
-
-{MOZART'S STUDIES.}
-
-(315)
-
-principal theme. Finally, a new and important climax is introduced in
-the coda by the opposition of the two chief subjects.
-
-This work may be taken to prove that Mozart was a severe self-critic,
-and was not by any means always content with his first attempts. It can
-only be by chance that no other example of remodelling a composition
-has been preserved; the earlier attempts and studies would, no doubt, be
-generally destroyed. The greater part of Mozart's works of this period
-have been preserved in carefully written fair copies. We are amazed
-at the vigour and ease with which he worked, but it would be wrong to
-represent him as able to dispense with studies and preparatory sketches,
-even for his great works. The creative power of genius is indeed a gift
-of nature, but a mastery of art is only acquired by hard labour and
-pains; strength to labour indefatigably and ability to make the labour
-bear fruit are the prerogatives of genius. It would be doing Mozart an
-injustice to deny him the reputation of true and conscientious industry;
-the beauty of perfect work proves not that no labour has been bestowed
-on it, but that the labour has been successful. Mozart's youth was
-occupied with his endeavours to master the forms and materials which he
-found ready to hand, and he would not be likely to neglect studies and
-exercises to this end, though he might not think them worth preserving.
-
-There must have been little encouragement accorded to quartet music in
-Salzburg:[48] after 1773, Mozart composed none until 1784, when he was
-in Vienna.[49]
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(316)
-
-There can be no doubt that the talent for violin-playing which Mozart
-displayed at a very early age was carefully cultivated by his father.
-He performed in public on his first journey and at the beginning of the
-first Italian tour; but by the time they reached Rome he had ceased to
-play in public, though he still continued his studies regularly. It
-was part of his official duty in Salzburg to take the violin at court
-concerts. His father admired Wolfgang's effrontery in taking a violin
-from one of the orchestra at Vienna in 1773, and performing a concerto
-upon it (p. 146). He afterwards devoted more serious attention to the
-instrument, and became a first-rate performer on it, but evidently more
-from his father's impulse than his own inclination. Not only was the
-violin-playing at court a burden to him, but he seems to have had little
-liking for the instrument, and no real confidence in his own powers of
-execution. "You have no idea yourself how well you play the violin,"
-writes his father (October 18, 1777); "if you only do yourself justice,
-and play with fire, heartiness, and spirit, you may become the first
-violinist in Europe." But, nevertheless, he practised regularly and
-industriously, and his father wrote after he had left home (October 6,
-1777): "I feel a little melancholy whenever I go home, for as I get near
-the house I always imagine that I shall hear your violin going." After
-1774, Mozart's violin compositions take more of the bravura type, and
-afford a good standard of his technical development. He had as a
-rival the well-established solo violinist, Brunetti, favoured by the
-archbishop as being an Italian, but considered by L. Mozart as inferior
-to his son. "He played your concerto very well," wrote L. Mozart
-(October 5, 1777), "but was twice out of tune in the allegro, and once
-almost stuck fast in a cadenza." When Brunetti's inconvenient rival
-had left Salzburg, he was ready to do full justice to his performances.
-"Brunetti cannot praise you enough," writes the father (October
-9, 1777); "and the other day, when I said you played the violin
-'passabilmente,' he cried out, 'Cosa? cazzo! se suonava tutto! questo
-era del Principe un puntiglio mal inteso, col suo proprio danno.'"
-
-{MOZART AS A VIOLINIST.}
-
-(317)
-
-After Mozart had left Salzburg in September, 1777, he played the violin
-in public both at Munich and Augsburg, and was somewhat ironical over
-his success. "They all stared," he writes from Munich (October 6, 1777);
-"I played as if I were the first violinist in Europe." And from Augsburg
-(October 24, 1777): "I played a symphony and Wanhall's Concerto in B
-flat for the violin with universal applause. At supper-time I played
-the Strasburg Concerto. It went like oil, and every one praised the
-beautiful, pure tone." But these communications ceased later on, and
-L. Mozart writes in anxiety (October 9, 1777): "Have you left off
-practising the violin since you were in Munich? I should be very sorry."
-(November 27, 1777): "Your violin hangs on its nail; of that I am pretty
-sure." And so it must have been. He was obliged to play the violin
-afterwards in Salzburg; but after his stay in Vienna he never made
-proficiency on the instrument his primary object, and it is well known
-that in later years, if he had to take part in a quartet or other
-concerted piece, he selected the viola in preference.
-
-Mozart's most important compositions in this department are of course
-his violin concertos, which were doubtless written in the first place
-for his own use. According to his custom, he went thoroughly into the
-subject from its very foundation, gaining proficiency by continuous work
-in the one direction; in 1775 he composed five concertos for the violin
-(207, 211,' 216, 218, 219, K.), to which was added a sixth (268 K.), not
-by any means slight, fugitive attempts, but carefully conceived works of
-considerable compass in three movements, allegro, andante or adagio, and
-rondo.
-
-The first movement, which was the most elaborate, is more suggestive
-still of the aria than is the corresponding movement of the symphonies.
-There is the same fixed alternation between solo and tutti passages, the
-same adornment of the solo part with passages and cadenzas, and indeed
-the whole movement is a reminiscence of the serious aria. On the other
-hand, the structure is more condensed and more animated; the passages
-grow out of the principal
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(318)
-
-subjects, connecting and adorning them. The movement falls usually into
-three main divisions; the middle one, corresponding to the same division
-in the symphony, passes into another key, and elaborates one or more
-motifs more freely than in the symphony, and chiefly by changes of
-modulation and modification of the passages, whereby the repetition of
-the first division is effected. Abundant variety of detail is produced,
-chiefly by the different combinations of the solo part and the
-orchestral accompaniment; the solo passages are not usually of great
-length, solo and tutti alternating often and quickly.
-
-The second movement is simple, and rests essentially on the tuneful and
-artistic delivery of the cantilene; embellishments are not excluded,
-but they are kept in the background. The character of the movement is
-generally light and pleasing, but a deeper, though always a cheerful
-mood, sometimes makes itself felt. The tone is that of a romance; the
-polonaise-like rhythm of the Concerto in D major (211 K.) is peculiar to
-it; while the G major concerto (216 K.) has a regular and more broadly
-conceived adagio. An adagio in E major (261 K)--composed for Brunetti
-in 1776, because another, probably the interesting adagio of the A major
-concerto (219 K.), was too "studirt," as L. Mozart writes (October
-9,1777)--maintains a kind of medium; it is more serious in expression
-and broader in conception than the romance-like andantes, but on the
-whole it is pleasing and pretty rather than grand.
-
-The last movement is, as a rule, in the form of a rondo,[50] in which
-the solo part moves more freely, especially in the connecting middle
-passages; the passages altogether have now scope for expansion, the tone
-being light and cheerful, the form easy. It is not unusual for passages
-in different time and measure to alternate in the rondo, as in the
-D major concerto (218 K.), where an andantino grazioso, 2-4, and an
-allegro ma non troppo, 6-8, alternate. In the G major
-
-
-{VIOLIN CONCERTOS.}
-
-(319)
-
-concerto (216 K.), a cheerful passage in 3-8 is interrupted by an andante
-in G minor--[See Page Image] followed by an allegretto in G major--[See
-Page Image] that leads back to the first subject. In the A major
-concerto (219 K.), the chief subject is tempo di menuetto, interrupted
-by a long allegro, 2-4, in A minor--[See Page Image]
-
-In both these cases the clearly expressed popular tone of the
-interpolated passages is remarkable, and has a striking and pleasing
-effect. The allusion in the letters to the concerto, "with the
-Strasburg" points to one of these passages: "The Strasburg dance, which
-consisted merely in graceful movements of the arms and poses of the
-body, was generally executed by a very youthful couple within the circle
-of waltzers."[51]
-
-A decided progress is observable in the concertante for violin and
-viola[52] with orchestral accompaniment (364 K.), which was probably
-written in 1780. It displays perfect finish in the conception of the
-separate subjects and passages, power and melody in the development of
-the orchestral accompaniments, and true artistic skill in the placing of
-turns and phrases where they will be most effective. It is in the usual
-three movements, but a more solid foundation and wider scope than usual
-are given to the form, in order that the two solo instruments may have
-free play; the
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(320)
-
-tutti passages are longer and more important, which entails more
-participation by the orchestra in the solo portions. This gives a
-symphony-like character to the whole, to which the solo instruments
-add a peculiar brilliancy. In relation to each other they are simply
-treated. They generally relieve each other, either repeating whole
-phrases or sharing them between them; when together, they are mostly in
-thirds and sixths, and there seldom occurs a true two-part passage in
-which the two instruments move freely and independently.
-
-In this respect the concertone composed in 1773 (190 K.) is more
-artistic in design and in workmanship. Here the orchestra is in contrast
-with two solo violins, to which the oboe is added as a solo instrument;
-the violoncello, though not so freely treated as the others, is also
-often solo. The usual concerto form is given to the three movements, the
-middle movement being romance-like, but more elaborate than usual, to
-give employment to the solo instruments. The violoncello, though it does
-not take a leading part in this movement, has an independent passage
-as accompaniment throughout. The last movement is "tempo di menuetto,"
-resembling those in the violin Concerto in A major (219 K.), the bassoon
-concerto (191 K.), the clavier concerto in C (246 K.), the triple
-concerto (242 K.), and the clavier trio in B flat (254 K.); the form
-of the minuet with several trios is treated with some freedom, and
-approaches that of the rondo. The forcible and independent treatment
-of the orchestra, both in the tutti and the solo passages, gives to
-the whole of this composition the character of a symphony; but the solo
-parts are grouped with greater variety, since there are four of them,
-and they do not as a rule repeat the same passages or join in unison.
-Sometimes the violins alternate with each other, sometimes the oboe
-joins them or opposes them, sometimes the oboe and violoncello are both
-in opposition to the violins, and sometimes all the four instruments
-move independently side by side. A strict and ingenious fugal structure
-was required to give unity to this manifold variety. In the first
-allegro especially the motifs are chiefly imitatively treated, and
-
-{MOZART'S TREATMENT OF THE VIOLIN.}
-
-(321)
-
-sometimes the varied rendering of a phrase necessitates a change
-of instruments; the coming and going of the instruments and their
-combinations are carefully planned, as well as the part taken by the
-orchestra in producing the general effect. In the two last movements
-alternation is the predominant principle, and the parts are only
-ingeniously interlaced here and there. The work displays throughout more
-of skilful mechanism and clever elaboration than of original invention
-and beauty.
-
-The judgment of connoisseurs on Mozart's technical treatment of the
-violin tends to show that the difficulties even in solo parts are
-comparatively small, but that an acquaintance with the idiosyncrasies
-of the instrument, which could only be gained violin in hand, is always
-apparent; all is made as smooth and easy as possible for the performer,
-at the same time that effects of striking originality are produced. Our
-idea of Mozart as a violin-player will gain in interest by a knowledge
-of his judgment on other violinists. As a child, he had become
-acquainted at Mayence with the violinist Esser, of whom the father
-writes later from Salzburg (December 7, 1780): "Esser is a merry
-old simpleton; but he plays (when he is in earnest) with a firm and
-remarkable execution, and has a finer adagio touch than is the case with
-most allegro players. But when he is in a joking mood he plays on the G
-string alone with the greatest ease, and plays pieces with a lead pencil
-on the strings wonderfully correctly and quickly.[53] He plays the viola
-d'amour charmingly.[54] But what struck me as particularly childish was
-his whistling of a recitative and aria equal to any singer, with all
-the expression, flourishes, shakes, &c., in a truly marvellous manner,
-accompanying himself on the violin _pizzicato_ At the same time he
-laments that, like the rest of them, he cannot play without grimaces
-and absurdities." On this point, little Wolfgang, unimpressed by Esser's
-tricks and _tours de force_, had said that he played well, but made too
-much of it, and would do better to stick to what was written.
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(322)
-
-Of Ign. Franzl (b. 1730), whom he heard at Mannheim, he wrote to his
-father (November 22, 1777): "I have had the pleasure of hearing Herr
-Franzl play a concerto on the violin. I was extremely pleased. You know
-that I am no great lover of difficulties. He plays difficult passages
-so that one does not know that they are difficult, and thinks one can
-imitate him; which is true art. He has also a good round tone, every
-note is correct and clear; he has a charming _staccato_ in one bow up as
-well as down, and I never heard such a double shake before. In a word he
-is, in my opinion, no juggler, but a very good substantial violinist."
-
-Mozart wrote an oboe concerto for the celebrated oboist Gius. Ferlendi,
-of Brescia, who was in the Salzburg band in 1775; it does not seem to
-have been preserved. He tells his father (November 4, 1777) that he has
-made a present of it to the oboist Ramm at Mannhein, who was wild with
-delight, and played it five times with the greatest applause. He sent
-from Vienna for the little book containing the Ferlendi concerto,
-for which Prince Esterhazy had promised him three ducats. Another
-composition of Mozart's was a concerto for the flute, which, according
-to Schiedenhofen, was performed by Cosel in a serenade arranged by
-Wolfgang for his sister; this may have been the Concerto in G major (313
-K.), which evidently belongs to this period. A certain Baron Thad. von
-Duemitz was an amateur on the bassoon; Mozart composed three concertos
-for him, one in C and two in B flat major (191 K.), short and
-unpretentious, as the instrument required; also a duet for bassoon and
-violoncello (292 K.).[55]
-
-Although from his earliest years Mozart had excited lively admiration
-by his clavier and organ-playing, it will be better to consider his
-performances on these instruments later on, when we shall have the
-assistance of more direct testimony. We know little more of his
-studies[56] than that he practised
-
-{CLAVIER COMPOSITIONS.}
-
-(323)
-
-the clavier much and diligently, which, indeed, requires no proof.
-Compositions by Wagenseil, Paradies, Bach, and Lucchesi are incidentally
-mentioned as subjects for home practice.
-
-There now remains to consider only the compositions for the clavier, of
-which there are curiously few known. Some may have been lost, but it
-is a fact that after his first childish attempts Mozart composed
-comparatively little for the clavier during his residence in Salzburg.
-There was little opportunity of performing clavier compositions, the
-instrument was not used solo in the court concerts, private concerts
-were not profitable in Salzburg, and in society Mozart generally made
-use of the clavier to improvise or prelude. The lessons which he gave to
-ladies of rank afforded him an opportunity for composing, but for these
-pupils he could only write show-pieces.
-
-To the earliest authentic clavier compositions belong the variations
-(179 K.) on a very popular minuet by the celebrated oboist Fischer,
-a bravura piece for the time, full of what were then considered
-difficulties.[57]
-
-He had them sent to Munich in 1774 in order to make a show with them,
-and on the journey to Paris we hear that he had recourse to the Fischer
-variations when he was obliged to play in polite society; proving that
-he was not provided with many compositions of the kind.
-
-There were some clavier sonatas written at that time too, which Nannerl
-was instructed to bring to Munich (December 21, 1774), the result being
-a commission from Baron Duernitz for six sonatas (279-284 K.); they are
-often mentioned by Mozart on the Paris journey of 1777, and he played
-them frequently in Munich, Augsburg and Mannheim with great success.
-They consist, after the old fashion, of three movements; the fourth
-forms an exception to the general rule, containing a long adagio, two
-minuets (the second instead of a trio), and an allegro; the last is
-another exception, the first allegro being followed by a rondeau en
-polonaise--like the violin concerto (218 K.)--ending with variations.
-Mozart
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(324)
-
-spoke of sonatas as difficult which are now given as lessons to
-beginners (February 2, 1778). Nevertheless it is no small praise to him
-that, after the lapse of ninety years, the judicious treatment of
-the instrument, the healthy freshness and finished form of these
-compositions entitle them still to be considered as the best foundation
-for a musical education. Any one capable of appreciating a work of
-art will find all its essential conditions fulfilled in these simple
-sonatas.
-
-L. Mozart mentions in a letter (December 8, 1777) two four-hand
-sonatas, written by Wolfgang for himself and his sister. One may be
-the well-known B flat major sonata (358 K.) which Mozart wrote for from
-Vienna (June 27, 1781). The form is concise and little elaborated; the
-essential condition that each player shall contribute his independent
-share to the general effect is kept duly in view. A second sonata is not
-authenticated.[58]
-
-A trio for clavier, violin, and violoncello (254 K.), belongs to August,
-1776, which, according to Mozart's Munich letters (October 6,1777),
-Nannerl played at Salzburg with Janitsch and Reicha. It displays, like
-all the compositions of this period, completeness and roundness of form
-with maturity and cleverness of conception, and surprises us by its
-animation and the tender beauty of many of its turns of expression. The
-clavier is the chief instrument, then the violin, more simply treated,
-but independent. The violoncello does not yet receive full justice; it
-is only used as a bass, often effectively, but never overstepping its
-narrow province.
-
-After the (violin?? DW) Concerto in D major (175 K.), composed in
-December, 1773, and played with applause at Mannheim (February 14,
-1778), and, with a new finale, at Vienna (March 22, 1782), Mozart
-wrote no clavier music until January, 1776, when he composed a clavier
-Concerto in B flat major (238 K.), another in April in C major for the
-Countess Luetzow (246 K.), and in January, 1777, one in E flat major for
-Madame Jenomy (271 K.). This industry
-
-{CLAVIER CONCERTO (271 K.)}
-
-(325)
-
-was not the result of caprice or chance. Composition went hand in hand
-with his development as a virtuoso, and we can measure his progress
-by the increasing difficulty of his works. Unless he was to remain in
-Salzburg all his life,[59] a professional tour, to make himself known to
-the world, became more and more a necessity. Both brilliant execution
-as a virtuoso and a supply of original compositions would be necessary
-conditions for such a tour; Wolfgang's prudent, worldly-wise father took
-care that he should be prepared on all points to insure the success of
-the undertaking.
-
-The most remarkable of the clavier concertos, which in form and
-treatment resemble the violin concertos, is the last (271 K.), which,
-in its freedom of form, breadth of design and passion of expression,
-approaches very near to the divertimento in B flat major (287 K.), which
-belongs to the same period. The very beginning is original, the clavier
-striking in with the first bars, and so giving a peculiar tone to the
-whole movement. Not less original is the entrance of the solo passage
-proper, the clavier falling in to the last bars of the gradually
-expiring tutti passage, with a shake of several bars length, out of
-which the subject springs; the same turn is afterwards made use of
-at the close of the first movement. The middle movement is called
-andantino, but expresses deep and painful emotion, and the cantilene
-repeatedly assumes a recitative-like character (in one beautiful climax
-the violins are in imitation), ending with a perfect recitative.[60] The
-last rondo (presto), a capital exercise for the fingers in its unceasing
-rapid movement, has a far more important character than is usual with
-concluding movements. A long cadenza leads back to the subject; the
-second time, however, it does not lead to the subject, but to a
-
-{INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.}
-
-(326)
-
-"menuetto cantabile," which, kept in check by an orchestral
-accompaniment, has more and more the character of a free fantasia, and
-at last goes back to the subject in a new cadenza, which leads to a
-brilliant conclusion.
-
-A concerto for three claviers, written in February, 1776, in F major
-(242 K.), displays an increase in solo powers; a title-page, carefully
-written by the father, announces it as "Dedicato al incomparabile merito
-di S. Exc. la Sgra. Cont. Lodron, nata Cont. d* Arco et delle sue figlie
-le Sgre. Cont. Aloisia et Giuseppa." We must not look for the same
-contrapuntal independence of the three instruments which we find in
-Bach's concertos, but there is no mistaking the cleverness and delicate
-sense of effect which are displayed in the varied combinations of the
-instruments--the doubling of parts, the strengthening of the melody or
-of the bass, the position of the accompaniment, and the alternation of
-the instruments. The main object of the first movement is to give equal
-and yet individual effect to each of the three claviers, although the
-third is hardly on a level with the other two; in the two last movements
-the third instrument is still more in the background, being chiefly
-confined to accompaniment, so that in the finale it does not even take
-part in the cadenzas. This made it easier for Mozart to arrange the
-concerto for two instruments; the solo parts, so altered, are preserved
-in his handwriting. The tone of the concerto is lively and cheerful; the
-whole is treated in an easy and happy vein of humour, which entertains
-the players quite as much as the audience. Mozart seems to have been
-fond of this concerto, and he informs his father with some satisfaction
-that it had been successfully performed both at Augsburg (October 24,
-1777), and at Mannheim (March 24, 1778).
-
-The orchestra has a perfectly independent part in this composition; but
-there is no very marked distinction between tutti and accompaniment; the
-orchestra and clavier mutually support and further each other, and their
-union results in a perfect work of art.
-
-It is easy to estimate the claims made by Mozart upon the
-clavier-player. The principal are simple and tuneful delivery of the
-melody, clearness and precision in the
-
-{MOZART AS VIRTUOSO.}
-
-(327)
-
-embellishments (which were more numerous than at the present day, to
-suit the instrument then in use), skill and steadiness in the running
-passages and shakes. Technical difficulties, such as passages in
-octaves, thirds, or sixths, occur seldom or never at this period. The
-use of the left hand is also limited; rapidity is only required in
-accompaniment passages, and independence in the execution of left-hand
-melodies. What the composer was able to accomplish with the limited
-means at his command lies clear before us; the life which the virtuoso
-threw into his works by performances full of spirit and genius cannot be
-reproduced by any observation of form and mechanism.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[Footnote 1: Burney cites instances in Milan (I., p. 66), Bologna (I., p. 167),
-Brussels (II., p. 43), Vienna (II., p. 239).]
-
-[Footnote 2: Burney, Reise, I., p. 67; II., p. 276.]
-
-[Footnote 3: Burney writes of a church symphony by Galuppi, which he heard
-in Venice (I., p. 108): "In the symphony, which was full of charming
-passages, the orchestra imitated an echo. There were two organs and two
-pairs of French horns"; and of a similar one by Furlanetto (I., p. 126):
-"Then followed a long symphony, in the form of a dialogue between two
-orchestras."]
-
-[Footnote 4: Barney frequently mentions concertos at church performances (L, pp.
-116, 177; II., p. 85).]
-
-[Footnote 5: Dies, Jos. Haydn, p. 104.]
-
-[Footnote 6: Ditteradorf, Selbstbiogr., p. iro.]
-
-[Footnote 7: Biogr. Skizze von Mich. Haydn, p. 18.]
-
-[Footnote 8: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 123. Selbstbiogr., 14 I., j-. 20c.
-Schlosser, Gesch. d. achtz. Jahrh., II., p. 252.]
-
-[Footnote 9: Cramer, Magaz. f. Mus., I., p. 776; cf. p. 783.]
-
-[Footnote 10: Reichardt, Briefe e. aufm. Reis., II., p. 121.]
-
-[Footnote 11: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 13.]
-
-[Footnote 12: Burney, Reise, II., p. 75.]
-
-[Footnote 13: Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 55. Griesinger, Biogr. Not, p. 29.]
-
-[Footnote 14: Cramer, Magaz. f. Mus., II., p. 959.]
-
-[Footnote 15: Hiller, Woech. Nachr., 1770, pp. 178, 207.]
-
-[Footnote 16: Burney, Reise, III., p. 260.]
-
-[Footnote 17: [Koch-Stemfeld] Die letzten dreissig Jahre des Erzstiftes Salzburg,
-p. 3x4.]
-
-[Footnote 18: The Elector Friedrich August of Saxony was so nervous at playing
-before other people, that his wife scarcely ever heard him (Burney,
-Reise, III-, p. 18).]
-
-[Footnote 19: Characteristic traits are given in Dittersdorf 8 description of the
-musical establishment of the Prince von Hildburghausen (Selbstbiogr., p.
-43).]
-
-[Footnote 20: Burney, Reise, I., p. 69.]
-
-[Footnote 21: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 50.]
-
-[Footnote 22: Burney, Reise, II., p. 102.]
-
-[Footnote 23: Freiherr von Boecklin, who visited Salzburg in his eightieth year,
-gave it as his opinion that though the church music was good, and some
-of the wind instruments worth hearing: "the orchestra is not brilliant
-on the whole; nevertheless there are some excellent and well-known
-musicians among them, who soften the shadows by their enchanting playing
-of concertos and sonatas, and even transmit so much of their own light
-to their defective accompaniers as to give strangers a favourable idea
-of the whole performance" (Beitraege zur Geschichte der Musik, 1790, p.
-28).]
-
-[Footnote 24: Marpurg, Beitr., III., p. 186.]
-
-[Footnote 25: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiogr., p. 141.]
-
-[Footnote 26: Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 56.]
-
-[Footnote 27: Burney (Reise, II., p. 73): "Here it was that Stamitz first
-overstepped the usual limits of the opera overture, which hitherto had
-only consisted of a sort of summons to silence and attention on the
-entry of the singers."]
-
-[Footnote 28: Griesinger, Biogr. Notizen, p. 15.; Dies, Biogr. Nachr., p. 37.]
-
-[Footnote 29: Burney, Reise, III., p. 209.]
-
-[Footnote 30: It may be considered characteristic of our times that modern
-musicians so seldom excel in this particular direction. Schumann, who
-repeatedly remarks on the phenomenon, considers that it is an extinct
-branch of musical art, and that a new character must be invented for
-middle movements (Ges. Schr., I., p. 283, 289).]
-
-[Footnote 31: Mattheson, Vollk. Kapellmeister, p. 223; cf. Neu eroffnetes Orch.,
-pp. 174, 184. Kircher gives a description of the dances with examples by
-Capsberger (Mus., I., p. 586).]
-
-[Footnote 32: Nottebohm, Monatschr. f. Theat. u. Mus., 1855, pp. 408, 456; 1857,
-PP* 288, 341, 391.]
-
-[Footnote 33: The minuet of Beethoven's eighth symphony is in slower tempo
-than any other movement, and its solemn yet graceful dignity contrasts
-humorously with the liveliness of the other movements. The charming
-minuet of Mendelssohn's A major symphony again provokes an involuntary
-smile.]
-
-[Footnote 34: The orchestral minuets written for dancing by Mozart, of which
-there must have been more than the sixty known to exist (103,104, 105,
-122, 164,176;), are, like the Contretanze (106,123,267, K.), very simple,
-and practically arranged, with a few modest instrumental effects.]
-
-[Footnote 35: I made acquaintance with them through Andre's autograph collection"
-and also through three little blue books placed at my disposal by the
-owner, A. Cranz, of Hamburg. (A. M. Z., XXXIII., p. 733.) The first
-of these contains nine symphonies, the second a concertone and three
-serenate, the third a serenata. The dates are erased, but Sonnleithner
-has fortunately discovered and replaced them (Recensionen, 1862, Nr. 39,
-p. 614). In Breitkopf and Haertel's old warehouse, twenty symphonies in
-parts were also preserved. Since ten of these are among Andre's, and
-two belong to "Lucio Silla" and "Sogno di Scipione," we may conclude the
-rest to be equally genuine; and since none of those known belong to a
-later date than 1772, and "Lucio Silla" was performed at the Carnival of
-1773, the others can scarcely be put later. In confirmation of this
-it will be remembered that on February 7, 1772, Leopold Mozart offered
-Breitkopf some of his son's compositions, and among them symphonies.]
-
-[Footnote 36: Still shorter and more precise is a serenade in four movements
-that, according to the first superscription, was originally a
-contretaenz.]
-
-[Footnote 37: Where stringed instruments are employed the bass part is only
-indicated as basso; and no hint is given as to whether the double-bass
-or violoncello, or both together, were intended.]
-
-[Footnote 38: The same five instruments were employed for two divertimenti for
-wind instruments (166, 168, K.), of which one is dated 1773. The paper
-and handwriting are identical.]
-
-[Footnote 39: Mozart had employed four horns earlier, two being in another key,
-in symphonies (130. 132, 183, K., and that to the "Betuuea Liberata"),
-and in. operatic accompaniments ("Ascanio." ii; "Finta Giardiniera,"
-13. 26; "Re Pastore," 12).]
-
-[Footnote 40: To the first of these belongs the march written for the same
-instruments (248 K.).]
-
-[Footnote 41: Mozart, who, in October, 1877, mentions only two cassations, asks
-from Vienna (July 4, 1781) for the three cassations in F, B, and D.]
-
-[Footnote 42: Three pages of the first allegro of a similar divertimento in F
-major are preserved (288 K.); since Mozart only mentions three
-such pieces by name in Vienna, it is not probable that a fourth was
-completed.]
-
-[Footnote 43: A scherzo-like pastorale (Anh., 294 K.), in which a corno
-pastoriccio is added to the quartet, has been ascribed to Mozart without
-sufficient grounds, and is more likely by his father.]
-
-[Footnote 44: Mozart must have composed more than a few of such compositions,
-which were always in request but many are included among his published
-harmonie-musik, arranged in very arbitrary fashion, and altogether
-unauthentic.]
-
-[Footnote 45: The trio has been struck out and written again by the father, who
-has transposed the first violins an octave lower throughout.]
-
-[Footnote 46: n. Ztschr. f. Mus., XLV., p. 60.]
-
-[Footnote 47: 'The trio of the minuet has also been written again, but here it is
-an altogether new composition, far superior to the first.]
-
-[Footnote 48: A little piece for two violins and bass (266 K.), consisting of a
-polonaiselike movement following some slow introductory bars, and of a
-minuet, is not of importance.]
-
-[Footnote 49: When the Vienna quartets appeared, and Toricella announced "Six
-quartets by Mozart at a low price," the publisher Artaria drew the
-attention of the public to the fact that these quartets were old works
-of Mozart's, written fifteen years previously (Wien. Ztg., 1785; Nr. 75
-Anh.). To this Toricella replied in a fresh announcement: "Concerning
-the quartets of fifteen years ago, I believe that they need no
-recommendation but the name of their author, and I am equally convinced
-that, being in their whole style completely new to many amateurs, they
-may be considered as novelties, and as genuine compositions of Mozart."]
-
-[Footnote 50: Mozart afterwards composed a rondo, mentioned by his father
-(September 25, 1777), to the Concerto in B major (207 K.) for Brunetti.]
-
-[Footnote 51: Car. Pichler, Zeitbilder, p. 149.]
-
-[Footnote 52: The piece is in E flat major; the viola part is written in D major,
-and was to be tuned half a tone higher, both to give it a clear sound
-and to make the execution easier.]
-
-[Footnote 53: Schubart, Aesthet. d. Mus., p. 233.]
-
-[Footnote 54: Mus. Real-Ztg., 1789, p. 240.]
-
-[Footnote 55: The musical collection of Baron von Duernitz is in the possession of
-Herr Oec. Rabl, at Muenchshofen.]
-
-[Footnote 56: Among these may be included an arrangement of three clavier
-sonatas by Joh. Chris. Bach (p. 38) as a concerto (107 K.) with quartet
-accompaniment. I cannot decide how much of this is Mozart's.]
-
-[Footnote 57: Cf. Kelly, Remin., I., p. 9.]
-
-[Footnote 58: An unfinished Sonata in G major (357 K.) was perhaps completed and
-afterwards lost.]
-
-[Footnote 59: Yet Dressier mentions in his Theaterschule in 1777 (p. 46):
-"Die Hrn. Mozart und Schroeder, zwei ausserordentliche Genies, Musici,
-Klavierspieler, und Compositeurs der Deutschen," whose merit is
-acknowledged in foreign countries.]
-
-[Footnote 60: The close of the adagio in Beethoven's C major symphony will occur
-to every musician; the opening of his E flat major concerto is also
-founded on a similar idea to this of Mozart's.]
-
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XV. EARLY MANHOOD.
-
-OUR examination of the development of Mozart's youthful genius, as it is
-to be traced in the multiplicity and variety of his studies, may fitly
-be concluded by a rapid survey of what he had accomplished and the
-position which he held at his entry into manhood.
-
-At twenty-one years of age he could hold his own with the first masters
-of his time as a performer on the clavier, the organ, and the violin,
-and his powers as an executant were far surpassed by his accomplishments
-in every branch of composition. Remembering his numerous and successful
-contributions to theatrical music in serious and comic operas, to
-church music of every kind and description, to instrumental music,
-both concerted and solo, we are amazed at the ease and fertility of
-his producing powers not less than at the steady perseverance and
-earnestness of his studies. He never begins at random and breaks off
-short, never yields to chance impulses, to be abandoned before their
-object is attained; his will is always consciously fixed on a definite
-end, and to that end he bends all the force and energy of his mind.
-
-No small share of the merit of this happy development
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(328)
-
-must be accorded to his father, whose careful and well-digested
-educational plan, as earnest and conscientious as it was far-seeing
-and full of love, counteracted the son's easy and excitable nature, and
-concentrated his whole strength on his artistic cultivation. But the
-greatest share, after all, falls to the admirable organisation of Mozart
-himself. His nature was so genuinely artistic that musical perfection
-was the very germ of that inner being of which his works were the
-natural and inevitable expression.
-
-The precocity of his talent, which had produced these works at an age
-when most minds are only beginning to put their thoughts into articulate
-form, had in it nothing forced, strained, or disturbed; he seized
-instinctively on what was in harmony with his genius, absorbed it
-completely, and made it the stepping-stone to his upward progress.
-
-We have seen how he laboured to become absolute master of every kind of
-form in his art, and how, step by step, his labours were rewarded. But
-no amount of external readiness and skill would satisfy him unless he
-could also give due expression to what moved his innermost soul, and
-impelled him to production. And so it is that even in his earliest works
-we find no opposition between their form and their substance; so it is
-that they are always a _whole_--at first insignificant enough both in
-substance and treatment, but still a whole--contained in a definite
-expression of artistic form. Looking back at the history of an art
-which has been begotten and fostered by any nation, we see how it is now
-favoured, now hindered, by external circumstances, how it strives and
-struggles through the long ages, possessing itself here by fits and
-starts, there by easy transitions, of all the means and forms necessary
-for its perfect practice. When at last the spiritual and intellectual
-life of the nation has become free and impelled to artistic activity,
-the great master arises, who, disposing at will of the inheritance of
-knowledge and genius bequeathed to him by his fathers, accomplishes the
-highest task of art in his representations of ideal beauty. The glorious
-contemplation of the organic development of a gifted nature, turning all
-to good account,
-
-{FAMILY LIFE IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(329)
-
-and rejecting what impedes its growth so soon as it has served its turn,
-is open for us in Mozart. To him it was given to master the external
-conditions of his art on every side without injury to his individuality
-and creative force. Artist and man grew together; the deeper the passion
-and the more intense the emotion, the more grand and impressive became
-the forms in which they were embodied. And it is in this that consists
-the successful cultivation of any art in youth: in this mastery of the
-means whereby the man in his maturity makes his genius felt without
-apparent effort. Whatever study and discipline could attain, Mozart had
-attained before he left Salzburg; it was time that he should emerge from
-his narrow surroundings, that he should win freedom and independence,
-both as a man and an artist, by contact with the world.
-
-The position held by Mozart at Salzburg, disproportionate alike to his
-performances and their promise, could not but fail to satisfy him as
-soon as he became aware of his own powers.
-
-His life would have been simply unendurable had it not been for
-the healthy family life which had been from earliest childhood the
-foundation of his moral and social existence.
-
-He grew up in an atmosphere of conjugal and parental affection, of
-sincere religion and conscientious morality, and of well-ordered
-economy, which could not fail in its effect on his character. "After
-God, papa comes," was his motto as a boy and as a man; it was the
-keynote of the _whole_ household, and we have seen, and shall see
-further, how fully Leopold Mozart deserved the trust reposed in him.
-
-It was absolute confidence, not timid fear, which bound wife and
-children to him, and candour and truth ruled all the family intercourse.
-Not only the parents and children, but the brother and sister, were
-devoted to each other; the similarity of their talents, far from
-exciting emulation or jealousy, only bound them closer together; the
-sister witnessed the brilliant successes of her younger brother with
-pure delight, and bore his teasing with unfailing good-humour, sure,
-in her turn, of his ready and hearty sympathy in her joys and sorrows,
-whether great or small. Such a true
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(330)
-
-family life as this, in which the servants[1] and even the pet
-animals[2] had their share, became all the firmer and heartier in
-proportion as circumstances narrowed the circle composing it.
-
-The primary motive-power was the father's earnest devotion to duty,
-and his example gave weight to his unsparing demands on the labour and
-industry of his children. He considered the accomplishments of an
-artist as no mere pastime for hours of recreation, no passing breath
-of visionary inspiration; but as the ripe food of ceaseless labour,
-of untiring progress in moral and artistic self-knowledge. He was not
-content to recognise in the wonderful receptive and productive powers
-of his son a passport to easy indolence, but strove to make him
-consider them as deposits to be turned to the best account by study and
-cultivation. He accustomed his children to work from their youth up, and
-made it his first object that their outer circumstances should afford
-them no excuse for idle hours. "Custom." said he, "is an iron path." For
-this reason he gave up every occupation (except the duties demanded
-by his official position) which might withdraw him from his children,
-especially all lessons, thereby entailing a considerable pecuniary
-sacrifice, for which the profits of his first professional journey could
-only partially compensate. But he had so firm a confidence in Wolfgang's
-future, and he kept this object so clearly and continually in view, that
-nothing could divert him from it. In the boy himself there was no cause
-for anxiety; his trust in his father was unbounded, his nature was
-pliable, and his zeal for his art so great that it was never necessary
-to incite him to industry; indeed, his father often praises his energy
-and laboriousness. A further proof of the father's beneficial influence
-is the fact that Wolfgang did not yield to the temptation common to
-talented and lively youth in following
-
-{MOZART'S EDUCATION.}
-
-(331)
-
-momentary and one-sided impulses; but that he advanced step by step in
-a thorough and judicious cultivation of all his powers. The great number
-of his compositions of every kind which we have already noticed gives
-us no small idea of his industry; and we must remember that these
-performances were only possible as the result of continuous study and
-exercise, of which no outward sign remains. The father insisted on
-Wolfgang's making clear copies on quarto music paper, both of his own
-compositions and of examples of other composers. A long list of such
-exercise-books, in gray-blue covers, with every kind of composition in
-Mozart's handwriting, arranged and titled by his father, affords the
-most speaking proof of the industry and regard for order and neatness in
-which Wolfgang was trained.
-
-Added to this was the continual hard practice on organ and clavier which
-made him the finished performer he was, then his official duties at
-court and church, his frequent engagements to play in private circles,
-and finally the lessons which he was obliged to give--one wonders in
-fact where he found time for it all in a day of only four-and-twenty
-hours. Nothing but the anomalous union of extraordinary genius with
-regularity and order could have produced so anomalous a result. Then
-again, L. Mozart was too far-seeing and cultivated a man to be satisfied
-with an exclusively musical education for his son. He took care that he
-should attain proficiency in foreign languages; he had learnt Latin
-in early youth (p. 61), and some knowledge of it was indispensable for
-sacred composition, on which account his father enjoins him (October 15,
-1777) always to use a Latin prayer-book. He learnt to speak French and
-Italian fluently on his journeys, and his father was careful to keep up
-his knowledge of them. No opportunity was lost of acquiring "any kind of
-useful knowledge," as Leopold writes (December 18, 1777), "in order to
-cultivate the understanding by the reading of good books in different
-languages." Unfortunately we are not told what books Wolfgang read, nor
-in what direction his literary taste lay. It is characteristic of the
-father that both the children were obliged every evening to write a
-short account
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(332)
-
-in a journal of what they had learnt and done throughout the day, in
-order to cultivate their observation of themselves and the things around
-them.
-
-L. Mozart knew well that hot-house plants fade quickly, and was careful
-not to overtax the powers of his son, but to preserve him in healthy
-freshness, both of mind and body, by means of due diversion
-and recreation. He sought also to render him self-possessed and
-unconstrained in his intercourse with all classes of men, which
-Wolfgang's natural amiability rendered an easy task; it was far more
-difficult to impress him with the necessity for prudence and reserve,
-which not even the bitter experiences of after-life could teach him.
-Tied and hampered, as L. Mozart was, in all these endeavours by the
-conditions of his life in Salzburg, one support remained of which he
-could not be deprived; this was the beauty of the surrounding scenery.
-True, he makes no mention of it in his letters, but the dwellers in
-beautiful neighbourhoods seldom express enthusiastic admiration unless
-it is called forth by the observation of strangers. Whether consciously
-or not, however, the influence of rich and beautiful scenery must be
-felt by a finely organised mind, and the good fortune of a youth passed
-amid such impressions of surrounding nature is not less to be prized
-than any other happy dispensation which wakens to life the slumbering
-powers of the soul.
-
-Intercourse with cultivated and art-loving men, so indispensable to a
-liberal education, was not easy of attainment in Salzburg. Such men were
-few, and almost exclusively belonged to the higher nobility. Two Counts
-Firmian, brothers to the Governor-General of Lombardy (p. no), were men
-of a lively interest in and appreciation of science and art. While
-still at the university they had founded a literary society which had
-considerable influence in spite of the strong opposition which its free
-scientific tendencies drew upon it.[3] One of the brothers, Vigilius
-Maria, who was provost of the cathedral, possessed a carefully selected
-library, and was familiar with the literature of all the
-
-{THE NOBILITY OF SALZBURG.}
-
-(333)
-
-European countries; the other, Franz Lactantius, Lord High Chamberlain
-to the Archbishop, was a connoisseur of painting and possessed an
-excellent collection of pictures. But he seems to have had little idea
-of music; for although he was extremely well disposed towards Wolfgang,
-the latter writes to his father (July 9, 1778) that nothing can be done
-for music in Salzburg until it is altogether left to the kapellmeister,
-so that the Lord High Chamberlain may have no power to interfere: "for
-you cannot make a kapellmeister out of a cavalier, although you may make
-a cavalier out of a kapellmeister." Canon Count Anton Wilibald Wolfegg
-had travelled extensively in order to make himself acquainted with
-manufactures and industries, and had specially studied architecture. The
-Master of the Horse, Count Leopold Joseph Kueenberg, was a well-read and
-accomplished man; the Bishop of Chiemsee, Count Ferdinand von Zeil,
-was as distinguished for intellect and cultivation as for nobility of
-disposition.[4] We may gather that all these men were well disposed
-towards Mozart. The Chamberlain, Count George Anton Felix von Arco, the
-Court Marshal, Count Nicolaus Sebastian von Lodron, and the Captain of
-the Body-Guard, Count Leopold von Lodron, were also among his patrons.
-He had free entry into their houses, played at their entertainments, and
-gave lessons to their daughters, all the ladies, old and young, vying
-with each other in attentions to the distinguished virtuoso. Wolfgang
-sends a respectful kiss of the hand from Milan (February 17, 1770) to
-her Excellency Countess Arco, and thanks her for the kiss she had sent
-him, which he prized more highly than many a salute from a younger
-person. Differences of rank, however, and of personal circumstances
-rendered difficult any such friendly intercourse as would have been of
-advantage to Mozart both socially and professionally.
-
-The circle was not an artistic one. Wolfgang praises Count Salem in
-Munich (October 2, 1777), and calls him a
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(334)
-
-true connoisseur. "He says 'Bravo!' when the other cavaliers take a
-pinch of snuff, or blow their noses, or cough, or begin a conversation."
-
-The smaller or, as it was called, the "wilde" nobility lived for the
-most part on the numerous smaller court offices, the incomes of which
-did not enable them to make a show in proportion to their rank; they
-strove to indemnify themselves by pride and haughtiness, although there
-were some few cultivated families among them.[5] With some of these, and
-more particularly with their younger members, we find Wolfgang in close
-intercourse, but the friendship was in most instances a superficial one,
-which did not stand the test of years and absence. Herr von Moelk, son
-of the Court Chancellor, is mentioned as a friend of Wolfgang's, and an
-unsuccessful suitor of his sister Marianne; it was he who was so amazed
-and delighted with the performance of the opera at Munich that the
-Mozarts were ashamed of him, because it was evident that he had seen
-nothing all his life but Salzburg and Innspruck.[6] Mozart was more
-attached, at least in his early years, to Fraeulein W. von Moelk, to whom
-he sends a message that he would like the same reward from her that he
-had for the last minuets; she knows what that is. That his heart
-was somewhat susceptible of impression in youth is evident from the
-mysterious allusions which Wolfgang makes in his letters to his sister;
-she is to visit--she knows whom--to give tender messages, &c. When he
-went to Italy in 1772, an expression in a letter from his father points
-to a daughter of Dr. Barisani as his reigning goddess. Other friends of
-Mozart's youth were Herr von Hefner, son of the town syndic; Herr von
-Aman, of whom he was very fond as a boy, though the intimacy afterwards
-died out, and Joachim von Schiedenhofen, who disgusted Mozart by
-marrying for money. Von Schiedenhofen kept in his youth a "diary of his
-own doings," extracts from which, relating to the years 1774-1777, take
-note of all the visits of
-
-{SOCIETY IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(335)
-
-the Mozart family. These extracts prove that the Mozarts were on
-friendly terms with many other court officials. They visited each other
-in the afternoons and evenings, and either played cards or had
-music. Regular entertainments are mentioned, such as meetings for the
-bolt-shooting which we shall presently describe, and a card club; the
-friends also went to concerts and masquerades together.
-
-Intercourse with families of the citizen class, which could not fail to
-result from the position held by the Mozarts, and from their many years
-residence in the place, was more of a recreation for idle hours than
-a means of intellectual improvement; occasional allusions to Salzburg
-society are not of a favourable nature.[7] Among their intimate friends
-was our old acquaintance Hagenauer, a merchant, and for many years their
-landlord. We may gather from the confidential letters addressed to
-him by L. Mozart on the first journey that he was not only sincerely
-attached to them and always ready with advice and help, but that he had
-cultivation and tastes in advance of his surroundings. His wife,
-judging from some remarks of L. Mozart, was somewhat bigoted and fond
-of priestly intercourse. The closest friend of the family, however,
-who possessed the confidence both of father and children, was Jos.
-Bullinger, a priest, who had been educated at the Jesuit seminary in
-Munich and was tutor in the family of Count Arco at Salzburg. "The
-faithful Bullinger" was "always a chief person" in the Mozarts' house;
-in Wolfgang's letters home he not only always sends messages to his
-"good friend Bullinger," but he begs that his letters may be read to
-him, and sometimes that important secrets may be told to no one but
-Nannerl and Bullinger. After the mother's death in Paris, Wolfgang
-intrusted him with the mournful task of breaking the news gently to his
-father, which Bullinger did
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(336)
-
-with equal tact and sympathy; and when Wolfgang was forced, much against
-his will, to return to Salzburg, it was to his friend Bullinger that he
-poured out his heavy laden heart (August 7, 1778). And the attachment
-was mutual. When Wolfgang was on his way home from Paris, and his father
-and sister, anxious for news of him, confessed and communicated with
-many prayers for the preservation of their dear one, "the faithful
-Bullinger" also "prayed for him daily in the holy mass" (October 19,
-1778). The father, too, had good cause to declare that Bullinger was
-his best and truest friend, from whom he had received "much courtesy
-and kindness," and who, when he was in embarrassment during Wolfgang's
-journey, assisted him by a considerable loan.
-
-He placed the fullest confidence in Bullinger, shared with him all his
-plans for Wolfgang, and took counsel with him on many occasions. The
-friendship between them was well known in Salzburg; and in the efforts
-that were made to recall Wolfgang from Vienna Bullinger was employed as
-a go-between. He seems to have had some taste for music; at least, we
-hear of his taking part in some private concerts, which were held every
-Sunday at eleven o'clock; and Wolfgang writes, after his departure
-(October 11, 1777), begging him to "hold an official discourse, and give
-his compliments to all the members of the Academy."
-
-Opportunities for social gaiety were more freely afforded to
-pleasure-loving Salzburg under Archbishop Hieronymus than under his
-predecessor Sigismund, whose tastes were not nearly so cheerful nor so
-liberal.[8] Salzburg society was characterised as follows: "The country
-gentlemen hunt and go to church; those next below them go to church and
-hunt; the next lower rank eat, drink, and pray; and the lowest of all
-pray, drink, and eat. The two latter classes conduct their love affairs
-in public, and the two former in private; all alike live in sensual
-indulgence."
-
-{AMUSEMENTS IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(337)
-
-In 1775 a spacious hall, with some side apartments, were added to the
-town hall, and there, during the carnival, masked balls were given
-under the supervision of the magistrate, as well as concerts and other
-entertainments. Mozart, who was fond of dancing and jokes, excelled in
-masquerading; Schiedenhofen mentions his having amused every one as a
-peasant bridegroom, and another time as a young dandy.
-
-But even in Salzburg the most popular entertainment was the play; a
-theatre was built expressly for the court on the right bank of the
-Salzach, and there in winter performances were given by the Munich or
-some other travelling company,[9] sledge parties and others being formed
-for the purpose of attending. In summer, excursions were made to the
-numerous objects of interest in the neighbourhood, a very favourite
-one being to the royal park of Hellbronn.[10] The Mozarts rarely
-participated in these pleasures.
-
-Although the father was able to write to his son (February 12,1778):
-"Consider whether I have not always helped you to procure every possible
-pleasure that was harmless and sensible, often at the cost of great
-personal inconvenience," yet his limited circumstances prohibited any
-very frequent indulgence in such pleasures.
-
-The increasing expenses, which he justly ascribed to the parsimonious
-system of the government,[11] necessitated the strictest economy on his
-part. He laid these circumstances clearly before his son (February 16,
-1778):--
-
-It has been very hard work for me ever since your birth, and even
-before, to support a wife and seven children, besides your grandmother
-and several others, on twenty florins a month, taking into account
-child-births, deaths, and illnesses. If you calculate these expenses you
-will readily believe that not only have I never had a kreutzer to spend
-on my own pleasure, but that it has only been by the grace of God and
-hard work that I have kept free from debt. I have sacrificed my whole
-time to you two children in order that when the time came you might be
-able
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(338)
-
-both to maintain yourselves, and also provide me with the means of
-spending a peaceful old age, occupied only with thoughts for the safety
-of my soul, and preparations for a happy death."
-
-But L. Mozart's economy was judicious. "Buy nothing that is bad," he
-wrote to his wife (October 26, 1771), "there is no saving in buying bad
-things." The simplicity of the manners of the household, and the modest
-nature of the enjoyments, may be proved by the extreme and constant
-popularity among the whole circle of a game called "bolt-shooting"
-(boelzelschiessen). A number of intimates formed themselves into a sort
-of little guild, and met every Sunday at the various houses of the
-members. Each player in turn threw a bolt or quoit, and numerous were
-the jokes to which the game gave rise. A sort of rivalry grew up in the
-furnishing of each quoit with inscriptions bearing on the foibles and
-peculiarities of the different players, and the tendency to joking and
-sarcasm of the good Salzburgers was thereby encouraged and indulged.
-A pleasant sociable kind of intercourse grew out of these constant
-meetings. The following instance will show the kind of pleasantry that
-was allowable on such occasions. Leopold tells his son (November 11,
-1780) how one of the lady members, who was a little bit of a coquette,
-happened one day to trip on the step of a shop she was entering in
-full daylight, and to fall in a very inelegant posture. This was duly
-portrayed with appropriate verses on the quoit, to the uncontrollable
-merriment of the whole party. The bolt-shooting is never forgotten
-in the family correspondence; amusing quoit pictures are forwarded
-to absent members, and their share of the winnings received by their
-proxies. Mozart writes to his sister from Vienna (July 4, 1781) : "Is it
-not about time for the shooting supper? Pray do not forget to drink the
-health of a faithful shooter with due honours, and tell me when it comes
-to my turn, that I may paint a quoit."
-
-Under these circumstances, the encouragement which Wolfgang needed
-to render his arduous labours pleasant and satisfactory could only be
-looked for from the sympathy of his colleagues, and the favour with
-which his performances were received. But, unfavourable as the state of
-things
-
-{INTERCOURSE WITH FELLOW-MUSICIANS.}
-
-(339)
-
-was in Salzburg in other respects, on this point it was simply
-intolerable. Individual musicians, such as the faithful Schachtner,
-who were free from envy, and had cultivation and industry enough to
-appreciate intercourse with the Mozart family, formed a close and
-constant friendship with them. But, with the majority, intimacy was on
-many accounts out of the question, even when, as in the case of Michael
-Haydn and Adlgasser, they deserved all recognition as artists.[12] It
-was in contrast to Salzburg that L. Mozart praises the orchestra at
-Mannheim as "young men of good morals, neither tipplers nor gamblers,
-nor miserable blockheads, whose conduct and performances are alike
-admirable" (July 19, 1763). Wolfgang made similar observations in after
-years, and wrote to his father from Paris (July 9,1778) how businesslike
-everything was under Cannabich's conductorship, how implicitly he was
-obeyed, and what much better lives the musicians lived there than
-at Salzburg. "One of my chief reasons for detesting Salzburg is the
-impossibility of associating, as an honest man, with the coarse, stupid,
-dissolute musicians belonging to the court; one is quite ashamed of
-them, and it is they who bring music generally into disfavour." We can
-well understand how frequently the Mozart family would give offence to
-men of small cultivation and ill-regulated tastes. As a childish prodigy
-Mozart had amused them by his childlike candour and engaging confidence;
-but as a growing youth his performances became an intolerable source of
-annoyance and envy to them, not lessened by the brilliant recognition
-which he met with outside the walls of his native town. Their ill-will
-was doubtless also increased by the reserve of the Mozarts, their claims
-to superior cultivation, and the justification sometimes accorded
-to these claims; and although the father's prudence and the mother's
-good nature would prevent any open rupture with their colleagues, yet
-a tendency to severe criticism, sometimes jokingly, sometimes
-sarcastically expressed, is common to all the Mozarts. If we may judge
-of the tone of their actual
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(340)
-
-intercourse by the numerous allusions in their letters (and Wolfgang's
-forte was certainly not prudent reserve), then, indeed, Salzburg might
-well dread the sharpness of the Mozart tongue.
-
-The family were on least friendly terms with the Italians attached to
-the service of the Archbishop. Almost everywhere in Germany the idea was
-firmly rooted that the reputation of the musical establishments could
-only be upheld by summoning composers and virtuosi from Italy. When
-Wolfgang wrote to his father from Munich (September 29, 1777): "So
-it is! All the great people have a rage for foreigners!" His father
-consoled him by answering (October 4,1777): "The rage for Italians
-is almost confined to Munich; it exists in an exaggerated degree. In
-Mannheim, everything is German, except a couple of male sopranos. At
-Treves, under the Elector, Prince Clement of Saxony, the Maestro alone
-is Italian; Mayence is altogether German; and at Wuerzburg the
-only foreigner is Signor Fracassini, a violinist, now, I believe,
-kapellmeister, and that only for the sake of his German wife, a vocalist
-and a native of Wuerzburg. There are no foreigners at any of the smaller
-Protestant courts." Notwithstanding, however, the reduction of the
-operatic and court establishment of Stuttgart in 1768, by the dismissal
-of some of its chief members, the taste and feeling, as well as the
-majority of the _personnel_, continued to be purely Italian;[13] and
-at Bonn many Italians belonged to the court establishment, under the
-leadership of Lucchesi.[14] L. Mozart does not allude to North Germany,
-since it lay out of Wolfgang's projected path. The natural consequence
-of the intrusion of foreigners was ceaseless contention between the
-German musicians, who saw themselves slighted and aggrieved, and the
-Italians, who made their superiority most offensively felt.[15] Mozart
-had to suffer from foreign intrigues
-
-{ITALIANS IN SALZBURG.}
-
-(341)
-
-not only in Milan while composing his opera (p. 130), but perhaps also
-in Munich, and certainly in Salzburg. Archbishop Hieronymus, who set
-a low value on anything belonging to Salzburg, although he paid a
-high price for many a native manufacture bearing a foreign stamp,[16]
-introduced Italians into his band, because it had been blamed as "rough
-and rapid in execution, and not delicate nor in the best taste."[17] The
-kapellmeister Lolli, having become old and incapable, was replaced by
-Fischietti in 1772; this was a disappointment to L. Mozart, whose claims
-to the office were well founded, since he was considered to have placed
-music on its then excellent footing.[18] Among the soloists Brunetti
-was appointed to the violin, Ferrari to the violoncello, Ferlendi to
-the oboe, and Ceccarelli was male soprano. These Italians were not only
-better paid than native artists, but the "foreign asses," as Michael
-Haydn called them, relying on the favour of the Archbishop, conducted
-themselves with insolence and ill-breeding.[19] There can be no question
-that the annoyance to the two Mozarts was great at seeing strangers, far
-below them in social position and talent, preferred before them, while
-all the hard labour devolved upon themselves. Fischietti's compositions
-were few and far between; Wolfgang was always ready to compose operatic
-or sacred, vocal or instrumental music, as occasion arose. All this
-implanted a rooted dislike to foreigners in Mozart's young mind which
-the experiences of his later years did much to confirm. But the artistic
-element of his nature was far too strong and too pure to allow personal
-consideration to influence his judgment on Italian music; his heart was
-so sound and good that he
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(342)
-
-could overcome his dislike to the nation in his intercourse with
-individuals: it only transpires every now and then.
-
-It was not very likely that the Mozarts--father or son--would be in high
-favour at court. We do not know much of their dealings with Archbishop
-Sigismund; but the difficulty L. Mozart had in renewing his leave of
-absence proves that the Archbishop was not overpleased with his repeated
-and lengthened stays abroad.[20] Wolfgang received an official post and
-the title of Concertmeister some time before 1770, but no salary; and
-even after the production of "Ascanio in Alba" L. Mozart was in doubt as
-to whether the Archbishop would remember his son if any vacancy occurred
-(p. 134). It is not known whether the salary of 150 gulden a year which
-he drew as Concertmeister had been granted to him by Sigismund; in any
-case it was not raised until 1777 by his successor, whose own sister,
-the Countess Schoenborn, as Wolfgang writes (September 26, 1777),
-"positively refused to believe that he had had a monthly keepsake of
-twelve florins thirty kreutzers."
-
-Mozart's position was still more unfavourable under Hieronymus, who
-never forgave the inhabitants of Salzburg their strongly expressed
-opposition to his election as Archbishop.[21] He knew himself to be
-unpopular, and, instead of courting popularity, openly displayed his
-contempt for his subjects.[22] He was a man of acute and enlightened
-intellect, and carried out some important reforms in his government
-
-{ARCHBISHOP HIERONYMUS.}
-
-(343)
-
-with a firm hand; but he was self-willed, parsimonious, and
-unscrupulous.[23] He seldom expressed satisfaction with his officials.
-His disdainful mode of address to all but those of the highest nobility,
-and the irritable tone of his conversation, kept all about him in timid
-subordination. Even his appearance (although he was of mean stature
-and sickly complexion)--the sharp glance of his grey eyes, the left
-eye rarely fully open, and the decided lines round his mouth--commanded
-respect and fear.[24] There were other circumstances besides their
-German extraction and Salzburg birth which rendered the two Mozarts
-obnoxious to the Archbishop. Count Ferdinand von Zeil, afterwards
-Bishop of Chiemsee, to whose generous withdrawal Hieronymus owed his
-election,[25] was one of Mozart's warmest and most constant supporters,
-and for him Mozart, like all Salzburg, felt the deepest love and
-respect. This was not the way to the favour of Hieronymus. L. Mozart's
-independent demeanour, doing his duty and going his way without
-obsequiousness or flattery, and Wolfgang's open-mouthed candour, causing
-him occasionally to forget his official position and the reserve it
-should have entailed, were so many reasons for additional tyranny on the
-part of the Archbishop. Added to this was the fact that Mozart, with his
-slender figure and boyish countenance, made a poor personal impression
-on Hieronymus, who was singularly apt to be imposed upon by men of
-commanding height and appearance.[26] He refused any recognition of
-Wolfgang's musical accomplishments, and was unsparing in his criticism
-of them,[27] telling him--as
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(344)
-
-Leopold wrote to Padre Martini (December 22, 1777)--that he knew nothing
-of his art, and should go and study at the Naples Conservatoire that
-he might learn something; a sufficiently unreasonable proposal to an
-academician of Bologna and Verona--to a young man who had traversed
-Italy in triumph as a composer and virtuoso. True, Mozart had no great
-respect for the Archbishop's critical judgment, but in the mouth of
-his Prince such an expression of opinion was of very unpleasant
-significance; for, in point of fact, Hieronymus was well aware of
-Mozart's genius, and never failed to honour him with commissions when
-any new composition was required, for which he never paid him a penny.
-Even if otherwise, those around him would have put him right on the
-point; it was of set purpose that he gave vent to these insults. He
-imagined that contemptuous expressions of opinion as to his
-performances would be the most effectual means of preventing the younger
-Concertmeister from preferring his claim to a higher salary than 150
-gulden a year.
-
-Such were the continual insults and opposition borne by the father and
-son, each on behalf of the other. "I hope" wrote Wolfgang, "that you are
-less annoyed than when I was in Salzburg, for I must acknowledge that
-I was the cause of it. I was badly treated; I did not deserve it. You
-naturally took my part, but too strongly; I assure you that was the
-chief reason that I hurried out of Salzburg." To this his father answers
-(November 17, 1777): "You are quite right as to my extreme annoyance
-at the tyrannical treatment you received; it gnawed at my heart, and
-prevented my sleeping; it was always in my thoughts, and would in the
-end have destroyed me. My dear son, when you are happy, I am happy; and
-your mother and sister--we are all happy; and this happiness I hope for,
-by the grace of God and my confidence in your own good sense." L. Mozart
-saw from the beginning that Wolfgang would never fill a position worthy
-of him in Salzburg; and he exerted himself in vain to procure a post for
-him at some other court. The greatest caution was necessary to keep his
-negotiations a secret at Salzburg; for his
-
-{PLANS FOR MOZART'S FUTURE.}
-
-(345)
-
-enemies would not fail to seize the opportunity of injuring him, perhaps
-of displacing him altogether. Aware of the folly of endangering his
-assured position, uncomfortable though it might be, he strove to allay
-the growing impatience of his son. The latter desired that the whole
-family should gain their livelihood by a grand professional tour, until
-they could find a secure and happier position in some place or other.
-His father, wiser and more experienced, pointed out to him (December 18,
-1777) how entirely their circumstances had altered since his childhood,
-how hard it would be to gain subsistence for a whole family journeying
-about, how uncertain their means of maintenance would be; Leopold duly
-appreciated also the cares and dangers of a nomadic life. Nor was
-he more inclined to trust his son entirely alone. He knew Wolfgang's
-incapacity in all the concerns of practical life, particularly in
-travelling, since he "did not know the differences of coinage, and
-had no conception of packing up, or anything of that sort." He saw the
-hindrances which envy and mistrust would be sure to lay in the path of a
-young man who was striving to win his way by surpassing talent and great
-doings. Above all, he feared the temperament of his son, knowing that
-his careless frankness and good nature, coupled with his excitability
-and proneness to hasty rejoinder, would make him the easy prey of any
-one who might wish to use or to injure him. He addresses Wolfgang in
-words of warning (February 16, 1778):--
-
-My dear Son,--You are too hot and hasty in all your affairs. Your
-character has entirely changed since your childhood and boyhood. You
-were grave and earnest as a child; and when you were busy over your
-music, no one might venture the least jesting with you. Even your
-countenance was so grave that many people in different countries
-believed that your precocious talent and serious face betokened an early
-death. Now, on the contrary, it appears to me that you are far too ready
-to answer jestingly on every occasion, which is the first step to a kind
-of familiarity which one should eschew if one desires to win respect in
-the world. It is your good heart which causes you to see no fault in a
-man, to give him your full confidence, provided he only extols you to
-the skies; whereas, as a boy, your excess of modesty made you cry when
-people praised you too much.
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(346)
-
-L. Mozart knew also that Wolfgang would be so engrossed in his art as
-to forget everything else, more especially whatever would be to his
-own advantage. He trembled for the dangers which would beset the
-inexperienced youth, leaving the narrow sphere of provincial life to
-encounter the temptations of the great world. He strove with all his
-might, therefore, to instil patience into his son, and represented to
-him that his probation in Salzburg was a necessary preparation for
-the tour, which would have far more certainty of success when he was
-somewhat maturer in age and education.
-
-But even this patience had its limits. Wolfgang had not left Salzburg
-since he had produced the "Finta Giardiniera" at Munich, in 1775; if
-he did not wish to be altogether forgotten, he must again display his
-powers as a composer and executant. He had prepared himself for such
-a tour as he proposed by prolonged study and solo compositions. The
-numerous fair copies in the little books we have named had been made
-with the same object in view; they could be readily packed, and always
-at hand for performance, or to be copied again as presents. When
-everything was ready, the father and son applied to the Archbishop for
-permission to travel; this, as well as a petition for an increase of
-salary, was roundly refused; the Archbishop giving as his reason that he
-would not have his subjects "going on begging expeditions."
-
-But the cup was now full to overflowing; Wolfgang begged leave to resign
-his post at Salzburg, and the Archbishop, enraged at having the tables
-turned upon him, accepted the resignation in the most ungracious manner.
-It was even expected that his anger would extend to the father, and
-that he had given orders to strike L. Mozart's name off the list of his
-musicians. This, however, was not the case; with an ungracious remark
-the Archbishop allowed him to retain his place.
-
-Wolfgang's resignation excited much notice in Salzburg; and the
-universal regret was shared even by those immediately round the
-Archbishop. Count von Firmian, who was extremely fond of Wolfgang, was
-rejoicing on his return from a journey (as L. Mozart relates, October 4,
-1777) in
-
-{RESIGNATION OF SERVICE AT COURT.}
-
-(347)
-
-the pleasure that a riding-horse he had purchased for him would give his
-young friend, when he was met by the lamentable intelligence. When he
-paid his respects to the Archbishop, the latter remarked: "We have one
-musician less since you left." He answered, "Your Grace has lost a great
-performer." "How so?" "He is the greatest clavier-player that I ever
-heard in my life; he has done your grace good service on the violin, and
-he is a first-rate composer." Whereupon the Archbishop was silent. Canon
-Count Jos. Starhemberg too, declared later (June 29, 1778) that Mozart's
-complaints were fully justified, and that all visitors to Salzburg had
-admired young Mozart, by whom he himself was quite captivated.
-
-But this turn of affairs gave L. Mozart the deepest anxiety; all
-the difficulties and objections to the journey pressed upon him with
-redoubled force now that it was to be undertaken under such unfavourable
-circumstances. It was, however, rendered inevitable. It would be
-incompatible with pride or self-respect to purchase Wolfgang's
-continuance in his office at the cost of abject submission to the
-Archbishop. It only remained, by energy and foresight, so to make use
-of circumstances as to preserve their honour with the Archbishop, and to
-insure a fixed position for Wolfgang. The visits must be arranged to the
-larger towns, especially residences, where concerts might cover the cost
-of the journey, and commissions for compositions might render possible a
-lengthened stay, ending, perhaps, in a settled engagement. The tour
-was planned with these ends in view, and Leopold was never weary of
-impressing upon his son that his sole endeavour must be to win a name,
-to make money, and to obtain a position; personal gratification and mere
-amusement must be kept altogether in the background. "Money-making," he
-writes (October 15, 1777), "must engross all your attention, and economy
-must be all your care, otherwise a journey is of no profit; on the
-contrary, it brings a man into debt." And again (November 27, 1777):
-"The object of the journey is, was, and must be the acquirement of a
-fixed position and the making of money." His extensive connections and
-great local knowledge enabled him to trace his
-
-{EARLY MANHOOD.}
-
-(348)
-
-son's path out, and to gain him excellent introductions, and his
-zeal and activity were indefatigable. Wolfgang was enjoined to become
-acquainted with persons and events, to grasp quickly his probable
-prospects in any place, and either at once to turn them to good account,
-or if unfavourable, to leave the place. But Wolfgang had neither the
-experience nor the practical shrewdness of his father; he felt secure
-of his art, in which alone he lived, and imagined the rest would come
-of itse(l)f. The prospect of at last escaping from detested Salzburg was
-apparently too engrossing to allow him to pay much heed to his father's
-warnings. The father knew all this, and knew that he must not go alone;
-he could not accompany him himself, and he therefore took the hard
-resolve of parting with his wife and sending her forth with their son.
-
-He was quite aware that, as a woman, she could not occupy the same
-position towards Wolfgang as he himself; and he must have felt, too,
-that intense as her love for Wolfgang was, she had not the energy or
-superiority of intellect necessary to guide him. But she knew the world,
-and was an experienced traveller, and so he hoped that she would supply
-the carefulness and economy which Wolfgang lacked; she was specially
-enjoined to keep an exact account, and at once to inform her husband of
-any propositions that were made, that he might advise and direct. She
-does not seem, however, to have quite answered his expectations, partly
-because she could not always withstand her son's impatient restlessness,
-and partly because she yielded to her own inclinations, although she
-often declared "she was ready to drop with the fatigue of packing-up."
-But Leopold could rely on her influence on the most important point of
-all. The mother's presence was a guarantee that her tenderly reared
-and devoted son would be careful of his health. He hoped, too, that her
-presence would preserve him from any dangerous or immoral intercourse,
-on which point he gives Wolfgang the benefit of his own experience
-(February 16, 1778):--
-
-I sought only the acquaintance and friendship of persons of the higher
-classes, and even among them I avoided idle young fellows, whatever
-their rank. I invited no one to visit me frequently, and always
-preferred visiting others when I pleased. For if I do not care for a
-man, or am
-
-{PREPARATIONS FOR TRAVELLING.}
-
-(349)
-
-busy or engaged, I can stay away; but if he comes to me, I am at a loss
-to get rid of him; and, even if a pleasant visitor, he may hinder me
-at my work. You are a young man of twenty-two, so that it is not the
-gravity of your years which will prevent worthless fellows, old or
-young, from making your acquaintance and endeavouring to entice you to
-follow their example. One is led on irresistibly, and finds, when too
-late, that there is no return.
-
-I will not enter on the subject of women, wherein nature herself is our
-enemy, and he who does not strenuously resist at first will strive in
-vain to escape from the labyrinth, and will find no release but death.
-How blindly one is often led on by jokes, flattery, &c., until returning
-sense awakens one to shame, you may have, perhaps, already experienced
-in some degree. I do not mean to reproach you. I know that you love me
-not as your father alone, but as your closest and surest friend.
-
-Separation from his wife was not the only sacrifice made by the father
-to the well-being of his son. He foresaw that the profits of the journey
-would hardly cover its expenses, and that he must arrange to have a sum
-always in hand in case of emergencies. He had no private property; the
-profits of the first journey had already disappeared; he was obliged
-to borrow, and debt was abhorrent to so conscientious a man; but his
-friends Hagenauer and Bullinger readily came to his assistance. He not
-only cut down to their lowest point the expenses of his housekeeping
-with Nannerl, but he undertook once more "the very uncongenial work of
-giving lessons," badly paid and fatiguing as it was. A father who made
-such sacrifices for his son had a right to demand in return, not indeed
-filial love, and the gaining of artistic fame--that came freely and
-spontaneously--but a degree of prudence and forethought which should
-suffice for the demands of practical life. "I have, my dear Wolfgang,"
-he says (February 16, 1778), "not only not the smallest mistrust in you,
-but I place all confidence and all hope in your future. It all depends
-on the sound good sense which you certainly possess, if you would only
-pay heed to it, and on fortunate circumstances. These last are not to be
-forced, but you can always take sense to your counsel, and that I hope
-and pray you will."
-
-Thus was everything planned and prepared, the necessary means were
-provided, the outfit purchased, and a carriage
-
-{MUNICH AND AUGSBURG.}
-
-(350)
-
-in readiness which would contain the two travellers and their luggage,
-clothes, and instruments. This was the approved method of travelling at
-that time, and Leopold Mozart was determined to send his son forth into
-the world, not as an itinerant musician, but as an artist commanding
-respect and honourable treatment, even from his outward surroundings.
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-[Footnote 1: Messages and birthday congratulations to the servant-maids were
-never forgotten in his letters home. When Wolfgang was expected home
-from Paris, Theresa, the cook, sent word to him repeatedly how many
-capons she was preparing in his honour.]
-
-[Footnote 2: Besides the canary which Wolfgang constantly alludes to in his
-letters, the dog, Wimperl, was always tenderly inquired after.]
-
-[Footnote 3: J. Mayr, Die ehem. Univ. Salzburg, p. 12.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Cf. the account of these two in K. R[isbeck], Briefe eines reisenden
-Franzosen ueber Deutschland, 1784, I., p. 155; and for Count Zeil see
-(Footnote Koch-Shernfeld), Die letzten dreissig Jahre des Erzstiftes Salzburg, p.
-40.]
-
-[Footnote 5: K. R[isbeck], Briefe, I., p. 156. [Koch-Stemfeld] Die letzten
-dreissig Jahre des Erzstiftes Salzburg, p. 256.]
-
-[Footnote 6: Wolfgang said he knew a Salzburger who complained that he could not
-see Paris properly, because the houses were too high.]
-
-[Footnote 7: Wolfgang wrote to his sister from Milan that he had learnt a new
-language; it was rather childish, but good enough for Salzburg. He wrote
-to Bullinger (August 7,1778) that he could not possibly be happy in
-Salzburg, where there was no society; and to his father (January 8,
-1779): "I assure you solemnly that I cannot endure the Salzburgers (I
-mean the natives of Salzburg); their speech and manners are odious to
-me."]
-
-[Footnote 8: Literar. Anekd. auf e. Reise durch Deutschland (Frkf., 1790), p.
-228. K. R[isbeck], Briefe, I., p. 159. [Koch-Sternfeld] Die letzten
-dreissig Jahre. p. 157.]
-
-[Footnote 9: K. R[isbeck], Briefe, I., p. 157. [Koch-Sternfeld] p. 157.]
-
-[Footnote 10: K. R[isbeck], I., p. 159.]
-
-[Footnote 11: For a more detailed account see [Koch-Sternfeld] p. 28.]
-
-[Footnote 12: cf., p. 237.]
-
-[Footnote 13: Burney, Reise, II., p. 77.]
-
-[Footnote 14: Burney, Reise, II., p. 57. Cf. Thayer, Beethoven's Leben, I., p. 60,
-311.]
-
-[Footnote 15: Burney, Reise, III., p. 275. "The musicians in almost every town
-are envious of each other, and all unite in envying the Italians who
-settle in the country. It must be acknowledged that the Italians are
-caressed and flattered, and often receive twice as high a salary as
-native musicians of greater merit."]
-
-[Footnote 16: [Koch-Stemfeld] Die letzten dreissig Jahre, p. 233.]
-
-[Footnote 17: Burney, Reise, III., p. 260, following a correspondent, who was not
-very much prepossessed by Mozart (p. 139).]
-
-[Footnote 18: Schubart, Aesthet., p. 157. Koch-Stemfeld, p. 255: "The court music
-was good, but not so good as under Archbishop Sigismund, when it was
-comparatively better paid."]
-
-[Footnote 19: Meissner was one of the Archbishop's favourites, and yet even he
-was told by the court chamberlain, when a cold prevented his singing,
-that he must sing and attend to the service, or he would be dismissed.
-"Such is the reward of favourites of the great!" (L. Mozart, October 6,
-1777.)]
-
-[Footnote 20: Cf., p. 26, 42, 72.]
-
-[Footnote 21: [Koch-Stemfeld], p. 44: "When the proclamation, 'Hieronymus!'
-reached the expectant crowd from the balcony of the palace, the people
-could not believe their ears. As the solemn procession, with the newly
-elected ruler, pale and sickly in its midst, filed into the cathedral
-for the Te Deum, a dead silence reigned. It was a fair-day. An urchin in
-the midst of the gazing throng gave a huzza, and received a box on the
-ear from a merchant standing near, with the words, 'Boy, dost thou
-shout when all the people weep?' The voice of the people, on which the
-prosperity of a prince so much depends, was never more plainly
-heard. Hieronymus felt it deeply; many similar expressions in private
-conversations were reported to him, and many invitations to court were
-discontinued for long."]
-
-[Footnote 22: K. R[isbeck], Briefe eines reisenden Franzosen, I., p. 158: "As far
-as head goes there could not be a better ruler, but as to heart--I
-do not know. He knows that he is unpopular with the Salzburgers, and
-despises and avoids them in consequence."]
-
-[Footnote 23: The following description is taken from [Koch-Sternfeld], p. 312.]
-
-[Footnote 24: "I did not venture to contradict," writes Wolfgang to his father
-(February 19,1778), "because I had come straight from Salzburg, where
-one gets out of the habit of contradicting."]
-
-[Footnote 25: [Koch-Sternfeld], p. 43.]
-
-[Footnote 26: [Koch-Sternfeld], p. 313.]
-
-[Footnote 27: Wolfgang writes ironically to his father from Mannheim (November
-4, 1777): "I played my concerto to him (Ramm) at Cannabich's, on the
-pianoforte, and although it was known to be mine, it pleased very much.
-Nobody said that it was not well arranged; no doubt because the people
-here know nothing about such things; they should ask the Archbishop--he
-would set them right at once."]
-
-
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVI. MUNICH AND AUGSBURG.
-
-EARLY on the morning of September 23,1777, Wolfgang and his mother took
-their departure from Salzburg, leaving L. Mozart far from well, and
-inconsolable in his solitude.
-
-"After you had set off," he wrote (September 25, 1777), "I went upstairs
-quite exhausted, and threw myself on a couch. It was with a great effort
-that I had restrained myself at parting, in order not to add to our
-grief, and in the confusion I had forgotten to give my son the paternal
-blessing. I ran to the window and sent it after you both; but as I did
-not see you drive through the gate, I came to the conclusion that you
-had already passed, and that I had sat immersed in my grief longer than
-I supposed." Nannerl wept till she made herself ill, and did not recover
-till the evening, when the two consoled themselves with a game of
-piquet.
-
-Wolfgang, on the contrary, breathed more freely as soon as he had
-turned his back upon Salzburg; the feeling of relief from the galling
-oppression of years dispelled the sorrow of parting with his father
-and sister. In his former journeys he had experienced nothing but
-encouragement and success, and had been shielded from all the harassing
-cares of ordinary life; and so he took his way with artless confidence
-into the wide world. He little dreamt that he had in fact made the
-first step along a thorny path, to be met from henceforth to the end by
-difficulty, opposition, pain, and sorrow.
-
-{MUNICH, 1777.}
-
-(351)
-
-His mind was fresh and youthful enough to be diverted by all the little
-incidents of such a journey. When he sat down in the evening, "_undecima
-hora noctis_," at Wasserburg, to acquaint his father of their safe
-arrival, he could think of nothing more important to tell him than of
-their having seen a cow "all on one side." He had met a fat gentleman
-who remembered having seen Wolfgang a year ago during a performance of
-"Mirabell"; he was in company with Herr von Unhold, of Memmingen, and
-they both sent their compliments to Wolfgang's father and sister. It is
-plain that the boy rejoiced in the feeling of freedom and independence:
-"_Viviamo come i principi_, and want nothing but my dear father; but
-it is God's will, and all will go well. I hope you will be well and as
-contented as I am. I am getting quite expert, and, like another papa,
-taking care of everything. I have always to pay the postilions, for
-I can talk to the fellows better than mamma. Pray take care of your
-health, my dear father."
-
-Their first stay was at Munich. The state of affairs there, coupled with
-their former failure, gave little hope of a prosperous visit; but it
-was necessary to make the attempt. Furnished with his diplomas of the
-Academies of Bologna and Verona, and with recommendations from Padre
-Martini, Wolfgang might present himself before the Elector Maximilian as
-a thoroughly trained musician; and might hope to gain such favour from
-influential patrons as would justify his undertaking new works. They
-took up their abode with their old acquaintance Albert,[1] known as "the
-learned host." Wolfgang's first visit was to Count Seeau, the inspector
-of plays.[2] He met with a friendly reception, and was advised by the
-Count to seek an audience of the Elector without delay, and if he
-did not succeed, to address him by letter; there was no doubt that a
-first-rate composer was wanted in Munich.
-
-Wolfgang next paid his respects to the Prince Bishop of Chiemsee, Count
-Zeil, who was residing in Munich on a
-
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-
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-
-diplomatic mission. He conversed freely on Mozart's plans, and promised
-to do his best for him with the Elector and his consort. But some days
-later the Bishop said to him, "very politely" (September 29,1777): "I do
-not think you will do much here. I spoke privately on the subject to the
-Elector at Nymphenburg, and he answered, 'It is too soon yet, let him
-travel in Italy, and make himself a name; I do not refuse anything, but
-it is too soon yet.'" The Electress promised to do what she could, but
-"shrugged her shoulders," and doubted of success.
-
-These unfavourable prognostics were justified when Mozart, introduced by
-the influential violoncellist, Frz. Xav. Wo-schitka (b. 1730), presented
-himself to the Elector, who was on the point of going hunting with his
-court. He gives the following account of the interview to his father
-(September 30, 1777)--
-
-When the Elector approached me I said: "I trust your highness will allow
-me to lay myself and my services at your highness's feet." "Indeed! have
-you left Salzburg altogether?" "Altogether, your highness." "Inded!
-Why? Were you kept too close?" "May it please your highness, I asked
-permission to travel, which was refused, whereupon I took a step which
-had long been in my mind, for Salzburg is no place for me, that
-is certain." "_Mein Gott_, young man! But your father is still at
-Salzburg?" "Yes, may it please your highness; he lays his humble duty,
-&c. I have been in Italy three times already, have written three operas,
-and been elected Member of the Academy at Bologna, after writing a trial
-composition in one hour which usually takes candidates four or five
-hours of hard labour; all this proves that I am in a position to serve
-any court. My greatest wish is to serve your highness, who is himself
-a great"--"Yes, my dear fellow, but I have no vacancy." "I assure your
-highness that I should do honour to Munich." "No doubt, no doubt; but
-there is no vacancy." This he said as he was going, and I could only
-take my humble leave.
-
-The Elector being unable, as L. Mozart was aware, to engage any one
-unless there were a vacancy, no court office could be looked for at
-Munich, but there seemed fair prospects of an assured position in
-another direction. Count Seeau had interest enough to retain so
-distinguished a composer, whose energy and productiveness promised good
-services. He was not only manager, but also part
-
-{MUSIC AT MUNICH, 1777.}
-
-(353)
-
-proprietor of the theatre; the Elector paid the band and the ballet, and
-gave a yearly contribution of 9,000 gulden to the expenses, which was
-received by Seeau. In return the latter provided the opera and the play,
-and engaged the members of the two companies, chiefly natives of Munich,
-who were to be had for eight to twelve gulden a month.[3] The Italian
-opera was only given during the carnival, and at great court festivals,
-and then generally without remuneration; German operas were the rule,
-that is, adaptations from the French or Italian, for as yet original
-German opera did not exist. What a brilliant success might be expected,
-from the lively interest of the Munich public in all matters theatrical,
-if a man of Mozart's genius were to devote himself to German opera!
-Seeau inquired of the Bishop of Chiemsee if Mozart did not receive
-enough from home to allow him to remain there on a small salary; he
-should like to keep him; the Bishop doubted this. Count Seeau preferred
-receiving a proposal, and remained silent; but Mozart could perceive
-that he was turning the matter over in his mind. He himself was all on
-fire at the idea of having operas to compose. He gives his father an
-animated account of the impression made upon him by the performance of a
-German opera, and by the vocalist (October 2, 1777):--
-
-The prima donna is named Keiserin; she is the daughter of the cook of a
-nobleman here, a pleasant girl, and pretty on the stage; I have not seen
-her nearer yet. She is a native of Munich. I heard her the third time
-that she played, and thought she had a beautiful voice, not very strong,
-but not weak either, and a pure, good intonation. Valesi is her teacher,
-and her style shows that her master understands singing as well as
-teaching singing. When she had to sustain a note for a couple of bars,
-I was surprised at the beauty of her _crescendo_ and _decrescendo_.
-She has a slow shake, which I like extremely; it is all the clearer
-and purer when she wants to make it quicker, and the quicker it is the
-easier it is. She is an immense favourite with the people here, and
-I agree with them. Mamma was in the body of the theatre; she went at
-half-past four, in order to secure a seat I did not go till half-past
-six, for I am well enough known to have the _entree_ to any of the
-boxes. I watched Mdlle. Keiserin with my glass, and she drew more than
-one tear from
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-
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-
-me; I cried "Brava, bravissima," very often, remembering that this was
-only her third appearance. The piece was called "The Fisher-Girl" (La
-Pescatrice), a good translation, with Piccinni's music, but with nothing
-original in it. They want to have a German opera seria soon--and they
-wish me to compose it.
-
-Among the "wishers" was a certain Professor Huber, whom Mozart had met
-at the Messmers' during his last visit to Vienna (1771); they renewed
-their acquaintance at Herr Albert's, where the professor was a frequent
-visitor. He was the deputy-manager of the theatre, and had, as Mozart
-expressed it, "to read all the pieces submitted for performance, to
-improve, spoil, accept, reject them." This censorship was necessary,
-since the management performed all that was sent in, and was bound to
-put in study every native production. And as at that time "almost
-every student and official in Munich was bitten with the mania for
-authorship,"[4] they were overwhelmed with trash. Huber must have felt
-it a matter of importance to retain such a remarkable genius as Mozart
-for the Munich theatre.
-
-The wish, indeed, was generally felt; Baron Rumling paid Wolfgang the
-compliment of saying: "The theatre is my delight, with good actors and
-actresses, good singers, male and female, and such a capital composer
-as you are!" Of this Wolfgang says (October 2, 1777): "It is only
-talk, certainly--and talk does not go far--but he never spoke so to me
-before." Wolfgang played several days in succession before Count Jos.
-von Salem, the chief director of music and the opera (b. 1718);[5]
-he played a good deal "out of his head," then the two "cassatione"
-(247,287, K.) composed for the Countess Lodron, and the finalmusik (250
-K.):--
-
-You cannot think how delighted the Count was; he understands music, for
-he cried "Bravo!" every time that other fine gentlemen take a pinch of
-snuff, blow their noses, cough, or begin a conversation. I said to him
-that I wished the Elector were there, that he might hear what I could
-do, of which he knows nothing. All these great people believe whatever
-is told them, and refuse to judge for themselves. It is always the way.
-I offered him a trial; he was to get together all the artists in
-
-{PROSPECTS OF SUCCESS IN MUNICH.}
-
-(355)
-
-Munich, and any he chose from Italy, France, Germany, England, and
-Spain; I would undertake to write against any of them. I told him what
-had happened in Italy, and begged him, if the talk turned upon me, to
-remember all this. He said: "I have very little influence; but what I
-can do I will, with all my heart."
-
-He had some intercourse with musicians, too; Consoli had met him on his
-entrance into the town, and lost no time in visiting him, and his old
-friend Becke, the flautist, soon made his appearance. Albert arranged a
-little concert ("with a wretched clavier, alas! alas!"), and invited a
-clergyman, Dubreil, a pupil of Tartini, with the idea that he was a good
-judge, and a clever performer; but this turned out to be a mistake.
-
-We first played Haydn's two quintets, but it was dreadful; I scarcely
-heard him; he could not play four bars without mistakes; his fingering
-was bad, and he left out all the _sospiri_.[6] He was very polite, and
-praised the quintets, but--Then I played my concerto (clavier) in C, in
-B flat, in E flat major (238, 246, 271, K.), and my trio (254 K.). The
-accompaniment was fine; in the adagio I had to play six bars of his
-part. Last of all, I played the last cassation in B (287 K.), and
-they all stared. I played as if I were the greatest fiddler in Europe
-(October 6, 1777).
-
-Herr Albert, who took great interest in Wolfgang, far beyond merely
-entertaining him,[7] made him a proposal which might render it possible
-for him to remain in Munich. He promised to bring ten friends together,
-who should each contribute one ducat a month, or 600 florins a-year; it
-would be easy to get commissions from Count Seeau which would raise
-his income to 800 florins. "What do you think of this idea?" writes
-Wolfgang, overjoyed; "is it not an act of friendship? and should I not
-accept it, if it is really in earnest?" There was the immediate future
-to be provided for, and for this he was assured that the concerts would
-begin in November, and last until May (one was given in Herr Albert's
-hall every Saturday), and then strangers came to the town; if he only
-stayed now, he was quite certain of
-
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-
-(356)
-
-an engagement. Wolfgang's mother thought well of this proposal; but his
-father, as a man of the world, had many scruples (October 4, 1777):--
-
-Herr Albert's proposition is, indeed, as great an act of friendship as
-one can imagine; but, though it does not appear to have occurred to you,
-the difficulty, to my mind, will be to find the ten people who are to
-give the ducat a month. Who are these philanthropists and lovers of
-music? What is their connection with you, and what services will they
-demand in return? I do not see where they are to come from. Herr Albert
-would scarcely be able to speak to them all without delay; some of them
-may be away from Munich. For myself, I should prefer mercantile men to
-noblemen. It all depends upon whether they keep their word, and for how
-long. If the thing is feasible, well and good; it ought to be accepted;
-but, unless it can be settled at once, you cannot stay there spending
-money and losing time, for no profit is to be expected in Munich, in
-spite of all their compliments and promises.
-
-He turned out to be right: the ten philanthropists and lovers of music
-did not come forward, and Wolfgang had to submit more than once to
-reproaches for his readiness to believe in "fires of straw, which
-burn up quickly and end in smoke." But even without such aid, Wolfgang
-thought he might maintain himself in Munich for the present (October 2,
-1777).
-
-It would not be impossible for me to get on alone; I should get, at
-least, 300 florins from Count Seeau; I need not concern myself as to my
-board; I should be always invited out, and even if I were not, nothing
-pleases Herr Albert more than my taking my meals with him.
-
-I should contract with Count Seeau (on the advice of my best friends) to
-supply him yearly with four German operas, some _buffe_, some _serie_.
-Then if I had a _sera_, or benefit, on each, as is the custom here, that
-would give at least 500 florins, which would bring my income up to 800
-florins, and probably more, for Reiner, a comedian and singer, took
-200 florins for his _sera_, and I am a _great favourite_ here; I should
-become a far greater if I helped to raise the German drama by my music.
-
-Mozart had clearly some confidence in his own powers; he did not think
-it much to offer to write four German operas every year, and a salary of
-+three hundred gulden did not strike him as being poor pay for the work.
-But Count Seeau appears to have been too prudent to risk even so much as
-this, and L. Mozart was still less inclined to consent to a
-
-{MOZART AND COUNT SEEAU.}
-
-(357)
-
-plan which based all its calculations on future and uncertain profits,
-and would not redound to Wolfgang's honour. "You might certainly manage
-to live alone in Munich," he wrote (October 6, 1777), "but what good
-would this do you? How the Archbishop would sneer! You can do that
-anywhere else as easily as in Munich. You must not make little of your
-talents, and throw yourself away; there is certainly no need for that."
-Wolfgang's sister was of the same opinion: "It would be no honour to you
-to remain in Munich without any official position. It would be better
-to seek one at some other court; you will soon find it." The father
-desired, therefore, that they should leave Munich as soon as possible.
-"Fine words and bravissimos pay neither the postboy nor the host. As
-soon as you find there is nothing to be got, you had better move on."
-The good friends he had made might go on working for him in his absence,
-and preparing the way for a future position for him. He suggested this
-to Count Seeau, as he tells his father (October 3, 1777).
-
-"I have come to explain my affairs correctly to your excellency. I
-have been told that I ought to travel in Italy. I was sixteen months in
-Italy, and wrote three operas, as is well known. What happened further
-your excellency will see by these documents." I showed him the diplomas.
-"I lay all this before your excellency in order that if there is any
-talk of me, and any injustice done me, your excellency may be able to
-set it right." He asked me if I was going to France now. I said I should
-remain in Germany. He thought I meant Munich, and said, with a joyful
-laugh: "What! you are going to remain here?" I said: "No; I should like
-to have stayed; and, to tell the truth, I only sought service under
-the Elector in order that I might supply your excellency with my
-compositions, and that without any personal interest; I should have
-taken pleasure in it." Whereupon he pushed back his nightcap.
-
-This then was the end of all the fine promises and honours. But other
-prospects were opened to Wolfgang during his stay in Munich, which
-excited his liveliest interest. Misliweczeck, his Italian friend (p.
-126), had produced at the carnival in Munich his opera, "Ezio,"[8] and
-during Lent his
-
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-
-(358)
-
-oratorio, "Abraamo ed Isaaco," both with astonishing success; he was
-engaged for the next carnival at Naples, and only kept in Munich by
-illness.[9] He gave Wolfgang prospects of a _scrittura_ in Naples, and
-wrote a letter on his behalf to the impresario, Don Gaetano Santorio.
-Mozart, with his "inexpressible longing to write an opera once more,"
-wrote joyfully to his father (October 10, 1777):--
-
-I have my hundred ducats certain in the carnival; and, when I have once
-written at Naples, I shall be in request everywhere. As you know, in
-summer and autumn there is an opera buffa to be picked up here and
-there, which will do to keep one's hand in. It is true that one does
-not make much, but it is always something, and one gains more honour and
-credit than by a hundred concerts in Germany. I am more pleased, too,
-because I have to compose, which is my sole passion and delight, Then,
-if I obtain service, or the hope of it, the _scrittura_ will be a great
-recommendation. I speak exactly as I feel from my heart, and if you can
-prove to me that I am wrong, I shall be ready, although unwillingly,
-to submit; for, if I only hear the name of an opera, I am quite beside
-myself.
-
-But the father was not against it, and only thought that this interlude
-must not cause the main object of the journey to be lost sight of. He
-therefore corresponded with Misli-weczeck, but soon observed that the
-latter only mentioned the _scrittura_ when he had some favour to ask for
-himself. In point of fact, nothing came of this proposal.
-
-The same ill-success attended the father's effort to obtain for Wolfgang
-a commission to write an opera for the Feast of the Ascension in Venice;
-the impresario Michele dall' Agata returned no answer to two letters
-addressed to him (February 12, 1778).
-
-On October 11 the travellers left Munich, and reached Augsburg the
-same evening. Following L. Mozart's minute directions they established
-themselves at "The Lamb" in
-
-{VON LANGENMANTEL--STEIN.}
-
-(359)
-
-the Kreuzgasse, "where you pay thirty kreutzers for dinner, get nice
-rooms and good society, English, French, &c." Wolfgang was well received
-by his uncle, and contracted a close friendship with his lively cousin
-Marianne, which may have compensated in some degree for the coldness of
-his reception generally in his father's native town.
-
-In obedience to his father's strict injunctions, he waited at once upon
-"his Grace" the town-councillor Von Langen-mantel, with whom L. Mozart
-had been well acquainted in former years. But Wolfgang gained little
-encouragement from this audience, of which he gives his father the
-following account:--
-
-My first visit was to the town-councillor, Master Longotabarro; my
-cousin, a dear, good man and an honest citizen, accompanied me, and had
-the honour of waiting in the ante-room like a lackey until I came out
-from the arch-town-councillor. I did not fail to begin by presenting my
-father's humble respects. He was pleased to remember all about it,
-and asked me: "How has the gentleman been all this time?" to which I
-answered: "God be praised, quite well; I hope that your health has also
-been good." Afterwards he was still more polite, and said, "Sir," and
-I said, "Your Grace," as I had all along. Nothing would satisfy him but
-that I should go up with him to his son-in-law (on the second floor),
-and my cousin waiting on the steps all the while. It was with difficulty
-that I refrained from saying something, with all my politeness. Upstairs
-I had the honour of playing for three-quarters of an hour upon a good
-clavichord, by Stein, in the presence of the stiff and starched son of
-his long-necked, gracious, lady-wife, and her silly old mother. I played
-fantasias, and then everything he had _prima vista_, among others some
-very pretty pieces by a certain Edlmann. They were all exceedingly
-polite, and I was exceedingly polite, for it is my custom to be to
-people as I find them; it is the best way.
-
-The next visit was to the celebrated organ and clavier maker, Georg
-Andr. Stein (1728-1792). The father conceived the idea that Wolfgang
-should present himself to Stein under a feigned name, and should
-pretend that he came from Innspruck with a commission to inspect some
-instruments. Such a joke was quite to Wolfgang's mind, and he told his
-father how it had passed. During his visit to the town-councillor he had
-expressed his intention of calling upon Stein after dinner:--
-
-{MUNICH AND AUGSBURG.}
-
-(360)
-
-The younger gentleman thereupon volunteered to accompany me. I thanked
-him for his kindness, and promised to come at two o'clock. I came, and
-we set out in company with his brother-in-law, who looks exactly like
-a student. Although I had begged them not to say who I was, Herr von
-Langenmantel blurted out, "I have the honour to introduce to you a
-virtuoso on the clavier." I protested, and said I was an unworthy
-disciple of Herr Sigl, of Munich, by whom I was charged with many
-compliments, &c. He shook his head, and at last said: "Have I the honour
-of seeing Herr Mozart?" "Oh, no," said I; "my name is Trazom, and I have
-a letter to you." He took the letter and was going to open it. I did not
-give him time, and said, "Why should you read the letter now? Let us go
-into the hall and see your pianofortes, which I am most curious to do."
-"With all my heart; but I do not think I am deceived." He opened the
-door of his show-room. I ran to one of the three claviers which stood
-there. I played. He could scarcely take time to open the letter, his
-curiosity was so excited. He read only the signature. "Oh!" he screamed,
-and embraced me, and crossed himself, and made grimaces, and was
-altogether very delighted.
-
-Mozart, for his part, was equally delighted with Stein's pianofortes, of
-which he gives his father the following detailed account:--
-
-Before I had seen Stein's work I preferred Spaeth's claviers to all
-others, but now I must give the preference to Stein's, for they mute
-much better than Spaeth's. If I strike hard, whether I raise my finger
-or not, the sound passes the instant I have heard it. I may come upon
-the keys as I like, the tone is always the same; it does not block, it
-neither becomes stronger nor weaker, nor does it cease altogether; in
-a word, it is all equal. Such a pianoforte, it is true, cannot be
-had under 300 florins, but the trouble and labour bestowed on it are
-inestimable. His hammers fall the instant the keys are struck, whether
-they are held down or not. When such an instrument is finished (he told
-me himself), he sits down and tries all sorts of passages, runs, and
-jumps, and works away until he is satisfied. He often said: "If I were
-not such a passionate lover of music myself, and were not able to play
-a little on the clavier, I should long ago have lost patience with my
-work; but I am a lover of instruments which do not tax the player, and
-which wear well." And his claviers do wear well. He guarantees that the
-sounding-board shall not spring. When a sounding-board is ready for a
-piano, he exposes it to air, rain, snow, sun, so that it may warp, and
-then he puts on slips and glues them down, so that it is all strong and
-true. He is glad when it warps, because then he is sure that nothing
-more will happen. He has three such pianofortes finished. I have played
-upon them again to-day. The pedal, which is pressed by the knee, is
-better managed by him than by others. If I only just touch it, it acts;
-and when the knee is removed there is not the least vibration.
-
-{MARIA ANNA STEIN.}
-
-(361)
-
-Mozart knew how to make the most of these improved instruments. His
-playing and his intelligent admiration so won Stein's approbation,
-that the latter followed the advice Wolfgang gave him concerning the
-education of his daughter. Maria Anna Stein (b. 1769) was the prodigy of
-Augsburg; in April, 1776, she had played her first concerto to
-universal admiration, and had received a beautiful medal from the town
-nobility.[10] Wolfgang's criticism on her playing to his father (October
-24, 1777) is somewhat severe, but so important as showing his views on
-pianoforte-playing in general that it must be given entire. The memory
-of the excellent Frau Nanette Streicher will not suffer from the bold
-criticism of the young Mozart:--
-
-_A propos_ of his daughter. Whoever sees her and hears her without
-laughing must be as much of a stone (Stein) as her father himself. She
-sits right up in the treble, instead of in the middle of the instrument,
-so that she may be better able to move about and make grimaces. Her eyes
-roll, and she simpers and smirks. If a thing comes twice over, it is
-played slower the second time; and if a third time, it is slower still.
-The arm goes high, up in the air when a passage comes, and the emphasis
-is given by the whole arm instead of the finger, clumsily and heavily.
-But the best of all is when, in a passage that ought to flow like oil,
-the fingers have to be changed; it makes no difference at all to her,
-but, when the time comes, up goes her hand, and she begins again quite
-calmly; so that one is always in expectation of a wrong note, which
-makes the effect very striking. I only write all this to give you some
-idea of what clavier-playing and teaching may be brought to; I leave you
-to make your own use of the hints. Herr Stein is quite infatuated over
-his daughter; she is eight and a half years old, and learns everything
-by heart. She may turn out something--she has genius; but as she is
-going on at present she will not turn out anything; she will never gain
-fluency, because she is doing all she can to make her hand heavy. She
-will never learn the most difficult and most necessary part of music,
-that is _time_, because she has been accustomed from her earliest youth
-to play out of time. Herr Stein and I had at least two hours' talk on
-this point. I think I nearly converted him, and now he asks my advice
-about everything. He was quite infatuated in Beecke. Now he sees and
-hears that I play better than Beecke, that I make no grimaces, and yet
-play with so much expression that I show off his pianofortes better than
-any one. The correctness of my time
-
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-(362)
-
-astonishes them all. The _tempo rubato_ in an adagio, with the left hand
-keeping strict time, was quite past their comprehension; they always
-follow with the left hand.[11]
-
-The expressions about Beecke, who was considered among the best
-pianoforte-players, are only repetition of what was said on all sides.
-"Count Wolfegg, and several others who are very enthusiastic for Beecke,
-said lately at a public concert that I had thrown Beecke quite into
-the shade," writes Wolfgang in confirmation of his own opinion. Even
-Archbishop Hieronymus was reported to have said aside to his favourites
-that Beecke was a charlatan and a merry-andrew, and that Mozart far
-surpassed him (June 29, 1778). He played a tolerably difficult sonata
-by Beecke, _prima vista_, "miserabile al solito"; how the kapellmeister
-Graf and the organist Schmitthauer crossed themselves over the
-performance may be better imagined than described.
-
-Mozart's organ and violin-playing created quite as much astonishment as
-his performances on the clavier:--
-
-When I told Herr Stein that I should like to play upon his organ (in the
-Barfuesserkirche), for that I had a passion for the organ, he was greatly
-astonished, and said: "What! a man like you, a clavier-player, willing
-to play on an instrument which has no _douceur_, no expression; which
-allows of neither _piano_ nor _forte_, but goes on always the same!"
-"All that has nothing to do with it. To my mind, the organ is the king
-of all instruments." "Well, do as you like." So we went together. I
-could guess by his way of talking that he did not expect me to do his
-organ much credit; he thought I should play clavier fashion. He told me
-how he had taken Chobert to the organ according to his request. "And I
-was sorry," said he, "for Chobert had told everybody, and the church
-was full. I had imagined the fellow would be full of spirit, fire, and
-rapidity, and that would tell on the organ; but as soon as he began
-I changed my opinion." I only said, "What do you think, Herr Stein? Are
-you afraid that I shall come to grief on the organ?" "Ah, you! that is
-quite different." We went into the choir; I began to prelude, at which
-he laughed with delight; then followed a fugue. "I can well believe,"
-said he, "that you enjoy playing the organ, when you play like that." At
-first I did not quite understand the pedal, because it was not divided.
-It began C, then D E in a row. With us D and E are above, where E flat
-and F sharp are here. But I soon grew accustomed to it.
-
-{AUGSBURG, 1777.}
-
-(363)
-
-He played the organ also in the monastery of St. Ulrich, which had the
-dreadful steps, and often visited the monastery of the Holy Cross, where
-he was invited to dine on October 19, and entertained with music during
-the meal (October 24, 1777).
-
-However badly they may play, yet I prefer the music of the monastery to
-the Augsburg orchestra. I played a symphony and the violin concerto in
-B flat by Wanhall with universal applause. The Dean is a good, jolly
-fellow; he is a cousin of Eberlin's, named Zeschinger, and remembers
-papa very well. In the evening at supper I played the Strasburg concerto
-(219 K.). It went as smooth as oil. They all praised the beautiful pure
-tone. Afterwards a little clavichord was brought in. I preluded, and
-played a sonata, and the Fischer variations. Then some one whispered to
-the Dean that he should hear me play organ fashion. I said he might give
-me a theme, but he would not, so one of the monks did. I led off with
-it, and in the middle (the fugue was in G minor) I began in the major,
-in a playful style but in the same time, and then came back to the
-theme. At last it occurred to me that I might use the playful style
-for the theme of the fugue. Without more ado I tried it, and it went
-as accurately as if it had been measured for by Daser (the Salzburg
-tailor). The Dean was quite beside himself. "I could never have believed
-it," said he; "you are a wonderful man. My Abbot told me that he had
-never in his life heard such correct and solemn organ-playing." The
-Abbot had heard me two or three days before, when the Dean was not
-there. Finally, some one brought a sonata which was fugued, for me to
-play. But I said, "Gentlemen, this is too much; I must acknowledge that
-I cannot play this sonata at once." "I think so, too," said the Dean,
-eagerly, for he was quite on my side; "that is too much; it would be
-impossible for any one." "Still," said I, "I will try it." And all the
-time I played I heard the Dean calling out behind me, "Oh, you rascal!
-oh, you young scamp!" I played until eleven o'clock. They bombarded me
-with themes for fugues, and laid siege to me on all sides.
-
-In return for his kind reception and the pleasure expressed in his
-playing, Wolfgang presented the Abbot Barth. Christa (1760-1780) with
-several compositions, the Masses in F (192 K.), in C (220 K.), and the
-"Misericordias Domini" (222 K.). He refers to them in writing to his
-father, as well as to a litany, "De venerabili" (November 20, 1777).
-What has become of this last we do not know.[12]
-
-{MUNICH AND AUGSBURG.}
-
-(364)
-
-In spite of all this applause from connoisseurs, the prospects of a
-concert were not good. At first a brilliant reception was expected. Herr
-von Langenmantel, son of the town-councillor, had taken the matter
-into his own hands and promised to arrange a "chamber concert" for the
-_patricii_ only. But some days later he invited Wolfgang, and after he
-had played as long as the company pleased, explained to him that the
-concert could not take place, since "the _patricii_ were not in funds."
-
-As if this was not enough, the _patricii_ thought fit to make sport
-of him at table. In accordance with his father's advice that he should
-insure respect and consideration for himself in places where there was
-no reigning prince, by wearing the order conferred on him by the great
-Pope Ganganelli, Wolfgang wore the cross of his order at Augsburg. This
-was made an occasion for mockery; and one officer in particular, Bach by
-name, was so rude and insulting that Wolfgang lost patience, and repaid
-him in kind, calling him "Herr von Kurzmantl"; but he does not seem ever
-to have worn the order again. He had promised to attend, and perhaps to
-play at, the weekly concert given during the winter months by a society
-of noblemen, both Catholic and Protestant;[13] but, indignant at the
-treatment he had received, he declared he would only give a concert
-for a few invited friends and connoisseurs. They were Catholic nobles,
-however, who had insulted him, and Stein set in motion the evangelical
-(not Lutheran, as L. Mozart reminds his son) nobles,[14] who made such
-friendly overtures that he
-
-{CONCERT AT AUGSBURG, OCTOBER, 1777.}
-
-(365)
-
-attended a concert given by the "peasant nobles,"[15] and played one
-of his symphonies, taking the violin himself, and then a concerto and a
-sonata. Compliments and eulogies were heaped upon him, and finally two
-ducats were presented to him. Wolfgang's father thought him far too
-yielding: "One thing is very certain," he writes (October 20, 1777),
-"they would not have found me at their beggarly concert. In the
-meantime, through the exertions of his friends, a public concert was
-given on October 22:--
-
-What do you think came next after the symphony? The concerto for three
-claviers (242 K.). Herr Demmler played the first, I the second, and Herr
-Stein the third. Then I played alone the last sonata in D (284 K.), then
-my concerto in B flat (238 K.), then a fugue in C minor, and a splendid
-sonata in C major out of my own head, with a rondo at the end. There
-was a tremendous noise and confusion. Herr Stein made one grimace after
-another for delight. Herr Demmler actually laughed. This eccentric being
-always laughs when anything pleases him. This time he began to swear.
-Count Wolfegg ran about the room, saying, "I never heard anything like
-it in my life." He said to me, "I must tell you that I never heard you
-play so well as to-day; I will tell your father so as soon as I get to
-Salzburg."
-
-L. Mozart's heart was rejoiced by "a wonderfully fine article in the
-newspaper," probably from the pen of Herr von Sabnesnig, of whose
-charming poetry he had reminded Wolfgang.
-
-On the other hand the receipts of the concert were small, considering
-that he had put forth all his powers;[16] ninety gulden, with sixteen
-gulden thirty kreutzers' expenses. Wolfgang was not tempted to retract
-what he had written to his father in anger, about the behaviour of the
-aristocrats (October 16, 1777):--
-
-I must say that if I had not found such good and charming cousins
-I should repent ever having set foot in Augsburg. I must tell you
-something about my dear little cousin, but I will wait till to-morrow,
-for I ought to be in good spirits to praise her as she deserves. Early
-on the
-
-{MUNICH AND AUGSBURG.}
-
-(366)
-
-17th I shall write and assure you that our little cousin is pretty,
-sensible, charming, clever, and merry; she knows something of the world,
-having been in Munich some time. We two suit each other exactly, for she
-is just a little wicked;[17] we laugh at everybody, and have great fun.
-
-Defending his cousin against a slighting expression of his father's,
-Wolfgang says, "Yesterday, to please me, she dressed _a la francaise_,
-and looked five per cent, prettier." He gave her his portrait in a
-little medallion, and made her promise to be painted in French costume.
-A mournful parting ended this happy visit, Stein having written to
-Wolfgang's father in the most eulogistic manner concerning his son's
-performances. At the next quoit-playing meeting in Salzburg there
-appeared on the quoit a representation of "the sad adieux of two persons
-dissolved in tears, Wolfgang and his cousin." "The quoit was charming,"
-wrote the father (November 17,1777); "an Augsburg maiden stood at the
-right and presented a young man in top boots, equipped for travelling,
-and in the other hand she carried a wonderful linen cloth trailing on
-the ground, with which she dried her eyes. The gentleman had a similar
-cloth, which he was putting to the same use, and he held his hat in his
-other hand. Written above were six lines of poetry, expressive of the
-sorrowful emotions of the young couple."[18]
-
-This good-humoured participation in the little adventures of his son
-stands in striking and effective contrast to the earnest care which
-breathes from a letter addressed to Wolfgang on his fete-day (October
-31):--
-
-I must wish you happiness on your fete-day. But what more can I wish for
-you than I am always wishing? I wish that the grace of God may be with
-you everywhere, and never forsake you as long as you are diligent in
-performing the duties of a true Catholic Christian. You know me, and
-know that I am no pedant, no canting hypocrite; but
-
-{HOHENALTHEIM, 1777}
-
-(367)
-
-you will not refuse your father one prayer. This is, that you will have
-such concern for your soul that you may cause your father no anguish
-on his death-bed in the thought that he has been careless of the things
-which concern your salvation. Farewell! be happy; be wise. Honour and
-cherish your mother, who is troubled in her old age for your sake. Love
-me as I love you. Your faithful, anxious father.
-
-The son's answer is in the tone of reverence which it becomes children
-to adopt on such occasions to their parents:--
-
-I kiss your hand, and thank you humbly for your good wishes on my
-fete-day. Have no concern for me; I have God ever before my eyes; I
-acknowledge His omnipotence, I fear His anger; but I also acknowledge
-His love, His mercy and pity towards His creatures; He will never
-forsake His servants. I submit myself wholly to His will, and so it
-cannot fail I must be happy and content. I shall also be diligent to
-follow the commands and the counsel which you are so good as to give me.
-
-On October 26 Wolfgang and his mother left Augsburg, and proceeded by
-way of Donauwoerth and Nordlingen to Hohenaltheim, the residence of the
-Prince von Oetting-Wallerstein.[19] Music was held in high honour
-at this little court; not only were celebrated performers, such as
-Janitsch, the violinist, Reicha, the violoncellist, Perwein, the
-oboist, &c., encouraged to settle there, but the whole orchestra was
-distinguished for its delicacy of execution. Rosetti, the conductor,
-had "carried his observance of the most delicate gradations of tone
-sometimes to the bounds of pedantry."[20] Ignaz von Beecke, captain in a
-Wurtemberg dragoon regiment, was manager of the court music, and himself
-a distinguished clavier-player and composer. The Prince, a handsome
-young man, who had formerly invited Wolfgang to visit him in Naples, was
-suffering from an attack of melancholy, and unable to bear music; but
-the Mozarts were obliged to remain several days at Hohenaltheim on
-account of the mother's severe cold. A rumour reached L. Mozart that
-Wolfgang had been playing the buffoon there, that he had danced about,
-playing the violin, and had gained the
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(368)
-
-reputation of being a wild, merry fellow. He considered that this would
-afford Beecke, who was jealous of Wolfgang, an excellent opportunity of
-depreciating his powers as an artist (January 26, 1778), Wolfgang gave a
-decided contradiction to this report; he had "sat at the officers'
-table with all due honour, and had not said a word to any one; when with
-Beecke, too, he had been quite serious." Beecke had received him kindly,
-had promised him advice and support should he ever go to Paris, and had
-heard him play. They had talked about Vienna, too, and agreed that the
-Emperor Joseph was a fair executant, but not a true lover of music.
-Beecke said that he had only played fugues and such like "trifles"
-before him, and that he had heard music in the Emperor's cabinet which
-was enough to frighten the very dogs away. They also confided to each
-other that music gave them both the headache; only good music had this
-effect with Beecke, and bad with Mozart.
-
-The travellers entered Mannheim on October 30. Their stay was longer
-than they had intended, and although the hopes with which it opened were
-not destined to be fulfilled, yet the months passed in Mannheim were
-fruitful in their effect on Wolfgang's development, both musical and
-
-The Elector, Karl Theodor,[21] had studied in his early youth under the
-Jesuits, and had then visited the Universities of Leyden and Lowen,
-displaying a great taste for science, poetry, art, and music, the last
-of which he practised himself. The extravagance which he lavished on
-his court and on his park of Schwetzingen--the Versailles of the
-palatinate--was carried also in some degree into the affairs of science
-and art.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[Footnote 1: Mueller, Abschied von der Buehne, p. 215.]
-
-[Footnote 2: Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper zu Muenchen, I., p. 134.]
-
-[Footnote 3: Mueller, Abschied von der Buehne, p. 219.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Mueller, Abschied von der Buehne, p. 219.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper zu Muenchen, I., p. 130.]
-
-[Footnote 6: Sospiri, crotchet-rests.]
-
-[Footnote 7: He got up in his honour a little serenade for wind instruments;
-another time they had dancing: "I danced only four minuets, for there
-was only one lady among them who could keep time."]
-
-[Footnote 8: Mueller, Abschied von der Buehne, p. 222.]
-
-[Footnote 9: He had brought on this illness by excess, and L. Mozart consequently
-forbade his son to visit him. But Misliweczeck asked for him so
-continually, and expressed so earnest a wish to see him, that Mozart
-could not refuse, and met him in the garden of the Ducal Hospital. The
-way in which he apologises to his father, and the pity he expresses for
-the unfortunate man, whose affection touched him deeply, do honour alike
-to the goodness and the innocence of his heart.]
-
-[Footnote 10: Schubart, Teutsche Chronik, 1776, p. 239. Fr. Nicolai, Reise,
-VIII., p. 156.]
-
-[Footnote 11: Here we recognise the pupil of his father; we have seen the opinion
-of the latter as to _tempo rubato_ in the hands of the true virtuoso, p.
-12.]
-
-[Footnote 12: Mozart was said to have composed a mass for the Monastery of the
-Holy Cross about this time; the autograph score was taken from the
-monastery in the troubled times which followed, and passed into private
-hands; it came to light in 1856, and was acknowledged as genuine by
-Gathy (Revue et Gaz. Mus., 1856, Nr. 12, p. 90). After an examination of
-the manuscript, through the kindness of Herr Speyer, I can affirm with
-certainty that the mass is neither composed nor written by Mozart. It is
-in C minor, with accompaniment for strings, flutes, trumpets, drums, and
-organ. It has many solos. A long symphony in two movements precedes the
-Credo; a Laudate Dominum is inserted as an offertory. The discrepancies
-of form might be explained by the Augsburg traditions, but (beside
-that there is no mention in his letters of any such composition) the
-composition and handwriting are equally unlike Mozart.]
-
-[Footnote 13: Cramer, Musik, 1788, II., p. 126.]
-
-[Footnote 14: The disputes between Catholics and Protestants in Augsburg amounted
-to fanaticism, and affected great matters as well as small (Schubart,
-Selbst-biographie, 17, II., p. 15. K. R[isbeck], Briefe fiber
-Deutschland, II., p. 55).]
-
-[Footnote 15: The list of members, which Wolfgang gives his father, is a
-counterpart to Goethe's _dramatis personae_ to "Hans Wurst's Hochzeit."]
-
-[Footnote 16: Paul von Stetten, Kunst-, Gewerb-, und Handwerks-Geschichte der
-Reich-stadt Augsburg (1779), p. 554.]
-
-[Footnote 17: Wolfgang liked to be called _sly_ ("schlimm.") When Madame Duschek
-heard that he had left Salzburg she wrote that "she had just heard of
-the disagreeable affair at Salzburg; that he and she were quite agreed
-on the subject; and if Wolfgang, slyer than ever, now liked to come
-straight to Prague, he would receive the heartiest welcome"; so his
-father writes (September 28, 1777). His tendency to criticism, and the
-tone he usually assumed in jesting, will show pretty well what was meant
-by "schlimm."]
-
-[Footnote 18: Mozart maintained a correspondence with his cousin.]
-
-[Footnote 19: Lang, Memoiren, I., p. 56.]
-
-[Footnote 20: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 169.]
-
-[Footnote 21:Karl Theodor, born 1724, Elector Palauene in 1743, died Elector of Bavaria 1799.]
-
-
-
-====
-
-
-
-MOZART
-
-BY DAVID WIDGER
-
-CHAPTER XVII. MANNHEIM
-
-The Palatinate Academy of Science, founded in 1763, encouraged
-historical and scientific research; collections of pictures and
-engravings,
-
-{ART IN THE PALATINATE.}
-
-(369)
-
-and an exhibition of plaster casts from the antique--at that time the
-only, and much-thought-of collection of the kind in Germany[2]--served,
-in connection with an academy, to encourage the formative arts; and a
-German society, founded in Mannheim by the Elector in 1775, proved
-the desire of its members to take their share in the new impulse which
-German literature had then received.[3]
-
-Klopstock's presence in this year had not been without its influence;
-not content with native authors, such as Gemmingen, Klein, Dalberg, the
-painter Mueller, the Elector sought, but in vain, to attract acknowledged
-celebrities, such as Lessing[4] and Wieland.[5] His zealous co-operation
-was given to the plan of founding a German drama in the place of the
-usual French one;[6] the national theatre was built,[7] and efforts were
-made to retain Lessing as dramatist and Eckhoff as actor.[8] When this
-failed, the engagement of Marchand secured them at least a first-rate
-actor.[9]
-
-But music was incontestably the peculiar province of Mannhein, the
-"paradise of musicians."[10] Here too, patriotic
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(370)
-
-feeling was supreme.[11] Original German operas took the place of the
-grand Italian opera, with its appendage of translated comic opera,
-generally borrowed from the French.[12]
-
-The performances of the Seiler company of actors, which had come to
-Weimar in the autumn of 1771 in the place of the Koch company, suggested
-to Wieland the idea of a grand, serious German opera in addition to the
-operettas which had met with so much success.[13] His "Alcestis"[14]
-was intended as an important step in this direction, as is proved by
-his "Letters on the German opera of 'Alcestis,'"[15] which, by their
-comparison of himself with Euripides, called forth Goethe's burlesque.
-His opera met with ready acknowledgment, but at the same time with
-severe and deserved blame.[16] It was thought to be too evidently
-fashioned after Metastasio's pattern, both in plan and treatment; and
-to be wanting in dramatic interest, true passion, and lively
-characteristic; the public found the opera tedious and trivial, and
-took just umbrage at the conception of Hercules as a virtuous humdrum
-citizen. Wieland found in Schweitzer an ideal composer, who identified
-himself with the poet, who could be silent when the poet wished to speak
-alone, but who hastened to aid him at need with all the resources of
-musical art; a composer, too, who thought more of producing a true
-impression on the mind of his hearers, than of flattering their ears,
-inciting their curiosity or even adhering too closely to the mechanical
-rules of his art. Wieland was not content with placing Schweitzer on
-a level with the best Italian composers; in a letter to Klein[17] he
-speaks of Gluck's "Alceste" as a divine work, but does not hesitate to
-declare Schweitzer's composition to be the best that had
-
-{SCHWEITZER'S "ALCESTE."}
-
-(371)
-
-ever been heard of the kind. Schweitzer's music[18] was in fact
-much applauded, and he was judged to have accomplished more than the
-poet.[19] His efforts after a true and forcible musical expression of
-emotion, and after originality, are worthy of all praise; and phrases
-here and there, particularly in the accompanied recitative, are of
-charming effect, while the orchestra is carefully treated, and not at
-all after the usual manner of Italian opera. On the other hand he has
-been justly blamed for his slavish adherence to the old form of the
-aria, with da capo, middle passage, bravura passages, and ritomello;
-he is unequal, too, and his effects are all those of detail. What is
-wanting is genius, original power of creation, which forms details into
-one great whole, and produces something altogether new and complete.
-This was felt by Zelter[20] and by Mozart, who wrote to his father
-that the best part of Schweitzer's melancholy "Alceste" (besides the
-beginnings, middles and endings of some of the songs) was the beginning
-of the recitative, "O Jugendzeit," and the worst (together with the
-greater part of the opera) was the overture. This consists of two
-movements, an adagio and a fugue, which are both unimportant and
-commonplace.
-
-"Alceste" was first performed in Weimar on May 28, 1773, and frequently
-repeated, always with the greatest success;[21] this was also the case
-in Gotha and Frankfort; and on August 13, 1775, Karl Theodor produced
-the opera with great brilliancy at Schwetzingen.[22] The success was
-great, and it was considered as marking an epoch that a German opera,
-written by a German poet, composed by a German musician, and sung by
-German artists, should be produced successfully by a German Prince. In
-the following summer
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(372)
-
-Wieland received a commission to write a new opera, which Schweitzer was
-to compose under his immediate direction.
-
-The way being once cleared, it was easy to take further steps in the
-same direction. The Elector hit upon the idea of representing scenes
-from the national history in German musical dramas.[23] Professor Anton
-Klein, formerly a Jesuit, and always one of the most zealous supporters
-of the patriotic struggle then proceeding, wrote for this purpose
-"Guenther von Schwarzburg,"[24] which was composed by Holzbauer,[25] and
-performed on January 5, in the magnificent opera-house,[26] with all the
-expenses guaranteed.[27] Schubart had anticipated with joy "the glorious
-revolution in taste,"[28] and the applause was great, although the
-success was not so deep and lasting as might have been expected. The
-critics[29] found much in the text at which to take exception; Wieland
-shrank from speaking in the "Mercury" about "this so-called opera" for
-fear lest, absurd as it might appear, his criticism might be taken for
-envy.[30] An evident effort is made to give the work a deeper tone than
-one of mere patriotic sentiment; but in spite of the exalted emotion and
-passion of the words and music, and of all that could be done in the way
-of scenic accessories, the opera was too wanting in dramatic treatment
-and characterisation to take very deep root. The phraseology is in
-imitation of Klopstock, but the effort after force and
-
-{"GUeNTHER V. SCHWARZBURG."}
-
-(373)
-
-originality is so clumsily made that Wieland's contempt is justified.
-Of the music, it was said by the minister Hompesch that the predominant
-feeling and ideas were neither French nor Italian, but genuinely
-German;[31] Schubart praised its mixture of German feeling and foreign
-grace,[32] and other critics spoke of its stamp of genius and its
-gentle grace.[33] Mozart, who saw the opera the day after his arrival at
-Mannheim, wrote to his father (November 16, 1777): "Holzbauer's music is
-very fine; far too good for the poetry. I am amazed at the spirit of so
-old a man as Holzbauer, for you would not believe the amount of fire
-in his music." The force and animation of Holzbauer's music are still
-apparent, though it is wanting in elevation and true musical sentiment.
-He has not attained to original dramatic characterisation except in
-single touches, more especially in the recitatives; he never deviates
-from the customary Italian form, but the adaptation of this form to
-German song was in itself considered a remarkable innovation.
-
-The most distinguished vocalists, male and female, of the Mannheim
-opera were, thanks to Holzbauer's excellent school of music, almost all
-Germans.[34] Among them was Dorothea Wendling (_nee_ Spumi, 1737-1811),
-"the German Melpomene of Mannheim's Golden Age,"[35] who excited
-universal admiration by her perfect and expressive singing. According to
-Wieland she surpassed even Mara, and he found in her his ideal of song,
-as the language of the mind and the heart, every note being the living
-expression of the purest and most ardent emotion, and the whole song a
-continuous thread of beauty.[36] Her beauty (Heinse saw in her
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(374)
-
-countenance all that was caressing, soft, and feminine, combined with
-the glow and animation of a passionate nature)[37] and her excellent
-acting[38] elevated her performances to a very high point. Her
-sister-in-law, Elizabeth Auguste Wendling (_nee_ Sarselli, 1746-1786),
-though less famous, and hindered by continued ill-health, was
-nevertheless a praiseworthy singer; while Franciska Danzi (1756-1791),
-married afterwards to the oboist, Le Brun,[39] was an artist of the
-first rank, in her beauty and the compass of her voice, as well as
-in her thorough musical cultivation: at the time of Mozart's visit to
-Mannheim she was in London on leave of absence.[40]
-
-But the fame of these youthful singers was far surpassed by that of the
-now elderly tenor Anton Raaff.[41] He was born in 1714 at the village
-of Holzem, not far from Bonn, and was educated at the Jesuit seminary in
-Bonn. He had a beautiful voice, and the ease with which he sang by ear
-made it a great labour to him to learn his notes. The Elector Clemens
-August, who heard him sing in church, provided for his education as a
-singer, and gave him a salary of 200 thalers. After causing him to study
-a part in an oratorio, the Elector took him to Munich, where he was
-engaged by Ferrandini (p. 133) to appear in opera. This led to his going
-to study at Bologna under Bemacchi, from whose severe school he came
-forth as one of the finest tenor singers of the century. He sang in
-1738 at Florence, at the wedding of Maria Theresa, left Italy in 1742 to
-return to Bonn, where his salary was raised to 750 florins, and sang at
-different German courts; in 1749 he performed in Jomelli's "Didone" at
-Vienna, to Metastasio's great satisfaction.[42] After a short stay in
-Italy, he repaired in 1752 to
-
-{ANTON RAAFF.}
-
-(375)
-
-Lisbon for three years, and from thence in 1755 to Madrid, where he
-lived in close friendship with his musical director, Farinelli.[43] In
-1759 they went together to Naples; here, it is said, his singing made so
-deep an impression on the Princess Belmonte-Pignatelli as to cure her
-of a deep melancholy into which she had been thrown by the death of her
-husband.[44] On his return to Germany, in 1770, the Elector Karl Theodor
-besought him to enter his service, on which Raaff modestly declared that
-he should esteem himself happy if the Elector would be content with the
-small remnant of his powers which was left to him. His voice was of
-the finest tenor quality that could be heard, from the deepest to the
-highest notes even, clear, and full. With a perfect mastery of the art
-of song, displaying itself in his extraordinary power of singing, at
-sight and of varying and introducing cadenzas, he combined a feeling
-delivery "that seemed but an echo of his own good heart," and a clear,
-deliberate judgment on things musical.[45] Added to all this his
-enunciation was so distinct that even in the largest hall not a syllable
-was lost. When Mozart first heard him in "Guenther von Schwarzburg" his
-chief impression was that of an old man's failing strength. He writes
-(November 8, 1777):--
-
-Herr Raaff sang his four songs and about 450 incidental bars in such a
-manner as to show that it is want of voice which makes it so bad.
-Unless one reminds oneself all the time that it is Raaff, the old and
-celebrated tenor, who is singing, one cannot help laughing. As for
-myself, if I had not known it was Raaff, I should have died of laughing.
-As it was, I took out my handkerchief and blew my nose. He never was,
-they tell me, anything of an actor; he should only be heard, not seen;
-his presence is not at all good. In the opera he has to die, singing
-a long, long, slow air, and he died with a smiling mouth, his voice
-falling so at the end as to be quite inaudible. I was sitting in the
-
-MANNHEIM.
-
-(376)
-
-orchestra, next to Wendling, the flute-player, and I remarked that it
-was unnatural to expect a man to go on singing till he fell down dead.
-"Never mind," said I, "a little patience, and it will soon be over." "I
-think it will," said he, and laughed.
-
-After hearing him oftener, Mozart did more justice to Raaff's artistic
-skill, but he always thought his style wanting in simplicity. In
-a letter from Paris (June 12, 1778) he pronounces a more detailed
-judgment, true to his convictions, yet anxious not to wrong the
-excellent man, of whom he was extremely fond:--
-
-At his _debut_ in the "Concert Spirituel" here he sang Bach's scena,
-"Non so d'onde viene," which is my favourite song. I never heard him
-sing it before, and he pleased me; his style suits the song, but the
-style in itself, that of the Bernacchi school, is not at all to my
-taste. There is too much in it of _cantabile_. I grant that when he
-was younger and in his prime the effect must have been sometimes quite
-startling. I like it, too, but there is too much of it; it is often
-ludicrous. What really pleases me is his singing of certain little
-things andantino, which he does in his own style. Everything in its
-place. I imagine that his forte was bravura singing, which gives him
-still, in spite of age, a good chest and a long breath. His voice is
-fine, and very pleasant. If I shut my eyes when he is singing I hear
-considerable resemblance to Meissner's, only Raaff's voice is the
-pleasanter of the two. Meissner, as you know, has the bad habit of
-endeavouring to make his voice tremble; Raaff never does this; he cannot
-bear it. But, as far as true _cantabile_ is concerned, I like Meissner
-better than Raaff, though he, too, according to my judgment, makes too
-much of it. In bravura passages and roulades, and in his good distinct
-utterance, Raaff bears off the palm.
-
-All who saw Raaff on the stage pronounced him to be no actor, but only
-a singer. In private he preserved the serenity and moderation of
-an estimable and genuinely pious character. His moral conduct was
-faultless, his opinions earnest and severe. He had occasional fits of
-passion, but was for the most part good-humoured and benevolent, a true
-and self-denying friend. No wonder that Mozart conceived a strong and
-lasting attachment to such a man as this.[46]
-
-{CHURCH MUSIC IN MANNHEIM.}
-
-(377)
-
-The most distinguished tenor singer in Mannheim, after Raaff, was his
-pupil Frz. Hartig (b. 1750).[47]
-
-Church music in Mannheim did not stand on the same high level as the
-opera.[48] Schubart complains that little attention was paid to the true
-church style, that the old masses were despised, and new ones introduced
-in the most effeminate and mincing operatic style. Even Holzbauer's
-sacred compositions were far inferior to his operas.[49] Mozart heard a
-mass by Holzbauer, "written twenty-six years ago, but very good," as he
-writes to his father (November 4, 1777); "he writes well, in good
-church style, with fine passages for the voices and instruments."
-Notwithstanding, he was far from pleased with the Mannheim church music
-on the whole, and did not care, as he writes in the same letter, to have
-one of his own masses performed there:--
-
-Why? On account of their brevity? No, for everything here is short.
-On account of their church style? Not at all; but only because, under
-present circumstances, it is necessary to write principally for the
-instruments, since nothing more wretched than the vocal department can
-be conceived. Six soprani, six alti, six tenori, and six bassi to twenty
-violins and twelve basses stand just in the proportion of 0 to 1, do
-they not, Herr Bullinger? They have only two male sopranos, and both
-old--just dying out. The soprano prefers singing the alto part, because
-his upper notes are gone. The few boys that they have are wretched, and
-the tenors and basses are like singers at a funeral.
-
-The organ was still worse provided for, and Mozart pours out the full
-measure of his scorn on the two court organists:--
-
-They have two organists here, for whose sake alone it would be worth
-taking the journey to Mannheim. I had a good opportunity of hearing
-them, for it is the custom here to omit the Benedictus, and for the
-organist to go on playing instead. The first time I heard the second
-organist, and the next time the first; but I have a better opinion of
-the second than of the first. When I heard him I asked, "Who is at the
-organ?" "Our second organist." "He plays wretchedly." When I
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(378)
-
-heard the other I asked, "Who is that?" "Our first organist." "He plays
-more wretchedly still." I suppose if they were shaken up together the
-result would be something worse still. It makes one die of laughing to
-see them. The second goes to the organ like a child to the mud; he shows
-his trade in his face. The first wears spectacles. I stood at the organ
-and watched him for the sake of instruction. He lifts his hands high up
-at every note. His _tour de force_ is the use of the sext stop; but he
-oftener uses the quint, or the octave stop. He often playfully lets fall
-the right hand, and plays only with the left. In a word, he does as he
-likes; he is so far completely master of his instrument.
-
-But Mannheim was distinguished most particularly for its instrumental
-music, the orchestra being unanimously considered the finest in Europe.
-It was more numerous and better appointed, especially as to wind
-instruments, than was customary at the time.[50] It was here that Mozart
-first became acquainted with the clarinet as an orchestral instrument.
-"Oh, if we only had clarinetti!" he writes (December 3, 1778). "You
-cannot think what a splendid effect a symphony makes with flutes, oboes,
-and clarinets."[51]
-
-Burney had only one fault to find, a fault common to all orchestras
-of the day, viz., the occasionally defective intonation of the wind
-instruments.[52] The Mannheim orchestra was not only well-appointed and
-strong, but uniform and certain in execution, with delicate gradations
-of tone until then
-
-{THE MANNHEIM ORCHESTRA.}
-
-(379)
-
-unknown.[53] Piano and forte were rendered in the most varied degrees;
-crescendo and diminuendo were first invented at Mannheim, and for a long
-time other orchestras made no attempt at imitation;[54] other
-means, too, such as the skilful blending of the wind and stringed
-instruments,[55] were made the most of to produce a well-arranged,
-finely gradationed whole.
-
-The excellence of the Mannheim orchestra--whose performances excited as
-much admiration among contemporaries[56] as those of the Paris orchestra
-under Habeneck's conductor-ship in our own time--gained for it the
-honour of taking a regular share in the Elector's concerts (p. 288).[57]
-The band contained some of the first artists and virtuosi of the day,
-such as Cannabich, Toeschi, Cramer, Stamitz, and Franzel among the
-violins, Wendling as a flute-player, Le Brun and Ramm as oboists, Ritter
-as bassoonist, and Lang as hom-player. But its fame rested chiefly
-on the excellent discipline of the orchestra, which, among so
-many first-rate artists, it was no easy task to maintain.[58] The
-kapellmeister at the time of Mozart's visit was Christian Cannabich
-(1731-1798), who had succeeded Stamitz in 1775. His compositions were
-doubtless overrated by his contemporaries; but he was admirable as a
-solo violinist, and still better as an
-
-MANNHEIM.
-
-(380)
-
-orchestral leader, besides being an excellent teacher. The majority of
-the violinists in the Mannheim orchestra had issued from his school, and
-to this was mainly owing the uniformity of their execution and delivery.
-Cannabich, who was more of an organiser than an originator, had
-experimented with every condition and device for producing instrumental
-effects, and he laid special stress on technical perfection of
-execution, in order to insure good tutti players. Uniting, as he
-did, intelligence and a genius for direction[59] to "a true German
-heart,"[60] and a moral and temperate life, he possessed the confidence
-and esteem of his musicians, and was therefore the better able to bring
-their performances to the highest excellence.
-
-The many-sidedness of musical performances in Mannheim had helped to
-form a very original taste, and Karl Theodor himself was careful to
-encourage composers and virtuosi of all kinds.[61] The groundwork, both
-of thought and instruction, was Italian certainly; but the fact that
-the care of musical affairs was intrusted to German musicians, had an
-influence of its own, even before the national element had asserted its
-supremacy in Germany. French influence, too, made itself felt side by
-side with the Italian; the connection maintained by the Elector
-Palatine with the court of Versailles was profitable in every way to his
-musicians. Finally, the partiality for instrumental music which we have
-already noted must have tended to give an independent impulse to musical
-production in Mannheim.
-
-His stay in a town so thoroughly and genuinely musical,[62] must have
-had a more abiding effect upon Mozart than was exercised by Salzburg,
-Augsburg, or even Munich. He came to Mannheim at a time when the minds
-of men were full of fresh and eager aspirations after artistic and
-literary
-
-{CHR. DANNER.}
-
-(381)
-
-excellence; and fortunately for him the interest was mainly centred on
-his own peculiar province--the drama. We cannot imagine, however, that
-he was dazzled or abashed by the wealth of musical knowledge, or by the
-accomplishments of the noted musicians with whom he came in contact;
-his confidence in his own powers preserved him from any feeling of
-constraint or distrust. At first he was surprised at the small amount
-of attention which his presence excited. On the day after his arrival he
-made the acquaintance of the violinist, Chr. Danner (b. 1745), and went
-with him to rehearsal.[63] "I thought that I should not be able to keep
-from laughing, when I was introduced to people. Some of them, who knew
-me _per renommee_, were polite and respectful; but the rest, who did
-not know anything of me, stared at me in the most ludicrous manner. They
-think because I am little and young that there can be nothing great or
-old in me; but they shall soon see." Mozart always resented, even
-in later years, any reference to his small stature and unimposing
-appearance, even when it was made by way of contrast to his great
-performances.
-
-His predictions were verified. It was not long before he had gained the
-esteem and admiration of the Mannheim musicians, the ready goodwill
-with which he placed his talents and services at their disposal, and
-his cheerfulness and good breeding in society, rendering him a universal
-favourite. His spirits rose in proportion as the memory of his position
-at Salzburg faded from his mind. Even from Munich he wrote to his father
-(September 26, 1777): "I am always in the best of spirits. I feel as
-light as a feather since I left all that chicanery behind! I am fatter,
-too, already." At Mannheim, in daily intercourse with cultivated
-artists, he
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(382)
-
-must have felt completely at his ease. The members of the band were
-well paid[64] and well treated; Karl Theodor's love of music and general
-affability gave them considerable freedom of position, and intercourse
-with their circle was liberal and pleasant. Schubart declares that the
-houses, tables, and hearts of all the musicians were open to him during
-the whole of his stay, and that he had his share in their practisings
-and their festivities.[65] Mozart's experience was the same; although,
-his stay being longer, he could not fail to observe that the superficial
-frivolity of court life had affected the tone even of the artistic
-circles.[66]
-
-His friendly reception by Cannabich led to an intimate friendship and
-daily intercourse with the whole family, in which Wolfgang's mother was
-included. He often dined with them, and no long time elapsed before he
-found himself "_al solito_" at supper and spending the evening with the
-Cannabichs; they chatted, played a little sometimes, or Wolfgang used
-to take a book out of his pocket and read. Occasionally the party became
-merrier and not quite so decorous, as the following mock confession made
-by Wolfgang to his father will show (November 14,1777):--
-
-I, Johannes Chrisostomus Amadeus Wolfgangus Sigismundus Mozart, do
-hereby confess that both yesterday and the day before (and on various
-other occasions) I remained out until twelve o'clock at night; and that
-from ten o'clock until the above-named hour I was at Cannabich's house,
-in company with Cannabich, his wife and daughter, Herr Schatzmeister,
-Herr Ramm, and Herr Lang, making rhymes and perpetrating bad jokes
-in thought and word, but not in deed. But I should not have conducted
-myself in so godless a fashion had not the ringleader of the sport, the
-above-named daughter, Liesel, incited and abetted me therein; and I must
-acknowledge that I found it extremely amusing. I bewail all these my
-sins and transgressions from the bottom of my heart; and, hoping to
-confess the same thing very frequently, I make an earnest resolution to
-amend my former sinful life. I therefore beg for a dispensation, that is
-if it is an easy one; if not, it is all the same to me, for the game is
-not like to come to an end very soon.
-
-{THE CANNABICH FAMILY.}
-
-(383)
-
-That Mozart was always ready when music was wanted we cannot doubt; on
-one of his first visits to Cannabich he played all his six sonatas one
-after the other. Cannabich was not slow to recognise his extraordinary
-talent, nor to make use of it on occasion, as when Wolfgang made good
-clavier arrangements of his ballets for him. But self-interest had no
-share in the feelings with which he came to regard Wolfgang; both he and
-his wife loved him as their own son, threw themselves zealously into all
-that concerned his wellbeing, and watched over him as true friends.
-The magnet which attracted Wolfgang to the house at first, and kept him
-chained there for a time, was Cannabich's eldest daughter Rosa, who
-was then thirteen, "a pretty, charming girl," as Wolfgang writes to his
-father (December 16,1777); "she has a staid manner and a great deal of
-sense for her age; she speaks but little, and when she does speak it is
-with grace and amiability."[67] The day after his arrival (October 31)
-she played something to him; he thought her playing good, and began to
-compose a sonata for her, as a mark of attention to Cannabich. The first
-allegro was ready on the same day. "Young Danner asked me" he continues,
-"what I meant to do for the andante. 'I mean to make it exactly like
-Mdlle. Rose herself.' When I played it they were all wonderfully
-pleased. Young Danner said afterwards, 'You were quite right; the
-andante is exactly like her.'" On November 8 he wrote the rondo at
-Cannabich's, "consequently they would not let me away again. Mdlle.
-Rose's talent gained in interest for him when, on studying this sonata
-with her, he found that it had been neglected. "The right hand is very
-good, but the left is utterly ruined; if I were her regular master I
-would lay aside all music, cover the keys with a handkerchief, and make
-her practise passages, shakes, &c., first with the right
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(384)
-
-hand and then with the left, slowly to begin with until the hands were
-perfectly independent; after that I believe I should make an excellent
-player of her." The regular lessons followed in due time; he gave an
-hour daily to the young lady, and was very well satisfied with the
-result. "Yesterday she gave me indescribable pleasure," he writes
-(December 6,1777), "by playing my sonata most beautifully. The andante
-(a slow one) was full of feeling; she enjoys playing it." His father
-thought the sonata wonderfully good (December 11, 1777); there was a
-little of the Mannheim affected taste in it, but not enough to spoil
-Wolfgang's own good style.
-
-Another musician with whom Mozart entered into very friendly relations
-was the distinguished flute-player, Joh. Bapt. Wendling. Cannabich
-introduced him; "every one was as polite as could be" he informs
-his father. "The daughter Augusta, who was at one time the Elector's
-mistress, plays the clavier well.[68] Afterwards I played. I was in an
-excellent humour, and played everything out of my head, and three duets
-with the violin, which I had never seen before in my life, and the name
-of whose author I did not even know. They were all so delighted that
-I was obliged--to kiss the ladies! I had no objection as far as the
-daughter was concerned, for she is not by any means ugly." He composed a
-French song for this Mdlle. Gustl, of whom Wieland said that she was so
-like one of Raphael's or Carlo Dolce's Madonnas, that he could hardly
-refrain from addressing a "Salve Regina" to her.[69] She had given him
-the words, and her delivery of them was so charming that the song was
-called for every day "at Wendling's," and they all "raved about it." He
-promised to compose some more for her, and one at least was begun at
-a later time.[70] An aria with recitative was also sketched out for
-Dorothea Wendling, the mother; she had herself selected the words from
-
-{FLUTE AND OBOE CONCERTOS.}
-
-(385)
-
-Metastasio's "Didone" (II. 4), "Ah! non lasciarmi no, bell' idol mio,"
-and she, as well as her daughter, "went wild over this song." It was
-Mozart's custom in sketching his songs to write out the bass entire, and
-even some indications of the accompaniment, so that the song could
-be sung and in some measure accompanied from the sketch. Whether this
-particular song was ever completed we do not know. Mozart did not forget
-Wendling himself. We are told that a concerto of his was rehearsed at
-Cannabich's, to which Mozart had arranged the instruments (November 22,
-1777). He had a dislike to the flute and a mistrust of flute-players,
-but he made an exception in favour of Wendling. When Wend-ling's brother
-teased him for this he said: "Yes, but you see, it is quite another
-thing with your brother. He is not a piper, and one need not be always
-in terror for fear the next note should be too high or too low--_he_ is
-always right, you see; his heart and his ear and the tip of his tongue
-are all in the right place, and he does not imagine that blowing and
-making faces is all that is needed; he knows too what adagio means."[71]
-
-Wolfgang presented his oboe concerto to the oboist Friedr. Ramm (b.
-1744), whom he met at Cannabich's, and who "went wild" over it (November
-4, 1777). He made it his _cheval de bataille_, playing it five times
-during the same winter (February 13, 1778) with great success, "although
-it was known to be by me."
-
-Mozart soon became universally liked and admired, as well for his
-readiness and good-nature in composing as for his performances on the
-organ and clavier; but we hear nothing more of his violin-playing. He
-gave a humorous description to his father of the effect made by his
-organ-playing soon after his arrival in Mannheim (November 13, 1777)
-
-Last Sunday I played the organ in the chapel for a joke. I came in
-during the Kyrie, played the end of it, and, after the priest had given
-out the Gloria, I made a cadenza. Nothing like it had ever been heard
-here before, so that everybody looked round, especially Holzbauer. He
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(386)
-
-said to me, "If I had only known I would have chosen another mass."
-"Yes," said I, "in order to do for me altogether." Old Toeschi (the
-concertmeister) and Wendling stood near me. The people were inclined to
-laugh, because every now and then, when I wanted a _pizzicato_ effect, I
-gave little bangs to the notes. I was in my best humour. A voluntary
-is always played here instead of the Benedictus; I took the idea of the
-Sanctus and carried it out as a fugue. There they all stood and made
-faces. At the end, after the Missa est, I played another fugue. The
-pedal is different from ours, and that puzzled me a little at first, but
-I soon got used to it.
-
-When the new organ in the Lutheran Church was tried (December 18) all
-the kapellmeisters were invited, and Wolfgang's mother writes how a
-distinguished Lutheran came and invited him also. He admired the organ
-both in _pieno_ and in its single stops, but he disliked Vogler, who
-played it; he would not play much himself, only a prelude and fugue, but
-he arranged to go again with a party of friends, and then he meant to
-"have some rare fun on the organ." In the Reformed Church also, where
-the organ was considered a remarkably fine one,[72] he once played to a
-friend for an hour and a half.
-
-The great admiration he excited as a clavier-player is described by his
-mother (December 28, 1777):--
-
-Wolfgang is made much of everywhere; but he plays quite differently from
-what he does at Salzburg, for there are nothing but pianofortes here,
-and you never heard anything like the way he manages them; in a word,
-every one that hears him declares that his equal is not to be found.
-Although Beecke has been here, as well as Schubart, they all agree that
-he surpasses them both in beauty of tone, in gusto, and delicacy; and
-what they most admire is his playing out of his head whatever is laid
-before him.
-
-Clavier-playing was less esteemed in Mannheim than proficiency on an
-orchestral instrument, and Peter Winter, a true representative of the
-Mannheim band, could not play the clavier at all, and could not abide
-such jingling noise, as he used to tell his friends.[73] But Mozart had
-plenty of opportunity for comparing himself with other clavier-players.
-
-{VOGLER AS A VIRTUOSO.}
-
-(387)
-
-The Abbe Joh. Fr. Xav. Sterkel (1750-1817), one of the most celebrated
-performers of the day, came from Mayence (where he was pianist and
-chaplain to the Elector)[74] during Mozart's stay at Mannheim. "Last
-evening but one," he informs his father (December 26, 1777), "I was _al
-solito_ at Cannabich's, and Sterkel came in. He played five duets,
-but so quick as to be unintelligible, and neither distinctly nor in
-time--they all said so. Mdlle. Cannabich played the sixth, and she
-really did it better than Sterkel."
-
-The same fault that he found with Sterkel, viz., the endeavour to make
-an effect by rapid execution and playing at sight, in reality a mere
-device to hide imperfect execution, Mozart found also with the playing
-of Vogler (1749-1814), the solitary clavier performer resident at
-Mannheim.
-
-He tells his father (January 17, 1778) of his meeting Vogler at a large
-party:--
-
-After dinner he had his two claviers brought, which were tuned together,
-and also his tiresome printed sonatas. I was obliged to play them, and
-he accompanied me on the other clavier. I was obliged, at his pressing
-request, to have my sonatas brought also. Before dinner he had stumbled
-through my concerto--the Litzau one (246 K.)--_prima vista_;[75] the
-first movement went prestissimo, the andante allegro, and the rondo
-really prestissimo. He played almost throughout a different bass to
-the one that was written, and sometimes the harmonies, and even the
-melodies, were altered. Indeed, this was inevitable, owing to the great
-speed: the eye could not see and the hand could not grasp the music. But
-what kind of playing at sight is that? The hearers (those
-
-I mean, who are worthy of the name) can only say that they have _seen_
-music and clavier-playing. They hear and think and _feel_ just as little
-as the performer himself. You can imagine that the worst part of it to
-me is not being able to say: _Much too quick_. After all, it is much
-easier to play fast than slow; notes can be dropped out of passages
-without being noticed; but is that desirable? The rapidity allows the
-right and left hand to be used indiscriminately: but should that be so?
-
-In what does the art of playing at sight consist? In playing the piece
-correctly, in strict time, giving the proper expression to every
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(388)
-
-passage and every note, so that it might be imagined that the player had
-composed the piece himself. Vogler's fingering is atrocious; his left
-thumb is like Adlgasser's, and he makes all the runs for the right hand
-with his first finger and thumb.
-
-Mozart's antipathy to Vogler shines through this description, and is
-equally apparent whenever he has occasion to mention him. Personally he
-had nothing to complain of in Vogler: "Herr Vogler positively insisted
-on making my acquaintance," he writes to his father (January 17, 1778);
-"after plaguing me very often to go to him, he put his pride in his
-pocket and paid me the first visit." No assurance will be needed that
-the rivalry of the two in composition, organ and clavier-playing, would
-not lead Mozart to disparage great merit where it existed. It might have
-contributed to sharpen his judgment, which, however, was essentially the
-same as that passed on Vogler by the whole orchestra, "from the highest
-to the lowest." He was regarded as an interloper, who had usurped an
-important position in Mannheim, and had intrigued against such men as
-Holzbauer for the purpose; the violet stockings which he wore as papal
-legate were thought absurd;[76] and his habit of taking a prayer-book
-into society, together with his music, and of frequently keeping
-visitors waiting while he performed his devotions, was considered
-mere affectation;[77] many complaints were made of his haughty and
-depreciatory manner; and his own performances fell far short of the
-expectations excited by himself.
-
-But apart from all influence of partisanship or gossip, it is quite
-conceivable that two such diverse natures should exercise a mutual
-repulsion on each other. Vogler was no doubt an original and striking
-character; the very fact that his contemporaries were either his
-enthusiastic admirers or his sworn enemies affords proof of this. He
-possessed musical talent, intellect and shrewdness, together with much
-energy of character, so that his attainments were extensive both in the
-arts and sciences.
-
-{VOGLER's CHARACTER.}
-
-(389)
-
-But these qualities, uncombined with creative genius, could not reach
-the highest beauty and truth, either in art or science. We find Vogler,
-therefore, in whom creative genius did not exist, seeking for effect
-in the technicalities of his art, and as a consequence, in something
-outside the art itself. He prided himself especially on his programme
-music,[78] which was full of purely sensuous effects, and on his
-playing, which was crowded with theoretical difficulties. The principal
-charm was in both cases imported from without, not an essential product
-of the art itself. Vogler was the first to give this direction to
-musical activity, striving to hide a deficiency in creative power under
-general cultivation of mind, and, as a necessary result, hampering
-the natural development of true art. His celebrated pupils Weber and
-Meyerbeer have rendered the same tendency fruitful in consequences to
-modern music. A consistent endeavour after what is true and beautiful
-in art presupposes a singleness of mind in the artist which cannot
-exist with inordinate ambition and a calculating spirit. In truth the
-contradictions in Vogler's moral nature, which were remarked even by his
-adherents,[79] were as striking as those in his artistic nature. If
-we consider the impression such a man must have made on Mozart, whose
-creative genius was its own measure and law, penetrating the very
-essence of his being, and elevating even the drudgery of his profession
-to the freedom of high art, we can comprehend how he would instinctively
-recoil from Vogler; and how his own severe education, which had elevated
-and refined his nature without injuring his healthy love of truth, would
-prevent his doing full justice to his rival's merits. There can be
-no doubt that Mozart's opinion of Vogler, which he took no pains to
-conceal, gave great offence to the latter; but there is no evidence that
-he "plotted against him," as the father conjectures, nor does Wolfgang
-himself make any such accusation. Among Vogler's adherents in Mannheim
-was Peter Winter (1755-1826) who was "almost the only
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(390)
-
-friend, that is the only intimate friend, that Vogler had." His daily
-offerings to Vogler's vanity were much to be regretted;[80] he objected,
-however, in after-days to be called Vogler's pupil.[81] He seems to
-have taken a dislike to Mozart, which the latter had cause to feel very
-sensibly.
-
-The remaining members of the orchestra, however, were only the more
-attracted to Mozart by the position which he assumed in regard to
-Vogler. Wendling and Ramm meditated a journey to Paris during Lent, and
-Ritter, the bassoonist, was to precede them thither; they intended to
-give concerts together, and Wendling proposed to Wolfgang to accompany
-them, since such a composer and virtuoso as he would immeasurably
-strengthen their company. Wolfgang was strongly inclined to consent, and
-wrote to his father (December 3, 1777):--
-
-If I stay here until Lent, I shall accompany Wendling, Ramm the oboist
-(and a very fine one), and Lauchery, the ballet manager, to Paris. Herr
-Wendling assures me that I shall have no cause to repent it. He has been
-twice in Paris (has only lately returned), and says it is the only place
-where fame and money can be made. "You are a man," says he, "who can do
-anything. I will show you how to set about it: you must compose operas,
-serious and comic, oratorios, and everything." Whoever has written a
-couple of operas in Paris is a made man at once; then there are the
-Concerts Spirituels, and the Academie des Amateurs, where you get five
-louis d'ors for a symphony. If you give lessons, it is at the rate of
-three louis d'ors for twelve. Sonatas, trios, and quartets are printed
-by subscription. Cannabich and Toeschi send a great deal of their music
-to Paris. Wendling is a man who understands travelling. Pray write me
-your opinion on the subject. It seems to me a good idea. I shall travel
-with a man who knows the Paris of the present day thoroughly, for it
-has altered very much. I should spend little, indeed I think not half
-so much as now, for I should only have to pay for myself; mamma would
-remain here, and probably stay with the Wendlings. Herr Ritter, who
-plays the bassoon very well, sets out for Paris on the 12th inst. Ramm
-is a right honest, merry fellow of about thirty-five; he has travelled
-much, and knows the world well. The greatest and best musicians here
-like and esteem me. I am always called Herr Kapellmeister.
-
-Wolfgang's mother was not opposed to the project; she writes to her
-husband (December 11, 1777):--
-
-{PLANS FOR A JOURNEY TO PARIS.}
-
-(391)
-
-About Wolfgang and his journey to Paris you must consider what is
-right: nowadays Paris is the only place to get on. Herr Wendling is an
-honourable man, well known to all: he has travelled much, and been in
-Paris thirteen times, so that he knows it thoroughly; our friend Herr
-von Grimm is his best friend also, and has done much for him. So you
-must decide as you like--I shall be ready to agree. Herr Wendling has
-assured me that he would act as Wolfgang's father. He loves him as his
-own son, and will, I am sure, take as good care of him as I do. You can
-well imagine that I am averse to parting from him; and if I have to come
-home alone, the long journey will be a great trial to me: but what can
-be done? The journey to Paris would be more fatiguing and too expensive;
-for one does not spend a fourth part travelling alone.
-
-If this plan was to be carried out, Wolfgang must remain at Mannheim
-through the winter. His first endeavour, therefore, was to obtain a
-situation in the band from the Elector, and his friends eagerly seconded
-his efforts. Holz-bauer had taken him soon after his arrival to the
-manager, Count Savioli (November 4, 1777),where Cannabich chanced to be
-present:--
-
-Herr Holzbauer said to the Count in Italian that I wished for the honour
-of playing before his Highness the Elector: I had been here fifteen
-years before, when I was eight years old; I was now older and taller,
-and my music had improved also. "Ah," said the Count, "that is young-,"
-somebody or other for whom he mistook me. Then
-
-Cannabich began to speak. I pretended not to listen, and talked to some
-one else, but I noticed that he spoke very earnestly. Then the Count
-said to me, "I hear that you play fairly well on the clavier."
-
-I made an obeisance.
-
-The Elector happened to be holding court at the time, and Count Savioli
-at once presented Wolfgang to the Electress, who received him very
-graciously, and remembered his being there fifteen years before, though
-she would not have recognised him. On November 6 there was a grand
-state concert, at which Mozart played a concerto, and before the closing
-symphony a sonata, and something "out of his head":--
-
-The Elector and his wife and all the court were pleased with me. At
-the concert, every time I played she and the Elector came quite near my
-clavier. After the concert, Cannabich intimated that I might speak to
-the Elector. I kissed hands, and he said, "I think it is fifteen years
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(392)
-
-since you were here before?" "Yes, your highness; fifteen years since I
-had the honour"--"You play remarkably well." When I kissed the hand of
-the Princess she said, "Monsieur, je vous assure, on ne peut pas jouer
-mieux."
-
-The Electress informed him that she should like him to play to her
-alone, and they were obliged to remain until the command to do so
-should arrive. Some days after, Count Savioli handed him his present,
-a beautiful gold watch; ten gold caroli would, however, have been more
-useful to him than the watch, which was valued at twenty. "I have now
-with your permission five watches. I have a great mind to have a pocket
-made on each side, and to wear two watches (which is the fashion now) so
-that it may not occur to any one to give me another."
-
-In his father's opinion Wolfgang would do wrong to remain in Mannheim
-any longer than necessary, unless he had certain prospects of a
-situation there; his good friends could watch over any future interests
-in his absence, and he ought not to lose the opportunity of making
-himself known in different places, and of earning money. According
-to intelligence received from Frankfort, there was nothing to be made
-there; but at Mayence, with the support of the concertmeister, Georg
-Ant. Kreuser, concerts might be arranged both in private, before the
-enthusiastically musical Elector, and in the town.[82] Something, too,
-might be made at Coblentz out of the Elector Clemens, between whom and
-the Elector Wolfgang had sat at table and composed with a pencil in
-Munich, when they were returning from England (p. 48). Nothing could be
-done in Bonn.
-
-They might return to Mannheim after such expeditions as these, if there
-was any prospect of remaining there over the winter. Paris must only
-be thought of as a last resource; it would be a difficult and a risky
-undertaking. To L. Mozart, who was continually revolving schemes in his
-mind, it seemed in no way right that the travellers should have settled
-themselves so comfortably at Mannheim. Wolfgang, finding himself for the
-first time in a congenial
-
-{THE ELECTOR.}
-
-(393)
-
-professional atmosphere, and in familiar intercourse with cultivated
-minds, was only too ready to hearken when every one said to him: "Where
-can you go in the winter? The season is too bad for travelling; stay
-here!" And then the prospects which so many good friends opened to him
-appeared to him in no wise uncertain. His mother allowed herself to be
-led by her son and his friends, and was easily persuaded that to stay in
-Mannheim would be most advantageous for Wolfgang.
-
-The Elector had ordered Mozart to be conducted before his natural
-children, whom he visited for some hours every afternoon, taking great
-interest in their studies. Mozart, who was accompanied by Cannabich,
-thus describes the interview (November 8, 1777):--
-
-I talked to the Elector quite familiarly. He is both gracious and good.
-He said to me, "I hear that you wrote an opera at Munich." "Yes, your
-highness. I humbly crave your grace, it is my greatest wish to write an
-opera here. I pray your highness not to forget me. I can write German,
-too, God be praised." Well, that may happen.[83] He has one son and
-three daughters;[84] the eldest and the young Count play the clavier. The
-Elector consulted me quite confidentially about his children. I spoke
-quite openly, but without blaming their master. Cannabich was of my
-opinion, too. When the Elector left he thanked me very politely.
-
-Some days after he went again, and "played with his whole heart" three
-times at the request of the Elector, who sat by him "motionless"; a
-certain professor gave him a subject for a fugue. This seemed the surest
-way to the favour of the Elector. At Cannabich's instigation, as he
-tells his father (who counted on Cannabich's friendship,
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(394)
-
-his interest being concerned on his daughter's account), he asked Count
-Savioli whether the Elector would not keep him there during the winter,
-and he would engage to give the children lessons. Cannabich promised
-to propose and support this plan to the Elector, but he must wait until
-after the gala days, and then the best results might be expected. But a
-thing like this must not be hurried, and patience would be required,
-as Wolfgang informs his father, and admonishes him not to lose time
-in speculations, which generally prove useless. In the meantime he had
-drawn on the banker for 150 gulden, "for the host would rather hear the
-jingle of money than of music."
-
-This did not in any way please Wolfgang's father, who delivers a sharp
-reproof for his thoughtless expression as to the father's speculation
-being useless. "Gerechter Gott!" he writes, "you tell me not to
-speculate when I am in debt already on your account 450 florins, and
-you think you will put me in good humour by writing all sorts of absurd
-nonsense." He shows them how little use they have made of their time so
-far, and scolds them for not announcing their plans beforehand, so that
-proper preparations could be made. "I beg you, my dear Wolfgang, to be
-more thoughtful, and not to wait to write about things until they are
-past; otherwise all will go wrong." He points out how they have been
-living hitherto almost entirely on hope, leaving to him the care of the
-money which they required; he had not even received the accounts which
-his dear wife had promised him, and they had drawn money without giving
-him proper notice:--
-
-A journey like this is no joke: you have not felt it hitherto. You must
-have something more serious in your head than nonsense: you have to
-foresee, to consider, to calculate, or else you will find yourself in
-a mess, without money--and no money means no friends, even if you give
-lessons a hundred times over, and compose sonatas, and play the fool
-every night from ten to twelve o'clock. Ask these friends of yours
-for credit! All the jokes will come to an end, and the most jocular
-countenance will turn grave on a sudden.
-
-Hereupon followed a very vague money account from the wife (December 11,
-1777):--
-
-{MOZART AND THE ELECTOR.}
-
-(395)
-
-My dear Husband,--You wish to know what we have spent on our journey. We
-sent you Albert's bill, and the Augsburg one was thirty-eight florins.
-Wolfgang has told you that we were twenty-four florins short, but he has
-not included the expenses of the concert, which were sixteen florins,
-nor the hotel bill. So that when we came to Mannheim we had not more
-than sixty gulden, and if we had left in a fortnight, there would not
-have been much over. For travelling costs more, since things have grown
-so dear; it is not what it was--you would be surprised.
-
-The irritated and somewhat despondent tone in which Wolfgang replied to
-his father's reproaches (November 20, 1777), shows that he felt their
-truth, and that the easy-going comfort of his life at Mannheim was
-disturbed by the first indications of his duty:--
-
-If you consider the cause of my inaction to be laziness and want of
-care, then I can do nothing but thank you for your good opinion, and
-lament from my heart that my father does not know me better. I am
-not careless, I am only resigned to everything, and so can wait with
-patience and bear all, provided my honour and my good name of Mozart do
-not suffer. Well, if it must be, it must. But I pray you beforehand not
-to rejoice or to be sorry before it is time: for whatever happens it is
-all right if one is only healthy; happiness consists in the imagination
-(November 29, 1777).
-
-But his father was not satisfied with all this moral philosophy, and
-calmly criticises the saying that happiness consists in imagination as
-being worthy only of a wild herb. He calls upon his son to realise the
-situation of being asked to pay, and having no money. "My dear Wolfgang,
-that is a saying fit for those who are satisfied with nothing."
-
-The negotiations with the Elector continued, and Wolfgang sought to
-enlighten his father concerning Cannabich's intentions and behaviour
-(November 29, 1777):--
-
-In the afternoon (after the first interview with Savioli) I was at
-Cannabich's, and, as it was by his advice that I had gone to the Count,
-he asked me whether I had been. I told him all. He said, "I should be
-very glad if you remained with us all winter; but it would be still
-better if you could take service here altogether. I said, "I could wish
-for nothing better than to be always with you, but I do not see how
-that is possible. You have two kapellmeisters already, and I could not
-consent to come after Vogler." "Nor need you," said he; "no musician
-here is under the kapellmeister, nor even under the manager. The
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(396)
-
-Elector could appoint you his chamber composer. Just wait a little; I
-will speak to the Count about it." The following Thursday was the state
-concert; when the Count saw me he apologised for not having spoken,
-but said he was waiting for Monday, when the Court would be over. I let
-three days pass, and then, as I heard nothing, I went to inquire. He
-said, "My dear Mons. Mozart [this was Friday, that is, yesterday],
-to-day the Elector went hunting, and I could not possibly ask him; but
-to-morrow at this time you shall certainly have an answer."
-
-I begged him not to forget. Truth to tell, I was a little annoyed when
-I came away, and I determined to take my easiest six variations on
-the Fischer minuet (179 K.)--I had already copied them out for the
-purpose--to the young Count, that I might have an opportunity of
-speaking to the Elector myself. When I brought them the governess could
-not contain her delight. I was politely received; when I produced the
-variations and said they were for the young Count, she said, "O, you
-are very good; but have you nothing for the Countess?" "Not at present,"
-said I; "but, if I remain here long enough, I shall"--"_A propos_," she
-said, "I am glad that you are to remain the winter here." "Indeed!
-
-I did not know"--"That is curious. I am surprised. The Elector told me
-himself." "Well, if he has said it, I suppose it is so; for of course my
-staying here depends on the Elector." I then told her the whole story.
-We agreed that I should come to-morrow at four o'clock, and bring
-something for the Countess. She would speak to the Elector before I
-came, and I should meet him there. I have been to-day, but he had not
-been there. I will go again to-morrow. I have a rondo for the Countess.
-Now, have I not reason enough to remain here and await the issue? Ought
-I to leave now that so important a step is taken? I have an opportunity
-of speaking to the Elector myself. I think I shall probably remain the
-winter here, for the Elector likes me, thinks much of me, and knows what
-I can do. I hope to be able to give you good news in my next letter. I
-beg you again not to sorrow or rejoice about it too soon, and to tell
-the affair to no one but Herr Bullinger and my sister.
-
-But the affair was not so easily settled; in his next letter (December
-3, 1777) Wolfgang could only tell his father of the many incidents which
-seemed to promise a good result:--
-
-Last Monday, after three successive attempts morning and afternoon, I
-was fortunate enough to meet with the Elector. We all thought that our
-trouble was again in vain, for it was getting late; but at last we saw
-him coming. The governess at once placed the Countess at the clavier,
-and I sat near her, giving her a lesson: the Elector saw us so when he
-entered. We stood up, but he told us to continue. When she had finished
-playing, the governess remarked that I had written a charming rondo for
-her. I played it, and he was highly pleased. Then he asked,
-
-{HOPES OF SERVICE AT MANNHEIM.}
-
-(397)
-
-"But will she be able to learn it?" "O yes," said I, "I only wish that
-I could have the happiness of teaching it to her myself." He took snuff
-and said, "I should like it, but would it not do her harm to have two
-masters?" "Oh, no, your highness, it only signifies whether she has a
-good or a bad one. I hope your highness would have no doubt--will have
-confidence in me." "Oh, certainly," said he. Then the governess said,
-"M. Mozart has also written variations on Fischer's minuet for the young
-Count. I played them, and he was again very pleased. Then he began to
-play with the children, and I thanked him for the presentation watch. He
-said, "Well, I will think about it. How long shall you remain here?"
-"As long as your highness commands. I have no engagement elsewhere."
-And that was all. This morning I was there again, and was told that the
-Elector had said several times last night that Mozart would remain
-all winter. Now that it has gone so far I must wait. To-day I dined at
-Wendling's for the fourth time. Before dinner, Count Savioli came in
-with the kapellmeister Schweitzer, who arrived yesterday. Savioli said
-co me, "I have spoken several times to the Elector, but he has not yet
-made up his mind." I told him I should like to say a word to him, and we
-went to the window. I told him the doubts of the Elector, complained
-of being kept waiting so long, and begged him to induce the Elector to
-engage me; only I feared, I said, that he would offer me so little that
-I should not be able to remain. Let him give me work: I wanted work. He
-promised to do as I asked--it may be this evening, since he does not go
-to court to-day; but to-morrow he has promised me a decided answer. Now,
-let what may happen, I shall be content. If he does not keep me, I
-shall ask for a parting gift, for I do not intend to make the Elector a
-present of the rondo and the variations. I assure you I take the affair
-quite composedly, knowing that all will be for the best, as, come what
-may, I have resigned myself to the will of God.
-
-But for several days yet no answer could be obtained from the Elector
-except a shrug of the shoulders, and "I have not made up my mind." At
-last Mozart was able to acquaint his father with the result of all
-these negotiations; it was such as L. Mozart had expected from the first
-(December 10, 1777):--
-
-There is nothing to be done with the Elector at present. The day before
-yesterday I went to the concert at court to get my answer. Count Savioli
-avoided me as long as he could, but I went up to him, and when he saw me
-he shrugged his shoulders. "What!" said I, "no answer yet?" "A thousand
-pardons," said he; "but, unfortunately, nothing can be done." "Eh bien!"
-I answered, "the Elector might have told me that sooner." "Yes," said
-he, "he would not have made up his
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(398)
-
-mind now if I had not urged him to it, and represented to him how long
-you had been waiting already, and spending your money at the hotel."
-"That annoys me most of all," I answered; "it is not at all well
-done. But I am exceedingly obliged to you, Count (he is not called
-Excellency), for your endeavours on my behalf, and I shall be obliged if
-you will thank the Elector in my name for his gracious, though somewhat
-tardy, intelligence, and assure him that, if it had pleased him to
-engage me, he would not have repented doing so." "O," said he, "I am
-more sure of that than you believe."
-
-The unexpected turn of affairs made quite as unpleasant an impression
-upon the Mannheim circle of friends as upon Mozart. He went at once to
-Cannabich's, and he being out hunting, related the whole story to his
-wife:--
-
-When Mdlle. Rose--who was three rooms off and busied with the linen--had
-finished, she came in and said to me, "Is it your pleasure that we
-begin?" for it was time for a lesson. "I am at your service," said I.
-"We will have a good steady lesson to-day," said she. "We will indeed,"
-I answered, "for it will not last much longer." "How so? Why?" She went
-to her mamma, who told her. "What!" said she, "is it really true? I do
-not believe it." "Yes, yes; quite true," said I. She played my sonata
-through quite seriously; believe me, I could not refrain from weeping;
-and before it was ended there were tears in the eyes of the mother and
-daughter, and of Herr Schatzmeister, who was present, for the sonata was
-a favourite with the whole house. "You see," said Schatzmeister, "when
-Herr Kapellmeister [they always call me so] goes away, he makes us all
-cry." I must say that I have made good friends here, and one learns to
-know them under such circumstances.
-
-Wendling was specially concerned at the intelligence; when Mozart
-communicated it he grew "quite red," and said very hastily, "We must
-find some way of keeping you here, at all events for the two months
-before we go to Paris together." When Wolfgang went to dine with
-him next day he made him what seemed a very satisfactory proposal. A
-Dutchman (Dejean or Dechamps) nicknamed the Nabob, who lived on his
-means, and had been a friend and admirer of Wolfgang, offered to give
-him 200 florins for three short and easy concertos and two quartets
-for the flute; then Cannabich would guarantee at least two well-paying
-pupils, and Mozart was to have duets for clavier and violin printed by
-subscription. Wendling offered him board, and he could
-
-{L. MOZART'S ANXIETIES.}
-
-(399)
-
-have free quarters at the house of the chamberlain Serrarius. Mozart
-was rejoiced at the prospect of being able to remain in Mannheim, and
-thought he should have enough to do for all winter in composing three
-concertos, two quartets, four or six clavier duets, besides a grand
-mass, which he intended to present to the Elector. The following day he
-set himself to find small, cheap lodgings for his mother, which was not
-an easy matter.
-
-It was a satisfaction to Wolfgang's father, who was not surprised that
-Wendling should seek to retain so excellent a fourth party for the
-expedition to Paris, to have the state of affairs laid clearly before
-him. He stipulated only that the journey should not take place during
-the cold of winter, and thought the plan feasible, provided the Dutchman
-could be relied on; if not, they must at once proceed to Mayence. But on
-no account were the mother and son to separate. "As long as your mother
-remains, you must remain with her," he writes (December 18, 1777); "you
-must not think of leaving your mother to the care of others as long as
-you and she can be together." The small difference in rent was not worth
-considering, and it was impossible for her to go home at present. "Be
-most careful to remain with your mother and care for her, even as she
-has cared for you." It was not only physical care that he had in his
-mind, but watchfulness over his son's moral and religious behaviour. He
-expresses some anxiety on these points (December 15).
-
-Let me ask you whether Wolfgang has not forgotten to go to confession
-lately? God before everything! From Him alone can we expect earthly
-happiness and eternal safety. Young people are apt to be impatient when
-told this; I know it, for I have been young myself; but, God be praised,
-I never failed to come to myself in time after any youthful folly, to
-flee from all danger to my soul, and to keep God and my honour, and the
-dangerous consequences of sin, always before my eyes.
-
-His wife reassured him by saying that Wolfgang had confessed at the
-feast of the Immaculate Conception, and that they had heard mass
-regularly on Sundays, though not always on week-days. Wolfgang justified
-himself, not without a touch of irritability (December 20, 1777):--
-
-MANNHEIM.
-
-(400)
-
-I have written that your last letter gave me great pleasure, and that is
-true; but one part of it vexed me a little--the question whether I had
-not somewhat neglected confession. I have nothing to reply to this,
-except to make you one request, which is--not to think so ill of
-me again. I am fond of fun, but be assured that I can be serious on
-occasion. Since I left Salzburg (and even before) I have met with people
-whose speech and actions I should have been ashamed to imitate, although
-they were ten, twenty, or thirty years older than myself; so I beg you
-earnestly to have a better opinion of me.
-
-Under these circumstances, the offer of Serrarius to afford lodging,
-firing, and light to both mother and son, came very opportunely;
-Wolfgang was to give lessons to his daughter in return. The mother was
-especially pleased at the change, having been somewhat lonely at the
-hotel during Wolfgang's long absences. They had good beds, careful
-attendance, and she supped and spent the evenings with her hostess,
-chatting with her often until eleven o'clock. Wolfgang does not seem
-to have been particularly struck with the talent of the daughter of the
-house, Theresa Pierron, who had played the clavier since she was eight
-years old; he seldom mentions the "house nymph." Nevertheless, she
-practised one of his concertos, and performed it at a large musical
-party at home; and afterwards she played the third and easiest of his
-concertos for three claviers at a concert. Before his departure from
-Mannheim he composed (March 11, 1778) a clavier sonata with violin
-accompaniment for her (296 K.). He gave lessons in composition to young
-Danner, in return for which his mother dined there every day; he himself
-boarded at Wendling's. "Wolfgang," writes his mother, "has so much to
-do with composing and giving lessons that he has no time to pay visits
-to anybody. So you see that we can comfortably stay here during the
-winter; and it is all Herr Wendling's doing; he loves Wolfgang as his
-own son." Wolfgang himself gives his father the following account of his
-daily life (December 20, 1777):--
-
-We cannot rise before eight o'clock, for our room, being on the
-ground-floor, is not light until half-past eight. Then I dress quickly;
-at ten o'clock I set to work composing until twelve or half-past; then
-I go to Wendling's and write a little more until half-past one, when we
-dine. At three, I go to give lessons in gallantry and thorough-bass to a
-Dutch
-
-{SCHWEITZER'S "ROSAMUNDE."}
-
-(401)
-
-officer (De la Potrie), for which, if I do not mistake, I shall have
-four ducats for twelve lessons. At four I return home to give a lesson
-to the daughter of the house: but we never begin before half-past four,
-because we are waiting for lights. At six I go to Cannabich's and teach
-Mdlle. Rose; I stay there to supper, and then we talk or play a little,
-or some-times I take a book out of my pocket and read, as I used to do
-at Salzburg.
-
-His mother had reason to say that Wolfgang was so busy he did not know
-which way to turn; and she might well add that her husband could not
-conceive how highly Wolfgang was esteemed for his music and other
-things, so that every one said that he had not his equal, and his
-compositions were literally idolised. At the same time the father is
-informed that Wolfgang's beard has to be removed; and on his question
-as to whether it has been cut, burnt, or shaved off, the answer is duly
-given: "The beard has not been shaved yet, only cut with scissors; but
-it cannot be done so any more, and next time the barber must be called
-in."
-
-The great musical event which was engrossing public attention at
-this time was the approaching production of Wieland and Schweitzer's
-"Rosamunde."
-
-As the result of flattering overtures made to him during the summer of
-1776,[85] Wieland set to work on his text in the spring of 1777.[86]
-The subject--a curious one to choose for Mannheim, where the Elector
-had many Rosamunds, and the Electress took little pains to conceal her
-chagrin thereat (facts of which Wieland had no suspicion)[87]--inspired
-him with the greatest enthusiasm. This caused him to be all the more
-unpleasantly surprised when Jacobi and Goethe declared the opera a
-failure, and the minister Hompesch pressed for a revision of the last
-act. He wished to withdraw it altogether, although Schweitzer had
-already composed three acts of great beauty; but Hompesch would on
-no account consent to this, and he was obliged to undertake the
-revision.[88]
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(402)
-
-Wieland was far from being satisfied with his own share of the opera,
-but he declared that Schweitzer had produced a work which would attract
-people for miles round to hear it.[89]
-
-Wieland was invited to assist in person at the production of his
-opera. Dissatisfaction with the work, and domestic and economical
-considerations, caused him some hesitation; but the wish once more to
-enjoy music to the full finally prevailed, and he looked forward with
-pleasure to a meeting with old friends; Jacobi, Sophie la Roche and
-her daughter, and Max Brentano promised to come to Mannheim for the
-occasion. The production of the opera had been first fixed for the
-fete-day of the Elector (November 4, 1777), but owing to the delay
-caused by the revision it did not appear until January, 1778. When all
-the preparations, the splendid scenery and costumes were completed,
-Schweitzer came to Mannheim to conduct the final rehearsals himself.
-Mozart, who made his acquaintance at once, found him a good, honest man,
-but dry and positive like Michael Haydn, "only that his language is more
-refined (December 3, 1777). "There are beautiful things in the new opera,
-and I doubt not that it will succeed. 'Alceste' was a success, and is
-not half so fine as 'Rosamunde.' Certainly its being the first German
-opera had much to do with the success; and now that the novelty has worn
-off it has ceased to make the same impression." The opera was rehearsed
-daily, and it affords proof of the esteem in which Wolfgang was held by
-the band that, when Schweitzer was unwell, he had "to take his place,
-and conduct the opera with several of the violins at Wendling's"
-(December 18, 1777). Repeated hearing of the opera did not increase
-Mozart's admiration for it. "Wolfgang does not care for the new opera,"
-writes his mother (December 18, 1777), "he says there is no nature in
-it, and much exaggeration, and that it is not well written for the
-singers; we must wait to see what effect it will produce." He writes
-himself (December 10, 1777): "'Rosamunde' was rehearsed at the theatre
-to-day; it is--good, but nothing more; and if it were bad, could it not
-be performed just the same?"
-
-{WIELAND AT MANNHEIM,}
-
-(403)
-
-Later on (September 11, 1778), he pities Aloysia Weber on account of
-her poor part in "Rosamunde." "She has one song, which might be made
-something of, but the voice part is _a la_ Schweitzer, like the barking
-of dogs; she has a kind of rondo in the second act, which allows her to
-sustain her voice, and display it a little. Woe to the vocalist, male or
-female, who falls into Schweitzer's hands! He will never acquire the art
-of writing for the voice."[90]
-
-The arrival of Wieland, who was esteemed before all German poets at
-Mannheim,[91] was eagerly looked for by the public, and Wolfgang looked
-forward to making his acquaintance. Wieland arrived on December 21, and
-was equally delighted with his reception by the Elector and with the
-homage of the populace. "Every one is anxious to have me, and each
-day is distinguished by something which makes the remembrance of it
-pleasant," he writes on December 26 to Sophie la Roche;[92] and to Merck
-on the following day:[93] "I can say nothing more than that I am well
-both in soul and body, for the reason that I have to play no part but
-the one natural to me, and that my affairs, so far as it appears,
-are prospering. God grant that I may not grow _too happy_ among these
-people. But that is provided against."
-
-Mozart was not carried away by the universal enthusiasm for the
-celebrated poet, and sends his father the following impartial
-description (December 27, 1777):--
-
-I have made the acquaintance of Herr Wieland, but he does not know me as
-well as I know him, for he has not heard me play yet. He is not at
-all what I had expected to find him. His speech seems to me somewhat
-affected; he has a childish voice--a fixed stare--a certain scholarlike
-bluntness, and yet sometimes a stupid condescension. I am not surprised
-at anything in his behaviour here, whatever it may be in Weimar
-
-MANNHEIM.
-
-(404)
-
-or elsewhere, for the people look at him as if he had come down from
-heaven. Every one yields to him, and there is silence directly he opens
-his mouth. It is only a pity that he keeps people in suspense so long,
-for he has a defect in his utterance, and has to speak very slowly, and
-stop every six words. He is extremely ugly, covered with pockmarks, and
-with a very long nose. His height is somewhat greater than your own.
-
-After Wieland had learnt to know Mozart also, he writes (January 10,
-1778): "Herr Wieland, after hearing me twice, is quite enchanted. The
-last time he paid me all manner of compliments, ending up with, 'It
-has been a real happiness to me to meet you here!' and a squeeze of the
-hand."
-
-Wieland was delighted with Wendling, and all the preparations for the
-opera were found satisfactory.
-
-The first performance was fixed for January 11, and he hoped to obtain
-much honour for his "Rosamunde" in Mannheim, if only the illness of the
-Elector of Bavaria did not frustrate all his hopes. But this fear was
-unhappily realised. The Elector Maximilian died on December 30; the
-intelligence reached Mannheim as Karl Theodor was attending a religious
-service for the New Year, and the following evening he set out for
-Munich.[94] All the festivities came to an end. "The death of Maximilian
-Joseph," writes Wieland to Baron von Gebler (January 5, 1778), "has
-disappointed both myself and the public. My opera "Rosamunde," set to
-admirable music by Herr Schweitzer, was to have been given for the first
-time on the 11th, and repeated eight times during the carnival. I had
-every prospect of as great a success as perhaps an opera ever had, when
-the death of the Elector of Bavaria brought about an alteration on the
-stage of public events, the lugubrious decorations of which have quite
-suppressed mine."[95] The opera was rehearsed once more in his honour,
-and then he travelled back to Weimar, content with the result of his
-visit, though his main object was defeated.[96]
-
-The change of government had more lasting effects for
-
-{PROSPECTS OF WORK IN VIENNA.}
-
-(405)
-
-Mannheim, and especially for the musicians there, than a mere temporary
-suspension of gaiety. The patriotic inhabitants of the Palatinate could
-not indeed believe that their Elector would transfer his capital to
-Munich;[97] but the prospects of the future were uncertain and alarming,
-owing to the threatening turn taken by political events.
-
-If Mozart had felt himself moved to write German operas in Munich, the
-impulse must have been vastly strengthened by his stay in Mannheim. He
-had offered his services to the Elector with this object. When the offer
-was declined, a new prospect was opened to him in Vienna, with which he
-acquaints his father (January 11, 1778):[98]--
-
-I know for certain that the Emperor is thinking of establishing
-opera in Vienna, and that he is seeking everywhere for a young
-kapellmeister, a German and a genius, who is capable of producing
-something new.[99] Benda is seeking in Gotha, but Schweitzer has more
-influence. This would be just the thing for me; well paid, of course. If
-the Emperor gives me 1,000 florins I will write him an opera, and if he
-does not pay me it is all the same. Pray write to all imaginable friends
-in Vienna that I am in a position to serve the Emperor. If needs be, he
-may try me with an opera, and what he does after, I really do not care.
-Adieu. I hope you will put the affair in motion at once, or some one may
-be beforehand with me.
-
-L. Mozart was not the man to let this opportunity slip. He applied at
-once to Heufeld, who had formerly been well disposed towards them, and
-whose knowledge and influence could be relied on, begging him to exert
-himself on Wolfgang's behalf. Letters from Messmer (pp. 86,145) had
-just arrived from Vienna, asking why Wolfgang did not come to Vienna,
-where there was "always room for true talent." He should have board and
-lodging with him as long as he liked, and his friends would see to his
-interests. But the prospects, so far as the opera was concerned, were
-not very promising. L. Mozart was of opinion (January 29, 1778)
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(406)
-
-that the Emperor was like the Archbishop--"he wanted a good thing at
-a very cheap rate." A letter from Heufeld was definitive (January 23,
-1778):--
-
-It is true that His Majesty the Emperor, to whom his mother has quite
-resigned the care of the theatre, wishes to establish German opera. All
-orders come through the High Chamberlain, Count von Rosenberg, to the
-company, among whom there is a sort of council for the regulation of the
-pieces and parts. At the opera, which is now combined with the national
-company," the additional singers are Mdlle. Cavalieri, and Schindler's
-daughter, married to Langin, with a bass, whose name I forget (Fuchs).
-To-day was the first rehearsal of the first opera ("Die Bergknappen"),
-of which Herr Weidmann has furnished the words, and Herr Umlauf, who
-plays the viola in the orchestra, the music. The performance will take
-place shortly. All this is only an experiment to see if anything can be
-done with the Germans in this line. It is certain that no composer will
-be engaged at present, particularly as Gluck and Salieri are in the
-Emperor's service. To recommend any one at present would be the surest
-way to failure; and no advocate can be employed to reach the Emperor's
-ear, since he arranges everything himself according to his own ideas and
-inclinations. Every one knows this, and no one ventures on a proposal or
-recommendation. His Majesty has sought out Gluck and Salieri, and most
-of those who are now in his service, in the same way. I could give you
-several examples of people who have applied indirectly to His Majesty
-and have failed in their suit. The way in which you propose approaching
-him seems to me far from good, and the reason I decline presenting a
-petition is my certain conviction that it would be useless, and, indeed,
-prejudicial to your interests. There is another more creditable and more
-certain way open to first-rate talent, and that is the production of
-some work, for which there is every opportunity. Let your son take the
-trouble of setting any good German opera to music and submitting it to
-the supreme pleasure of the Emperor, and then let him wait the event,
-and follow in person if his work is well received. In this case, indeed,
-his presence will be necessary. Your son may be without any apprehension
-with regard to Benda and Schweitzer; I can answer for there being no
-trouble from that quarter. Their fame is not so great here as elsewhere.
-Perhaps even Wieland's great opinion of these gentlemen[100] has
-somewhat abated since his stay at Mannheim. I have a letter of the 5th
-inst. from him, in which he acknowledges to having received altogether
-new ideas upon music in Mannheim.
-
-{OVERTURES FROM THE ARCHBISHOP.}
-
-(407)
-
-When this letter reached Mozart he was in a very excited state (the
-reason for which will be presently noted), and the effect it produced
-was greater than mere disappointment. His self-love, which had been
-raised to so high a pitch by the appreciation of his Mannheim admirers,
-was wounded by the proposal that he should write a comic opera on
-approval, like a beginner. Even the condescending good nature of Heufeld
-to his "dear Wolfgang" increased his annoyance.
-
-His father was full of plans and cares for his son's advancement. An
-opportunity which offered for a settlement in Salzburg was little likely
-to please Wolfgang. The city had been thrown into consternation on
-December 21, 1777, by the paralytic seizure of Adlgasser while he was
-playing the organ. His death followed the same evening. It soon became
-clear that Wolfgang's return and application for the vacant post would
-not be unacceptable to the authorities; and his father informs him of
-several hints he had received to that effect (January 12, 1778):--
-
-His Excellency the Lord High Steward apprised me that his Serene
-Highness had commanded him to inquire from Haydn and myself if we knew
-of a really good organist; he must also be an excellent clavier player,
-of good appearance and manners, and able to give lessons to the ladies
-of the court. "What!" said I, "did his Serene Highness mention me?"
-"Yes; you in particular," said he, and laughed. I said, "I know nobody
-with all these qualities." If there is such an one in Mannheim, he may
-make his fortune.
-
-But even if his father had been willing to take these hints, Wolfgang
-would have had no ear for them.
-
-With the idea that a longer stay in Mannheim might yet result in a
-permanent engagement, L. Mozart wrote to the Padre Martini in December,
-1777, sending him Wolfgang's promised portrait, and begging him to use
-all his influence with the Elector.[101] With his usual good nature, the
-Padre promised to write to Raaff authorising him to say to the Elector
-"in his name everything imaginable in Wolfgang's
-
-MANNHEIM.
-
-(408)
-
-favour, and to praise him according to his deserts; even if the
-political situation should operate unfavourably at the moment, the
-appeal would certainly bear fruit at a future time." No such letter,
-however, reached Raaff from Padre Martini; but Wolfgang made it the
-occasion of forming a closer acquaintance with Raaff, and advancing his
-own claims. He writes (February 28, 1778):--
-
-Yesterday I took Raaff a song which I had just written for him. The
-words are "Se al labro mio non credi, bella nemica mia," &c. I do not
-think they are Metastasio's. The song pleases him greatly. One has to go
-carefully to work with a man like this. I selected the words with care,
-because I knew that he had sung them before, and that they would come
-easier and more pleasantly to him. I asked him to tell me candidly if
-he did not care for them or like them, and I would alter the song to
-his pleasure, or write it over again. "Heaven forbid!" said he, "let
-the song remain as it is, for it is very fine; only I must beg you to
-shorten it a little, for I have lost the power now of sustaining my
-voice so long." "Willingly," said I; "as much as you please. I took care
-to make it long, for it is much easier to curtail than to lengthen a
-song." After he had sung the second part, he took off his spectacles,
-looked hard at me, and said, "Beautiful, beautiful! That is a charming
-second part," and he sang it three times. When I went away, he thanked
-me cordially, and I assured him in return that I would arrange the song
-to his satisfaction. I like a song to be fitted to the singer, like a
-well-made garment.[102]
-
-The aria (295 K.), without the introductory recitative, has the
-following words:--
-
-     Se al labro mio non credi,
-     Bella nemica mia,
-     Aprimi il petto e vedi,
-     Quai sia 1' amante cor;
-     Il cor dolente e afflito
-     Ma d' ogni colpa privo,
-     Se pur non e delitto
-     Un innocente ardor.
-
-The treatment is more strictly orthodox than had latterly been usual
-with Mozart, apparently out of consideration to the singer. The first
-part is an elaborate adagio, full of
-
-{PREPARATIONS FOR PARIS.}
-
-(409)
-
-simple melody and fervent expression; the tone of deep sorrow given to
-the words "aprimi il petto" is very impressive, melodious and pleasing,
-with few passages, and those not florid. The second part (allegretto,
-3-8, in G minor), is especially rhythmical and original in its
-harmonies, animated, and full of expression. Although the arrangement of
-this part is quite in the old style, it has decided individuality, and
-contrasts so effectively with the adagio that one can easily understand
-the delight with which it inspired the old singer. The song does not
-exceed the compass of--[See Page Image]
-
-and keeps to the position of the tenor voice proper, full opportunity
-for effective display being afforded to the singer. The free and finely
-coloured accompaniment never obscures the voice,[103] and the whole song
-is not inferior to later and better known works.
-
-The time had now arrived for the expedition to Paris, and Mozart's
-anxious father was unsparing in thought and wise counsel. He advised
-them to prepare in good time for the mother's journey from Mannheim to
-Augsburg at the beginning of March, and he impressed upon Wolfgang that
-his stay in Paris was not to be limited by weeks or months, but was to
-last until he had gained both fame and money; he must therefore wind
-up all his affairs in Mannheim before he left. His father also gave
-him circumstantial rules for his guidance in society; he was to avoid
-intimacies, especially with other composers, such as Gluck, Piccinni,
-and Gretry, whose rivalry might be feared, "de la politesse, et pas
-d'autre chose!" He was above all to observe the greatest prudence in his
-dealings with the female sex, who were always on the watch for young men
-of great talent whom they might dupe and entangle, or even marry; "that
-would be my death," says his father, and he sends him a long list
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(410)
-
-of their patrons during their former stay, whom he was to seek out
-immediately on his arrival. He is especially assured of the tried
-friendship of Grimm, and of his own studies and duties: "Think daily
-what you owe to God, who has given you such extraordinary talents."
-
-To L. Mozart's astonishment he received a letter from Wolfgang (February
-4, 1778), informing him of his intention of giving up the journey to
-Paris, and of the reasons which had led to this determination:--
-
-Mamma and I have talked it over, and agreed that the life which Wendling
-leads does not suit us. Wendling is a thoroughly honest, good man, but
-he and all his household are totally without religion; his daughter's
-relations to the Elector sufficiently prove this.[104] Ramm is good
-at heart, but a libertine. I know myself, and know that I have so much
-religion that I should never commit an action that I could not proclaim
-to the whole world; but the mere thought of travelling with people whose
-way of thinking is so opposed to mine (and to that of all honourable
-men) frightens me. They may do as they please, but I have no wish to
-accompany them; I should not have a happy hour, I should never know what
-I was saying; for, in one word, I have no confidence in them. Friendship
-without a religious basis is not lasting. I have already given them a
-little _praegusto_. I have told them that letters have reached me, of
-which I can say nothing further than that they interfere with my journey
-to Paris with them; I may be able to follow, but perhaps I shall have to
-go elsewhere, and they must not depend upon me.
-
-The mother corroborates all this, and declares she had never approved of
-the society of Wendling and Ramm, but that she had said nothing, for
-she was never listened to. In her next letter she asserts that it
-would certainly be dangerous companionship for Wolfgang, and tells her
-husband: "It is true that Herr Wendling is the best-natured man in the
-world, but neither he nor his family have any idea of religion, nor
-care for it; neither the mother nor daughter enter a church all the year
-round, nor do they ever confess nor hear mass, but they are always going
-to the play; they say the church is not healthy."
-
-L. Mozart was not a little surprised that his wife and son
-
-{WOLFGANG'S WISH TO REMAIN IN MANNHEIM.}
-
-(411)
-
-should so suddenly discover this lack of faith at the end of a long
-acquaintance. "You are quite right not to travel in undesirable
-company," he answers (February 16, 1778); "but you must have been aware
-of the bad qualities of these men for a long time, and you have had so
-little confidence in your anxious father, that you have never written to
-ask his advice on the subject, and (shocking!) neither has your mother
-done so." There was not much to be said in answer to this, except that
-they had allowed themselves to be deceived by the universal praise of
-Wendling, and by his really good qualities, and had overlooked his want
-of religion.
-
-Wolfgang gave his father other reasons against the expedition (February
-7, 1778):--
-
-I have already given you my chief reason for not going with these people
-to Paris. The second is that I cannot quite see what I should have to do
-in Paris. My only means of advancement would be lesson-giving, and that
-work is distasteful to me. I have had a striking example of that here.
-I might have had two pupils. I went to each of them three times, then
-I found one of them out; consequently I did not go again. I will gladly
-give lessons as a favour, particularly to any one who shows genius and
-a real wish to learn. But to be obliged to go to a house at a certain
-hour, or to be obliged to wait at home for a pupil, is what I cannot do,
-even if it were to bring me some profit. I leave that to those who
-can do nothing but play the clavier. I am a composer, and a born
-kapellmeister; I ought not to bury my talent for composition which a
-merciful God has so richly bestowed upon me (I may say it without pride,
-for I feel it now more than ever); and pupils are most distracting
-to the mind. I would rather (so to speak) neglect the clavier than
-composition; for the clavier is only a subordinate affair; only, God be
-praised! a very powerful subordinate.
-
-He had said the same to Wendling, and told him that if he would only
-put something certain in his way, he would gladly follow to Paris,
-"especially if it was an opera; opera-writing is my chief idea and
-object, French rather than German, but Italian rather than either
-French or German. Wendling and his friends are all of opinion that my
-compositions would be wonderfully successful in Paris; for, as you know,
-I can adapt myself to every sort and style of composition."
-
-All things considered, we cannot but feel that Wolfgang's
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(412)
-
-father was justified in writing as follows (February 23, 1778)
-
-So you intend only to give lessons as a favour, do you? and you mean to
-leave your old father in his present straits? For a young fellow like
-you lesson-giving is far too much trouble, even when it is well paid.
-It is more fitted to your old father to run from house to house for a
-wretched pittance in order to support himself and his daughter, and to
-send the little that remains to you, instead of paying his debts; and
-all that you may amuse yourself by giving lessons to some silly girl for
-nothing! My son, reflect, and give ear to your own good sense. Reflect
-whether you do not deal more hardly with me than our prince himself. God
-has given you an excellent judgment, and two things only hinder you from
-employing it on your own affairs: first, a trifle too much of conceit
-and self-love, and, secondly, an inclination to be over-confiding and to
-open your heart to every one you meet.
-
-He made him easy as to lesson-giving in Paris (February 16, 1778)
-
-In the first place, no one will discharge his master at once in order to
-take you; and, in the second place, no one would venture to engage you,
-nor should you take any one, except a lady, now and then, who plays well
-already and has a fancy for learning from you, for which she is willing
-to pay well. Such lady pupils as these will take endless trouble to
-collect subscriptions for your compositions. The ladies in Paris are
-omnipotent; they are great amateurs of the clavier, and many of
-them play extremely well. They would be your best allies for getting
-commissions; and you will be able, by their help, to make both fame
-and money with clavier pieces, violin quartets, symphonies, and such
-collections of French songs with the clavier as you lately sent me;
-then, at last, you will arrive at an opera. Why do you hesitate? But you
-always want things done in a moment, before you have been either seen
-or heard. Look down the long list of our former acquaintances in Paris;
-they are all, at least the greater number, the best people in the town.
-They are all most anxious to see you again, and if only six of such
-persons (nay, a single one would suffice) were to take you by the hand,
-you might do as you pleased.
-
-All this notwithstanding, however, we cannot but feel that Wolfgang's
-consciousness of his true vocation and his lively protest against any
-sort of pressure from without did honour to him, far more honour than
-the insinuation of unbelief against his true friend Wendling, to whom
-he was already deeply indebted. Not that Mozart was insincere--he was a
-faithful son of his Church--but other feelings were at work
-
-{REPROACHES AND EXPLANATIONS.}
-
-(413)
-
-here, which obscured his judgment. Wendling was inconsolable at
-Wolfgang's refusal to join the party; and the latter endeavoured to
-persuade himself that motives of personal interest had a share in the
-regret of his friend. Be it as it may, Wendling and Ramm set off for
-Paris on February 15, leaving Wolfgang at Mannheim, not quite free
-from compunction. "If I thought," he writes to his father (February 14,
-1778), "that you were really annoyed about my not going to Paris with
-them, I should repent having remained here; but, after all, the road to
-Paris is not closed to me."
-
-L. Mozart was not altogether displeased at the turn of affairs; what
-really angered him was to hear from Wolfgang (February 4, 1778): "I am
-getting on at my ease with the music for Mons. de Jean, for which I am
-to have 200 florins; I can stay here as long as I like, for neither my
-board nor lodging cost me anything." His father had warned him before
-(December 11, 1777): "If you examine your conscience you will find
-that you have a strong tendency to procrastination"; and now he writes
-(February 12, 1778): "I am astonished to hear that you are finishing
-Mons. de Jean's music at your ease. Can it be that you have not already
-completed it! And you were thinking of leaving Mannheim on the 15th, and
-have been making expeditions to Kirchheim? Well, never mind, only beware
-that Herr Wendling and Mons. de Jean do not play you false, for the
-proposal was only made with the intention of enabling you to go with
-them. Let me have an answer by the next post, that I may know how the
-matter stands." The information which Wolfgang furnished (February 14,
-1778) was not consolatory:--
-
-Herr de Jean, who also goes to Paris to-morrow, has paid me only
-ninety-six florins (miscalculating the half by four florins) because
-I had written only two concerti and three quartetti. But he will be
-obliged to pay me the whole, for I have arranged with Wendling to send
-the music after them. It is not extraordinary that I should not have
-been able to finish it. I never have a quiet hour; night is my only time
-for writing, for I cannot even get up early. Besides, one is not always
-in the humour for writing. I could certainly scribble away the whole
-day; but when a thing is to go forth to the world bearing my name, I am
-determined that
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(414)
-
-I will not be ashamed of it. You know how stupid I am when I have always
-to compose for one instrument (and that one which I dislike). I have
-written other things from time to time for a change, such as clavier
-duets and portions of masses. But now I have set to work in earnest on
-the clavier duets, so that I may have them printed.
-
-In a letter from Paris (July 20, 1778) he mentions only "two quartets
-for the flute," and on October 3, 1778, he speaks of "the flute
-concerto." Two quartets for flute, violin, viola, and violoncello are
-known. One of them (281 K.) is inscribed, "Mannheim il 25 Dec., 1777,"
-and must therefore be the same which is mentioned in the letter of
-December 18 as being almost finished. It is in D major, in the usual
-three movements, the middle one, an adagio 3-8, being accompanied
-throughout _pizzicato_, the flute leading the melody. The whole piece
-is easy, both in style and composition, the flute kept mainly in the
-foreground, and the accompanying parts firmly and skilfully handled,
-without any actual elaboration. The second quartet (298 K.), according
-to a notice appended by a strange hand to the original manuscript (in
-the imperial library at Vienna), was composed in Paris in 1778. It is
-in A major, and begins with variations on a simple theme, in which each
-instrument in succession comes in obbligato. Then follows a minuet, and
-as a finale a "rondieaoux," the heading of which testifies to Mozart's
-merry humour; it runs: "Allegretto grazioso, ma non troppo presto, peroe
-non troppo adagio, cosi, cosi, con molto garbo ed espressione." It is
-likewise easy in every respect, shorter, and somewhat fresher than the
-first movement. A flute concerto in D major (314 K.) bears much the same
-character, and was composed for the "true philanthropist, the Indian
-Dutchman." It is lively and cheerful, without laying claim to deeper
-significance; the accompaniment, although kept well in hand, betrays in
-little touches the practised hand of a master. An andante in C major for
-the flute, with orchestral accompaniment has also been preserved (315
-K.). The original is not dated, but the handwriting, the Mannheim paper,
-and the well-founded assumption that Mozart never wrote for the flute,
-except by commission, point to this time. Fuerstenau, however, remarks
-that Mozart treats the flute
-
-{THE FATHER'S DISAPPOINTMENT.}
-
-(415)
-
-with a perfect knowledge of the instrument, its _technique_ and easily
-attained effects.
-
-Nothing is known of the mass on which he was engaged at Mannheim,
-unless a detached Kyrie in E flat (322 K.), serious and dignified in
-expression, original and free in treatment, may be referred to this
-period.
-
-He writes on the 28th February, 1778, that he has still two clavier
-sonatas to write: "But I am not in a hurry with them, for they cannot
-be printed here. Nothing can be done by subscription--it is beggary, and
-the engraver will not take the risk on himself unless I promise him
-half the profits. I would rather have them printed in Paris, where the
-publishers are glad of something new, and pay capitally, and where much
-also can be done by subscription." One of the sonatas (304 K.) was,
-according to the inscription, finished in Paris; all the six were
-published there in 1778 by Sieber, and were dedicated to the Electress
-(301-306 K.).
-
-Wolfgang's dilatoriness was a hard blow to his father, who had counted
-on the price of these compositions to cover the cost of the Mannheim
-visit and of the journey to Paris. He saw plainly that he must not only
-defray these himself, but must also provide for the future, and he found
-himself in great perplexity. He writes in troubled strain (February 16,
-1778):--
-
-We have tried every means to make you happy, and ourselves through you,
-and at least to set your future career on a firm foundation: but fate
-has willed that we should not succeed. Our last venture has sunk me very
-low indeed, and, as you know, I am now seven hundred florins in debt,
-knowing not how I am to support myself, your mother and sister, on my
-monthly pay; not a kreuzer can I hope for from our prince. You cannot
-but see clearly, therefore, that the future fate of your old parents,
-and of your good devoted sister, is in your hands.
-
-The sister, an ever-present witness of the cares and perplexities of her
-father, at a loss to know how the new year's bills were to be met, or
-how he was to procure the new clothes he needed, grasped the state of
-affairs very thoroughly. She practised the clavier with redoubled zeal,
-and had made great efforts thoroughly to master thorough-bass and the
-art of preluding; she foresaw that after her father's death her
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(416)
-
-music would be her mother's and her own sole dependence. She was deeply
-grieved at the bad news from Wolfgang, and "had her full share of
-weeping." Wolfgang wrote crossly that she "should not cry for nothing"
-(February 19, 1778); but he must have felt ashamed of himself when his
-father's answer to this came (February 26, 1778)
-
-She did not cry over nothing when she cried over your letter; but,
-nevertheless, she said when she heard that you had not got the 200
-florins, "Thank God that it is no worse!" although she has considerable
-interest in the matter, and knows that, in order to go on helping you,
-her own just claims must be laid aside.
-
-And why was it, the father must have asked himself, that Wolfgang was
-so suddenly blind to his own interests, and forgetful of his duty to his
-family? It required no great skill in reading between the lines to find
-the answer in his son's own letters. The stay in Mannheim influenced his
-artistic life through the intellectual atmosphere of a capital in which
-flourished German science and German art; but beyond and above this, it
-was there that he was seized by the passion which sways the innermost
-being of man, and blunts for the time every other feeling. We have seen
-how susceptible he always was to female charms, and how he delighted
-in intercourse with agreeable women, whose attractions often threw a
-favourable light on his opinion of their musical acquirements.
-
-Now, for the first time, there awoke in his heart a passionate
-attachment to a young singer of extraordinary talent; the beauty of her
-voice as it developed under his loving tuition, coupled with the unhappy
-circumstances of her life, increased the young man's generous ardour,
-and aroused his lively sympathy. Aloysia Weber, the second daughter of a
-man in a subordinate position at the theatre,[105] was fifteen
-
-{MDLLE. WEBER.}
-
-(417)
-
-years of age, and of great beauty. His letters, outwardly expressive
-only of his admiration for her singing, are not the less indicative
-of the state of his heart; artistic delight and loving passion are
-charmingly and unconsciously blended in every sentence. The view which
-it is permitted us to take of the innocent heart of a youth who
-could feel as warmly and tenderly as he could judge impartially and
-artistically, is the more striking, since it helps us to apprehend how
-much was torn away with this bud, destined never to unfold into blossom.
-Wolfgang first mentions her in an account of a little professional tour
-(January 17, 1778)
-
-Next Wednesday I am going for a few days to Kirchheim-Poland, to the
-Princess of Orange (p. 43); I have heard so much that is good of her,
-that at last I have decided. A Dutch officer, and my very good friend,
-was dreadfully scolded by her for not bringing me with him, when he
-went to pay his respects at the new year. I shall get at least eight
-louis-d'or; for she is a great musical amateur, and I have had four
-songs copied for her; I shall give her a symphony, too, for she has a
-nice little orchestra, and gives concerts every day.[106] The copying of
-the songs will not cost me much, for it has been done by a certain Herr
-Weber, who is going over with me. He has a daughter of fifteen, who
-sings extremely well, with a beautiful, pure voice. She only wants
-action to be fit for a prima donna on any stage. Her father is a good,
-true-hearted German, who has brought up his children well, which is
-the reason that the girl is persecuted here. He has six children, five
-daughters and one son. For fourteen years he supported himself and
-his family on 200 florins a year, and because he has always faithfully
-fulfilled his duties, and has provided the Elector with a first-rate
-singer, he has now actually 400 florins. She sings my song for De Amicis
-with the fearful passages excellently well (135 [11] K.); she is going
-to sing it at Kirchheim-Poland.
-
-After his return he narrates the particulars of this "holi-day-trip"
-(February 2, 1778)
-
-We sent a note at once to the castle, and next day the concertmeister,
-Rothfischer, waited on us. In the evening we went to the court, it being
-Saturday; Mdlle. Weber sang three songs. I pass over her singing with
-one word, _excellent_. I spoke to you of her merits in my last letter,
-and I shall not be able to close this without saying more, as I am now
-learning to know her better, and to appreciate her full powers.
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(418)
-
-Afterwards we supped at the officers' table. Sunday and Monday we dined
-at court; there was no music on Sunday evening; there never is, so that
-they have only about 300 musical evenings in the year. We might have
-joined the gaming-table, but much preferred remaining at home. We would
-willingly have dispensed with the dinner at court, since we are never
-so happy as when alone together; but we looked at it from an economical
-point of view, having spent enough already. On Monday there was music,
-and again on Tuesday and Wednesday; Mdlle. Weber sang in all thirteen
-times, and twice played the clavier, which she does very well. What
-surprises me most is her correctness. Only imagine, she played my
-difficult sonatas slowly, but without missing a note, _prima vista_,
-upon my honour. I would rather she played my sonatas than Vogler. I
-have played in all twelve times, and once by desire on the organ in the
-Lutheran church, and I have waited on the Princess with four symphonies;
-for all this I have received seven louis-d'ors in silver money, and my
-poor dear Weber five--basta! We have lost nothing by it. I have clear
-forty-two florins profit, and the inexpressible pleasure of having
-made the acquaintance of true-hearted Catholic and Christian people. _A
-propos_, you must not be surprised that my seventy-seven florins have
-been reduced to forty-two florins. It was a true pleasure to come
-together with good sympathetic people. I could not do otherwise than pay
-half the expenses; but that will not happen on any other journey; I have
-said already I shall only pay for myself. Afterwards we stayed five
-days at Worms, where Herr Weber has a brother-in-law, the Dean of the
-monastery, who stands in fear of Herr Weber's sharp-pointed pen. We were
-very merry, and dined and supped every day with the Dean. I can truly
-say that this little journey has been good practice on the clavier for
-me. The Dean is a very wealthy, sensible man. Now it is time that I
-conclude; if I were to write all that I think I should run short of
-paper.
-
-After his return to Mannheim he devoted almost his whole time to the
-Webers, and to the musical education of their gifted daughter. He
-studied with her all the songs which he had brought, and begged his
-father to send him from Salzburg "an aria cantabile, cadenzas, and
-anything else suitable." Then he procured her an opportunity of being
-heard. He writes (February 14, 1778):--
-
-Yesterday Cannabich gave a concert, and everything performed--except
-the first symphony by Cannabich himself--was mine. Mdlle. Rose played my
-concerto in B flat (238 K.); then, by way of a change, Herr Ramm played
-for the fifth time my oboe concerto for Ferlendi, which has made a
-great sensation here; Ramm makes it his _cheval de bataille_. Afterwards
-Mdlle. Weber sang De Amicis' _aria di bravura_ quite
-
-{"NON SO D' ONDE VIENE."}
-
-(419)
-
-charmingly. Then I played my old concerto in D (175 K.), because it
-is such a favourite here; then I improvised for half an hour, and
-afterwards Mdlle. Weber sang with great applause "Parto m' affretto"
-("Lucio Silla," 135 [16] K.). My overture to the "Re Pastore" was the
-finale.
-
-He had the satisfaction of hearing from Raaff, "who certainly never
-flatters," when asked his true opinion: "She sang like a professor, not
-like a learner." As an expression of his feelings for Aloysia, Wolfgang
-composed the song (294 K.) which comes more direct from his heart than
-any other of his compositions (February 28, 1778):--
-
-I have taken the aria, "Non so d'onde viene," &c., as an exercise in
-composition, just because it has been so beautifully done by Bach, and
-because I know and admire his rendering so much that it is always in
-my ears; I wanted to try whether, in spite of this, I could not write a
-song which should not be like Bach's. It is not at all, not in the least
-like. I intended the song for Raaff at first, but the beginning was
-too high, and it pleased me too much to be altered; besides, the
-instrumentation seemed to make it more fitted for a soprano. I therefore
-decided to write the song for Mdlle. Weber. I laid it aside, and set
-to work on "Se al labro" for Raaff. But it was of no use, I could write
-nothing else while the first song was in my head. So I finished it, and
-set myself to make it exactly suited to Mdlle. Weber. It is an andante
-sostenuto, following a short recitative. In the middle comes the second
-part, "Nel seno a destarmi;" then again the sostenuto. When it was
-finished, I said to Mdlle. Weber, "Learn the song for yourself; sing it
-according to your own taste; then let me hear it, and I will tell you
-candidly what pleases me and what does not please me." In two days she
-sang it to me, and accompanied herself. I was obliged to acknowledge
-that she sang it as well as I could wish, and just as I would have had
-it done. It is the best song which she has, and will gain her applause
-wherever she sings it.
-
-This assertion was justified at a concert given by Cannabich, at which
-Rose Cannabich, Mdlle. Weber, and Mdlle. Pierron Serrarius, after three
-rehearsals, played the concerto for three claviers very well:--
-
-Mdlle. Weber sang two of my songs, "Aer tranquillo," from the "Re
-Pastore," (208 [3] K.), and the new one, "Non soe d'onde viene." The dear
-creature did herself and me infinite honour. Every one said that she
-surpassed herself in this song; she sang it just as it should be sung.
-Cannabich called out aloud when it was finished, "Bravo, bravissimo,
-maestro! veramente, scritta da maestro! This was the first time
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(420)
-
-I had heard it with the instruments. I wish you could have heard it as
-it was sung then, with such accuracy of taste, such _piano_ and _forte_.
-Who knows? you may hear it yet. I hope so. The orchestra have not left
-off yet praising and talking of the song.
-
-And he himself cannot leave off talking of it:--
-
-I do certainly wish you could hear my new song sung by her; I say by
-her, for it is just made for her. You, who know what is meant by singing
-with _portamento_, would find rare satisfaction in her singing of it.
-
-He proceeds to beg his father not to allow the song (which he sends him)
-to be sung by any one else, since it was written only for Mdlle. Weber,
-and fits her like a garment.
-
-In truth this song is very beautiful, the simple and natural expression
-of what he felt and wished to imply to the singer, original in form and
-treatment. Strikingly original are the short violin passages between
-the phrases of the recitative. The chief movement is adagio, _cantabile_
-throughout, in its calm steady progress beautifully expressive of
-alternate doubt and resolution. A very effective contrast is formed
-by the animated allegro agitato, which leads back to the adagio in an
-unexpected but charming manner; the adagio is not simply repeated, but
-the important points are accentuated, partly by the harmonic treatment,
-partly by stronger emphasis, and the grouping and connection are varied.
-The loving care of the composer is displayed again in his management
-of the orchestra. The stringed instruments are accurate in detail,
-and written with a view to effect; for instance, when the voice in its
-highest, sharpest tones, is accompanied by the violins in a far lower
-position, the effect is excellent. The second violin part is well
-thought out, and the accompaniment rich without being overpowering. As
-wind instruments, the flutes, clarinets, horns and bassoons, are' so
-combined as to give intensity and brilliancy to the colouring of the
-whole; they are employed with a full mastery of effect, either alone or
-in varied combination.
-
-The following is the original situation in Metastasio's "Olimpiade."
-Clisthenes, King of Sicyon, has doomed to death an unknown youth (as
-afterwards appears, his son),
-
-{SONG FOR AL. WEBER, 1778.}
-
-(421)
-
-because he has attempted to assassinate him. But in the act of
-delivering him to death, he feels himself wonderfully moved by the
-aspect of the youth, and turns to his confidant with the words:--
-
-Alcandro, lo confesso, stupisco di me stesso. Il volto, il ciglio, la
-voce di costui nel cor mi desta un palpito improwiso, che lo risente in
-ogni fibra il sangue. Fra tutti i miei pensieri la cagion ne ricerco e
-non la trovo. Che sara, giusti Dei, questo ch' io provo?
-
-     Non si d' onde viene
-     Quel tenero affetto
-     Quel moto, che ignoto
-     Mi nasce nel petto
-     Quel gel, che le vene
-     Scorrendo mi va.
-     Nel seno a destarmi
-     Si fieri contrast!
-     Non parmi che basti
-     La sola pieta.
-
-Mozart describes graphically how the voice and singing of Mdlle. Weber
-floated before him, and inspired his composition, but he does not tell
-us how Metastasio's words, released from their dramatic connection,
-became the soliloquy of a young heart, feeling with amazement the first
-stirrings ot love, and scarcely venturing to realise the depth and
-intensity of its passion; for pity is assuredly not enough to excite
-such expressions of emotion. This was the condition of his own heart,
-and what he felt himself, that he also placed in the heart of his
-beloved, and, being an artist, on her lips--certainly without analysing
-his feelings or hers. The song expresses purely and beautifully the
-emotions of a maiden who stands in doubt and perplexity at the innocent
-impulses of her heart, incomprehensible even to herself. But her budding
-inclination has not yet become a dominant passion, and she feels that
-she stands at the turning-point of her whole existence. There reposes,
-therefore, on the whole song the calmness and purity of innocence,
-together with intense warmth and deep agitation, and Mozart has lent to
-these emotions the inexpressible charm of melody.
-
-The charm is not broken by the occurrence of sharper discords than are
-usual with Mozart; but they are both
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(422)
-
-appropriately placed, and in full harmony with the tone of the whole.
-
-The song gives a favourable indication of the powers of the singer.
-The style is simple and sustained throughout, varied by original and
-expressive embellishments, and at the close by a couple of quick runs
-going up to--[See Page Image]
-
-It excites no small astonishment to find such capabilities of voice,
-execution, and delivery in a girl of fifteen. Mozart composed the same
-song again for the bass singer Fischer, in March, 1787 (512 K.). The
-construction of the song is, as the words require, the same, but the
-treatment is as different as possible. This time the true sense of the
-dramatic situation is grasped; a man, a ruler, who has a long life's
-experience behind him, feels his strong mind moved to a tenderness which
-he cannot understand, and which therefore troubles him; he seeks to
-resist it, but falls ever again under its irresistible sway. The sense
-of surprise and passionate resistance is powerfully rendered, and many
-passages--"Quel gel che scorrendo le vene mi va," for instance--are of
-wonderful power and beauty. In fact, the song presupposes the union of
-strength and softness, flexibility of voice and cultivated delivery,
-which existed to perfection in Fischer; it might be said as truly of him
-as of Mdlle. Weber, that the song fitted him like a garment.
-
-Mozart's change of determination with regard to the Parisian journey is
-easily explained by the light of his love for Mdlle. Weber, although
-he was far from acknowledging this, even to himself. No doubt he was
-sincere in writing to his father (February 4, 1778): "It is out of
-the question for me to travel with a man who leads a life of which the
-youngest among us would be ashamed, and the thought of assisting a poor
-family, without doing harm to myself, pleases me to the very depths of
-my soul." He longed ardently to liberate the Weber family from their
-trying position; but love for his Aloysia was the most powerful,
-although the secret motive. The direction of his thoughts
-
-{MOZART AND THE WEBERS.}
-
-(423)
-
-may be gathered from his remarks on the wealthy marriage made by his
-friend Herr von Schiedenhofen (February 7, 1778):--
-
-It is a mercenary marriage, and nothing further. I would not marry in
-that way; I should like to make my wife happy, and not expect to make my
-fortune through her. So I will let it alone for the present, and enjoy
-my freedom, until I can afford to support a wife and family. It was
-necessary for Herr von Schiedenhofen to choose a rich wife for the sake
-of his title. The nobility can never marry from inclination or love, but
-only from interest and various considerations; it would not become such
-high personages to love their wives when once they have brought into the
-world a fat little son and heir. But we poor common folk, not only _may_
-we take a wife whom we love, and who loves us, but we ought, can, and
-will take such an one; for we are not nobly born, aristocratic, or rich,
-but lowly, mean, and poor, and so not needing a rich wife; our wealth
-dies with us, for it is in our brains--and no one can take it from us,
-unless he cut off our head--and then we should not want anything more.
-
-The father must have shaken his head at this diatribe. Wolfgang's wish
-at least to live in the neighbourhood of Aloysia, until he could call
-her his own, was joined to his irresistible impulse to compose operas.
-In order to attain both these ends he had conceived a project which
-would, he supposed, be of equal advantage to her family and his own.
-The Webers were quite ready to fall in with what was clearly to their
-advantage, and it only remained to obtain the consent of Wolfgang's
-father to his remaining in Mannheim and completing the compositions he
-had undertaken:--
-
-At the same time Herr Weber will be exerting himself to get concert
-engagements for himself and me; we shall travel together, too.
-Travelling with him will be just the same as travelling with you. In
-fact, the reason I like him so much is that, excepting in appearance, he
-resembles you entirely; his temper and turn of mind are identical with
-yours. If my mother were not, as you know, averse to much writing, she
-would say the same thing. I must acknowledge that I enjoyed travelling
-with the Webers; we were happy together, and merry; and I had the
-satisfaction of conversing with a man like yourself. I had no need to
-trouble myself about anything; if anything was torn I found it mended;
-in fact, I was treated like a prince. This oppressed family has become
-so dear to me that it is my greatest wish to make them happy--which
-is perhaps in my power. My advice is that they should go to Italy. You
-would be doing me a great favour if you would write as soon as possible
-to our
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(424)
-
-good friend Lugiati (p. 108), and inquire from him what is the highest
-sum paid to a prima donna in Verona--the higher the better, for it is
-easy to lower one's terms--and perhaps she could get a better engagement
-afterwards in Venice. I will stake my life on her singing, and I know
-that she does me honour. She has profited much by my instruction, even
-in this short time, and I have not much doubt as to her acting powers.
-
-If all this takes place, we--that is, M. Weber, his two daughters and
-I--shall have the honour of paying a passing visit in a fortnight or so,
-to my dear father and my dear sister, and my sister will find a friend
-and companion; she enjoys the same reputation here on account of her
-good bringing up as my sister does in Salzburg; her father is respected
-as mine is; and the whole family is like the Mozart family. This arouses
-envy in the same way, of course; but when it comes to the point the most
-envious are obliged to speak the truth; honesty is the best policy. I
-cannot tell you how pleased I should be to bring them to Salsburg, only
-that you might hear her.
-
-She sings my songs written for De Amicis--the bravura songs, as well as
-"Parto m' affretto" and "Dalla sponda tenebrosa"--quite superbly. I
-beg that you will do your best to help us to go to Italy; you know my
-greatest ambition--to write operas. I would gladly write an opera for
-thirty sequins at Verona, that she might gain reputation by it; for if
-I had not written it I fear she would be sacrificed. In the meantime I
-shall make so much money by the expeditions I shall make with them that
-I shall not be in any way injured. I think we shall go to Switzerland,
-perhaps also to Holland; write to me soon about it. If it all comes to
-pass, the other daughter, who is the elder, will be very useful, for she
-cooks well, and we can keep house for ourselves. I only beg you not to
-delay answering me. Do not forget my wish to write operas! I am jealous
-of every one who writes one; I could weep for vexation when I hear or
-see an aria. But Italian, not German; seria, not buffa!
-
-Now I have laid open my whole heart to you, and my mother is quite of my
-way of thinking. I kiss your hand a thousand times, and am, till death,
-your obedient son.
-
-In a later letter he repeats his pressing request (February 14, 1778):--
-
-I earnestly entreat you to do what you can for Weber; I have his success
-very much at heart; a man and his wife, five children, and an income of
-450 florins! Remember my request as to Italy, and also about myself; you
-know my ambition and my passion. I hope it will all go right; I put
-my trust in God, and He will not forsake us. Now farewell, and do not
-forget my earnest petition and recommendation.
-
-Wolfgang's mother was not quite so much of his opinion as he imagined;
-this is apparent from her postscript, which shows also that she was
-entirely without influence over her son:--
-
-{PATERNAL WARNINGS.}
-
-(425)
-
-My dear Husband,--You will perceive from this letter that when Wolfgang
-makes a new friendship he is ready to sacrifice his life and all he
-holds dear for the object of it. It is true that she sings divinely, but
-one should never so entirely set aside one's own interests. I have never
-approved of the companionship with Wendling and Ramm, but I dared not
-make any objection, and I am never listened to. But as soon as he knew
-the Webers, he altered his mind altogether. In fact, he prefers being
-with other people to being with me; I object to this thing and that
-which does not please me, and that annoys him. So you must decide for
-yourself what is to be done. I write this in the greatest secrecy while
-he is dining.
-
-And what said the father? This letter was a greater blow than any which
-had yet befallen him, and Wolfgang's romantic project almost bereft
-him of reason. He did not indeed doubt that "much persuasion had been
-brought to bear on Wolfgang, to induce him to prefer a vagabond life to
-the fame which could be acquired in a city so celebrated, and so ready
-to welcome true talent, as Mannheim"; but he was horrified to find that
-the influence of strangers could so deprive him of consideration for
-himself and others. "Your kind heart leads you to see no fault in any
-man who praises you loudly and exalts you to the skies, and to bestow
-all your love and confidence on him; when you were a child, on the
-contrary, your modesty was so excessive that you wept when you were
-openly praised." Sharp remedies seemed in this case necessary, and these
-L. Mozart applies with all the authority of an experienced man, and
-the severity of a conscientious father. He lays before his son in an
-exhaustive letter how far he has hitherto been from attaining the main
-object of his journey, and how much he is in danger of forgetting his
-duty to his family and himself, for the gratification of a senseless
-passion. It was not difficult to show that the idea was immature and
-impracticable of producing a young girl, who had never sung in public,
-nor appeared on the stage, before an Italian public, which would be
-certain to condemn her even if she sang like Gabrielli herself. L.
-Mozart goes on to show how, with war threatening, the present was
-not the time for a professional tour, and how a wandering life with a
-stranger and his daughters would deprive him of his reputation, ruin his
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(420)
-
-prospects, and bring disgrace on his family: "It lies now in your own
-power alone to raise yourself to as high a position as a musician has
-ever attained; you owe all to the extraordinary talent bestowed upon
-you by the all-gracious God, and it depends upon your own sense and
-behaviour whether you become an ordinary musician, forgotten by the
-world, or a celebrated kapellmeister whose fame shall be handed down
-to posterity in books--whether you herd all together in a room full of
-squalling brats, on a heap of straw, or spend a Christian life, full of
-honour, pleasure and profit, and die respected by all the world, leaving
-your family well provided for."
-
-L. Mozart felt that immediate action was necessary; all his former
-objection to the journey to Paris vanished before the necessity of
-extricating his son from his present dangerous entanglement. "Away with
-you to Paris, and that soon!" he cried. "Put yourself at the side of
-great men--_aut Cosar aut nihil!_ The mere thought of seeing Paris
-should have preserved you from all passing distractions. The name and
-fame of a man of great talent goes through all the world from Paris."
-The company of Wendling and Ramm was not as important to him as his was
-to them. But his mother must go with him in order to arrange everything
-properly; they were not to limit their stay to a few months, but were
-to remain as long as was necessary to gain renown and money; the more so
-since Paris was the safest place to live in during war. Hard as it was
-upon him, the father undertook to provide money and letters of credit
-for the journey.
-
-In making this appeal to the conscience, the ambition, and the better
-judgment of his son, L. Mozart was wise enough not to allude directly to
-his attachment to Aloysia Weber, although he must have been well aware
-of its existence. Wolfgang had not openly expressed it, and his father
-was careful not to oppose a sentiment which was invincible because
-inaccessible to reason. But as a proof that he was not indifferent to
-the misfortunes of those with whom Wolfgang had so much sympathy, he did
-not withhold the advice for which he had been asked. The man
-
-{WOLFGANG'S FILIAL SUBMISSION.}
-
-(427)
-
-who could best help them was Raaff; Wolfgang should endeavour to
-interest him in Mdlle. Weber, and his influence would be all powerful
-with the impresaii. He further advised that she should make her _debut_
-on the Mannheim stage, were it only for the sake of practice.
-
-The effect of this letter was what he anticipated. Wolfgang was brought
-to a knowledge of the fact that he had nearer duties to fulfil, to which
-his dreams and aspirations after an uncertain future must give way. He
-yielded with a heavy heart but with childlike submission to his father's
-will, and answered (February 19, 1778)
-
-I always anticipated that you would be against the journey with the
-Webers, for I never seriously entertained the idea myself; that is,
-under our present circumstances; but I had given my word that I would
-write to you about it. Herr Weber does not know how we stand; I have
-told no one; and so because I wanted to be free from care for any one,
-and to be happy together, I forgot the present impossibility of the
-affair, and also to inform you of my true opinion of it. What you say
-concerning Mdlle. Weber is all true; and, as I wrote before, I know as
-well as you do that she is too young, and wants the power of acting, and
-should therefore recite in the theatre as often as possible; but one has
-to proceed cautiously with some people. The good Webers are as tired
-of being here as some one else you know was elsewhere; and they are
-inclined to think everything possible. I had promised them to write to
-my father; but even before my letter had reached Salzburg I had been
-advising them to be patient, that she was a little too young, &c. They
-take everything well from me, for they have a high opinion of me. The
-father has spoken by my advice to Madame Toscani (an actress) about
-giving his daughter instruction in acting. All that you say of Mdlle.
-Weber is true, except one thing: that she sings like a Gabrielli; I
-should be very sorry if she did. Every one who has heard Gabrielli says
-she was nothing but a passage and roulade maker; in a word, that she
-sang with art, but no understanding (p. 135). But Mdlle. Weber sings
-from her heart, and _cantabile_ by preference. I am now making her sing
-passages in the great arie, because it is necessary if she goes to Italy
-that she should sing bravura songs; she will not forget her _cantabile,_
-because it comes natural to her.[107] Now you know all, and I recommend
-her to you with my whole heart.
-
-{MANNHEIM.}
-
-(428)
-
-But it was a hard struggle that he had to make with himself; it affected
-his health, and he was for several days confined to his room. His
-father's warnings had struck chords in his innermost being, which
-vibrated painfully; the thought of having forfeited his father's full
-confidence rendered him inconsolable. "Believe whatever you please
-of me, only not that I am wicked. There are people who believe it is
-impossible to love a poor girl without having evil intentions. I am no
-Brunetti, and no Misliweczeck--I am a Mozart, a young but an honourable
-Mozart." Gradually, however, his loving trust in his father regained
-its old supremacy. "'God first, and then papa'; that was my motto as a
-child, and I am true to it still." He and his mother began to prepare in
-earnest for their departure, and the father was ready with instructions
-and good advice, nor did he withhold the paternal blessing from his
-well-loved son:--
-
-How deeply I feel the wider separation that is about to take place
-between us you can partly imagine, but I cannot expect you to feel the
-intensity with which it oppresses me. If you will only reflect seriously
-on all that I did for you two children in your early years, you will
-not certainly accuse me of timidity, but you will do me the justice
-to acknowledge that I am, and always have been, a man with courage to
-venture anything. At the same time I used all possible prudence and
-foresight; against accidents no one can provide, for God alone sees into
-the future. I have not, my dear Wolfgang, the least mistrust in you; on
-the contrary, I have perfect confidence and hope in your filial love.
-Everything now depends on the sound understanding which you certainly
-possess if you will only listen to it, and upon fortunate circumstances;
-these last are not to be controlled, but I hope and pray that you will
-always take counsel of your understanding. You are now about to enter a
-new world, and you must not believe that I am prejudiced in considering
-Paris so dangerous a place; _au contraire_, my own experience gives
-me no cause to think it at all dangerous. But the circumstances of my
-former and your present stay there are as widely asunder as heaven and
-earth.
-
-{DEPARTURE FROM MANNHEIM, 1778.}
-
-(429)
-
-After explaining this in more detail, and giving Wolfgang minute
-directions as to the position he should take in Paris. L. Mozart
-concludes with the words:--
-
-I know that you look upon me not only as your father, but as your truest
-and firmest friend; and that you are well aware that our happiness and
-misery--nay more, my long life or speedy death are, under God, so to
-speak, in your hands. If I know you aright, I have nothing to look
-forward to but that pleasure which will be my only consolation in
-your absence, and I must resign myself to neither seeing, hearing, nor
-embracing you. Live like a good Catholic Christian; love God and fear
-Him; pray to Him sincerely and devoutly, and let your conduct be
-such that should I never see you again, my death-bed may be free from
-anxiety. From my heart I bless you, and remain till death your loving
-father and firmest friend.
-
-It was only when Mozart's departure from Mannheim drew very near that
-the loss on both sides was fully realised. The farewell concerts which
-he arranged as displays for himself, his compositions, and his pupils,
-impressed his extraordinary talents on the public mind. Regrets at his
-departure were heard on all sides, not only from musicians, but from all
-men of cultivation who had the fame of Mannheim at heart, among them the
-author of the "Deutsche Hausvater" (March 24, 1778):--
-
-Before leaving Mannheim I made copies for Herr von Gemmingen of the
-quartet (80 K.) which I wrote that evening in the inn at Lodi; also of
-the quintet (174 K.), and of the Fischer variations (179 K.). He wrote
-me an extremely polite note, expressing his pleasure at the remembrance,
-and sent me a letter to his very good friend, Herr von Sickingen,
-adding, "I am well assured that you will do more to recommend this
-letter, than it can possibly do to recommend you." And he sent me three
-louis-d'or to cover the cost of copying the music. He assured me of
-his friendship, and begged for mine in return. I must say that all
-the cavaliers who knew me, the court councillors, chamberlains, court
-musicians, and other good people, were vexed and disappointed at my
-leaving. There is no mistake about that.
-
-He was in some degree consoled by the prospect of finding opportunities
-for composition in Paris (February 28, 1778)
-
-What I chiefly look forward to in Paris is the Concert Spirituel, for
-which I shall probably have to write something. The orchestra is so good
-and strong, and my most favourite compositions, choruses, can be
-
-MANNHEIM.
-
-(430)
-
-well performed there; I am very glad that the Parisians are so fond
-of them. The only fault that was found with Piccinni's new opera
-"Roland"[108] was that the choruses were weak and poor, and the music
-altogether a little monotonous; otherwise it was very well received. The
-Parisians were accustomed to Gluck's choruses. Rely upon me, I shall do
-all that is in my power to bring honour to the name of Mozart; I am not
-afraid.
-
-The parting from Mdlle. Weber had still to be gone through; he describes
-it candidly to his father (March 24, 1778)
-
-Mdlle. Weber very kindly netted me a purse as a remembrance and small
-acknowledgment of my services. Her father copied all that I wanted for
-me, and gave me some music-paper and Moliere's comedies (which he knew
-I had not read), with the inscription, "Ricevi, amico, le opere del
-Moliere in segno di gratitudine e qualche volta ricordati di me." When
-he was alone with mamma, he said, "We are losing our best friend, our
-benefactor. Yes, there is no doubt that your son has done much for
-my daughter, and has interested himself in her so that she cannot be
-grateful enough to him." The day before I left they wanted me to sup
-with them, but I could not be away from home, so refused. But I was
-obliged to spend a couple of hours before supper with them, and they
-never left off thanking me, and wishing they were in a position to
-testify their gratitude. When at last I went away they all wept. It is
-very foolish, but the tears come in my eyes whenever I think of it.
-He went down the steps with me, and stood at the house-door till I had
-turned the corner, when he called for the last time, "Adieu!"
-
-This time the father painted no leave-taking on the quoits, but thanked
-God in his heart that his son had escaped a great danger. Wolfgang did
-not openly declare that his love for Mdlle. Weber was heartfelt and
-sincere, and that he believed it to be returned, that he went forth with
-the full determination of winning a position, and being able to call
-her his own; but he was little careful to conceal these hopes from his
-father[109] as to hide from him the correspondence which he carried on
-with the Webers. The father, with
-
-{LOVE OF FATHER AND SON.}
-
-(431)
-
-full confidence in the honourable character of his son, was content to
-leave this connection to the future so soon as he saw the first step
-assured in Wolfgang's professional career.
-
-Our glance must needs linger with approbation on the picture of a youth
-glowing with ardent passion, yet with self-mastery enough to listen
-to the first warning of his good and wise father, and so sure of the
-constancy of his feelings as to be willing to yield his warmest wishes
-to the fulfilment of his moral duties. In the love and confidence
-existing between father and son we rejoice to acknowledge the best and
-truest ornament of a German artist-life.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[Footnote 2: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14,1., p. 200. Goethe, Wahrheit und
-Dichtung, B. 11. (Werke, XVIII., p. 48.) Herder's Nachl., III., pp. 371,
-374. Schiller, Thalia, I., p. 176.]
-
-[Footnote 3: Schubart, Teutsche Chronik, 1775, p. 729. Hausser, Geschichte d.
-rhein. Pfalz, II., p. 943.]
-
-[Footnote 4: Guhrauer, Lessing, II., 2 p. 286.]
-
-[Footnote 5: Wieland (Briefe an Merck, I., p. 105; II., p* 104).]
-
-[Footnote 6: Schubart, Teutsche Chronik, 1775, pp. 718, 730.]
-
-[Footnote 7: A description is given in Mueller's Abschied von der Buehne, p. 204.]
-
-[Footnote 8: Mueller, who was in Mannheim, December, 1776, notices (Abschied
-von der Buehne, p. 207) from the expressions of the Elector and of the
-minister, Von Hompesch, how full the Mannheim people were of these
-projects.]
-
-[Footnote 9: Devrient, Geschichte der deutschen Schauspielkunst, II., p. 303.]
-
-[Footnote 10: F. H. Jacobi (Briefe, I., p. 273). Wieland writes to Merck (II., p.
-116): "I must go to Mannheim, for I must and will have my fill of music
-once in my life, and when or where shall I have a better opportunity?"
-Klopstock, too, went to Mannheim chiefly on account of its music (Briefe
-an Merck, II., p. 51), and "they were anxious to satisfy his fastidious
-taste" (Schubart, Teutsche Chronik, 1775, p. 183).]
-
-[Footnote 11: Lord Fordyce declared, as Schubart relates (Aesthetik, p. 131),
-that Prussian tactics and Mannheim music placed Germany at the head of
-nations.]
-
-[Footnote 12: Schubart notes this as an advance (Teutsche Chronik, 1774, pp. 310,
-360).]
-
-[Footnote 13: Cf. Pasque, Goethe's Theaterleitung in Weimar, II., p. 353.]
-
-[Footnote 14: "Alceste:" a vaudeville in five acts. Leipz. Weidm., 1773.]
-
-[Footnote 15: Teutsch. Mercur, 1773, I., pp. 34, 223; cf. II., p. 221.]
-
-[Footnote 16: Dressier, Theaterschule, p. 169. Etwas von und uber Musik fur das
-Jahr 1777 (Frankfort, 1778), p. 39.]
-
-[Footnote 17: Morgenblatt, 1820, Nr. 160.]
-
-[Footnote 18: Wieland asks for subscriptions to the clavier arrangement of
-"Alceste" which appeared, beautifully got up, in 1774 (Teutsch. Mercur,
-1774, IV., p. 2gg). A second arrangement appeared in Berlin in 1786.]
-
-[Footnote 19: Gedanken und Konjekturen zur Gesch. d. Musik (Stendal, 1780), p. 8.
-Musik. Alman., 1782 (Alethinopel), p. 51. Schubart's Aesthetik, p. no.]
-
-[Footnote 20: Zelter, Briefw. m. Goethe, V., p. 55.]
-
-[Footnote 21: Teutsch. Mercur, 1773, II., p. 306. Knebel, Litt. Nachl., II., p.
-151. Boettiger, Litt. Zust., I., p. 190.]
-
-[Footnote 22: Teutsch. Mercur, 1775, III., p. 268. Schubart,' Teutsche Chronik,
-1775, pp. 535, 575, 716, 720.]
-
-[Footnote 23: Mueller, Abschied von der Buehne, p. 212.]
-
-[Footnote 24: Guenther von Schwarzburg," ein Singspiel in drei Aufzuegen fur die
-Kur-pfalzische Hofsingbuehne. Mannheim: Schwan, 1777.]
-
-[Footnote 25: The beautifully engraved score (by Goetz, of Mannheim) is dedicated
-to Karl Theodor, "the enlightened patron of music, under whose mighty
-protection the palatinate stage first sang a German hero."]
-
-[Footnote 26: The scenery was painted by Quaglio; the ballet was arranged by
-Lauchery, and composed by Cannabich. Burney says (Reise, II., p. 72)
-that 48,000 florins were spent on a carnival opera.]
-
-[Footnote 27: Teutsche Chronik, 1766, p. 630.]
-
-[Footnote 28: The opera was successfully performed several times at Mannheim
-during 1785. Schiller's Thalia, I., p. 185 (Boas. Nachtr., II., p. 32,
-494).]
-
-[Footnote 29: There is a long discussion on the subject in the Rhein. Beitr.,
-1777, I., p. 377. Cf. Betrachtungen der Mannheim. Tonschule, I., p.
-116, Etwas von u. ueb. Musik, p. 34. Duentzen Frauenbilder a. Goethe's
-Jugendheit, p. 258.]
-
-[Footnote 30: Briefe an Merck, I., p. 100.]
-
-[Footnote 31: Mueller, Abschied von der Buehne, p. 20S.]
-
-[Footnote 32: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 131.]
-
-[Footnote 33: Musik. Alman. f. 1782, p. 23.]
-
-[Footnote 34: In the list of singers for 1756 a number of Italian singers were
-included who had disappeared by 1797.]
-
-[Footnote 35: Heinse, Schr., III., p. 221.]
-
-[Footnote 36: Wieland, Br. an Fr. la Roche (p. 191.) Schubart is more critical
-(Aesthetik, p. 144): "She has distinguished herself as one of our best
-theatrical singers. She played in French, Italian, and German, and
-oftener in comic than in tragic parts. She began to decline early in
-life, which would have been more easily detected in serious parts."]
-
-[Footnote 37: Briefe, Von Gleim und Heinse, I., 424.]
-
-[Footnote 38: Jacobi, Briefe, I., p. 279.]
-
-[Footnote 39: Burney, Reise, II., p. 71. Hist, of Mus., IV., pp. 481, 508.
-Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 143. Busby, Hist, of Mus., II., p. 361. Gesch.
-d. Mus., II., p. 404.]
-
-[Footnote 40: Briefe an Merck, I., p. 108.]
-
-[Footnote 41: A sketch of Raaff's life and character is given by A. M. Z., XII.,
-p. 857. I found plenty of traditions in Bonn also.]
-
-[Footnote 42: Metastasio, Opp. post., I., p. 359.]
-
-[Footnote 43: Some instances of liberality and favour displayed towards him
-in Spain and Portugal are given by Reichardt (Berlin, Musik. Zeit.,
-1805,1., p. 278). He left Lisbon just before the earthquake, and built a
-chapel at Holzem in gratitude for his escape.]
-
-[Footnote 44: Caecilia, V., p 44.]
-
-[Footnote 45: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14,1., p. 214; Aesthetik, p. 137.]
-
-[Footnote 46: After his farewell performance of Idomeneo, in 1781, Raaff lived
-a retired life at Munich in the society of a few friends, dividing his
-time between devotional exercises and reading. He died in 1797.]
-
-[Footnote 47: "We had the virtuoso Hartig here lately," writes Jacobi to Wieland
-(June 8, 1777, I., p. 272): "You should hear the fellow sing! We had the
-recitative from Alceste, 'O Jugendzeit, o goldne Wonnetage' four times.
-I wish you could have had the pleasure of hearing it."]
-
-[Footnote 48: Schubart, Selbstbiogr. 14,1., p. 214,]
-
-[Footnote 49: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 132.]
-
-[Footnote 50: A summary of the Mannheim Kapelle for 1756 is given in Marpurg's
-Kritischen Beitraegen, II., p. 567, and one for 1767 in Hiller's
-Woechentl. Nach-richten, II., p. 177; in the latter the clarinets are
-included. Mozart writes to his father (November 4,1777): "The orchestra
-is very good and strong; on each side are ten or eleven violins,
-four tenors, two oboes, two flutes and two clarinets, two horns, four
-violoncelli, four bassoons, four double-basses, and trumpets and drums."
-Two platforms were erected in the opera hall for the trumpet chorus.]
-
-[Footnote 51: Originally the clarinet was, as the name shows, closely allied
-to the trumpet, the soft tones of which skilfully applied were almost
-identical with the clarinet. Its use was afterwards extended from
-military and wind bands to the grand orchestra. Hiller remarks upon
-clarinets as an innovation in Agricola's "L' Amore di Psiche" (Woechentl.
-Nachr., 1769, Anh., p. 87). In older scores, even in some of Mozart's,
-the clarinets are sometimes placed with the brass instruments, and
-are gradually transferred to the wood, until finally they are employed
-independently in the blending of the tone-colouring. Cf. Adam, "Dem.
-Souv. d'un Music.," 181.]
-
-[Footnote 52: Burney, Reise, II. p. 74.]
-
-[Footnote 53: Burney, Reise, II., 74. Schubart, Selbstbiogr. 14,1., p. 212. A. M.
-Z., I., p. 882.]
-
-[Footnote 54: Reichardt says (Briefe eines aufmerksamen Reisenden, I., p. 11) of
-the Berlin orchestra: "I must not speak in this place of the masterly
-effects produced in the Mannheim orchestra by the swelling and
-diminution of a long note, or of several successive notes, which gives,
-if I may so speak, to the whole colouring a darker or a lighter shade.
-This would be considered too great an innovation by Hasse and Graun."
-He relates that the first time Jomelli made use of the _crescendo_, the
-audience gradually rose from their seats, and at the _diminuendo_ they
-began to breathe freely, and became conscious of having stopped their
-breath; and he declares that the same effect was produced upon himself
-at Mannheim.]
-
-[Footnote 55: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 130.]
-
-[Footnote 56: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 130: "No orchestra in the world has ever
-surpassed that of Mannheim in execution. Their _forte_ is a thunder,
-their _crescendo_ a cataract, their _diminuendo_ the distant rippling of
-a crystal stream, their _piano_ the soft breath of early spring."]
-
-[Footnote 57: Burney, Reise, II., p. 73.]
-
-[Footnote 58: Burney, Reise, II., p. 73.]
-
-[Footnote 59: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 137. Musik. Alman., 1782 (Alethin), p. 6.]
-
-[Footnote 60: Schubart, Selbstbiogr. 14,1., p. 210. Cf. p. 227. A. M. Z., V., p.
-276.]
-
-[Footnote 61: Cf. Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 129. A list of the grand operas which
-were performed at Mannheim under Karl Theodor is given by Lipowsky,
-Baierisches Musik-Lexicon, p. 387.]
-
-[Footnote 62: Schubart describes the many advantages which Mannheim afforded
-(Selbstbiographie 14,1., p. 196).]
-
-[Footnote 63: The rehearsal was of Handel's "Messiah," but Mozart did not sit it
-out, being very much fatigued by the previous rehearsal of a Magnificat
-by Vogler, which lasted a whole hour (October 31, 1777). He does not
-mention the performance on November 1. In the observations of the
-Mannh.Tonsch., I., p. 119, it is noticed that all the audience yawned
-during the "Messiah," admirably as it was performed, while Vogler's
-Magnificat "excited indescribable delight." It was afterwards announced
-that the second part of the "Messiah" would not be performed, because no
-audience would stand the dry music.]
-
-[Footnote 64: It was said that 200,000 gulden were spent annually on music and
-the opera. K. Rfisbeck, Briefe, IM p. 332.]
-
-[Footnote 65: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14,1., p. 210.]
-
-[Footnote 66: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14, I., pp. 223, 225. K. R[isbeck],
-Briefe, I., p. 341.]
-
-[Footnote 67: An expression in an unpublished letter from the painter Kobell to
-Dalberg shows her to have been very attractive: "Many of such priceless
-moments of bliss were granted to me in the society of lovely Rose
-Cannabich. Her memory is the paradise of my heart!" An enthusiastic
-account of her is given in the Musik. u. Kunstleralm., 1783, p. 27. She
-was afterwards (1786) mentioned as Madame Schulz.]
-
-[Footnote 68: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 144.]
-
-[Footnote 69: Wieland, Briefe an Fr. La Roche, p. 192; cf. Briefe von Gleim u.
-Heinse, I., p. 424.]
-
-[Footnote 70: The two French songs, "Oiseau, si tous les ans" (307 K.), and "Dans
-un bois solitaire" (308 K.), are doubtless those here mentioned.]
-
-[Footnote 71: Wolzogen, Recensionen, 1865, Nr. 6, p. 82. Cf. Schubart, Aesthetik,
-p. 143.]
-
-[Footnote 72: Schubart, Selbstbiogr. 14, I., p. 203.]
-
-[Footnote 73: A. M. Z., XXVIII., p. 466.]
-
-[Footnote 74: C. M. von Weber's Lebensbild, I., p. 248.]
-
-[Footnote 75: "In respect of playing at sight" says the Musik. Real-Zeitg., 1788,
-p. 61, "Vogler is perhaps unsurpassed and unique." Cf. Musik. Corresp.
-1790, p. 119; 1792, p. 379. Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 133. Many preferred
-Beecke and Mozart to him (Musik. Real-Zeitg., 1789, p. 262).]
-
-[Footnote 76: Musik, Real-Zeitg., 1788, p. 70.]
-
-[Footnote 77: Musik. Real-Zeitg., 1788, p. 77. Forkel's Musik. Alman. 1789, p.
-135.]
-
-[Footnote 78: N. Ztschr. f. Mus., II., p. 85.]
-
-[Footnote 79: Cf. C. M. von Weber's Lebensbild, III., p. 178. Gfr. Weber,
-Caecilia, XV., p. 40.]
-
-[Footnote 80: Musik. Corresp., 1788, p. 70.]
-
-[Footnote 81: A. M. Z., XXVIII., p. 354.]
-
-[Footnote 82: Schubart, Aesthetik, p. 182.]
-
-[Footnote 83: L. Mozart had written to his son (November 2,1777): "I wish you
-could get something to do in Mannheim. They always play German operas;
-perhaps you could get one to write. If this should happen, you
-know beforehand that I should recommend the easy popular style of
-composition; the grand and dignified style is proper for grand affairs;
-everything in its place." It is plain that he only contemplated
-vaudeville, and had heard nothing of the new appearance of a grand
-German opera.]
-
-[Footnote 84: They were the children of the actress Seiffert (Countess Haydeck).
-The son was afterwards Prince von Brezenheim; the daughters were married
-to men of high rank. Hausser, Geschichte der rhein. Pfalz, II., p. 934.]
-
-[Footnote 85: Briefe an Merck, II., p. 76.]
-
-[Footnote 86: Briefe an Merck, I., p. 105; II., p. 89. Cf. Malten's Bibl. d.
-Weltk. 1840, I, p. 380.]
-
-[Footnote 87: Boettiger, Litt. Zust., I., p. 229.]
-
-[Footnote 88: Jacobi's Auserl. Briefwechsel, I., p. 262. Briefe an Merck, II., p.
-93; I., pp. 102, 118.]
-
-[Footnote 89: Wieland, Briefe an Fr. La Roche, pp. 184, 187.]
-
-[Footnote 90: Holzbauer said of Schweitzer to Heinse: "He is a genius; when he
-makes a lucky hit he is divine; but at other times he writes as if
-he were tipsy." (Briefe an Gleim und Heinse, I., p. 424). A detailed
-criticism is given in the Rhein. Beitr. 1780,1., pp. 330, 497. [Klein]
-Ueber Wieland's "Rosamunde," Schweitzer's Musik und die Vorstellung
-dieses Singspiels in Mannheim. Frkf., 1781.]
-
-[Footnote 91: Schubart, Selbstbiographie 14 I., p. 217.]
-
-[Footnote 92: Wieland, Briefe an Fr. La Roche, pp. 191, 193.]
-
-[Footnote 93: Briefe an Merck, I., p. 121.]
-
-[Footnote 94: Hausser, Geschichte der rhein. Pfalz, II., p. 957.]
-
-[Footnote 95: Auswahl denkw. Briefe von Wieland, II., p. 58.]
-
-[Footnote 96: Briefe an Merck, II., pp. 122, 124.]
-
-[Footnote 97: K. R[isbeck], Briefe ueber Deutschland, I., p. 340. Cf. Brandes,
-Selbstbio-graphie, II., p. 279.]
-
-[Footnote 98: In December, 1777, the Emperor commissioned Muller to engage
-Hartig as a tenor for Vienna, but the negotiations fell through (Mueller,
-Abschied von der Buehne, p. 254); Mozart may have gained his information
-in this way.]
-
-[Footnote 99: In 1776 Count Kohary, who farmed the theatre, became insolvent, and
-the Emperor took the administration of it into his own hands. It became
-the national instead of the court theatre.]
-
-[Footnote 100: He had recommended Schweitzer to come to Vienna. (Muller, Abschied
-von der Buehne, p. 188).]
-
-[Footnote 101: Padre Martini dedicated to him the second part of his Storia della
-Musica (1770), and kept up a correspondence with him.]
-
-[Footnote 102: The autograph, with the superscription: "Aria per il Sigre. Raaff
-di Amadeo Wolfgango Mozart; Mannheim li 27 di Febr., 1788," shows the
-corrections and somewhat important abbreviations which were made at
-Raaff s desire.]
-
-[Footnote 103: As a detail, the independent use of the bassoons, henceforth
-constantly adopted by Mozart, is worthy of remark.]
-
-[Footnote 104: Wolzogen (Recens., 1865, Nr. 6, p. 81) asserts from family
-tradition that this rumour was false.]
-
-[Footnote 105: According to M. von Weber (C. M. von Weber, IM p. 6), Fridolin von
-Weber (b. 1733), alter studying law in Freiburg and becoming Doctor of
-Theology, succeeded his father as agent to the Schoenau estate in 1754.
-Karl Theodor, finding him a first-rate singer and violinist, took him to
-Mannheim. His younger brother, Franz Anton, was the father of C. M. von
-Weber. In the album of Franz Anton's son Edmund, Mozart wrote: "Vienna,
-January 8, 1787, five o'clock in the morning, before setting out.--Be
-industrious; flee from idleness, and never forget your loving cousin,
-Wolfgang Amade Mozart."]
-
-[Footnote 106: This is confirmed by Schubart (Aesthetik, p. 192). Cf. Musjk.
-Alman. (Alethinop, 1782).]
-
-[Footnote 107: Schubart says of Vogler (Aesthetik, p. 135): "His lessons in
-singing were much sought after. The well-known singer Lange, of
-Vienna, was his pupil. She has heighth and depth, and accents her notes
-accurately. She sings _piena voce_ and _mezza voce_ equally well. Her
-_portamento_, the accuracy of her reading, the delicacy of her delivery,
-her _megzotinto_, her wonderful cadenzas, and her dignified bearing, are
-in great measure due to her great master." Some of all this should
-be ascribed to Mozart. Vogler's lessons were given at a later time in
-Munich. Brandes, on the contrary (Selbstbiogr., II., p. 260), says that
-Kirnberger and others warned him against Vogler as a cacher for his
-daughter Minna.]
-
-[Footnote 108: Piccinni's "Roland," the first opera he wrote in Paris, was
-performed early in 1778.]
-
-[Footnote 109: "I have many very good friends in Mannheim (influential and
-wealthy ones)," he writes (March 24, 1778), "who all wish me to remain.
-Well, wherever I am well paid, there I stay. Who knows?--it may come to
-pass; I wish for it, and, as usual, I am full of hope."]
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
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